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Full text of "A history of the British Empire, from the accession of Charles I. to the Restoration; with an introduction, tracing the progress of society, and of the constitution, from the feudal times to the opening of the history; and including a particular examination of Mr. Hume's statements relative to the character of the English government"

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«(n«a    t2)(!iMuiifL. 


1 


»*«  '^ 


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0  ,3  r/ 


y 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


BRITISH  EMPIRE, 

PKOM  THX  ACCESSION  OF 

CHARLES  I.  TO  THE  RESTORATION; 
WITH  AN  INTRODUCTION, 

TEACIEO  THE  PE0OES88OP  SOCIETY,  AlTD  OF  THE  COKSTITUTIOK,  FROM 
THE  FEUDAL  TIMES  TO  THE  OPEKIXG  OF  THE  HISTOET; 

AVD  IMCLUDIXO  A 

PARTICULAR  EXAMINATION  OF  MR.  HUME's  STATEMENTS 

RBLATIVB  TO  THK 
CHARACTER  OF  THE  ENGLISH  OOTSRNMBNT. 


BY  GEORGE  BRODIE,  ESQ. 

ADVOCATE. 


IN  FOUR  VOLUMES. 


VOL.  III.  /....'.  .%     • 


• 


•  »•   » »      ,  .  .   ♦  •      " 

.     »  »  •  .  »    » 


EDINBURGH : 

PRINTED  FOR  BELL  &  BRADFUTE,  EDINBURGH 

AND  LONGMAN,  HUB8T,  RBB8,  ORMB,  &  BROWN, 

IJ0NDON. 

1822. 


:':  •••  •.  -  .  . 

•  • "  •    "    •  « 


•-• 


•  m 


• .  •' 


-  „•'. 


•  • 


Printed  by  Bnlfour  and  Clarke, 
Edinburgh. 


CONTENTS 


OF 


VOLUME  THIRD. 


CHAP.  VI. 

Page 
From  the  meetiDg  of  the  Long  Parliament  to  its  first  a4joiim- 
ment.— State  of  the  Nation,  &c.-*GreivaDoe8  detailed  in  the 
Lower  House.— Remonstrance  of  the  Lrish  Parliament.— -Im* 
peadmient  of  Straffixrde,  Laud^  Finch,  &&— Flight  of  Wmd&> 
bank  and  Finch.— ^Attack  upon  the  hierarchy.— Txiennial  BilL 
—Trial  of  StraflSxrdeM— Plot  to  bring  up  the  army  against  the 
Parliament.— Bill  of  Attainder  against  Straffixrde,  with  his 
£zecation.<— Act  for  oontinoing  the  Parliament— High  Com- 
mission and  Court  of  Star  Chamber,  &c  abolished.— Tonnage 
and  Poundage^— King's  Journey  to  Scotland,  &c-  1 


CHAP.VIL  /-'- 

Secret  Policy  of  the  King.— A&irs  of  Sbotland,  andCoAdUd  oC  '•  •.  \ 
Montroee.— The  King's  Jcivamey  to  Scotland.— The';;  JofUiai^*/.  \\ 
and  Settlement  of  Af&irs  there.— The  Irish  l6ebiffiflih*iaia 
Massaoe.— >The  re-meeting  of  the  English  Parliament— Ge- 
neral ApprAensions  of  Plots,  &c.— Return  of  Charles  to  Lon- 
don—his Reception  there.— The  Remonstrance.— Impeach- 
ment of  the  Bishops,  and  Proceedings  in  rq;ard  to  Episcopacy. 
—Accusation  of  the  Five  Members— Tumults—Proceedings 
with  regard  to  Ireland.— King  leaves  London.— Arrives  at 
York«— Preparations  for  CivU  War,  .        Ii2 


IV  CONTENTS. 


CHAP.  VIII. 

Page 
Commencement  of  the  Civil  War. — State  of  Parties. — ^Battle  of 
Edge-hill.—- King's  Attempt  on  Btei^tford.— N^gociation  at 
Oxford. — Landing  of  the  Queen. — Policy  of  Charles  in  r^;ard 
to  Ireland  and  Scotland.— Actions  in  various  Quarter8.-*Fall 
of  Reading.— Death  of  Hampden.— Battle  of  Stratton— of 
Lansdowne— of  Round- way  Down.— Bristol  taken.— Siege  of 
Gloucester.— Battle  of  Newhury.— State  of  Affiurs.— The 
Solemn  League  and  Covenant^  and  Armhig  of'  the  Scots.— 
Secession  of  Ireland. — Death  of  Pym,  353 


CHAP.  IX. 

State  of  the  Court  and  Royal  Army. — ^Assemhly  of  the  Mock  or 
Mongrel  Parliament  at  Oxford,  and  its  Proceedings. — Ruin  of 
the  finglafth-Siiiih  Reg^mMMS  ltt««ight  by  Charles  tb  England. 
— Entmnee^f  tke  Smm»,  atid  thei)*  Jtinctito  with  ^airifkx  aftei- 
his  Vtoftorie»tt  8elby.>«-^ege  of  York,  and  Jufictton  of  Man-  ' 
chsster's  Army  whh  Fairfax's  atfd  the  Scottish  Exploits  of 
Rupert,  and  Battle  of  MiMden  Mottr.-«-Oharacter  of  Crom- 
well,  and  of  the  Indeptateiti^'^'Alrttle  of  Cropredy  Bridge.— 
Essex's  Forces  di«imed.<^'4kttooiSd  Battle  of  N^wbury.-^Sdf- 
denjmg  Orafaitnak*^Piii^lisari^-MoiittMlie*s  Pti>ceedilig8  in 
Scotknd<«^Tnatrf  <»f  Uxbfidg6.*^Execiitidn  of  LaUd,       .       463 


•    a 


•  •  .  •   •  ••     •  ••  •     •  *  * 

•  •  '•'   :      vV    '••: 

•  •  ;     •  .••. 

•  •     •  ...;    •.  • 

•  _••     ••   ^     -.fc 

•  ,  ••  • *     « 

•  •  •••    • 

..     .    •      —       •'*   -*<•  "        m 


HISTORY 


or  THE 


BRITISH  EMPIRE. 


BOOK  VI. 

YEOM  THE  MEETING  OF  THE  LONG  PARLIAMENT  TILL 

ITS  FIBST  ADJOURNMENT. 

SiaU  of  ike  Nation^  ^e.'^Orievances  detailed  in  the  Lower 
House^^Remonstrance  of  the  Irish  ParliamenU^Im^ 
peackmeni  of  Sirc^forde^  Laud^  Finch,  ^c-^FUght  of 
Windebanke  and  Finch-^Attack  upon  the  Hierarchy*^ 
Trietmua  BUI— Trial  of  Strqffbrde—Pka  to  bring  ^ 
ike  Armjf  agaimt  ike  ParUamefU^^Bitt  of  Attainder 
againet  Strafforde,  witk  kis  Execution-^Act  for  oon^ 
mining  the  ParUament^^Higk  Commiseion  and  Court  of 
Star-XJkamber,  <$*c.  aboliehed^Tonnage  and  Poundage 
'^Kin^e  Journey  to  ScoHand,  ^c. 

The  calling  of  the  last  parliament,  which  was  so  stiue  or  the 

«        •     iwtiflB  %\  thy 

prematurely  terminated,  had  difiused  general  satis- rawtiiig  or 
&ction,  as  the  precursor  of  a  better  system ;  butp^i^^^t. 
wise  men  perceived  that  matters  had  not  yet  arriv- 
ed at  the  crisis  when  the  authority  of  the  legisla- 
ture  could  be  eflfectually  exerted  against  that  hor- 
rid train  of  evils  which  the  kingdom  had  so  long 

VOL.  HI.  ^  B 


2  HISTORY  OF  TQE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

groaned  under ;  and  the  people  at  large,  though 
they  hoped  much  from  a  constitutional  assembly, 
had  been  too  greatly  dispirited  by  oppression  to 
feel  confident  of  its  power.  The  influence  of  the 
crown,  therefore,  together  with  that  of  the  great 
families  attached  to  arbitrary  principles,  operated 
considerably  in  elections ;  while,  of  those  returned 
^8  members  on  more  independent  grounds,  and  who 
had  not  yet  enlisted  under  the  banners  of  adminis- 
tration, there  were  many  who  were  politicly  in- 
clined not  to  forfeit  their  chance  of  preferment 
from  a  system  which  they  deemed  it  impossible  to 
controul.  On  the  other  hand,  prudence  dictated 
to  the  most  public^spirited  the  propriety  of  pre- 
serving a  tone  of  moderation,  in  order,  if  possible, 
to  reclaim  the  monarch,  and,  at  all  events,  to  avoid 
affording  him  a  pretext  with  any  cqnsiderable  por- 
tion of  his  subjects,  for  hurrying  matters  to  an  ex- 
tremity which,  however  it  might  end,  must,  in  the 
interim,  be  productive  of  national  calamities.  The 
course  of  elections  even  then,  howev^,  so  disap- 
pointed Charles  and  his  ministers,  that  the  Earl  of 
Northumberland,  previous  to  the  meeting  of  that 
parliament,  predicted,  in  a  private  letter  to  the  Earl 
pf  Leicester,  that  it  would  be  short>lived,  as  unfit 
for  the  purposes  of  the  executive  *,    But  all  saw 

*  Sidney^  State  Papers^  vol.  ii.  p.  641.  He  writes^  19th  March, 
1 639-40.  ''  The  electioDB  that  are  generally  made  of  knights  and  hur- 
gann  in  Ibis  ldngdome>  gines  us  cause  to  feare  that  the  parliament 
will  not  sitt  long ;  for  such  as  haue  dependanoe  upon  the  court,  are 
in  diners  places  refused;  and  the  most  refVectorie  persons  chosen." 
Does  not  this  prove  that  Sir  H*  Vane  and  Herbert  were  not  singula^ 
in  dieir  opinion  of  that  parliament  > 


HI6TOBY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  3 

now,  that,  from  the  necessities  of  the  prince,  this 
parliament  could  not  be  ignominiously  dissolved 
like  the  four  preceding ;  and  pn^ortionally  strong 
was  their  confidence  in  having  at  length  found  a 
remedy  for  all  their  grievances.  The  influence  of 
the  executive  in  elections  was  therefore  vastiy 
diminished  *  •  The  selfishly  cautious  laid  aside 
their  interested  prudence  with  the  change  of  times; 
and  the  patriotic  struck  up  upon  a  bolder  key : 
There  was  eVen  another  class  who,  though  they 
had  formerly  truckled  to  power,  now  manfully  de- 
claimed against  the  infringements  of  public  rights. 
Of  the  last,  the  most  conspicuous  was  Mr.  Hyde, 
afterwards  the  famous  Lord  Clarendon,  who  does 
not  scruple  to  inform  us,  in  his  history  of  his  own 
life,  that  during  the  discontinuance  of  parliaments, 
he  had  so  gained  the  patronage  of  Laud  and  other 
ministers,  that  their  countenance  procured  him 
h^h  respect  from  the  judges  in  the  courts  at  West- 
minster—-a  circumstance  which,  having  been  gen- 
erally remarked,  brought  him  great  professional 
practice  f ,  This  noble  historian  endeavours,  in  the 
course  o(  his  work,  to  depreciate  certain  lawyers 
who  rose  to  eminence  during  the  ensuing  civil 
broils,  by  alleging  that  they  had  been  previously 
litde  heard  of  in  the  profession ;  but  the  manner 
in  which  he  accounts  for  his*own  success,  defeats 
the  efi^cts  of  his  remarks  upon  others  in  the  same 

*  liardwick«'8  Sute  Papers^  toL  ii.  p.  190.   ClarencUm'fl  State 

Fiper^  ToL  h.  p.  131.  as  to  the  interference  of  government    The 

oonneof theelectionaiscomplainedofintheEikon.  Whitelodce^  p.37. 

t  Clarendon's  Life,  toL  i.  p.  31.  60-1. 

1 


4  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

line,  and  must  leave  small  room  for  doubt  in  any 
.unprejudiced  mind,  that  it  is  more  creditable  to 
the  memory  of  those  whom  he  undervalues  for  their 
want  of  success,  that  they  were  little  known,  than 
to  his,  that  the  sworn  guardians  of  the  law  favour- 
ed him  as  the  creature  of  Laud,  for  the  purpose  of 
ingratiating  themselves  with  that  meddling  priest 
and  his  coadjutors. 

It  is  needless  to  dwell  upon  the  awful  crisis  at 
which  this  parliament  met.  The  invasions  of  li« 
berty  had  been  as  avowed  as  they  were  profligate; 
the  very  semblance  of  justice,  which  is  at  least  an 
homage  to  lair,  as  hypocrisy  is  to  virtue,  had  been 
despised ;  despotism  unmasked  having  raged  in  all 
its  deformity.  The  faithful  discharge  of  duty  in 
the  senate  had  not  only  been  attended  with  the 
most  disgraceful  dissolutions,  but  been  visited  with 
terrible  penalties  in  the  persons  of  its  members ; 
while  the  determination  had  been  formed  to  dis- 
pense entirely  with  the  legislature—^  determina- 
tion from  which  an  unforeseen  necessity  alone  had 
obliged  the  prince  to  depart :  The  pulpit,  by  the 
very  royal  injunctions,  the  council  table,  the 
bench,  had  all  been  polluted  with  the  disclosure, 
and  the  two  last,  with  the  practice  also,  of  princi- 
ples subversive  of  every  thing  valuable  in  civil  in- 
stitutions :  Industry'  had  been  so  suspended,  by 
destructive  monopolies  and  arbitrary  impositions, 
with  other  illegal  proceedings,  that  a  portion  even 
of  the  manufacturers  of  woollen  cloth,  the  staple 
of  England,  had  emigrated  with  their  capital  to  the 


HISTORY  OP  THB  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  O 

Continent  ♦ :  While  the  rights  of  property  had  been 
so  violated,  that  it  was  well  observed  in  parliament 
that  the  people  had  become  tenants  at  will.    Nor 
was  it  a  small  aggravation,  that  the  money  despoti- 
cally wrung  from  the  community,  instead  of  being 
conveyed  into  the  treasury,  went  to  enrich  indivi* 
dual    favourites.      Illegal,   unheard-of  cruel  im- 
prisonments, and  inhuman  corporal  punishments, 
as  flog^ng,  cropping  the  ears,  slitting  the  nose, 
and  branding  the  face,  had  been  brought  to  the 
assistance  of  arbitrary  courts  against  men  of  rank 
and  learning.     The  established  religion  had  been 
nearly  subverted  for  the  pageantry  of  the  Romish 
superstition,   while  the  impugners  of  audacious 
novelties  had  been  exposed  to  the  tyrannical  ven- 
geance of  arbitrary  courts,  which  set  no  limits 
to  their  punishments.    Nay,  even  those  who  pre- 
ferred to  seek  a  habitation  in  the  then  dreary  and 
savage  climes  beyond  the  Atlantic,  to  living  un- 
der a  state  of  civil  and  religious  slavery  at  home, 
were  interdicted  from  this  last  resort,  while  mea- 
sures were  prepared  to  bring  the  American  set- 
tlements under  the  same  yoke  with  the  mother 
country.    The  clergy  had,  under  the  royal  coun- 
tenance, assumed,  in  convocation,  legislative  pow- 
ers, and  even  imposed  on  the  general .  body,  taxes, 
which  were  exigible  under  severe  penalties.    They 
had  affected  to  be  independent  of  the  civil  power^ 
and  even  endeavoured  to  have  themselves  exempt- 
I  ed  from  ordinary  jurisdiction ;  while,  by  their  ille- 

! 

*  Gobbet's  FvL  Hist  vol.  ii.  p.  6i3.  655.  Old  ditto^  vol.  ix.  p.  07. 

'  85. 


D  HISTORY  OF  TH£  BRITISH  SMPIRfi. 

gal  courts,  they  bad  spread  general  dismay :  Laud 
had  almost  assumed  the  style  as  well  as  the  powers 
of  the  Pope. 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  in  England ;  but 
had  all  these  grievances  been  insufficient  to  rouse 
that  people  into  a  proper  sense  of  their  condition, 
and  of  the  incalculable  misery  which  would  ne- 
cessarily flow  from  the  present  unconstitutional 
system,  the  measures  lately  pursued  against  the 
Scots,  and  the  policy  of  Strafforde  in  Ireland,  must 
have  satisfied  them,  that  if  they  did  not  embrace 
the  present  opportunity  for  redressing  their  wrongs, 
all  that  they  valued  in  their  religious  or  civil  insti* 
tutions,  would  probably  be  lost  for  ever*  In  Scot- 
land, Charles  had  openly  tried  to  overturn  every 
thing  civil  and  religious  which  the  people  most 
venerated,  and  had  branded  resistance  to  such 
unhallowed  measures  as  the  most  unnatural  rebel- 
lion,—«  rebellion  which  he  delegated  powers  to 
crush  with  fire  and  sword,  declaring,  in  the  stub- 
bornness of  pride,  that  he  would  rather  die  than 
submit  to  the  demands  of  his  subjects,-— demands 
which  merely  imported  a  recalment  of  innovations 
upon  the  established  worship  and  laws.  Nor  had 
he  a  colour  for  the  apology  usually  resorted  to, 
and  which  he  availed  himself  of  on  other  occa-* 
sions,  that  he  consulted  the  general  wish  against 
the  factious  inclinations  of  the  few,  who  raised 
8  clamour  under  that  pretext,  to  embroil  civil  af- 
fairs ;  for  he  did  not  hesitate  privately  to  express 
his  conviction,  that  his  measures  were  fraught  with 
the  ruin  of  his  people.  In  Ireland,  the  admini- 
stration of  Strafforde  had  kindled  an  hostility  to 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  BMHRE*  7 

the  government,  and  a  personal  abhorrence  of  him** 
self,  almost  unparalleled  in  history. 

While  such  was  the  posture  of  aflairs,  one  could 
scarcely  have  anticipated  the  following  language* 
even  from  Mr.  Hume  t  **  The  grievances  which 
tended  chiefly  to  inflame  the  parliament  and  na- 
tion, especially  the  latter,  were  the  surplice,  the 
rails  placed  about  the  altar,  the  bows  exacted  on 
approaching  it,  the  liturgy,  the  breach  <^  the  Sab- 
bath, embroidered  copes,  lawn  sleeves,  the  use  of 
the  ring  in  marriage,  and  of  the  cross  in  baptism. 
On  account  of  these,''  continues  he,  **  were  the 
popular  leaders  content  to  throw  the  government 
into  convulsions ;  and,  to  the  disgrace  of  that  age 
and  of  this  island,  it  must  be  acknowledged,  that 
the  disorders  in  Scotland  entirely,  and  those  in 
£ngland  mostly,  proceeded  from  so  mean  and 
contemptible  an  origin/'  How  far  this  view  of 
facts  is  correct,  the  reader  must  by  this  time  be 
prepared  to  determine  ;  but  the  passage,  and  it  is 
only  a  specimen  of  this  author's  manner,  is  surely 
as  remote  from  philosophical  liberality  as  from 
truth.  Aware  that  the  attempt  to  justify  the 
monarch  for  endeavouring  to  impose  popery  upon 
the  nation,  would  never  be  listened  to  with  par 
tioice,  the  historian  generally  ridicules  the  im- 
puted purpose  as  a  senseless  clamour,  and  probably 
means  to  convey,  in  this  passage,  that  the  innova- 
tions introduced  were  altc^ether  unimportant. 
But  he  forgets  that  if  it  were  disgraceful  in  the 
nation  to  be  so  appalled  with  such  mean  and  con- 
temptible innovations,  it  betrayed,  even  in  a  religious 
view,  a  much  greater  want  of  good  sense  in  Charles 


8  niSTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

and  his  advisers,  whose  cause  he  advocates,  to  at- 
tach such  consequence  to  them  as  not  only  to 
impose  them  under  severities  revolting  to  humani- 
ty, but  at  the  hazard  of  a  convulsion  ;  for  there 
is  a  mighty  difference  between  the  case  of  a  people 
who  merely  adhere  to  the  established  worship, 
against  the  wish  of  their  monarch,  who  has  no 
right  to  dictate  to  them,  and  that  of  a  king,  who, 
in  despite  of  the  laws,  abuses  the  power  entrusted 
to  him,  in  order  to  force  his  subjects  into  the 
adoption  of  his  peculiar  tenets.  It)  on  the  other 
hand,  it  be  alleged,  that  Charles  was  endowed 
with  too  much  good  sense  to  be  the  slave  of  such 
contemptible  superstition,  then  the  historian  en- 
tirely overlooks,  that  the  conduct  of  the  prince 
assumes,  in  that  case,  the  character  of  the  blackest 
depravity,  in  wantonly  inflicting  the  most  hideous 
punishments  for  disobedience  to  his  capricious 
commands,  and  exposing  the  kingdom  to  all  the 
horrors  of  a  convulsion,  for  an  object  which  he  con« 
sidered  intrinsically  unimportant.  But  it  cannot 
be  denied  that  the  people,  even  though  they  had 
regarded  the  innovations  as  abstractly  trivial,  would 
have  shewn  themselves  utterly  unworthy  of  their 
political  privileges,  had  they  not  resisted  changes 
thuy  tyrannically  obtruded ;  since  the  introduction 
of  them,  with  such  penalties,  imported  powers  in 
the  throne  inconsistent  with  every  idea  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty.  The  most  despotical  monarchs 
have  commonly  the  good  sense  to  know  that  the 
attempt  to  interfere  with  the  established  religion, 
against  the  wishes  of  the  people,  would  shake  their 
thrones.    It  was  vain  for  Mr.  Hume,  however,  to 


HISTORY  OF  THfi  BRITISH  EMPIRS.  9 

represent  the  innovations  as  so  unimportant :  even 
those  which  he  enumerates  were  abhorred  by  the 
people,  not  as  merely  ceremonial,  but  as  indicative 
both  of  greater  changes,  and  of  substantial  altera- 
tions  in  faith ;  and  this  was  questionless  the  object 
with  which  they  were  introduced.  The  historian 
himself  elsewhere  takes  nearly  the  same  view,  in- 
forming  us,  that  "  not  only  the  discontented  puri- 
tans believed  the  church  of  England  to  be  relapsing 
fast  into  the  Romish  superstition,  but  that  the 
Court  of  Rome  itself  entertained  hopes  of  regain- 
ing its  authority  in  this  island."  «  And,"  says  he, 
^'  it  must  be  confessed,  that  though  Laud  deserved 
not  the  appellation  of  a  Papist,  the  genius  of  his 
religion  was,  though  in  a  less  degree,  the  same 
with  that  of  the  Romish :  The  same  profound  re- 
spect was  exacted  to  the  sacerdotal  character,  the 
same  submission  required  to  the  creeds  and  decrees 
of  synods  and  councils,  the  same  pomp  and  cere* 
mony  were  affected  in  worship,  and  the  same  super- 
stitious regard  to  days,  postures,  meats,  and  vest- 
ments." It  was  not  the  name  of  Popery  that  the 
people  disliked,  but  the  thing ;  and  with  regard  to 
Laud,  it  was  well  remarked  in  parliament,  that  a 
pope  at  Rome  was  less  intolerable  than  one  at 
Lambeth.  It  would  have  afforded  some,  though  a 
very  inadequate,  apology  for  this  prince,  that  he 
was  actuated  by  mistaken  notions  of  religious  duty ; 
but  it  is,  unfortunately,  demonstrable,  from  his  own 
correspondence,  that  his  object  was  merely  to  assi- 
milate the  faith  and  worship  to  those  of  despotical 
countries,  that  they  might  operate  in  preparing  the 
public  mind  for  the  same  civil  subjection.    With- 


10  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE* 

out  the  prevalence  of  such  superstition^  he  conceiv* 
ed  it  impossible  to  subjugate  his  people,  and  in  or- 
der to  accomplish  the  fond  object  of  his  wishes,  he 
did  what  no  prudent  despot  ever  attempted,  at- 
tacked all  that  the  community  venerated,  and  thus 
kindled  a  flame  which  was  necessarily  directed 
against  that  usurped  prerogative  which  imposed  in- 
novations. '  By  his  absurd  and  wicked  policy,  there^* 
fore,  he  roused  into  an  enemy  that  religious  feel- 
ing which,  in  these  measures,  he  insidiously  aimed 
at  converting  into  a  necessary  ally  of  arbitrary 
power.  Aware  that  he  stood  by  public  opinion, 
he  yet,  in  the  chimerical  hope  of  substituting  sen- 
timents more  favourable  to  his  pretensions,  lost 
that  support  of  the  throne,  by  insulting  as  well  as 
violating  all  that  the  people  esteemed  most  sacred. 
All  the  religious  innovations  which,  as  we  have 
shewn,  were,  in  spite  of  Mr.  Hume's  sneers,  of  the 
most  aggravated  nature,  and  were  also  the  pre- 
cursor of  farther  change,  sprang  from  the  grossest 
abuse  of  civil  power ;  and  the  grievances  in  church 
and  state,  therefore,  necessarily  found  the  same 
advocates.  Hence  the  field  which  has  been  open- 
ed for  the  ridicule  so  successfully  poured  upon  that 
period.  Men  became  naturally  zealous  for  their 
faith  in  proportion  to  the  violence  with  which  the 
prince  attempted  to  deprive  them  of  it,  and  as  their 
language  corresponded  with  the  occasion,  it  is 
easy  to  misrepresent  the  age,  by  viewing  its  cha- 
racter, through  the  medium  of  times  when  the  es- 
tablished religion  was  protected  instead  of  being 
sapped,  and  abstracted  from  all  the  circumstances 
that  then  operated  upon  the  public  mind. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  £MPIR£«  1 1 

The  picture  which  has  been  given  of  the  age  i^ 
therefore,  unjust ;  and  it  is  only  necessary  to  peruse  . 
the  works  of  that  period,  even  the  productions  of 
professed  puritans,  as  Ludlow,  Hutchinson,  Mil- 
ton, &c.  to  be  satisfied  that  the  same  minds  which 
were  so  fervently  imbued  with  religious  zeal,  were 
not  only  illuminated  by  genius,  but  enriched  with 
the  choicest  literature  of  ancient  and  modern  times* 
Gloomy  and  fanatical  as  that  period  is  represented 
to  have  been,  it  is  not  to  be  doubted  that  a  similar 
interference,  even  now,  with  the  established  faith 
and  worships  would  lead  to  the  same  result.    But 
it  should  always  be  remembered,  that  the  arbitrary 
proceedings  of  the  prince,  in  regard  to  religion, 
not  only  implied  the  arrogation  of  a  power  to  make 
any  farther  changes,  but  an  authority  incompatible 
with  the  very  idea  of  every  thing  like  civil  or  re« 
ligious  rights.    Religion,  therefore,  formed  a  grand 
portion  of  the  contest,  even  viewed  in  regard  to 
its  civil  consequences,  and  it  was  dearly  esteemed 
on  its  own  account :    but  it  was  only  an  integral 
part  of  the  general  disease  of  the  state.    The  pri« 
vileges  of  the  nation  had  been  assailed  in  all  points, 
and  there  was  an  almost  universal  cry  for  redress  *• 

• 

*  ''But,"  says  Mr.  Hume,  **  it  may  be  worth  obaeryingy  that  all 
hjatoriana  who  lived  near  that  age,  or  what  perhaps  is  more  dedsive, 
aU  aathars  who  have  casually  made  mention  of  those  public  transao* 
tions,  stQI  represent  the  civil  disorders  and  convulsions  as  proceedings 
from  rdigioas  controversy,  and  consider  the  political  disputes  about 
power  and  liberty  as  entirely  subordinate  to  the  other."  Now,  who 
are  the  historians  and  authors  to  whom  he  alludes  ? — ^Whitelocke, 
Clarendon,  nay,  Ludlow,  or  even  Hutchinson  and  Milton  ?  Does  he 
discover  it  in  the  Parliamentary  Debates,  or  the  State  Papers,  or  in 
the  innumerable  pamphlets  published  during  the  contest  ?  The  parlia« 


12  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRB. 

Had  the  people  failed  to  embrace  the  opportunity 
for  redressing  their  wrongs,  and  adopting  measures 
to  prevent  their  recurrence,  they  must  have  de- 
servedly been  pronounced  worthy  of  the  slavery 
which  had  been  prepared  for  them  ;  and  matters 
must  have  either  terminated  in  a  dreadful  convul- 
sion in  the  next  age,  or  Britain,  the  seat  of  wealth 
and  innumerable  comforts,  the  preserver  and  disse- 
minator of  rational  liberty  in  modern  times,  and 
hence,   the  nurse  of  genius  and  the  mother  of 
science — ^the  land  which  has,  in  reality,  given  the 
impulse,  in  modern  times,  to  the  cultivation  of 
every  thing  valuable  in  all  quarters  of  the  polite 
world,  must  have  sunk  into  all  the  deplorable  mi- 
sery of  the  Peninsula.    When  the  case  is  thus 
broadly  stated,  there  is  scarcely  a  mind  which  can 
refuse  its  assent  to  the  proposition,  that  at  a  cer- 
tain   limit   submission    would  have  been  crimi- 
nal;  yet  it  ought  not  to  be  overlooked,    that 
the  advocates  of  arbitrary  power  would  have  then 
discovered,  in  the  previous  tyranny  and  the  pu- 
sillanimous acquiescence,  still  stronger  arguments 
with  which    to  vindicate   the  prince  and    con* 
demn  the  people.    Every  former  act  of  arbitrary 
power  would  have  been,  in  that  event,  represented 

raientary  leaders  were  indeed  blamed  by  one  of  theu:  own  party  for 
dwelling  too  much  on  the  religious  grievances^  and  thus  in  a  manner 
withdrawing  the  public  attention  from  the  multiform  oppressions 
under  which  the  kingdom  had  groaned ;  but  no  one  can  peruse  the 
sources  of  information  to  which  we  have  referred,  without  being  sa- 
tisfied of  the  groundlessness  of  this  artful^  sweepings  unauthorised, 
statement.  The  cotemporary  royalist  writers  always  maintained  that 
the  clamour  about  religion  was  a  mere  colour  for  factious  designs 
against  the  government ! 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  18 

in  the  blackest  colours,  and  the  submission  of  the 
people  vilified,  in  order  to  throw  odium  upon  the 
nation  for  their  unjust  rebellion  to  a  sovereign, 
whose  only  fault  consisted  in  acting  mildly  upon 
the  principles  to  which  he  had  equally  succeeded 
with  the  throne ;  while  the  popular  leaders  would 
have  been  reproached  as  artful  demagogues,  who 
inflamed  the  people  with  chimerical  notions  of  free- 
dom to  which  their  ancestors  never  pretended, — 
as  austere  fanatics,  who  were  content  to  plunge  the 
kingdom  into  convulsions  for  an  object  altogether 
mean  and  contemptible.  AH  the  benefits  accruing 
from  their  virtuous  struggle  would  have  been  for^- 
gotten,  while  the  calamities,  the  vices,  arising  na- 
turally out  of  a  period  of  convulsion,  would  have 
been  incalculably  exaggera^d,  as  a  warning  to  af* 
ter  ages  never  to  assert  their  rights  against  the  will 
of  the  chief  magistrate.  To  the  spirit  of  our  an- 
cestors, therefore,  we  owe  all  our  most  invaluable 
privileges ;  and  it  would  be  ungrateful  not  to  ac- 
knowledge the  obligation  *. 

*  In  the  above  I  have  endeavoured  to  embrace  the  sum  and  sub- 
stance of  Mr.  Hume's  defence  of  the  Stuart  family.  But  the  follow- 
ing singular  nots  deserves  a  remark :  "  Lord  Clarendon^  voL  i.  p. 
USS,  says,  that  the  parliamentary  party  vrere  not  agreed  about  the  en- 
tire abolition  of  episcopacy.  They  were  only  the  root  and  branch  men, 
as  they  were  called,  who  insisted  on  that  measure.  But  those  who 
were  willing  to  retain  bishops,  insisted  on  reducing  their  authority  to 
a  low  ebb,  as  well  as  on  abolishing  the  ceremonies  of  worship  and 
vestments  of  the  clergy.  The  controversy,  therefore,  between  the 
parties  was  almost  wholly  theological,  and  that  of  the  most  frivolous 
and  ridiculous  kind."  Really  it  is  distressing  to  find  an  author  of 
Mr.  Hume's  powers  writing  in  this  style ;  and  it  is  scarcely  possible 
to  conceive  a  more  complete  non  sequUur  than  that,  because  the  peo- 
ple desired  an  abolition  of  ceremonies,  which  were  intended  to  substi* 


14  HISTOBY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

stnflEbide       Stxaflbrde,  who  had  long  ago  foretold,  that  if 
]2[^^th^  the  king  were  forced  to  call  a  parliament,  he,  as  a 
^«^J^*  chief  minister,  would  be  sacrificed  to  the  public 
wi^but  resentment,  and  whose  injustice  and  unrelenting 
aseunmce  of  barbarity  had  made  him  pers(Hial  enemies,  who 
protecdoo.  ^gj.g  resolved  to  pursue  him  to  the  scaffold,  now 
solicited  leave  to  retire  to  his  government  of  Ire- 
land, or  to  remain  with  the  army  at  York,  that,  re- 
moved from  the  eye  of  parliament,  he  might  elude 
its  vengeance ;  but  Charles,  who  depended  much 
upon  his  advice,  insisted  on  his  being  near  his  per- 
Bon,  assuring  him  that  not  a  hair  of  his  head  should 
be  touched  *.    The  event  proved  that,  though  in 


tute  a  rdligion  of  the  imaginatioii  for  that  of  the  hearty  in  order  to 
prepare  the  public  inind  for  the  doctrine  of  pafldye  obedience  in  the 
atate>  ceremonies  which  were  not  so  inhumanly  enforced  as  altogether 
insignificant^  but  which  implied  points  of  faith  universally  abhorred—- 
that  because  they  desured  to  reduce  the  power  of  a  body^  or  even  to 
abolish  the  order  that  had  so  monstrously  abused  their  function 
against  the  civil  and  religious  privil^;es  of  the  nation^ — ^^  Therefore, 
that  the  controversy  between  the  parties  was  almost  wholly  theologi- 
cal^ and  that  of  the  most  frivolous  and  ridiculous  kind."  Did  it  real- 
ly follow  that^  because  this  was  one  branch  of  grievance,  there  was 
no  other  ?  With  such  logic,  we  should  not  wonder  at  his  conclusions, 
even  independently  of  his  statements.  But  was  this  author  so  unphi- 
losophical  and  uncharitable  as  to  conclude,  that  because  all  points  of 
faith  were,  in  the  abstract,  viewed  with  indifierence  by  himself,  the  peo- 
ple might  justly  be  compelled,  by  bloody  persecution,  to  embrace  any 
religious  innovations  at  the  will  of  the  prince  ?  Did  he  not  perceive  the 
political  consequences  of  these  innovations }  and  infer  that,  as  they 
were  imposed  out  of  political  motives,  so  they  were  justly  resisted  on 
the  same  {Minciple  ?  It  is  strange,  too,  that  great  part  of  his  aigu- 
ment  goes  to  establish  that  new  ideas  of  government  had  sprung  up 
during  the  dynasty  of  the  Stuarts,  and  yet  that  elsewhere  he  ascribes 
all  to  religion. 

*  Whitelocke,  p.  37.  This  writer  tells  us  that,  as  the  Parliament  was 
po  meet  on  the  3d  of  Kovember,  "  some  persuaded  the  archbishop  to 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  15 

deq>ite  of  experience,  the  king  continued  obsti- 
nately blind  in  regard  to  die  posture  of  afiairs,  his 
minister  had  discernment  to  perceive  that  the  royal 
power  which  had  raised  him,  and  countenanced 
him  in  injustice,. was  unable  to  protect  him  in  the 
hour  of  retribution. 

The  king,  who  depended  much  upon  the  dexte*  Puiiamcnt 
rity  of  the  speaker  of  the  lower  house  for  managing  ^^^^^ 
the  Commons,  had  predetermined  to  have  Sir  Tho«  l^Lt, 
mas  Gardner,  recorder  of  London,  appointed  tochown 
that  situation }  but,  notwithstanding  all  the  efforts  STc^^ 
of  government,  the  people,  who  knew  the  character  "^'^ 
of  the  man,  (he  was  afterwards  impeached  for  re« 
commending  ship*money,)  declined  to  return  him 
as  one  of  their  representatives  *  ;  and  Mr.  Lent* 


get  it  ft^Joiinied  for  two  w  three  days,  became  that  the  third  of  Koi< 
▼ember  was  an  ominous  day ;  the  Parliament  caUed  on  ihat  day^  80  H. 
Vin.  beginning  with  the  fall  of  Cardinal  Wolsey^  and  ending  in  the 
diaadvtion  of  Abbeys  ;  bat  the  archbxahop  took  little  heed  of  any  such 
things."  But  Laud  does  not  allude  to  the  caution  in  his  diary^  while  he 
faithfully  records  other  omens  which  alarmed  him*  On  January  Sith, 
1640^  his  father  appeared  in  a  dream,  and  asked.  What  he  did  there  ? 
Laud,  after  some  speech,  inquired,  how  long  he  would  stay.  ''  He 
answered,''  (we  giro  Laud's  own  words)  *'  be  would  stay  till  he  had 
me  away  with  him.  I  am  not  moved  with  dreams ;  yet  I  thought  fit 
to  remember  this.**  On  October  27th,  he  foimd,  on  entering  his  stu- 
dy,  that  his  picture,  which  was  hung  there,  had  fallen  upon  its  face, 
on  the  floor.  ''  I  am  almost  every  day  threatened  with  my  ruin  in 
Fteliament,"  says  he,  '' God  grant  this  be  no  omen.*' 

*  Clarendon's  Hist  voL  i.  p.  170.  Of  course,  this  writer  attributes 
has  non-election  to  the  strength  of  the  faction ;  yet  himself  joined  the 
fiiction  at  the  outse.;.  No  character  has  been  more  misconceived  than 
Ckrendon's.  Burnet,  who  liked  him  for  his  Ugoted  attachment  to 
epvcopMy,  says,  that  when,  on  the  restoration,  the  tide  of  loyalty 
would  have  made  the  monarch  independent  of  parliamentary  supplies. 
Clarendon  would  not  avail  hhnself  of  it,  and  thus  laid  the  foundation 
of  his  own  ruin.    But  whatever  apology  Burnet  might  have  for  this 


•tlieifl. 


16  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

hall,  a  bencher  of  Lincoln's  Inn,  and  a  lawyer  of 
great  practice,  was  nominated  by  the  commons 
at  the  desire  of  the  crown.  It  was  not  without 
difficulty  that  he  accepted  of  the  office* 
GrieYucet  The  commons  assembled  in  great  numbers,  and 
pym  and^  the  court-party  soon  discovered  that,  as  the  na- 
tional grievances  had  been  aggravated  by  the  dis- 
solution of  the  late  parliament  and  the  subsequent 
proceedings,  so  the  popular  spirit  assumed  a  far 
more  decided  tone.  Committees  for  grievances 
were  nominated,  and  the  deplorable  state  of  the 
kingdom  was  depicted  by  Fym,  followed  by  many 
others,  in  a  style  as  just  as  pathetic )  and,  since 
we  have  just  adverted  to  Mr.  Hume's  statements, 
we  may  here  remark,  that  it  is  inconceivable  how, 
with  these  speeches  before  him,  in  which  the  va- 
rious forms  assumed  by  arbitrary  power  against 
all  law  and  the  rights  of  person  and  property,  are 
detailed  in  language,  which,  while  it  does  credit 
to  the  speakers,  appals  the  reader,  he  should  have 
ascribed  the  fervour  which  pervaded  all  classes 
against  such  multiform  abuses,  solely  to  disgust 
at  a  few  trifling  ceremonies.  The  court  faction, 
who  could  not  deny  the  extent  of  the  evil,  did  not 
even  attempt  to  oppose  the  general  complaint ;  and 
Charles,  after  having  dissolved  the  last  parliament 
like  the  three  preceding,  because  it  preferred  the 
consideration  of  grievances  to  his  demand  for  im- 

statement  in  the  reports  of  the  thnes^  (and  he  candidly  tells  us  that 
he  had  no  other  authority,)  subsequent  historians  have  none.  For 
the  publication  of  Clarendon's  life,  written  by  himself,  completely  dis« 
proTesit 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  £MPIUtf.  1? 

mediate  supply,  discovered  now  the  truth  which 
had  beeii  predicted ;  that  the  next  would  take  up 
the  ground  of  its  predecessor,  and  with  a  bolder 
spirit.  Such,  indeed,  was  the  unanimity  of  the 
house,  that  as  every  abuse  was  proposed  for  cen^ 
sure,  it  was  immediately  voted  to  be  a  grievance, 
without  a  dissenting  voice  *. 

Amongst  the  first  acts  of  the  commons,  was  one  An  ojdttot 
of  strict  justice— that  of  issuing  an  order  for  thd  mons  for 
appearance  of  Piynn,  Bastwick,  and  Burton,  who  lSla*rf*"' 
after  losing  their  ears,  and  suffering  other  detest-  b^JSJJu 
able  punishments,  were  sent  to  languish  out  theirand  Burton, 
existence  in    solitary    confinement,    each    trans* 
ported  to  a  separate  island ;  while  the  access  of 
friends  and  kindred  was  strictly  interdicted,  and 
themselves  denied  the  use  of  books,  pen,  ink,  and 
paper*     Laud,   with  his   coadjutors,  had  thence 
fondly  flattered  himself,  that  the  voice  of  these 
wretched  victims  of  oppression  would  never  mdest 
him  more  ;  and  that,  at  all  events,  his  own  eleva- 
tion was  too  strongly  fenced  with  power  ever  to 
dread  that  retributive  justice  which  ought  to  have 
alarmed  his  conscience.    But  he  was^  miserably 
mistaken ;  Prynn  survived  to  pursue  him  to  the 
scaffold.'T— By  thus  sending  for  those  individuals, 
the  commons  did  not  reverse    their  sentences. 
These  did  not  warrant  their  being  sent  out  of 
England ;  and  therefore  the  lower  house  merely 
took  under  its  protection  men  whose  inhuman 

*  VHiitelocke^  p.  38^  Clar.  p.  171.  Cobbet*s  Pari.  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p. 
630^  ftseq.  Old  Do.  toL  ix.  p.  17^  et  seq.  Rush.  yoL  iii.  p.  1364* 
See  p.  1336>  et  teq,  yoI.  iii.  p.  \,  et  seq, 

VOL.  III.  C 


18  HIBTORT  OF  THE  BBITI8H  EMPIAB. 

punishment  there  was  not  even  the  pretext  of  a 
judgmoit  to  authorize.  It  was  so  contrived  that 
Frynn  and  Burton  landed  at  one  point  at  the  same 
time ;  and  they  were  ccMiducted  to  the  metropolis 
by  an  immense  crowd  in  military  triumph  *• 
Atcniu.  As  monopolists  so  ^ossly  infringed  the  law, 
^^^^^S^they  were,  as  unworthy  of  legislating  for  a  people 
whose  rights  they  had  violated,  banished  the  house, 
to  which'they  had  been  elected  by  court-influence ; 
and  new  writs  were  issued  for  fresh  elections  f  • 

Great  occasions,  as  we  have  frequently  remark*- 
^ed,  call  fiuth  talent  to  meet  them ;  and  when  the 
cause  of  liberty  flourishes,  it  never  wants  advo- 
cates. Virtuous  men  may  deplore  the  evil  of  the 
times ;  but  they  would  cease  to  deserve  the  char- 
acter of  virtuous,  did  they  encourage  resistance  to 
arbitrary  power  without  a  prospect  of  success. 
When  a  favours^le  juncture  occurs,  however,  then 
they  nobly  exert  themselves  in  the  public  cause : 
ll>en  the  wavering  are  confirmed,  and  even  the 
fofmer  tools  of  injustice  unblushingly  pretend  to 
patriotism.  The  present  crisis  was  one  which  de- 
fltonded  the  exertion  of  all  the  humui  powers } 
the  house  of  conunons  afforded  a  field  for  the  suc- 
cessful development  of  profound  knowledge  and 
solid  [judgment,  conveyed  in  a  stream  of  masculine 
eloquence ;  and  the  characters  unfolded  would  not 
suflfer  by  a  comparison  with  the  worthies  of  any 

^  &IA  Pttr.  Hist  Yd.  ix.  p.  S4.  Clar.  vd.  L  p.  199.  WMtdodke, 
p.  S9.  Baillie^  toL  i.  p.  222.  There  were  upwards  of  100  coaches 
Hie  predates  woe  exceedingly  galled  by  this  triun^h,  lb.  Mr. 
HttDle  does  not  do  Imaself  jufltice  in  his  remnks  upon  iSiis  case. 

t  Gobbet's  Parliament.  History,  toL  ii.  p.  651.    Whitelocke,  p.  88. 


HISTORY  OF  THB  BRITTSH  EMPIRB.  19 

» 

age  or  nation.     The  individual  to  whom  all  men  ^^^^uActtf 
looked  as  the  prime  leader  in  the  present  perilousLi.  '^^ 
juncture  was  Hampden ;  and  he  did  not  belie  the 
general  opinion  either  of  his  understanding  or  in- 
tegrity.   Regarded  as  the  statesman  most  qualified 
to  recover,  and  vindicate,  the  violated  and  insulted 
rights  of  his  country,  he  was  yet  sufficiently  modest 
and  self-possessed  not  to  abuse  his  popularity  by 
embracing  every  opportunity  to  attract  the  public 
notice.     Though  his  judgment  privately  directed 
in  every  question,  he  reserved  his  powers  as  a 
speaker  for  the  grand  emergencies  alone.    The 
man  who  had  braved  authority  might  have  been 
expected  to  be  violent  in  his  temper  and  morose  in 
his  manner ;  but  it  was  his  peculiar  virtue  to  unite 
ihe  mildest  and  most  affable  disposition  to  unshaken 
firmness,  both  as  a  statesman  and  a  soldier.     In 
early  life,  he  had  not  been  altogether  free  from 
that  licence  which  commonly  accompanies  large 
fortune  and  eminent  station ;  but  no  one  ever  in- 
sinuated against  him  behaviour  that  indicated  a 
rotten  or  selfish  heart,  or  even  inveterate  habits  of 
licentiousness ;  and  early  sensible  of  his  error,  he 
corrected  it  without  losing  that  cheerful  affability 
which  had  partly  seduced  him  into  imprudent  indul- 
gence*.  As  it  is  great  occasions  only  which  afford 

*  There  is  great  ability,  and,  considering  that  the  author  was  not 
only  a  keen  partisan,  but  undertook  his  history  for  the  king's  yindica-i 
tion,  even  impartiality,  in  Clarendon's  character  of  Hampden,  voL  i. 
p.  1S5.  ToL  ii.  p.  265.  As  might  be  expected,  the  author  imputes 
bad  motives,  but  he  does  fuU  justice  to  his  many  great  and  estimable 
qnaHtiea ;  and  it  would  have  been  well  had  Mr.  Hume  studied  it.. 


so  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE* 

room  for  the  exertion  of  popular  talents,  so  the 
men  who  %ure  then  are  generally  such  as  have 
scarcely  hitherto  engaged  in  public  affairs }  and 
yet  nothing  is  more  common  than  the  attempt  to 
deny  the  genius  which  distinguishes  itself  in  a 
tempestuous  season  by  remarking  its  previous  want 
of  distinction.  Ordinary  heads  are  necessarily  the 
best  calculated  for  ordinary  business,  since  no- 
thing can  be  well  accomplished,  which  is  not  zea- 
lously undertaken,  and  small  matters,  to  which  they 
are  fblly  adequate,  engross  all  their  vigour ;  while 
on  the  other  hand,  a  great  mind,  ever  forming  to 
itself  a  lofty  standard,  is  at  once  conscious  of  being 
too  far  above  the  business,  and  yet  is  naturally  dif- 
fident of  its  own  powers :  It  cannot  enter  with 
alacrity  into  afikirs  which  affi)rd  no  room  for  the 
trial  of  its  strength:  It  doubts  its  ability  not  in 
comparison  of  those  around — ^it  never  measures  it- 
self with  them,  but  compared  with  the  model 
which  imagination  always  presents.  When,  how* 
ever,  the  great  juncture  occurs,  then  its  vigour  is 
roused,  and  while  other  minds  sink  under,  it  rises 
superior  to,  an  inexperienced  emergency.  This 
seems  to  have  been  the  case  of  Hampden :  He  was 
returned  to  the  second  and  third  parliaments  of  this 
prince;  and  yet,  though  he  spoke  both  with  fluency 
and  remarkable  precision,  he  does  not  appear  ever 
then  to  have  tried  his  powers :  But  all  men  of  dis- 
cernment, who  had  an  opportunity  of  conversing 
with  him,  remarked  his  extraordinary  talents ;  and 
as  his  affability  charmed,  while  his  integrity  gained 
him  profound  respect,  his  reputation,  heightened 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  21 

by  his  refusal  of  ship-money,  rose  high  before 
he  distinguished  himself  in  the  senate.  There,  he 
was  at  once  regarded  by  all  as  their  sheet-anchor ; 
and  none  was  ever  better  calculated  to  improve 
the  favourable  impression.  His  assiduity  was  in- 
defatigable ;  his  manner  bespoke  only  an  anxiety 
to  obtain  information,  and  his  adversaries  could 
not  withhold  their  esteem ;  but  his  modesty  did 
not  prevent  him  from  leading  those  who  were  flat- 
tered by  an  appeal  to  their  understanding. 

The  next  great  character  was  Pym,  who,  to  a  p 
perfect  knowledge  of  forms,  which,  from  the 
long  disuse  of  parliaments,  was  extremely  valuable, 
united  a  clear,  vigorous  judgment,  and  profound 
information,  together  with  the  eloquence  of  a  man 
of  business,  and  a  character  of  uniform  upright- 
ness. Such  a  speaker  could  not  fail  to  be  listened 
to.  It  has  been  said  that  his  sagacity  was  more 
fitted  for  use  than  ornament ;  and  a  better  compli- 
ment could  not  have  been  paid.  Rhetorical 
flourishes  are  innocent  enough  in  the  absence  of 
real  business ;  but  they  are  impertinent  when  men 
are  assembled  to  discuss  the  deepest  concerns  of  a 
great  nation ;  and,  hoiyever  an  artful  speaker  may 
inflame  the  passions,  none  will  ever  be  heard  with 
patience  on  momentous  occasions,  who  have  not  at 
least  the  characters  of  capacity  for  affairs. — SirsirHmy 
Harry  Vane,  the  younger,  displayed  uncommon  ^^^j;^' 
intellectual  powers,  and  a  masculine  eloquence ; 
together  with  an  ardent  enthusiasm  of  temper, 
which  fervently  embraced  alike  state  policy  and 
religion.     He  was  prepared  for  sharp  remedies  to 


22  HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE^ 

the  alarming  grievances  of  the  conunonwealth ; 
yet  he  does  not  appear  to  have  been  at  any  time 
transported  with  the  passion  of  vengeance,  or  to 
have  acted  under  the  influence  of  selfishness. 
6t  Joiin.  T^^  temper  of  St.  John  was  haughty  and  ve- 
hement ;  but  his  principles  had  been  consistent, 
and  his  talents  were  universally  respected.  As  a 
lawyer,  his  abilities  and  learning  were  everywhere 
admitted ;  and  the  old  English  lawyers,  (witness 
Bacon,  Coke,  Selden,  Whitelocke,  Clarendon, 
Maynward,  and  others,)  united  to  their  professional 
attainments,  general  information  and  accomplish- 
ments,  which  do  not  appear  to  have  descended  to 
their  successors  *• 

*  **  Some  penons/'  says  Mr.  Huine^  '*  partial  to  the  patriots  of  tbia 
age,  have  yentored  to  put  them  in  balance  with  the  most  illustrious 
diaracters  of  antiquity ;  and  mentioned  the  names  of  Pym,  Hamp» 
den,  Vane>  as  a  just  parallel  to  those  of  Cato,  Brutus,  Cassius.    Pto- 
found  caagMtj,  indeed,  undaunted  courage,  extensive  enterprise;  in 
these  particulars  perhaps  the  Romans  do  not  much  surpass  the  Eng- 
lish worthies;  but  what  a  difference  when  the  discourse,  conduct, 
conversation,  and  private  as  wdl  ss  public  behaviour  of  both  are  i&- 
spected !    Compaxe  only  one  circumstance,  and  consider  its  conse* 
quences :  The  leisure  of  those  noble  ancients  was  totally  employed 
in  the  cultivation  of  polite  letters,  and  civilized  society :  The  whole 
discourse  and  language  of  the  modems  were  polluted  with  mysterious 
jaxgOD,  and  full  of  the  lowest  and  most  vulgar  hypocrisy/'    It  has 
ever  appeared  to  me,  that  the  works  of  this  celebrated  author,  vnth 
all  their  genius,  and  no  one  is  readier  than  I  to  allow  their  merits, 
betray  the  occasional  rawness  of  a  solitary  student,  who  has  not  sur* 
▼eyed  society  with  a  pnrtical  eye,  and  that  he  was  not  devoid  of  % 
species  of  intolerant  bigotry,  though  of  a  different  kind  from  that  he 
everywhere  censures,  as  well  as  of  an  interested  predilection  for  the 
aristocracy  of  letters.    In  this  passage,  I  conceive  that  we  have  a 
proof  oi  it.    Polite  letters,  &c.  are  only  so  far  worthy  of  admiratxm 
as  they  enlarge  the  capacity  and  improve  the  heart ;  and,  therefore^ 
in  estimating  a  public  character,  w^  have  no  occasion  to  inquire  intq 


HISTOaT  OF  TH£  BSITI8H  SMPIRB«  28 

A  committee  bad  been  appointed  for  Irish  ^^^^^^^^^ 
fairs,  and  a  remonstance  from  the  Irish  parlia*  Ae  iruh 
ment  was  reported  by  it  to  the  bouse.     In  thisi^siaiiit 
remonstrance,  the  Irish  complained  that  indus-^|^^o 

his  private  conduct  unless  in  so  far  as  it  is  spent  in  vioe ;  for  good 
private  conduct  is  the  hest  security  for  purity  in  public  life.  Of  the 
private  discourse  and  studies  of  the  ancients^  we  know  little  ;  and  the 
cuthor  has  reviled  die  modems  without  foundation.  Waa  Han^dea 
a  hypocrite,  and  waa  hia  discourse  full  of  cant^  &c  ?  The  account 
of  Clarendon  vrould  lead  us  to  jnfer  the  very  reverse.  Were  the 
English  worthies  ignorant  of  Grecian  philosophy  and  ebquenoe,  or 
of  polite  letters?  The  great  blemiah  of  the  public  upeaking,  &c  of 
that  age,  is  the  pedantry  which  a  familiar  acquaintance  with  ancient 
literature  produced ;  and,  it  ought  to  be  remembered,  that  to  Grecian 
philosophy  they  joined  that  of  Bacon,  &c  ;  to  the  polite  literature  of 
Greece,  the  works  of  Spenser  and  Shakespeare,  not  to  mention  othersb 
That  they  were  sincerely  devoted  to  the  Christian  religion  is  nnques^ 
tionable ;  but  surely  it  wUl  not  thence  be  contended  that  they  were 
incapable  either  of  relishing  polite  literature  and  philosophy,  or  of 
themeelves  displaying  the  highest  reach  of  genius.  If  it  were,  Shake- 
speare ought  not  to  be  admired,  nor  Milton  read :  Nay,  the  grand  dis- 
coveries of  Newton  should  be  despised.  With  regard  to  the  public 
conduct  of  the  English  worthies,  it  may  well  be  put  in  oompetitioa 
with  that  of  the  Micients,  for  their  patriotism,  I  will  venture  to  aflim» 
was  sa  unsullied,  and  more  usefully  directed ;  while  their  capacities, 
courage,  and  enterprise  were  not  inferior.  Even  in  the  conduct  of 
those  andents,  Mr.  Hume  might  have  discovered  a  ussAil  lesson  for 
his  direction  in  estimating  the  proceedings  of  this  reign.  Those  no- 
ble ancients,  though  above  the  superstition  of  their  age,  had  too 
much  good  sense  to  insult  and  provoke,  far  less  persecute  their  oonn- 
trymcn,  upon  their  religion. 

Siace  I  am  upon  this  sulgect,  I  cannot  refrain  from  noticing  ano- 
ther attempt  to  bwer  the  character  of  Hampden.  ^'  Then"  says  he, 
"  was  duplaytd  the  mighiy  ambitum  of  Hampden,  taught  disguise,  not 
nudtratUm,  from  farmer  restraint ;  supported  by  courage,  conducted 
by  prudence,  embellished  by  modesty ;  hfU  whether  Jimnded  in  a  love 
^ power,  or  mdjfar  Ubertif,  is  still,  fr^om  his  untimely  end,  left  donbt'm 
Jul  and  uncertain."  Now,  I  really  do  think,  that  when  the  character 
of  a  statesmen  cannot  be  assailed  with  the  imputation  of  a  single  vice, 
it  is  a  little  hard  to  insinuate  away  his  fame  by  alleging  that  he 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

try  bad  been  suspended,  and  trade  extremely  in* 
jured  by  new  and  illegal  impositions  and  destructive 
monopolies,  joined  to  other  arbitrary  proceedings : 
That  all  causes,  real  and  personal,  had  been  arbitrari«- 
ly  determined  by  the  council,  from  which  there  was 
no  appeal :  That  there  was  a  monopoly  of  tobacco, 
which,  under  the  pretext  of  increasing  the  revenue, 
was  in  reality  a  fund  of  private  emolument  to  the 
lieutenant :  That  they  were  grievously  oppressed 
by  the  court  of  high  commission,  a  species  of 
nuisance  which  cried  aloud  for  redress  in  all  the 
three  kingdoms :  That  a  proclamation  had  been 
issued  by  StrafForde,  forbidding  the  departure  of 
any  individual  for  England  without  a  licence, 
which  was  never  allowed  without  exorbitant  fees : 
And  th^t  while  many  subsidies  had  been  granted, 
the  king  was  still  in  debt.  They  concluded  with 
demanding  an  account  of  the  public  treasure,  and 
desiring  either  a  present  redress  of  grievances,  or 
access  to  the  king  *  The  cause,  as  minister,  of 
all  these  evils  was  Wentworth,  Earl  of  Strafforde, 


might,  had  he  lived  longer,  by  swerving  from  virtue,  have  betrayed  an 
original  depravity.  Such  an  ordeal  no  character  can  pass  unsullied ; 
and  the  author  might  have  considered  that  the  same  objection  could 
be  brought  to  his  favoiuites,  Brutus  and  Cassius.  Might  it  not 
be  said  too,  that  Cato  probably  would  have  been  as  great  a  usurper 
as  Julius  Csesar,  if  he  had  been  as  successful  ?  But  this  last  member 
of  the  sentence,  faulty  as  it  is,  was  meant  to  meet  objections  to  the 
preceding  members,  without  destroying  their  effect.  By  setting  out 
with  an  attack  upon  the  mighty  ambition  and  the  di^idse  of  Hamp- 
den, the  author  had  really  determined  the  question  as  to  his  motives, 
which  he  yet  concludes  with  saying  had  been  left  doubtful. 

*•  Gobbet's  Par.,  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  669.    OH  ditto,  vol.  ix.  p.  40. 
^ush.  vol.  iv.  p.  53,    See  also  p'.  220.  vol.  viii.  p.  7.  jll,  e<  seq. 


HISTOUT  OF  THE  BBITISH  EMPIRS.  25 

who  had  arrogated  to  himself  all  the  judicial  poW« 
era,  which  he  had  exercised  with  an  iniquity. wor* 
thy  of  such  a  usurpation,  and  yet  had  encouraged 
Laud  to  follow  his  example  in  England ;  who  had 
himself  obtained  the  patent  for  tobacco,  by  which 
he  is  said  to  have  amassed  a  large  sum  ;  and  who,  in 
short,  had,  in  every  instance,  substituted  his  own 
w31  for  the  law  of  the  land,  and  even  the  natural 
obligations  of  justice.  The  manners  of  the .  man 
had,  in  all  respects,  corresponded  with  the  arbi- 
trariness of  his  actions.  It  might  be  alleged  that 
the  external  deference  which  he  even  applied  to 
the  king  for  liberty  to  exact  in  Ireland,  was  an 
homage  to  his  office,  not  to  himself  $  but,  as  his 
treatment  of  parliament,  which  he  threatened  into 
the  grant  of  large  subsidies,  was  inconsistent  with 
the  duty  of  a  public  character,  his  conduct,  in  all 
respects,  was  so  like  that  of  a  bashaw,  that,  as  ap- 
pears from  bis  own  letters,  the  title  had  beea  be- 
stowed upon  him  by  the  general  voice  of  that 
kingdom.  In  his  correspondence,  we  find  him 
ever  lamenting  to  the  king  or  Laud,  that  he  was 
grossly  maligned,  and  deprecating  the.consequences 
which  the  complaints  of  that  peopIe,--K;omplaints 
which  he  ascribed  to  an  aversion  of  authority, — 
might  have  upon  his  master ;  and  declaring  him- 
self innocent  of  the  crime  imputed  to  him,  of 
amas$ing  a  fortune  at  the  public  expejice  *.  These 
letters  were  intended  to  meet  the  murmurs  which 
he  could  not  suppress ;  but,  that  the  voice  of  com- 

*  See  his  Letters  and  Disp.  . 


96  HISTOBT  OV  THB  BRITISH  EMFIBB* 

pkint  should  he  as  much  stifled  as  possible,  he 
prohibited  the  unfortunate  victims  of  his  tyraony 
from  quitting  the  island,  lest  they  should  have  an 
opportunity  of  uttering  their  grievances  to  the 
throne.  The  day  of  retribution,  however,  bad  at 
last  arrived,  when  the  united  cry  of  three  king* 
doms,  with  all  the  personal  wrongs  of  individuals, 
called  for  justice.  It  will,  therefore,  be  necessary 
to  give  an  account  of  his  commitment* 

scnffinde  ^^  ^^^  ^  ^  ^'^  ^^  Novembcr,  a  motion  was  made 
««™J^by  Pym  for  his  impeachment;  and  as  it  met 
of  Ugh  tTC».  with  the  universal  approbation  of  the  house,  it  is 
^S!^^  singular  that  Clarendon  should,  without  at  least 
16^.^°^'  taking  his  own  portion  of  the  blame,  have  i^r- 
wards  condemned  the  measure  as  the  height  of 
injustice,  and  the  commons  as  extravagantly  ty- 
rannical for  adqrting  it ;  since  he  himself  appears 
to  have  joined,  instead  of  attempting  to  arrest  the 
torrent.  Lord  Falkland,  indeed,  stated,  that  while 
he  agreed  with  his  brethren  in  the  propriety  of  the 
measure,  he  conceived  that  it  would  be  advisable 
to  pause  till  they  had  digested  the  artides  against 
the  accused;  but  Pym,  who  bad  named  Straf- 
forde  as  the  greatest  enemy  to  the  liberties  of  his 
country  and  promoter  of  tyranny,  that  any  age 
had  ever  produced,  answered,  that  such  a  delay 
might  probably  blast  all  their  hopes,  as  such  was 
Strafforde's  influence  with  the  king  and  queen, 
and  so  loudly  did  his  own  conaeience  admonish 
him  of  the  fate  he  merited,  that  for  his  own  safety 
he  would  likely  advise  a  dissolution  of  the  parlia- 
ment, or  fall  upon  some  other  desperate  measure, 


JBI8T0RT  OF  TUB  BBIT19H  IIMPiaEU  27 

though  it  should  be  pregnant  with  the  nun  of  the 
kingdom.    The  motion  was  therefore  put  tp  the 
vote,  and  carried    without  a  dissenting   voice. 
Fym  then,  followed  by  the  house,  went  to  the 
bar  of  the  lords,  and,  in  the  name  of  the  commons, 
accused  Thomas,  Earl  of  Strafforde,  of  high  trea- 
son.    The  accused,  it  is  said,  having  obtained 
proof  of  the  correspondence  held  between  some  of 
his  prime  adversaries  in  both  houses  and  the  Scots, 
had  detennined  to  anticipate  the  blow  by  impeach- 
ing them,--a  circumstance  which,  it  is  aUeged, 
and  possibly  with  reason,  quickened  the  motions 
of  the  popular  party  against  him  ^ ;  for  though  it 
IS  extremely  improbable  that,  in  the  present  pea> 
ture  of  things,  his  charge  against  popular  charac- 
ters would  have  been  seriously  entertained,  the 
event  might  have  created  leisure  for  the  court  to 
concert  new  measures.    When  the  impeachment 
was  announced  to  him,  he  came  to  the  house  with 
his  usual  proud,  stem  look ;  but,  to  his  mortifica- 
tion, he  was  instantly  ordered  to  withdraw,  and 
then  brought  to  the  bar  on  his  knees  to  hear  the 
charge  of  the  commons.    -He  attempted  to  speak, 
but  was  refused  an  audience,   and   committed 
to  the  usher  of  the    black  rod.    •  These  pro- 
ceedings against  a  man  who  had  just  been  re^ 
garded  with  terror  in   all  quarters,  drew  toge^ 
ther  a  crowd  to  the  door,  who,  as  he  passed,  all 
gazed,  "  no  one  capping  to  him,  before  whom 
that  morning  the  greatest  in  England  would  have 

*  Laud's  Troubles,  p.  85.    Clar.  vol.  i.  p.  17S. 


28  HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  BMPIRE* 

'Stood  discovered,  (uncovered,)  all  crying,  what  is 
the  matter  ?   A  small  matter,  he  said,  I  warrant 
you.    Yes ;  replied  they,  high  treason  is  a  small 
matter*.^    When  he  had  reached  the  place  where 
lie  expected  his  coach,  he  was  disappointed  to 
learn  that  it  had  been  taken  to  a  different  station, 
and  that  he  must  repass  the  crowd,  which  had  en- 
joyed his  humiliation :  After  he  did  gain  his  coach, 
the  usher,  whose  faculties  seem  to  have  been  over- 
powered by  so  unexpected  an  event,  now  recol- 
lected his  duty,  and  informed  the  earl,  that  being 
his  prisoner,  his  lordship  must  accompany  him, 
not  in  his  own,  but  the  usher's  coach  ;  and  he  was 
f(Mthwith  conducted  to  the  Tower,     "  Intolerable 
pride  and  oppression,- -  observes  Baillie  justly,  on 
this  occurrence,  "  cry  to  Heaven  for  vengeancet." 
LMad  com.     Laud,  as  the  prime  mover  of  the  religious  inno- 
^^^  *  vations  in  Scotland,  had  been  charged  by  that  peo- 
bigh  tm.  pie  as  one  of  the  grand  incendiaries,  and  he  was 
impeached  accordingly  :  But,  in  spite  of  his  for- 
mer power  to  do  mischief,  he  soon  became  so  con- 
temptible that  **  all  cast  him  out  of  their  thou^ts 
Windebuk  as  a  pendicle  at  the  lieutenant's  ear  :):•"   Windebank, 
understanding  that  the  Commons  were  prepared 
to  charge  him  as  an  enemy  to  church  and  state,  an 
open  protector  of  seminary  priests  and  Jesuits,  and 
a  promoter  of  their  religion,  absconded  to  the  Con- 

*  BalUie^  vol.  i.  p.  317. 

t  Whitelocke,  p.  88.  Clar.  vol.  i.  p.  172,  et  seq,  Cobbet*B  Pari. 
Hist.  Tol.  ii.  p.  73S,  et  seq.  Rush,  vol.  iy.  p.  49.  Mftj,  p.  88.  Bail- 
lie's  Let  vol.  i.  p.  217. 

t  Cobbet*B  Pari.  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  680.  Whitelocke,  p.  39.  Clar. 
vol.  i.  p.  177.    Baillie's  Let.  vol.  i.  p.  250. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  29 

tinent,  and  at  Paris,  where  he  fixed  his  residence, 
forgot  his  degradation,  in  merriment,  telling  all 
that  he  ever  knew  or  did,  and  declaring  that  he  had 
acted,  in  all  cases,  by  the  express  injunctions  of 
the  king  and  queen,  and  that  his  majesty  had  as« 
sisted  him  in  his  escape.    It  is  also  said,  that  he 
died  a  professed   papist*.      The  Lord  Keeper  Finch  im- 
Finch  had  betrayed  his  duty  as  speaker  to  the  Par- Slight 
liament  of  1628,  and  had  subsequently  been  the 
most  zealous  in  promoting  every  iniquitous  mea- 
sure :  his  knowledge  of  law,  which  indeed  was  li- 
mited, he  had  prostituted  to  the  vilest  of  all  pur- 
poses— that  of  unhinging  the  rights  of  property, 
and  inventing  pretexts  for  oppression,  (he  was  the 
individual  who  had,  by  threats  and  promises,  first 
extorted  the  extrajudicial  opinion  of  the  judges  ia 
favour  of  ship-money,  and  afterwards,  in  Hampden's 
case,  again  threatened  them;)  and  he  had  even 
declared  from  the  bench,  that  a  resolution  of  the 
council-board  should  always  be  a  sufficient  ground 
for  him  to  make  a  decree  in  chancery :  Yet,  when 
now  impeached  by  the  Commons,  he,  with  an  ef^ 
frontery  absolutely  inconceivable,  eloquently  ha- 
rangued them  upon  his  innocence.     The  com- 
mencement of  his  speech*  was  as  mean  as  it  was 
false.    **  I  give  you  thanks,"  says  he,  **  for  grant- 
ing me  admittance  to  your  presence :  I  come  not 
to  preserve  myself  and  fortunes  ;  but  to  preserve 
your  good  opinion  of  me  ;  for,  I  profess,  I  had  ra- 
ther beg  my  bread,  from  door  to  door,  with  date 

•  Clar.  Papers^  vol,  ii.  p.  134.    Whitelocke^  p.  39» 


y 


90  HISTOET  OF  THE  BRITI&H  EMPIRS. 

aboban  BeUsario,  with  your  favour,  than  be  ever 
so  high  with  your  displeasure/'  He  coucluded 
thus :  "  If  I  may  not  live  to  serve  you,  I  desire  I 
may  die  in  your  good  opinion  and  favour  */'  This 
was  the  language  of  the  man  who  had  attempted 
to  cut  up  Parliaments  by  the  roots;  and  in  all 
things  substitute  the  will  of  the  prince  for  law : 
Yet  we  are  told  by  Whitelocke  that  **  many  were 
exceedingly  taken  by  his  eloquence  and  carriage, 
and  that  it  was  a  sad  sight  to  see  a  person  of  great- 
ness, parts,  and  favour,  appear  in  such  a  posture, 
before  such  an  assembly,  to  plead  for  his  life  and 
fortunes."  The  articles  against  him  were  to  this 
effect :  That  he  had  traitorously  endeavoured  to 
subvert  the  fundamental  laws  and  the  established 
constitution  of  England,  and  to  introduce  an  arbi- 
trary and  tyrannical  government :  That,  in  the  ac- 
complishment of  his  traitorous  purposes,  he  had, 
as  speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons,  in  the  third 
and  fourth  of  his  Majesty's  reign,  prevented  the  read- 
ing of  a  remonstrance  relative  to  the  safety  of  the 
king  and  state,  and  the  preservation  of  religion,  de- 
claring that,  if  any  offered  to  speak,  he  Tfould  imme- 
diately leave  the  house,  which  he  accordingly  did, 
— a  proceeding  that  tended  to  subvert  the  ancient 
and  undoubted  right  of  parliaments  :  That,  as  one 
of  his  Majesty's  council,  he  had  endeavoured  to 
enlarge  the  forests,  particularly  in  Essex,  beyond 
due  bounds:  That,  when  Chief  Justice  in  l6S5, 
he  drew  the  questions  propounded  to  the  judges 

*  Cobbet*8  ParL  Hist  vol.  ii.  p*  ess,et  seq.  Rush.  yoL  iy.  p.  189^ 
et  $eq.    Whitdodce^  p.  89. 


HISTOBT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  SI 

regarding  sbip-mouey,  and  had,  by  undue  meansy 
obtained  their  signatures  to  an  opinion  previously 
prepared  by  him  :  That  he  had  given  his  opinion 
against  Mr,  Hampden  in  the  exchequer-chamber, 
and  had  threatened  the  other  judges  to  prevail  on 
them  to  concur  with  him :  That  he  published,  in 
his  circuit,  that  the  king's  right  to  ship-money  was 
so  inherent  in  the  Crown,  that  no  act  of  the  Le- 
gislature could  take  it  away,  and  had  threatened 
all  who  resisted  the  assessment :  That,  in  his  char- 
acter of  Chiefs  Justice  of  the  common  pleas,  he  had 
transacted  the  greater  part  of  the  business  in  his 
own  chamber,  and  had,  in  his  judicial  capacity, 
committed  various  acts  of  gross  corruption,  of 
which  a  list  was  given ;  and  that  he  had  tried  to 
iacenae  the  king  against  parliaments,  and  advised 
the  declaration  which  was  published  after  the  dis- 
solution of  the  last — ^Well  aware  that  every  one 
of  these  artides  could  be  distinctly  proved  against 
him.   Finch  prudently  fled ;   and  the  Commons, 
who  deemed  one  or  two  sacrifices  to  justice  suffi- 
cient, and  properly  selected  the  most  dangerous 
characters,  as  well  as  the  most  wicked,  are,  with 
the  appearance  of  truth,  accused  of  having  con- 
nived at  his  escape  *.    The  Commons  stiU,  how- 
ever, gave  in  their  charge  to  the  Lords,  and  the 
duty  of  presenting  it  was  devolved  upon  Lord 
Falkland,  who  is  reputed  by  Clarendon  to  have 


*Ckr.vol.  i.  p.  177.  This  cathor  admits^  that  if  an  attempt  to 
nndemiiiie  the  established  laws  were  treason^  Finch  was  notoriousiy 
ffuitj.  4 


32  HISTOBT  OF  THE  BRITISH  fiMt'IR^. 

been  one  of  the  brightest  characters  in  history^ 
and  who  died  fighting  under  the  royal  banners* 
He  observed  that  the  charge  required  no  assistance 
from  the  bringer,  "  leaving,"  says  he,  "  not  so 
much  as  a  colour  for  any  defence,  and  including 
all  possible  evidence  and  all  possible  aggravation, 
that  addition  alone  excepted,  which  he  alone  could 
have  made,  and  has  made,  I  mean  his  confession 
included  in  his  flight.  There  are  many  mighty 
crimes— K^imes  of  supererogation,  so  that  high 
treason  is  but  a  part  of  his  charge,  pursuing  him 
fervently  in  every  several  condition  }  being  a  si- 
lent speaker,  an  unjust  judge,  and  an  unconscioU'^ 
able  keeper.  His  life  appears  a  perpetual  warfare, 
by  mines  and  batteries,  against  our  fundamental 
laws,  which,  by  his  own  confession,  several  con- 
quests had  lefl  untouched, — against  the  excellent 
constitution  of  this  kingdom,  which  hath  made  ii  ap* 
pear  to  strangers  rather  an  idea  than  a  real  common^ 
wealth,  and  produced  the  honour  and  happiness  of 
this,  as  the  wonder  of  every  other  nation.  He  prac- 
tised the  annihilating  of  ancient  and  notorious 
perambulations  of  the  whole  kingdom — ^the  meers 
and  boundaries  bet:ween  the  liberties  of  the  subject 
and  sovereign  power.  He  endeavoured  to  have 
all  tenures  durante  bene  placito,  to  bring  all  law 
from  his  Majesty's  courts  into  his  Majesty's 
breast*."  This  extract  is  illustrative  of  the  tem- 
per of  the  Commons,  and  throws  light  upon  the 
character  of  Falkland,  who  died  fighting  for  the 

«  Old  Pari.  Hist.  vol.  ix.  p.  139.    Cobbet's  Ditto,  vol.  ii.  p.  695. 


BISTORT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  S3 

king,  while  it  completely  disproves  the  notion  that 
the  English  were  not  sensible  of  the  superior  na- 
ture of  their  government,  and  that  they  were  now 
paerely  inflamed  wUh  bigotted  rage  against  a  few 
unmeaning  ceremonies  introduced  into  the  public 
worsbip»-r-*a  notioA  altogether  irreconcileable,  not 
only  with  the  temper  of  this  assembly,  but  of  every 
parliament  which  had  been  summoned  during  the 
dynasty  of  the  Stuarts. 

Sir  George  Ratclifie,  the  former  fellow-sufierer  sir  George 
with  Strafforde  for  refusing  the  loan,  but  since  ^^^ 
bis  instrument  and  coadjutor  in  all  arbitrary  ways, 
was  likewise  chjarged  with^  high  treason  *. 

As  ship-money  was  voted  to.  be  illegal,  so  gen-  Pmceedingt 
eral  resolutions  were  ps^ssed,  that  the  judges  whoj^^&a 
had  acted  in  that  business,  together  witbi  the  lieu-  mon^r&<j- 
tenants,  &c.  of  counties,  should  be  prosecuted  for 
their  presumption,  and  be  liable  in  damages  to«  the 
parties  injured.  Against  some  of  the  judges  re* 
gular  impeachments  were  brought,  both  on  this  and 
other  accounts ;  Berkley  was  charged  with  high 
treason  and  arrested  on  the  bench:  The  lieuten- 
ants had  only  to  complain  that  the  threat  ol'  pro- 
secution impended  over  tb^m  ;  and  the  proceed- 
ing has  been  unqualifiedly  condemned-r-because 
the  duty  had  been  imposed  uppn  them :  But  some 
pf-  them  were  t^eipselves  privy  counsellors,  and 
consequently  to  a  certain  extent  primarily  acces- 
sory to  the  unlawful  tax,  while  they  ought  to  have 
resigned  their  places  rather  than  comply  with  an 

m 

*  Old  Pari.  IliBt.  vol.  ix.  p.  SI,  163,  el  seq,    Cobbet's  do. vol.  ii*  js, 
iOS,etseq, 

VOL.  III.  D 


M  HlStOftt  OP  Ttii  B&iri&U  EMf^IRE. 

unjust commafid  itgainst  the  community*.  The 
king  himself  is  protected  by  law  as  incapable  of 
doing  wrong,  and  unless  the  servant  were  respon- 
Ifibl^  there  could  be  no  check  upon  the  executive^ 
while  it  is  evident  that,  without  unjust  ministers, 
the  monarch's  acts  could  scarcely  be  injurious. 
On  the  same  principles,  the  ftrmers  of  the  customs 
were  ordered  to  be  prosecuted;  and  they  com- 
pounded  for  their  extortions,  by  paying  rfl50,pp0. 
The  various  tyrannical  sentences  of  the  Star-Cham- 
bcr  and  High-Commission  courts,  were  resolved  by 
the  commons  to  be  illegal ;  and  it  having  been  far* 
ther  resolved,  that  reparation  should  be  made  to 
the  sufferers  out  of  the  delinquent's  estates,  the 
cases  were  transmitted  to  the  Lords,  by  whoin  the 
sentences  were  reversed  f .  It  was  likewise  resolved 
by  both  houses  that,  the  convocation  has  no  power 
to  make  canons,  or  impose  taxes  without  the  in* 
tervention  of  the  legislature,  that  both  on  that  ac* 
count,  and  from  their  abstract  tendency,  the  late 
proceedings  were  against  the  fundamental  law9  of 
the  realm ;  and  that  the  members  of  the  convoca- 
tion were  liable  to  punishment.  A  bill  to  that 
effect  was  ordered,  and  immediately  brought  into 
the  lower  house  t. 

*  Whitelocke,  p.  iO.    Journ.  ISth  February,  1641. 

t  Clarendon,  vol.  i.  p.  181.  Journ.  of  Sdi  and  89d  December, 
1S40.  80th  April,  1641.  SOtfa  May.  Clarendon,  who  does  juatioe 
to  Bastwick's  Latin  style,  says,  that  he  was  unknown  to  either  uni- 
versity or  the  college  of  physicians ;  but  there  is  an  express  order  of 
the  commons,  llth  June,  to  restore  him  to  the  coll^  of  physicians. 
Cob.  Pari;  Hist  toI.  ii.  p.  671-- 700.    Ruli.  vol.  ii.  p.  469. 

X  Jouxn.  16th  December. 


HIdTORT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  35 

Other  ecclesiastics  besides  Laud  fell  under  the  impeMh^ 
animadversion  of  the  Commons,  and  were  ordered  wrd, 
to  be  impeached^ — as  Wren,  bishop  of  Ely ;  Pierce,  ^52.*^ 
bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells ;  and  Dr.  Cozens.    The 
two  first  ^ere  informed  against  for  many  high 
crimes  and  misdemeanours, — practising  and  En- 
forcing superstition  ahd  idolatry,  ana  perdebiii- 
ing  all  who  did  not  join  in   th6ir  innovations. 
They  nirere   therefore  ordered  to  give  bail  for 
L.  10,000  to  stand  trial  ^.    Cozeils  was  charged 
with  a  Variety  of  articles  to  the  following  effect : 
he  removed  the  communion-tabl6  from  its  old  si* 
tuation  in  the  body  of  the  church,  and  placed  it 
in  the  east  end  altar*wise, — an  alteration  on  which 
he  expended  L.2()0  of  the  public  money  entrusted 
to  him :  He  restored,  and  got  gloriously  painted, 
images  which  had  be6n  defaced  by  the  commis- 
sion under  Elizabeth :  lie  officiated  at  the  sacra- 
ment with  his  back  to  the  people,  according  to  the 
popish  prJEietice ;  had  boys  with  tapers,  and  all  the 
bows  of  the  Romish  superstition,  used  in  the  sacri- 
fice of  the  mass ;  had  a  consecrated  knife,  which 
he  would  not  permit  to  be  defiled  to  profane  uses, 
for  cutting  the  communion  brea  J ;  had  declared 
that  the  reformers,  when  they  took  away  the  mass, 
took  away  all  good  order,  and  instead  of  a  reformed, 
made  a  deformed  religion;   He  had  so  pertina- 
ciously insisted  upon  the  people  bowing  to  the 
altar,  &c.  that  when  some  ladies  omitted  the  cere« 


*  Id.  p.  194,  ^4th  December.    Cobbefi  Pari.  Hist.  yoL  ii.  p.  991^ 
702..  S 


^G  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE^ 

piony,  he  caHed  them  whores,  jades,  and  pagms, 
^nd  quitting  his  place,  laid  violent  hands  on  them, 
in  the  face  of  the  congregation,  and  rent  their 
clothes :  He  had  converted  several  prayers  in  the 
liturgy  into  hymns»  to  be  sung  to  the  organ, 
and  had  neglected  psalms  :  One  Candlemas  day* 
he  had  lighted  up^  three  hundred  wax  candles  in 
honour  of  our  lady,  threescore  of  which  he  had 
placed  on  and  about  the  altar ;  Before  his  mar- 
riage, he  l\ad  wojn  a  white  satin  cope,  which  he 
laid  aside  when  he  took  a  wife  :  He  had  denied 
the  royal  supremacy,  haying  declared,  that  the 
king  had  no  more  power  over  the  churcii  than  the 
boy  who  rubbed  his  horse's  heels ;  and  had  ^ggra* 
vated  all  these  superstition^,  and  the  denial  of  the 
supremacyii  by  the  mpst  cruel  persecution-r-partit 
cularly  against  Smart,  a  prebend,  and  lii^ewiaQ 
fi^ainst  one  of  the  canons  ^. 

*  Old  Pari.  Hist  vol.  ix.  p.  193.  Gobbet's  I>o.  toL  ii.  p.  795« 
Riub.  Tol.  iy.  p.  208.  See  his  case  in  Howel's  State  Trials^  vol.  iv. 
As  Cozens  was  appointed  chaplain  to  the  royal  family  abroad  during 
the  life  of  Charles^  it  is  clear  that  he  (CharleB)>  meant  to  make  no  oon-> 
^ession  to  the  popular  wish^  though  it  appears  by  his  Letters  that  he  ad- 
hered to  Epi^pacy  from  political  motives  (done.  (plar.  State  Pa-r 
pers^  vol.  ii.  A  petition  was  presented  against  Dr.  Layfield^  and  the 
facts  are  said  by  the  report  of  the  committee  lo  be  fully  proved.  It  sets 
forth^  that  he  had  placed  the  communion-table  altar- wiscj,  and  raised 
ten  rails^  with  ten  several  images  upon  those  rails^  to  be  set  at  the  al- 
tar ;  that  he  bowed  three  times;  1^^^  At  his  going  to  the  rails ;  2dly, 
Within  the  rails;  3<//^,  At  the  table ;  and  so  in  the  return.  But  that 
after  the  ima^  were  taken  down^  he  bowed  only  twice^— rat  the  rails 
and  the  table^ — ^'  which  is  an  argument  that  he  bowed  before  to  the 
imi^es."  That  he  caused  J.  H.  S.  to  be  set  in  gold  letters  upon  the 
table^  and  forty  places  besides :  and  said  to  the  people,  '^  Heretofore 
^e  saw  Christ  by  faith ;  but  now  with  our  fleshly  eyes  we  see  him  in 


hlSTORY  OF  THE  BlilTISH  EMPIIIE.  37 

]£piscopacy  had,  at  the  Reformation,  been  de-  Pedtioii 
tlared  to  be  a  human  institution,  tinder  the  appoint- ^j^'^^j,^ 
ment,  as  well  as  controul,  of  the  throne  ;  but  the*** 
whole  endeavour  of  the  governittent  lately,  had 
been  td  make  thd  hierarchy  appear  a  divine  insti- 
tution, independent  of  civil  Authority ;  and  this 
doctrine^  as  it  inflamed  a  party  on  religious 
grounds,  raised  a  powerful  addition  to  it  even  from 
amongst  those  who  neither  were  puritans  nor  ini- 
mical to  the  court.  Theise,  perceiving  the  princi- 
ple on  which  the  prelates  and  their  supporters  ad*^ 
vanced  the  pretension,  naturally  opposed  it,  as  de^ 
structive  both  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  ^  aiid  thd 
cruel  tyranny  of  the  bishops^  with  the  new  cere^ 
monies  which  they  so  intolei'antly  enfoi'ced,  incal- 
culably augmented  the  number  of  such  as  desired 
the  abolition  of  episcopacy.  Had  it  beeti  the  po-^ 
licy  of  government  to.  make  some  (ioncessions  td 
the  popular  wish,  or  had  it  even  abstained  fi'om  in- 
novation, the  hierarchy  would,  in  all  probability^ 
have  run  no  hazard  J  but  when  men  saw  no  secu- 
rity for  their  faith  in  the  establi^hnient^  and  found 
it  necessary  to  make  a  vigorous  oppositioil,  they 
naturally  became  hostile  to  an  institution  which^ 

the  aacrametit."  Thkt  he  diArged  the  people  witb  sacrilege  for  takitigj 
down  the  ioiftges  t  That  he  caused  one  Boulton  to  be  excommunicato 
ed  for  not  coming  up  to  the  rails^  and  refused  to  read  his  absolution^" 
&C.  ''  That  he  said  they  are  black  toads^  spotted  toads^  and  Venomouii 
toads^  like  Jack  Straw  and  Watt  Tyler^  that  speak  against  the  eer&s 
mmues  of  the  church  ;  and  that  they  were  in  the  state  of  damnation.'^ 
''  He  tells  them^  they  must  confess  their  sins,  he  is  their  parson,  an^ 
ihey  ought  to  do  as  he  advises  them ;  the  sin  is  his>  ilot  theirs/'  frdf 
JoHmi  85th  Novcmberi  1640< 


S8  HISTORY  OF  THB  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

by  wantonly  attacking  all  the  principles  on  which 
was  supposed  to  be  founded  its  right  to  exist,  de- 
stroyed its  own  title  to  the  general  esteem.  Not 
pontent  with  the  degree  of  power  enjoyed  by  their 
immediate  predecessors,  they  would  lead  back  the 
people  to  the  old  superstition,  that  with  it  they 
might  enjoy  all  the  consequence  attached  to  it ; 
forgetting  that,  by  the  very  attempt,  they,  in  the 
mean  time,  irrecoverably  lost  the  authority  over 
the  public  mind,  which  their  spiritual  function 
would  otherwise  have  commanded.  Hampden  and 
his  coadjutors  were  firmly  attached  to  the  Chris- 
tian faith  in  its  purity,  and,  therefore,  on  religious 
grounds,  opposed  these  innovations;  but,  had  they 
been  really  patriotic  freethinkers,  they  could  have 
followed  no  other  course.  They  were  bound  to 
assert  the  rights  of  their  fellow-subjects,  whose  con- 
sciences were  illegally  forced }  as  good  citizens, 
they  were  called  in  duty  to  raise  their  voices 
against  the  attempt  to  make  a  religion  of  the  imar 
gination,  and  by  such  arts  to  enlist  the  external 
senses  on  the  side  of  the  priesthood  and  of  arbi- 
trary power.  When,  therefore,  a  petition  from 
the  city  of  London,  signed  by  1 5,000  citizens,  was 
presented  to  the  lower  house  by  Alderman  Pen- 
nington, it  did  not  meet  with  an  unfavourable  re- 
ception, and  was  followed  by  others  *.  The  com- 
mons themselves  entered  into  resolutions  against 
the  teipporal  power  of  the  bishops,  and  the  clergy's 

*  Old  Pari.  Hist.  vol.  ix.  p.  lU.   Cob.  vol.  ii.  p.  673.   Whitdocke, 
p.  S9.    Clar.  vol.  i.  p.  303. 


HJSTPRY  OF  THS  BBITISH  EMPXECi*  99 

enjoying  civil  offices ;  but  they  as  yet  proceeded 
no  farther  i  except  that  they  appointed  a  commit*- 
tee  to  inquire  into  tti9  lives  of  the  clergy,  who 
were  grievously  complained  of*  Petitions  from 
parishes  poure4  in  against  many  of  the  cloth,  and 
various  scandalous  vices  were  imputed  to  some  o( 
them :  superstitious  innovations  were  charged 
against  very  many.  That  they  received  hard  jus<- 
tice  is  likely ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  it  cannot  be 
denied,  that  though  there  were  amongst  them 
many  individuals  of  great  learning  and  worth,  yet« 
that  the  majority,  in  their  zeal  for  the  advance* 
m^nt  of  theii*  order,  ip  their  cupidity  for  civil  ofT 
fices,  their  scrambling  and  mean  truckling  for 
place,  as  well  as  in  their  pitiful  arrogance  on 
unexpected  power,  bad  alike  forgotten  the  du- 
ties and  dispositions  of  Christian  pastors  and  of 
good  citizens.  Indeed,  it  is  alleged,  that  many 
men  of  loose  lives  were  appointed  to  livings  for 
the  purpose  of  affronting  the  Puritans,  and,  consU 
dering  how  decent  conduct  was  ridiculed  and  hat* 
ed  by  the  ruling  party,  it  is  not  unlikely*.  White* 
locke  tells  us,  too,  that  **  the  House  of  Commons 
made  an  order  (and  Sir  Robert  Harlow,  the  execu* 
tiooer  of  it,)  to  take  away  all  scandalous  pictures, 
crosses,  and  figures,  within  churches  and  without } 
>nd  the  zealous  knight  took  down  the  cross  in 


*  May,  p.  SI.  The  manner  in  which  Mr.  Hume  speaka  on  ihia 
flnl|j|ect  is  nngolar :  He  justifies  the  innoTations,  and  particularly  the 
reeding  of  the  kingf  s  orders  for  the  Book  of  Sports,  because  "  the  esta- 
blished goTemment  Doth  in  church  and  state  had  strictly  enjoined 
them  ;"  tat  though  ihe  king  ordered  it,  it  was  directly  against  law. 


40  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMMRE. 

Cheapside,  Charing-Cross,  and  other  the  like  mo* 
numents  impartially."    In  this  passage  the  author 
certainly  intends  a  slight  ridicule  of  the  over-zeal 
bf  the  knight ;  but  Mr.  Hume»  in  order  to  throw 
odium  on  the  age,  so  far  improves  his  authority  as 
to  say,  that  Harlow's  "  abhorrence  of  that  super- 
stitious figure  would  not  any  where  allow  ond  piece 
of  wood  or  stone  to  lie  over  another  at  right  angles." 
In  order  to  enter  into  the  spirit  of  the  proceeding, 
we  must  recollect  the  state  of  the  times.     The  cross 
had  originally  been  erected  as  an  object  of  devo- 
tion, and  the  age  of  that  superstition  was  too  re- 
cent to  lei  men  regard  such  things  with  the  indiffer- 
ence to  which  We,  who  never  dream  of  reverencing 
them,  are  accustomed;  but  this  feeling  would  have 
been  faint,  had  it  not  been  for  the  injudicious  at- 
tempt to  restore  image-worship,  and  the  adoration 
which  really  began  to  be  paid  to  such  monuments 
of  idolatry.     It  is  by  not  attending  to  these  mat- 
ters that  a  particular  period  may  be  misrepresent* 
ed. 
^^         The  Scottish  army  still  continued  in  England, 
and  the  royal  army  was  not  disbanded.    The  first 
did  not  remain  on  the  south  of  the  Tweed  without 
the  approbation  of  the  Parliament  and  people,  who 
plainly  foresaw,  that  should  the  king  be  relieved  of 
his    embarrassments  before  the    legislature  had 
devised  a  remedy  for  the  public  grievances,  he 
would,  according  to  his  past  conduct,  immediately 
revert  to  that  arbitrary  rule  which  had  brought  the 
kingdom  into  so  deplorable  a  condition^     Farlia- 
.  ment,  therefore,  voted  limited  supplies,  from  time 


HWTORt  OP  THK  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  4l 

to  time,  allowing  the  Scots  L.850  a-day,  but  leav- 
it)g  their  claims  unsettled  ;  and,  lest  the  money 
raised  upon  the  subsidies  voted,  should  be  divert- 
ed from  its  legitimate  object,  appointed  a  commit- 
tee of  both  houses,  according  to  the  ancient  prac- 
tice, to  attend  to  the  expenditure*. 

The  celebrated  Alexander  Henderson,  the  lead-^ttuii 
er  of  the  Scottish  clergy,  the  accomplished  Baillie,  juSo^ 
the  erudite  Gillespie  and  Blair,  were  early  sent  for 
from  Scotland,  by  the  Earl  of  Rothes  and  the  other 
Commissioners  from  the  parliament  of  thatkingdom, 
in  order  that  they  might  attend  to  the  interests  of 
their  church  in  the  pending  treaty.  These  famous 
divines  preached  as  chaplains,  by  turns,  in  one  of 
the  lecture-rooms  J  and,  as  was  to  have  been  expect- 
ed at  such  a  juncture,  from  men  of  their  reputation^ 
capacity,  and  profound  as  well  as  varied  erudition, 
they  drew  immense  crowds  :  If  we  may  form  an  es- 
timate of  their  pulpit-oratory  from  their  works,  we 
may  safely  pronounce  that  the  English  did  not  dis- 
credit themselves  by  flocking  to  hear  such  preach- 
ers t. 


•  Old  ParL  Hist  vol.  ix.  p.  4d,  49,  lt9.  Cobbet's,  vol.  ii.  p.  671^ 
701, 707.    Journ.  5th  December,  et  postea.     Wbitelocke. 

f  Clarendon,  vol.  i.  p.  189.  See  also  BaiUie's  Letters,  vol.  i. 
p.  914,  et  seq.  Clarendon  says,  that  "  to  hear  those  sermons  there 
was  so  great  a  conflux  and  resort,  by  the  citizens,  out  of  hu- 
mour and  faction  ;  by  others  of  all  qualities  out  of  curiosity ;  and 
by  some,  that  they  might  the  better  justify  the  contempt  they  had 
of  them ;  that  from  the  first  appearance  of  day  on  every  Sunday, 
to  the  shutting  in  of  the  light,  the  church  was  never  empty.  They, 
(especially  the  women,)  who  had  the  happiness  to  get  into  the 
^urch  in  the  morning,  (they  who  could  not,  hung  upon,  or  about  the 
windows  without,  to  be  auditors  or  spectators,)  keeping  thdr  placet 


42  HisToar  of  the  British  empire. 

Triennai  Py  fttatutc,  R  parliament  was  appointed  to  be 
ulim.  called  eyeryyear;  but,  unfortunately,  there  ww 
no  prQyisipi^  in  the  act  for  the  assembling  of  the 
legislature  in  the  event  of  the  sovereign's  desiring 
to  avoid  it ;  and,  from  the  late  utter  departure 
from  the  constitutional  course,  it  became  necessary 
tq  make  a  provision  against  the  abuse.  A  bill* 
therefore,  like  that  lately  passed  in  Scotland,  was 
introduced  into  the  lower  house,  providing  that  a 
parliameqt,  which  should  not  be  prorogued  or  dis- 
solved within  a  certain  time—should  be  held  at 


till  the  Afternoon's  exerciBe  was  finished ;  which,  both  niorning  and 
afternoon,  except  to  palates  ridiculously  corrupted,  was  the  moat 
insipid  and  flat  that  could  be  delivered  upon  any  deliberation/'  vol.  L 
p.  189 — 190.    Such  language  was  naturally  to  have  been  expected 
from  this  historian,  whose  task  of  vindicating  the  royal  cause  required 
something  of  the  kind,  and  whose  bigotted  dislike  to  the  presbyterian 
establishment,  and  antipathy  to  the  Scots,  particularly  the  clergy, 
and  above  all,  to  Henderson,  bUnded  him  to  any  merit  in  them :  But 
one  is  amused  with  Mr.  Hume's  statement  upon  the  above  authority : 
"  Those  who  were  so  happy  as  to  find  access  early  in  the  moming^ 
kept  their  places  the  whole  day :  Those  who  were  excluded,  dung  to 
the  doors  and  windows,  in  hopes  of  catching  at  leati  tome  distant  inur- 
mur  or  broken  phrases  of  the  holy  rhetoric.    All  the  eloquence  of  par- 
liament, now  well  refined  from  pedantry,  animated  with  the  spirit  of 
liberty,  and  employed  in  the  most  important  interests,  was  not  attend* 
ed  to  with  such  insatiable  avidity  as  were  these  lectures,  delivered 
with  ridiculous  cant,  and  a  provincial  accent,  fiill  of  barbarism  and 
ignorance."    As  for  their  provincial  accent,  the  author  ought  to  have 
had  some  sympathy  for  it — and  it  shewed  the  good  sense  of  the  English 
to  overlook  it:  As  for  their  barbarism  and  ignorance,  it  is  only  neces- 
sary to  say  that,  had  he  perused  their  works,  he  would  most  proba- 
bly, in  spite  of  all  his  prgudices,  have  deeply  venerated  their  pro- 
found erudition.    Yet  the  most  illiterate  field-preachers  could  i|ot 
be  more  contemptuously  spoken  of:  But,  it  may  be  observed,  that, 
had  the  people  not  flocked  sealously  to  hear  sucl^  men  at  audi  A 
crisis,  it  would  have  |)een  little  short  of  a  miradf  i|i  nature- 


HISTORY  OP  THB  BRITISH  BMFIRE.  43 

•    •        • 

least  once  in  three  years ;  and  that  the  sheriffs 
should  themselves  issue  writs,  provided  the  period 
elapsed  witliput  a  parliament  *•  The  passing  of 
this  bill  by  the  king  gave  great  satisfaction. 

In  one  instance,  the  commons  cannot  be  acquit- cim  or 
ted  of  intolerance,  though  they  proceeded  accord-  Srj^t. 
ing  tp  law.  The  statutes  against  Jesuits  and  se? 
fninary  priests,  who  endeavoured  to  withdraw  the 
people  equally  from  their  religion  and  allegiance, 
had  never  been  executed  capitally  against  any  who 
had  not  likewise  been  engaged  directly  in  a  plot 
ags^inst  the  state;  but  parliament,  having  heard 
tl^at  qm  Goodms^n  had  been  convicted,  and  dread- 
ipg  \e^t  the  suspension  of  the  law  in  his  case  should 
pave  the  w^y  for  the  pardon  of  Strafforde,  insisted 
lipqn  his  execution  :  Charles  at  first  endeavoured 
tQ  pave  the  accused,  but  the  convict  having  him- 
self petitioned  for  death,  that  his  life  might  not  be 
a  ground  of  contention,  he  yielded  him  up  a  victim 
to  the  parliament,  who,  having  gained  their  object, 
permitted  the  priest  to  live  forgotten  f . 

The  select  and  secret  committee  for  drawing  the  stnfibide. 
charge  against  Strafforde,  devoted  themselves  inde- 
I'atigably  to  the  business,   and,  at  last  brought 
it  forward  in  twenty-eight  different  articles.    It 
w$is  presented  to  the  Lords  by  Pym,  and  as  it 

*  Cobett's  ParL  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  702 — 716.    Joum. 

f  Old  Parliament  History,  vol.  ix.  p.  168,  171, 174, 176.  Cob- 
\et,  ToL  iL  p.  710,  712,  et  seq.  Bee  Baillie's  Let.  vol.  i.  p.  237,  238, 
240,  241.  Thia  Jesuit,  whose  manly  offering  himself  a  sacrifice  for 
peace,  is  so  creditable  to  him,  had  been  condemned  before  and  sent 
away  with  an  assurance  that  he  would  be  hanged  if  he  returned,  p. 
237. 


A 
/• 


41  HISTOUV  OP  THE  BRitlSH  JEMPIRfi. 

filled  two  hundred  sheets  of  paper,  and  involved  thd 
conduct  of  the  accused  for  fourteen  years^  he  re- 
quested to  be  allowed  three  months  to  pt'epare  hid 
answer.  This  was  deemed  too  long,  but  he  was 
allowed  from  the  SOth  of  January  till  the  24th  of 
February.  A  question  was  agitated  whether  coun- 
sel should  be  assigned  to  him  in  a  case  of  treason  ; 
land,  after  a  debate,  he  was  allowed  to  have  counsel 
in  paints  of  law,  but  not  of  fact.  .  He  selected  Sif 
Richard  Lane,  Gardiner^  and  others,  who  likewise 
drew  his  answers  ** 

In  order  to  save  the  life  of  thid  devoted  individu 
a1,  Charles  appointed  Mr.  St.  John,  solicitor-gen 
eral ;  and  meant  to  bestow  the  high  offices  on  the 
Earl  of  Bedford,  Lord  Say,  Messirs.  Pym,  Hollis^ 
Hampden,  and  others;  but  though,  with  this 
view,  Juxon  resigned  his  treasurer's  stafi^  and 
Cottington  his  office  of  master  of  the  wards,  the 
arrangement  failed^  Indeed^  it  could  not  possibly 
have  succeeded  according  to  the  royal  expecta- 
tions ;  for  it  was  intended  to  unite  these  men  in 
administration  with  the  very  individual  whom  they 
were  so  hotly  pursuing,  from  an  idea  that  their 
popularity  both  with  the  English  and  Scots  would 
enable  them  to  accommodate  all  matters  agreeably 
to  the  king*  Policy,  as  well  as  duty  to  his  people^ 
ought  to  have  dictated  the  choice  of  popular  mi- 
nisters \  but  no  mistake  is  more  fatal  to  a  prince, 
whose  misgovernment  is  so  universalJy.condemned^ 

*  Clarendon  is  very  dlsengenuous  on  this  subject,  toL  i.  p.  88i« 
ti  seq.  See  Whitelocke^  p.  il.  Old  Pari.  Hist  toI.  ix.  p.  186-7.  Cobbt 
Vol.  ii.  p.  740< 


HISTORY  OF  THS  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  45 

than  the  notion,  tl^at  by  chan^og  his  ministers  he 
may  yet  gain  the  hes^rts  qf  his  people,  and  continue 
his  misrule.  The  popularity  of  individuals  arises 
from  the  confidence  reposed  in  their  principles, 
and  the  instant  they  turn  apostates  they  lose  their 
characters.  The  tergiversation  of  statesmen  is  no 
doubt  useful  to  bad  rulers,  by  sickening  the  genera] 
mind  at  all  professions,  and  by  the  opportunity 
which  it  affords  theni  of  ridiculing  every  thing  like 
public  spirit :  But,  in  the  present  temper  of  the 
kingdom,  Qharles,  had  he  succeeded  in  seducing 
those  individuals,  would  have  soon  discovered  that 
be  had  only  rendered  theoi  the  greatest  objegts  of 
public  hate,  and  roused  others  to  take  their  place, 
perhaps  on  higher  ground  *. 

The  trial  of  Strafibrde  commenced  on  the  22d  of  ^^.^  ^ 
^arcb)  and  a  more  in^posing  spectacle  never  was  Strafford* 
exhibited.    It  was  held  in  Westminster  Hall ;  andM^l^h. 
the  l^ing  and  queen,  with  a  vast  concourse  of  la* 
dies  attended.    The  lords  in  their  robes,  and  with 
the  Earl  of  Arundel,  as  Lprd  High  Stewart  of 
England,  at  their  head,  sat  in  the  middle  of  the 
ball,  on  forms  covered  with  red  cloth.     The  Earl 
of  Lindsay,  who  was  created  High  Constable  of 
England  for  the  occasop^  was  director  of  the  plaqe^ 
Scaffolds  were  erected  on  either  side  of  the  hall, 
and  at  the  lower  end  of  these  wer^  seated  the  mem-. 

•  Clar.  Tol.  L  p.  p.  210.  ei  seq.  WTlitelocke,  p.  41.  Sidney  Papers^ 
voL  ii.  p.  66.4>  and  Q96.  It  is  curious  that  the  Earl  of  Northunibcr- 
hiDd^  on  the  3d  December,  writes  to  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  that  if 
Bedford  got  the  Treasurer's  place,  it  was  not  by  the  favour  of  the 
parlianaent,  "  who  is  unsatisfied  with  him,  believing  him  to  be  gainec^ 
by  the  king."    Id.  p.  664. 


46  HISTORY  OF  THB  BaitlSH  EMPiaE. 

bers  of  the  commons  as  a  committee,  with  hundreds 
of  gentlemen  whom  thej  accommodated  with 
places.  At  the  upper  end  there  was  a  chair,  with 
a  cloth  of  state  for  the  king,  and  a  private  gallery 
on  each  side  for  himself,  his  consort,  and  the  priiice. 
At  the  lower  end,  there  was  a  place  for  ladies  of 
quality,  who,  as  we  have  said,  resorted  to  the  trial 
in  vast  numbers,  and  soon  enlisted  themselves  on 
the  side  of  the  prisoner  *.  The  prelates  did  not 
attend,  as  the  canons  of  the  church  forbade  their 
interfering  in  cases  of  blood  or  death  t. 

Strafforde  had  some  advantages  of  person,  and  he 
knew  the  value  of  exterior  on  so  momentous  an  oc- 
casion, when,  as  the  subject  of  this  grandly  impres- 
sive scene,  he  was  necessarily  surveyed  with  the 
deepest  interest  and  curiosity.  His  cbuntenance 
was  black  and  manly ;  his  figure  tall,  and  in  some 
respects  well  formed.  He  naturally  stooped  much^ 
which  would,  at  another  time,  have  detracted 
greatly  from  his  appearance ;  but  being  now  at« 
tributed  to  his  late  bodily  infirmities,  it  excited 
sympathy.  He  appeared  in  blacks,  the  solemnity 
of  which  corresponded  with  his  present  fortune;  and 
his  carriage  was  at  once  modest  and  dignified.  No- 
thing, indeed,  could  smooth  the  contraction  of  his 
brows  i  but  as  it  no  longer  indicated  the  stern 
haughtiness  which  had  raised  against  him  so  many 
personal  enemies,  it  imposed  something  like  a  roys- 

•  Whitelocke,  p.  46.  Ckrendon,  vol  i.  p.  917.  Harl.  MS&  Bri- 
tish Museum^  No.  1769.  Scott's  Somen'  Tracts^  voL  iv.  p.  930. 
May,  p.  91,  92.  Introd.  to  the  Trial,  by  Rush.  toI.  viii.  BaillieX 
X^etters,  toL  i.  p.  2S7. 

t  Clar.  Tol.  i.  p.  916.    Whitelocke,  p.  41,.    Sanderson,  p.  3T6. 


r 


HtStOAY  OP  TH£  BRITISH  £MPIRE.  47 

terious  awe,  by  inspiring  the  ided  of  calm  reflection 
and  self  collectedness,  becoming  in  a  man  who  had 
fallen  from  such  a  height  of  power,  while  his  un- 
wonted a&bility  stole  upon  those  who  approached 
him*. 

The  substance  of  the  twenty-eight  articles  o^  the^^^j^ 
impeachment  was,  that  he  had  traitorously  en dea- forded  im- 
voured  to  subvert  the  fundamental  laws  and  con-^*"^^^*"*" 
stitution,  both  of  England  and  Ireland,  and  to  in- 
troduce an  arbitrary  government  in  their  place ;  a 
project  which  he  had    developed  by  traitorous 
counsels  and  actions,  having  even  advised  his  ma- 
jesty to  reduce  the  people  to  submission  by  mili- 
tary force :  That  he  had  traitorously  aslsumed  re- 
gal power  over  the  lives  and  persons  of  the  sub- 
jects  in  both  kingdoms:    That  to  enrich  him- 
self^ and  to  enable  him  to  carry  through  his  trai« 
forous  designs,  he  had,  in  spite  of  the  king's  ne- 
cessities, diverted    the  public  money  from  the 
state  to  his  own  private  emolument :  That  he  had 
traitorously  abused  the  power  and  authority  of 
bis  office,  by  encouraging  papists,  that  they  might 
assist  him  in  turn  :  That  he  had  maliciously  tried 
to  stir  up  enmity  betwixt  the  subjects  of  Englanil 
and  Scotland,  and  had  thus  caused  the  effusion  of 
blood  and  the  loss  of  Newcastle :  And  that,  to 

•  Wldtdocke^  p.  42.  Rush.  vol.  viii.  p.  7/2.  Clar.  toI.  i.  p.  218. 
BaiUie,  toI.  L  p.  259.  War.  Mem.  p.  112.  Scott's  Somers'  Tracts, 
ToL  iv.  p.  231.  HarL  MSS.  Brit.  Mus.  No.  1769.  Mem.  par  Mot- 
terOle^  tome  i.  p.  251.  *'  II  ^toit  laid,  mala  assez  agreable  de  sa  per- 
sonnel et  la  Reine  me  ctmlant  toutes  ces  chuses,  s^arrSta  pour  me  dire 
^U  avoU  le$  plus  belles  mains  du  monde" 


4S  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

preserve  himself  from  being  questioned,  he  had 
endeavoured  to  subvert  the  fundamental  rights  of 
parliament. 

Such  was  the  substance  of  the  twenty-eight  ar« 
tides,  in  which  were  enumerated  the  various  acts, 
of  tyranny  on  which  ewh  charge  was  founded : 
As  that  his  commis3ion  for  the  council  of  York 
had  been,   contrary  to  form  and  precedents  as. 
well  as  law,   altogether  unlimited. :  That  all  pro- 
hibitions  had  been  rejected  by  him,  and  that  he 
had  fined,  disinherited,  imprisoned,  &c.  at  discre- 
tion i  while  he  had  even  declared  that  **  some  were 
all  for  law,  and  nothing  but  l^w  would  please 
them  ;  but  that  they  should  find  the  King's  little 
finger  of  prerogative  was  heavier  than  the  lovers 
of  the  law  :"  That  in  Ireland  he  l^ad  declared  the 
island  to  be  a  conqu^ered  country,  and  the  charters 
of  Dublin  discretionary  grants  from  the  crown :. 
That  the  Earl  of  Cork  had  sued  out  a  process  for 
the  recovery  of  his  lands,  from  which  he  had. 
been  ousted  by  the  accused  and  the  council-table,, 
upon  a  paper  petition,  without  any  legal  proceed- 
ing; and  that  StrafForde  threatened  to  imprison 
him  for  adopting  this  legal  course,  declaring,  that  he 
would  neither  have  law  nor  lawyers  tQ  question  his 
orders :  That,  on  another  occasion,  he  had  likewiscv 
denied  justice  to  this  earl,  and  openly  said,  that  he 
would  have  him  and  all  Ireland  know,  that  so  long 
as  he  held  the  government  there,  any  act  of  council 
already  made,  or  which  should  be  thereafter,  should, 
be  no  less  obligatory  than  an  act  of  parliament. 
He  was  likewise  accused  of  having,  on  many  other* 


HISTOaT  OF  THE  BIIITISH  EMPIRE.  iQ 

occasions,  arrogated  power  above  the  laws  and  the 
established  government.  The  proceedings  against 
Lord  Mountnorris,  formed  other  articles.  This 
peer  had  been  hurried  before  a  court-martial  with- 
out the  slightest  suspicion  of  such  an  event,  on  a 
charge  of  some  words  loosely  spoken  at  the  chan- 
cellor's table  several  months  before — words  which 
he  denied  having  ever  uttered ;  and  was,  by  the 
unjust  influence  of  Strafibrde,  capitally  condemned^ 
It  was  also  charged  against  StrafTorde  that  he  had 
thrust  this  nobleman  out  of  the  manor  of  Timour, 
in  the  county  of  Armagh^  which  he  had  quietly 
possessed  upon  an  undisputed  title  for  eighteen 
years,  by  an  order  of  the  council-table  merely, 
upon  a  paper  petition  of  one  Richard  Ralston^ 
It  was  charged  that  Lord  Dillon  had  been 
thrust  out  of  his  possession  in  consequence  of  an 
extrajudicial  opinion  extorted  from  the  judges: 
That  the  Earl  of  Kildare,  for  refusing  to  sub- 
mit his  title  and  lordship  of  Castleleigh,  to  the 
council-table,  was  imprisoned,  and  not  even  libe- 
rated when  he  had  obtained  his  majesty'9  letters 
of  enlargement  t  That  a  lady  of  the  name  of  Hib- 
betts,  had  also  been  obliged  to  submit  her  rights 
to  the  council,  and  had  been  denied  even  the  be- 
nefit of  the  regular  proceedings  of  that  tribunal ;  for 
that  though  the  majority  voted  in  her  favour,  Straf- 
fbrde  commanded  an  order  to  be  entered  against 
her,  and  threatened  that  if  she  refused  to  submit 
be  would  imprison  her,  and  amerce  her  of  L.500 ; 
and  that,  if  she  continued  obstinate,  he  would  double 
the  fine  every  month.    The  lady,  however,  perce^v- 

VOL.  III.  £ 


50  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE* 

ed  too  well  the  folly  of  Resistance  to  contend  with 
him.  There  were  many  similar  instances  enume- 
rated ;  but  the  most  detestable,  for  it  apparently 
sprang  from  the  most  odious  motive,  was  the 
case  of  Chancellor  Lord  Loftus,  who  had  held 
the  seals  of  Ireland  for  twenty  years  with  high 
reputation.  The  accused,  it  would  appear,  had 
formed  an  illicit  attachment  to  this  noble  judge's 
daughter-in-law;  and  as  she,  though  false  to 
her  husband's  bed,  was  yet  true  enough  to  his 
pecuniary  interest,  or  rather  to  her  own,  she 
prevailed  with  her  paramour  to  force  her  fa- 
ther-in-law into  concessions  to  the  son  ;  and  be- 
cause the  chancellor  refused  obedience  to  an  ini- 
quitous award  of  the  council-table,  on  a  paper 
petition,  he  was  by  Straflfbrde  not  only  deprived 
of  the  seals,  but  imprisoned  *.  He  was  accused  of 
having  delegated  the  arbitrary  power  which  he 
had  assumed,  to  the  Bishop  of  Down  and  Conner, 
and  his  chancellor,  with  their  several  officers,  em- 
powering them  to  attach  and  imprison  the  poorer 
sort  who  refused  obedience  to  their  decrees ;  of 
having  enhanced  the  rate  of  the  customs  t  from  a 
twentieth  of  the  value  of  the  article,  to  a  fourth, 
and  sometimes  a  third  ;    of  having  restrained  the 

•  Clar.  vol.  i.  p.  222.  W'arwick's  Mem.  p.  116-7.  Clarendon  in- 
forms us^  that  Letters  of  great  affection  and  familiarity^  which  were 
found  in  her  cahinet  at  her  death,  were  exposed  to  public  view,  and 
we  cannot  doubt  their  existence,  considering  the  authority ;  but  he  is 
mistaken  so  far,  for  the  commons  did  not  insist  on  the  chaige  regard- 
ing the  chancellor •  a  clear  proof  that  they  did  not  search  after  scan- 
dal.   See  Rush,  and  Baillie. 

t  He  farmed  the  customs  himself. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  51 

exportation  of  staples,  and  then  granted  a  licence 
for  money }  of  having  procured  to  himself  a  mono- 
poly of  tobacco,  and  then  having  prohibited  the 
importation  of  the  commodity  without  a  licence, 
under  the  most  terrible  penalties.  The  goods  of 
the  contraveners  were  ordered  to  be  seized,  them- 
selves subjected  to  a  discretionary  fine,  imprison- 
ment, and  even  to  the  pillory.  In  this  way,  he  is 
alleged  to  have  amassed  the  enormous  sum  of  a  hun- 
dred thousand  pounds.  Flax  was  a  staple  of  Ireland, 
and  it  was  charged  against  Strafibrde,  that,  having 
raised  a  vast  quantity  on  his  own  lands,  and  other- 
wise engrossed  an  immense  stock,  he  had  prohibited 
the  manufacturing  of  wool,  and  then  insisted  upon 
the  natives  spinning  the  flax  in  a  particular  manner, 
whereby  he,  in  a  short  time,  got  a  monopoly  in  his 
own  person,  at  an  infinite  expenceto  the  inhabitants: 
That  he  had  imposed  illegal  oaths  upon  shipmas- 
ters and  others ;  had  exacted  taxes  by  troops  of 
soldiers ;  and,  wherever  his  orders  were  resisted,  he 
bad  quartered  a  party  of  soldiers  till  bis  commands 
were  fulfilled :  That,  in  the  same  way,  he  had  dri- 
ven many  families  from  their  possessions :  That  he 
had  obtained  authority  from  the  king  to  prevent 
the  complaints  of  the  injured  from  reaching  the 
royal  ear,  by  a  proclamation  that  none  should 
quit  the  limits  of  his  government,  without  a  licence 
from  himself^  and  had  fined  and  imprisoned  all 
who  had  dared  to  disobey  his  proclamation  :  That 
be  had  said  his  majesty  was  so  well  pleased  with 
the  army  in  Ireland,  that  he  meant  to  make  it  a 
pattern  for  England :  That  he  had  encouraged  pa- 


62  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

pists,  and  raised  an  army  of  8000  from  that  body  : 
That  he  had  imposed  an  illegal  oath  upon  the  Scots 
in  Ireland,  and  exacted  enormous  fines  of  those  who 
refused  to  take  it :  That  on  his  late  departure  from 
Jreland,  he  pronounced  the  Scots  all  traitors,  and 
declared  that,  if  he  returned,  he  would  drive  them 
out  root  and  branch  :  That  he  had  stirred  up  war 
betwixt  England  and  Scotland;  and,  though  he 
had  advised  a  parliament,  he  had  assured  his  ma- 
jesty at  the  same  time,  that  he  would  assist  him  in 
extraordinary  ways,  if  it  proved  refractory ;  and 
had  for  that  purpose,  confederated  with  Sir  George 
Ratclifie  to  bring  over  the  Irish  army :  That  he 
afterwards  advised  the  king  to  dissolve  .the  parlia- 
ment, and  declared  to  him,  that  he  was  now  ab- 
solved from  all  rules  of  government :  That  he  ad- 
vised the  king  to  go  on  vigorously  with  levying 
ship-money ;  and  had  recommended  the  prosecu* 
tion  of  sheriffs  in  the  star-chamber  for  not  pursu- 
ing measures  to  raise  that  illegal  tax :  That  a  loan 
of  L.  100,000  having  been  demanded  of  the  city  of 
London,  and  the  citizens  having  declined  to  ad- 
vance the  money,  the  names  of  the  principal  refu- 
sers were  demanded ;  and  when  the  mayor  and 
alderman  had  resisted  this  iniquitous  demand,  he 
told  them  that  no  good  could  ever  be  expected  till 
the  mayor  and  some  of  the  aldermen  were  hanged : 
That,  by  his  advice,  the  bullion  in  the  tower  had 
been  seized,  and  the  measure  to  debase  the  coin 
projected ;  and  when  the  officers  of  the  mint  re- 
presented to  him  the  consequences  of  a  debase- 
ment of  the  coin,  he  answered,  that  the  French 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  53 

king  set  commissaries  of  horse  to  search  into  men*s 
estates,  and  to  peruse  accompts,  that  they  might 
know  what  to  levy,  and  that  the  money  was  raised 
by  force ;  that  having  said  this,  he  turned  to  the 
Lord  Cottington,  who  was  present,  and  remarked, 
that  this  was  a  point  worthy  of  his  consideration  ; 
farther,  that  he  had  imposed  a  tax  in  the  county  of 
York  for  the  maintenance  of  the  trained  bands. 
The  twenty-eighth  article  regarded  his  conduct  in 
the  late  war  •. 

His  answer  to  the  charge,  prepared  by  counsel, 
was  specious,  but  scarcely  bore  examination  t;  and 
no  sooner  had  the  Irish  parliament  felt  themselves 
freed  from  the  terror  of  his  government,  than  they 
had  drawn  up  a  remonstrance  against  him.  This 
was  read  at  the  beginning  of  the  trial,  and  so  trans- 
ported Strafibrde  with  passion,  that  he  declared 
there  was  a  conspiracy  to  take  away  his  life ;  but  the 
commons  having  resented  the  speech,  he  made  an 
apology:  Maynard  remarked  that  the  remonstrance 
was  not  read  as  a  charge,  but  merely  as  evidence 
to  contradict  what  he  had  said  in  his  preamble^. 

Very  arbitrary  acts  during  his  presidentship  of 
York  were  proved  against  him }  but  he  denied  that 
he  had  been  instrumental  in  procuring  thi  com- 
mission chiefly  objected  to,  alleging  that  he  had 
gone  to  Ireland  about  the  time  the  commission  was 
sent  down,  and  that  he  had  never  sat  as  president 

*  See  the  Charge  at  lengthy  in  Rush.  voL  Tiii.  which  is  filled  with 
this  remarkahle  trial;  and  which^  with  Baillie's  Journal^  in  vol.  i.  of 
tbe  letters^  fonns  the  most  complete  report.  t  lb. 

X  Ruah.  Ycl.  Tui.  p.  197.     Baillie^  vol.  i.  p.  901. 

6 


54  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  BMPIRB. 

after  the  new  instructions  were  framed.    That  he 
had  never  presided  in  the  council  after  the  instruc- 
tions were  sent  down  is  true ;  but  then  he  had  re- 
tained  the  office,  and  discharged  the  duty  by  means 
of  a  deputy,  so  that  in  effect  the  whole  power  was 
centered  in  himself;  and  he,  in  acting  by  deputy, 
necessarily  incurred  the  responsibility.     With  re- 
gard, again,  to  his  instrumentality  in  obtaining  such 
instructions,  it  was  not  directly  proved ;  but  as  it 
was  distinctly  established  that  he  had,  on  one  oc- 
casion, thrown  himself  upon  his  knees  to  the  king, 
and  prayed  of  his  majesty  that  he  might  be  per- 
mitted to  retire  from  the  office,  if  his  authority 
were  restrained  by  the  legal  course  of  a  prohibi- 
tion from  Westminster-hall }   and  as  the  article 
against  prohibitions,  an  article  which  disfranchized 
the  whole  northern  counties  of  the  privileges  of 
English  subjects,  formed  the  grand  exception  to 
the  instructions,  it  follows  that  he  must  be  consi- 
dered more  than  the  adviser  of  them.     In  short, 
those  instructions  merely  warranted,  in  the  royal 
name,  what  he  had  arrogated  and  prayed  for  as  a 
power  to  be  considered  inherent  in  his  office,  be- 
fore they  were  issued.    It  was  also  proved  that  he 
had  £hreatened  to  lay  any  by  the  heels  who  sued 
out  a  prohibition ;  and,  had  his  dispatches  been 
open  to  the  inspection  of  the  prosecutors,  there 
would  not  have  been  left  the  colour  of  an  excuse ; 
for  he  had  even  used  all  his  influence  to  accom- 
plish the  ruin  of  a  judge,  Vernon,  for  merely  acting 
in  the  conscientious  discharge  of  his  duty  against 
the  other's  usurped  power.     He  also  argued  with 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  SS 

peculiar  efirontery,  that  it  was  laudable  to  desire 
power,  that  a  man  might  be  in  a  sphere  to  do  the 
more  good*. 

We  have  already  given  a  particular  account  of 
the  council  of  York»  and  we  shall  not  farther  re- 
sume the  subject  here,  than  to  remark,  that  the 
first  great  invasion  of  liberty  had  occurred  towards 
the  close  of  the  late  reign  ;  and  that,  by  the  last 
commission  granted  by  the  present  king,  the  whole 
northern  counties  were  completely  disfranchised 
of  their  rights.  The  vindication  of  the  late  and 
present  monarch,  but  particularly  of  Charles  and 
his  advisers,  especially  Strafforde,  by  Mr.  Hume,  is 
perhaps  the  most  singular  ever  used.  ^*  The  court 
being  at  first  instituted,"  says  he,  "  by  a  stretch  of 
royal  prerogative,  it  had  been  usual  for  the  princes 
to  vary  the  instructions  9  and  the  largest  authority 
committed,  was  altogether  as  legal  as  the  most  mo- 
derate and  most  limited.*'  According  to  this  logic, 
should  a  prince  erect  a  court  illegally,  for  the  trial 
of  causes  below  twenty  shillings,  it  could  not  be 
any  breach  of  duty  in  a  public  minister  to  advise, 
and  obtain,  powers  for  engrossing  every  species  of 
cause  whatever,  involving  the  persons  and  lives  as 
well  as  real  and  personal  property  of  the  people, 
and  dispensing  with  the  whole  established  laws. 
Besides,  it  ought  to  be  remembered,  that  an  abuse 
is  not  sanctioned  by  its  antiquity  ;  and  that  small 
matters  are  frequently  overlooked,  because  no  one 


'^  Charge  I.  see  also  vol.  ii.  of  Rush,  ahready  referred  tOj  and  BaiOie. 
Straf.  Let  and  Disp.  vol.  i.  p.  129^  180. 


56  HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIREw 

thinks  them  worth  his  interference :  But,  if  the 
inveteracy  of  a  trifling  abuse,  which  has  only  been 
submitted  to  because  it  was  deemed  unworthy  of 
notice,  were  to  form  a  justification  for  at  once 
overturning  the  whole  established  laws,  it  would 
be  preposterous  to  talk  of  any  thing  like  law  or  a 
constitution  in  a  state.     The  origin  of  that  court, 
which  Mr«  Hume  appears  to  have  little  studied, 
has  been  explained  ;  and  the  reader  need  not  be 
reminded,  that  the  judicial  powers  attempted  to 
be  assumed  under  the  Tudors,  had  been  restrained : 
That  the  courts  of  Westminster  were  open  to  that 
part  of  the  kingdom  against  any  abuse  of  power 
or  undue  arrogation  of  authority  by  that  tribunal. 
The  second  article  charged,  that  he  bad  said 
**  some  were  all  for  law,  and  nothing  but  law  would 
please  them ;  but  that  they  should  find  that  the 
king's  little  finger  of  prerogative  should  be  heavier 
than  the  loins  of  the  law" — was  proved  by  no  less 
than  five  witnesses.     Strafibrde  alleged,  that  he 
merely  said,  that  they  would  find  the  little  finger 
of  the  law  heavier  than  the  loins  of  the  preroga- 
tive ;  and  that  he  had  used  the  expression  relative 
to  knight-money,  conceiving  that  the  composition 
was  lower  than  the  legal  rate.    To  prove  this,  he 
brought  forward  two  witnesses:  The  first,  a  Dr. 
Buncombe,  deposed,  that  be  heard  a  report  of  the 
speech  afterwards,  at  a  dinner,  from  one  who  call- 
ed himself   Sir  Edward  Stanhope,   and  that  it 
agreed  with  Straffbrde's  own  edition:  The  other  was 
Sir  R.  Pennyman,  who  was  not  sworn,  but  declar- 
ed that  he  was  present,  and  that  the  account  by  the 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  57 

accused  was  correct.  With  regard  to  Duncombe, 
his  deposition  was  not  even  in  the  shape  of  evi- 
dence i  and  as  to  Pennyman,  of  whom  Baillie  in- 
forms us  that  **  both  here,  and  many  times  else, 
he  deponed  point  blank  all  Strafforde  required/'—^ 
there  were  circumstances  attending  his  statement 
which  satisfied  all  present  that  he  did  not'speak 
truth.  Maynard^  as  manager,  desired  that  it  might 
be  asked  of  him  when  the  words  first  came  to  his 
remembrance,  (no  question  was  put  to  a  witness 
directly,  except  by  the  Lord  High  Steward,)  and 
he  answered,  that  he  had  always  remembered  them, 
but  that  they  had  been  particularly  brought  to  his 
recollection  since  they  were  charged  against  Straf- 
forde. Maynard  presently  catches  him  ;  that  he 
must  be  responsible  to  the  house,  for  not  only  not 
having  made  this  statement  to  the  commons  when 
the  charge  was  voted,  but  for  himself  having  voted 
to  an  article  which  he  knew  to  be  unfounded. 
Upon  this  there  was  a  general  hiss,  and  Fenny  man 
feU  a-weeping }  while  the  prisoner  declared,  that 
he  would  rather  commit  himself  entirely  to  the 
mercy  of  God,  than  that  any  witness  for  him 
should  incur  danger  or  disgrace.  It  is  needless  to 
observe  that  the  proof  was  sufficient  in  law,  and 
that  the  testimony  of  these  five  witnesses  finds 
corroboration  in  tiie  language  used  by  him  in  his 
dispatches,  as  well  as  in  the  very  powers  usurped 
by  him  over  the  northern  counties  *. 

*  Rush.  Yol.  viii.  The  five  witnesses  were^  William  Long,  Sir 
Thomas  Layton,  Mar.  Pottes^  ^ir  David  Fowlis,  and  Sir  William  In- 
gram.    See  BaiUie*8  Journal  of  the  Trials  p.  S€4. 


5S  HISTORY  OF  THB  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

His  answer  to  that  part  of  the  charge  which  re- 
lated to  Ireland  was  flaming  in  the  extreme : 
That  he  had  promoted  the  cause  of  religion ;  in* 
creased  the  revenue  of  the  church ;  built  churches ; 
and  preferred  learned  and  orthodox  preachers ; 
had  advanced  the  king's  power ;  and  had  so  aug- 
mented the  revenue,  as  to  have  paid  off  large 
debts,  and  left  a  considerable  sum  in  the  exche- 
quer :  That  he  had  increased  the  army,  and  govern- 
ed it  by  the  strictest  discipline :  That  he  had  been 
the  means  of  calling  parliaments,  and  putting  an 
end  to  projects  and  monopolies  as  burdensome  and 
grievous  to  the  people :  That,  under  his  govern- 
ment, the  shipping  had  increased  a  hundred  fold  ; 
trade  had  prospered,  and  justice  had  been  admin- 
istered without  partiality  or  corruption :  That  the 
laws  of  Ireland  were  quite  different  from  those  of 
England ;  and  that  consequently  he  could  not  be 
judged  of  by  the  law  of  the  latter :  That  the  coun- 
cil had  always  exercised  an  extensive  jurisdiction  ; 
and  that  martial  law  was  justified  by  the  practice 
of  his  predecessors,  who  had  used  it  with  the  same 
moderation  as  himself*.  To  this  defence,  Pym 
replied  thus :  "  For  relij;ion  we  say,  and  shall 
prove,  that  he  has  been  diligent  indeed  to  favour 
innovations — to  favour  superstition — ^to  favour  the 
encroachments  of  the  clergy ;  but,  for  religion,  it 
never  received  any  advantage  from  him ;  nay,  a 
great  deal  of  hurt." 

*  See  his  Answer  in  Rush.  vol.  viii. 

4 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIJIE.  59 

<<  He  saith  he  hath  been  a  great  husband  fi)rthe 
church,  and  truly  hath  brought  in  many  lands  to 
the  church ;  but  he  hath  brought  them  in  by  ways 
without  law,  without  rules  of  justice :  He  hath 
taken  away  men's  inheritances.  And  here,  my 
Lords,  is  an  offering  of  rapine ;  an  offering  of  in- 
justice and  violence :  and  will  God  accept  such  an 
offering  ?  must  the  revenues  of  the  church  be  raised 
that  way  ?  It  is  true  it  was  the  more  in  the  way 
of  preferment.  He  knew  who  sat  at  the  helm  here, 
the  archbishop  of  Canterbury ;  and  such  services 
might  win  more  credit  with  him.  It  was  not  an 
eye  to  God  and  religion  ;  but  an  eye  to  his  own 
preferment. 

Mr.  Pym  then  proceeds  to  consider  his  state- 
ment about  building  of  churches,  and  says: 
*^  Many  churches  have  been  built  since  his  go- 
vernment. Truly,  my  lords,  why  he  should  have 
any  credit  or  honour  if  other  men  built  churches 
I  know  not :  I  am  sure  we  hear  of  no  churches  he 
hath  built  himself:  If  he  would  have  been  careful 
to  have  set  up  good  preachers,  that  would  have 
stirred  up  devotion  in  men,  and  made  them  desir- 
ous of  the  knowledge  of  God,  and  by  that  means 
made  more  churches,  it  had  been  something: 
But  I  hear  nothing  of  spiritual  edification, — ^nothing 
of  the  knowledge  of  God  that  hath,  by  his  means, 
been  dispersed  in  that  kingdom.  And  certainly 
they  that  strive  not  to  build  up  men's  souls  in  a 
spiritual  way  of  edification,  let  them  build  all  the 
material  churches  that  can  be,  they  will  do  no 
good  \  God  is  not  worshipped  with  walls,  but  with 
hearts." 


60  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE, 

"  He  saith,  that  many  orthodox  and  learned 
preachers  have  been  advanced  by  his  means,  and 
the  doctrine  and  discipline  of  the  church  of  Eng- 
land,  by  his  means  protected  and  defended.  My 
Lords,  I  shall  give  but  two  or  three  patterns  of 
the  clergy  that  he  hath  preferred :  If  you  will  take 
Dr.  Atherton,  he  is  not  to  be  found  above  ground, 
for  he  was  banged  for  many  foul  and  unspeakable 
offences:  Dr.  Bramhall  hath  been  preferred  to 
a  great  bishopric  }  but  he  is  a  man  that  now  stands 
charged  with  high  treason  :  He  hath  been  but  two 
years  in  Ireland,  and  yet  he  hath  laid  out  at  least 
^90,000  in  purchases.  I  shall  name  but  one  chap- 
lain more,  and  that  is  one  Arthur  Gwyn,  who, 
about  1634,  was  an  under^groom  to  the  Earl  of 
Cork,  in  his  stable  :  In  the  year  after,  Dr.  Bram- 
hall preferred  him  to  be  a  clergyman ;  and  a  par- 
sonage and  two  vicarages  were  taken  from  my 
Lord  of  Cork,  and  given  to  this  Arthur  Gwyn.  I 
shall  add  no  more  patterns  of  his  clergy." 

*•  As  for  the  honour  of  the  *king,  my  Lords,  we 
say  it  is  the  honour  of  the  king  that  he  is  the  fa- 
ther of  his  people, — that  he  is  the  fountain  of  jus- 
tice )  and  it  cannot  stand  with  his  honour  and  jus- 
tice to  have  his  government  stained  and  polluted 
with  tyranny  and  oppression." 

'<  For  the  increase  of  the  revenue :  It  is  true 
there  may  be  some  addition  of  sums ;  but  we  say 
there  is  no  addition  of  strength  nor  wealth,  because 
in  those  parts  where  it  hath  been  increased  this 
Earl  hath  taken  the  greatest  share  himself:  And 
when  he  hath  spoiled  and  ravined  on  the  people, 
he  hath  been  content  to  yield  up  some  part  to  the 


HISTORY  OF  TH£  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  6l 

king,  that  he  might  with  more  security  enjoy  the 
rest.*'     Pym  then  enters  into  a  particular  exami« 
nation  of  the  revenue,   and  refutes   Strafforde's 
statement,  shewing  by  the  records,  that  since  the 
year  l622,  (nine  years  before  his  appointment,) 
Ireland  had  supported  itself :  That  he  got  the  most 
extraordinary  subsidies  from  the  parliament,  (by 
what  means  we  have  seen,  and  shall  immediately 
see  more ;)  that  he  had  been  guilty  of  rapine  and 
injustice,  forcing  men  even  to  resign  their  estates ; 
and  that  his  expenditure  had  been  excessive,  while 
he  had  himself,  by  a  deceitful  bargain  to  farm  the 
customs,  made  from  eighteen  to  twenty  thousand 
a-year ;  nay,  that  he  had  even  taken  £24^,000  from 
the  exchequer,  about  two  years  since,  and  though 
the  royal  army  was  in  want,  had  only  paid  the 
money  in  lately :  That,  as  to  his  pretence  of  having 
put  down  monopolies,  he  best  proved  the  cause  of 
his  dislike  to  them,  by  taking  the  most  profitable 
to  himself,  as  well  as  by  his  farming  of  the  cus- 
toms, with  which  certain  monopolies  put  down  by 
him  interfered.     That,  as  to  the  great  increase  of 
shipping  and  of  trade — that  arose  out  of  the  par- 
ticular situation  of  that  kingdom,  which  had  been 
for  the  first  time  settled  in  peace  a  little  before 
his  appointment,  and  consequently  was  in  a  condi- 
tion to  make  a  most  rapid  advance,  not  from  the 
nature  of  his  government,  which  had,  by  the  num. 
ber  of  monopolies,  &c.  exercised  in  his  own  per- 
son, been  destructive  to  trade. 

"  He  says,"  (remarks  Pym,)  *•  he  was  a  means 
of  calling  a  parliament  not  long  after  he  came  to 


6s  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

his  government.  My  Lords,  parliaments  without 
parliamentary  liberties,  are  but  a  fair  and  plausible 
way  into  bondage.  That  parliament  had  not  the 
liberties  of  a  parliament :  Sir  Pierce  Crosby,  for 
speaking  against  a  bill  in  the  Commons's  house^ 
was  sequestered  from  the  council-table,  and  com* 
mitted  to  prison.  Sir  John  Clotworthy,  for  the 
same  cause,  was  threatened  that  he  should  lose  a 
lease  he  had.  Mr.  Barnwell,  and  two  other  gentle- 
men, were  threatened  they  should  have  troops  of 
horse  put  upon  them  for  speaking  in  the  house* 
Proxies  by  dozens  were  given  by  some  of  his  fa- 
vourites. Parliaments  coming  in  by  these  ways  are 
grievances,  mischiefs,  and  miseries ;  no  works  of 
thanks  or  honour." — His  desperate  dispatch  to 
Laud,  as  Prynn  calls  it,  relative  to  his  mode  of 
balancing  the  parties  of  protestants  and  papists  in 
parliament,  and  governing  the  whole  assembly^ 
had,  unfortunately,  not  yet  been  obtained  by  the 
commons. 

''  He  saith  he  had  .no  commission  but  what  his 
predecessors  had ;  and  that  he  hath  executed  that 
commission  with  all  moderation.  For  the  commis- 
sion, it  was  no  virtue  of  his  if  it  were  a  good  com- 
mission :  I  shall  say  nothing  of  that.'*  "  But,  for 
the  second  part,  his  moderation ;  when  you  find  so 
many  imprisoned  of  the  nobility;  so  many  men, 
some  adjudged  to  death,  some  executed  without 
law }  when  you  find  so  many  public  rapines  on  the 
state,  soldiers  sent  to  make  good  his  decrees  j  so 
many  whippings^in  defence  of  monopolies  ;  so  many 
gentlemen  that  were  jurors,  because  they  would 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BJUTISH  fiMPIKB.  63 

not  apply  themselves  to  give  verdicts  on  his  side,  to 
be  fined  in  the  star-chamber ;  men  of  quality  to  be 
disgraced,  set  on  the  pillory,  and  wearing  papers 
and  such  things  as  will  appear  through  our  evi* 
dence,  can  you  think  there  was  any  moderation  ? 
And  yet  truly,  my  lords,  I  can  believe  that  if  you 
compare  his  courses  with  other  parts  of  the  world 
ungovemed,  he  will  be  found  beyond  all  in  tyranny 
and  harshness ;  but,  if  you  compare  them  with  his 
mind  and  disposition,  perhaps  there  was  modera^ 
tion  :  Habits,  they  say,  are  more  perfect  than  acts, 
because  they  are  nearest  the  principles  of  action* 
The  habit  of  cruelty  in  himself,  no  doubt,  is  more 
perfect  than  any  act  of  cruelty  he  hath  committed ; 
but,  if  this  be  moderation,  I  think  all  men  will  pray 
to  be  delivered  from  it ;  and  I  may  truly  say  that 
is  verified  in  him,  the  mercies  qf  the  wicked  are 
cruel  •*'. 

The  greatest  atrocities  charged  agains  thim  during 
his  government  of  Ireland  were  distinctly  proved, 
and  though  he  did  adduce  evidence  to  shew  that  ar- 
bitrary acts  had  likewise  been  committed  by  his  pre- 
decessors, (howYar  that  ought  to  have  been  deemed 
an  apology,  we  shall  not  stop  to  inquire,)  it  was 
fully  established  that  he  had  far  exceeded  them 
all.  Take  the  case  of  martial  law ;  it  was  distinct- 
ly proved  that  it  had  never  been  resorted  to  ex- 
cept on  manifest  rebels,  the  kerns  chiefly,  and  that 
Lord  Falkland's  instructions  allowed  it  only  in  the 
cases  of  war  and  rebellion :  Now,  the  case  of  Lord 

*  Rush.  vol.  viii.  p.  104  et  seq. 


64  HIBTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

Mountnorris  aflbrds  the  most  complete  evidence, 
to  use  the  words  of  Clarendon,  of  a  temper  excess 
sively  imperious.  Mountnorris  alleges,  and  his 
allegation  derives  great  support  from  Strafibrde's 
letters,  that  the  prisoner  first  took  offence  at  a  sup- 
posed want  of  respect  to  his  brother.  Sir  George 
Wentworth,  and  then  insisted  upon  Mountnorris 
making  a  dishonouroble  sale  of  his  offices :  That 
he  refused  to  sell  at  the  deputy's  command; 
and  that  the  latter  thence  lay  on  the  watch  for 
his  destruction.  However  this  may  be,  the  pre^ 
text  for  a  sentence  of  death  against  Mountnorris 
by  a  court-martial  was  perhaps  the  most  extraordi- 
nary that  ever  occurred  in  any  country  where  such 
a  thing  as  law  was  known.  A  Mr.  Ainslie,  a  dis- 
tant relation  of  Mountnorris,  was  in  the  service  of 
the  deputy,  and  had  accidentally  dropt  a  stool 
upon  his  gouty  toes :  Wentworth,  enraged  with 
pain,  instantly  struck  him  violently  with  his  cane, 
^nd  the  incident  happened  to  be  a  topic  of  dis- 
course at  the  Chancellor's  table  in  the  presence  of 
Mountnorris,  who,  his  pride  being  naturally  wound- 
ed at  such  treatment  of  a  kinsman'  remarked  that 
the  gentleman  had  a  brother  who  would  not  have 
borne  such  an  insult  •.  This  having  been  reported 
to  the  deputy  by  eaves-droppers,  who  aimed  equally 


*  Nothing  of  this  kind  appears  in  Rush,  and  probably  it  was  not 
brought  out  It  was  enough  for  Mountnorris  to  depose  that  th^ 
)«rords  charged  were  never  spoken  by  him ;  but  in  this  I  have  follow- 
ed the  account  of  Clarendon,  who,  though  very  incorrect  in  regard  to 
the  trial,  seeras  to  have  told  the  fact  here,  for  his  account  is  corrobo-; 
rated  by  Baillic.     Clar.  vol,  i.  p.  220.    Baillie,  vol.  i.  p.  269. 


HJ5T011Y  OF  TH£  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  65 

at  gratifying  him  and  obtaining  the  other's  offices^ 
(Sir  A.  JLoftus,  the  brodier  of  the  principal  witness, 
and  husband  of  Strafforde's  fair  jfriend,  had  been 
promised  thechief  of  them«)  Wentworth,  who  began 
todread  diat  in  Mountnorrishe  might  find  an  enemy 
fit  to  ruin  him  afterwards,  eagerly  embraced  the 
opportunity  which  seemed  to  present  itself  for  that 
lord's  destruction.  The  remark  was  made  in  April, 
and  Mountnorris  never  heard,  or  thought  more  of  it 
till  December  following,  when  he  received  a  mes- 
sage to  attend,  at  a  council  of  war  next  morning. 
Thither  he  went,  perfectly  unsuspicious  of  the  cause, 
and  inquired  at  his  brother-councillors  the  mean- 
ing of  this  sudden  summons  to  them  all ;  but  they 
pretended  equal  ignorance  with  himself.  The  de- 
puty entered,  and  told  the  council  that  he  had  so 
unexpectedly  sumiponed  them  for  the  trial  of 
Mountnorris,  who,  though  one  of  the  council  of  the 
army,  had  spoken  mutinously  against  him  as  the 
general ;  and  he  then  produced  a  letter  from  the 
king  commanding  them  to  give  repuration  for  the 
dangerous  injury  done  to  his  deputy.  The  charge, 
which  was  materially  different  from  what  had  real- 
ly passed,  was  then  read  to  this  eflfectt  That  it  hav- 
ing been  mentioned  at  the  Chancellor's  table,  that. 
Ainalie  had  let  a  stool  drop  on  the  deputy's  toes, 
Mountnorris  remarked,  ip  a  scornful  and  con- 
temptuous manner,  **  perhaps  it  was  done  in  re- 
venge of  that  public  affiront  that  my  Lord  Deputy 
did  me  formerly ;  but  I  have  a  brother  who  would 
not  have  taken .  such  a  revenge."  The  accused 
having  heard  the  charge,  and  the  king's  letter  read, 
fell  upon  his  knees,  and  requested  time  for  consuU 

YOU  III.  F 


66  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

tatkWy  with  a  copy  of  his  charge^  and  to  be  sik 
lowed  to  retain  counsel }  but  all  Was  denied^  and 
he  wafB  commanded  instantly  to  confess  or  deny 
the  word%  for  thai  they  should  be  proved  if  he 
denied  4hem«.  MountUiMrrisi  as  mi^ht  be  expects 
edi  was  crafounded,  yet  he  pleaded  for  his  right 
as  a  sub^  md  a  peer  3  offered  to  tske  his  oath 
that  he  had  never  spdi^en  the  words  d^mgtd^  and 
proposed  to  call  the  Lord  Chancellor^  and  even 
his  soni  ^ii  A.  Loftus^  who  obtained  his  plaC^ 
and  about  twenty  others  who  werepresent,  to  tes- 
tify his  kinocence;  but  these  requests^  howevet 
reasavabfey  were  all  insolently  rejected  $  while 
Lord  Moor^  who  sat  as  one  d'the  judges^  and  Sir 
Bobert  Loftus  were  desired  to  swear  to  the  contents 
of  a  paper  produced  by  the  deputy,  which  appears 
to  have  beep  written  out  with  his  own  hand»  but 
which  they  had  subscribed.  Upon  this  testimony, 
the  obsequious  council  found  the  accused  guilty 
upon  two  articles  of  disci|^ne,  one  importing  ba» 
nishment  ftom  the  army,  the  other  death.  They 
long  endeavoured  to  satisfy  Wentworth  with  a  ver«- 
,  diet  on  the  first ;  but  he  vehemently  urged  both 
or  neither }  and  they,  haaing  previously  stipulated 
for  Mountnqrrk^s  /{[/Sr,  gratified  his  revengefbl 
enemy.  Thit>  accused  then  received  sentence  of 
death,  wheft  Uie  deputy  told  him  that  he  should 
intercede  with  his  Majesty  for  his  life^  and  that  him^ 
self  would  rather  lose  his  arm  than  Mountncmis  a 
hair  of  his  bead  or  drop  of  his  blood,  a  speech, 
which,  instead  of  soothing  the  convict,  appeared  to 
add  fresh  insult  to  injury,  by  putting  the  deputy's 
arm  in  comparlscm  with  his  head*    Mountnorris 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  67 

was  instantly  deprived  of  his  offices,  (which  wer0 
bestowed  Upon  this  Loftus  as  a  jretum  for  his 
wife's  aflfection  for  Wentwortb,)  and  committed 
to  prison*    Nor  did  the  deputy  intend  that  his 
sofierings  should  terminate  even  here.    To  soften 
his  oppressor,  Lady  Mountnorris,  who  was  a  kins- 
woman of  the  deputy^s  by  his  second  wife,  Lady 
Arabdla  HoUis,  addressed  him  in  a  most  patheti* 
cal  letter ;  but  she  did  it  in  vain  *.    Wentworth 
was  inexorable,  becbuse  his  guilty  conscience  whis* 
pered  to  him  that  at  no  distant  time  the  victim  of 
his  oppresalon  might  have  it  in  his  power  to  call 
for  justice^  and  he  eagerly  grasped  at  the  present 
ofq^ortunity  of  crushing  him  beneath  the  power 
of  proving  dangerous.    Foiled  in  her  interposition 
here,  the  kdy  escaped  with  difficulty  to  England  to 
lay  her  complaint  at  the  foot  of  the  throne ;  and 
she  was  so  far  successful  as  to  obtain  a  letter  from 
the  king  for  her  husband's  liberty,  upon  condition 
of  his  submitting  to  the  deputy.    A  step  so  spirit*^ 
ed,  as  it  evinced  a  disposition  not  tamely  to  brook 
oppression,  inflamed  Wentworth  with  additional 
rage  by  inspiring  him  with  new  fear,  and  he  resolv- 
ed so  to  avail  himself  of  the  terms  expressed  in  the 
royal  letter,  as  to  exact  an  acknowledgment  of 
the  justice  of  the  sentence,  which  he  foolishly  ima* 
gined  would,  in  a  great  measure  at  least,  secure 
him  from  the  probability  of  after  question,  by  be- 
reaving his  victim  of  his  ground  of  complaint   On 
terms  so  humiliating,  Mountnorris  long  refused  to 
purchase  his  liberty ;  but,  wearied  at  last  with  op- 


*  Scott's  Somen*  State  Tracts,  yoL  iv.  p.  203. 

f2 


68  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

pressioiii  he  submitted.  Webtworth  was,  however, 
still  unsatisfied,  and  therefore  not  only  harassed 
him  with  fresh  prosecutions  in  the  star*chamber, 
but,  by  iniquitous  decrees  of  the  council-board,  de- 
prived him  of  his  property,  reducing  him,  his  wife, 
and  seven  children,  to  beggary. 

Well  might  such  proceedings  procure  for  Went* 
worth,  as  we  learn  from  his  letters  they  did,  a  dom« 
parison  with  a  bashaw  of  Buda ;  and  his  defence 
did  not  extenuate  his  guilt.  He  argued,  that  in' 
the  case  of  Mountnorris  before  the  council  of  war, 
he  merely  discharged  the  duty  of  his  place  in  pre- 
ferring a  complaint ;  that  he  did  not  vote  against 
the  accused ;  that  even  after  sentence  was  pass- 
ed, he  assured  him  that  he.  was  no  way  exposed 
to  the  hazard  of  his  life,  forgetting  however,  to 
state  that  it  had  been  stipulated  for  by  the  council, 
as  the  condition  on  which  they  pronounced  him 
guilty ;  and  that  he  had  interceded  with  his  majes- 
ty for  his  pardon ;  in  doing  which,  however,  he 
forgot  to  say,  that  he  merely  joined  the  council, 
and  acted  up  to  the  condition  stipulated  for  *• 

*  Rush.  vol.  viii.  Arts.  t.  and  vi.  Clarendon  tells  us  thaf  tlie  stand- 
ers-by  made  an  excuse  for  Stra£fbrde;  that  Mountnorris  was  a  man  of 
great  industry,  activity,  and  experience  in  the  aUkirs  of  Ireland,  hav- 
ing raised  himself  from  a  very  private,  mean  condition,  (having  been  an 
inferior  servant  to  Lord  Chichester,)  to  the  ^^greeof  a  viscount  anda 
privy  counsellor,  and  to  a  very  ample  revenue  in  lands  and  offices ; 
tfaafhehadalvrays,  byservileflattery,and  sordid  application,  wrought 
himself  into  trust  and  nearness  with  all  deputies  at  dieir  first  entrance 
upon  their  charge,  informing  them  of  the  defects  and  oversights  of 
their  predecessors ;  and  after  the  determination  of  their  commands, 
and  return  into  England,  informing  the  state  here,  and  those  enemies 
they  usuaUy  contracted  in  that  time,  of  wkati9cver  they  had  done  or 


HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  69 

Former  deputies  appear  to  have  arrogated  powers 
inconsistent  with  law,  but  Strafibrde  far  exceeded 
them  all ;  nor  does  the  matter  rest  merely  on  the 
evidence  of  witnesses,  which  yet  is  complete,  since 


Msffired  to  be  done  anUss  ;  whereby  they  either  safeeddugraoe  or  da* 
mage,  as  soon  as  they  were  recalled  from  their  honours :  So  that  this 
dilemma  leemed  miquestionable^  that  either  the  deputy  of  Ireland 
must  destroy  my  Lord  Mountnorris,  or  my  Lord  Mountnorris  must 
destroy  the  deputy  ss  soon  as  his  commission  was  determined."  This 
character  imputed  to  Mountnorris,  is  certainly  not  an  amiable  one ; 
but  it  ought  to  be  remembered^  how  readily  every  grand  witness 
against  Strafibrde  was  calumniated :  taking  it,  however,  as  true,  it 
merely  amounts  to  this,  that  though,  for  his  own  interest,  he  overlook* 
ed  criminality  in  the  successive  deputies  during  their  administration^ 
be  afterwards  turned  informer.  It  is  not  alleged  that  he  accused  any 
of  them  unjustly ;  and  though  the  part  he  is  alleged  to  have  acted 
might  fairly  have  induced  Wentworth  not  to  place  confidence  in  him, 
or  shew  him  marks  of  respect,  it  could  not  on  any  just  principle  oper- 
ate farther ;  while  it  must  be  evident  that,  imless  he  had  known  that 
he  could  not  justify  his  government,  he  could  not  have  had  a  motive 
for  destroying  Mountnonis  in  self  preservation.  Clar.  vol.  i.  p.  S21-8. 
Just  before  this,  the  noble  historian  says,  "  the  injustice  whereof' 
(the  proceedings  against  Mountnorris,)  '*  seemed  the  more  formida- 
ble, for  that  the  Lord  Mountnorris  was  known  for  sometime  before, 
to  stand  in  great  jealousy  and  disfavour  with  the  earl,  which  made  it 
be  looked  on  as  a  pure  act  of  revenge ;  and  gave  all  men  warning  how 
they  trusted  themselves  in  the  territories  where  he  conmianded.'*  p. 
981.  ''  In  vain,"  says  Mr.  Hume,  without  quoting  any  authority 
whatever, ''  did  Strsfforde's  friends  add  as  a  further  apology,  that 
Mountnonis  was  a  man  of  an  infamous  character,  who  paid  court  by 
the  lowest  adulation  to  all  deputies  while  present,  and  blackened  their 
character  by  the  vilest  calumnies  when  recalled ;  and  that  Strafibrde, 
expecting  like  treatment,  had  used  this  expedient  for  no  other  purpose 
than  to  subdue  the. petulant  spirit  of  the  man."  Though  this  elegant 
historian  does  not  quote  an  authority,  it  is  perfectly  dear  to  me  that 
he  had  no  other  than  the  above  from  Clarendon ;  and  the  reader  will 
be  able  to  judge  how  far  he  has  kept  to  it.  Indeed,  one  would  al- 
most imagine  from  his  language,  that  Straffi)rde*s  friends  had  spoken 
to  this  effect  at  the  trial.  Clarendon  does  not  say  that  Mountnorris 
was  charged  with  inventing  calumnies,  but  with  giving  information 


70  HISTORY  OF  THK  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

his  own  dispatches  fully  establish  it.  Scarcely  was 
he  warm  in  his  place,  when  he  applied,  in  the  fol- 
lowing terms,  folr  illegal,  unlimited,  powers:  "  I  find 
that  my  Lord  Falkland  was  restrained  by  proclama- 

of  the  truth*  He  does  not  pretend  that  the  sentence  was  passed  to 
subdue  the  petulant  spirit  of  the  man,  but  builds  the  apology  upon 
the  necessary  ruin  of  that  individual  to  Strafforde  s  own  safety. 
No  public  transgression  oould  be  proved  against  Mountnonis;  and 
that  nothing  short  of  his  absolute  ruin  could  pacify  his  enemy^  the 
whole  proceedings  shew.  See  Straf.  Let.  and.  Disp.  toL  i.  p.  497.  ei 
seq,  508,  9,  10,  11,  U,  19.  vol.  ii.  p.  5,  15,  «l,  «7.  Wentworth,  who 
was  allied  to  Lady  Mountnorris  through  his  second  wife,  seems  at 
one  time  to  have  courted  Mountnorris.  See  a  very  oonfidentifJ  letter 
by  him  to  that  lord,  in  Aug*  1632^  vol.  i.  p.  73.  which  is  the  best  an- 
swer to  Mr.  Hume's  statement-  See  also  p.  76,  8,  99. 115.  Tho 
conespondenoe  of  Straflforde's,  with  Mountnorris's  account^  makes  the 
matter  quite  clear.  Mountnorris,  who  held  the  office  of  vice-treasur- 
er, which  in  effect  was  that  of  treasurer  in  Ireland,  (Warwicke,  p. 
110*)  had  not  shewn  himself  quite  so  pliant  as  the  Deputy  had 
anticipated.  (See  Let.  and  Disp.  vol.  i.  p.  119.)  And  after  his  quar- 
rel with  Sir  George  Wentworth,  the  deputy  wished  his  removal  from 
his  offices,  particularly  that  of  vice-treasurer.  He  proposed^  there- 
fore, that  Mountnorris  should  make  a  dishonourable  sale  of  his  office^ 
and  the  proposal  had  been  attended  with  altercation.  But  Mount- 
norris, not  content  with  refusing  to  comply  with  the  demand,  wrote 
oat  an  account  of  what  had  occurred  on  the  occasion,  (it  appears  by  a 
letter  afterwards  referred  to^  that  he  wrote  admirably,)  and  trans- 
mitted it  to  his  attorney  in  England,  who  had  handed  it  about.  It 
fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Reverend  Mr.  Garrard^  the  deputy's  great 
correspondent,  who  not  only  shewed  it  to  Lord  Cottington,  but  in- 
stantly announced  the  circumstance  to  his  patron.  Id.  p.  398.  Gar- 
raid's  Letter  is  dated  the  12th  of  March,  1634-5;  and  it  is  singular, 
that  on  the  7th  of  next  month,  the  deputy  has  a  violent  attack  upon 
Mountnorris,  in  a  letter  to  Secretary  Coke,  as  a  person  *'  held  by  ns 
all  that  hear  him,  to  be  most  impertinent  and  troublesome  in  the  de- 
bate of  all  business."  "  And,"  says  he,  *'  indeed  so  weary  are  we  of 
him,  that  I  dare  say,  there  is  not  one  of  us  willing  to  join  with  him  in 
any  private  counsel.  Sure  I  am,  my  Lord  Chief  Baron  complains  of 
him  extremely  in  the  Exchequer,  that  he  disorders  the  proceedings  of 
the  whole  court  through  his  wilfulness  and  ignorance,  ro  as  lie  were  a 


HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  £MPIR£.  71 

lion,  not  to  meddle  in  any  cause  betwixt  party  and 
party,  which  certainly  did  lessen  his  power  extreme- 
ly. I  know  veiy  well  the  common  lawyers  will  be 
passionately  against  it,  who  are  wont  to  put  such 
a  prejudice  upon  all  other  professions,  as  if  none 

happy  man  if  he  were  deHvered  of  his  vexation  there :"  This  certainly 
disproTes  the  idea  of  his  sycophancy.  He  then  censures  his  scanda- 
lous way  of  life^  as  a  dishonour  to  the  place — for  that  he  was ''  extreme- 
ly given  to  good  feUowship^  and  was  full  of  talk  in  that  humour/'— « 
statement  which  does  not  accord  with  Clarendon's  character  of  him  ; 
and  that  ''he  sat  up  hy  night  to  pay  for  large  sums^  very  meanly  pur- 
suing his  advantage  upon  young  noblemen  and  gentlemen^  not  so  good 
gamesters  as  himself^''  &c  He  also  makes  a  charge  against  him  for 
not  paying  £200  upon  a  warranti  and  aU^es  that  he  had  agreed  to 
resign  his  place  in  October  preceding^  &c.  He  then  recommends 
Loftnsy  and  desires  power  to  inquire  into  some  of  Mountnorris's  ac- 
tions. Id.  p.  40S-4.  The  proceeding  in  the  Council  of  War  occurred 
in  December  following.  P.  498.  et  seq. 

In  each  of  the  letters  referred  to  above^  that  were  written  by  Straf-« 
forde,  he  vindicates  the  justice  of  the  sentence^  which^  however^  ap- 
pears by  the  letters  to  have  been  universally  execrated ;  and  meanly 
pleads  that  he  did  not  vote  at  the  council^  therefore^  that  the  sentenoe 
was  not  his.  It  appears  also,  from  these  and  other  letters^  that  Went- 
worth  was  perfectly  sendble  of  the  general  hatred,  as  resembling  a 
bashaw  of  Buda ;  but  he  consoles  hunself  with  the  idea  that  it  had 
been  his  fortune  all  his  life  to  have  proud,  revengeful  qualities,  &e, 
ftlsely  ascribed  to  him.  Wandesforde  writes  to  him,  Dec.  29,  IG9S, 
thus,  ^'  the  breath  of  envy  hath  always  blown  strong  against  you,  and 
like  the  bees  over  the  cradle  of  Plato,  hung  over  your  actions  ever 
since  I  was  acquainted  with  them."  voL  i  p.  50.  See  a  very  pathetic 
letter  from  Mountnorris  to  Straffbrde,  just  before  his  execution,  which 
tfafows  great  light  upon  this  subject,  and  of  itself  goes  far  to  disprove 
the  account  givoi  of  the  ^rmer  by  Clarendon.  Clar.  State  Papers, 
vol  ii.  p.  135.  Wentworth  himself  writes  to  Lord  Conway,  that  he 
told  Mountnorris  *'  he  never  wished  ill  to  his  estate  nor  person,  fur« 
dier  than  to  remove  him  thence,  where,"  says  he,  **  he  was  a  trouble 
as  well  as  an  offence  unto  me ;  that  being  done,  (howbeit  through  his 
own  fault  with  more  prejudice  than  I  intended,)  I  could  wish  there 

was  no  more  debate  betwixt  us,  &c"   Straf.  Let.  and  Disp.  vol.  ii. 
p.  145. 


72 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 


were  to  be  trusted  as  capable  of  administering  jus- 
tice but  themselves ;  yet  how  well  this  suits  with 
monarchy  when  they  monopolize  all  to  be  govern- 
ed by  their  year  books,  you  in  England  have  a 
costly  experience  j   and  I  am  sure  his  majesty's 
power  is  not  weaker  in  this  kingdom,  wherever  hi- 
therto the  deputy  and  council-board  have  had  a 
stroke  with  them.*"    It  was  not  thought  fit  to  recal 
the  proclamation  on  this  subject  by  a  new  one,  con- 
ferring the  powers  requested  j  but  a  special  dispen- 
sation was  granted  to  Wentworth,  with  the  single 
exception  of  cases  already  depending  before  courts 
of  law  J  and  how  he  abused  his  power,  is  establish- 
ed no  less -by  his  letters  than  by  the  evidence  ad- 
duced  against  him  j  for  he  encourages  Laud  «  to 
rule  the  common  lawyers  in  England,   as  he,  poor 
beagle,  did  in  Ireland,  declaring  that  he  would  con- 
tinue to  do  so  at  the  peril  of  his  head."    In  his  de- 
fence  he,  of  course,  attempts  to  justify  his  illegal 
decrees  on  the  principle  of  abstract  justice,  and 
pleads  that,  as  he  was  no  professional  lawyer,  his 
ignorance  ought  to  form  his  excuse.  The  last  plea 
proceeded  with  a  peculiarly  bad  grace  from  the  in- 
dividual  who  had  boasted  of  ruling  the  common 
lawyers  in  all  things,  and  proclaimed  it  as  a  merit 
that  he  was  resolved  to  persist  in  such  a  course  at 
the  peril  of  his  head.    The  first  was  no  less  un- 
founded, for,  as  was  justly  observed  by  Pym,  the 
commons  charged  him  with  nothing  «'  but  what  the 

J^o^^  quoted  from  hi.  letter,  «,d  dispatche,  in  the  pre- 


HISTORY   OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  73 

law  in  eveiy  man*s  breast  condemns,  the  light  of 
nature,  the  light  of  common  reason,  the  rules  of 
common  society."  Nor  were  the  instances  of  in- 
justice and  illegality  confined  to  those  charged.  Ser- 
geant Glyn  remarked  that,  were  the  matter  yet  to 
frame,  they  would  give  as  many  new  cases  as  those 
of  which  he  was  accused.  StafForde  stormed  at  this, 
and  dared  him  to  the  proof.  But  when  the  other, 
having  accepted  the  challange,  enumerated  twenty 
fresh  cases,  in  the  issue  of  which  he  had  largely 
participated,  the  prisoner  stopt  him  by  a  complaint 
against  travelling  out  of  the  charge. 
•  The  legislative  powers  assumed  by  him  in  Ire- 
land, together  with  his  grossly  tyrannical  and  sel- 
fish abuse  of  them,  were  strikingly  displayed  in  his 
measures  relative  to  wool  and  flax.  Having  a  mo- 
nopoly of  the  customs,  he  imposed  new  duties  upon 
the  exportation  of  the  first,  and  prohibited  the  ma- 
nufacture of  it  in  the  island  :  though  the  last  was 
the  chief  production  of  that  kingdom,  and  linen- 
yarn  for  exportation  the  staple,  he  interdicted  the 
sale  of  it  unless  it  were  reeled  in  a  certain  mode, 
with  which  the  poor  people  were  unacquainted, 
and  ordered  a  general  seizure,  to  effect  which 
power  was  given  to  break  into  houses,  of  all  not 
prepared  for  the  market  according  to  his  direc- 
tions. What  aggravated  this  policy  was,  that  the 
yam  seized,  instead  of  being,  as  forfeited  to  the 
public,  brought  into  the  exchequer,  went  to  his 
own  looms ;  while  he  had  a  direct  interest  in  ex* 
eluding  a  competition  with  his  own  flax,  which  he 
raised  in  great  quantities  on  his  own  newly-pur- 


74  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  £MPIRB. 

chased  lands.  In  the  execution  of  his  orders  on 
this  subject  great  enormities  were  committed  ; 
and  thousands,  debarred  the  only  means  of  liveli- 
hood, for  the  May  rents  were  paid  by  the  price  of 
the  flax  and  yarn,  were  absolutely  famished.  His 
defence  was,  that  he  prohibited  the  manufacturing 
of  wool  lest  it  should  interfere  with  that  of  Eng- 
land :  that  the  motive  in  regard  to  the  orders  about 
yarn  was  to  break  the  people  of  their  barbarous 
mode  of  preparing  it — ^a  measure  which  might  be 
legally  adopted,  in  the  same  manner  as  yoking  oxen 
by  the  tail,  and  burning  the  straw  to  separate  the 
corn  from  it,  had  been  interdicted :  that  the  coun- 
cil concurred  in  the  proclamations,  and  therfbre 
the  blame  should  not  be  imputed  to  him ;  and  that, 
at  all  events,  this  was  not  treason.  With  regard  to 
the  council,  it  was  completely  under  his  controul, 
while,  at  all  events,  as  the  prime  leader,  he  must  be 
responsible  for  unconstitutional  measures,  and  it 
appears  by  his  own  letters  that  he  had  earnestly 
pressed  his  Majesty  for  liberty  to  pursue  that  sys- 
tem *.  As  for  his  defence  that  this  was  not  trea- 
son, it  was  well  urged  by  Maynard,  that,  if  to 
overturn  all  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  con- 
stitution be  traitorous,  this  unquestionably  was  so, 
as  it  included  not  only  the  suspension  of  the  pub- 
lic rights,  but  a  power  to  issue  what  new  orders  he 
pleased  in  the  place  of  law.  It  is  singular,  that  in 
his  letters  to  the  king  on  this  very  subject,  he  ad- 
vised his  Majesty  to  make  a  monopoly  of  salt  in  his 

• 

*  See  his  Let.  and  Disp.  vol.  i.  p.  93. 


HISTORY  OF  THB  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  75 

own  person ;  for  that,  as  it  was  a  commodity  alto- 
gether indispensable,  he  might,  in  imitation  of  the 
gabettes  of  France,  raise  the  price  at  pleasure  *• 

It  was  distinctly  proved  that  he  had  been  in  the 
practice  of  quartering  soldiers  upon  all  who  refus« 
ed  to  comply  with  any  order  of  the  council  for  the 
payment  of  money,  however  unlawful  the  demand. 
One  instance  shall  suffice.  One  Barns  was  charged 
on  a  paper  petition  to  appear  before  the  deputy 
about  a  debt  which,  though  nominally  rated  at 
^100,  he  might  have  compounded  for  five,  but 
which,  as  altogether  unjust,  he  refused  to  settle 
even  on  such  terms,  and  Stafforde,  under  the  colour 
of  a  contempt,  quartered  a  party  of  troopers  upon 
him  who  consumed  property  to  the  value  of  £500^ 
burned  the  very  partitions  of  his  house,  nay  the 
door,  for  fuel,  and  <^  sold  his  trunk,  his  bed^steads, 
his  dining-table,  and  all  they  could  light  on  in  his 
house,''  so  that,  being  reduced  to  utter  beggary,  he 
was  obliged  to  flee  the  country,  leaving  his  wife 
and  children,  and  serve  as  a  soldier  in  Flanders  t. 

These  particulars,  however,  though  highly  im- 
portant, have  perhaps  been  pursued  too  far,  and 
theretbre  we  shall  proceed  to  the  grand  point  about 
teUiog  the  king  that  he  was  absolved  from  all  rules 
of  government,  and  had  an  army  in  Ireland,  by 
which  he  might  reduce  the  kingdom  :  But,  in  pass- 
ing, we  may  remark  that  the  articles  about  prohibit- 
ing people  of  family,  &c.  from  going  to  England, 

*  Trial  in  Riuli.  and  Baillie*s  Journal.    Straf.  Let.  and  Diap.  vol. 
i.  p.  93^  lOS,  199. 
f  Trial  in  Rush,  and  Baillie. 


76  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

and  imposing  an  arbitrary  oath  on  the  Scots,  were 
fully  proved. 

To  ascertain  the  point  with  regard  to  his  ille- 
gal advice,  it  was  necessary  to  examine  the  coun- 
cillors, and  Charles  was  reluctantly  obliged  to 
yield  to  a  demand  of  the  commons,  to  relieve  the 
council  from  their  oath  of  secrecy — a  measure  bit- 
terly inveighed  against  by  the  noble  apologist  of 
the  king,  and  what  is  more  extraordinary,  by  Mr. 
Hume,  as  restraining  the  freedom  of  the  board, 
and  rendering  ministers  liable  for  every  rash,  or  in- 
considerate, expression.  But  surely  if,  and  there 
can  be  no  doubt  of  it,  every  councillor  is  bound  by 
his  oath  to  give  constitutional  advice,  and  that  on- 
ly, to  the  king,  the  oath  of  secrecy  never  can,  or 
ought,  to  extend  to  counsel,  which  has  for  its  object 
the  overthrow  of  all  the  fundamental  laws ;  and  it 
is  an  inquisition,  which  no  good  man  need  fear,  for 
none  will  ever  attempt  to  persuade  the  sovereign  to 
absolve  himself  from  all  those  rules  upon  which  he 
is  entitled  to  govern  ;  while,  if  such  a  measure  could 
not  be  adopted,  it  is  perfectly  evident  that  the 
greatest  of  all  wickedness  would  be  safe  even  from 
question.  The  grand  point  to  be  determined  here 
was,  whether  Staflforde  had  not  advised  his  Majesty 
to  act  as  if  absolved  from  all  rules  of  government ; 
and  had  such  a  point  not  been  open  to  investiga- 
tion, there  would  have  been  at  once  an  end  of  all 
legitimate  government. 

Nothing  could  be  more  distinct  than  the  charges 
against  Strafibrde;  each  particular  was  stated 
with  a  precision  which  could  not  have  been  ex- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EBIPIRE.  77 

pected  any  more  than  it  is  practised  in  indictments 
in  generd ;  but  some  of  the  different  articles  na- 
turally  cohered^  or  reflected  light  upon  each  other ; 
and,  in  regard  to  the  advice  about  the  king's  acting 
as  absolved  from  all  rules  of  government,  there 
were  five  articles  taken  together — ^the  twentieth, 
twenty-first,  second,  third,  and  fourth :  That  he 
had  advised  an  ofiensive  war  with  Scotland,  alleg- 
ing that  the  demands  of  the  Scottish  parliament 
justified  it,  before  the  commissioners  of  that  parlia- 
ment had  been  heard  in  vindication  of  their  pro- 
ceedings: That  he  had  declared  his  readiness  to  sup- 
ply his  majesty  by  extraordinary  ways,  unless  the 
English  parliament  should  grant  twelve  subsidies ; 
and  had,  for  wicked  ends,  in  confederacy  with  Sir 
George  Ratcliffe,  raised  an  army  of  1000  horse, 
and  8000  foot,  in  Ireland  :  That  he  had  declared 
openly  to  several  people,  that  the  king  ought  first  to 
try  the  affections  of  his  people  in  parliament ;  but^ 
if  that  failed,  then  he  might  use  his  prerogative  in 
levying  what  he  required  ;  and  that,  when  parlia- 
ment disappointed  his  hope  of  twelve  subsidies,  he 
advised  the  dissolution,  declaring  that  his  majesty 
was  free  from  all  rules  of  government ;  adding, 
that  he  had  an  army  in  Ireland  with  which  he 
might    reduce  the  kingdom  to  obedience^    The 
first  point  in  regard  to  Scotland,  was  proved  by  the 
Earls  of  Traquair  and  Morton,  and  even  by  Juxon^ 
bishop  of  London,  and  Lord  Treasurer,  as  well 
as  by   Sir  Henry  Vane.      Traquair  particularly 
swore  too,  that  afterwards,  at  the  council  of  peers, 
at  York^  the  prisoner,  in  regard  to  Scottish  affairs, 


78  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIREr 

declared^  that  the  unreasonable  demands  qfsuibjecls 
in  a  parliament  were  a  ground  for  the  king's  putting 
himself  in  a  posture  of  war^  The  archbishop  of 
Armaghi  (the  celebrated  Dn  Usher)  deposed,  that 
about  April  last,  he  had  a  conversation  with  Straf- 
forde,  at  Dublin,  relative  to  levies  of  money,  when 
the  other  declared  that  he  agreed  with  those  in 
England  who  conceived  that,  in  case  of  imminent 
necessity,  the  king  might  levy  what  he  needed, 
though,  in  his  opinion,  his  majesty  should  first  try 
a  parliament  j  but,  if  that  supplied  him  not,  ^'  then 
he  might  make  use  of  his  prerogative  as  he  pleased 
himself,  or  words  to  that  effect."  Lord  Conway 
deposed  that,  having  previous  to  the  meeting  of 
the  short  parliament,  asked  the  prisoner  bow  the 
troops  were  to  be  paid,  he  answered,  that  he  con- 
fidently expected  twelve  subsidies  from  the  par- 
liament; but,  upon  Conway's  saying,  <<  what  if 
the  parliament  would  not  give  that  assistance,  my 
Lord  of  Strafforde  said,  the  cause  was  very  just 
and  lawful,  and  if  the  parliament  would  not  supply 
the  kingi  then  he  was  justified  before  God  and  man 
if  he  sought  means  to  help  himself,  though  it  were 
against  their  wills."  Sir  Henry  Vane  deposed, 
that  at  the  council,  on  the  5th  of  December  I6d9f 
Strafforde  said,  that  if  the  parliament  should  not 
grant  supplies,  he  would  be  ready  to  assist  his  Ma- 
jesty any  other  way.  The  Earl  of  Bristol  depoai^d, 
that  in  a  casual  conversation  with  the  prisoner^ 
after  the  dissolution  of  the  short  parliament,  he 
himself  stated,  that  he  attributed  the  great  dis- 
tractions of  the  times,  particularly  the  riot  at  Lam- 

4 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  79 

beth  and  mutiny  of  some  soldiers  against  their 
officers,  to  the  breach  with  that  assembly,  and  ex* 
pressed  it  as  his  conviction  that  the  safe  plan  in 
such  distresses  was  to  summon  another  parliament 
directly,  alleging,  that  he  feared  the  issue  of  hos- 
tilities with  Scotland,  unless  the  king  were  assisted 
both  with  the  purse  and  the  afiections  of  his  peo- 
ple ;  for  that  he  conceived  it  very  unlikely  that 
the  nation,  labouring  under  such  grievances,  would 
willingly  and  cheerfully  enter  into  a  war  against 
the  sister  kingdom,  which  laboured  *'  under  the 
same  grievances  with  themselves:"  That  in  an- 
swer to  this,  StrafForde  observed,  that  the  times  did 
not  admit  of  so  slow  and  uncertain  a  remedy  as  a 
parliament :  That  he  had  already  been  denied  from 
that  quarter ;  and,  using  the  maxim,  salus  republiccd 
suprema  lex^  said  <<  the  king  must  provide  for  the 
safety  of  the  kingdom  by  such  ways  as  he  should 
think  fit  in  his  wisdom :"  *^  That  he  must  not  suffer 
himself  to  be  mastered  by  the  frowardness  and  un- 
dutifulness  of  his  people,  or  rather,  as   he  con- 
ceived, by  the  dissafiection  and  stubbomess  of  par- 
ticular men/'     LordNewburgh  swore,  that  to  the 
best  of  his  belief^  he  heard  the  prisoner  say,  that 
seeing*  the  parliament  had  not  supplied  the  king, 
his  majesty  might  take  other  courses,  or  something 
to  that  purpose :  The  Earl  of  Holland  swore^  that 
he  heard  him  tell  the  king,  after  the  dissolution, 
diat  the  parliament,  in  denying  a  supply,  had  given 
him  an  advantage  to  supply  himself  by  other  ways. 
The  Earl  of  Northumberland  deposed,  that  he 
heard  Strafforde  tell  his  majesty,  before  the  meeting 


80  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRK. 

of  the  short  parliament,  that  if  the  people  refused 
to  supply  him,  he  was  absolved  from  rules  of  go- 
vernment, and  acquitted  before  God  and  man. 
Sir  Henry  Vane  deposed,  that  he  heard  the  prisoner 
say  this  to  the  king  afler  the  dissolution,  "  Your 
majesty  having  tried  all  ways,  and  been  refused,  in 
this  case  of  extreme  necessity  and  for  the  safety 
of  your  kingdom  and  people,  you  are  loose  and 
absolved  from  all  rules  of  government ;  you  are 
aquitted  before  God  and  man  ;  you  have  an  army 
in  Ireland ;  you  may  employ  it  to  reduce  this 
kingdom.''  The  commons  also  adduced  several 
witnesses,  as.  Lord  Kanelagh,  Sir  Robert  King, 
Sir  Thomas  Barrington,  to  prove  that  his  creatures. 
Sir  George  Ratclifte  and  Sir  George  Wentworth, 
had  used  strong  expressions  relative  to  the  Irish 
army  being  u^ed  to  second  his  majesty's  illegal 
courses,  in  the  event  of  resistance.  On  the  other 
hand,  Strafforde  alleged  that  the  speeches  of  Rat- 
clifFe,  or  of  his  brother,  were  nothing  to  him,  and 
that  he  knjew  his  duty  too  well  as  a  privy-counseU 
lor  to  divulge  to  them  his  master's  secrets :  That 
it  was  strange  that  no  one  heard  the  words  relative 
to  the  Irish  army  but  Sir  Henry  Vane :  That  he 
might  easily  mistake  this  for  that  country ;  and 
that,  as  the  army  had  been  raised  to  reduce  Scot- 
land, and  the  Scottish  business  wa$  then  agitated, 
the  remark  hj|d  necessarily  reference  to  it :  That, 
accordingly,  the  Earl  of  Northumberland,  and 
others,  deposed,  that  they  understood  the  army 
was  intended  for  Spotland ;  and  that,  as  there  was 
no  war  in  England  which  called  for  it  there,  it  ne- 


HISTORY  OF  THfi  BRITISH  £MPIRE.  8 1 

eessarily  followed  that  it  never  could  be  meant  to 
introduce  it  into  this  kingdom  :  That  he  had  per- 
haps said,  that  his  majesty  might  use  his  preroga* 
tive  in  raising  money,  but  he  always  spoke  in  refer- 
ence to  legal  ways — ^never  supposing  it  possible  for 
his  master  to  resort  to  any  other :  He  then  adduc* 
ed  the  Bishop  of  London,  Lord  Treasurer,  who 
swore  positively  that  he  never  heard  any  thing 
about  an  intention  to  bring  the  Irish  army  into 
England ;  but  being  interrogated  whether  he  ever 
heard  Lord  Strafforde  say  that  the  king  was  loose 
and  absolved  from  all  rules  of  government,  **  He 
answered,  that  he  desired  time  to  consider  of  that ; 
he  remembers  not  any  such  thing,  but  he  reserves 
himself  for  thatJ^  He  also  deposed,  that  he  did 
not  remember  of  having  heard  the  prisoner  tell  the 
king  that  the  parliament  had  deserted  him.  Cot- 
tington  swore  that  he  never  heard  Strafforde  talk 
of  ^ctraordinary  ways,  but  that  he  had  heard  him 
say,  the  king  ought  to  seek  out  all  due  and  legal 
ways,  and  to  employ  his  powercr  andide  et  caste  ;  ob- 
serving, that  after  the  present  necessity  was  past, 
and  tlie  work  done,  the  king  ought  to  repair  it,  and 
not  leave  any  precedent  to  the  prejudice  of  his  peo- 
ple, for  that  *<  his  majesty  never  could  be  happy  till 
there  were  a  union  betwixt  himself  and  the  par- 
liamentf  and  the  prerogative  and  liberty  of  the  sub- 
jects were  determined/'  The  Marquis  of  Hamilton 
swore  much  to  the  same  purpose :  Lord  Goring, 
and  Mr.  German,  merely  deposed  to  the  use  of  the 
words  candide  et  caste :  but,  what  is  most  extraor- 
dinary of  all,  Northumberland  himselfi  who  sworc^ 

yOJL.  III.  G 


8^  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  RMPIRE. 

that  he  heard  the  prisoner  say,  before  the  meeting 
of  the  short  parliament,  *'  if  the  people  do  refuse 
to  supply  the  king,  the  king  is  absolved  from  rules 
of  government'' — deposed  to  other  interrogatories, 
that  though  he  said  that  his  majesty  might  use 
bis  power  when  the  kingdom  was  in  danger  or  un- 
avoidable necessity,  he  did  after  say  that  that 
power  was  to  be  used  candidi  et  caster  and  an  ac- 
count thereof  should  be  given  to  the  next  parlia- 
ment, that  they  might  see  it  was  only  employed  to 
that  use/'  If  such  words  were  used  by  StrafFordei 
and  this  deposition  is  to  be  admitted  as  a  whole, 
the  conclusion  is,  that  he  had  merely  employed 
them  to  guard  against  any  after  impeachment, 
which,  as  appears  by  his  letters,  he  always  conceiv- 
ed a  possible  case ;  for  what  is  the  meaning  of  par- 
liamentary power,  if  it  may  be  dispensed  with  at 
the  will  of  the  prince  upon  his  conception  of  ne- 
cessity ;  or  why  talk  of  submitting  what  had  been 
done  in  defiance  of  one  parliament,  to  the  cogniz- 
ance of  another  ?  If  the  king  may  levy  money  at 
pleasure,  upon  any  plea  of  necessity  which  the 
grand  council  has,  in  the  first  place  denied — a  ne- 
cessity of  which  he  is  sole  judge,  in  defiance  of  the 
legislature — ^it  is  an  extravagance  to  talk  of  par- 
liamentary power.  The  evidence  of  Cottington, 
in  the  first  place,  proved  too  much,  as  Strafibrde 
had  admitted  that  he  had  spoken  of  extraordinary 
ways,  which  yet  the  other  could  not  remember. 
In  the  second  place,  it  was  contradictory,  for  un- 
less he  had  been  adverting  to  extraordinary  or  un- 
constitutional ways,  how  could  he  talk  of  repairing. 


HI8TOEY  OF  TH£  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  63 

after  the  work  was  accomplished,  what  had  been 
done  through  necessity  ?  A  breach  must  be  made 
before  it  can  be  repaired. 

In  considering  a  case  of  this  nature,  we  are,  in 
judging  of  the  propriety  of  the  verdict,  always 
bound  to  take  the  evidence  as  it  stands^  without 
regard  to  those  facts  which  may  be  disclosed  to  th^ 
historian  by  time :  But  authors  have  endeavoured 
to  the  utmost  to  vilify,  not  only  this  grand  assem- 
bly for  its  judgment,  but  the  characters  of  Sir 
Henry  Vane,  sen^  and  of  his  son,  and  Mr.  Pym,  (the 
reason  of  the  last  will  afterwards  appear,)  as  if  the 
first  had  peijured  himself^  and  the  two  latter^iad 
assisted  him  in  swearing  away  the  life  of  that  great 
individual :  It  will,  therefore,  not  be  improper  to 
disclose  some  facts  which,  though  |j||ey  could  not 
be  discovered  then,  are  established  upon  the  most 
indisputable  evidence  now.  On  the  10th  of  De* 
cember,  1640,  Northumberldftd  writes,  in  cypher, 
to  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  that  **  he  doubts  the  king 
is  not  very  well  satisfied  with  him — because  he  will 
not  perjure  himself  for  Lord  Lieutenant  Strafe 
firde  K^*  ]^iib  has  an  entry  in  his  diary,  of  the  ^th 
DQcember7i6399  that,  when  a  parliament  had  been 
determined  on,  of  which  the  first  movers  were  Straf- 
fmde,  Marquis  Hamilton,  and  himself,  **  a  rese* 
lution  was  voted  at  the  board  to  assist  the  king  in 
extraordinary  ways,  if  the  parliament  should  prove 
peevish  and  refuse."  Secretary  Windebanke  writes 
to  Sir  Arthur  Hopeton,  who  was  at  that  time 
^t  Madridf  that  it  having  been   concluded  by 

*  Sidney  Papers,  vol.  ii.  p.  665. 


84  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

the  select  committee  for  Scottish  affairs,  that  no-> 
thing  could  quench  the  fire  in  Scotland,  which 
threatened  not  only  the  monarchial  government 
of  that  kingdom,  but  even  that  of  England,  ex- 
cept force  of  arms,  the  question  then  was  how 
money  could  be  raised :  That  a  parliament  was 
thought  at  first  impracticable,  as  it  was  unlikely 
that  it  would  be  inclined  to  supply  his  majesty's 
wants  in  time,  or  in  proportion  to  the  exigency ; 
and  that  many  extraordinary  ways  were  debated, 
but  that  atHast  ^*  the  lords  being  desirious  that  the 
king  and  his  people  should  meet,  if  it  were  possi- 
ble/in  the  ancient  and  ordinary  way  of  parliament, 
rather  than  any  other,  were  of  opinion  his  majes* 
ty  should  makie  trial  of  that  once  more,  that  so  he 
might  leave  ^  people  without  excuse,  and  have 
wherewithal  'to  justify  himself  to  God  and  the 
world,  that  in  his  own  inclination  he  desired  the 
old  way ;  but  that  irhis  people  should  not  cheer- 
fully, according  to  their  duties,  meet  him  in  that, 

•  •  • 

especially  in  this  exigent,  when  his  kingdoms  and 
person  are  in  apparent  danger,  the  world  might 
tee  he  is  forced,  contrary  to  his  own  jpclination, 
to  use  extraordinary  means,  rather  tnan  by  the 
peevishness  of  some  fac&ous  spirits  to  suffer  his 
state  and  government  to  be  lost.  These  consi- 
derations, ripening  this  great  business  for  a  reso- 
lution^  it  was  thought  fit  to  bring  it  to  the  gene- 
ral council,  and  to  give  the  board  account  of  what 
had  passed  in  the  committee.  Which  being  done, 
and  the  Earl  of  Traquair,  his  majesty's  conrirais- 
sioner  in  Scotland,  newly  come  from  thence,  hav- 


UISTORT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  85 

ing  likewise,  by  his  majesty's  commandment,  made 
particular  and  exact  relation  to  the  lords,  of  the 
late  assembly  and  parliament  in  Scotland,  and  of 
their  high  and  insolent  demands,  together  with 
his  opinion  of  their  purpose  to  persist  in  them, 
and  that  there  was  no  probability  of  reducing  them 
but  by  force,  his  majesty  demanded  the  opinion 
of  the  lords  by  vote  what  was  to  be  done ;  where- 
upon the  lords  unanimously  voted,  that  rather  than 
his  majesty  should  yield  to  such  demands,  and  suf- 
fer this  high  rebellion  to  continue,  he  must  of 
necessity  vindicate  himself  and  his  honour,  and 
secure  his  crown  by  force  of  arms ;  and  that  to 
maintain  this  force^  the  best  way  was  the  ordinary 
by  parliament,  which  they  dQ.ubted  not  would  be 
sensible  of  the  honour  of  his  majesty  and  the  na* 
tion,  and  of  their  own  safeties,  and  enable  him 
to  settle  his  affairs.  But  before  his  majesty  would 
declare  his  resolution  for  this  way,  he  was  pleased 
to  put  another  question  to  the  board,  whether,  if 
the  parliament  should  prove  as  untoward  as  some 
have  lately  been,  the  lords  would  not  then  assist 
him  in  such  extraordinary  ways  in  this  extremity 
as  should  be  thought  fit.  Which  being  put  to 
votes,  the  lords  did  all  unanimously  and  cheerfully 
promise,  that  in  such  case  they  would  assist  him 
with  their  lives  and  fortunes,  in  such  extraordi- 
nary ways  as  should  be  advised  and  found  best 
for  the  preservation  of  this  state  and  government. 
Whereupon  his  majesty  declared  his  resolution 
for  a  parliament  *."    Now  it  is  remarkable  that 

•  Clar.  State  Papers,  vol.  ii.  p.  81,  82. 


86  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

Northumberiand  writes  to  the  same  purpose  to  his 
friend  Leicester,  saying,  that  two  ways  only  of 
raising  money  were  thought  of  "  by  the  ordinarie 
way  of  parlament,  or  by  extraordinarie  wayes  of 
ponver^  that"  laying  excises,  enioineing  each  coun- 
tie  to  mentaine  a  certaine  number  of  men,  whilst 
the  warre  lasted,  and  such  like  wayes  were  by  some 
farre  pressed ;  but  mett  with  so  many  weightie 
obiections,  that  those  lords  that  were  all  this 
while  most  auerse  to  parlaments,  did  now  begin 
to  advise  the  king's  makeing  triall  of  his  people 
before  he  used  any  way  of  power.  This  being 
advised  by  their  Lordships,  (who,  to  say  truth, 
found  themselues  so  pusseld  that  they  knew  not 
^here  to  begin,)  the  king  was  soon  gained,  and 
resolued  the  next  councell  day  to  propose  it  to  the 
rest  of  the  lords  *•''  Windebanke,  immediately  af- 
ter the  dissolution,  wrote  to  Sir  A.  Hopeton,  that 
**  it  was  a  very  great  disaster,  but  there  was  no  other 
way,  and  his  majesty  had  wherewithal  to  justify 
himself  to  God  and  the  world  t,'*  &c.  When,  along 
with  this,  it  is  considered  that  Straffbrde's  Letters 
all  breathe  a  spirit  of  uncontrolled  power ;  that, 
in  considerations  drawn  out  by  him  expressly  for 
the  king  himself,  while  he  so  rejoiced  at  the  extra- 
judicial opinion  of  the  judges  in  the  case  of  ship- 
money,  he  declares  that  though  '*  it  was  the 
greatest  service  the  legal  profession  had  done  the 
crown  in  his  time,  yet  unless  his  majesty  had  the 
like  power  declared  to  raise  a  land  army  upon  the 

•  Sidney  Papers,  vol.  ii.  p.  623. 
t  Clar.  Papers,  vol.  ii.  p.  84, 


HI8T0BT  OF  THE  BRITISH  SMPIRE.  ffj 

same  exigent  of  state,"  (a  necessity  of  which  the 
king  was  sole  judge,  and  therefore  was  not  bound 
to  render  any  account,)  <<  the  crown  seemed  to 
him  to  stand  but  upon  one  leg  at  home,  to  be  con- 
siderable, but  by  halves,  to  foreign  princes  abroad ;" 
but  if  that  point  were  gained,  which  the  opinion 
regarding  ship-money  evinced  to  belong  to  the 
king,  then  the  royalty  was  for  ever  vindicated  from 
under  the  conditions  and  restraints  of  subjects : 
That  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Justice  Hutton,  after  that 
judge  had  voted  in  the  minority  in  Hampden's 
case,  he  says  that  <^  the  power  of  levies  of  forces 
by  sea  and  land,  is  such  a  property  of  sovereignty, 
as,  were  the  crown  willing,  yet  it  could  not  divest 
itself  thereof*  i*'  That  Strafforde's  own  govern- 


^  We  have  already  given  many  extracts  &om  Strafifbide's  Letters 
and  Dispatches,  hat  his  language  to  Mr.  Justiee  Hutton  will  he  found 
to  throw  such  light  upon  the  evidence  at  the  trials  that  we  cannot  re- 
frain from  quoting  it  "  I  must  confess,"  says  he,  '^  in  a  business  of  so 
m^hty  importance^  I  shall  the  less  regard  the  forms  of  pleading,  and 
to  conceive  (as  it  seems  my  Lord  Finch  pressed^)  that  the  power  of 
levies  of  farces  at  sea  and  Inid  for  the  very,  not  feigned,  relief  of  the 
public^  is  such  a  property  of  sovereignty,  as,  were  the  crown  willing, 
yet  can  it  not  divest  itself  thereof:  solus  populi  suprema  lex  ;  nay,  in 
cases  of  extremityy  even  above  acts  of  parliament."  (Now  there  ia 
iomethiiig  feasible  in  this :  a  real,  not  feigned  necessity  is  certainly 
paramount  to  all  law ;  but  the  succeeding  sentences  shew  his  ideas  of 
neoessit/.)  "  And  I  am  satisfied  that  monies  raised  for  setting  forth 
a  fleet  was  chastely  bestowed  that  way,  not  at  all  vitiated  by  any  ap- 
plication otherwise ;  nay,  satisfied  that  it  was  necessary  that  it  should 
be  so,  and  that  our  fleet  at  sea  were  in  these  times  of  mighty  honour 
to  the  king,  most  fit  to  preserve  the  rights  of  private  subjects,  the 
peace  and  safety  of  the  commonwealth.  And  considering  it  is  agreed 
by  common  consent,  that  in  time  of  public  danger  and  necessity  such 
a  levy  may  be  made,  and  that  the  king  is  therein  sole  judge,  how  or 
in  what  manner  or  proportion  it  is  to  be  gathered,  I  conceive  it  was 


88  HISTORY  OF  TH£  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

ment  of  Ireland,  which  he  held  out  to  Laud  as  a 
model  for  England,  was  contrary  to  all  constitu* 
tional  principles,  and  supported  by  absolute  force  : 
That  he  bad  become  the  arch-adviser  of  his  mas- 


out  of  humour  opposed  by  Ham^en  beyond  the  duty  of  a  subject/ 
and  that  reverence  wherein  we  ought  to  have  bo  gracious  a  sovereignj 
it  being  ever  understood  the  prospects  of  kings  into  mysteries  of  state 
are  so  far  exceeding  those  of  ordinary  common  persons,  as  they  be  able 
to  discern  and  prevent  dangers  to  the  public  afar  off,  which  others- 
shall  not  so  much  as  dream  of  till  they  feel  the  unavoidable  stripes 
and  smarts  of  them  upon  their  naked  shoulders ;  besides  the  mischief 
which  threatens  states  and  people  are  not  always  those  which  becomes 
the  obji»:t  of  every  vulgar  eye,  but  those  commonly  of  most  dangerj 
when  least  discovered ;  nay,  very  often,  if  unseasonably,  over  early 
published,  albeit  privately  known  to  the  king  before,  might  rather 
enflame  than  remedy  the  evil ;  therefore  it  is  a  safe  ride  for  us  all  in^ 
the  fear  of  God  to  lemit  these  supreme  watches  to  that  regal  power,* 
whose  peculiar  indeed  it  is ;  submit  ourselves  in  these  high  consider- 
ations to  his  ordinance,  as  being  no  other  than  the  oi^nance  of  Grod 
ftself,  tod  rather  attend  upon  his  vrill,  with  confidence  in  his  justice, 
{belief  in  his  wisdom,  assurance  in  his  parental  affections  to  his  suIh 
jects  and  kingdoms,  than  fret  ourselvea  with  die  curious  questionsy 
with  the  vain  flatteries  of  imaginary  liberty,  whidr,  had  we  even  our 
silly  wishes  and  conceits,  were  we  to  frame  a  new  commonwealth  even 
to  our  own  fancy,  might  yet  in  conclusion  lea've  ourselves  less  free, 
less  happy  dian  now,  thanks  be  to  God  and  his  majesty,  we  are ;  nay 
jusdy,  ought  to  be  reputed  by  every  moderate  minded  Christian.' 
Straf.  Let.-  and  Disp.  vol.  ii.  p.  388,  389.  These  sentiments  require 
no  comment,  being  such  as  could  only  fit  such  a  r^on  as  MoroccOir 
They  woidd  not  have  been  received  in  France  by  that  portion  of  the 
community  that  might  be  said  to  ei\joy  privileges— the  nobility.  Yet 
if  this  had  been  spoken,  and  deposed  to,  and  the  first  part  brought  out  by 
cross  questions,  how  might  it  have  been  dwelt  upon  by  historians  ?  As- 
suredly Mr.  Hume  must  not  have  perused  these  letters,  otherwise 
he  never  could  have  made  the  remarks  upon  Strafibrde's  character 
which  he  has  indulged  in.  He  mistakes,  too,  the  tune  of  Strafibrde's 
admission'  to  office^  making  it  after  the  dissolution  of  the  third  paxlia<« 
ment,— i^Aen'  the  necessities  of  state  had  begun,  instead  of  during  the* 
prorogation.  Had  he  attended  to  dates,  he  would  have  found  that  the 
individual  whom  he  eulogizes  went  over  at  once  to  the  Courty  and 


tllStORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIREi  89 

ter ;  and  that  the  war  which  he  advised  with  ScoU 
land  had  its  foundation  merely  in  that  people's  re- 
sistance of  arbitrary  power ;  we  shall  not  be  dis- 
posed to  view  the  evidence  of  Vane  in  a  suspi-* 
cious  light  Money  was,  after  the  dissolution, 
to  be  raised  by  power ;  and  if,  afler  such  indica- 
tions of  disaffection,  the  king  and  his  ministers 
did  not  contemplate  such  a  spirit  of  resistance  as, 
if  not  put  down  by  military  force,  would  blast  all 
their  hopes,  they  must  have  been  blind  to  all  con- 
sequences. Whoever  advises  arbitrary  proceed- 
ings, must  be  presumed  to  include  the  means  of  ef- 
fecting them ;  for,  afler  their  adoption,  there  seems 
to  be  no  retreat  compatible  either  with  the  safety 
of  the  minister,  or  the  false  honour  of  the  prince* 
The  way  of  power,  or  of  force,  is  recommended, 
and  it  can  only  be  so  because  the  minister  con- 
ceives that  the  monarch  has  the  requisite  strength* 
The  guilt  of  Strafforde,  therefore,  is  not  augment- 
ed by  that  part  of  his  alleged  advice  which  regard- 
ed the  Irish  army. 

That  the  Irish  army  was  primarily  raised  for  the 
subjugation  of  Scotland  is  unquestionable,  but  it 
did  not  thence  follow  that,  upon  a  similar  exigency^ 
it  might  not  be  conceived  ready  for  a  similar  ser-> 


witfaott  the  eolotir  of  &n  apology^  espoused  instantly  the  prindpleft 
which  he  had  just  hefore  so  vehemently  opposed.  In  r^ard  to  his 
letters^  they  are  the  more  entitled  to  reg/Burd,  that  he  never  wrote  one 
unadvisedly^  nor  dispatched  ii^  Without  skewing  it  to  his  friends  Sir 
Geoige  Radcli^,  and  Wandesford,  Master  of  the  Rolls  in  Ireland, 
whom  he  likewise  consulted  on  every  thing  of  any  moment  concerning 
either  political  or  domestic  husiness.  See  Radcliffe's  Essay.  Thia 
makes  the  remarks  of  Radcliffe  relative  to  thearmy^  of  infinitely  great- 
er importance. 


90  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRlE. 

Vice  in  England ;  and  as  for  the  probability  of  any 
mistake^  by  Vane,  of  this  for  that  country,  it  seems 
to  be  unfounded,  especially  \vhen  we  view  his  tes- 
timony in  connection  with  a  document  which  was 
afterwards  brought  to  corroborate  it.   The  minutes 
of  council  had  all  been  destroyed  by  the  command 
of  the  king,  lest  they  should  be  produced  against 
his  servants  j  but  Sir  Harry  Vane  having,  during 
liis  absence  in  the  north,  sent  the  key  of  his  study 
to  his  son.  Sir  Harry  Vane  the  younger,  that  he 
might  transmit  some  private  documents,  the  latter 
found  notes  of  a  council,  after  the  dissolution  of 
the  late  parliament,  which,  as  they  developed  de- 
signs most  pernicious  to  the  state,  he  shewed  to 
Pym,   when  that  gentleman  visited  him  during 
a  severe  indisposition,   and  Pym  having  insist- 
ed upon  being  allowed  to  take  a  copy  of  them 
for   the   public   good,  young  Vane   reluctantly 
consented.    The  cabinet  was  then  locked,  and 
the  matter  concealed  from  the  father.     When, 
however,  Vane's  testimony  on  the  trial  Was  thought 
incomplete,  Pym  produced  the  alleged  copy  of  this 
important  document,  which  had  now  become  va- 
luable after  the  destruction  of  the  original.     Old 
Vane,  who  either  was,  or  affected  to  be,  extremely 
offended  at  his  son's  conduct,  said,  upon  his  exa- 
mination, that  he  had  nothing  to  add  to  his  former 
evidence,  except  that  he  had  taken  such  notes,  and 
that  the  document  was  like  them.    Of  course  it  was 
supported  by  the  testimony  of  his  son  and  of  Pym. 
The  title  of  the  notes  was  "  No  danger  of  a  war 
with  Scotland  ;  if  offensive,  not  defensive  ;*'  and 
they  were  as  follow. 


HISTORt  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRB.  $1 

K.  C  ''  How  can  we  undertake  offensive  war^  if 
we  have  no  money  ? 

L.  L.  Tr.  (Strafforde)  "  Borrow  of  the  city 
L.1 00,000 ;  go  on  vigorously  to  levy  ship-money ; 
your  majesty  having  tried  the  affection  of  your 
people,  you  are  absolved,  and  loose  from  all  rule 
of  government,  and  to  do  what  power  will  admits 
Your  majesty  having  tried  all  ways,  and  being  re- 
fused, you  shall  be  acquitted  before  God  and  man. 
And  you  have  an  army  in  Ireland,  that  you  may 
employ  to  reduce  this  kingdom  to  obedience ;  fof 
I  am  confident  the  Scots  cannot  hold  out  five 
months. 

Xr.  Aroh.  (Laud)  "  You  have  tried  all  ways,  and 
have  always  been  denied,  it  is  now  lawful  to  take  it 
hjffwce. 

L.  Cot.  (Cottington)  <'  Leagues  abroad  there 
may  be  made  for  the  defence  of  the  kingdom ;  the 
Lower  House  are  weary  of  the  king  and  the 
church.  All  ways  shall  be  just  to  raise  money,' 
in  this  inevitable  necessity,  and  are  to  be  used,  be-^ 
ing  lawful. 

L.  Arch^  **  For  an  offensive,  not  any  defensive' 
war. 

X.  L.  Tr.  "  The  town  is  full  of  lords,  put  the 
commission  of  array  on  foot,  and  if  any  of  them 
stir,  we  will  make  them  smart.'' 

Either  this  was  the  grossest  conspiracy  between 
the  two  Vanes  and  Fym,  or  there  can  be  no  ques- 
tion about  the  import  of  Strafibrde's  advice.  The 
Irish  army  had  been  raised  for  Scotland,  and  there 
could  be  no  occasion  for  reminding  his  majesty  of 
its  existence  in  regard  to  the  commotions  there ; 


9S  HISTORY  OF  THE  BBITI8H  EMPIRE^ 

but  when  raising  money  by  force  in  England,  in 
such  an  hour  of  disafiection,  was  contemplated,  it 
seemed  necessary  to  consider  of  the  means  to  second 
the  present  power.  The  words  were  spoken  in  re- 
lation to  raising  money,  and  seem  incapable  of  an- 
other construction.  Charles  had  himself  early 
thought  of  introducing  foreign  troops  to  carry 
through  his  arbitrary  designs  j  and  it  was  distinctly 
proved  that  the  language  of  Sir  George  Radclifie 
and  Sir  George  Wentworth  corresponded  with  the 
design  imputed  to  Strafforde  *,  while  the  facts  prov- 
ed in  the  subsequent  charges  establish  on  what  prin- 
ciples he  was  disposed  to  conduct  the  adn:^inistra* 
tion  of  England.  The  grand  objection  to  Vane's 
testimony  ti^as  brought  by  Lord  Digby  at  passing 
the  bill  of  attainder :  he  had  been  one  of  the  small 
secret  committee  for  preparing  the  impeachment 
of  Strafforde,  arid  he  told  the  Lower  House  that, 
being  now  abs^olved  from  his  oath  of  secresy,  he 
would  state  the  grounds  upon  which  he  could  not 

*  It  was  proved  by  the  evidence  of  Sir  Robert  King  and  Lord  Ra- 
nelaugb  that  Sir  George  Ratclifie  had  said  in  answer  to  their  queries 
About  raising  money^  that  his  majesty  had  an  army,  and  if  he  wanted 
money,  who  would  pity  him ;  that  his  majesty  was  ready  to  mipply 
himself;  and  that  he  could  make  peace  with  the  Scots  when  he  Hked. 
Sir  Thomas  Barring,  too,  swore  that  Sir  George  AVentworth  had,  on 
s  conversation  about  the  kte  parliament,  said  that  this  commonwealth 
is  sick  of  peace,  and  will  not  be  well  till  it  be  conquered  again.  The 
evidence  on  this  point  also  established  that  the  general  apprehension 
even  of  official  men  in  Ireland,  was  of  a  design  against  England.  Cot- 
tington  appears,  by  the  notes  of  council,  to  have  been  himself  one  of 
the  most  criminal ;  and  we  learn  from  the  correspondence  of  the  Earl 
of  Northumberland,  that,  during  the  preceding  summer,  he  had  be- 
come the  entire  confidant  of  Strafforde — ^when  the  latter  and  Laud 
had  disagreed.  Sidney  Papers,  vol.  ii.  p.  657.  Cottington's  evidence, 
too,  is  strangely  cautious-    See  Rush.  vol.  viii.  p.  56 i. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BltlTISH  EMPIRE.  93 

agree  to  the  bill : — "that  Vane  had  been  examined 
thrice  upon  oath  before  the  secret  committee ;  that, 
in  the  first  examination,  he  positively  said,  in  an- 
swer to  interrogatories  regarding  the  Irish  army, 
*«  I  cannot  charge  him  with  that ;"  but  for  the 
rest  desires  time  to  recollect  himself,  which  was 
granted  him.  Some  days  afler  he  was  examined  a 
second  time,  and  then  deposes  these  words  con- 
ceming  the  king^s  being  absolved  from  rules  of 
government  and  so  forth  very  clearly.  But  being 
pressed  to  that  part  concerning  the  Irish  army,  he 
said  he  could  say  nothing  to  that."  He  then  states 
that  it  was  some  weeks  afterwards  when  Vane  re- 
collected the  words  about  the  Irish  army.  Digby 
argued,  in  regard  to  the  notes,  that  they  were  not 
evidence ;  as  there  was  no  conclusion  of  counsels, 
which  ought  to  be  the  only  cause  of  taking  notes, 
but  merely  the  venomous  parts  of  discourses,  cal- 
culated to  bring  men  into  danger.  In  this  objec- 
tion, however,  there  appears  to  be  no  weight  what- 
ever. The  title  imported  the  conclusion,  and  that 
could  be  disputed  by  none :  the  cause  of  taking 
notes  on  such  an  occasion,  is  not  merely  to  register 
the  conclusion  which  the  minutes  must  ever  put 
beyond  the  possibility  of  question,  but  to  preserve 
an  exact  account  of  the  opinions  of  individual  coun- 
sellors for  one's  own  regulation.  The  previous 
want  of  recollection  in  Vane  may  be  deemed  a 
matter  of  more  serious  import.  But,  in  the  first 
place,  this  at  least  proves  that  he  had  no  under- 
standing with  the  prosecutors ;  and  it  is  not  won- 
derful that,  considering  what  had  passed  in  the 
interim^  he  should  not  all  at  once  remember  the 


94  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRB. 

speeches  of  the  councillors,  though  they  might  be 
recollected  afterwards  *.  In  the  second  place,  it  is 
proper  to  mention  that  the  Commons  questioned 
Digby  next  day  for  his  speech,  and  after  its  publi- 
cation, voted  it  to  be  scandalous,  and  false  to  the  wit- 
nesses, and  that  it  would  not  be  enough  to  shew  that 
he  had  some  foundation  for  his  statement,  since 
all  depends  upon  the  way  in  which  a  thing  is  done : 
-—In  the  third  place,  that  this  individual,  though 
sworn  to  secresy  as  one  of  the  preparatory  committee, 
was  believed  to  have  conveyed  intelligence  of  all  the 
evidence  to  Strafforde,  in  order  to  prepare  him  for 
it  t — a  circumstance  which  exceedingly  lessens  our 
idea  of  the  prisoner's  ability  in  defence :  And  last- 
ly, that  Digby  stole  the  copy  of  the  notes  of  coun<* 
cil,  which,  as  one  of  the  secret  committee,  he  had 
an  opportunity  of  doing,  and  that,  when  an  oath 
was  administered  to  all  the  members  of  the  com* 
mittee  relative  to  the  document,  he  was  the  readiest 
to  swear  solemnly  that  it  had  not  been  purloined 
by  him ;  though  he  had  already  gained  the  royal 
favour  by  delivering  it  to  StrafTorde,  as  appeared 
by  a  copy  under  his  own  hand,  which  was  found 
in  the  royal  cabinet  when  it  was  taken  after  the 
battle  of  Nasebyl*      The  matter,  too,  did  not 

*  The  objection  to  Vane's  first  alleged  want  of  recollection  applies 
with  tenfold  force  to  most  of  the  other  witnesses,  whose  menMries 
ponfessedly  continued  incurable  to  the  last 

t  Baillie's  Let.  vol.  i.  p.  283.  "  Digby^  as  it  is  thought/'  says  Bail* 
lie^  *'  had  g^ven  particular  information  to  8tra£ft>rde  of  all  their  depo« 
aitions." 

X  Whitdocke^  p.  43.  Royal  cabinet  opened,  &c  By  the  way>  I  am 
satisfied  that  there  has  been  no  little  alteration  upon  \Vhitelocke*s  text 
by  the  editor  in  regard  to  Strafibrdc.  The  general  accuracy  of  Whit»- 
locke  every  one  must  admits  yet  in  a  case  where  be  acted  as  chairman 


HISTORT  OF  THB  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  9^ 

rest  upon  the  testiin<Hiy  of  Vane:  if  he  per- 
jured himself,  both  Pym  and  Vane  the  young- 
er were  in  the  same  predicament,  and  must 
be  charged  with  conspiring  with  him  to  take 
away  Strafforde's  life*  The  notes  are  supported  by 
other  evidence  in  all  points  excepting  that  of  the 
army :  The  remaining  part  of  the  charge,  which 
reflects  so  much  light  upon  this,  was  almost  entire? 
ly  established  by  the  best  evidence. 

The  conclusion  of  Stra£K)rde's  defence,  after  the 
additional  proof  was  led,  has  been  admired,  (though 
his  previous  summing  up  was  thought  tedious,) 
and  we  should  be  doing  injustice  to  our  readers  by 
withholding  it.  '*  It  is  hard  to  be  questioned  upop 
a  law  which  cannot  be  shewn.  Where  hath  this 
fire  kun  hid  so  many  hundreds  of  years,  without 
any  smoke  to  discover  it,  till  it  thus  burst  forth  to 
consume  me  and  my  children  ?  That  punishment 
should  precede  promulgation  of  a  law> — ^to  be  pu- 
nished by  a  law  subsequent  to  the  fact,  is  extreme 
hard :  What  man  can  be  safe  if  this  be  admitted  ? 
My  Lords,  it  is  hard  in  another  respect,  that  there 
should  be  no  token  set,  by  which  we  should  know 

of  the  secret  oommittee^  and  managed  great  part  of  the  evidence  as 
eounsel  for  the  commons,  there  occurs  one  absurd  blunder.  The  re« 
marks  upon  Vane's  testimony  before  the  committee  are  put  into  the 
month  of  Strafforde,  who,  whatever  he  had  secretly  learned  from 
Digby,  could  not  at  least  shew  that  he  knew  any  thing  of  the  mat- 
ter. Vane's  testimony  at  the  trial  was  quite  consistent  The  high 
eompliments,  too,  paid  to  Straffixrde— compliments  which  imply  hia 
innocence,  are  neiUier  consistent  with  the  usual  style  of  Whitelocke, 
nor  with  the  fact  of  his  having  voted  that  individual  guilty.  I  am 
not  the  first  who  has  suspected  unfairness  in  the  publication,  and 
what  I  have  shewn  in  regud  to  the  embassy  proves  how  editors  pro- 
ceed. 


96  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE* 

this  offence,  no  admonition  by  M^hich  we  should 
avoid  it  If  a  man  pass  the  Thames  in  a  boat,  and 
split  upon  an  anchor,  and  no  buoy  be  floating  to 
discover  it,  he  who  oweth  the  anchor  shall  make 
satisfaction  ;  but,  if  a  buoy  be  set  there,  every  man 
passeth  at  his  own  peril.  Now,  where  is  the  mark, 
where  the  token  upon  this  crime,  to  declare  it  to 
be  high  treason  ?  My  Lords,  be  pleased  to  give 
that  regard  to  the  peerage  of  England  as  never  to 
expose  yourselves  to  such  moot  points,  to  such 
constructive  interpretations  of  laws  :  If  there  must 
be  a  trial  of  wits,  let  the  subject-matter  be  of  some- 
what else  than  the  lives  and  honours  of  peers. — It 
will  be  wisdom  for  yourselves,  for  your  posterity, 
and  for  the  whole  kingdom,  to  cast  into  the  fire 
these  bloody  and  mysterious  volumes  of  construc- 
tive and  arbitrary  treason,  as  the  Christians  did 
their  books  of  curious  arts,  and  betake  yourselves 
to  the  plain  letter  of  the  law,  that  telleth  us  what 
is,  and  what  is  not  treason,  without  being  more  am- 
bitious to  be  more  learned  in  the  art  of  killing  than 
our  forefathers.  It  is  now  full  two  hundred  and 
forty  years  since  any  man  was  touched  for  this  al- 
leged crime,  to  this  height,  before  myself:  Let  us 
not  awaken  those  sleeping  lions  to  our  destructionsi^ 
by  raking  up  a  few  musty  records  that  have  Iain 
by  the  walls  so  many  ages  forgotten  or  neglected. 
May  your  Lordships  please  not  to  add  this  to  my 
other  misfortunes :  Let  not  a  precedent  be  derived 
from  me  so  disadvantageous  as  this  will  be  in  the 
consequence  to  the  whole  kingdom.  Do  not, 
through  me,  wound  the  interest  of  the  common, 
wealth  J  and,  however  these  gentlemen  say  they 


HIStORY  OP  THB  BRITISH  £MPIRB«  97 

speak  for  the  commonwealth,  yet,  in  this  particu- 
lar, I  indeed  speak  for  it,  and  shew  the  inconve- 
niences and  mischiefs  that  will  fall  upon  it.  For 
as  it  is  said  in  the  statute,  1  Hen.  IV.  no  man  will 
know  what  to  do  or  say  for  fear  of  such  penalties. 
Do  not  put,  my  Lords,  such  difficulties  upon  mini* 
sters  of  state,  that  men  of  wisdom,  of  honouf ,  and 
of  fortune,  may  not  with  cheerfulness  and  safety  be 
employed  for  the  public :  If  you  weigh  and  mea* 
sure  them  by  grains  and  scruples,  the  public  afiairs 
of  the  kingdom  will  lie  waste  $  no  man  will  meddle 
with  them  who  hath  any  thing  to  lose. 

**  My  Lords,  I  have  troubled  you  longer  than 
I  should  have  done,  were  it  not  for  the  interest  these 
dear  pledges  a  saint  in  heaven  left  me/' — Here 
he  paused,  and  shed  a  few  tears. — **  What  I  for-^ 
feit  for  myself  is  nothing ;  but  that  my  indiscre- 
tion should  extend  to  my  posterity  woundeth  me 
to  the  very  soul.  You  will  pardon  my  infirmity ; 
something  I  should  have  added,  but  am  not  able, 
therefore  let  it  pass.  And  now,  my  Lords,  for  my- 
self, I  have  been,  by  the  blessing  of  Almighty 
God,  taught  that  the  afflictions  of  this  present  life 
are  not  to  be  compared  to  the  eternal  weight  of 
glory  which  shall  be  revealed  hereafter.  And  so, 
my  Lords,  even  so,  with  all  tranquillity  of  mind,  I 
freely  submit  myself  to  your  judgment ;  and  whe- 
ther that  judgment  be  of  life  or  death, 

**  Te  deum  laudamus*** 

*  I  have  taken  the  above  from  Whitelocke.    Other  oopiop  'hky 
less  fbe.    See  Nalaon^  vol.  ii.  Scott*8  Somen's  Tracte»  vol.  !▼.    Ruk. 

VOL.  III.  H 


&6  HISTORY  OF  THB  BRITISH  BMPIRB. 

The  eloquence  of  this  passage  is  above  its  logic. 
The  reasoniQg  proceeds  upon  the  assumption  that 
the  charge  of  the  commons  had  been  substantiated, 
and  just  amounts  to  this — that  though  all  men  know- 
that  it  is  criminal  to  infringe  a  particular  law,  yet 
a  minister  of  state,  who  takes  advantage  of  par* 
ticular  circumstances  to  overturn  the  whole  esta- 
blished laws,  cannot  be  justly  questioned,  because, 
there  being  no  particular  statute  which  exactly 
applies  to  such  a  case,  he  had  no  legal  warning 
against  the  proceeding.  A  position  so  monstrous 
came  with  a  remarkably  bad  grace  from  the  indi- 
vidual who  advanced  it,  because  he  had  himself  been 
one  of  the  most  zealous  promoters  of  the  petition  of 
right,  which  was  expressly  passed  to  prevent  such 
an  invasion  of  the  national  privileges.  His  allega- 
tion, that  he  pleaded  for  the  law,  while  he  assum- 
ed the  very  principle  in  argument  of  having  la- 
boured to  overturn  all  law,  is  strangely  inconsistent. 
But,  in  a  regular  trial,  the  objection  that  there 
was  no  established  rule  of  law  for  his  condemna- 
tion, seems  to  have  been  well  founded ;  and  the 
commons  themselves,  after  a  full  pleading  upon 
the  point  of  law,  which,  on  their  part  was  under- 
Biu  of  at.  taken  by  St.  John,  and  on  StrafForde's  by  Lane, 
abandoned  that  mode  of  proceeding,  and  brought 
in  a  bill  of  attainder. 

The  bill  of  attainder  has  been  generally  con- 
demned, even  on  abstract  principles, — that  is,  as- 
suming the  guilt  of  Strafforde ;  but  the  argument 
which  appears  to  be  of  the  greatest  weight,  has 
been  used  by  a  late  celebrated  statesman :  That 


uiatoBS  or  tub  bbituh  bmp1rb«  09 

nothing  but  a  case  of  clear  self-defence  can  justi* 
iy  a  departure  from  the  sacred  principles  of  jus- 
tice; but  that»  whenever  an  individual  can  be 
brought  to  trial,  he  is  within  the  power  of  his  pro- 
secutors,  and  that,  therefore,  when  there  has  been 
no  law  distinctly  provided  against  the  species  of 
oflfence  of  which  he  is  accused,  the  present  delin- 
quent should  be  allowed  to  escape,  and  a  legisla- 
tive enactment  be  made  to  meet  the  crime  in  fu- 
ture *.  It  is  not  without  hesitation  that  I  differ 
from  this  author,  fortified  as  his  opinion  is  by  that 
of  writers  in  general ;  but  it  has  ever  appeared  to 
me  that  there  is  a  fallacy  in  the  argument,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  distinction,  between  the  legislature 
and  ordinary  courts  of  law,  having  been  overlook- 
ed. Courts  of  law,  as  they  act  by  delegated  aib* 
thority,  must  necessarily  be  governed  by  the  rules 
which  the  state  that  appoints  them  has  thought 
proper  to  establish.  The  one  is  a  necessary  con-* 
sequence  of  the  other  ;  and  were  any  other  prin<* 
ciple  to  be  recognised  for  an  instant,  the  legisla- 
tive power  would  centre  in  these  tribunals.  But 
it  is  a  very  different  question,  indeed,  whether,  on 
some  great  and  crying  occasion,  when  all  that  is 
estimable  in  society  has  been  invaded,  and  rescued 
with  difficulty  from  utter  ruin,  the  perpetrators  of 
this  unprecedented  wickedness,  who  acted  upon 
the  idea  that  the  enormity  of  their  guilt  would 
protect  them,—-  who,  **  judging  themselves  above 
the  reach  of  ordinary  justice,  fieared  not  extraor- 

*  Fox's  Introductioii  to  his  Hist. 


100  HtSTORY  OP  THB  fiRtTISH  EMPIRE. 

nary,  and,  by  degrees,  thought  that  no  fault  which 
was  like  to  find  no  punishment  *,"  may  not  be 
questioned  by  the  legislature  itself,  in  whose  power 
are  the  lives  and  fortunes  of  the  whole  communi- 
ty ?  Whether,  in  short,  that  power  which  binds  the 
whole,  may  not  pass  an  act  to  touch  an  individual 
who  has  been  guilty  of  the  last  degree  of  crimina- 
lity ?    The  sacred  principles  of  justice  are  not  im- 
pinged, for  here  is  no  precedent  set  for  ordinary 
courts  to  transgress  the  limits  prescribed  to  them ; 
and  the  guilt  is  such  as  requires  no  written  law  to 
define  it     Well  may  it  be  questioned  too,  whether 
it  be  not  most  advisable  for  a  state  to  leave  such 
monstrous  iniquity  undefined,   lest,  on  the  one 
hand,  the  study  be  how  to  commit  wickedness  in 
a  new  way  so  a$)(o  evade  the  statute ;  and,  on  the 
other,  lest  such'  definitions  may  not  unnecessarily 
clog  the  administration.     It  has  been  argued,  that 
the  innocent  may,  by  bills  of  attainder,  be  sacri- 
ficed to  the  vengeance  of  a  prime  minister  t ;  but 
this  is  assuming  that  the  legislature  might  be  con- 
verted into  a  mere  tool  in  his  hand ;  and  if  that 
were  to  occur,  surely  the  mention  of  law  and  jus* 
tice  would  become  a  mockery ;  while  there  could 
not  be  any  legal  restraint  against  the  commission 
of  the  act  whenever  the  minister  had  an  object  to 
accomplish.     It  may  be  alleged  that  this  is  a  rea- 
son for  fortifying  public  opinion  against  the  possi- 
bility of  the  measure  j  but  it  may  fairly  be  admit- 

•  Clar.  vol.  L  f  Laing, 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  lOl 

ted,  that  wherever  a  people  are  so  negligent  of 
their  own  rights  as  to  commit  their  lives,  fortunes, 
and  privileges,  to  a  power  in  which  they  have  so 
little  confidence,  they  need  not  trouble  themselves 
about  the  possibility  of  injustice  to  an  individual 
whose  high  sphere  must  give  an  interest  to  that  pow- 
er to  protect  him,  lest  the  members  of  it  should  cre« 
ate  a  precedent  against  themselves.  In  such  a  situa- 
tion, men  of  humble  rank  could  not  be  liable  to 
that  unusual  mode  of  proceeding,  because  gene- 
ral  laws   can  always   be  made  to  reach  them; 
and  the  attainder  of  a  grand  delinquent  produces 
a  notoriety  that  must  either  secure  him  from  in- 
justice, or  more  strongly  impress  the  public  with 
the  conviction,  that  a  change  is  necessary  in  the 
.  constitution  of  their  government.    Thus,  this  ar- 
gument, which  assumes  the  possibility  of  such  cor- 
ruption, defeats  itself.    The  legislature  has  seen 
cause  repeatedly  to  suspend  the  habeas  corpus  act ; 
and,  however  men  may  differ  as  to  the  propriety  of 
the  measure  on  any  particular  occasion,  it  must  be 
admitted  in  the  abstract,  that  there  may  be  a  suf- 
ficient ground  for  it     But  assuredly  there  is  no 
comparison  between  immuring  ^ny  number^  in 
a  dungeon,  and  striking  at  the  life  of  some  grand 
delinquent  by  a  law  for  the  occasion.     The  last 
excites  universal  interest,  and»  should  there  be  in* 
justice,  geqeral  sympathy  for  the  victim  of  oppres- 
sioq,  and  abhorrence  against  his  persecutors.    The 
former  exposes  thousands  to  the  possibility  of  a 
greater  evil.    They  have  not  tjie  satisfaction  of 
t>eing  heard  in  their  own  defence ;  they  lose  the 


102  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE, 

public  sympathy,  and  lie  forgotten  i  nay,  when 
restored  to  society,  it  is  with  broken  health,  and, 
hi  all  probability,  broken  fortune,  to  be  shunned 
like  a  pestilence,  and  exposed  to  the  odium  of 
vice,  without  the  means  of  self-vindication,  as  they 
were  to  punishment  exceeding,  perhi^  in  their 
estimation,  what  the  law,  in  its  utmost  severity, 
could  have  inflicted  on  a  full  proof  of  the  crime 
of  which  they  were  merely  suspected.  The  mag- 
nitude of  the  evil  none  will  deny ;  but  the  ques^* 
tioh  is,  whether  it  must  not  be  endured  to  avoid  a 
greater  ?  An  act  of  attainder,  where  the  guilt 
of  the  accused  is  established  by  competent  eW* 
dence,  and  amounts  to  that  of  attempting  to  over* 
turn  the  constitution  of  the  government,  in  a  man- 
ner which  bad  not  been  contemplated  by  the  kw, 
is  not  liable  to  such  objections.  In  vain  does  the 
accused  pretend  that  there  was  no  statute  to  warn 
him  of  the  crime,  since  it  is  an  intuitive  truth,  that, 
if  to  violate  one  law  be  criminal,  the  violation  of 
all  the  laws,  which  is  involved  in  the  attempt  to 
subvert  the  whole  system,  must  be  infinitely  more 
so. 

With  regard  to  the  guilt  of  Stf afforde,  none  can 
peruse  the  evidence  without  prejudice,  and  yet  deny 
that  it  was  fully  established-^— whether  we  consider 
his  government  of  the  northern  counties,  which 
were  completely  disfranchised-— his  administration 
of  Ireland— his  unconstitutional  advice,  or  the  mea- 
sures adopted  in  consequence  of  it  The  iuvaiia^ 
ble  attempt  has  been  to  invalidate  the  teittimofiy 
of  Sir  Hepry  Vane,  which  yet  appears  to  havd  been 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRB.  lOS 

correct ;  but,  were  it  even  left  out  of  view,  the 
evidence  independent  of  it,  even  in  regard  to  the 
unconstitutional  advice,  would  be  sufficient.  That 
he  told  the  king  that  he  might  use  his  prerogative 
in  raising  money,  and  Was  absolved  from  rules  of 
government,  is  indisputable :  indeed,  he  admitted 
that  he  might  have  used  the  first,  and  his  quibble 
about  the  meaning  of  the  words  never  could  be 
seriously  listened  to,  when  it  is  considered  that  the 
advice  was  given  because  the  legal  mode  had  pre- 
viously proved  ineffectual.  But,  if  this  be  esta* 
blished,  what  related  to  the  Irish  army  was  a  mat- 
ter of  no  importance.  He  who  recommends  the 
adoption  of  an  arbitrary  course,  and  that  particular- 
ly of  taking  the  money  of  the  subject  by  violence, 
necessarily  calculates  either  upon  having  already 
a  sufficient  fopce  to  effectuate  the  object,  or  on  be- 
ing able  to  command  it ;  and,  therefore,  the  con- 
clusion is  inevitable,  that  Strafibrde  either  was  pre- 
pared to  introduce  the  Irish  army,  or  flatteried 
himself  that  the  executive  had  strength  to  carry 
through  the  measure  without  its  assistance.  Tte 
Irish  army  could  merely  have  effected  the  purpose 
in  view ;  in  either  case,  the  country  was  <*  to  be 
reduced  to  obedience  f  and,  on  the  same  princi- 
ple that  the  Scots  were  to  be  overpowered  by 
military  force  for  resisting  arbitrary  measures^ 
we  cannot  doubt  that  the  same  men  were  ready 
to  advise,  and  pursue,  a  similar  course  in  re- 
gard to  England.  When  matters  have  proceed* 
ed  to  that  extremity,  there  is  scarcely  an  alterna- 
tive, and  the  conclusion  otherwise  woidd  just  be» 
that  Strafibrde  contemplated  illegal  violence  of 


104  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE 

every  kind,  which  should  be  persisted  in  till  the 
people  had  evinced  a  readiness  to  repel  force  by 
force — a  conclusion  that  would  not  alleviate  his 
guilt.  Surely,  then,  whatever  may  be  said  of  the 
bill  of  attainder,  it  must  be  admitted,  that  he  com« 
mitted  the  most  aggravated  treason  against  the 
state,  and  that  there  would  have  been  a  deplora- 
ble defect  in  the  constitutional  system,  if  crimina- 
Uty  of  so  horrid  a  dye,  partly  acted  upon  too,  had 
been  permitted  to  escape  punishment  in  a  country 
where  the  heavy  penalties  of  justice  were  severely 
visited  on  each  petty  offender ;  and,  unquestiona- 
bly, at  all  events,  whatever  may  be  said  on  that 
point,  it  cannot  be  disputed  that  the  generous  tear 
which  has  been  shed  for  him,  might  well  have 
been  spared.  It  may  be  added,  that  there  seemed 
every  reason  to  conclude,  that  the  fate  of  the  em- 
pire depended  in  a  great  measure  upon  his, — a 
view  which  even  brings  the  matter  within  Mr. 
Fox's  idea  in  regard  to  self-defence. 
Conducit  of  When  the  bill  of  attainder  was  brought  into  the 
))j.  lower  house,  it  encountered  sharp  opposition,  par- 

ticularly from  Lord  Digby,  who  yet  used  the  fol- 
lowing language  ;  ^^  Truly,  Sir,  1  am  still  the  same 
in  my  opinions  and  affections  as  unto  the  Earl  of 
Strafibrde :  I  confidently  believe  him  to  be  the 
most  dangerous  minister,  the  most  insupportable 
to  free  subjects  that  can  be  charadtered :  I  believe 
his  practices  in  themselves  as  high,  as  tyrannical, 
as  any  subject  ever  ventured  on  ;  and  the  maUg- 
nity  of  them  hugely  aggravated  by  those  rare  abu 
Uties  of  his,  whereof  God  had  given  him  the  use, 
the  devil  the  application.    In  a  word,  I  believe 


HI8T0RT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  105 

him  to  be  still  that  grand  apostate  to  the  commoa- 
wealthy  who  must  not  expect  to  be  pardoned  in 
this  world  till  he  be  dispatched  to  the  other  *."  To 
render  his  opposition  more  effectual,  this  lord, 
as  we  have  said,  stole  the  copy  of  Sir  Henry  Vane's 
notes,  to  which,  as  a  member  of  the  secret  com- 
mittee, he  had  access.  The  loss  of  so  important 
a  document  created  a  strong  sensation,  and  the 
theft  was  imputed  to  Whitelocke,  to  whom,  as 
chairman  of  the  committee,  it  had  been  entrusted. 
He  protested  his  innocence,  declaring  that  he  had 
never  shewn  it  to  any  but  the  members  of  the  com- 
mittee; but  the  commons  insisted  that  all  the 
members  of  the  committee  should  make  a  solemn 
protestation  in  the  house,  that  they  neither  con- 
veyed it  away,  nor  knew  what  had  become  of  it ; 
and  Digby  took  it  <<  with  more  earnestness,  and 
deeper  imprecations  than  any  of  the  rest  f  •"  Yet 
it  afterwards  appeared  that  he  was  the  individual ; 
and  the  promotion  he  obtained  evinced  that  it  was 
not  unacceptable  to  his  master.  The  bill,  after  a 
keen  debate,  passed  with  fifty-nine  dissenting 
voices;  and  was  transmitted  to  the  lords  with 
a  message,  that  the  commons  were  ready  to  main- 
tain the  legality  of  it  in  the  presence  of  the  earl 
himself.  The  duty  of  arguing  the  case  was  de# 
volved  upon  St.  John  t 

*  Cob.  ParL  Hist  toL  li. p.  750.  Digby's  fatiier,  tfaeSarlof  Brii- 
iol,  tfaong^  £  witness  agsinst  StrafRnde,  laboured  early  to  sa?e  that 
individuaL    See  HaOes'  Letters,  p.  115,  16. 

t  Whitelocke,  p.  43,  44. 

{  I  haTe  not  Tentnred,  for  fear  of  misapprehension,  to  give  any 
sfanion  of  Mr.  8t.  John's  speech,  in  the  text :  That  it  was  learned,  all 


J  06  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

PfocMdmgi     His  majesty  was  now  in  a  very  pitiable  situation 
in  itgiiTd  to  in  regard  to  Strafforde.    To  condemn  the  minis- 
stniEnde.  ^^  ^^^^  howcver  great  a  delinquent  to  the  com- 
munity, had  steadily  endeavoured  to  promote  what 
Charles  conceived  to  be  his  own  cause,  conveyed 


must  admit ;  but  as  there  was  a  passage  in  it  which  has  been  gene- 
fally  and  Justly  condemned — dut  **  we  give  law  to  hares  and  deer« 
because  they  be  beasts  of  chase ;  but  it  was  never  accounted  either 
cruelty  or  foul  play  to  knock  foxes  and  wolves  on  the  head ;"  and 
therefore  the  reader  may  be  gratified  with  the  context.    **  }Aj  Lords, 
it  hath  been  often  inculcated,  that  law-givers  should  imitate  the  su- 
preme Law-giver,  who  commonly  warns  before  he  strikes.    The  law 
was  pronounced  before  thejudgment  of  death  forgathering  the  sticks: 
No  law  no  transgression.    My  Lords,  to  this  rule  of  law  u,  Frustra 
legit  OttxiHum  invoeat,  qui  in  legem  committit,  from  the  lex  iaUonit; 
he  that  would  not  have  had  cythers  to  have  had  a  law,  why  should  he 
have  any  law  himself?    Why  should  not  that  be  done  to  him  that 
himself  would  have  done  to  others?   It*8  true,  we  give  law  tp  hares 
and  "deers,  because  tfaey  be  beasts  of  chase :   It  was  never  accoimted 
either  cruelty  or  feul  play  to  knock  foxes  and  wfllves  on  the  head,  as 
they  can  be  found,  because  Uiese  be  beasts  of  prey.    The  warrener 
sets  traps  for  polecats  and  other  vermin,  for  preservation  of  the  war- 
ren.   Farther,  my  Lords,  most  dangerous  diseases,  if  not  taken  in 
tim^  kill ;  errors  in  great  things,  as  war  and  marriage,  allow  no  time 
for  repentance :  it  would  have  been  too  late  to  make  a  law,  when  there 
had  been  no  law.    My  Lords,  for  farther  answer  to  this  otjection,  he 
hath  ofibnded  against  a  law,  a  law  withm  the  endeavimring  to  sub- 
vert the  laws  and  polity  of  the  state  wherein  he  lived,  which  had  so 
huDg,  and  with  such  faithfulness,  protected  his  ancestry,  himself,  and 
his  whole  family :  It  was  not  malum  quia  prohibitum,  it  was  malum  in 
i€,  against  the  dictates  of  the  dullest  conscience,  against  the  ii^t  nf 
nature,— they  not  having  a  law,  were  a  law  to  themselves.    Besides 
this,  he  knew  a  law  without,  that  the  parliament,  in  cases  of  this  na- 
ture, had  potestatem  vita  et  neeit"  &c.  Rush.  vol.  viii.    This  Itn- 
goage  was  assuredly,  to  say  the  least,  iigudicious,  and  seems  some- 
what to  justify  the  remark  of  the  cotemporary  Scotch  lawyer  and  po- 
litician, Johnstone  of  Warriston,  who,  in  a  letter  to  Lord  fialmerino, 
says, ''  The  advocates  here  have  fine  rencounters  of  speech,  of  quick 
turns  of  wit^  bat  ttttle  syHogistical  solidity  of  matter."    Hailef'  Let. 
p.  lil9«19. 


HISTOBY  OF  THE  BRITISH  BMPIRE.  107 

equally  a  reproach  upon  himsdf,  and  an  idea  of 
cnielty  towards  the  servant.  His  power,  however, 
was  now  too  much  circumscribed  to  struggle  open- 
ly with  the  torrent,  and  he  tried  the  efiect  of  in- 
tercession to  prevent  the  passing  of  tht  bill  by 
the  lords;  having  previously,  to  molify  both  Iiouses, 
consulted  them  upon  a  marriage  between  his 
daughter,  the  princess  Mary,  and  the  young  prince 
of  Orange.  He  now  called  both  houses  before 
him,  and  passionately  requested  them  not  to  pro- 
ceed severely  against  Strafforde,  assuring  them, 
that,  as  in  his  conscience  he  could  not  condemn  that 
individual  of  high  treason,  though  he  couldnotacquit 
him  of  misdemeanour,  so  neither  fear  nor  respect 
should  induce  him  to  act  against  his  conscience. 
He  requested  the  interposition  of  the  Lords,  de- 
claring at  the  same  time,  that  he  deemed  the  ac- 
cused unfit  to  discharge  the  lowest  office  in  future 
not  excepting  that  of  a  constable.  It  could  not, 
however,  fiul  to  alarm  all  men,  after  what  they  had 
suftred,  and  not  to  speak  of  other  matters,  consi- 
dering even  the  instructions  for  the  court  of 
York,  and  the  language  of  the  pulpit,  &c.  to  hear 
his  majesty,  even  at  this  time,  protest  that  no  CfM 
had  ever  advised  him  to  alter  any  of  the  laws,  and, 
that,  had  any  had  the  impudence  to  do  it,  '^  he 
would  have  set  such  a  mark  upon  them,  and  made 
them  such  an  example,  that  all  posteri^  should 
have  known  his  intention  !'^  Hie  speech  was  re» 
zeated  by  the  commons  as  a  breach  of  parliamen- 
tary priirilege ;  for  that,  were  such  an  interference 
mih  bills  in  their  passage  through  the  houses  to  be 


108  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

allowed,  there  would  at  once  be  an  end  to  all  free 
discussion  in  parliament  *• 
Axmy-Ftot*      But  measures  of  a  very  different  description  were 
secretly  concerting  at  court,  to  save  the  life  of  this 
devoted  individual,  and  rescue  the  prerogative  from 
Jts  present  danger.    The  field  officers  and  com- 
manders of  the  English  army  happened  to  be  at 
this  time  in  the  metropolis,  where  some  attended  as 
members  of  parliament,  and  the  army  was  left  un- 
der the  care  and  direction  of  Sir  Jacob  Ashford. 
These  officers,  offended  at  the  preference  which  they 
imagined  was  given  to  the  Scottish  army,  in  remit* 
lances  of  money,  and  anxious  to  obtain  the  royal  fa- 
vour, supposed  that  the  English  army  might,  in  dis- 
.content,  be  converted  into  an  instrument  against  the 
parliament  i  and,  part  of  them  being  great  courtiers, 
they  soon  began  to  concert  matters  with  his  majesty 
and  the  queen,  about  the  use  of  military  force  both 
in  rescuing  Strafibrde,  and  controlling  both  houses 
of  parliament    The  army  itself  began  to  be  infect- 
ed with  a  very  ill  spirit,  and  some  desperate  designs 
were  agitated.    But,  fortunately,  these  men  could 
not  agree  upon  the  mode  of  acting  in  the  face  of 
the  Scottish  army,  and  Lord  Goring,  who  had  him- 
{lelf  expected  the  chief  command,  having  been  dis- 
appointed in  that,  gave  information  to  Pym,  whose 
vigilance  traced  it  through  various  ramificationst 
and  prevented  its  execution.    The  plot,  however, 
still  went  on,  even  afler  the  death  of  Strafforde ; 


•  Whitdocke,  p.  40,  44.    Cob.  Pari.  Hist  vol  ii.  p.  715,  754,  et 
tpq.    Ckr.  vol  h  p.  965,  et  seq. 


HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  109 

and,  therefore,  we  shall  have  an  opportunity  of  re- 
curring to  it  afterwards.  On  the  28th  of  April, 
Mr.  Hyde  was  sent  up  to  the  Lords  with  a  mes- 
sage, that  the  commons  apprehended  a  design  for 
the  escape  of  Strafibrde,  and  they  petitioned  the 
king  for  the  removal  of  papists,  and  the  disbanding 
of  the  Irish  army.  But  on  the  third  of  May,  the 
plot  was  disclosed,  and  a  protestation  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  protestant  religion,  the  king's  per- 
son, and  the  power  of  parliament,  was  drawn  by 
the  commons,  and  transmitted  to  the  Lords,  for 
their  common  subscription.  It  was  on  that  very 
day  that  a  mob  of  about  six  thousand  citizens  came 
from  the  city,  and  surrounding  the  parliament, 
cried  out  for  justice  upon  Strafibrde  and  other  in. 
cendiaries,  and  to  be  secured  from  plots  against  the 
parliament,  and  for  the  earPs  rescue.  They  also  al- 
leged a  decay  of  trade,  and  consequent  want  of  bread. 
This  mob  also,  posted  up  at  Westminster,  the  names 
of  the  minority  in  the  lower  house  who  had  voted 
against  the  bill,  and  whom  they  stigmatized  under 
the  name  of  Strafibrdians,  and  betrayers  of  their 
country.  The  mob  was  very  rude  to  some  Lords, 
but  dispersed  without  doing  further  mischief.  The 
minority  complained  of  breach  of  privilege  in  being 
thus  posted  up ;  but  against  a  mob  no  redress  could 
be  obtained  *. 

*  The  driginal  letters  published  by  Lord  Hailes  throw  great  light 
upon  this  point.  See  p.  117^  120^  194,  1S7^  134.  Whitdocke^  p.  45. 
Rush.  ToL  It.  p.  948^  et  ttq.  Vol.  yiii.  p.  741.  The  chief  caus^  of 
this  tamnlt  was  the  report  of  desperate  designs  and  plots  against  the 
psrUament :  For,  though  it  was  the  third  of  May  before  the  discovery 


110  HI»T<niY  Q9  THE  BRITISH  BMFIRC. 

The  plot  for  briagitig  up  the  English  Bxmyt 
was  connected  with  a  design  of  procurmg  as- 
sistance from  France,  dravring  into  the  field  the 
Irish  army,  which  parliament  had  often  in  vain 

was  so  complete  as  to  warrant  a  formal  disdoaure^  hints  of  the  danger 
had  been  privately  given  ten  or  twelve  days  before^  and  had  reached  the 
city.  Lord  Clarendon's  account  of  ihe  army-plot  is  exceedingly  disin-* 
gcnuous;  and  even  inconsistent  in  itself.  He^  in  the  first  place,  charge* 
Pym  and  the  others  with  having  brought  out  the  particulars  in  such 
degrees  as  suited  their  purpose,  and  not  having  disclosed  it  till  three 
months  after  the  discovery.  In  the  second  place,  he  alleges  that  all 
that  was  ever  done  was  dmwing  out  a  petition  to  the  king  and  both 
houses  for  the  subscription  of  the  army^  in  which,  after  enumerating 
the  good  things  which  had  been  done,  it  is  stated,  that  "  there  were 
certain  stirring  and  pragmatical  wits  who  would  be  satisfied  with  no- 
tlang  short  of  the  subversion  of  the  whole  frame  of  government,  and 
that  these  were  backed  by  the  mtdtitude,  who  flocked  down  to  Whiie" 
holly  not  only  to  the  prejudice  of  that  freedom  which  is  necessary  to 
great  councils  and  judicatories,  but  possibly  to  some  personal  danger 
of  your  sacred  nugesty  and  the  peers.  The  vast  consequence  of  these 
persons'  malignity/'  the  petition  continues,  "  and  of  the  licentiousness 
of  those  multitudes  that  follow  them,  considered  in  most  deep  care 
and  asealous  affection  for  the  safety  of  your  sacred  majesty  and  die 
parliament ;  oiu*  humble  petition  is,  that,  in  your  wisdom^  you  would 
be  pleased  to  remove  sodi  dangers,  by  punishing  the  ringleaders  of 
these  tumults,  that  your  majesty  and  the  parliament  may  be  secured 
from  such  insolendes  hereafter.  For  the  suppressing"  of  which,  in  ali 
hsatuUiy,  wenjfhr  owseives  to  wait  upon  you,  if  you  please,  hoping  we 
shall  appear  as- considerable  in  the  way  of  defence  to  our  gracious 
sovereign,  the  parliament,  our  religion,  and  the  established  laws  of 
the  kingdom,  as  what  number  shall  audaciously  presume  to  violate 
them :  so  shall  we,  by  the  wisdom  of  your  m^esty  and  the  parMa- 
ment,  not  only  be  vindicated  from  precedent  innovations,  but  be  se- 
cured fh>m  the  future  that  are  threatened,  and  likely  to  produce  more 
dangerous  effects  than  the  former."  This  petition,  according  to  the 
noble  historian,  being  shewn  to  his  majesty,  he  approved  of  it,  ''and 
was  centent  that  it  might  be  subscribed  by  the  officers  of  the  army,  if 
they  desired  it"  The  officer  who  ]»«aented  it,  remarked  that  "  very 
fsw  of  liie  army  had  yet  seen  it ;  and  that  it  would  be  a  great  coun- 
tenance to  it,  if,  when  it  was  carried  to  the  principal  oAieers  to  sign  it. 


HISTORY  OF  TH£  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  Ill 

applied  for  the  reduction  of,  his  majesty  declining 
to  gratify  them,  "  for  divers  reasons  best  known  to 
himself,"  nay,  one  ohject  of  the  plot  was  to  prevent 
it  y  and  even  raising  troops  in  London,  under  the 

tny  evidence  might  be  given  them  that  it  had  passed  his  majesty's  ajH 
probation ;  otherwise  they  might  possibly  make  scruple,  for  fear  of 
offending  him."    '^  Hereupon  his  majesty  took  a  pen,  and  writ  at  the 
bottom  of  the  petition  C.  R.  as  a  token  that  he  had  perused  and  al- 
lowed it :  and  so  the  petition  was  carried  down  into  the  country  where 
the  army  lay,  and  was  signed  by  some  officers ;  but  was  suddenly 
quashed,  and  no  more  heard  of,  till  the  discovery  of  the  pretended 
^ot :"  vol  ii.  p.  205-7.    The  historian  had  told  us,  by  way  of  intro" 
ducing  the  petition,  that  such  of  the  officers  of  the  army  as  were 
members  of  parliament  being  displeased  at  the  preference  shewn  to 
the  Scottish  army,  particularly  on  account  of  the  grant  of  money, 
whereby  their  own  influence  in  the  army  was  lessened,  regretted  the 
disloyal  part  they  had  acted,  and  "  therefore,  to  redeem  what  had 
been  done  amiss,  and  to  ingratiate  themselves  in  his  majesty's  favour, 
they  bethought  themselves  how  to  dispose,  or  at  least  to  pretend  that 
they  would  dispose,  the  army,  to  some  such  expressions  of  duty  and 
loyalty  towards  the  king,  as  might  take  away  all  hope  from  other  men, 
that  it  might  be  applied  to  his  disservice :   And  to  that  purpose,  they 
held  conference  and  communication  with  tome  eervantt  of  a  moreimme^ 
diate  trust  and  relation  to  both  their  mqjesties,  through  whom  they 
nught  convey  their  intentions  and  devotions  to  the  king,  ando^th  r«- 
eeive  his  royal  pleasure  and  direction  how  they  should  demean  them^ 
sehes  ;*'  p.  244.    Now,  after  telling  us,  as  above,  that  the  petition 
was  quashed,  he  proceeds  thus :  ''  The  meetings  continuing  between 
those  officers  of  the  army  and  some  servants  of  his  mtgesty^s  to  th« 
ends  aforesaid,  others  of  the  army,  who  had  expressed  very  brisk  reso» 
hUions  towards  the  service,  and  were  of  eminent  command  and  autho- 
rity with  the  soldiers,  were,  by  special  direction,  introduced  into  those 
councils.  Call  persons  obliging  themselves  by  an  oath  of  secresy,  not  to 
communicate  any  thing  that  should  pass  amongst  them,  J  for  the  belter 
executing  what  should  be  agreed."    He  proceeds  to  tell  us,  that,  ai 
the  first  meeting,  one  of  the  persons  so  introduced  proposed  to  bring 
'*  up  the  army  presently  to  London,  which  would  so  awe  the  parlia<- 
roent,  that  they  would  do  any  thing  the  king  commanded  ;"— -that  all 
the  rest  abhorred  the  proposal,  and  that  he,  either  fearing  a  diacoTcry, 
or  resenting  the  rejection  of  his  advice,  went  next  day  and  diseloied 


112  HISTORY  OP  THB  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

pretext  of  intending  them  for  the  service  of  Portu- 
gal. There  was  a  design  too,  to  introduce  into  the 
tower,  under  the  pretence  of  guarding  it,  a  hundred 
men,  commanded  by  a  Captain  Billingsley,  who  had 

the  whole  to  the  Earl  of  Bedford^  Lord  Say,  and  Lord  Rimbottom  / 
and  yet  afterwards  proposed  to  the  court-party,  with  a  crew  of  good 
fellows,  to  rescue  Strafforde,  &c.  He  then  says  that,  "  as  dangerous 
as  the  design  was  afterwards  alleged  to  be,  it  was  not  publithed  in  three 
months  after  to  the  houses,  against  whom  the  design  was  intended,"  i^c. 
and  only  brought  out  to  accomplish  the  ruin  of  StrafiPorde.  Even 
Clarendon's  own  account  of  the  matter  shews  that  it  was  sufficiently 
appalling ;  for  the  proposal  in  the  petition  to  wait  upon  you,  *'  could^'* 
as  Mr.  Laing  well  remarks,  '*  mean  nothing  else  than  to  march  direct- 
ly to  London,"  while  the  subsequent  meetings  and  oath  of  secresy 
which  that  learned  gentleman  did  not  advert  to,  evince  a  most  extra- 
ordinary spirit ;  but  Mr.  Laing,  though  he  has  some  sound  remarks 
upon  the  subject,  has  not  considered  the  matter  with  his  usual  atten- 
tion ;  and  therefore  we  shall  expose  the  statement  of  Clarendon,  which 
Mr.  L.  has  followed  equally  with  Mr*  Hume,  neither  of  whom  seems 
to  have  studied  the  evidence.  In  the  first  place,  with  regard  to  the 
concealment  of  the  plot  for  three  months,  so  contradictory  is  his 
statement,  (the  clearest  proof  of  his  misrepresentation)  that  he  him- 
self tells  us,  that  '^  the  discovery  of  the  plot  concerning  the  army  was 
made  about  the  middle  of  April,"  p.  2.S0  ;  and  that,  in  consequence  or 
Mr.  Pym's  disclosure,  the  protestation  was  prepared  on  the  third  of 
May !  p.  251-4.  The  plot  Itself,  as  appears  by  the  evidence,  was 
agitated  during  March  and  April  and  downwards,  but  not  earlier  ; 
and  indeed  this  is  evident  from  his  lordship^s  own  statement,  since 
the  communication  to  the  Earl  of  Bedford,  &c.  was  made  the  day 
after  the  first  meeting  subsequent  to  dropping  the  petition,  and  that 
was  the  middle  of  April !  It  is  dear,  therefore,  that  not  a  day  could 
be  lost  in  making  the  disclosure,  even  by  his  own  account.  In  the 
second  place,  the  petition,  which  Clarendon  presents  as  genuine,  car- 
ries on  its  face  the  most  unequivocal  marks  of  fabrication — ^marks 
which  it  is  wonderful  should  have  escaped  Mr.  Laing.  1st,  It  alludes 
to  the  free  course  of  justice  against  all  delinquents,  of  what  quality 
soever,  which,  if  it  mean  any  thing,  must  include  the  case  of  Straf- 
forde,  whose  trial  could  scarcely  have  yet  begun ;  2dly,  it  alludes  to 
*'  the  removal  of  all  those  grievances  wherewith  the  subjects  did  con- 
ceive their  liberty  of  persons,  property,  or  estates,  or  freedom  of  con- 


HISTORT  OF  THE  BRITISH  BMPIRE.  113 

undertaken  to  rescue  Strafforde^  that  he  might  flee 
to  Ireland  and  join  the  army  there.  So  desperate 
a  plot  required  all  the  vigilance  of  parliament.  An 
application  was  made  to  the  king  for  an  order  to 

sdenoe  pv^udioed ;"  which  must  assuredly  mean  the  Courts  of  Star- 
Chamber,  High  CommissioD^  &c.  all  which  still  eidsted^  and  conti- 
nued to  do  80  for  some  time  after ;  and  lastly^  what  puts  the  matter 
beyond  all  doubtj  is^  that  it  is  grounded  upon  the  circumstance  that 
thousands  flocked  at  the  call  of  certain  men  in  parliament,  and  beset 
the  parliament  and  Whitehall  itself—and  the  very  first  tumult,  ac- 
cording to  all  authorities,  including  the  noble  historian  himself,  oc- 
curred on  the  identical  third  of  May,  in  consequence  of  the  city  having 
been  agitated  with  rumours  of  a  plot,  when  the  disclosure  was  made  by 
Pym,  and  the  protestation  drawn  out !  Some  of  ^e  principal  conspira- 
tors fled  within  two  days  of  that  disclosure !    The  fact  is,  that  it  is 
completely  established  by  the  eridence,  that  the  chief  officers  began 
to  tske  ofl^oe  about  the  money,  (that  oixsurred  in  the  beginning  of 
Mardi,  see  Diurnal  Occurrences,  &c.  £d.  1641 ;  Hailes'  Let.  p.  110.) 
that  having  taken  an  oath  of  secresy,  they  had  many  consultations,  and 
fell  upon  petitioning  for  money,  and  other  points,  the  heads  whereof 
were,  "  1st,  Concerning  the  bishops'  fVmctions  and  votes ;  Sd,  The  not 
disbanding  of  the  Irish  army  until  the  Scots  were  disbanded  too;  3d,  The 
endeavouring  to  settle  his  majesty's  revenue  to  that  proportion  it  was 
formerly ;"  Percy's  Letter,  &c. :  That  first  one  petition,  and  then  ano- 
ther, were  destroyed  with  his  majesty's  knowledge,  neither  of  them  be- 
ing like  that  preserved  by  Clarendon :  That  the  one  given  by  Claren- 
don was  first  published  by  his  migesty  long  afterwards,  along  with 
a  state  paper,  (how  he  had  a  copy  of  a  petition  which  was  destroyed  he 
did  not  disclose,)  and,  as  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  Clarendon 
himseif  the  author  of  the  state  paper,  (see  what  he  says  on  that  point 
in  his  life,)  so  we  may  conclude  that  he  who,  according  to  his  own  ac- 
count, was  a  dexterous  forger  of  speeches  and  letters,  which,  with  the 
king  s  knowledge,  he  published  in  the  name  of  leading  members  of 
parliament,  (See  his  life,  p.  69,  70,  136-7,)  and  who  stands  detected 
of  such  gross  misrepresentation  in  this  case,  was  the  fabricator*    It 
may  be  remarked,  that  all  the  witnesses  on  this  subject  continued  aff 
terwards  to  enjoy  the  utmost  confidence  of  the  king  and  his  royal  con- 
sort, and  were  advanced  to  high  honours.    The  reader  will  find  the 
whole  evidence  at  the  end  of  the  volume,  in  note  A.  find  he  is  particu- 
larly requested  to  compare  it  with  Mr.  Hume's  statement.    That  gcn«^ 

VOL,  III.  1 


1 14  HISTORY  OV  TU£  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

Stop  the  ports,  that  the  chief  conspirators  who  were 
detected  might  not  escape ;  but  though  the  order 
was  issued,  one  of  them,  Mr.  Jermyn,  a  great  fa* 
tirourite  of  the  queen,  was  assisted  by  the  court  in 
quitting  the  kingdom.  Percy,  brother  of  the  earl 
of  Northumberland,  who,  with  others,  lay  conceal* 
ed,  in  a  letter  afterwards  to  his  brother,  gave  such 
an  account  as  might  extenuate  his  own  conduct, 
and  as  led  to  farther  discoveries  *• 

In  this  alarmed  state  of  the  public  mind,  it  was 
naturally  agitated  with  imaginary  danger.  Even 
before  this,  apprehensions  had  been  entertained  of 
the  Earl  of  Worcester  raising  a  body  of  papists,  and 
a  report  had  prevailed  of  1500  men  having  been 
trained  with  arms  in  lAncashire.    The  e£fect  of 


tleinaii  ridicoles  the  itka  of  marching  the  army  to  Londou^  (he  seeniB, 
however,  seaioely,  if  ever,  to  have  looked  at  the  evideBee ;)  hut  ttoa, 
which  is  a  speoieB  of  aigmneBt  that  he  alwayv  ueea,  will  never  xehai 
the  most  decuive  proof  that  the  thing  waa  contemplated ;  and  he 
overkM^n  the  eircumetanoe  of  military  aaaistanoe  heing  expected  firom 
France,  assistance  firom  Catholics,  &c.  while  the  metropolis  wovld 
have  heen  in  the  power  of  the  army.  But  is  it  not  extraordinary 
lh.9Lt  this  author  should  give  so  triumphant  a  sneer  when  he  so  deeply 
censures  the  conduct  of  the  royal  advisers  for  recommending  a  treaty 
with  die  Scots,  and  retails  the  story  told  by  Clarendon  of  Strafforde's 
having  shown  how  easily  they  could  be  driven  out  of  England  ?  It  was, 
however,  expected,  that  the  Scottish  officers  mig^t  be  won  over  to 
connive  at  the  other*s  march.  Clarendon*s  statement  about  the  ptot 
ior  raising  troops  under  the  pretext  of  sending  them  to  Portugal  is  so 
unsatisfactory  as  to  leave  little  room  for  doubt  of  the  fact. 

*  Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  252,  et  aeq,  viii.  p.  735,  et  seg.  Cob.  ParL  Hist, 
vol.  ii.  p.  776,  ei  geq.  '^  The  declaration  or  remonstrance  of  the  kurds 
and  commons  in  parliament  assembled.  May  19, 1648,  with  divers 
depositions  and  letters  thereunto  annexed,"  Huaband's  Collectkm, 
p.  195,  et  seq,  Whitelocke,  p.  45,  46.  Jounuds.  Diurnal  Occur- 
rences* 


HISTOKT  OF  Tax  BaCTISH:  BBmiOS.  1 15 

tkese  reports  however;  has  been  cunningly  exag- 
guated  to  throw  ridicule  on  the  grand,  design ;  and 
the  &cts  themselves,  have,  with  the  same  view, 
been  given  out  of  their  order  \  Pec^le  had  been 
startled  in  November  before :  one  James  a  papist, 
having  been  pressed  by  a  Mr.  Hey  wood  a  justice, 
to  take  the  oaths»  suddenly  drew  his  knife:  and 
stabbed  the  justice,  with  some  reproaehfiil  words 
for  persecuting  poor  catholics.  The  perpetrator 
of  this  desperate  act  was  afterwards  believed  to  he 
insane ;  but  the  event  at  first  startled  men  who 
were  not  aware  of  the  disorder  of  his  intellects^ 
some  bdieving  that  he  would  not  have  ventuned  on 
so  bold  a  measure,  unless  he  had  been  promised 
assistance  from  liis  brethren  t.  This,  however,  is 
represented  out  of  place,  entirely  to  throw  discredit 
on  the  plot,  as  if  each  petty  circumstance  were  dis- 
torted^  and  infinitely  magnified^  by  faction  and  pre* 
judice,  at  the  critical  moment  of  Strafforde's  fate. 
The  effect  of  all  this  upon  iike  populace,  led  them 
to  olSer  insult  to  the  queen  motlier,  Mary  de  Medicis,  ^^ 
on  account  both  of  her  character  and  the  number 
of  papists  who  resorted  to  her.  This  lady,  who  was 
remarkable  for  her  intriguing  disposition,  had,  in 
in  consequence  of  a  combination  with  the  Duke  of 
Orleans,  **  and  the  ill  success  of  that  enterprize 
made  France  too  hot  for  her ;"  and  had  been  dri- 
ven to  Brussels,  where  she  was  a  while  caressed  by 

*  Clarendon  migrepresents  strangely— huddling  all  things  purposely 
together,  wheieas  the  report  from  Lancashire  was  made  on  the  10th 
of  Fehmary  preeeding.  Diurnal  Oocurrenoes.  Some  other  stories 
told  by  htm  appear  to  be  pure  fiction. 

t  Clar.  vol.  i.  p.  249 ;  now  see  Rash.  vol.  iv.  p.  57. 


Il6  HISTORY  OF  THE  BBITISH  EMPIRE. 

the  cardinal  infanta ;  but  even  there  she  provoked 
so  many  enemies,  that  the  general  curses  making 
her  dread  personal  violence,  induced  her  to  seek 
an  asylum  in  Holland,  under  the  protection  of  the 
prince  of  Orange  :  as,  however,  she  could  not  re- 
main quiet,,  she  found  it  necessary  again  to  move, 
and  in  the  year  1638,  came  into  England,  where, 
says  Whitelocke,  "  the  pec^le  were  generally  dis- 
contented at  her  coming  and  at  her  followers,  which 
some  observed  to  be  the  sword  and  pestilence,  and 
that  her  restless  spirit  imbroiled  all  where  she 
came  ♦/'  The  fatal  influence  that  the  queen  be- 
gan to  acquire  over  her  husband  was  generally 
known,  and  had  been  remarkably  evinced  in  the 
late  plot,  in  which  she  had  been  particularly  active. 
But  the  queen-mother  was  again  suspected  of  en- 
couraging her  daughter,  and  intriguing  in  afiaii^s 
of  state ;  and  the  populace  of  England  began  to 
treat  her  with  the  same  insult  which  she  had  ex- 
perienced elsewhere.  The  king  upon  this  sent  a 
message  to  the  commons,  who,  while  they  express* 
ed  their  readiness  to  assist  his  majesty  in  all  just 
ways  for  her  protection,  humbly  beseeched  him, 
that  as  their  precautions  might  be  insufficient  to 
save  her  from  insult,  he  would  move  her  to  leave 
the  kingdom  t.  She  afterwards  went  to  the  Low 
Countries,  where  she  died  t- 

*  Whitelocke^  p.  99.  The  French  about  court  were  to  take  arms 
pn  the  advance  of  the  troops. 

t  Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  266,  267. 

i  Id.  p.  292.  Whitelocke,  p.  47.  This  again  is  given  out  of 
its  place  by  Mr.  Hume,  to  cast  odium  upon  parliament.  See  Laud's 
Diary,  Oct  19,  1638. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMC^IRE.  11? 

Had  parliament  been  otherwise  disposed  to  abate 
their  rigour  towards  Strafforde,  the  obstinate  re- 
fusal of  Charles  to  disband  the  Irish  army,  and 
the  army-plot,  must  have  inflamed  them  with  ad- 
ditional keenness.  The  prince  who  could  con- 
template such  measures,  could  never,  after  this 
detection,  expect  to  recover  the  confidence  of  the 
people ;  and  the  leading  members  in  either  house 
must  have  been  sensible  that,  in  the  event  of  his 
success  in  such  schemes,  they  would  be  sacrificed 
to  the  royal  vengeance.  In  the  case  of  Elliot 
and  others,  they  had  a  warning  to  a  certain  ex- 
tent, and  aggravated  must  have  been  the  vengeance 
in  proportion  to  their  late  vigorous  controlment  of 
the  prerogative,  and  hot  pursuit  of  the  royal  ser- 
vants. When,  therefore,  some  of  the  StrafiTordians, 
as  they  were  called  by  the  populace,  privately 
urged  a  judgment  against  that  criminal  as  for  a 
minor  offence, — ^a  judgment  in  which  they  would 
have  concurred,  it  was  answered,  that  were  he 
voted  guilty  of  a  misdemeanour,  and  doomed  to 
banishment  from  the  royal  presence,  and  incapa- 
city to  serve  in  a  public  station,  as  well  as  to  fine 
and  imprisonment,  the  king  would  immediately, 
on  a  dissolution  of  parliament,  remit  the  punish- 
ment, and,  with  a  general  pardon,  restore  him  to 
favour  and  place,  when  he  would  act  over  again 
all  that  had  been  so  deeply  as  well  as  justly  com- 
plained of*.    Indeed,  after  the  late  desperate  plot, 

«  Clar.  vol.  i.  p.  241,  et  te^> 


t 

I 
1 


118  illSTOftY  or  THJC  BBITISH  SMFIBfi. 

the  moat  bloody  measures  were  io  that  case  to  be 
ai^rebended. 
State  of  the  GoverBment  was  now  in  great  arrears  to  both 
mod  uu'for  armies,  lying  in  the  bowels  of  tiie  kingdom  ;  aad 
^^^  though  parliament  might  vote  subsidies,  UKKiey, 
parliament  which  was  instantly  wanted,  could  only  be  raised 
immediately  by  loan.  But  the  city,  whence  the 
money  was  expected,  was  only  inclined  to  lend 
upon  the  assurance  of  a  general  redress  of  griev- 
ances }  and  it  was  commonly  believed,  that  were 
the  armies  disbanded,  the  king  would  at  once  dis- 
solve the  parliament,  and  recur  to  his  <dd  illegal 
courses,  while  he  would  dearly  visit  <m  the  heads 
of  the  popular  members,  the  attempt  to  restrain 
him  in  the  eKcrcise  of  arbitrary  power.  At  this 
critical  juncture,  a  Lancashire  knight  undertook  to 
procure  a  loan  of  £650fiQO  till  the  subsidies  could 
be  levied,  if  his  majesty  would  pass  a  bUl  not  to 
prorogue,  adjourn,  or  dissolve  the  parliament  with- 
out the  consent  of  both  houses, — that  it  might 
continue  till  grievances  were  redressed,  and  a 
provision  made  for  the  money  borrowed.  The 
suggestion  was  eagerly  taken,  and  a  committee 
named  to  draw  a  bill  to  that  efiect.  Next 
morning  it  was  moved  and  passed  that  very  day  *• 
It  was  then  transmitted  to  the  upper  house,  by 
which  it  was  also  passed.  In  the  mean  time, 
the  biU  of  attainder  was  passed  by  the  lords,  who 
had  previously  taken  the  opinion  of  the  judges  re- 

*  Whitdocke^  p.  45.    Diumtl  Occunenoes^  Journals.    Cob.  VkL 
Hilt.  ▼ol.  iL  p.  786.    Clar.  vol.  i.  p.  «60,  et  teq. 


HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  119 

garding  itB  consonance  to  law.  And  now  appeared 
an  extraordinary  revolution  in  the  feelings  and 
sentiinents  of  the  bench  within  a  few  months  :  The  Bfu  or  at- 
judges  unanimously  delivered  it  as  their  opinion,  puMd  by 
tliat  the  crimes  proved  against  Strafibrde  amounted  ^  ^""^ 
to  high  treason.    Fortified  with  the  opinions  of 
the  judges^  the  peers  proceeded  to  vote,  when,  out 
of  the  number  of  forty-five  who  attended,  twenty- 
six  voted  him  guilty  on  the  fifteenth  article,  for 
illegally  levying  money  in  Ireland  by  force  i  and 
on  the  nineteenth,  for  imposing  an  unlawful  oath 
on  the  Scots  *• 

These  two  grand  bills,  one  for  the  continuance  cfaarks 
of  parliament,  the  other  for  the  attainder  of  Straf-^J^^! 
forde,  were  presented  to  the  throne  together.  ^^^' •^ 
Charles  was  much  perplexed }  but  his  embarrass- contiiiuiiig 
ments  were  great,  the  cry  of  a  discontented  people  mejr 
loud.    He  consulted  his  councillors,  and  the  ma* 
jority  of  them  advised  him  to  pass  the  bills.    As 
to  StralSbrde*  it  was  argued  that  he  was  merely  an 
individual ;  and  that,  as  the  consequences  of  a  fh- 
rious  multitude,  with  an  almost  universally  deep- 
rooted  distrust  of  the  executive,  might  be  veiy 
terrible,  so  there  was  no  other  expedient  to  ap- 
pease the  public  mind, — ^to  induce  parliament  to 
make  provision  for  the  public  exigency,  or  the 
city  to  advance  money  on  loan.    Amongst  others, 
Williams,  who  had  a  little  before  been  so  persecut- 
ed, but  had  been  lately,  according  to  his  own  predic- 
tion, taken  into  the  council,  and  apparently  resto- 

*  Cob.  Par.  Hist.  yoI.  iL  p.  757,  758.    Whitdocke,  p..  45. 


120  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

red  to  favour,  is  said  to  have  been  an  active  advis- 
er on  the  occasion,  alleging  that  his  majesty  had  a 
twofold  duty  to  perform,  one  to  himself;  the  other 
to  the  public,  and  that  his  conscience  might,  in  a 
public  capacity,  do  what,  in  a  private,  it  might 
condemn:  That  all  ordinary  cases  of  life  and 
death  were  referred  to  the  judges  through  whom 
the  king  acted,  and  that,  in  this,  not  only  the 
two  houses  of  parliament  had  concurred,  but  the 
judges  delivered  their  opinions  against  the  accus- 
ed.  Though  Williams  had  been  the  most  virulent 
adviser,  and  should,  if  he  had  acted  from  personal 
and  vindictive  motives,  be  fairly  censured,  yet  of 
all  men  Strafforde  had  least  cause  to  complain,  since 
he  had  himself  so  profligately  assisted  in  the  perse- 
cution of  that  individual,  and  the  man  who  abuses 
his  present  power  to  crush  an  adversary  should 
not  murmur  at  a  similar  return  on  a  change  of 
fortune.  But  some  writers,  particularly  Claren- 
don, appear  to  have  done  Williams  little  justice  on 
all  occasions,  and  less  on  this  :  the  house  of  lords 
themselves  nominated  four  prelates,  the  lord  primate 
Usher,  and  the  bishops  Morton,  Williams,  and  Pot- 
ter, to  satisfy  his  majesty  upon  this  subject,  and 
they  all  concurred  in  one  opinion,  while  the  first 
still  retained  the  confidence  of  the  earl  to  that  de- 
gree  (could  a  better  proof  of  the  correctness  of  his 
evidence  at  the  trial  be  desired  ?)  that  "  he  pray- 
ed with  him,  preached  with  him,  gave  him  his  last 
viaticum,  and  was  with  him  on  the  scaffold  as  a 
ghostly  father  till  his  head  was  severed  from  his 
body."    The  rest  of  the  councillors,  and  the  bi- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  ]  21 

shops,  at  least  acquiesced  in  the  opinion  *.  Straf* 
forde  himself,  understanding  what  had  passed,  and 
having  lost  all  hopes  of  rescue  from  the  tower,  ad- 
dressed a  letter  to  Charles,  requesting  him  to  pass 
the  bill,  that  his  life  might  no  longer  be  the  means 
of  preventing  a  reconcilement  of  the  prince  with 
the  people.  Whatever  might  be  his  motive  for 
writing  this  letter,  whether  to  acquire  popular  fa- 
vour by  a  shew  of  magnanimity,  as  he  probably  ex- 
pected that  the  request  would  be  divulged,  or  to 
rivet  himself  more  £rmly  in  the  monarch's  affec- 
tions by  a  pretended  concern  for  his  welfare,  the 
sequel  proved  that  he  did  not  anticipate  that  the 
request  would  be  granted.  Hence,  we  may  easily 
conclude  that  the  story  told  by  Clarendon  of  a  pur- 
pose entertained  by  the  keeper  of  the  tower  to  or- 
der the  earl's  bead  to  be  struck  off  privately  in  case 
the  king  refused  to  pass  the  bill,  and  of  this  having 
been  the  prisoner's  inducement  (he  having  heard 

* 

•  Ckrendon  appears,  from  the  rancour  with  which  he  always 
ipeaks  of  Williams,  to  have  had  a  personal  enmity  to  him.  WhUe  he 
10  strongly  condemns  him,  and  ui^justly,  on  this  ground,  he  yet  ad- 
mits that  the  others  acquiesced.  But  see  Hacket's  Life  of  Williams, 
from  which  the  ahove  quotation  is  taken,  part  ii.  p.  161.  Authorities 
on  thia  point  are  not,  as  indeed  might  he  expected  in  a  case  where  the 
grestest  odium  was  supposed  hy  the  party  to  be  attached  to  the  ad- 
vice, quite  in  unison.  Nalson  says  that  Juxon  dissuaded  his  master 
from  passing  the  bill,  (vol.  ii.  p.  19S.)  but  other  authorities  do  not 
support  the  statement  An  attempt  too  Has  been  made  to  vindicate 
Usher  upon  an  account  alleged  to  have  been  privately  given  by  him- 
self; but,  even  according  to  that,  he  told  his  majesty  that  he  (the 
king)  should  himself  be  satisfied  as  to  the  proof  of  the  facts,  but  that 
as  to  their  legal  effect  he  ought  to  be  guided  by  the  judges,  an  advice 
that  approximated  to  that  of  Williams.  See  Biog.  Brit,  article  Usher. 
The  statement  is  disproved  by  the  facts  as  given  by  Racket,  &c. 


ISS  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

of  the  plot)  to  write  the  letter,  must  be  as  un- 
founded as  the  act  itself  would  have  been  atroci- 
ous. Sir  William  Balfour  appears  to  have  been  a 
gentleman  of  a  high  sense  of  honour,  and  himself 
was  proof  against  all  seduction  to  connive  at  an  es* 
cape,  though  offered  ^20,000  and  the  earPs  daugh- 
ter to  his  son.  But  this,  which  reflects  so  mudi 
credit  upon  his  integrity,  was  in  reality  the  cause  of 
the  slander.  Urged  by  his  council,  and  apparent* 
ly  pressed  by  the  criminal  himself,  Charles  granted 
a  commission  to  pass  both  bills,  and  sent  Secretary 
Carleton  to  apprise  the  prisoner  of  his  fate,  with 
the  motives  that  had  influenced  the  king,  among 
which  was  particularly  mentioned  his  own  request. 
Stunned  with  the  unlooked-for  intelligence,  Straf- 
forde  conjured  the  secretary  not  to  trifle  with  his 
feelings,  but  to  declare  the  truth.  The  other  assur- 
ed him  of  the  fact,  when  he  started  from  his  chair, 
and,  lifting  his  eyes  to  heaven,  at  the  same  time 
laying  his  hand  on  his  heart,  exclaimed  in  agony, 
*<  Put  not  your  trust  in  princes,  nor  in  the  sons  of 
men,  for  in  them  there  is  no  salvation.'*  Charles 
himself  felt  immediate  remorse  for  having  given  his 
consent,  and  the  next  day,  which  was  the  1  Ith, 
wrote  a  letter  to  the  lords  with  his  own  hand,  beg- 
ging them  to  interpose  with  the  lower  house  to 
spare  the  earl's  life ;  but  they  refused  to  interfere, 
and  it  became  necessary  for  the  prisoner  to  pre- 
pare for  execution  *. 

"^  Cob.  Pari.  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  758.    Whitelocke^  p.  45.    Ckr.  vd. 
i.  p.  257.    Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  262^  et  seg,    Mr.  Hume^  in  a  note,  nys^  • 
that  "  Mr.  Carte,  in  his  Life  of  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  has  given  us 


HISTCmy  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  12S 

StrsdBEbrde  was  appointed  to  suffer  on  the  12th  of  £zec»tioii 
May,  upon  a  scaffold  erected  on  Tower-hill.    In  fMe.  I'sth 
his  passage  thither,  he  looked  up  to  the  apartment  J^^* 
of  Laud,  who  stood  at  the  window  dissolved  in 

flome  evidence  to  prove  that  this  letter  was  entirely  a  forgery  of  the  popu- 
lar leaders,  in  order  to  induce  the  king  to  sacrifice  Strafibrde/'    Mr. 
Hume  then  givea  his  reasons  for  inclining  to  the  other  opinion.    But^ 
the  atory  which  Carte  gives  us>  (he  says  he  received  it  from  a  Mr. 
Howard,  to  whom  he  appeals,  and  who  had  it  from  another^  &c.)  is 
ridiculous,  and  was  most  prohably  improved  at  least  by  himself,  for 
whoever  has  studied  the  works  of  that  author,  must  be  satisfied  of 
his  want  of  scrupulosity  in  any  statement  on  that  side  of  the  question. 
Amongst  Carte's  papers  at  Oxford,  I  found  a  card  from  Birch  to 
him,  of  which  the  following  is  a  copy :  '^  To  prevent  Mr.  Carte  from 
falling  into  new  mistakes,  Mr.  Birch  thinks  proper  to  assure  him, 
that  he  had  not  the  least  hand  in  the  letter  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Thomas 
Carte,  nor  ever  saw  one  line  of  it  before  it  appeared  in  print ;  and 
that  his  expostulations  with  Mr.  Carte's  at  Childe's  Cofiee-house,  were 
founded  upon  the  enclosed  comparison  of  that  gentleman's  two  per- 
formances at  that  time  drawn  up  by  him ;  which,  in  justice  to  him- 
self^ he  is  determined  to  publish  if  Mr.  Carte  introduce  him  in  an)( 
manner  into  his  dispute  with  the  Bye-Stander,  or  with  the  author  of 
the  aaid  lefter  to  Bfr.  Carte. 
Fehj.2d,  1741." 

The  comparison,  which  has  two  colmnns  on  every  page,  one  con- 
taimng  the  one  statement,  the  other  the  other  statement,  or  difierent 
authorities,  certainly  exhibits  the  most  extraordinary  misrepresenta- 
tions snd  inconsistences  that  can  well  be  imagined,  and  is  only  equall- 
ed by  the  extreme  violence  and  insolence  with  which  Carte  writes  to 
his  oonespondent  Mr.  Boewell,  Rector  of  Taunton^  on  the  subject 
Carte  did  not  himself  directly  venture  to  enter  the  lists  with  Birch, 
(See  Birch's  Preface  to  the  last  edition  of  his  Enquiry,)  hut  it  ap- 
pears by  his  correspondence  with  Boswell,  that  he  got  that  individual 
to  publish  an  answer  in  his  own  (Boswell's)  name.    The  work  was 
pubfished  in  1754,  under  the  title  of  the  Case  of  the  Royal  Martyr 
considered,  &c.    Carte's  Papers,  C.  C.  C.  C.  or  £.  £.  £.  £.  (I  think 
ihey  are  marked  both  ways,)  Loose  Papers,  No.  3.  378.    The  per- 
son who  had  drawn  out  the  catalogue  had  not  attended  to  the  corre- 
spondence, otherwise  he  would  not  have  accused  Mr.  Boswell  of  hav- 
ing "  pirated"  the  performance  and  published  it  in  his  own  name. 


124  HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRtT. 

tears,  and  having  pronounced  his  blessing,  sank 
down  overpowered*.  The  interested,  guiltyfriend- 
ship  of  these  two  individuals,  had  been  latterly  dis- 
solved by  deadly  hate  ;  but  a  common  calamity- 
each,  in  the  other's  misfortunes  beholding  his  own 
—had  since  restored  a  mutual  sympathy  t.  The 
Ear],  accompanied  with  the  Primate  of  Armagh, 
the  Earl  of  Cleveland,  and  his  own  brother.  Sir 
George  Wentworth,  walked  with  a  firm  step  and 
undaunted  mein  to  the  place  of  execution,  where, 
having  addressed  the  bye-standers,  and  coolly  ad- 
justed his  hair  and  clothes,  he  died  with  perfect 
composure.  Draughti^  of  speeches,  which,  it  is 
alleged,  he  had  prepared  about  the  time  of  his 
death,  have  been  attributed  to  him ;  but  they  do 
not  appear  to  be  genuine,  and  are  at  variance  with 
that  which  Rushworth  took  from  his  lips  on  the 
scafibld,  as  well  as  with  the  heads  of  it  which  that 
collector  has  preserved  from  the  written  copy  un- 
der  the  earPs  own  hand }  though  charity  would 
induce  all  who  are  acquainted  with  his  correspond- 
ence, &c.  to  wish  that  it  had  been  otherwise  ;  or, 
at  all  events,  that  that  portion  at  least  of  the  speech 

*  NalsoD^  vol.  ii.  p.  198.  Rush.  vol.  vHi.  p.  782.  Heylin*s  Life 
of  Laud^  p.  480. 

t  We  have  already  given  authorities  on  this  subject.  After  Straf- 
forde's  great  ascendancy^  which  was  in  1639^  Laud  seems  to  have 
truckled  to  him  as  the  other  had  formerly  done  to  Laud^  Sidney  Pa- 
pers^ vol.  ii.  p.  626.  But  Strafforde  had  at  that  time  lost  the  good 
graces  of  the  queen^  Clar.  vol.  i.  p.  126^  while  Laud  was  deep  in  her 
favour ;  See  Diary,  &c.  The  first  too  joined  with  Cottington  in 
great  confidence^  (Sidney  Papers,  vol.  ii.  p.  637.)  though  an  indivi- 
dual whom  Laud  appears  to  have  been  very  jealous  of.  See  Straf. 
Let.  vol.  i.  p.  480.  Clar.  vol.  i.  p.  141.  See  also  what  we  have  al- 
ready said  on  this  subject. 


HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRB.  125 

actually  delivered  on  the  scaffold, — ^in  which  he 
declares  himself  to  have  been  always  a  friend  to 
parliaments,  were  not  authentic,  for  it  is  deplora^* 
ble  to  believe  that  his.  last  moments  were  pollut* 
ed  with  an  untruth  *. 

Thus  died  Strafforde,  in  the  forty-ninth  year  of 
his  age,  atoning,  in  some  measure,  for  the  errors 
of  his  life  by  the  manner  of  his  death.  -  We  have 
dwelt  the  more  upon  his  trial,  both  as  it  has  been 
generally  misrepresented,  and  as  his  fate  was  so  re- 
markably connected  with  the  succeeding  convul- 
sions.   A  man  of  talents  he  unquestionably  was ; 
but  in  vain  do  we  search  his  letters  and  dispatches, 
as  well  as  his  defence,  for  proofs  of  those  transcend- 
ant  abilities  which  have  been  commonly  ascribed 
to  him.     He  had,  from  his  youth,  earnestly  culti- 
vated composition  and  public  speaking,  and  though 
he  attained  no  perfection  in  the  first,  he  acquired, 
what  is  absolutely  necessary,  in  the  last,  and  hides 
many  defects — fluency  of  language.    The  natural 
impetuosity  of  his  temper  was,   therefore,  unre- 
strained by  the  difficulty,  which  so  many  expe- 
rience, of  finding  words  to  give  it  vent  \  and  his 
manner  appears,  from  all  accounts,  to  have  been 
exceedingly  graceful.     But  he  had  one  vast  ad- 
vantage in  what  Lord  Bacon  calls  the  eloquence  of 
accident.     The  king  and  queen,  (how  far  their  in- 
fluence extended  we  need  not  inquire,)  the  cour-* 

• 

*  Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  967^  tt  ieq.  vol.  viii.  p.  759.  Nalson^  vol.  ii. 
p.  198,  et  teq.  Soott's  Somen'  Tracts,  voL  iv.  p.  254,  et  seq.  About 
100,000  people  attended  the  execution,  yet  not  an  indecent  expression 
escaped  one  of  them.    Rush.  vol.  viii. 


It6  HISTORY  0^  THE  BRITISn  EMPIRE* 

tiers,  the  ladies,  the  clergy,  (^  who,  in  general," 
says  May,  **  were  so  fallen  into  love  and  admira* 
tioa  of  this  Earl,  that  the  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury was  almost  quite  forgotten  by  them  *,'*)  were 
ready  to  applaud  every  thing  that  fell  from  bis 
lips.  The  vicissitude  of  human  life,  so  strongly 
exemplified  in  the  case  of  one  who,  with  such 
rank,  had  lately  possessed  such  power,  and  was- 
still  expected  to  recover  it  if  he  escaped  the  pre- 
sent danger,  yet  now  appeared  as  a  criminal,  was 
necessarily  aflfecting,  while  he  equally  derived  im-- 
portance,  and  borrowed  lustre,  from  the  exertions 
which  were  made  to  bring  him  to  justice,  and  the 
imposing  solemnity  of  the  whole  scene  t.     His 

•  May^  p.  92. 

t  Those  who  collect  Ms  defence  to  the  different  articles,  with  the 
answer  to  the  diarge,  will  find  the  chief  arguments  urged  by  him, 
then  used  in  the  last;  and  if  Digby,  as  was  believed  at  the  time».and 
may  be  inferred  as  nearly  indisputable  from  the  part  he  acted  re- 
garding the  notes  of  coundl,  carried  to  him  on  account  of  all  the  de- 
positions, there  is  the  less  to  admire.  People  are  fiwlishly  apt  to 
wonder  at  every  thing  spoken,  though  they  would  see  nothing  parti- 
cular in  it  if  it  had  been  written,  as  if  a  man  could  not  say  what  he 
could  put  on  paper,  when  he  has  a  little  time  to  recollect  himself. 
The  self-coUectedness  shewn  by  Straffi>rde  has  been  greatly  admired. 
But  when  we  consider  the  grand  theatre  on  which  he  exhibited ; 
that,  whatever  the  issue,  he  still  had  the  admiration  of  a  great  body, 
we  can  admire  it  the  less.  Even  Laud,  though  naturally  timid,  and 
placed  in  very  different,  and  far  more  trying,  drcumstanoes,  was  ad- 
mitted to  have  defended  himself  with  the  utmost  readiness  and  great 
acumen.  I  have  already  spoken  of  what  are  called  his  troubles,  and 
I  need  not  repeat  what  I  have  said.  I  do  not  admire  them ;  but  in 
point  of  readiness,  &&  they  exceed  what  we  find  in  Straffbrde's  de- 
fence. It  was  the  conclusion  only  of  Strafforde's  which  filled  people 
with  admiration,  particularly  his  pausing  to  weep  at  the  mention  of 
his  second  wife.  But  Laud  had  a  vast  number  of  authorities  from 
the  fathers  to  quote ;  and,  in  short,  defended  himself  on  abstruse 


HISTORY  OF  TII£  BRITISH  SMPIRE»  127 

death,  by  satisfying  justice,  soothed  his  adversaries, 
and  left  his  friends  the  power  of  magnifying  his 
virtues :  the  subsequent  events  produced  a  species 
of  devotion  in  the  royalist  party  to  his  memory, 
because,  with  his  fate,  they  all,  including  the  mo* 
narch  himself,  associated  their  own  misfortunes* 
The  supposed  authenticity  of  the  Eikon,  in  which 
Charles  is  made  to  lament  his  rash  concession  to 
the  voice  of  his  people,  increased  the  feeling*-^ 
feeling  which  has  descended  from  one  generation 
to  another — ^tiU  with  many,  especially  the  high- 
church  party,  it  became  a  mark  of  disafiection  to 
doubt  either  the  magnitude  of  his  talents,  the 
baseness  of  his  persecutors,  or  the  integrity  of  his 
life :   And  it  is  somewhat  singular  that  the  latter 
has  commonly  been  most  vehemently  asserted  by 
such  as  have  been  themselves  remarkable  for  en- 
tertaining principles  approximating  to  those  which 

points  M  wen  as  on  facts,  the  evidence  of  which  he  disputed. 
In  my  opinion,  a  man  who>  in  sach  drcomstanoes,  defends  him- 
self, has  an  advantage ;  he  can  always  tell  his  own  story  in  oom- 
menting  upon  the  evidence,  and,  as  he  speaks  confidently,  he  is  a  sort 
of  witness  in  his  own  favour :  the  magnitude  of  the  occasion,  too,  if  he 
have  any  power,  rouses  him  to  the  highest  exertion.  It  is  true  that  a 
little  mhid  is  apt  to  sink  imder  a  great  occasion ;  and  there  are  state 
cases  where  the  prisoner  should  never  open  his  own  lips,  because  the 
sentiments  which  he  utters  may  be  held  by  the  jury  to  savour  of  what 
he  is  arraigned.  But  Wentworth  himself  never  expected  to  lose  his 
life.  The  utmost  he  looked  for  was  a  sentence  for  misdemeanour, 
which  his  migesty  had,  by  a  letter  under  his  hand,  promised  to  pardon 
without  aflfecting  his  fortune.  See  Let.  in  Biog.  Brit  to  his  wife. 
See  also  Charles'  Letter,  lb.  There  is  even  a  mysterious  letter  to  his 
secretary,  Slingsby,  shewing  that  he  had  some  faint  hope  after  the 
bill  was  passed.  Rush.  vol.  viil.  p.  774.  What  was  the  nature  of 
his  expectations  I  shall  not  pretend  to  determine 


128  HISTORY  OF  TH£  BBITI8H  EMPIRE. 

he  suffered  for  acting  upon.  The  cause  of  the  ex- 
traordinary  attachment  to  his  memory  may  be  fully 
discovered  in  the  words  of  his  friend  Sir  George 
Ratcliffe:  <<  He  died  a  martyr  for  the  church  and 
the  king.'*  But  there  never  was  a  more  unfounded 
notion :  he  encouraged  a  system,  which^-^-however, 
he  merely  adopted  from  a  view  to  self-aggrandize- 
ment,— ^that  had  nearly  occasioned  the  utter  ruin 
of  both  the  one  and  the  other,  while  it  led  to  the 
untimely  death  of  his  royal  master. 

He  was  thrice  married,  first,  at  a  very  early  age, 
to  Lady  Margaret  Clifford  • ;  then  to  Lady  Arabella 
Hollis  ;  and  lastly,  within  a  year  of  Lady  Arabel- 
la's death,  to  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Sir  Godfrey 
Rhodes,  a  lady  whom  he  preferred  to  a  daughter 
of  the  Earl  of  Cork,  though  he  was,  at  the  same 
time,  so  ashamed  of  the  connection,  as  beneath  his 
rank,  that  he  concealed  the  marriage,  which  was  a 
private  one,  for  about  a  twelvemonth.  By  the  first 
he  had  no  children,  but  he  had  three  by  the  se- 
cond, a  son  and  two  daughters,  (another  son  by 

*  The  authors  of  the  Biog.  Brit,  have  questioned  the  date  of  this 
marriage^  making  it  much  later^  because^  in  setting  out  with  his  es- 
sajy  towards  the  life  of  Strafforde^  Sir  George  Ratclifre  complains  of 
the  decay  in  his  memory^  which  would  prevent  him  from  doing  Straf- 
forde  justice  in  sundry  particulars^  and  they  think  the  marriage  too 
early  in  his  life,  but,  in  truth,  Ratdiffe's  statement  is  not  an  apology 
for  incorrectness,  but  for  having  so  little  to  relate,  aft  he  immediately 
writes  this,  "  But  seeing  my  unfaithful  memory  hath  lost  part  of  the 
occurrences  which  concerned  my  Lord,  I  am  loth  to  let  slip  the  re* 
mainder.'*  In  dates  he  is  remarkably  correct  so  far  as  his  Essay  goes  ; 
he  certainly  was  better  able  to  judge  regarding  the  probability  of  his 
patron's  marriage  than  these  writers ;  and  he  never  could  be  mistaken 
in  this  respect,  as,  if  he  had,  the  son  to  whom  the  £ssay  was  ad-« 
dressed,  could  have  corrected  the  error. 


HIS70RT  OP  TH£  BRITISH  EMFIBC.  129 

that  wife  died  young,)— and  two  by  the  third,— ^ 
son^  born  two  years  after  the  marriage,  who  pre- 
deceased himself^  and  a  daughter,  whom  he  left 
an  infant  *• 

*  Lady  Arabella  is  said  to  have  been  remarkably  beautiful  and  ac« 
eomplished^  and  he  always  spoke  of  her  memory  with  the  highest  re- 
flpect,  as  his  taint,  &&  ;  while  Sir  George  Ratdifie  tells  us  that  he 
carried  him  out  of  bed  to  receive  her  last  blessing.    But  perhaps  the 
fair  reader  may  not  deem  his  attachment  to  have  been  of  a  very  exalte 
ed  nature,  or  his  affection  long-lived,  when  she  reflects  that  he  was 
talking  about  a  third  marriage  within  not  many  months  of  her  deaths 
and  actually  fonned  his  third  connection  within  the  year.    She  died 
in  October,  T63I  ;  and,  from  a  letter  by  hfm  to  Mountnorris,  on  the 
19th  of  August  following,  it  appears  that  he  had  then  declined  a  mar- 
riage with  the  Earl  of  Cork's  daughter.    Lett,  and  Disp.  vol.  i.  p.  73. 
Ratdifie  tells  us  that  he  married  next  October ;  but  from  the  follow- 
ing letter  it  may  be  doubted  whether  that  event  had  not  occurred  ear- 
lier, though  Ratdiffe  might  either  not  chuse  to  mention  it,  or  might 
himself  be  a  strainer  to  all  the  truth.    "  Madam,  I  have  in  little 
much  to  say  to  you,  and,  in  short  terms,  to  profess  that  which  I  must 
appear  all  my  life  long,  or  els  one  of  us  must  be  much  to  blame.    But 
in  truth  I  have  that  confidence  in  you,  and  that  assurance  in  myself,  as 
to  rest  secure  the  faulte  will  never  be  made  on  dther  side.     Well,  then, 
this  tittle  and  thu  much,  this  short  and  this  long,  which  I  aim  at,  is  no 
more  than  to  give  you  this  first  toritien  testimony  that  I  am  your  kus* 
hands,  and  thai  hushande  of  yours,  that  will  ever  dischardge  those  dutyes 
of  love  and  respect  towards  you  which  good  ujomen  may  expectt,  and  are 
Justly  due  from  good  men  to  dischardge  them  with  a  hallowed  care  and 
continued  perseverance  in  them ;  and  this  is  not  only  much  but  all 
things  which  belongs  me,  and  wherein  I  shall  treade  out  the  remain- 
der of  life  which  is  left  me  ;  niore  I  cannot  say,  nor  perform  much  more 
for  the  presentt,  the  rest  must  dwell  in  hope  vntill  I  have  made  it  up  in 
the  baUance  that  I  am^  and  must  be,  noe  other  than  your  ever-loving 
husbande,  Wentworth"    York,  SOth  October,  1638*    From  a  post- 
cript  to  this  letter,  about  a  paste  for  the  teeth,  one  box  to  himself  ano- 
ther to  her,  it  appears  that  the  lady  was  in  London,  (nay,  he  desires 
her  to  speak  to  Ratdifie  for  the  paste,)  and  he  does  not  by  his  letters 
appear  to  have  been  from  York  that  month*   (See  his  Let.  and  Disp. 
during  that  month,  and  even  August;)  whence  we  may  conclude  that 
the  connection  was  of  an  earlier  date,  or  that  he  had  sent  her  off*  im- 
mediately after  the  ceremony.    But  is  there  not  something  mysteri- 

VOL.  III.  K 


ISO  HISTORY  OF  THK  BRITISH  E|«PIRE. 

.  The  children  were  by  act  of  parliament  restored 
to  their  blood  and  estate  *. 

OU8  in  this  matter  ?  Though  privatdy  mairied^  rarely  4fae  lady  needed 
not  have  heen  afraid^  as  diie  evidently  was,  of  heing  discarded  like  a 
cast-mistresB^  since  she  might  have  easily  proved  the  manriage.  She  had 
answered  this  letter  in  a  humhle  strain,  and  he  wrote  thus,  on  the 
I9ih  of  Novemher,  *'  Dear  Besse,"  (the  former  cold  Madam,  prohably 
tended  to  freeze  the  Lady^)  ''your  first  lines  were  wellcum  unto  me,  and 
I  will  keepe  them,  in  rqgard  I  take  them  to  he  full  asof  kindnesse  aoe 
of  truth.  It  is  no  pretumptionfor  you  to  write  unto  me,  the  fellowship 
of  marriadge  ought  to  carry  with  it  more  of  love  and  equality  than  of 
any  other  apprehension,"  &c.  The  continued  strain  of  the  letter  is  in  it- 
self exceedingly  good  ;  but  she  had  cause  to  lament  the  want  of  equali- 
ty, nay,  downright  degradation,  since  he  did  not  acknowledge  her  aa  his 
wife,  and  kept  her  at  a  distance— strange  condition  for  a  newly-mar- 
ried woman— nay,  sent  her  into  Ireland  next  January  (1633)  under 
the  charge  of  Sir  George  Ratdiffe,  while  himself  did  not  follow  till 
July  after.  See  Biog.  Brit.  Wentworth,  Ratdiffe,  et  $eq.  But  the 
writers  of  the  Biog.  Brit,  appear  to  pay  no  attention  to  dates,  for  while 
they  mention  that  she  went  with  Ratdifie  to  Ireland  in  January, 
1683,  they  say  that  Wentworth  did  not  think  proper  to  carry  her  over 
himself,  hut  left  her  to  the  care  of  his  trusty  friend  Ratdiflfe,  &a 
whereas  he  himself  went  only  in  July,  1633 ;  and  if  they  mean  tbat 
ahe  was  brought  over  In  January,  1634,  they  are  equally  wrong,  as 
Ratdiffe  states  the  matter  predsdy.  Indeed,  after  Wentworth  ac- 
knowledged the  marriage,  Uiere  was  no  occasion  for  living  longer  se- 
parate. Ratdiffe  tells  us  that  Strafforde  consulted  him  and  Greenwood 
on  all  his  domestic  as  well  as  public  afiairs.    See  Laud's  Letter, 


*  Journals,  15th  June,  1641.  Nothing  rqpsiding  StralRirde 
has '  been  treated  vnth  oommon  jusdoe.  The  usual  clause  in  a 
hill,  pro  re  naia,  thxt  it  should  not  be  drawn  into  a  precedent, 
and  which  is  a  proper  restraint  upon  the  ordinary  courts,  to 
which  alone  it  is  applicable,  has  been  represented  as  an  implied 
admission  of  the  ill^^ality  of  the  bill :  Even  the  restoration  of  the 
diildren  has  been  laid  hold  of  by  Mr.  Hume  as  a  confession  of 
i]\justioe.  Yet  it  may  saMy  be  remarked,  that  had  parliament  re- 
frised  that  ooncearion,  Uieir  conduct  would  have  been  stigmatised  as  the 
height  of  barbarity.  In  the  concession  they  merely  followed  the  ex- 
ample whidi  had  been  set  them  in  various  cases  by  the  family  on 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  BMPIRE«  181 

The  principal  officers  of  state,  as  we  have  al«  offioen  of 
ready  mentionedy  had  tendered  their  resignations  "***  ""^ 


l¥Stt  Oct  19SS,  ftboat  the  iDarriage  in  Let.  and  Disp.  vol.  L  p.  125. 
On  the  bick  of  Wentwortli's  first  letter  to  his  third  wife  were  written 
these  words  in  a  female  hand.  ''Tom'*  (the  first  child) ''was  home  the 
seventeenth  of  September^  being  Wednesday^  in  the  morning,  be- 
tvdxt  two  and  three  o'dock^  and  was  christened  of  the  seventh  day  of 
October^  1«S4/'  Biog.  Brit  It  is  a  little  odd  that  Clarendon  should 
have  known  so  little  of  dtnfibrde's  family,  as  to  say  that  he  had  all 
his  chihlren  by  Lady  Arabella,  (Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  188.)  and  it  is  strange 


the  throne,  and  partieillarly  in  the  case  of  Sir  Everald  Bigb/s  Bon> 
Ihoogb  Sir  Ererald's  treason  was  of  the  blackest  kind— 4he  gonpow- 
dcr  plot  And,  for  my  part,  I  am  not  disposed  to  give  him  entire  credit 
ibr  the  cim$cie»Hous  part  he  perfonned  in  that  plot  It  is  true  that 
fidae  reli^on  had.  satisfied  his  scruples;  but  did  he  not  esEpect  temporal 
power  aa  a  reward  for  religiotui  zeal?  Of  late,  many  excttions  have 
been  made  to  put  an  end  to  the  attaint  of  the  blood  in  the  case  of 
tmeon;  but  the  reasoning  used  has  not  convinced  me.  Itisthepro- 
tection  of  the  laws  which  has  enabled  every  individual  to  succeed  to 
title  and  estate  fimn  his  ancestors ;  and  when  he  endeavours  to  destroy 
aU  law,  it  ia  but  fair  that  he  should  forfeit  them  for  his  posterity:  he 
fanaks  the  condition  on  which  he  was  permitted  to  enjoy  them.  Besides, 
a  man  will  firequently  be  deterred  fVom  the  petpetration  of  an  enormity 
out  of  regard  to  his  children  when  he  might  not  otherwise  be  restrain^ 
ed;  and,  in  that  case,  severity  to  the  individual  is  mercy  to  the 
eonmiunity.  I  suqiect  that  people's  reasoning  on  this  subject  is  apt 
not  to  be  unmixed :  that  they,  in  considering  the  point>  call  to  mind 
the  instances  of  men  who  have  either  been  unjustly  oondemned>  or 
have  merely  been  unsuccessful  in  a  noble  struggle  for  the  liberties  of 
their  «>untry—«uch  as  the  cases  which  occulted  in  the  two  next  reigns, 
and  have  taken  pkee  in  other  state8--and  that  the  feelings  inspired  by 
these  instances  warp  the  judgment  in  deciding  upon  the  propriety  of 
exftending  the  penalties  to  the  heirs :  But  this  is  assuredly  an  unfair 
view  of  the  ^piestion ;  since  on  all  hands  the  enormity  of  the  crime, 
and  the  necessity  of  terrible  punishment  are  assumed,  the  guilt  being 
that  of  individuals  heading  a  faction  to  destroy  that  system  undinr 
which  the  community  at  la^  chuse  to  live. 


iSi  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

>¥ith  a  view  to  their  places  being  bestowed  upon 
the  chief  popular  members,  on  condition  of  their 


that  Strafibrde,  whoie  priTate  letters  shew  that  he  was  much  at- 
tached to  his  child  hy  the  third  wife^  should  never  allude  to  her^ 
nor  to  his  wife,  when  he  paused  in  his  speech :  hut  the  rhetorical 
efi^t  would  have  heen  spoiled.  Rushworth,  voL  yiii.  p.  773 
The  authors  of  the  Biog.  Brit  I  suspect^  have  fallen  into  a  mis- 
take in  supposing,  from  a  passage  in  a  letter,  that  he  had  more 
daughters  by  his  third  wife,  forgetting  that  he  then  included  his 
two  former  daughters :  see  a  letter  to  his  wife>  to  whom  he  pro- 
fessed great  attachment,  in  Somers'  Tracts,  vol.  iv. 

'^  He  was  much  defamed,"  says  Ratelifi^  "  for  incondnenoe,  where- 
in  I  have  reason  to  heHeve  that  he  was  exceedingly  much  wrong- 
ed. I  had  occasion  of  some  speech  with  him  about  the  state  cf 
his  sold  several  times,  but  twice  especially,  when  J  verily  believe 
he  did  lay  open  unto  me  the  very  bottom  of  his  heart :  One  weu, 
when  he  was  in  a  very  great  affliction  upon  the  death  of  his  second  wife  ; 
and  then,  fir  some  days  and  nights,  I  was  very  few  minutes  out  of  his 
company.  The  other  time  was  at  Dublin,  on  a  Good-Friday,  (his 
birth-day)  when  he  was  preparing  himself  to  receive  the  blened  sa- 
crament on  Easter-Day  following.  At  both  these  times,  I  received 
such  satirfaction  as  left  no  scruple  with  me  at  aH,  but  much  assurance 
of  his  chastity"  It  is  dear  from  this,  that  his  character  had  been 
noted  on  this  account  before  the  death  of  Lady  Arabella ;  because, 
otherwise,  Ratdifie  would  not,  at  her  death,  have  required  to  have 
his  scruples  removed.  Ratdifie  continues :  "  I  knew  his  ways  long 
and  intimatdy,  and  though  I  cannot  acquit  him  of  all  frailties,  (for 
who  can  justify  the  most  innocent  man,)  yet  I  must  give  him  the 
testimony  of  conscientiousness  in  his  ways,  that  he  kept  himself 
from  gross  sins,"  (was  not  the  affiur  with  Chancellor  Loftus's  daugh- 
ter-in-law a  gross  sin  ?  or  was  it  merdy  a  frailty  })  "  and  endea- 
voured to  approve  himsdf  rather  imto  God  than  unto  man,  to  be 
religious  inwardly  and  in  truth,  rather  than  outwardly  in  shew." 
The  same  Ratdifie  celebrates  his  justice,  &c.  only  admitting  that 
*^  he  was  exceeding  choleric" 

In  Straffinrde's  case,  as  well  in  the  instances  of  cotemporaries,  was 
sadly  exemplified  the  misery  of  those  "  who  hang  on  prince's  fa- 
vours"—and  the  baseness  of  the  men.  Williams,  whom  he  had 
courted,  he  afterwards  tried  to  ruin.  Weston,  Earl  of  Portland,  to 
whom  Wentworth  professed,  the  most  ardent  devotion,  had  scarcely 


HISTOET  OF  THK  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  iSS 

dropping  the  prosecution  of  Strafibrde;  but,  as 
that  arrangement  had  failed,  the  resignations  were 
not  accepted  of  The  fate  of  Strafibrde,  now,  how- 
ever, so  alarmed  these  official  men,  that  they  de- 
clined to  retain  their  dangerous  pre-eminence  long^ 
er,  and  Cottington's  office  of  master  of  the  wards 

introduoed  bim  to  Court  when  he  suspected^  from  Wentworth's 
axdon  with  Land^  of  whom  Weston  was  jealous^  that  he  was  trying 
to  supplant  him.  Let  and  Disp.  voL  i.  79,  211.  Cottington  had 
written  to  Strafforde  about  the  dangerous  indisposition  of  Weston, 
and  he  answers,  (on  the  28th  March,  1635.)  that  he  had  been  so  af- 
fected, that  he  had  not  been  well  since ;  "  that  Monday  night  last  he 
swooned  twice  before  they  could  get  off  his  clothes.*'  Id.  p.  393.  In 
a  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Newcastle,  on  the  9th  of  April,  that  is,  with- 
in a  fortnight  of  the  one  to  Cottington,  he  expresses  himself  thus. 
''  The  truth  is,  I  conoeiTe  my  Lord  Treasurer,  sometime  before  his 
death,  wished  me  no  good,  being  grown  extreme  jealous  of  my  often 
writing  to  my  Lord  of  Canterbury,  and  myself,  out  of  a  sturdiness 
of  nature,  not  so  gently  passing  by  his  unkind  usage,  as  a  man  of  a 
softer  and  wiser  temper  might  have  done;  for,  I  confess,  I  did 
stomach  it  very  much  to  be  so  meanly  suspected,  (being  as  innocent 
and  dear  of  crime  towards  him  as  the  day,)  considering  that  I  had, 
upon  my  coming  from  Court,  given  him  as  strong  a  testimony  of  my 
faith  and  boldness  in  his  afiairs,  nay,  indeed,  a  stronger  than  any 
other  friend  he  had,  durst,  or  at  least  would  do  for  him.  So  as  find- 
ing myself  thus  disappointed  of  the  confidence  I  had  in  his  profes- 
sions at  our  parting,  I  grew  so  impatient  as  to  profess,  even  to  him- 
self, I  would  borrow  a  being  from  no  man  living  but  my  master, 
and  there  I  would  fasten  myself  as  surely  as  I  could ;  so  as  by  his 
death  it  is  not  altogether  improbable  that  I  am  delivered  of  the 
heaviest  adversary  I  ever  had."  Id.  p.  411.  No  wonder  that  Weston 
was  jealous,  considering  Wentworth's  correspondence  with  Laud, 
to  whom  Wentworth  professed  the  most  unlimited  devotion.  *'  He 
should  end  his  life  in  acknowledgments  to  his  grace,''  &c.  See  his 
Letters  to  Laud  during  the  life  of  Weston.  How  these  individuals 
afterwards  split  we  have  already  seen.  Again  Wentworth  even  ap- 
plies for  an  Earldom  to  stop  the  malice  of  his  enemies,  who  sought 
his  ruin,  but  might  be  deterred  by  such  a  mark  of  the  royal  favour. 
Charles  long  refused  it.    See  Biog.  Brit  and  Let.  and  Disp. 


1S4  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

was  bestowed  upon  Lord  Say ;  Juxon's,  of  high- 
treasurer,  was  put  into  commission }  the  Marquis 
of  Hartford  was  appointed  governor  of  the  Prince; 
the  Earl  of  Essex  chamberlain  of  the  household ; 
while  the  Earl  of  Leicester  was  nominated  lord- 
lieutenant  of  Ireland  *. 
AboUdon       During  the  momentous  trial  of  Strafforde,  bills 
di^h^'  were  brought  into  the  Lower  House  for  the  aboli* 
*^  ^     tion  of  the  Court  of  Star-chamber,  the  High  Com- 
mission,  the  Court  of  York,  the  Court  of  the 
Marches  of  Wales,  &c. ;  but  they  were  not  trans- 
mitted to  the  Lords  till  his  fate  was  determined. 
Having  passed  the  Upper  House  likewise,  they  were 
presented  to  the  throne  along  with  a  polUbill ;  but 
his  majesty,  while  he  passed  the  last,  took  no  no- 
tice of  the  first,  and  the  circumstance  excited  dis- 
content, which  induced  him  to  pass  those  bills  al- 
so f  •    His  grand  object  was  to  retain  the  ecclesias- 
Abiuto    tical  government,   which  the    current  now  ran 
!h^&^.  strongly  against.    A  bill,  in  consequence  of  former 

froin  lecuUur 

It  is  alkged  that  Sir  Henry  Vane  had  peQuied  hiinielf  out  of  revenge 
for  an  injury  done  bim  by  8tra£fbrde,  in  taking  the  title  of  Baron  Raby, 
Raby  bring  the  name  of  Vane'a  estate;  but  the  best  proof  of  the  cor- 
rectness of  Vane^a  testimony  isy  that  in  spite  of  it>  he  retained  the 
Icing's  oonfidenoe.  See  Correspondence  between  Charles  and  Becretsry 
Nidiolas  in  the  Append,  to  Evelyn's  Mem.  The  paper  for  bridling 
parliaments,  in  Ludlow's  Appendix,  is  improperly  attributed  to  Straf- 
forde,  having  been  the  production  of  Shr  R.  Du^ey  in  the  preceding 
reign.  See  Howell's  State  Trials,  voL  iii.  p^  S87.  I  should  not  have 
noticed  this  had  not  the  same  eiror  been  committed  by  the  editor  of 
Hutchison's  Memoirs. 

*  Cob.  Psrl.  Hist  toL  ii.  p.  79S.    Whitelocke,  p.  46. 

tCob.  PirL  Hist.  voLiLp.8U,  851.  Rush.  yol.  iv.  p.  304-  Nal- 
son,  voL  ii. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  13^ 

resolutions,  having  passed  the  lower  house,  to  re- 
strain bishops  and  the  other  clergy  from  intermed- 
dling widi  secular  affiurs,  and  which  affected  the 
right  of  the  hierarchy  to  sit  as  members  of  the  Up* 
per  House,'*— a  right  that,  according  to  the  most  emi- 
nent lawyers,  they  had  enjoyed,  not  as  belonging  to 
their  ecdesiastical  function,  but  to  their  secular 
baronies*— -was  transmitted  to  die  House  of  Lords ; 
but,  as  was  to  have  been  anticipated,  it  naturally 
met  with  a  powerful  opposition  from  the  spiritual 
membeni,  of  whom  there  were  twenty-six ;  and  as 
several  temporal  peers  joined  them,  they  succeeded 
in  throwing  out  the  bUl  f.    The  fate  of  this  bill  Deoiag's 

hill  ftir  thfi 

only  induced  the  commons  to  attempt  a  bolder  utter  «tir. 
measure*«ihat  of  utterly  abolishing  the  hierarchy,  ^^^ 
with  deans  and  chapters,  &c.    The  bill  on  this  sub-  ^«»»  •^ 
ject  is  said  to  have  been  drawn  by  St.  John ;  but 
Sir  Henry  Vane,  jun.  and  Oliver  Cromwell  were 
the  most  active  promoters  of  it ;  while  Sir  Edward 
Deering  was  prevailed  upon  to  adopt  it :  but  the 
opposition  to  the  reading  of  the  bill  was  so  violent, 
(Clarendon,  then  Mr.  Hyde,  who  had  already  en- 
gaged himself  to  the  crown,  was  exceedingly  ac- 
tive on  the  occasion,)  that,  though  it  was  read,  the 
popular  members  perceived  the  propriety  of  not 
pushing  it  for  a  season  1:,  though  they  did  not  aban- 
don it.    A  new  church  government,  by  commis- 


*4dl  Inst  p.  35,  46,  SSI. 

t  Cob.  Pari  Hist.  toL  ii.  p.  7%&,  68>  92,  4,  S14,  16,  28,  88. 
X  Dud.  roL  ii.  p.  814.    See  Deering's  Speedies,  London,  printed 
by  F.  Englesfield,  1648.    Clar.  vol.  i  p.  875.  Life,  voL  i.  p.  48, 88. 


1 86  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

sioners  in  every  diocese,  was  intended  as  a  substi* 
tute.  A  liberal  allowance  was  to  be  made  to  the 
present  incumbents.  To  terrify  the  hierarchy, 
too,  thirteen  of  the  bishops  were  impeached  for 
their  illegal  proceedings  at  the  late  convocation. 
Wren,  upon  a  report  of  the  committee,  was  voted 
to  be  incapable  of  holding  any  oflSce,  either  in 
church  or  state,  and  committed  to  the  tower.  Six 
of  the  judges  were  also  impeached  *•  A  vote  of  the 
commons,  in  regard  to  the  city  of  London,  may 
likewise  be  properly  introduced  in  this  place :  The 
city  had  purchased  a  large  plantation  in  Ireland  ; 
and  this  the  Court  of  Star-Chamber,  which  had  no 
power  even  by  usage  for  interfering  with  questions 
of  freehold,  had  adjudged  to  be  void,  an  act  in 
which  it  had  not  even  attended  to  the  abstract 
principles  of  equity.  The  commons  voted  the 
proceeding  to  be  a  usurpation,  as  well  as  a  pure 
act  of  injustice,  and  resolved  that  the  city  should 
be  restored  to  its  property  f .  The  right  of  parlia- 
ment in  the  case  of  tonnage  and  poundage,  that 
former  grand  point  of  dispute,  was  now  complete- 
TooDige  ly  vindica4:ed.  A  committee  having  been  appoint- 
Md  pound-  g  J  jQ  inquire  into  the  rate  of  duties,  and  the  pro- 
portion which  articles  would  bear  in  such  a  period, 
after  a  long  investigation,  fixed  upon  certain  tem- 
porary rates;  and  an  act  was  passed  granting  the 

■ 

^  Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  319^  et  seq.  Clar.  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  263.  Who- 
ever will  take  the  trouble  to  compare  this  with  Clarendon's  own  speech 
against  the  judges^  on  the  6th  of  July^  1641^  will  set  a  proper  value  up- 
on his  statement  in  his  history  on  tonnage  and  poundage.  See  Diurnal 
Proceedings. 

t  Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  379. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  137 

duties  to  the  crown  from  the  15th  of  May,  to  the 
25th  of  July :  By  another,  they  were  granted  from 
the  15th  of  July,  to  the  10th  of  August ;  and  again, 
from  the  10th  of  August,  to  the  1st  of  December. 
But,  in  the  preambles,  the  exclusive  right  of  par- 
liament to  give  such  duties  was  fully  recognized, 
and  it  was  provided  by  a  particular  clause  in  each, 
that  if  any  officers  whatever,  levied  such  duties,  or 
any  customs,  except  what  were  denominated  the 
perpetual  customs,  and  had  been  regularly  paid 
from  the  time, of  Edward  III.  to  that  of  Queen 
Maiy,  should  incur  the  penalty  of  a  premunire, 
and  disability  to  maintain  any  action  in  a  court  of 
justice  •. 

The  Irish,  army,  which  had  been  expressly  raised  Irish  anny, 
for  the  subjugation  of  Scotland,  had,  upon  every  ^^ 
just  principle,  now  become  unnecessary,  yet,  in 
spite  of  the  repeated  urgent  solicitations  of  the 
parliament,  and  even  the  discovery  of  the  army- 
plot,  it  was  unaccountably  kept  up— and  various 
evasions  of  the  request  were  resorted  to.  But 
parliament  atrenuously  insisted  upon  the  disband- 
ing of  that  army,  and,  in  the  meantime,  the 
commons  continued  their  investigations  of  the 
army-plot,  in  which  they  made  great  discove- 
ries:— Ashbumham,  Wilmot,  Sir  John  Berkeley, 
ONeil,  and  others,  were  found  to  have  been 
deeply  engaged^  though,  to  the  house,  they  had 
disclaimed  every  thing,  including  even  the 
oath    of  secresy,    which    was    then    no    longer 

*  Journals^  Nalson^  vol.  ii.  p.  380.    Sec  Stat.  16.  Car.  C.  8.  18. 22. 


138        history'  of  the  British  empire. 

denied  by  the  royalist  party.  This^  complete  dis- 
covery made  the  evil  recoil  upon  the  main  conspi- 
rator, who  perceived  that  his  refusal  now  to  dis- 
band the  Irish  army  would  probably  be  fraught 
with  terrible  consequences ;  and,  therefore,  reluc- 
tantly consented  *.  But  he  then  intimated  that 
he  had  made  an  arrangement  chiefly  with  the 
Spanish  Court  for  transporting  the  troops  to  the 
Continent.  This,  however,  neillier  satisfied  the  par- 
liament nor  the  nation.  It  was  easy  to  perceive, 
that,*  under  such  a  pretext,  that  army  might  be 
kept  on  foot  till  both  the  Scottish  and  English  ar- 
mies were  disbanded,  and  then  introduced  into 
the  bowels  of  the  kingdom.  In  the  army-plot,  the 
evidence  of  which  came  more  clearly  out  daily, 
they  had  a  sufficient  warning  of  the  king's  insin- 
cerity and  desperate  counsels,  and  even  the  actual 
transportation  of  that  army  did  not  secure  them 
from  danger ;  foreign  states,  and  particulariy  Spain, 
had  already  been  applied  to  for  military,  as  well  as 
pecuniary,  aid,  and  it  was  naturally  to  be  expect- 
ed that  these  very  troops,  after  being  improved  in 
discipline,  and  corrupted  in  principle,  should  be 
poured  into  England  upon  the  first  favourable  op- 
portunity. 
King's  in.  Charles  did  not  with  this  abandon  his  daik 
!St&Ju  projects.  He  had  been  tampering  with  some 
und,&c  of  the  Scottish  commissioners,  and  correspond- 
ing  with  an  unprincipled,  violent  faction  in  Scot- 
land, with  whose  assistance  he  expected  to  re- 

*  Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  360.    NalsoD^  voL  ii.  p.  833j  HS,  466.    Clar. 
▼ol.  i.  p.  280. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  139 

cover  the  ground  he  had  lost.  With  the  view 
of  strengthening  that  faction,  and  maturing  his 
schemes,  as  well  as  of  avoiding  the  direct  rdusal 
of  bills,  which  he  deemed  hurtful  to  his  preroga- 
tive, till  the  disbanding  pf  the  Scottish  army,  and 
the  assistance  of  a  faction,  should  enable  him  to 
act  with  greater  decision,  he  proposed  a  jpumey 
to  Scotland.  The  commqus,  who  apprehended 
mischief  from  that  quarter,  as  well  as  from  his 
presence  with  the  armies,  (part  of  the  Scottish 
commissioners  had  early  taken  the  alarm,  and  a 
strange  letter  from  the  Earl  of  Montrose,  whose 
ambitious  ^^^Qs  were  now  generally  suspected, 
had  been  discovered,)  prayed  his  majesty  to  post- 
pone his  journey  till  the  armies  were  disbanded, 
and  they  succeeded  in  gaining  time ;  but  they  had 
agreed  to  his  beginning  it  on  the  10th  of  August  j 
and  when  they  then  prayed  him  to  delay  it  for  a 
fortnight  longer,  as  his  presence  was  necessary  for 
affiurs  of  state  ^nd  passing  bills,  he  positively  re- 
fused ;  yet,  to  remove  discontent,  he  passed  a  bill 
against  knighthood  money,  and  another  for  liberty 
to  make  gunpowder  and  saltpetre.  Sir  Arthur 
Haslerig  had  brought  in  a  bill  to  settle  the  militia 
by  sea  and  land  in  such  individuals  as  slhipuld  be 
agreed  upon  by  the  legislature ;  and,  though  ij;  was 
only  once  read,  and  dropt  for  the  present,  Charles 
had  every  reason  to  believe  that  it  would  be  after- 
wards persisted  in.  J\a,  however,  {|0  extraordinary 
a  bill  could  only  be  justified  on  the  ground  of  want 
of  confidence  in  the  king,  he  politicly  anticipated 
the  measure  by  granting  a  commission  to  the  Earl 
of  Essex,  who  had  become  very  popular,  constitu- 
ting him,  during  his  majesty's  absence,  general  of 

VOL.  III. 


140  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

the  forces  in  the  south  of  the  Trent,  with  power  to 
raise  troops  in  case  of  necessity^. 
^>»'»»^  The  grand  point  of  debate  now  regarded  the 
''^  disbanding  of  the  armies,  the  question  being  which 
should  be  disbanded  first ;  but  it  was  at  last  pru- 
dently resolved  that  both  should  be  disbanded  to- 
gether. This  was  accordingly  begun  on'  the  6th 
of  August,  and  *<  the  Scots,  with  store  of  English 
money,  and  the  best  entertainment,  left  their  warm 
and  plentiful  quarters/'  An  act  of  pacification 
was  likewise  passed  f.  The  disbanding  of  the 
Irish  army  was  begun  in  June. 

As  the  king  was  peremptorily  resolved  to  com- 
mence his  journey  by  the  10th,  the  commons  sat 
all  Sunday  to  finish  importent  business;  but  as 
this  was  a  deviation  from  their  principles  and  prac- 
tice, they  apologized  for  it  to  the  people  as  an  act 
of  necessity,  and  declared  that  it  should  not  be 
drawn  into  a  precedent.  They  pressed  much  for 
a  regency  in  the  king's  absence,  but  it  was  refused. 
They  likewise  appointed  a  committee  to  accom- 
pany his  majesty,  with  a  view  of  attending  to  the 
English  interest  in  the  settlement  of  Scottisdi  af- 
fairs, though,  in  reality,  that  it  might  watch  his 
motions.  The  committee  were,  the  Earl  of  Bed- 
ford, Lord  Howard,  Sir  Phil.  Stapleton,  Sir  Wil* 
Ham  Armyne,  Mr.  Fiennes,  and  Mr.  Hampden. 

All  the  vigilance  of  parliament  proved  neces- 
sary, and  so  perverse  was  the  royal  policy,  that  an 
attempt  to  debauch  the  troops  was  made  even  at 
disbanding  the  armies  t. 

*  Clar.  vol.  i.  p.  379. 

t  Whitelocke^  p.  47.   Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  362^  et  teq.    Nalson^  vol.  ii. 
p.  466.    Clar.  voL  i;  p.  279, 
i  Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  275.    Clar.  vol.  i.  p.  290.    Diurnal  Occur. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  14l 

Afler  the  king's  absence,  some  matters  of  con- 
sequence fell  under  the  cognizance  of  parliament ; 
but  nothing  important  was  done  ;  except  that  the 
army  plots,  for  there  appear  to  have  been  two 
plots,  were  farther  successfully  investigated ;  that 
some  orders  were  issued  about  the  public  worship ; 
and  that  the  commons,  by  their  t)rders,  &c.  of  the 
8th  September,  frustrated  a  private  agreement  be- 
tween the  king  and  the  Spanish  ambassador  to  en- 
gage a  great  part  of  the  Irish  army  for  Spain.  The 
commons,  having  appointed  a  committee  to  watch 
over  the  public  interest  during  the  recess,  adjourn-  Becm. 
ed,  as  well  as  the  lords,  on  the  9th  September, 
till  the  20th  of  October  ♦. 

t  Cob.  Pari.  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  904.  ei  seq.     JoumaU., 


142 


CHAP.  VII. 


Secret  PciKcy  of  the  K%ng^^aii,T9  of  ScoOa/nd^  and  Con* 
duct  of  Montrose^-The  King's  Journey  to  ScoOand'^ 
The  Incident^  and  settlement  qf  Affairs  there —  T^  Irish 
ItebeUum  and  Massacre — 7%^  Re-meetingqfthe  English 
ParUamsnt-^General  apprehensions  of  Plots^  4r^.-- Ae- 
tum  qf  Charles  to  London ;  his  reception  therC'^The 
Remonstrance — Impeachment  qf  the  Bishops,  and  Pro- 
ceedings  in  regard  to  Episccpact/'^Accusation  of  the 
Five  MemberS'-^TumuUs^^Proceedings  vn  regard  to 
Ireland-^King  leaves  London ;  arrives  ait  York'^Pre'' 
parationsjbr  Civil  War. 


Seoet  poll.  We  have  repeatedly  remarked,  that  it  was  ever  a  fa- 
iries, tal  error  of  Charles  and  his  advisers  to  impute  the 
opposition  which  his  measures  encountered  to  a  few 
leading  men,  who  merely  acted  as  organs  for  the 
expression  of  the  general  sentiments  ;  and  that,  as 
a  consequence  of  this  erroneous  opinion,  he  al^i* 
ways  flattered  himself  with  the  hope  of  removing 
the  opposition,  could  he  destroy  or  gain  the  indivi- 
duals to  whom  he  attributed  the  lamented  control- 
ment  of  his  prerogative.     If  he  thus  allowed  him- 


HISTORY  OP  THB  BBITISH  EMPIRE.  143 

3elf  to  be  deceived  in  English  affiurs,  it  is  not  won*, 
derful  that  he  should  have  been  misled  in  regard  to 
Scotland— «  country  narrow  in  itself,  and  so  aristo- 
cratic as  to  give  a  few  families  great  ascendancy. 
It  was  from  that  countiy,  however,  that  his  ille^ 
government  had  received  so  remarkable  a  check ; 
and*  though  the  late  events  in  England  might  have 
taught  him  that  the  crisis  there  had  only  been  hast- 
ened, not  created,  by  the  Scottish  appeal  to  arms, 
he  had  deemed  the  Scottish  army  the  grand  impe- 
diment to  the  most  desperate  measures  against  the 
Parliament,  and,  consequently,  against  the  whole 
privileges  of  the  commonwealth.    He  had  assidu- 
ously laboured*  therefore,  to  gain  leading  men  in 
Scotland,  that,  with  their  assistance,  joined  to  that 
of  certain  individuals  who,  as  incendiaries,  had  been 
reserved  for  judicial  procedure,  he  might  destroy 
the  rest,  when  he  doubted  not  his  ability  to  accom- 
plish a  complete  revolution  which  would  also  re- 
cover his  ground  in  the  south,  particularly  as  he 
was  promised  from  Scotland  the  grounds  of  a  capi- 
tal prosecution  against  those  whom  he  most  dread- 
ed in  England.    The  Scottish  commissioners,  how- 
ever, with  the  exception  of  Rothes,  whom  an  offer 
of  a  place  in  the  bed-chamber,  and  the  promise  of 
a  great  marriage,  had  so  won,  that  it  is  extremely 
probable,  in  spite  of  his  professions  to  his  old 
friends,  a  premature  death  alone  rescued  from  the 
disgrace  of  apostacy  \  had  been  proof  against  all 

*  Clar.  vol.  i,  p.  280.  Baillie^s  Let.  MS.  vol.  ii.  p.  120i.  Baillie, 
in  a  letter  to  liis  wife,  dated  the  9d  of  June,  which,  for  what  reason 
I  cannot  guess,  the  Editor  has  not  thought  worthy  of  puhlication^ 


144  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  £MFIR£. 

Montrose,  the  Rits  of  the  couit  *.    But  the  King  had  in  Mon* 
trose  a  fund  of  hope  which  sufficiently  buoyed 
him    up    amid    other    disappointments.      This 
nobleman,   who   had   supposed  himself  neglects 
ed  by  the  court,  being  destitute  of  either  pub- 
lic or  private  principle,  early  joined  the  cove- 
nanters,   with    the    indiscriminate    keenness    of 
a  man  who  regards  politics  merely  as  a  medi- 
um of  self-exaltation  ;  and  his  presumptuous  ambi- 
tion had  flattered  him  with  the  hope  of  stand- 
ing at  the  head  of  both  the  civil  and  military  af- 
fairs in  the  approaching  struggle.    But  the  nomi- 
nation of  Leslie  to  the  chief  command  disappoint- 
ed him  in  the  latter ;  while  the  influence  and  abi- 
lities of  Argyle,  whose  conciliatory  policy  at  the 
outset  had  probably  suggested  the  idea  of  want  of 
decision,  by  soon  setting  him  at  the  head  of  the 
former,  likewise  frustrated  the  hopes  of  Montrose 
in  that  department     His  presumptuous  expecta- 
tions being  thus  blasted,  he  embraced  the  first  op- 
portunity to  earn  the  royal  favour  by  testifying  his 
aptitude  to  betray  his  party  ;  and  even  at  Dunse- 
Law  had,  it  is  said,  profiered  his  services  '<  to  have 
given  over  the  whole  north   to  the   enemy  f . 

writes  that  a  Scotch  nobleman  would  probably  change  all  the 
court ;  that  the  king  and  queen  begin  much  to  affect  him,  and  if  he 
go  on  he  is  like  to  be  the  greatest  courtier,  either  Scotch  or  £nglish. 
That  he  would  likely  take  a  place  in  the  bed*chamber,  and  might  have 
Lady  Devonshire  with  L.4000  Sterling,  per  annum.  I  presume  that 
this  was  Rothes,  for  see  printed  letter,  vol.  i.  p.  397.  See  too,  Rothes's 
own  letter  to  Warriston  on  the  subject,  25th  June,  1641.  Hailes* 
Col.  p.  136.    Bumet*8  Mem.  of  the  Ham.  p.  184.  ^ 

*  Hailes's  Col.  p.  107,  ei  seq,  f  Hailes'  Let.  p.  147. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  £MPIR£.  145 

Though  he  thenceforth  still  aflected  steadiness  to 
his  professions  against  the  royal  measures^  he  se- 
cretly corresponded  with  tne  court,  and  endeavour- 
ed to  raise  up  a  faction  against  Argyle  that  should, 
under  the  pretext  of  adhering  to  the  covenant,  in 
reality  subvert  it  For  this  purpose,  he  had  drawn 
a  bond,  or  band,  as  it  was  called,  for  a  counter  as- 
sociation before  the  expedition  to  England,  and 
had  procured  to  it  the  signatures  of  no  less  than 
nineteen  peers. 

On  the  expedition  to  England,  the  committee  of 
estates  had  wisely  enacted  that,  without  the  con- 
sent of  three  at  least  of  their  number,  none  should, 
on  pain  of  death,  hold  any  correspondence  with 
the  court  j  and  as  Montrose,  whose  motions  were 
watched,  for  nothing  escaped  the  vigilance  of  these 
men,  was  detected  in  such  a  correspondence,  he 
might  have  instantly  been  proceeded  against  ca- 
pitally :  But,  as  the  union  which  had  been  so  re- 
markably displayed  by  the  Scots,  had,  in  effect, 
been  the  foundation  of  their  strength,  so  it  would 
have  been  imprudent  and  hazardous,  at  that  criti- 
cal juncture,  when  the  confidence  of  success  was 
necessary  to  secure  it,  to  have  given  any  unequi- 
vocal proof  of  want  of  faith  amongst  themselves, 
and  Montrose  had  intimated  that  he  was  not  sin- 
gular in  maintaining  such  a  correspondence.  The 
matter,  therefore,  upon  his  submission,  was  hushed 
up  * ;  but  his  practices  continued,  till  he  fell  on  a 


*  Burnet's  Mem.  of  the  Hamiltons,  p.  178,  9.    Btillie,  vol.  i.  p. 
S10. 

VOL.  III.  L 


14()  HISTORY  OF  THE  BBITISH  EMPiiUS* 

device  for  affording  the  monarch  a  pretext  of  law 
to  cut  off,  by  judicial  forms,  not  only  Argyle,  who 
was  justly  deemed  the  most  formidable  man  in 
Scotland,  but  Rothes,  whose  subsequent  conduct, 
had  he  lived,  would  have  likfely  acquired  the  royal 
protection  ;  and  even  the  Marquis  Hamilton  him- 
self, whose  political,  unprincipled  dexterity  was 
such,  that,  when  he  perceived  the  ascendancy  of 
the  popular  party,  and  dreaded  a  prosecution  as  an 
incendiary,  he  had,  notwithstanding  all  that  had 
passed,  acquired  the  countenance  of  the  covenant- 
ers, a  favour  which,  however,  he  partly  merited 
for  procuring  the  release  of  Loudon  *.  But,  with 
that,  he  had  lost  his  credit  at  court.  To  ruin  these 
individuals,  Montrose  incited  a  gentleman  of  the 
name  of  Stewart  to  accuse  them  of  an  intention  to 
depose  Charles, — a  species  of  charge  which  did 
not  fall  within  the  indemnity  provided  by  the 
treaty ;  and  this  wicked  instrument  alleged  against 
Argyle,  in  particular,  that  he  had  heard  him  say 
before  certain  men,  that  the  opinions  of  lawyers 
and  divines  had  been  taken  about  the  lawfulness 
of  deposing  the  present  king,  and  that,  as  they 
were  agreed  upon  the  subject,  the  states  contem- 
plated the  measure.  The  allegation  was  unfound- 
ed, and,  before  Charles  could  leave  England,  the 
matter  was  investigated — when  Stewart,  perceiv- 
ing himself  clearly  detected  in  an  unfounded  state- 


*  Burnet's  Memoirs^  p.  148 — 71.  Nakon^  vd.  i.  p.  681.  Clar. 
vol.  i.  p.  169 — ^89.  Hardwicke's  State  Papers,  voL  ii.  p.  141.  See  the 
Sidney  Papers  regarding  Hamilton,  vol.  ii.  p.  654,  657. 


HISTOny  OF  THB  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  147 

ment  of  so  atrocious  a  nature,  confessed  his  crime. 
The  statutes  about  leasing^making  had  provided  a 
capital  pimishment  for  the  offence  ;  yet  as^  except 
in  the  case  of  Balmerino,  to  whose  condemnation 
they  had  been  so  iniquitously  perverted^  they  had 
never  been  enforced,  many  scruples  arose  regard- 
ing their  validity,  but  at  last  the  bench  pronounced 
them  efficient,  and  Stewart  was  sentenced  to  an 
ignominious  death.  It  is  very  likely,  however, 
that  the  punishment  never  would  have  been  inflict- 
ed, had  it  not  been  for  the  pertinacious  wicked* 
ness  of  Montrose,  who  privately  circulated,  that 
the  confession  of  Stewart  had  been  plx)cured  by 
the  undue  practices  of  Argyle,  who  had  promised 
the  convict  his  life,  and  was  too  sensible  of  the 
justness  of  the  charge  against  himself  to  hazard  a 
farther  disclosure  by  allowing  the  sentence  to  be 
executed.  This  alarmed  the  whole  patty  afresh^ 
who  saw  that  their  own  fate  was  involved  in  the 
accusation  of  their  leader,  and  that  the  pardoning 
of  the  calumniator  would  give  every  advantage  to 
Montrose.  They  therefore  strenuously  ui^ed  on 
the  convict's  fate,  and  he  suffered  the  statutory 
punishment  *. 

*  BaiUie's  MS.  Let  vol.  ii.  p.  1208.  He  writes  to  hi9  cousin 
Strang  on  the  16th  July,  1641 :  "  When  we  came  to  Edinburgh  we 
found  ane  very  evil  spirit  had  been  stirring  and  much  prevailing  both 
in  church  and  state.  A  wicked  plot^  desperate,  devilish,  and  new,  to 
have  accused,  in  presence  of  the  king  and  parliament,  HaraUton,  Ar- 
gyle, Rothes,  of  words,  at  best,  of  highest  treason,  and  to  have  proven 
them  by  suborned  witnesses :  The  grounds  of  this  are  not  yet  found 
out ;  you  shall  hear  more  of  it  at  once :  but,  had  it  succeeded,  we  had 
fallen  into  a  woful  misery,  and  ane  bloody  butchery;  but  God 
strangely  discovering  it,  has  made  it  evanish  and  turn  much  to  our 


148  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

This  failure  of  the  plot  did  not  divert  Montrose 
from  his  object.  He  still  flattered  Charles  with 
the  prospect  of  effectuating  his  purposes  when  wit- 
nesses should  be  encouraged  by  the  royal  presence 
to  give  evidence,  and  their  adversaries  be  dampt  *. 
We  have  already  spoken  of  the  understanding  with 
leading  men  in  England,  upon  which  the  Scots  un- 
dertook the  invasion,  and  one  part  of  the  present 
plan  appears  to  have  been  to  collect  information  on 
that  head  in  Scotland,  which^  by  being  apparently 
lately  acquired,  might  afford  the  better  pretext  for 
making  a  few  sacrifices  to  the  manes  of  Strafford  at 
the  critical  moment  of  ascendancy  in  the  north  f , 
thus  removing  those  whom  the  monarch  roost 
dreaded.  During  the  late  treaty,  Charles  had  used 
all  his  influence  to  include  in  a  general  indemnity 
Traquair  and  others  who  were  accused  as  incendia- 
ries, but  the  Scottish  commissioners  were  inflexible, 
and  he,  after  resorting  to  many  threats  and  en- 
treaties, was  obliged  to  submit  to  their  exemption. 
As,  however,  he  still  considered  their  safety  equally 
necessary  to  his  honour  and  success  in  recovering 
his  ground,  he,  in  order  to  save  them,  intended  to 
be  present  at  their  trials,  that  they  might  have  the 
benefit  of  all  the  influence  arising  from  his  person- 

good."  See  also  printed  copy^  vol.  i.  p.  3S0.  Guthrey's  Mem.  p.  94. 
Woodrow's  MSS.  V.  Ixv.  N.  10.  et  seq.  Advoc.  Lib.  Append,  to  late 
publication  of  Scots  Acts  for  1641. 

♦  BaiUie's  Let.  vol.  i.  p.  327. 

t  If,  as  we  are  told,  Strafforde  had  got  proofs  of  the  correspondence 
between  leading  men  in  England  and  the  Scots,  the  king  must  have 
been  acquainted  with  them :  Therefore  his  object  must  have  been 
what  I  have  represented. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  SMPIRE.  149 

al  appearance ;  and  the  presumptuous  promises  of 
Montrose,  whose  confidence  in  his  own  resources 
nothing  could  damp,  flattered  him  with  the  pros- 
pect of  not  appearing  in  vain  *. 

Such  were  the  views  with  which  the  king  had 
resolved  upon  a  journey  to  Scotland  ;  but  matters 
had  taken  an  unfortunate  turn  before  his  arrival. 
Argyle,  with  the  Marquis  Hamilton,  and  his  bro- 
ther the  Earl  of  Lanerick,  personally  exasperated 
at  the  late  attempt  against  themselves,  and  finding 
by  this  instance  that  their  own  existence  as  politi- 
cians and  that  of  Montrose  were  incompatible, 
soon  detected  his  secret  practices,  as  well  as  dis* 
covered  his  plot,  by  means  of  the  bond  or  band 
which  had  been  destroyed ;  and,  as  they  exerted 
themselves  to  accomplish  his  ruin,  they  had  pro- 
cured his  committal,  along  with  that  of  his  confede- 
rates, who  were  called  plotters  or  banders,  on  a 
charge  of  conspiracy  against  the  state.  In  this  way 
the  royalist  party  appeared  to  be  entirely  defeated  i 
the  ascendancy  of  Argyle  in  parliament  was  un« 
checked ;  and  the  measures  adopted  by  that  as- 
sembly were  all  calculated  to  diminish  the  power 
of  the  crown.  But  Charles  still  did  not  despair, 
and  the  spirit  of  Montrose  was  unsubdued.  Even 
in  prison  he  hatched  new  plots;  and  the  time 
consumed  about  the  trials  of  the  incendiaries  and 
banders  was  favourable  to  his  schemes.  Having 
opened  a  fresh  correspondence  with  his  majesty 
through  William  Murray  of  the  bed-chamber,  he 
still  insisted   that   evidence   might   be   procured 

*  Hailes's  Let. 


150  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EJtfPIRE. 

against  tliie  Hamikons  and  Argyle,  but  advk^ed, 
aa  the  simplest  way,  to  cut  them  off  by  asaassina- 
tion,  which  himself  <<  frankly  undertook"  to  fur- 
nish the  means  of  accomplishing.  According  to 
Clarendon,  to  whom  we  are  indebted  for  this  por- 
tion of  secret  history,  <<  the  king  abhorred  that  ex- 
pedient, though  for  his  own  security,  advised  that 
the  proofs  might  be  prepared  for  the  parliaments 
But  as  Charles  did  not  on  that  account  cool,  far 
less  drop  his  connection  with  Montrose,  so  the  re- 
sult of  their  deliberations  was  sufficiently  atrocious, 
and  indeed  partly  involved  the  same  conclusion. 
dent,  2?'  I^^e  eveut  alluded  to  was,  from  its  unexpected  na- 
cktober,  t^ure^  denominated  the  Incident  The  individuals 
who  undertook  the  part  of  chief  actors,  were  the 
Earl  of  Crawford,  a  Colonel  Stewart,  a  Colonel 
Cochrane,  who  commanded  a  regiment  at  Mus- 
selburgh, Lieutenant  Colonel  Hume,  &c.  The 
two  Hamiltons  and  Argyle  were  to  have  be^i  sent 
for  in  the  kill's  name  to  the  drawing*room,  and 
there  arrested  as  traitors,  when  they  were  to  be 
delivered  over  to  Crawford,  who  at  the  head  of 
two  or  three  hundred  men,  was  to  have  been  se- 
cretly stationed  in  the  garden  attached  to  the 
palace,  and  prepared  to  hurry  them  in  a  close  car- 
riage, which  was  to  be  in  readiness  at  the  hack  of 
the  garden,  to  the  shore,  where  a  boat  was  to  be 
in  waiting  to  convey  them  to  a  frigate  that  had 
been  stationed  in  Leith  roads,  without  any  other 
visible  object.  *  The  frigate  was  to  serve  as  a 
prison,  till  they  could  be  brought  to  trial.     But 

*  Clarendon^  v^L  i.  p.  298. 

2 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  151 

Crawford  and  his  party  had  also  undertaken  to  as- 
sassinate them  on  the  slightest  reitistance ;  and  in- 
deed it  would  almost  appear  that  the  alternatives 
of  stabbing  and  transporting  them  to  the  king's 
ships  were  regarded  with  equal  indifference  \ 
Thus  far  matters  rest  upon  evidence,  which  no 
unprejudiced  mind  can  refuse  credit  to ;  but  the 
general  understanding,  though  not  so  well  esta- 
blished, went  much  farther,  and  seems,  from  the 
whole  complexion  of  the  case,  to  be  extremely 
probaUe:  That  Cochrane  was  to  march  at  the 
head  of  his  regiment  to  secure  Edinburgh,  and, 
with  the  assistance  of  friends  there,  make  fast,  or 
kill,  if  necessary ;  that  is,  if  they  resisted,  <*  so 
many  of  the  parliament  men  as  were  suspected 
might  have  been  ready  for  the  prisoner's  relief :" 
that  means  for  liberating  Montrose  and  his  fellow- 


•  See  the  £irl  of  Lalieridc'd  Relation  di  the  Incident,  in  Hard- 
wick^fl  Btate  Fitj^etE,  vol.  ii.  p.  999,  See  the  evidence  in  Balfoiar*a 
JOimnal,  M&  Adv.  Lib.  The  Truth  of  the  Proceedmg9  m  Scothmd 
concerning  the  Discovery  of  the  late  Conspiracy,  printed  1641.  Laing*8 
Hist  toL  L  note.  But,  while  I  Conceive  that  this  author  has  clearly 
aade  eut  the  real  existence  of  a  plot,  I  conceive  that  his  hypothesifl 
aboot  the  alleged  fioffged  letter  by  Saville  is  unfounded.  Burnet,  as 
the  nephew  of  Warriston,  is  entitled  to  notice,  when  he  says  that 
WarHston  was  pressed  to  give  up  the  letter ;  but  uncles  do  not  always 
ten  their  ymiBg  nephews  every  thing,  and  Burnet  does  not  say  that 
he  derived  his  knowledge  him  the  first  authority.  Again,  with  a 
]cnowJedge  of  the  existence  of  that  letter,  Charles  must  have  learned 
that  it  was  forged,  and,  consequently,  must  have  known  that  the 
fact  could  be  proved,  so  that  it  could  ii^ure  none  but  Saville,  who  was 
now  in  favour.  Mr.  Laing  thinks  that  Stewart*s  accusation  vras  de* 
feated ;  but  that  is  contrary  to  the  assertion  of  Montrose^s  party,  that 
he  had  been  tampered  with  to  accuse  himself  unjustly,  and  Aigyle 
could  not  be  charged  on  another  ground. 

VOL.  in. 


1S2  HISTOBT  OP  THE  BBJTISH  BXFIU. 

prisoners^  and  giving  them  command  of  the  caa* 
tie,  were  alao  devised;  that  the  Kers,  Humes, 
Johnstons,  and  other  borderers^  were  instantly  to 
take  arms  $  and  that  the  troops  stationed  at  Ber- 
wick were  to  co-operate  with  them^.  Such  a 
plot  promised  to  put  Scotland  within  the  king's 
power.  Parliament,  deprived  of  its  leaders,  and 
under  military  force,  would  have  become  an  in- 
atrument  in  his  hands,  since,  though  the  majority 
deserted  an  assembly  in  which  the  freedom  of  de- 
bate and  vote  were  alike  proscribed,  some  few 
Would  have  been  found  to  give  the  appearance  of 
a  constitutional  meeting  $  the  Hamiltons,  Argyle, 
and  other  obnoxious  individuals,  if  they  escaped 
assassination,  would  have  been  convicted  on  sub- 
orned testimony,  provided  by  Montrose ;  the  mo- 
narch would  have  been  set  at  the  head  of  an  aitay, 
and,  in  this  critical  moment,  would  have  impeach- 
ed leading  men  in  Englandi  which  was  clem'ly  part 
of  his  scheme,' while,  under  the  pretext  of  tumults 
purposely  raised,  he  would  have  returned  to  that 
kingdom,  attended  with  a  military  force,  in  order 
to  insure  their  condemnation,  and  compd  the  par- 
liament to  comply  with  his  demands.  Such  were 
the  designs  apparently  contemplated ;  and  it  is  not 
a  little  singular  that  he  had  been  earnestly  writing 
to  have  money  raised  upon  a  large  collar  of  ru- 
bies, which  had  for  that  purpose  been  sent  to  Hol- 
land f. 

*  Baillie^  voL  i.  p.  330,  331. 

t  Append  to  Evelyn's  Memorials,  vol.  iL    Correspondence  he^ 
tween  King  Charles  I.  and  Sir  Ed.  Nicholas,  p.  19,  ei  seg. 

4 


HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  153 

Intelligence  of  this  detestable  plot  reached  the 
Hamiltons  and  Argyle  on  the  eve  of  its  comple- 
tion. Captain  Stewart,  whose  character  had  been 
mistaken,  having  been  applied  to  as  an  agent  by 
the  Colonel  of  that  name,  apprised  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Hurry  of  the  design,  who  immediately 
communicated  his  information  to  General  Leslie, 
and  he  to  the  objects  of  the  plot,  having  carried 
Hurry  with  him  to  tell  his  own  story.  Their  in* 
quiries  at  Captain  Stewart,  &c»  having  convinced 
them  of  its  truth,  they  instantly  secured  their 
houses  against  surprise  for  the  night,  and  next 
morning  wrote  to  the  king,  intimating  their  rea- 
sons for  having  absented  themselves  from  court  on 
the  preceding  evening*  His  majesty's  conduct 
that  afternoon  confirmed  their  and  the  people's 
worst  apprehensions.  He  went  to  the  parliament 
in  his  coach,  foUowed  by  five  or  six  hundred  sol- 
diers, and  other  attendants,  "  with  their  arms  in  a 
menacing  way,"  **  amongst  whom  were  all  those 
that  were  cited  to  the  parliament,  and  likewise 
those  that  were  accused  by  Hurry  and  Stewart  to 
have  been  of  the  plot."  We  are  not  informed  of 
the  pretext  on  which  Charles  adopted  this  extra- 
ordinary step ;  but  it  would  be  difficult  to  figure 
any  which  could  justify  the  measure,  or  satisfy 
any  unprejudiced  mind  that  he  had  not  harboured 
some  black  design.  The  friends  of  the  Hamil- 
tons  and  Argyle  might  have  assembled  in  such 
numbers  as  to  have  afforded  them  protection,  and 
they  insisted  on  attending  them ;  but  as  this  could 


154  HISTORY  OF  THE  BEITISH  £MPIR£» 

not  have  failed  to  give  rise  to  tumulta^  and  possi- 
bly to  bloodshed,  which  would  again  probaUy 
have  afforded  the  monarch  a  pretext  for  new  mea> 
sures  against  the  public  peace  (indeed  it  would 
have  been  little  short  of  a  fresh  commencement  of 
hostilities)  they  prudently  and  properly  retired 
to  Kenneil,  the  seat  of  the  Hamiltons'  mother,  at 
about  twelve  miles  from  towHt  then  to  Hamilton, 
and  lastly  to  Glasgow,  till  affiiirs  were  restored  to 
such  a  state  as  could  warrant  their  quiet  return  *« 

Edinburgh  was  in  a  state  of  the  utmost  alarm. 
The  citizens  kept  a  strong  guard,  and  many  of  the 
well  affected  noblemen  wisely  set  a  watch  upon 
their  houses,  while  the  estates  were  so  ofifended, 
that  they  insisted  on  a  very  absolute  commission 
being  granted  to  Lesley,  to  guard  the  parUament 
with  all  the  city  bands,  and  the  regiments  yet  on 
foot,  together  with  some  troops  of  horse.  Having 
got  his  warrant,  the  old  general  lost  not  a  moment 
in  making  the  requisite  arrangements,  prudently 
including  in  these  the  precaution  of  dismissing  all 
the  officers  of  Cochrane's  regiment,  and  appointing 
others  whom  he  could  better  depend  upon.  Craw- 
ford, Cochrane,  and  the  rest,  were  also  appre- 
hended t. 

Charles,  alleging  that  the  whole  plot  was  a  mere 
fabrication,  professed  to  detest  all  such  base  trea- 
cheries, and  complaining  of  the  injury  done  him  by 
the  flight  of  the  Hamiltons  and  Argyle,  insbted 


*  Lanerick's  Relation.     Baillie^  vol.  i.  p.  33  Ij  332. 
t  lb.  Spalding^  vol.  i.  p.  827. 


HI8T0BY  OF  TH£  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  155 

that  they  should  be  sequestered  from  parliament 
till  the  matter  were  investigated,  and  his  innocence 
established  by  a  public  inquiry. 

The  parliament,  which  clearly  saw  the  influence 
which  the  king's  presence  might  have  at  such  a 
juncture,  and  the  probable  effect  of'  the  publica- 
tion of  disjointed  parts  of  the  evidence,  determin- 
ed to  follow  a  different  course,  and  therefore  ap- 
pointed a  secret  committee  to  investigate  the 
whole  affiur,  and  report  the  result.  Charles  threat- 
ened **  to  raise  or  leave  the  parliament  in  confu- 
sion, if  they  would  not  yield  to  his  demand  of  a 
public  trial ;  but  herein  he  had  a  hard  enough 
rencountre ;  for  a  very  strange  declaration  was 
drawn  up,  and  had  passed  the  committee  of  barons 
and  burroughs,  which  so  moved  his  majesty  and 
his  cabin  council,  that  without  farther  delay  they 
yielded  to  the  trial  of  a  private  committee,  where- 
at the  king  should  not  be  present,  and  all  the 
members  should  be  sworn  to  secrecy  till  the  trial 
was  ended/'  We  have  already  related  the  facts 
which  were  then  brought  out  ^ 

We  shall  have  afterwards  occasion  to  narrate  what 
occurred  in  Ejigland  about  the  same  period,  and  the 
effects  there  of  the  Scottish  incident ;  but,  in  the 
mean  time,  and  before  specifying  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  Scottish  parliament,  and  the  nature  of 
the  settlement  with  it,  it  will  be  necessary  to  give 
a  concise  account  of  the  Irish  rebellion  apd  mas- 

*  Baillie^  vol.  i.  p.  331.  See  Correspondence  between  Charles  and  Se- 
cretary Nicholas  at  this  time^  in  the  Appendix  to  Evelyn's  Memorials. 
Woodrow,  MSS.  Ixv.  No.  6. 


156  HISTORY  OF  TH£  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

sacre  which  broke  out  in  little  more  than  three 
weeks  after  the  incident. 
irkh  af-         As  we  havc,  in  the  introduction,  drawn  a  pic- 
^"*        ture  of  the  state  of  Ireland  at  the  commencement 
of  this  reign,  there  will  be  the  less  occasion  for  in- 
terrupting the  narrative  here  with  any  detailed  ac- 
count of  the  posture  of  affairs  at  this  period.    Ire- 
land had,  during  the  last  forty  years,  apparently 
made   rapid  advances ;  but,  from  the  nature  of 
things,  the  progress  had  necessarily,  in  spite  of  mis- 
government,  proceeded  with  accelerated  motion  in 
the  latter  portion  of  that  time.    Those  immense 
tracts  of  country  which  had  been  disposed  of  by 
Elizabeth  and  her  successor,  in  plantations  to  Eng- 
lish and  Scots,  and  which  had,  under  the  natives, 
lain  almost  in  a  state  of  nature,  had,  by  judicious 
management  on  the  part  of  the  settlers,    been 
brought  into  such  a  state  of  cultivation,  as  to  yield 
a  large  return,  and  many  of  the  natives  who  had  ob- 
tained titles  from  the  crown  to  lands,  upon  the  con- 
dition of  improving  them  according  to  the  English 
manner,   had   made   considerable  improvements; 
towns  had  been  built;  the  English  jurisprudence, 
(or  something  approaching  to  it,)  and  customs,  sub- 
stituted through  the  Island  for  the  native  barbarous 
usages  and  institutions,  and  the  whole  began  to 
wear  an  aspect  of  prosperity.     The  native  chiefs 
tried  to  imitate  the  manners  of  their  invaders;  and 
some  intercourse  of  society  seemed  to  soften  the 
mutual  prejudices.     There  were  even  chiefs  who 
preferred  British  to  Irish  tenants,  and,  dispossessing 
their  countrymen,  sent  them  to  perish  on  their  na- 


HISTORY   OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  157 

tive  mountains — 3,  proceeding  which,  such  is  the 
selfishness  of  man,  was  approved  of  by  the  invaders 
as  indicative  of  a  spirit  of  improvement,  but  which 
necessarily  embittered  those  sufierings  that  them- 
selves were  doomed  in  turn  to  feel.  On  the  other 
hand,  many  of  the  new  English  settlers  let  their 
grounds  to  the  natives.  Some  of  the  higher  ranks 
too,  in  spite  of  their  religion,  practised  at  the  bar, 
and  were  raised  to  the  bench  as  well  as  admitted 
into  parh'ament  *. 

What  to  the  English  appeared  so  flattering  a  pos- 
ture of  things,  was  viewed  very  differently  by  the 
Irish,  whose  pride  and  prejudices  were  shocked  by 
subjection  to  a  foreign  state,  and  who  saw  themselves 
despoiled  of  their  country  by  conquering  invaders, 
who  distributed  amongst  themselves  those  lands  to 
which  the  native  inhabitants  conceived  their  claim 
to  be  undoubted,  and  which  the  loss  of  necessarily 
brought  misery,  if  not  a  wretched  death,  to 
thousands.  The  old  English  settlers,  or  English 
of  the  Pale,  whose  long  possession  had,  in  a  mea- 
sure, obscured  its  origin  ;  and  whose  manners  had 
degenerated  in  many  respects  into  those  of  the  na- 
tives, might  be  endured ;  but  great  were  the  heart- 
burnings at  the  late  plantations.  This  was  aggra- 
vated by  the  insecurity  of  their  tenures  in  regard 
to  what  they  retained.  No  length  of  possession 
affi>rded  a  right :  every  flaw  in  the  patent  was  fas- 
tened on  to  annul  the  legal  grants  f.  The  late 
Earl  of  Strafforde  had  carried  his  proceedings  in 

"  Temple's  History  of  the  Rebellion. 

+  Coite's  Life  of  Ormonde,  toI.  i.  p.  26,  ef  scq. 


158  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

regard  to  property  to  the  most  unjustifiable  lengths, 
and  no  man  codd  predict  where  the  commissimis 
for  defbctive  titles  would  end.  It  is  true,  that 
many  of  the  British  settlers,  as  the  Scots-^had  felt 
his  power  and  injustice,  yet  the  natives  could  not 
but  observe  that,  ultimately,  every  proceeding  of 
that  kind  would  fall  most  severely  upon  them- 
selves, whose  manners  were  unfavourable  to  the 
projected  improvements,  and  who  had  neither  the 
same  access  to  the  English  court,  nor  money  to 
purchase  an  exemption  from  injustice.  The  height 
of  the  evil  may  be  conceived,  from  the  circum^ 
stance  of  the  four  counties  of  Connaught  having 
lately  been  found  by  packed  inquests  to  belong  to 
the  crown ;  and  from  extensive  territories  in  Muil- 
ster  and  Clare  being  in  the  same  predicament 

The  Irish,  who  had  in  an  eminent  degreie  the 
Rational  pride,  with  all  the  feelings  and  prejudices 
of  a  people  attached  to  their  country,  regarded  the 
British  settlers  with  contempt,  as  upstart  adven* 
turers,  as  well  as  with  abhorrence  as  invaders  $  and 
humiliating  indeed  must  it  have  been  to  their  feel- 
ings, to  perceive  that  the  title  on  which  they  could 
expect  intercourse  with  these  strangers— *an  inter- 
course that  was  requisite  for  the  preservation  of 
their  lands — was  the  adoption  of  their  manners  and 
language,  whereby  they  appeared  in  the  character 
of  ungraceful  imitators  and  inferiors.  They  could 
be  no  strangers  too,  to  the  feelings  of  contempt  on 
the  part  of  the  British,  who  considered  them  as 
little  else  than  barbarians,  whom,  if  they  could  not 
reclaim,  they  might  lawfully  extirpate. 


HISTpRT  OF  THB  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  1^9 

To  these  sources  of  irritation  was  superadded 
religion.  The  natives  were  Catholics  of  the  fierc- 
est description^  both  because  they  were  ignorant^ 
and  because  their  f  eligion  was  associated  with  all 
the  other  embittered  fbelings  ever  kept  alive  by 
the  cunning  instigations  of  their  priests*  Those» 
eduoated  in  Italy  and  Spain,  returned  to  their  na- 
tive country,  with  all  the  impressions,  not  only  of 
their  brethren  abroad  and  the  Pope,  to  encourage 
their  flocks  to  assert  the  independence  of  their 
counttyi  by  which  the  clergy  would  recover  their 
living,  the  Pope  liis  supremacy ;  but  even  of  fo- 
reign potentates,  who  used  them  to  stir  up  dissen- 
tion  and  embroil  British  affairs.  The  innovations 
of  Laud,  and  the  interest  they  excited,  added  fael 
to  the  flame,  by  the  anticipated  prospect  of  a  re- 
turn into  the  Catholic  church,  while,  by  disgusting 
the  protestant8»  as  approximating  to  the  Romish 
tenets,  they  kindled  in  them  a  fresh  flame  against 
the  religion  of  the  natives,  and  thus  widened  the 
breach. 

Under  such  circumstances,  the  only  chance  of 
gradually  reconciling  the  natives  to  the  government, 
must  have  been  founded  in  a  conviction  of  the  im- 
practicability of  shaking  off  the  British  yoke  ;  for, 
so  long  as  they  conceived  the  possibility  of  recover- 
ing  their  independence  and  territory,  it  could 
scarcely  be  expected  that  they  would  not  contem- 
plate it.  It  had  therefore  been  judicious  policy  in 
Elizabeth,  not  only  never  to  employ  them  as  sol- 
diers, but,  though  some  of  her  servants  acted 
against  the  principle,  to  deny  them  liberty  to  en- 


160  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  £M|»IR£. 

list  into  the  service  of  foreign  states.  James^  how- 
ever, conceiving  that  their  entering  into  foreign 
service  was  a  mean  of  ridding  the  country  of  part 
of  the  superfluous  population,  had,  unfortunately, 
departed  from  that  precaution  * ;  and  as  regiments 
under  their  own  leaders  went  into  the  Spanish  ser- 
vice, they  were  prepared  to  return  to  their  native 
country  with  ail  the  advantages  of  military  discip- 
line, whenever  it  suited  the  interest  of  the  house  of 
Austria  to  disturb  the  British  government.  But 
Charles  went  infinitely  farther.  Not  only  did  he 
allow  such  levies  j  but,  even  in  despite  of  Straf- 
forde's  remonstrances,  had  granted  a  commission 
to  the  Earl  of  Antrim  to  raise  an  army  of  native 
Irish,  from  amongst  those  who  had  ever  been 
prone  to  rebellion,  to  be  employed  against  Scot- 
land ;  and  the  new  army  which  Strafforde  himself 
had  levied  for  that  service — amounting  to  8000 
foot  and  1000  horse — ^were  all  papists ;  a  circum- 
stance which  in  efiect  transferred  the  sword  to 
that  body,  while  the  severe  restrictions  upon 
saltpetre  and  gunpowder  disarmed  the  protes- 
tantst. 


*  Carte's  Life  of  Ormonde^  vol.  i.  p.  46' 

t  Carte  tells  us^  that  in  order  that  the  newly  raised  Catholic  army 
might  he  under  a  complete  controul,  a  thousand  of  the  old  army, 
amongst  whom  there  was  not  a  single  papist,  were  incorporated  with 
them  :  that  the  privates  of  the  old  army  were  appointed  non-oommis- 
doned  officers ;  that  there  was  not  one  popish  officer  in  the  army ;  and 
that,  instead  of  8000,  there  were  only  7000  newly  raised  foot.  Unfortu- 
nately, however,  for  this  statement,  it  does  not  appear  to  he  vouched 
by  a  single  authority — not  even  that  of  the  manuscript,  on  which  great 
part  of  his  narrative  rests ;  and  it  is  contradicted  by  all  other  autho- 


mSTORT  OF  THE  BRITISH  BMPIRB.  l6]^ 

The  Irishofficers  on  foreign  service  had  long  en- 
tertained  a  correspondence  with  leading  natives  at 
home,  about  expelling  the  English^  and  had  receiv- 
ed encouragement  to  attempt  it  from  both  France 
and  Spain.  The  last  Earl  of  Tyrone,  who  held  the 
rank  of  colonel  in  the  Spanish  service,  and  who 
naturally  desired  the  recovery  of  his  great  posses- 
sions, was  the  chief  in  all  these  schemes ;  but  his 
death  gave  affairs  a  new  direction.  Sir  Fhelim 
O^Neil,  the  head  of  the  sect,  was  then  regarded 
as  the  representative  of  the  Tyrone  family,  and 

nties  ;  while  ttie  statement  never  wa&  even  insinuated^  so  far  as  I  can 
leam^  by  the  king  and  the  rojralist  party^  though  it  was  so  material  to 
them.  That  men  were  drawn  from  the  old  army  to  train  the  new>  in 
tile  first  instance  is  extremely  probable ;  but  all  authorities  agree^ 
that  BOOO  foot  and  1000  horse  were  newly  raised.  Carte  likewise  al-* 
legesy  that  none  of  the  officers  joined  the  rebellion  ;  but  this  also  ap« 
peared  to  be  unfounded.  The  utmost  that  Borlace  ventures  to  say  is, 
'^  Certain  it  is,  that  most  of  these  soldiers  thus  raised,  betook  them- 
selves to  the  rebels'  party ;  although  very  few  of  their  officers,  (ifv>e 
may  credil  a  late  hUtorian,J  were  polluted  with  the  crime."  Borlace, 
p.  9.  The  Protestants*  Answer  to  the  Rebels'  Remonstrance,  in  Rush; 
voL  iv.  p.  (391.)  Tet  Mr.  Hume,  without  quoting  any  authority,  for 
he  was  probably  ashamed  to  quote  Carte,  whom  he  abuses,  though  he 
borrows  from  him  plentifully,  makes  the  same  statement. 

With  regard  to  Charles's  anxiety  to  raise  a  popish  army  from  the 
wildest  portion  of  the  natives,  where  rebellion  had  been  the  most  com- 
mon. See  Straf.  Let  and  Disp.  vol.  iL  p.  296-7.  Straffi)rde  says  in  one 
letter,  that  Antrim  told  him  "  he  had  upon  receipt  of  his  majesty's 
letter  sent  to  the  O'Haras,  the  O'Lurgans,  (if  I  mistake  not  the  name,) 
the  MacGennises,  the  M'Guyres,  the  M'Mahons,  the  M'Donnels,  (as 
many  Oe's  and  Macs  as  would  startle  a  whole  council-board  on  this 
dde  to  hear  of,)  and  all  his  other  friends,  requiring  them,  in  his  ma- 
jesty's name,  to  meet  him  with  their  forces,  so  as  this  business  is  now 
become  no  secret,  but  the  common  discourse  both  of  his  lordship  and 
the  whole  ]dngdom,"p.  300,  Let.  to  Secretary  Windbanke,  80th  March, 
1638-9.    See  Antrim's  Propositions,  p.  305.    See  p.  319, 22,  et  sejn 

VOL.  III.  M 


162  HISTORY  OF  THE  BBfriSH  EMPIRE^ 

his  slender  abilities,  though  cultivated  by  an  eduCd^ 
tion  in  the  Inns  of  court,  did  not  promise  great  suc- 
cess in  his  undertakings;  but  possibly  his  pre* 
sumptuous  rashness,  which  did  not  weigh  conse- 
quences, proved  in  the  sequel  no  less  important, 
perhaps  more  so,  than  higher  qualities*.  Still  this 
disposition  to  revolt,  with  the  incitements  of  a  cun- 
ning priesthood,  and  of  foreign  states,  might  either 
hot  have  burst  into  action,  or  would  have  been 
easily  repressed,  had  it  not  been  for  the  critical 
posture  of  affairs  at  home. 

The  government  of  Strafforde  had  roused  gen- 
eral discontent  equally  in  protestants  and  catholics. 
He  offended  great  men  by  his  haughtiness  and 
illegal  measures  to  reduce  their  power ;  while  his 
policy  was  no  less  revolting  to  the  low  ranks,  whose 
habits  he  despised,  and  happiness  he  disregarded, 
provided  they  either  opposed  his  own  selfish  views 
or  his  notions  of  improvement ;  and  his  designs  ne- 
cessarily fell  with  most  afflicting  distress  upon  the 
natives,  whose  barbarity  rendered  them  incapable 
of  adopting  his  plans.  The  ecclesiastical  govern- 
ment introduced  by  him  at  the  instance  of  Laud, 
disgusted  the  protestants  by  its  approach  to  Catho- 
licism, and  thus  augmented  their  dislike  to  their 
popish  neighbours,  without  gaining  the  Romish 
party— whose  clergy  perceived  themselves  still 
hopelessly  excluded  fVom  all  participation  in  church 
livings.    The  flame  raised  about  religion  in  Scot- 

*  Temple,  p.  33,  76,  116,  131.    Nalson,  tol.  ii.  p.  543.  Lord 
M'Gttire's  relation.    Carte's  Ormond,  vol.  i.  p.  158. 

3 


HISTORT  OF  THB  BRITISH  BMPIEB.  l6S 

Uod^  and  which  had  extended  to  England^  with 
the  successful  vindication  of  their  rights  and  es- 
tablishment of  their  ecclesiastical  government,  by 
the  first  kingdom,  naturaUy  kindled  a  fresh  desire 
in  the  Irish  to  assert  their  faith :  the  popish  army 
raised  against  Scotland,  and  the  royal  distrust  of 
protestants,  inspired  them  with  confidence  in  their 
own  strength;  while  the  general  clamour  about 
popery  and  the  religion  of  the  queen,  wiUi  the 
avowed  principles  of  leading  men  in  England,  to- 
gether with  the  employment  of  papists,  convinced 
them  that  their  creed  should  not  meet  with  great 
objections  from  the  throne.  The  threat  of  Straf- 
forde  not  to  leave  a  Scot  in  Ireland  was  a  lesson  to 
the  natives  to  extend  the  act  of  expulsion. 

Strafforde,  on  his  impeachment,  wished  the  go- 
vernment of  Ireland  to  be  devolved  upon  his  friend 
the  Earl  of  Ormonde  as  his  deputy,  for  he  still 
held  the  office  of  lord  lieutenant ;  but  the  Irish 
Committee  resisted  his  nomination,  and  the  king 
granted  a  commission  to  Lord  Dillon,  of  Kil- 
kenny west,  the  brother-in-law  and  creature  of 
Stiaftbrde,  and  to  Sir  William  Parsons,  master 
of  the  wards  in  Ireland,  as  lord  justices.  The 
first,  however,  was,  for  similar  reasons,  object- 
ed to  by  the  Irish  committee ;  and  Sir  John  Bor- 
lace,  master  of  the  ordnance,  was  appointed  in  his 
stead.  These  were  both  esteemed  men  of  great 
integrity,  and  the  first  was  much  valued  for  his 
particular  knowledge  of  the  kingdom,  as  well  as 
beloved  amongst  the  people*  These  individuals 
entered  upon  office  on  the  9th  of  February,  and  as 
the  Earl  of  Leicester,  though  appointed  Lord 


164  BISTORT  OF  THIS  BRITISH  BMFIRB. 

lieutenaDt,  never  discharged  the  duty — ^they  con* 
tinued  at  the  head  of  affairs  till  the  rebellion  broke 
out  ^.    Their  constitutional  government,  with  the 
wise  measures  of  the  council  and  parliament,  pro- 
mised   to   be   accompanied    with    lasting    bene- 
fits.   Tlie  various  humours  which  had  arisen  from 
the  former  administration,  they  endeavoured,  by 
gentle  lenitives,    to    mollify.      All    proceedings 
against  law  they  at  once    declared    themselves 
against.    The  usurpation  of  the  council  in  arro- 
gating the  decision  of  points,  fit  only  for  the  cog- 
nizance of  judicial  courts,  they  repressed.    They 
made  enactments  likewise  against  monopolies,  and 
other  grievances,  while,  with  the  royal  consent, 
they  abated  the  subsidies  extorted  by  Strafforde, 
from  L.  40,000  to  L.12,000  each.    But  there  were 
still  two  acts  of  far  greater  importance  prepared  in 
addition  to  these.   The  one,  called  the  act  of  limi- 
tations, indisputably  settled  all  estates  of  Jand  in 
the  kingdom,  upon  those  whose  right  of  property 
had  not  been  questioned  for  sixty  years— an. act 
that  had  been  denied  under  the  administration  ot* 
Strafforde,  but  which  was  absolutely  requisite  in 
the  peculiar  situation  of  things : — ^The  other  de- 
clared the  relinquishment  of  his  majesty's  right,  as 
found  by  inquests,  to  four  of  the  counties  of  Con- 
naught,  together  with  the  extensive  territories  in 
Munster,  including  the  county  of  Clare;  all  which  it 
had  been  determined  on  disposing  of  amongst  British 


*  Sir  J.  Temple's  Hist,  of  the  Rebellion,  p.  S3  and  4.  Carte's  On 
mond,  Yol.  L  p.  116. 


HISTORY  OF  THB  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  165 

undertakers.  The  Romish  party,  too,  in  spite  of 
the  artful  infusions  from  the  British  side  of  the 
water,  that  the  puritatis  meant  to  insist  upon  all 
indulgence  to  their  worship  being  withdrawn,  were 
treated  with  great  liberality.  The  whole  com- 
plexion of  afiairs,  therefore,  indicated  future  good 
govemmenty  and  great  prosperity  • .   ' 

The  activity  of  the  Irish  promoters  of  rebellion 
bad^  in  the  extraordinary  confluence  of  their  clergy 
out  of  foreign  parts,  with  the  return  of  officers  in 
the  Spanish  service,  under  the  pretence  of'  asking 
leave  to  raise  soldiers  for  Spain,  been  observ- 
ed by  the  English  government,  and  together  with 
some  secret  intimations  of  a  projected  rebellion,' 
had  induced  Charles,  in  March,  to  desire  Secretary 
Vane  to  warn  the  Liords  Justices  to  watch  the 


•  TempI^  p.  24,  ei  seq.  Borlace,  p.  6.  Carte's  Onnonde,  vol.  L  p, 
\i%,  et  seq.  one  would  think  that  a  withdrawing  of  the  usurped  power 
of  the  councO-board^  to  judge  in  all  cases^  real  and  personal^  the  re- 
striction on  nionopolies^  patting  down  the  high  commission^  &c. 
could  be  liable  to  no  oljection^  yet  Mr.  Hume^  after  Mr.  Carte>  calls 
these^  with  the  restraint  on  martial  law^  and  the  like^  which^  in  fact, 
sobetituted  the  wHl  of  the  princes  for  the  constitutional  law  of  the 
land,— «n  inyasion  of  every  order  or  institution  which  depended  on  mo« 
oardhy— a  despoiling  of  the  prince  without  the  least  pretext  of  any  vio-t 
lenee  or  illegaHty  in  his  administration.  Was  not  the  court  of  high 
commission,  which  had  been  erected  in  the  11th  of  this  reign,  without 
any  legislative  authority,  illegal  ?  It  was  an  inquisition  under  Eliza* 
beth,  though  erected  by  law,  apd  subject  to  the  controul  of  tl^e 
ordinary  courts !  Was  not  the  usurped  authority  of  the  council 
iHegal  ?  Were  not  acts  of  state,  and  proclamations,  in  the  place  of 
law,  illegal  ?  They  were  all  so,  according  to  his  account,  under  the 
Tudors.  But  I  presume  that  he  here  uses  the  words  violence  and  ille* 
^  in  a  sense  peculiar  to  himself;  for,  if  martial  law  do  not  include 
violence,  and  the  various  acts  of  Strafforde  were  not  violent,  as  freU 
as  illegal,  J  do  not  know  the  meaning  of  the  words. 


]66  HISTOAT  OF  THB  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

proceedings  of  the  natives  * }  but  such  was  the 
profound  dissimulation  of  that  body  of  men,  that 
no  conspiracy  could  be  traced  t.  In  the  mean 
time,  the  king's  own  conduct  ministered  alarm. 
As  the  ktely  raised  popish  army  of  8000  foot  and 
1000  horse  was  no  longer  necessary  for  the  service 
for  which  alone  it  had  been  levied^  nor  had  become 
requisite  for  Ireland  by  new  occurrences,  it  was 
naturally  to  have  been  expected,  that  not  a  day 
would  have  been  lost  in  disbanding  it,  both  for  the 
purpose  of  saving  money  in  the  present  exigencies 
of  state,  and  preventing  the  soldiers  from  acquiring 
habits  dangerous  to  the  public  safety.  Yet  the 
king,  for  reasons  known  to  himself,  as  he  alleged, 
kept  it  on  foot ;  and,  as  we  have  seen,  it  had  been 
one  object  of  the  army-plot  to  prevent  its  dissolu- 
tion. If  it  were  dangerous  to  levy  a  popish  army 
against  the  civil  and  religious  liberties  of  Britain, 
it  was  still  more  so  to  evince,  in  this  way,  that 
such  a  military  force  was  regarded  by  the  court  as 
the  main  security  of  the  prerogative ;  and  the  in- 
trigues of  conspirators  daily  increased,  while  the 
Catholic  body,  in  general,  appear  to  have  display- 
ed greater  confidence  in  their  own  strength.  In 
parliament  they  were  numerous,  and  the  lawyers 
there,  under  the  pretext  of  vindicating  the  general 
privileges,  and  asserting  the  law  in  cases  with  the 
crown,  began  to  lay  down,  what  soon  turned  out 
to  be,  the  most  pernicious  principles — as  '<  that 

*  See  Letter  in  Clarendon's  Sutc  Papers^  toI.  L  p.  134,  taken  from 
the  original  drati^t. 
t  Borlace,  p.  B. 


HISTORY  OF  TllS  BEITI8H  £MP1RE«  167 

being  killed  in  rebellion,  though  found  by  matter 
of  record,  would  give  the  king  no  forfeiture  of  es- 
tates ;  that  though  many  stood  up  in  arms  in  a 
kingdom,  working  all  manner  of  destruction,  yet 
that  if  they  professed  not  to  rise  against  the  king, 
that  it  was  no  rebellion,"  and  the  like  ^ 

When,  from  the  detection  of  the  army-plot  and 
other  circumstances,  the  evasions  about  disband- 
ing the  Irish  army  could  no  longer  be  listened  to, 
Charles  proposed  to  enter  into  an  agreement  with 
France  and  Spain  foj  transferring  the  troops,  with 
part  of  the  English  also,  to  their  service.  As, 
however,  the  first  was  accused  at  the  very  moment, 
and  on  good  ground,  of  a  purpose  to  assist  the 
English  king  with  military  aid  against  his  subjects, 
the  parliament  would  have  disregarded  all  the  or- 
dinary rules  of  policy  and  common  sense,  had  they 
acceded  to  any  proposal  from  that  quarter ;  and 
it  must  appear  strange  to  every  reflecting  mind, 
that  the  same  king  who,  not  many  weeks  before, 
had  himself  apprehended  such  danger  from  levy- 
ing troops  under  the  pretext  of  raising  them  for 
i^ain,  should  now  himself  propose  a  measure  which 
necessarily  gave  full  operation  to  that  desperate 
spirit  which  he  so  justly  dreaded.  Of  the  officers 
who  had  returned  from  foreign  service,  and  now 
were  active  in  listing  the  troops  under  the  pretext 
of  canying  them  abroad,  many  were  the  most  ac- 
tive leaders  in  the  ensuing  rebellion ;  and  they  un- 
dertook this  levy  with  no  other  view  than  to  turn 
the  army  against  the  government.    But  the  Eng- 

•  Temple,  p.  133. 


168  HISTORY  OF  THB  BRITISH  EMPIRE* 

lish  parliament  opposed  this  transaction,  and,  to  a 
certain  extent,  Cliarles  was  obliged  to  acquiesce : 
the  warrants  to  colonels  were  withdrawn  j  and  it 
is  singular  that  some  of  these  colonels  were  the 
most  active  rebels,  and  had  engaged  in  the  buri- 
ness  merely  to  promote  the  projected  insurrection. 
Still  the  king  granted  licences  to  four  of  these  co-^ 
lonels  to  engage  four  thousand  for  Spain  ;  and  it  is 
remarkable,  that  even  of  these  four,  one  was  am- 
ongst the  most  forward  in  the  rebellion,  while  the 
other  three,  instead  of  returning  to  the  foreign  ser« 
vice  they  had  left,  remained  to  join  the  king  against 
the  parliament*  The  royal  object  was  opposed  even 
in  regard  to  these  four  thousand ;  but  Charles  aU 
leged  that  he  stood  pledged  to  the  Spanish  ambas* 
sador,  and,  while  some  of  the  troops  were  shipt, 
they  were  artfully  detained  by  the  conspirators  to 
join  their  countrymen  in  arms  ♦. 

The  English  parliament  has  been  deeply  ceiK 
sured  for  opposing  the  negociation  with  France 
and  Spain,  to  transfer  the  Irish  popish  army  ta 
those  countries :  But  as  Charles  had  so  unaccount^ 
ably  kept  up  this  army,  and  had  himself  plotted 
with  the  officers  of  the  English  army  to  prevent 
its  dissolution,  men  were  justified  in  presuming 
that  this  might  be  used  as  a  mere  pretext  to  pre- 
serve it  till  the  Scottish  army  were  disbandedt 

*  Carte's  Ormonde^  vol.  i.  p.  133, 184,  135.  Colonel  R.  Plunket  wa^ 
one  of  the  colonels  who  originally  obtained  a  licence ;  and  there  was 
not  a  more  active  rebel.  Gart.  Barry  was  one  of  the  four  mentioned 
in  the  text.  See  p.  157.  Borlace,  p.  9.  It  is  singular  that  Carte, 
while  he  states  the  facts  given  in  the  text,  inconsistently  condemns 
the  £ngh'sh  parliament  for  opposing  the  transaction.   Temple,  p.  123. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE*  169 

Even  the  transportation  of  those  troops  afforded  no 
security,  since  they  might  be  brought  back  at  any 
seasonable  juncture  after  they  had,  by  foreign  dis-^ 
cipline,  together  with  the  habits  of  ^ar,  become 
more  calculated  for  the  royal  purposes.    The  in- 
trigues with  France  and  Spain  in  the  preoeditig 
year,  for  both  military  and  pecuniary  aid,  cduld 
not  be  unknown,  and  it  is  ever  safe  to  conclude 
that  what  a  man  has  been  detected  in  he  may  re^ 
peat.    But  the  objection  to  France  becomes  infi. 
nitely  stronger  when  we  consider  that  she  wasat^ 
this  moment  accused,  on  apparently  just  grounds^ 
of  a  design  to  send  forces  into  England  toco-operate 
with  the  king  against  the  parliament.    The  dangers 
from  Spain  were  likewise  imminent ;  and  it  should* 
not  be  forgotten  that  she  had  always  been  deemed  a 
hostile  power  j  that  the  late  revolt  of  Portugal  from 
her  had  been  regarded  by  the  British  as  an  auspi- 
cious event ;  and  that  she  was  condemned  at  this 
very  moment  for  concurring  with  the  other  branch- 
es of  the  house  of  Austria  in  withholding  the  pa- 
latinate from  the  English  king's  nephew,  in  whose 
behalf  Charles  was  at  the  time  applying  to  tbe  par- 
liament, having  sent  with  their    approbation  a 
threatening  manifesto  to  the  diet  at  Ratisbon.^ 
Surely,  therefore,  as  at  the  best  any  supply  of  mi- 
litary must  have  enabled  Spain  to  carry  through' 
her  designs,  which  equally  involved  the  recovery 
of  Portugal  and  the  detention  of  the  Palatinate,  it 
would  have  been  the  most  inconsistent  policy  to 
have  accommodated  her,  though  no  dark  measurea 
from  the  cabinet  at  home  had  been  apprehended. 


170  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  f  MPIRR* 

In  addition  to  this,  it  may  be  observed*  that^  in  tbe 
event  of  hostilities  between  the  respective  king* 
doms,  Spain  could  give  the  utmost  annoyance  to 
the  British  empire  by  pouring  into  Ireland  a  body 
of  men  whose  acquaintance  with  every  creek  and 
haven,  and  correspondence  with  their  discontent- 
ed countrymen  at  home,  encouraged  by  their 
clergy,  rendered  them  incalculably  the  most 
dangerous  of  all  invading  enemies  *• 

Independently  of  all  these  obvious  motives,  it  is 
evident  that  foreign  service  was  just  a  seminary 
for  Irishmen  to  accomplish  themselves  for  rebel- 
lion; and  that  part  of  the  mass  of  this  army  must 
at  some  period  or  other  have  returned  upon  their 
country.  On  the  other  hand,  the  army  had  not 
been  so  long  embodied,  though  much  longer  than 
any  colour  could  be  given  for,  but  that  they  might 
be  restored  to  the  mass  of  society,  and  the  ap- 
proach of  harvest  promised  them  employment  in 
the  first  instance  t*  But  the  most  conclusive  ar- 
gument for  the  dissolution  of  that  army,  is  the  ac- 
tual fact,  that  the  officers  who  pretended  to  en- 
gage  the  troops  for  foreign  service,  undertook  the 
business  with  the  view  of  detaining  them  in  the 
country  to  act  in  the  projected  rebellion. 

The  popish  army  was  in  a  great  measure  dis- 
banded  in   June,   and    completely  by  August, 

*  6ee  JonmalB^  8th  September,  16il.  Diumal  Occurrences^ 
p.  S57.  Speech  on  the  88th  August.  King's  Manifesto,  with  spcech- 
e$  relatite  to  the  parliament  Id.  p.  S69,  ei  s^g.  Cob.  Pari.  Hist, 
p.  856,  ei  nq. 

t  Rudyarid  f  Speech,  &c. 


HISTORY  OF  THK  BRITISH  EMPIRE*  17 1 

when  the  arms  were  piled  up  In  Dublin  castle  * : 
But  it  was  imagined  that  the  castle  might  be 
surprised,  and  the  troops  re-^med,  as  well  as 
plentifully  supplied  with  ammunition,  while  arms 
would  fsurther  be  procured  for  several  thousands 
more.  No  plan  could  have  been  better  laid.  The 
Protestant  army,  which  was  always  necessarily 
Icept  on  foot,  scarcely  exceeded  3000,  and  were 
distributed  in  small  bodies  through  various  and 
remote  parts  of  the  island.  Tlie  officers  of  the 
nine  thousand  of  the  disbanded  troops  were  equals 
ly  disaffected  with  the  men,  and  therefore  an  or-* 
ganized  army,  that  more  than  trebled  the  pro- 
testant  army,  which  again  was  too  much  scattered 
to  have  been  of  essential  service,  would  at  once 
liave  been  in  arms  independently  of  the  irregular 
thousands  that  were  to  be  summoned  into  action, 
and  were  to  surprise  the  other  forts  on  tlie  same 
day  with  the  capture  of  Dublin  Castle  ;  while  the 
British  forces  must  be  again  embodied,  a  work 


*  Carte,  in  his  Life  of  Onnonde,  voL  i.  p.  134.  that  the  anny  was 
all  dissolved  by  the  middle  of  June :  But  he  gives  no  authority  for  the 
statement  at  the  foot  of  the  page :  there  are,  however,  letters  from 
Ormonde  to  Vane,  and  from  Vane  to  Ormonde,  published  by  him  in 
the  third  volimie,  which  import  that  the  disbanding  had  been  effect- 
ed in  June;  but  I  suspect  that  a  part  only  had  then  been  disbanded, 
and  arrangements  made  for  the  rest,  and  that  the  matter  had  on  that 
account,  been  considered  as  done ;  for  the  idea  of  the  complete  dissolu- 
tion of  the  army  in  June  is  contradicted  not  only  by  other  authorities, 
(8eeBorIaoe,p.  10,)butby  the  nature  of  things,  since  it  was  inSeptembcr 
that  the  Commons  of  England  passed  votes  against  allowing  them  to 
be  sent  to  Spain—4  dear  proof  that  thou^  disarmed,  they  were  still 
kept  together.  See  Correspondence  between  Charles  I.  and  Secretary 
Nicholas,  p.  4.  fl  seq. 


172  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

of  time,  in  order  to  be  sent  against  them.  But  the 
season  was  well  selected  on  another  ground.  The 
Irish  Exchequer  was  empty,  and  the  money  levied 
by  the  collectors  was,  at  the  breaking  out  of  the 
rebellion,  in  their  hands  ready  to  be  paid  in,  while 
the  rents  throughout  the  kingdom  were  now  in  the 
hands  of  the  tenants,  to  be  paid  at  the  approach- 
ing term,  whence  the  rebels  flattered  themselves 
with  the  hope  of  making  the  whole  their  own, 
which  would  abundantly  supply  them  with  the 
means  of  supporting  the  war  in  the  outset.  But 
they  also  expected  assistance  from  Spain,  the  Pope, 
and  even  France;  and  the  Irish  officers  in  foreign 
service,  concerted  to  return  with  as  many  of  their 
men  as  possible,  together  with  arms  for  more,  on 
the  commencement  of  the  insurrection.  On  the 
other  hand,  they  were  sufficiently  aware  of  the 
defenceless  state  of  the  protestant  part  of  the  com- 
munity, owing  to  the  policy  of  Strafforde  in  regard 
to  gun-powder  ♦. 

Jj^  One  of  the  most  active  conspirators  was  Roger 
Moore,  a  man  of  narrow  fortune,  but  high  de- 
scent,  and  who  valued  himself  exceedingly  on  his 
birth,  attributing  with  justice  the  smallness  of 
the  family  inheritance  to  the  English  invasion. 
He  is  said  to  have  united  many  advantages  of  per* 
son  to  high  talents  and  consummate  address ;  to 
have  entered  upon  the  undertaking  rather  with 
the  generous  ambition  of  vindicating  what  he  con- 
ceived to  be  the  liberties   of  his  country,  than 

•  Temple,  p.  %Q, 


BISTORT  OF  THB  BRITISH  BHPIBJB*  173 

with  views  of  self-aggrandisement ;  and  never  to 
have  once  contemplated  the  detestable  enormities 
that  stained  the  cause.  It  is  said  that  when  he 
beheld  so  woful  a  tragedy^  which  he  found  it  im* 
possible  to  check,  his  spirit  sank  under  it.  He^ 
from  his  station  in  life,  acted  in  a  subordinate 
capacity  to  Sir  Fhelim  O'Neil,  but  from  his  ta- 
lents, enterprise,  and  address,  he  was  virtually  the 
main-spring  of  the  conspiracy;  and  it  was  he 
who  first  undertook  to  bring  over  the  old  English 
of  the  pale  *. 

Of  the  committee  from  the  Irish  parliament, 
the  majority  were  papists,  and  it  is  alleged  that 
they  were  amongst  the  most  active  promoters  of 
rebellion.  But  it  can  scarcely  be  credited,  that  ^j^?!^^ 
while  the  king  and  queen  were  caballing  with«~i»ff^ 
officers  of  the  British  army,  m  regard  to  the  Irish  uon  ? 
army,  and  with  Montrose,  &c*  as  evinced  in  the 
army-plot,  the  incident,  &c.  should  entirely  ne^ 
gleet  the  Irish  commissioners,  and  accordingly 
they  are  both  accused,  on  strong  presumptions,  of 
having  intrigued  also  with  them.  The  violence 
with  which  this  question  has  been  viewed  on  both 
sides,  has  arisen  from  the  execrable  massacre 
which  ensued;  but  though  we  were  to  assume 
that  he  incited  some  of  the  conspirators  to  attempt 
their  pre-conceived  scheme  of  an  insurrection,  it 
by  no  means  follows  that  he  contemplated  the  hor- 
rid massacre  which  accompanied  it.  In  order  to 
estimate  the  presumptions  for  and  against  the  idea 

*  Carte's  Onnonde^  yol.  i.  p.  156. 


174  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  J5MPIRE. 

of  his  being  accessory  to  the  insurrection,  it  is  ne- 
cessary to  have  a  correct  view  of  the  real  posture 
of  a&irs  at  the  juncture,  as  well  as  of  the  royal  in- 
tentions as  to  the  sacrifice  in  regard  to  power  which 
had  been  already  made  in  Scotland^  and  which 
was  ready  to  be  demanded  of  him  in  England^ 
The  grand  points  on  which  he  formally  split  with 
the  English  parliament,  and  ever  refused  accom* 
modation,  were  the  abolishment  of  episcopacy,  and 
the  surrender  of  his  power  over  the  militia  by  sea 
and  land.    The  first  had  been  early  aimed  at  by 
the  parliament ;  but,  before  there  was  any  motion 
towards  the  latter,  there  had  been  two  successive 
plots  for  turning  the  English  army  against  the  two 
houses,  independently  of  the  intrigues  with  Mon- 
trose's faction  in  Scotland.    The  result  of  these 
was  the  bill  by  Hazlerig,  to  vest  in  the  two  houses 
the  power  over  the  militia  by  sea  and  land,  as  well 
as  the  appointments  to  civil  offices ;  and  the  late 
bill,  in  favour  of  Essex,  was  really  an  advance  to- 
wards that  object.    Hazlerig's  bill  had  been  only 
once  read ;  but  the  object  was  not,  on  that  account, 
abandoned ;  and  the  late  concessions  in  Scotland 
of  the  same  kind  encouraged  the  English  to  per- 
sist in  their  purpose.    The  Scots  had  a  pretext  for 
their  demand,  as  to  the  militia  and  civil  offices, 
and  Charles  an  excuse  for  granting  it,  in  the  resi- 
dence of  their  sovereign  in  a  foreign  country,  and 
the  probability  of  his  being  misled  by  those  fo- 
reign counsels  regarding  the  interests  of  Scot- 
land, as  well  as  in  the  ancient  practice  of  his  na- 
tive country :  in  respect  also  to  the  presbyterian 


HISTORY  OF  THIS  BAITISH  EMPIRE.  175 

system  of  church  government^  they  could  plead  the 
established  law  of  that  kingdom.  But»  while  he 
knew  how  to  avail  himself  of  this  apology  for  mak- 
ing concessions  to  the  Scots^  which  he  was  deter- 
mined not  to  grant  to  the  English^  he^  in  the  Inci- 
dent, afforded  a  melancholy  proof  of  his  purpose 
to  take  the  first  opportunity  to  retract  his  conces* 
sions,  and  overwhelm,  by  military  force,  as  well  as 
by  stratagem  against  their  leaders,  the  great  body 
of  the  people  who  had  the  spirit  to  demand  them : 
The  treachery  of  the  Incident,  too,  was  the  more 
odious,  from  the  profound  dissimulation  with  which 
the  monarch  had  conducted  himself.  It  had  just 
been  remarked  by  a  courtier,  that  Henderson,  the 
presbyterian  pastor,  had  become  a  greater  favour- 
ite than  ever  Canterbury  was,  and  was  never  from 
him  night  or  day  •• 

In  these  plots,  as  well  as  in  his  anxious  endea- 
vour to  keep  up  the  lately  raised  Irish  army,  and 
his  last  attempt  to  debauch  the  English  troops,  we 
have  the  most  incontestable  evidence  of  his  inten- 
tion to  crush  the  parliaments  of  both  kingdoms  by 
force ;  and  therefore  a  conclusive  answer  to  Mr* 
Hume's  argument  against  his  being  concerned  in 
the  Irish  insurrection — ^founded  on  his  not  having 
intended  to  make  war  upon  the  parliament.  Be- 
sides, it  will  not  be  forgotten  that  he  had  now  the 
very  same  motive  for  hostilities  that  he  ever  had 
afterwards — and  which,  in  spite  of  his  most  solemn 
protestations  to  the  contrary,  accompanied  with 

*  Carte's  Original  Letters^  vol.  i.  p.  14 ;  date  95th  September.  The 
letter  ia  addressed  to  the  Earl  of  Ormonde. 


276  HISTORY  OF  THE  DBITISH  £MI>IRE. 

ftppeals  to  heaven  for  his  sincerity,  led  td  many  in*> 
trigues  .for  the  introduction  of  foreign  troops,  as 
-well  as  secret  treaties  with  those  very  Irish  for  an 
army»  aftpr  they  were  stained  with  every  enormity, 
^nd  cotisecj[uently  must  have  been  expected  to  act 
pver  again  in  Britain  the  scenes  of  inexpressibly 
brutal  cruelty  which  had  been  displayed  in  Ire- 
Jandk  Now  that,  amid  all  the  late  plots  and  in- 
trigues, the  Irish  committee,  of  whom  the  majority 
were  Catholics,  and  became  eminent  in  the  rebel- 
lion, should  never  have  been  applied  to,  is  incon- 
ceivable ;  and  the  presumption  arising  out  of  the 
nature  of  things  is  confirmed  by  testimony  ^*  But» 
in  order  to  understand  this  subject,  it  is  necessary 
to  attend  to  the  progress  of  events,  and  to  ascer- 
tain what  were  the  views  of  the  popish  members 
of  the  Irish  committee,  who  were  from  the  old 
English  of  the  Pale. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  committee  came 
over  to  assist  in  the  prosecution  of  Strafibrde^  whose 
trial  began  on  the  22d  of  March,  and  for  whose 
life  neither  Charles  nor  himself  was  then  appre- 
hensive. The  committee,  as  they  had  every  rea- 
son, pursued  him  keenly ;  and  indeed  matters  had 
arrived  at  that  crisis,  that  their  safety,  and  his  re^ 
turn  to  Ireland  as  lieutenant,  were  incompatible* 
It  was  the  interest  of  Strafforde,  and  the  purpose 
of  his  master,  to  preserve  the  Irish  army  for  future 
services  in  England,  and  the  plot  with  the  English 

*  Rush.  vol.  V.  p.  346,  ei  seq.  Scott's  Sommers'  Tracts,  vol.  v.  p. 
573,  et  seq.  Antrim's  Information  in  Appendix  to  Clarendon's  Hi&« 
tory  of  the  Irish  Rebellion. 


HI8T0RT  OF  TUB  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  177 

anny»  with  hopes  from  France,  promised  to  restore 
the  powers  with  which  Charles  was  resolved  not  to 
part  without  a  struggle.  At  this  time,  however, 
the  native  Irish,  unknown,  as  it  would  appear,  to 
the  old  English  of  the  pale,  were  secretly  concert- 
ing an  insurrection  for  the  purpose  of  expelling  the 
invaders.  Strafforde  had  formerly  got  notice  of 
their  motions,  and  had  adopted  precautions  to  quell 
them  *•  The  late  resort  of  old  soldiers  and  priests 
out  of  foreign  parts  awakened  afresh  the  suspicion 
of  the  English  government,  which  doubtless  had 
been  previously  excited  by  the  lieutenant ;  and  in 
the  posture  of  things,  at  that  time,  nothing  could 
be  more  baneful  to  the  interest  of  the  monarch  and 
his  devoted  minister  than  a  rebellion.  Whether 
the  Irish  popish  army  joined  the  insurgents, 
which  it  most  probably  would,  or  were  employ- 
ed against  them,  or  were  disbanded  or  sent 
out  of  the  country,  as  would  have  been  insisted 
on  for  the  common  security,  if  it  did  not  join  the 
insurgents,  it  would  have  been  in  all  these  cases 
lost  to  the  crown,  whose  distresses  would  have 
been  augmented :  the  English  anny  would  have, 
in  all  probability,  been  dispatched  to  Ireland ;  and 
then  the  Scots,  who  would  not  have  moved,  would 
have  been  masters  of  England  in  conjunction  with 
the  parliament,  while  the  latter  would  have  been 
enabled  to  insist  on  the  power  over  the  English 
army  being  devolved  upon  them.  Hence,  as  well 
as,  it  must  be  presumed,  from  better  motives^ 


*  Carte*!  Onaoiide>  vol.  i.  p.  15^. 
VOL.  III.  N 


178  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

Charles  directed  secretary  Vane,  on  the  I6th  of 
March,  that  is,  before  the  commencement  of  Straf- 
forde's  trial,  to  warn  the  lords  justices  of  the  dan- 
ger. But  the  aspect  of  afiairs  was  afterwards  com- 
pletely changed,  and  the  policy  of  Charles  changed 
with  it  As  it  had  been  deemed  by  such  a  favou- 
rite minister  as  Strafforde  a  grand  stroke  of  policy 
to  have  four  of  the  counties  of  Connaught  and  other 
territoiy  found  by  inquests  for  the  crown,  we  may 
well  conclude  that  his  master  would  not  easily  be 
brought  to  relinquish  an  object  which  had  been 
with  such  difficulty  gained  *  :  and  in  this  conclu- 
sion we  are  farther  warranted  by  what  occurred  in 
regard  to  the  city  of  London's  plantation.  By  an 
iniquitous  decree  of  the  Star  Chamber,  that  had 
been  adjudged  to  be  forfeited  to  the  crown,  and  the 
resentment  of  the  city,  which  Charles  ought  to  have 
conciliated,  was  deep :  Yet,  when  the  commons 
had  voted  the  decree  null,  Charles  eagerly  wrote 
to  his  secretary  from  Scotland  to  raise  a  party  in 
the  upper  house,  to  prevent  a  similar  vote  there  t. 
But  his  policy  towards  the  Irish  was  so  very  opposite, 

*  Straf.  Let  and  Disp.  vol.  ii.  p.  366.    Rush.  toL  ▼•  p.  S48. 

f  App.  to  Evelyn's  Memoirs.  Correspondence  between  King 
Charles  I.  and  Secretary  Nicholas.  The  Secretary  writes  thos^  on  the 
8Sth  of  August,  "  The  sentence  whereby  Londonderry  was  adjudged 
forfeited  to  your  miyesty,  is  by  the  House  of  Commons  declared  nuU^ 
and  that  land  thought  fit  to  be  restored  backe  to  the  dtty  of  Lon- 
don." Charles  returned  the  letter  with  his  rewards  and  directions, 
called  in  the  language  of  statesmen  ajoo^'iej^— and  this  is  the  apostile 
on  the  above  paragraph.  "  You  must  command  my  learned  oouncell, 
hi  my  name,  that  they  doe  what  they  may,  that  the  same  vote  paase 
not  Uie  higher  house,"  p.  1 2.  Yet  his  anxiety  to  gain  the  city  appears 
by  the  same  correspondence.    See  p.  13. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  179 

that  he  assured  their  committee  that  he  would  at 
once  renounce  his  right  to  those  counties  and  other 
territory^  confirm  defective  titles,  &c. ;  (concessions 
called  the  graces,  which  their  parliament  had  been 
so  anxious  to  attain ;)  and  there  is  reason  to  believe 
that  his  anxiety  about  Londonderry  arose  from  his 
intention  to  bestow  the  land  upon  Uiat  people.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  popish  party  in  the  Irish  par- 
liament, whose  views  were  no  doubt  represented  to 
the  throne,  were  eager  for  keeping  up  the  late 
army,  and  now  began  to  use  language  hostile  to 
the  puritan  party  in  England,  with  whom  they 
had  previously  co-operated  against  the  prerogative, 
while  they  aimed  at  conclusions  which  induced  the 
protestant  party,  with  the  lords  justices,  to  resolve 
upon  an  adjournment. 

The  insurrection  had  been  originally  conceived 
by  the  native  Irish ;  but  there  are  both  presump- 
tions and  direct  evidence,  that  the  lords  of  the 
Pale,  (particularly  Lord  Gormanstown,  who  had 
been  one  of  the  committee,  who  is  said  to  have 
had  secrect  interviews  with  the  queen,  and  was 
afterwards  a  leading  man  in  the  rebellion,)  were 
made  privy  to  the  design  in  the  course  of  the  sum- 
mer, and  the  commissioners,  who  returned  in 
August,  are  alleged  to  have  fomented  the  spirit  of 
insurrection  *.    But  the  views  of  the  latter  appear 


*  See  Borlace,  p.  13.  No  one  who^  without  prejudice^  peruses  the 
whole  evidence,  including  the  original  correspondence  published  by 
Carte  hiinself,  and  attends  to  all  facts,  can  doubt  this,  in  spite  of 
the  arrogant  assertions  of  Carte,  who  talks  as  confidently  as  if  he  had 
been  personally  acquainted  with  every  movement 


180  HISTORY  OF  THfi  BRITISH  EMPIRE* 

to  have  been  more  moderate  than  those  of  the  first ; 
and  it  is  not  only  probable  that  the  idea  of  exter- 
minating the  late  settlers  never  was  hinted  to  the 
iatter,  but  that  the  latter  hoped  to  have  acquired 
the  direction  of  their  more  ferocious  associates. 
Indeed,  Roger  Moore,  who  is  represented  as  having 
been  so  active  in  drawing  in  the  lords  and  gentry 
of  the  Pale,  was  himself  utterly  shocked  at  the 
barbarities  which  ensued.  The  demands  of  the 
Irish  Catholics,  as  they  were  afterwards  fully  ex- 
pressed, were  that  in  addition  to  the  graces  already 
alluded  to,  they  should  have  the  complete  inde- 
pendence of  their  parliament  from  that  of  England 
conceded  to  them,  and  that  their  parliaments 
should  be  allowed  to  elect  agents,  with  power  to 
remove  them,  who  were  to  attend  his  majesty  conti- 
nually as  a  body  authorised  to  represent  the  national 
grievances  i  that  they  should  have  a  free  trade,  and 
the  establishment  of  their  religion,  which  implied 
that  the  ecclesiastical  livings  should  be  devolved 
upon  their  own  clergy,  and  all  the  degrading 
disqualifications  under  which  their  party  labour- 
ed, be  annulled;  that  all  the  civil  and  mili- 
tary ofiices  should  be  confined  to  their  coun- 
trymen; and  that  they  should  have  a  right  to 
keep  up  trained  bands  for  their  own  security. 
Whatever  might  be  alleged  by  the  protestants 
against  these  concessions,  there  does  not  appear 
in  them  any  great  ground  of  objection ;  and  it  was 
well  pleaded  by  the  Irish,  the  bulk  of  whom  were 
papists,  that  they  were  fully  as  much  entitled  to 
them  as  the  Scots  to  the  concessions  in  their  fa- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  181 

vour  \  Had  Charles  merely  intended  to  yield  to 
such  demands,  in  order  to  conciliate  that  people, 
the  impartial  voice  of  history  at  tim  distance  of 
time  could  not  condemn  him.  And  it  is  rather 
singular  that,  while  his  introduction  of  the  Irish 
into  Britain  afterwards,  though  their  attrocities 
had  become  so  revolting-^hould  have  been  ap- 
proved of  by  certain  historians,  his  concessions  in 
regard  to  religion  should  have  been,  in  the  face  of 
the  clearest  evidence,  strenuously  denied;  The 
otject  has  been  to  represent  him  as  a  martyr  for 
the  church  of  England ;  but  we  have  seen  that,  in 
the  outset  of  his  life^  he  wished  to  acknowledge 
the  spiritual  supremacy  of  the  Fope ;  that  his  whole 
religicms  government  was  founded  on  a  love  of 
civil  power,  and  tended  to  Catholicism ;  that  the 
romanists  were  ever  favoured,  while  the  presbyte- 
rians  and  puritans  were  persecuted ;  that  though 
he  conceived  the  measures  of  the  Scots  to  establish 
their  own  ecclesiastical  system,  which  it  is  be- 
yond all  doubt  he  abhorred  infinitely  more  than  the 
pojHsh,  a  sufficient  reason  for  destroying  them  with 
fire  and  sword,  yet  that  he  latterly  yielded  to  their 
demands  as  necessary  for  the  peace  of  that  coun- 
try ;  while  he  conceived  the  demand  of  the  same 
concession  by  the  English,  a  justifiable  ground  for 
hostilities  and  refusing  all  accommodation  even 
when  his  affairs  were  desperate.  Where  then  was 
the  inconsistency  in  granting  to  the  Irish  their  own 
mode  of  worship,  though  he  disapproved  of  it— vin 

*  Sorlace,  p.  i6. 


182  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

the  same  way  that  he  had  yielded  to  the  Scots  ? 
That  he  ultimately  did  agree  to  it,  as  a  return 
for  profifered  military  service,  &c.  is  establish- 
ed by  complete  evidence;  and  here  we  may 
remark^  that  the  same  historians  who  deny  his 
knowledge  of  the  Irish  insurrection,  also  deny  the 
army-plots,  the  incident,  the  transactions  of  Gla- 
morgan, &c.  though  they  rest  upon  evidence  which 
cannot  be  rebutted. 

Having  shewn  what  it  was  that  the  Irish  avow- 
edly demanded  of  the  crown,  it  may  now  be  pro- 
per to  shew  what  could  be  expected  of  them,  and 
what  they  promised*  They  alleged  that  the  puri- 
tan party  in  England  deprived  the  king  of  his  just 
prerogative,  and  trampled  upon  the  privileges  of  the 
neighbouring  isle ;  and,  even  after  they  had  failed  in 
their  main  object  of  seizing  the  castie  of  Dublin, 
they  promised  that,  when  they  had  established 
their  power  in  Ireland,  they  would  send  an  army 
to  assist  the  monarch  in  recovering  his  power  in 
England  ^t  But  matters  bore  a  far  more  promis- 
ing aspect  9t  the  outset.  Had  their  attempt 
figainst  Dublin  Castle,  and  with  it  the  capital  itself, 
been  successful,  the  lately  disbanded  army  would 
have  at  once  been  reorganized,  and  other  troops 
speedily  raised,  when  Ireland  would  inevitably  have 
been  their  own.  The  other  forts  were  likewise  to 
have  been  attacked  at  the  same  time,  indee|d  many 
fell  into  the  insurgents-  hands,  and  had  the  i^cheme 
against  the  capital  succeeded,  none  of  the  \other 

*  See  Temple,  &C* 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  188 

forts  could  have  stood.     Then  the  parliamenty 
which  had  been  adjourned,  would  have  assembled ; 
and  as  the  protestant  members  would  have  been 
frightened  away,  the  roman  party  would,  if  sane- 
tioned  by  the  throne,  have  carried  eveiy  thing,  and 
possibly  ordered  what  they  afterwards  called  for,  a 
free  parliament,  in  other  words,  one  composed  of 
their  own  party,  since  they  were  infinitely  the  most 
numerous,  and  the  protestants  durst  not  have  con- 
tested an  election  with  them.    New  taxes  would 
have  been  levied ;  arms  imported,  and  such  an 
army  organised  as  might  have  bid  fair  to  render 
the  monarch  independent  in  Britain ;  while  it  is 
likely  that  the  attrocities  would  have  been  greatly 
prevented.    Nor  is  it  unworthy  of  remark,  that  he 
had  promised  a  visit  to  his  Irish  subjects  *•    It  is 
likely  enough  that  all  this  would  have  proved  abor« 
tive,   as   the  British,  now  that  the  veil  was  so 
odiously  laid  aside,  would,  with  the  exception  of 
the  popish  party,  have  united  as  one  man ;  but  as 
Charles  seems  ever  to  have  conceived,  that  with  an 
army  his  power  would  be  irresistible,  so  all  his 
measures  tended  to  that  object ;  and  it  must  be 
confessed,  that,  of  all  his  schemes,  this  was  unques- 
tionably the  most  feasible.     If,  too,  he  attempted 
so  much  without  that  help ;  if  he  even  at  last,  when 
the  execrable  cruelties  of  the  Irish  shocked  every 
British  subject,  relied  confidently  on  subduing  the 
parliament  with  an  army  from  tJiem,  we  need  not 

*  See  second  letter  from  Sir  Patrick  IVemyss  to  th«  Earl  of  Qr« 
numde.    Carte's  Let. 


I84f  HISTOUY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMNRB* 

wonder  at  his  policy  here.  If  this  were  the  most 
feasible,  it  was,  perhaps,  according  to  the  antici- 
pated result,  the  most  blameless  of  all  his  attempts 
at  arbitraty  power,  and  is  particularly  innocent 
when  contrasted  with  his  measures  in  about  eight- 
teen  or  nineteen  months  afterwards  in  regard  to 
Scotland.  Before  the  Scots  had  entertained  any 
idea  of  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant,  while 
Charles  was  protesting  that  he  would  preserve  their 
privileges  inviolate,  before  the  cessation  of  hostili- 
ties with  the  Irish,  he  concerted  with  the  Earl  of 
Antrim  to  carry  over  a  body  of  the  Irish  rebels  to 
overwhelm  that  kingdom,  in  an  unsuspecting  mo. 
ment  of  security. 

Had  the  first  plot  succeeded,  the  atrocities 
that  followed  would,  in  all  probability,  have  never 
occurred.  A  regular  army,  instead  of  an  undis* 
cipUned  rabble,  whom  their  leaders,  including  the 
clergy,  found  it  requisite  to  stimulate  to  direful 
cruelty,  would  have  been  imder  the  control  of  a 
vigorous  government ;  and  the  fears  which  gave 
rise  to  all  their  horrid  deeds  could  never  have 
existed.  Sir  Fhelim  ONeil  goaded  his  tumul-* 
tuary  army  to  every  act  of  abomination,  that, 
having  lost  all  hope  of  mercy,  they  might  not  de- 
sert him ;  and  it  is  but  charitable  to  attribute  the 
ferocious  instigations  of  the  clergy  to  the  same 
cause.  No  sooner  did  the  pale  join  the  rebeUion, 
than  the  cruelties  were  lessened;  whence  we 
may  conclude,  that,  had  matters  succeeded  at 
first,  they  never  would  have  disgraced  human 
nature. 


) 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  1 85 

According  to  Antrim,  whose  declaration  appears 
to  have  been  strangely  overlooked  *,  even  the  Earl 
of  Ormonde,  as  well  as  himself,  was  applied  to»  for 
the  purpose  of  securing  Dublin  Castle,  re-arming 

*  See  ''  The  InformBtioii  of  the  Marquis  of  Antrim/'  in  the  Ap« 
pend.  to  Clarendon's  History  of  the  rebellion  and  civil  wars  in  Ire- 
land.   It  was  taken  in  1650.    Antrim  said  that  he  knew  nothing  of 
the  commission  alleged  to  have  been  granted  by  the  king ;  "  but  that 
the  late  king,  before  the  said  rising  of  the  Irish  in  Ireland^  sent  one 
Thomas  Bourk,  kinsman  to  the  £arl  of  Clanrickardej  to  the  Lord  of 
Ormonde,  and  to  him  the  Lord  of  Antrim^  with  a  message^  that  it  was 
the  Idof^B  pleasure  and  command^  that  those  eight  thousand  men^ 
raised  by  the  Earl  of  Straflforde  in  Ireland,  should  be  continued  with* 
out  disbanding,  and  that  they  should  be  made  up  twenty  thousand, 
and  that  they  should  be  armed  out  of  the  store  of  Dublin,  and  em* 
ployed  against  the  parliament ;  and  particularly  that  the  Castle  of 
Diddin  shouM  be  surprised  and  secured."    *'  That  the  letters  of  cre- 
dence, by  the  late  king  to  Thomas  Bourk  before  mentioned,  were  in 
sobstanoe  as  foUoweth :  '  Thomas  Bourk,  you  are  to  repair  to  Or- 
monde and  Antrim  in  Ireland,  who  are  to  give  credit  to  what  you  are 
to  say  to  them  from  us,  C.  R.'"    Antrim  proceeds  to  state  that  he 
and  Ormonde  attempted,  by  correspondence  through  third  parties,  to 
hare  a  meeting,  which,  howcTcr,  did  not  then  take  place,  owing  to  their 
fear  of  being  suspected :  that  Ormonde  advised,  that  as  the  army  was 
already  disbanded,  one  of  them  two  should  repair  to  the  king  to  re- 
oeiTe  his  instructions ;  that  himself,  being  a  stranger  at  court,  could 
not  go  to  England  without  suspicion ;  but  that  Antrim  might.    An- 
trim says  diat  he  declined  to  go  without  Ormonde,  but  by  the  pressing 
solidtadon  of  ColL  John  Barry,  (this  was  one  of  the  coloneb  who  was 
io  cany  a  regiment  out  of  Ireland,  and  whose  loyalty  is  vaunted  of  by 
Carte,  because  he  afterwards  joined  the  royal  army  in  England,)  he 
sent  a  Captain  Digby,  constable  of  the  castle  of  Dunluce,  in  the  north 
of  Ireland,  belonging  to  his  lordship— who  saw  the  king  at  York,  and 
that  instructions  were  received  from  his  msjesty,  that  all  possible 
endeavours  should  be  used  for  getting  again  together  those  eight 
thousand  men  so  disbanded ;  and  that  an  army  should  immediately 
be  raised  in  Ireland,  that  should  declare  for  him  against  the  parlia* 
ment  in  England,  and  do  what  was  therein  necessary  and  conve- 
nient for  the  service" — ^that  he  (Antrim)  spoke  to  Lord  Germanstown, 
and  others  of  the  pale,  but  that,  owing  to  the  folly  of  part  of  the  con-* 


186  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

the  popish  army,  of  which  OrmcHide  had  been  com- 
mander, and  raising  more  troops;  but  the  wild 
Irish  had  begun  to  act  too  soon.  It  was  Charles's 
misfortune  to  be  ever  engaged  in  various  plots  at 

spintorB,  the  rising  took  pkee  before  matters  were  folly  tipe :  that 
the  plan  was  to  seize  the  castle  of  Dublin,  while  the  parliament,  which 
ahonld  declare  for  the  king,  was  sitting,  and  that  the  Lords  Justices 
and  others  should  be  secured,  &e. 

Now  it  will  be  proper  to  make  a  few  remarks  upon  the  objectionft 
to  Antrim's  statement    "  That  it  cannot  be  true,  but  either  Antiim 
deceiTed  the  world,  or  Bourk  imposed  upon  him  ;  for  besides  that  Or- 
mond  and  Antrim  were  unfit  to  be  joined  in  a  commission,  as  well 
because  there  never  was  any  good  understanding  between  them,  as 
also  because  they  were  of  different  religions  and  interests  ;  how  much 
more  obvious  and  easy,  less  scandalous,  and  more  efl^ual,  would  it 
have  been  for  the  king  to  have  made  Ormond  Lord  Deputy,  than  to 
order  him  to  surprise  the  castle  and  the  Lords  Justices*" — ^Now,  with 
regard  to  the  first  objection,  it  is  easily  answered,  1st,  Antrim  had, 
as  we  have  seen,  been  intrusted  before,  and  Strafibrde,  Ormonde's  pa« 
troB,  had  been  ordered  to  assist  his  schemes ;  Sdly,  The  following  let* 
ter,  by  the  king,  dated  12th  March,  1643*4,  after  affiiirs  had  be- 
come less  recondleable  betwixt  these  two,  puts  matters  beyond  all 
doubt.    "  Ormond,  /  have  received  such  on  account  of  Antrim  and 
CtNeile's  negoeiaOons  with  the  Irish^  as  gives  me  an  aqpectation,  that, 
with  your  bdp  and  co-operation,  they  may  do  me  very  eminent  good 
service.    I  have  commanded  Digby  to  inform  you  exactly  of  all  par- 
ticulars :  onfy  one  thing  I  thought  necessary  earnestly  to  give  you  in 
charge  myself^-which  is,  that  you  will  unite  yourself  in  a  strict  and 
entire  correspondence  with  Antrim,  and  contribute  all  your  power  to 
Juriher  him  in  those  services  which  he  hath  undertaken  ;  for  I  find  thai 
almost  that  whole  kingdom  is  so  much  divided  betwixt  your  two  interests, 
ihist  if  you  Join  in  the  ways,  as  well  as  in  the  end,  for  my  service,  you 
will  meet  with  small  difficulties  there;  which  I  no  way  doubt,  being 
thus  recommended  by  your  assured  friend  Charles"^~Ox£€Xd,  13tb 
March,  1643.    App.  to  Cartels  Ormonde,  voL  ii.  p.  4. 

The  other  objection  is  equally  futile:  Charles  wished  to  ap- 
point Ormonde  deputy,  and  was  prevented  by  the  parliament.  No 
secret  commission  could  be  issued  in  England,  for,  1st,  If  the  plot 
failed,  the  royal  cause  was  ruined ;  2dly,  Charles  had  left  the  capital 
on  his  way  to  Scotland,  and  could  not  grant  it  then  ;  and,  3dly,  as  the 


/ 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  18? 

the  same  time,  which,  though  all  tending  to  the 
same  object,  had  different  degrees  of  guilt,  accord- 
ing to  his  discernment  of  the  disposition  of  the 
parties.    Thus  Hyde,  afterwards  Lord  Clarendon, 

Scottish  army  was  not  disbanded  before  bis  departure^  he  durst  not 
do  it  sooner^  nay,  the  keeper  of  the  seal  durst  not  have  passed  it ; 
4thly,  A  commission  under  the  great  seal  of  Scotland,  which 
Charles  had  access  to,  would  have  been  disregarded  as  of  no  vsli- 
dity  in  Ireland  by  the  Lords  Justices,  who  weie  in  the  parliament's 
interest. 

The  next  olijection  is,  that  there  were  only  twehe  thousand  stand 
of  arms  in  Dublin  Castle,  and  therefore  not  enough  to  arm  30,000 
men ;  but,  1st,  It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  Charles  knew  exactly 
how  many  arms  Strafforde  had  procured,  and  he  might  be  deceived  by 
that  minister  ;  9dly,  It  was  the  interest  of  the  king  to  magnify  his  re- 
moroes,  and  arms  could  soon  have  been  procured  by  the  money  raised 
on  the  large  eoUar  of  rubies  for  instance.  The  other  forts  too  would 
have  supplied  a  number;  and  the  protestant  army,  if  it  declined  to  join, 
oovld  have  been  disarmedi  The  third  objection  is,  that  matters  then 
tended  to  an  accommodation  vnth  the  parliament,  which  is  directly 
contrary  to  all  facts,  as  their  measures  were  such  as  Charles  was 
prepared  at  all  hazards  to  resist ;  and  the  incident  proves  it. 

The  thiid  olyection  is,  that  Charles  knew  the  troops  would  be  dis- 
banded, which  proves  little;  4thly,  The  letter  from  Charles  on  the 
Slat  October,  to  Ormonde,  to  suppress  the  rebellion  is  produced  ;  and 
lastly,  a  letter  dated  Windsor,  February  8th,  1642,  in  favour  of 
Bourk,  which  it  is  said  is  the  original  one  alluded  to  by  Antrim,  is 
founded  on.  But  the  last  letter  to  Ormonde  does  away  the  effect  of 
the  first  to  him,  by  shewing  that  secret  instructions  were  sent  to  him 
not  quite  in  unison  with  the  public  instructions.  The  letter  is  this : 
"  Ormonde,  being  well  satisfied  of  the  fidelity  of  this  bearer,  Mr. 
Boork,  I  have  thought  fit  not  only  to  recommend  him  to  you,  but  also 
to  fell  you  that  I  have  commanded  him  to  impart  to  you  what  I  have  not 
time  to  write,  which  I  think  will  much  conduce  to  the  reducing  of  the 
rebels,  which  I  know  none  desires  more  titan  yourself,  and  so  I  rest." 
Now,  1st,  This  letter  proves  that  secret  negodations  were  going  on, 
though  Charles  pretended  to  have  devolved  the  conduct  of  the  busi- 
ness on  the  parliament.  Sdly,  It  never  could  be  the  one  alluiled  to 
by  Antrim,  and  it  does  not  even  appear  that  this  was  the  same 
Bourk.    3dly,  Docs  it  follow  that,  because  one  letter  was  given  a  se^ 


188  HISTORY  OF  THS  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

and  the  other  ministers  whom  the  king  affected  t» 
trust  with  all  his  counsels,  never  received  a  hint  of 
some  of  the  Irish  transactions :  **  I  must  tell  you^" 
says  Hyde  in  a  letter  to  Secretary  Nicholas,  relar- 

cond  ihould  not  ?  One  commission  to  raise  the  Irish  was  granted  to 
Antrim  in  May  1643^  and  another  without  reference  to  the  fonner^ 
in  January  1644.  Compare  a  letter  of  the  26th  January^  1642,  by 
Charles,  to  the  Scottish  Chancellor,  with  this,  which  Bourk  carried  tQ 
Ormonde.    Burnet's  Lives  of  the  Hamiltons,  p.  189. 

Antrim's  Intrigues  with  the  Irish  rebels,  the  pope's  nuncio,  &c.  so 
enraged  Ormonde,  that  he  insisted  that  he  should  not,  on  the  restora* 
tion,  have  the  benefit  of  the  act  of  settlement  Antrim  however  justi* 
fied  all  he  had  done  by  letters,  commissions,  &c.  from  the  late  king^ 
and  a  special  letter,  grounded  on  this,  was  written  by  Charles  II.  and 
passed  the  seal  in  1^63,  ordering  the  commissioners  under  the  act  of 
8ettlement,''who  were  sworn  judges,  to  acijuit  him.    Now,  it  is  said, 
that  AnUim  did  not  join  the  rebellion  for  two  years,  and  that  he 
rendered  good  service  by  assisting  Montrose.    But  his  own  atory 
proves  that  he  was  engaged  at  the  outset.    He  was  made  a  prisoner 
as  a  rebel  to  the  Scottish  Major-general  Monro,  in  April  1642,  and 
sent  to  Dublin,  where  he  broke   prison.     See  Cartels  Ormonde, 
vol.  iL  p.  310.    See  also  Clarendon^s  account  of  all  this  matter  in  his 
Life,  vol.  ii.  p.  127,  et  Mcq,    His  Lordship  admits  (and  it  is  singular, 
that  though  he  apologizes  for  the  letter  by  Charles,  he  had  opposed 
Antrim's  petition  for  the  royal  interposition  in  his  favour.    See  Bur- 
net's History  of  his  Own  Times,  vol.  i.)  that  Antrim  was  engaged 
with  the  rebels  at  the  outset.    See  also  what  Clarendon  says  In  his 
History,  vol.  iv.  p.  607.    See  the  Parliament's  declaration  of  25th 
July,  1643,  that  is  some  time  before  the  expiration  of  the  two  years 
in  which  the  treason  of  Antrim,  &c.  are  talked  of  as  indisputable. 
See  also  Borlaoe,  p.  190,  App.  p.  128 ;  Scott's  Somers's  Tracts,  vol.  v. 
p.  618,  625.    In  this,  therefore,  Mx\  Hume,  who  merely  takes  up 
the  unwarranted  assertions  of  Carte,  is  clearly  mistaken.    Antrim's 
consequence  chiefly  arose  from  his  having  married  the  dowager  Du- 
chess of  Buckingham,  who  was  likewise  heiress  of  the  house  of 
Rutland.    Clarendon,  vol.  iv.  p.  606.    In  May  1643,  before  a  single 
step  had  been  taken  towards  the  solemn  league  and  covenant,  and 
before  the  Irish  cessation,  he  carried  a  commission  to  negodate 
with  the  Irish  rebels  for  the  invasion  of  Scotland,  and  was  caught 
a  second  time.    (This  shall  be  proved.)    In  January  following,  he 
carried  another  comnussion  to  raise  an  azmy,  and  was  empowered 


HTSTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  l89 

tive  to  his  history,  <'  that  I  care  not  how  little  I 
say  in  that  business  of  Ireland,  since  those  strange 
powers  and  Instructions  to  your  favourite  Glamorgan, 
which  appear  to  me  so  inexcusable  to  justice,  piety, 
and  prudence*  And  I  fear  there  is  very  much  in 
that  transaction  of  Ireland,  both  before  and  since  \ 
that  you  and  I  were  never  thought  wise  enough 
to  be  advised  with  in.  Oh,  Mr.  Secretary,  those 
stratagems  have  given  me  more  sad  hours  than 
all  the  misfortunes  in  war  which  have  befallen  the 
king,  and  look  like  the  effects  of  God^s  anger  to- 
wards us  t/'  In  another  letter  he  says  that  he  is 
satisfied  even  Digby  was  uninformed  of  the  com- 
missions to  Glamorgan  t — ^Though  Ormonde  was 
then  his  ostensibly  confidential  servant,  and  be- 
lieved himself  to  be  entirely  trusted,  he  was  never 
apprised  of  the  powers  and  instructions  given  to 
Glamorgan,  or  yet  of  various  intrigues  with  An- 
trim. It  is  not  unlikely  therefore  that,  while  Or- 
monde was  engaged  to  a  certain  extent,  negocia- 
tions  which  involved  deeper  consequences,  were 
g^ing  on  at  the  same  time  with  the  lords  and 
gentry  of  the  Pale,  as  well  as  with  the  native  Irish. 
The  xebels  ever  declared  that  they  acted  by  the 
royal  authority,  in  opposition  to  the  Puritan  party, 
whose  measures  were  no  less  hurtful  to  the  prero- 

to  offer  Moim>  an  Earldom,  and  £9000,  par  annum,  and  more,  if 
he  would  bring  his  anny  to  the  king.  See  the  eommisaion  in  Clar. 
State  Papers,  vol.  ii.  p.  165, 160. 

*  Why  does  Mr.  Laing  omit  these  words  in  quoting  this  passage  ? 
See  note  to  his  Hist.  No.  XI. 

t  Clar.  Sute  Papers,  toI.  ii.  p.  337. 

t    346. 


190  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

gatlve  then  baneful  to  them ;  and  they  even  pro* 
duced  as  genuine  a  commission  under  the  great 
seal  of  Scotland  to  justify  their  rebellion.  That 
commission  has  generally  by  later  writers  been  pro- 
nounced a  forgery  by  the  leading  rebels,  to  delude 
their  countrymen,  and  its  authenticity  is  doubtful ; 
but,  it  must  be  confessed,  that  there  are  certain  co- 
incidences and  facts  relative  to  it,  that  still  require 
explanation ;  that  certain  objections  to  the  copy 
which  has  been  preserved,  in  not  having  been  the 
same  in  substance  with  that  produced  by  the  rebels, 
•—though  conceived  to  be  insurmountable,  do  not 
bear  examination ;  and  that  the  accounts  given  of 
the  manner  by  which  they  procured  the  seal  affixed 
to  it  are  altogether  unsatisfactory  *• 


^  The  oommission^  with  instructionsj  was  supposed  to  have  heen  car- 
ried to  Ireland  hy  Lord  DiUon  of  Costlelough^  who,  when  the  Irish 
committee  left  the  king  in  August^  accompanied  his  m^]e8t7J  by  the 
queen's  orders^  to  Scotland^  and  was  remarked  at  court  to  be  an  un-> 
common  favourite.  He  left  the  king  about  the  banning  of  October, 
and  carried  letters  to  be  sworn  in  a  privy  coimdllor  of  Ireland.  Now, 
the  commission  is  dated  on  the  1st  of  October,  while  the  incident  oc- 
curred on  the  eleventh,  and  there  is  a  particular  clause  in  favour 
of  the  Scots,  whom  it  was  imagined  the  incident  would,  as  a  people, 
have  put  under  the  royal  management  against  all  th^  former  mea- 
sures.— See  letter  from  Sir  Patrick  Wemyss  to  the  Earl  of  Ormonde 
about  Dillon,  &c  and  which  appears,  by  comparing  the  matter  con- 
tained in  it,  with  the  Scottish  parliamentary  records  and  acts  lately 
published,  to  have  been  written  between  the  first  and  the  dghth  of 
the  month  of  October,  while  the  postscript  shews  that  it  was  carried 
by  Dillon.  Dillon  afterwards  avowed  himself  a  papist,  and  soon 
became  active  for  the  confederated  Irish.    Rush.  vol.  v.  p.  349,  350. 

Another  remarkable  coincidence  regards  the  Scottish  great  seal, 
which,  prior  to  the  8d  of  October  1 641,  had.been  "  for  these  yeirs  be- 
gane,'*  to  use  the  language  of  the  Scots  acta>  (see  late  publication  of 
Scot  acts,  vol.  V.  p.  ei  seq,  for  SOth  of  September,  and  1st  and  and 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  191 

We  now  return  to  the  narrative.   The  day  fixed  ^^  ^e- 
upon  for  the  insurrection,  and  particularly  fwbidksout 


1643. 


5ad  of  October,  and  Append,  p.  676,  et  teq.)  in  the  poflsesnon  of  the 
MaiquiB  Hamilton,  and  his  under-keeper,  John  Hamilton,  advocate  - 
bat  which,  on  the  appointment  of  Lowdon  as  chancellor,  with  the 
approbatioa  of  the  states  on  the  Ist  of  October,  was  oideied  to  be 
produced  in  Parliament^  by  the  Marquis  and  his  under  keeper,  on  the 
following  day,  that  it  mig^t  be  deHvered  by  the  king  in  parliament, 
with  all  formality  to  the  newly  appointed  chancellor.  This  was  ac« 
cording^y  done,  and  an  act  of  exoneration  which  had  been  previously 
prepared  in  &vour  of  the  Marquis  and  his  under-keeper,  was  passed 
that  very  day.  (Ibid.)  Now  the  supple  character  of  the  Marquis  is  well 
known,  and  the  under-keeper  was  likewise  a  keen  royalist,  and  indeed 
the  other's  creature.  Though,  therefore,  it  may  be  inferred,  from  the 
incident,  that  they  knew  nothing  of  any  intention  to  grant  a  commis- 
sion  to  the  Irish,  it  does  not  follow  that  the  seal,  which  was  not  oon« 
fided  to  the  Marquis,  as  chancellor  or  regular  keeper,  was  at  all  times 
at  the  kinc^s  sendee.  Indeed,  it  might  easily  be  required,  or  might 
be  given  up  as  a  test  of  loyalty  without  suspicion  of  any  fool  purpose, 
either  on  his  or  his  nnder-keeper's  part;  and  it  was  alleged  to  have 
been  oecasionsUy  in  the  possession  of  Endymion  Porter,  one  of  the 
king's  attendants,  who  had  formerly  accompanied  him  to  Spain.  Mys- 
terie  of  Iniquity,  £d.  1643,  p.  37-9. 

Now,  it  is  jnemarkable,  that  Burnet,  in  his  lives  of  the  Hamiltons, 
(and  he  wis  at  that  time  a  keen  royalist,)  though  he  takes  notice  of 
this  passage  in  the  above  pamphlet,  and  denies  the  charge  about  the 
commission,  says  nothing  about  the  seal's  having  been  occasionally  in 
the  custody  of  Porter.  See  p.  850.  and  compare  it  with  Carte's  pre* 
tended  reference  to  this  work  for  his  statement,  in  his  life  of  Ormonde, 
voL  i  p.  180.  See  also  Charles's  own  offer,  in  his  answer  to  the 
dedaration  of  no  more  addresses.  Works,  £d.  1668,  p.  889,  to  prove 
by  witnesses,  that  the  Scottish  seal  had  not,  for  many  months  pre- 
viou  to  the  date  of  the  alleged  commission,  sealed  any  thing,  without 
mentbning  the  only  witnesses  who  could  have  possibly  been  ad- 
mitted. The  fact  is,  that  both  the  marquis  and  the  under-keeper 
soon  engaged  for  the  king,  and  that  the  act  of  exoneration  closed 
both  their  mouths,  since  without  renouncing  the  benefit  of  it, 
they  could  not  allege  that  they  had  not  faithAilly  kept  the  seal— 
tfie  ground  on  which  it  was  granted.    Now,  if  there  were  a  coinci- 


19C  HISTORY  OF  TH£  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

seizing  Dublin  Castle,  was  the  SSd  of  October. 
To  prevent  alarm,  two  hundred  men  only  were 


denoe  between  the  date  of  the  alleged  commiflfiioii^  the  departure  of 
Dillon  and  others ;  for  *^  presently  after  the  date  of  this  oommiflaioir^'' 
it  is  said^  ^^  Butler  and  divers  other  Irish  commanders^  of  which  the 
court  was  then  full,  were"  (as  well  as  Dillon,)  '^  dispatdiedfor  Ireland 
with  his  majesty's  licence,"  (Mysterie  of  Iniquity,  ib.)  if,  I  say,  there 
were  a  coincidence  between  these  and  the  incident,  surely  there  waa  a 
greater  between  the  date  of  commission  and  the  delivery  of  the  greet 
seal  to  Lowdon,  when  it  was  put  beyond  the  king's  reach.  Parlia- 
ment then  met  early  in  the  mornings  and  Friday  the  Ist  of  October 
was  consequently  the  last  day  on  which  Charles  could  command  the 
seaL 

But  it  is  said  that  no  true  copy  of  the  pretended  commission  was  ever 
produced— that  m  Milton  and  Rushworth  being  an  evident  fabrication, 
as  it  relates  to  events  which  did  not  happen  till  some  months  afterwards. 
Now,  it  will  be  curious,  if  this  shall  turn  out  to  be  a  perfect  mistake. 
The  commission  states,  that  for  the  preservation  of  his  person,  the  king 
had  been  enforced  to  make  his  abode  for  a  long  time  in  Scotland,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  disobedient  and  obstinate  carriage  of  the  English  parlia- 
ment^  which  had  not  only  presumed  to  take  upon  them  the  government, 
and  disposing  of  those  princely  prerogatives  that  had  descended  to  him 
from  his  predecessors;  but  had   also  possessed  themselves  of  the 
whole  strength  of  the  kingdom,  in  appointing  governors,  commanders, 
and  officers,  in  all  parts  and  places  therein,  at  their  own  will  and 
pleasure,  whereby  he  was  deprived  of  his  sovereignty,  and  left  naked 
without  defence :  That  being  sensible  that  these  storms  which  blew 
aloft  were  very  likely  to  be  carried  by  the  vehemenc;  of  the  puritan 
party  into  Ireland,  and  endanger  his  royal  power  there,  he  authorised 
them  to  assemble  with  all  the  speed  and  diligence  which  a  business  of 
such  consequence  required,  and  determine  upon  settling  and  efiecting 
the  great  work  mentioned,  and  directed  in  his  letters,  and  for  that 
purpose  to  use  all  politic  ways  and  means  possible  to  possess  them- 
selves of  all  the  forts,  casties^  and  places  of  strength  and  defence  in 
that  kingdom,  excepting  those  belonging  to  the  Scots,  and  also  to 
seize  upon  all  the  goods,  estates,  and  persons  of  the  English  protes- 
tants,  but  to  spare  the  Scots. 

This  commission  is  said,  in  regard  to  the  question  about  the  power 
of  the  militia,  to  relate  to  events  which  did  not  occur  for  some  months 


HISTORY  OF  THB  BRITISH  BMPIRE.  193 

« 

selected  to  make  the  attack ;  smd  the  market  day 
was  chosen^  that^  in  the  usual  multitude  aasemUed 
on  that  occasion,  the  conspirators  might  not  at* 
tract  attention.    Small  as  this  number  was  for 

iflerwards;  but  Mr.  Rxaoe,  who  in  ihiBfollowBRapin>  had  not  much 
studied  ^tia  suljei^^  otherwise  he  never  conld  have  made  sndi  a 
statement  For^  so  early  as  the  lOih  of  May^  1641^  the  very  day  on 
whidi  the  hQl  was  passed  for  contiQiiingtheparliamenty  a  report  was 
made  in  the  lower  hoose^  "  from  a  committee  that  was  appointed  to 
prepare  heads  for  a  conferenoe^"  (with  the  Unds^)  *'  that  one  have 
power  to  command  in  diief  on  this  side  of  the  Trent,  and  soch  power 
to  diooae  (officers  as  the  now  general  hath;  and  to  bring  a  list  of  their 
names  to  the  king  and  both  houses  of  parliament."  Journals  for  10th 
Hay.  Again,  in  the  ten  propositions  to  be  presented  to  the  king  be- 
fore his  going  to  Scotland,  there  was  one]  that  his  migesty  might  be 
petitioned  to  remove  evfl  oonnseHors,  and  commit  the  busmess  and 
afiirs  of  the  kingdom  to  such  counsellors  and  officers  as  the  parlu^ 
ment  may  have  cause  to  confide  in  ;  another  regarded  lords,  lieuten- 
ants, and  their  deputies,  and  there  is  one  expressed  thus :  "  That  the 
dnque  ports  and  other  ports  of  thekingdom  maybe  put  into  good  hands, 
and  a  list  of  those  who  govern  them  may  be  presented  to  the  parlia* 
menty  and  that  those  persons  may  be  altered  upon  reason,  and  that 
c^eeial  care  be  taken  for  reparation  and  provision  of  the  forts." 
Nalaon,  voL  IL  pb  311.  SIS.  In  addition  to  this,  we  may  remind  the 
reader  of  Hazlorig^s  bill ;  all  which  it  is  the  more  astonishing  that 
Mr.  Hume  should  have  overlooked,  since  Mr.  Carte,  from  whom  he 
borrows  so  liberally,  has  distinctly  stated  it.  See  his  Hist  voL  iv.  p.  366. 
But  the  commons  were  not  content  with  aU  this,  for  they  actually 
Inteiliaed  with  the  forts,  &c  as  may  be  seen  by  the  Journals  for  the 
14th,5nst,  and  95th  of  August  What  had  occurred  in  Scotland  prior 
to  the  date  of  the  commission  confirmed  their  purposes.  A  late  pub- 
licatbn  of  original  correspondence  shews,  that  Charles  was  apprized 
by  Secretary  Nicholas  of  the  intention  of  the  English  parliament,  to 
make  the  concesaons  in  Scotland  a  precedent  for  themselves.  Nicho- 
las's letters  were  sent  back  apottykd  in  the  margin :  and  therefore  we 
ahaU  present  them  in  the  original  form.  On  the  88th  of  August,  ho 
writes  from  Westminster  ''  All  things  are  like  to  be  now  very  still 
here,  every  man's  expectac'on  being  fixed  upon  yor  ma^^,  and  the 
Parliament's  proceedings  there,  &c."  On  the  24th  September  he 
writes  from  'Thorpe. 

VOI.#  III.  O 


( 


194  IU8T0BT  or  THE  BftlTISH  BWIEI5. 

making  the  attack,  it  was  calailateif  to  be  suffi- 
cient in  the  first  instance;  and  it  was  imagaed 
that,  by  turaing  the  great  guns  upon  the  town, 

"itifio,uki  '' This  indoaed  firam  my  Lo»  Keeper  WB8  brought  to  me  last  nig^t 

ijkMUMwdL'*    iQ  1,3 ponyeyed  toyx^ma^^  and  will  I  hope  give  yoF  ma***  an  ao- 


"iMkeyoiirmimuijt  cfjc^  la^t lef  to  hif  ]o^.    Yc^nu^*'  maahe  fleated  to  pn» 

advirtfanMBt."    i^ijre  ffiof  iif4  i$  ^ruwne  mto  essa^^  iQ  yor  mfi^  preutdke  here,  fir, 
if  I  am  w4  mumfirmfid,  fkert  unite  |om  ^Umpt  iapntaaart  ihff  ^ 
i^  hert  amcermng  qffi^r$b€^ytQ$tqftmiagemidpoiim^^ 
pa$$tdtQ$ornu^  firUtf: 

••I pnnr God, itte     tt  \  heare  ^^  v*  cxmittee  of  v*  flmynoiTiP  hadi  appointed  to  take 

«^^^J^„  Into  Qooaidera^'on  yor  m$fi^  leweamfiy^  next^^Bek^  «i4  ^lat  they  will 
then  aet  at  least  twioenweeke.    Ian  nn)rillii|g  to  give  yor  ma^  in 

toMd!?^'^  yo'  great  aAJra  there  too  lo^  ao  lotennptiffn  with  the  tediooa 
toaii  tfaoM  lynea  of 


k>di  ttwt  my  wjfli 

that^^not  ToF  Saoed  Bfa^  Sec'' 

Sr¥«££n  App.  to  Evelyn's  Mcma.  p.  84. 


On  the  97th  of  September.  Nicholaa  writes  from  Thorpe  that  the 
Parliament  had,  by  its  unusual  prooeediqg|y  ^B!"^  ^  ^O'^  ^^  ^^^ 
renoe  it  had  before  the  a^wmmentj  and  ^hen  proceeds  thus, 

'' I  h^re  there  m  diverse  meetix^  att  Chdbey  att  die  Lpi^ 
vUle's  luniae  and  dsewhere,  by  Pym  and  ^then^  to  eoninlt  what  is 
best  to  be  donne  at  their  next  meetii^  in  PlLmt;  9^  I  ^l^eeve 
•<  It  wen  not  they  will,  in  y«  first  placeiy  ffdl  on  some  plausible  tb^  tfaftt  may 
uBoSm  that  mne  redintegrate  them  in  y*  people's  good  opinion^  w*  is  fM^  sndior 
nJTi^BewSeto  '^^  ^  ^J  interest;  and  (if  I  am  not  m^  mifinfanx^}  that 
cwmtenuynd  wilbe  either  upon  papists;,  or  vpgm  9ome  a/dfir  eafpff^giw^  cf  0cerf 
^^S^***?'.!^  ««<^  cottwefitr*  hert,  according  tp  ^  Scottish  jf cedent,  or  on  both  to- 
iHth  my  w^S^^»  ^  therefore  it  mil  ing^  jfcT  fna^,  bsj  efVfie  serimu  osid 
andnoesTe ha  Jaithfidl qdmee,  fo  doe  eoifuihing  to  anticijpate  orgrepent  theaf  before 
diwctioM.'*        ^eir  next  meeting*** 

iy:  JB.— Tbe  apoatylea  to  this  letter  are  dated  H^  SA  Oofoher. 
Id.  p.  85. 

On  the  89th  of  September,  Nicholas  writes  fasfa  WeBtminil«r#  «i^ 
ttie  foUoiviing  is  one  passi^ 
<«Itis  not  ''By  let*"  to  particlar  persons,  (which  I  have  seeoe)  ^atedSS^', 

Loudon  yet"    7bn,  {%  is  advertised  from  Edenb.  that  yoF  Ma«  hath  nominated 


HI8T0BT  OF  XHE  BRITISH  BMPiaE.  ISS 

it  mi^  lie  kept  in  .duack  jtill  the  troops  >im 
9bip,boatd  were  landed  and  aimed;  through 
their  assistance  again  it  was  not  doubted  that 


J*  Ji4gd  Loditti  tP  be  ctewfirilnr.    Whajtaoercr  the  neiveB  itmt.^uj^^g^ 
come  hither  amongst  y*  purtie  of  y*|irote9tei8,  .tb^.«reobeen>iQdtok^<>'^^ 
be  hese  of  late  very  iocund  and  cheeKfu)!,  aod  it  is  ccmoefived  ^  *<tte^'^^ 
from  8$ifiie  adyertisanents  oat  of  8e9t|andj  from  whoee  acoai»  andiw^Aaiw 
ancMMca  they  int^>  (m  I  heaie)  to  taJ^  a  patteame  for  their  rfto-nfcA^f^tf 
ceediqgs here  att  their  meeting."  w^^ 

This  was  apostyled  on  the  ^th  of  October^  but  his  nujeatx  men-    * 
tiooa  that  he  had  that  day  ako  .reedved  one  dated  the  let.    Id. 
p.  88. 

Other  letters  from  Nichoiasi  dated  the  Sd  and  ath  of  Octobei:,  «re> 
if poasihiley  stronger:  But  it  caniiot  be  supposed  iib(^  he  was,  besides 
the  queen,  the  ^y  correspondent  of  Charles  who  ga¥e  advertise- 
ments  of  what  qqcoignsd  in  Kngland ;  and  as  he  evinced  great  anxie- 
ty abo^i  pwi^euBng  lo^  letters,  l^Bt  they  ahoold  be  the  occasion  of  his 
ndn^  we  may  conclude  tbat  the  long  had  still  more  explicit,  or  at 
least,  mgre  alarming  intelligence  from  other  quarters.  The  result 
therefore  is,  thfX  from  this,  coaled  with  HaaLorig^s  bill  and 
other  proceedings,  and»  above  aU,  what  had  just  occumd  in 
Scotland,  by  tlie  advice  of  the  English  committee,  Charles  was 
bound  to  infer  that  the  object  of  parliament  would  now  be  to 
wiest  the  appointmmit  of  officeni,  &c  ton  him;  and,  aa  he  was 
advised  to  anticipate  the  measures  of  parliament,  it  is  not  in  the 
slightest  degree  e^tiaordinary,  that,  if  he  issued  a  comnrissign 
to  the  Irish  at  all,  he  should  assume  as  done  what  had  already 
been  determined  on  by  the  parliament;  and  this  will  appear  the  len 
attai^e,  if  we  consider,  that  in  his  ''  instructions  to  Cokaiei  Coch- 
rane, to  be  pursued  in  his  ncgociatianB  widi  the  king  of  Demnark," 
he  says^  that  the  parliament  had  endeavoured  to  lay  a  great  blemish, 
npcn  that  ponce's  £unily,  '^  endeavouring  to  iHegitimate  all  derived 
fiom  his  sistei^'  (Charles's  mother) ''  at  oaee  to  cut  off  the  interest  and 
pretensions  .of  the  whole  race,  &c."  Indeed,  the  nune  one  scudies  this 
period,  the  more  he  discovers  that  no  important  proposition  ever  came 
t^cn  cither  party  unexpeetedly,  as  one  woold  infer  from  ordinary  his- 
tooes.  The  otgection,  therefore,  to  the  copy  of  the  allied  commission 
is  fiitfle;  and  there  does  not  appear  to  be  a  shadow  cf  ground  for 
presuming,  that  what  is  preserved  is  not  an  exact  transcript  of  that 
puUiahed  by  the  rebels  a  few  days  after  the  insurrection.  Indeed  I 
do  not  think  that  an  imposition  on  that  head  was  possiUe.  See  Bush. 


196  HISTOBT  OF  THX  BRITISH  EMPIIIE. 

matters  could  be  kept  secure  till  all  the  late  army 
were  reoiganizedt  and  additional  men  embodied* 

▼oL  iy«  p.  4Q0»  Though  there  be  nothing  in  the  matter  to  profve  tfatt 
it  WM  snbieqiicntly  fiibricated,  yet  there  is  matter  enough  to  ihew 
that  it  was  above  die  capadtj  of  Sir  P.  O^eQ  to  forge  the  doemnent 
We  shall  now  consider  the  acconnt  given  of  the  seal  aiBxed. 
Clarendon  says  that  it  was  an  EngKsh  seal,  torn  from  some  patent; 
but  his  statement  is  in  direct  oppoettion  to  aU  authority,  and  indeed 
cannot  possibly  be  oonect,  because  the  commission  was  dated  from 
Edinburgh,  and  said  to  be  under  the  great  seal  of  Scotland  ;  and  had 
an  English  seal  been  a£Bxed,  all  who  knew  what  a  seal  was,  to  whom 
CXNeil  shewed  it,  and  to  whom  aknie  it  was  necessary,  would  have 
detected  the  forgery.  Hist  of  Irish  Rebellion.  By  other  aooonnts, 
(Borlace,  p.  99.  Life  of  Charles,  prefixed  to  the  edition  of  his  works, 
published  by  authority  in  16d9,  p.  30.)  the  seal  was  said  to  have  been 
taken  by  one  Plunketftom  an  obsolete  patent  in  Famham  Abbey;  but 
the  most  notable  account  is  that  given  under  the  hand  and  seal  of  Dr. 
Ker,  dean  of  Armagh,  at  the  desire  of  Lord  ViBoount  Lanesborough, 
on  the  9Sth  of  February,  1681.  According  to  this  statement.  Sir  Phelim 
O^ei],  at  his  trial,  was  questioned  about  the  commission ;  but  he  de- 
nied that  heerer  had  one ;  and  being  reminded  of  that  he  shewed,  he 
acknowledged  that  he  had  forged  it  upon  seising  the  castle  of  disrle- 
mont,  and  that  he  had  ordered  Mr.  Harrison,  then  in  court,  and 
another  gentleman,  to  cutoff  the  broad  sealfinom  a  patent  found  there, 
and  affix  it  to  the  forged  oommisrion ;  and  that  Harrison,  in  the  ftoe  * 
of  the  whole  court,  confessed  the  fact,  and  stated  how  he  had  accom- 
plished it  The  same  reverend  Doctor  fVurther  certifies,  that  he 
heard  Sir  Phdim  on  the  scafifold  dedare  that  he  had  been  repeatedly 
offered  his  life  by  L.  General  Ludlow,  if  he  would  accuse  the  late 
king,  but  that  he  would  not,  to  save  himself,  be  guilty  of  such  a  crime 
— «  crime  which  he  had  continued  to  commit  down  to  that  period,  by 
never  publishing  this  story  before  I  Nalson,  toL  iL  p.  598,  ei  seq.  But 
the  story  carries  itsownrdfhtation  with  it ;  for  is  it  within  the  compasB 
of  ppssibility  that  such  facts,  acted  in  the  fooe  of  day,  before  a  crowd- 
ed court  and  a  large  assemblage,  should  slumber  so  for  ahoat  thirty 
years:  that  however  useful  for  the  vindication  of  the  royal  martyr, 
they  neyer  were  whispered  till  then?  Where  was  this  reverend  Doctor's 
loyalty  when  the  family  stood  more  in  need  of  his  interposition?  How 
were  the  regicides  left  so  long  unstained  with  such  a  diaige,  when 
every  press  in  Europe  teemed  with  productions  against  them  ?  The 
worthy  dean  wished  to  be  a  bishop ;  and  he  probably  flattered  him- 
self that  a  pious  fraud  was  laudable  in  such  a  cause.    Similar  frauds 


HMTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  197 

A  simultaneous  attadc  was  to  be  made  on  the 


innnmenble;  bat  the  effinmtety  of  this  dean,  oonaideriDg  the 
aooottitt  paUiahed  by  authority— €Ln  aocount  said  to  be  atteated  by  the 
oonfiBaBion  of  many— auipaaaed  that  even  of  his  ootemporarieB.   Carte, 
who  nerer  heaitates  at  an  aaaertion,  after  conrecting  Churendon,  in 
xegud  to  die  aeal,  atating  that  it  waa  the  Scottish,  not  the  English, 
(life  of  Oxmcfode,  voL  L  p.  180)  takes  up  this  story  as  indisput- 
ahle,  and  cbrcnmstantially  adds  this  to  itp— ''  that  the  very  patent 
from  which  the  great  seal  was  torn,  and  which  contained  a  grant  of 
aome  lands  in  the  county  of  Tyrone,  was,  about  five  or  six  years  ago," 
(that  ia,  previous  to  the  publication  of  the  Life  of  Ormonde,  which 
took  place  in  1736)  "  upon  a  suit  of  law,  in  relation  to  tho6eJ|Lands,  prcH 
dooed  at  the  asaiaes  of  Tyrone  by  the  late  Lord  Charlemont,  having 
on  it  evident  marks  of  the  seal'a  bdng  torn  from  it,  and  an  indorsement 
proving  thefrct;  and  vraa  allowed  by  the  judge  as  a  prcqper  evidence 
to  prove  hia  kndahip'a  right  to  the  land  in  question*"  Id*  p.  182.  One 
would  imagine  that  no  author  could  have  had  the  hardihood  to  make 
such  a  atatemcBi,  without  thA  tnoat  pfirfeftt  assnranoe  of  ita  truth ; 
yet  sudDi  ia  the  fret    Leland,  who  espouses  ihe  aame  side  on  thi* 
sulgect,  and  adopta  the  statement,  says  in  a  note  to  his  History  of 
Irdand,  that  his  dear  and  honoured  friend,  the  then  Earl  of  Charle* 
mont,  aasured  hun  he  had  no  patent  answering  the  description,  voL 
iiL  p.  ISl.    Now,  it  is  impoasible  that  such  a  patent,  within  so  ahort 
a  period,  ahonld  have  been  lost,  and  the  earl  know  nothing  of  the 
matter.    But  what  puts  the  fact  beyond  all  doubt  is,  that  the  great 
seal  of  Scotland  could  not,  in  the  nature  of  things,  be  affixed  to  aa 
Iriah  patent,  the  ialand  being  a  dependency  of  £ngland  only,  and  not 
of  Scotland,  so  that  a  patent  under  the  Scottish  seal  would  have  been 
altogether  invalid.    Then  why  should  either  James  or  Charles,  nei«i 
thcr  of  whom  was  scarcely  ever  in  Scotland  after  the  union  of  the 
crowns,  dream  of  attempting  to  pass  such  grants,  aa  kings  of  that 
country  ?  The  beat  proof  that  they  never  attempted  it  is,  that  no  ao« 
count  handed  down  to  us  authorises  the  belief;  and  the  English 
would  not  silently  have  submitted  to  such  a  vioktion  of  their  esdu- 
mwt  ri^t.    Clarendon  saw  thia  olgectian,  and  therefore  made  it  the 
Snf^liah  seal;  while  others,  with  a  different  account  from  the  dean  of 
Annagih,  aay  nothing  about  that  fkct.    The  story  then  recoils  upon 
the  Inventon ;  and  we  have  still  to  be  infonned  how  a  Scottish  seal 
came  into  the  poaseiBion  of  Sir  Phelim  0^ei],<— nay,  how  it  could  be 
in  Ireland  vrithont  the  ooncunence  of  some  person  in  Scotland  for  an 
evfl  purpose? 
The  other  olijectioua  by  Mr.  Hume«  have  elaewhere  been  mostly 


198  HISTORT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMmS. 

Other  fortSi  by  oiher  bodies  of  conspirators ;  and. 

answered;  and  tbe  pretended  dying  oonfeaston  of  O^eil  &  one. 
Httme>  Carte>  and  others,  who  so  strenuoasly  deny  ChaxM  partid* 
patiQn  in  this  affldr,  also,  in  the  face  of  the  dearest  evidence,  deny  the 
army-plots,  the  inddent,  the  oommissions  to  Qlamoifgan,  &c;  Bmtliiii 
oommissions  to  the  last,  whidi  he  disdahned,  aa  wdl  as  lihe  petftioii 
signed  C.  R.,  a£Kird  a  strong  presumption  against  bim  in  ihis'instance. 
Indeed,  it  has  been  wdl  observed  that  he  never  very  pomtedly  denied 
the  commission.  The  caseof  the  marquis  of  Antrim  too  is  very  strong, 
if  not  oondunve,  as  to  his  being  concerned ;  and  from  all  drcumstancea, 
we  may  safdy  presume  that  even  though  Lord  Cosddough  did  not 
carry  the  commission,  he  did  instructions.  The  latdy  published  cor- 
respondence between  Charles  and  Secretary  Nidiolas,  corroborAtes  the 
othisr  proofo.  Though  anxious  to  please  the  dty  of  London,  he  was 
keen  about  the  plantation  of  Londonderry,  wldle  he  conceded  every 
thing  to  the  Irish.  The  following  is  an  apostyle  of  the  16th  September. 
f'  I  command  you  to  draw  up  anie  such  warrant  as  my  wife  shall  di- 
rect you,  for  the  disposing  of  the  gnait  collar  of  rubies  that  is  in  Hol- 
land, and  tdl  her  how  I  have  directed  you  to  wait  her  commands  in 
this ;  and  that  I  am  confident  of  your  secrede  in  this,  and  anie  thing 
dse  that  I  shall  trust  you  with.  C.  R."  App.  to  Evdyn's  Mem. 
p.  19.  sea  again  p.  S3.  I^diolas  answers  thiv :  ''  Yesterday  Sir  Job 
Harby  and  I  attended  the  Queene  about  yo^'  collar  of  rubies,  vpon 
wh<^  he  saith  ihere  is  alreddy  SU^."  Sec  His  Majesty  t^fotfyles 
his  wonder,  &c.  at  this.  See  also  p.  32.  These  are  dated  prior  to 
the  incident,  and  therefore  may  be  supposed  to  apply  to  them ;  but 
see  again  p.  39.  Apostyle,  80.  S^^^  Seeagain,  29.  S^"^  p.  50.  The 
merchants  had  declined,  through  fear  of  parliament  I  presume,  to 
engage  the  collar.    P.  39. 

It  appears  also  from  the  same  source,  that  Charles  had  some  secret 
ground  of  confidence  in  his  own  resources.  See  p.  28,  already  quoted. 
See  an  apostyle  to  a  passage  in  a  letter,  dated  3d  October,  and  apos- 
tyled  the  9th,  regarding  a  report  about  Argyle's  being  made  diancdlor, 
whidi  was  incorrect  "  Tou  may  see  by  this,"  says  Charles, ''  that 
alii  ther  ^(esyres  hit  not,  and  I  hope  before  all  be  done,  that  they  shall 
mias  of  more."  p.  29.  See  farther  on  ^e  same  page  about  dections  to 
offices.  See  again,  p.  30.  See  also,  other  letters  about  episcopacy,  &c 
On  the  6th  of  November,  this  apostyle  occurs,  "  when  ye  deliver 
ihSs  indosed  to  my  vryfe,  desyre  her  not  to  open  it  but  when  she  is 
alone-"  p.  61,  The  English  protestants  in  Ireland  were  almoat  all  puri- 
tans, and  had  offended  Charles  by  petitioning  for  the  abrogation  of 
episcopacy.    Rawdon  papers,  p.  82.    The  Earl  of  tissex  told  Bishop 


mnO&t  OP  THE  BKITIflB  SMFIRfi.  199 

the  iiiAurgeitt$  in  Utiter  were  to  move  towards  the 
capital  for  amis  *« 

^  It  has  been  frequently  remarked,  that  baf  barots 
natiote  are  generidly  ^^aaracterised  by  an  ^troor- 
diiiary  <:apacity  for  dissimulation^  so  that  the  wid-  \ 

eat»  ais  #til  as  ihe  deepest  htid  schemes  are  fre- 
^oently  conceived  by  them  ivithont  the  slightest  \ 

indication  of  their  porpfose  j  and  the  present  case 
aibrds  a  strildttg  proof  of  the  justness  of  the  6b- 
servatSoiL  Though  the  conspiracy  was  so  widely 
spread,  scarcely  one  of  the  number  engaged  be- 
trayed the  design,  or  gave  an  unnecessai^  hint 
of  the  plot ;  and  it  was  only  on  the  evening  of  thcf 
88d  that  any  thing  like  precise^  inforttation  was 
first  communicated  to  the  governments  Sir  Wil* 
Hatn  Cole  had,  on  the  11th,  dispatched  a  letter 
from  Enniskilfin,  to  the  Lords  Justices,  in  which 
he  stated  that  he  had  observed  a  great  reiEktft  of 
several  suspected  persons,  fit  instruments  of  mis- 
chief to  Sir  FheUm  O'Neill  in  the  county  of 

BaneiU,  **  that  he  bad  taken  aU  the  pains  he  oonld  to  inquire  into 
the  origjuAl  of  the  Irish  massacre^  but  could  not  see  reason  to  belieye 
the  king  was  accessary  to  it;  but  he  did  bdiere  that  the  queen  iBA. 
hesriben  to  the  propositions  made  by  the  Irish^  who  undertook  to  take 
the  gorennnent  of  Irdand  into  their  own  hands,  which  they  thought 
they  could  perform,  and  then  they  promised  to  assist  the  king  against 
the  hot  spirits  of  Westminster.  With  ibis  the  insnrrection  Yxigfik, 
H&d  a&  the  Ii^  believed  the  queen  encouraged  it."  Hist,  of  his  own 
TiiMi,  ToL  L  p.  41.  I  cannot  distingnish  between  the  king  and  the 
qntoi,  considering  their  dark  correspondence  and  Joint  plots;  and  late 
dSsooTcriea  of  ori^nal  ktten,  in  tegard  to  the  transactions  of  Ghunor- 
pok,  hafe  thrown  much  li^t  on  Charles'  character  since  Burnett's 
^ne.  See  Bkch's  Inqury.  Neal,  voL  ii  p.  603.  et  segq,  Harris's 
Charles  L 

*  Temp]^  p.  93,  1S1»  et  seq.      M<Chure*s  llehtilto  iik  KUson, 
voLil. 


200  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  BMPIRE. 

Tyrone^   and   also   to  Lord  M'Guire's,  in  the 
county  of  Fermanagh ;  and  that  Lord  M'Guire 
had  made  several  journeys  of  late  within  the  Pale 
and  other  places,  and  spent  much  of  his  time  in 
writing  letters  and  sending  dispatches  * ;  but  this 
intelligence  was  so  dark,  that  the  lords  justices 
did  not  imagine  themselves  warranted  in  proceed- 
ing farther  upon  it,  than  tP  require  him  to  be 
very  vigilant  and  industrious  to  discover  the  cause 
of  those  meetings,  and  inform  them  immediate- 
ly.   Indeed  it  has  been  well  remarked,  that,  had 
they  upon  such  grounds  laid  M'Guire  and  O'Neil 
fas^  the  rebels  would  have  asserted  with  some 
colour  that  they  had  been  driven  to  arms  by  the 
causeless  suspicion  of  the  government    It  after- 
wards appeared  that  Sir  William  Cole  was  suc- 
cessful in  obtaining  information  from  some  of  the 
conspirators ;  but  his  letters  had  either  miscarried 
or  were  intercepted  t. 
Ctofwyoftfae     It  was  reserved  for  one  Owen  O'Conally,  who 
tS^S$Sa»    had  formerly  been  in  the  service  of  Sir  John  Qot- 
ew^rfito  worthy,  but  had  fixed  his  residence  in  the  county 
^^^J^ber.of  Londonderry,  to  make  the  disclosure  on  the 
with  tiM  tdnue  evening  of  the  2Sd,  which  saved  Dublin,  and  truly 
aJ°"^^^^  first  alarmed  the  executive.    He  was  a  gentleman 
of  pure  Irish  extraction,  but  had  been  brought 
up  in  the  Protestant  faith,  and  had  lived  much 
with  the  English.    One  of  the  conspirators,  Colo- 
nel Hugh  Oge  M'Mahon,  wishing  to  draw  him. 


*  See  the  letter  in  the  third  volttme  of  Carte's  Ormonde^  p.  S6. 
t  Temple,  p.  38.    Borjace,  p.  19. 


BISTORT  OF  THE  BRITISH  BMPIRR.  20X 

as  a  native^  into  the  conspiracy,  wrote  to  him  to 
meet  him  in  Connaught,  in  the  county  of  Monag- 
hen,  about  business  of  importance.    Thither  the 
other  went :  but  on  his  arrival  found  that  M'Mahon 
had  gone  to  Dublin,  and  he  followed  him  to  the 
capital.    There  they  met  on  the  22d,  and  M'Ma- 
hon,  after  what  he  deemed  proper  precautions,  re- 
vealed the  design }  but  O'ConaUy  protested  against 
ity  using  every  argument  to  divert  him  from  his 
purpose,  and  induce  them  to  disclose  the  conspi- 
racy to  the  executive.    This,  as  it  did  not  pre- 
vail on  M^Mahon  to  abandon  his  object,  necessari* 
ly  alarmed  him ;  and,  for  his  own  safety,  he  resolv- 
ed  to  detain  O'Conally  for  the  night,  while  he  also 
threw  out  a  threat  of  murdering  him  if  he  attempt- 
ed to  escape  or  turn  informer.    O'Conally  resolv- 
ed to  disengage  himself,  yet  aware  that  he  could 
only  succeed  by  stratagem,  drank  deep,  and  then, 
aflfecting  to  have  occasion  to  retire,  left  his  sword 
with  M'Mahon  as  a  pledge  for  his  return.    Not 
satisfied  with  this,  M'Mahon  desired  his  servant  to 
accompany  his  guest ;  but  OConally  having  leapt 
a  paling,  got  safely  off,  and  went  directly  to  the 
Lord  Justice  Parsons,   with  the  dreadful  intelli- 
gence.   Partly,  however,  owing  to  what  he  had 
drunk,  partly,  as  he  afterwards  said,  to  the  horror 
produced  by  the  disclosure  which  had  just  been 
made  to  him,  his  narration  of  the  design  against 
the  castle,  &c.  was  so  broken  and  conftised,  that 
his  lordship  gave  it  little  credit;  and  dismissed 
him  with  orders  to  rejoin  M'Mahon,  in  order  to 
discover  as  much  more  of  the  plot  as  possible,  and 


202  HISfORT  OF  TBK  BRITISH  fiMHRE. 

ittum  with  his  information.    But  the  lord  justice, 
though  he  ahnost  entirely  disbelieved  the  stoty, 
did  not  so  despise  it  as  to  neglect  the  precautions 
necessary  for  the  common  safety.     He  issued 
strict  commands  to  the  constable  of  the  castle  to 
place  strong  guards  upon  its  gates,  and  to  the 
mayor  and  sheriffi  to  set  watches  in  aU  parts  of 
the  town,  and  arrest  tH  strangers^  while  he  him- 
self went  stnught  to  the  residence  of  Lord  Jus- 
tice Borlace,  a  little  way  out  of  town,  to  constft 
with  him  and  others  of  the  council,  upon  the  inti- 
mated danger.     In  the  mean  time  an  accident 
had  nearly  deprived  them  of  O'Conally's  testimo- 
ny, now  that  he  had  recovered  his  recollection; 
for  the  watch  had  seized  him,  and  was  carrying  him 
to  prison,  when  one  of  Lord  Borlace's  servants  who 
had  been  sent  to  walk  the  streets,  and  particularljr 
to  attend  CKDonalljr's  motions,  came  critically  to 
his  rescue,  and  conducted  him  to  his  master's 
house.    Having  now  recovered  frocti  the  effedts  of 
fear  and  intoxication,  he  gave  a  distinct  account 
of  all  the  partictilars  which  he  had  learned  fitim 
M*Mahon. 

The  Lords  Justices  sat  up  all  night  in  deep  con- 
sultation, and  befing  joined  next  morning  with 
more  of  the  council,  they  ordered  the  apprehen- 
sion of  M'Mahon,  whose  lodgings  had,  in  the  inte* 
rim,  been  ^ctly  watched.  He  and  his  comrades 
at  first  attempted  resistance  with  drawn  swords ; 
but  finding  it  useless  they  surrendered  themselves 
prisoners.  Put  to  the  rack,  a  proceeding  at  all 
thnes  indefensible,  yet  more  excusable  now  than 


HICTORT  OF  TflE  BlUf  I8H  BMPIRB.  90S 

airaoBt  on  airf  other  efceasioD^  M'Mahon  confess- 
ed the  whde  design^  withal  informing  them  that 
though  the  capital  had  been  saved^  the  othef  for- 
tiied  places,  &ۥ  could  not;  and  that,  if  he 
diould  ftU,  his  fate  vdold  at  Itest  be  revenged. 
Lord  M^dire,  with  about  thirty  more,  was  after- 
wards seized;  but  Rogca*  Moore,  Colonel  Plunket, 
BiTR^  and  sereral  othens^  who  had  undertidcen 
the  duef  part  of  the  business,  escaped*  Along 
wiib  Aeie  prompt  proceedings,  the  executive 
adopted  other  salutary  measures  to  preserve  the 
eitjr,'  and  die  peace  of  the  neighbourhood  *. 

Thus  -wis  Dublin  rescued  from  the  impendrngTheinfume. 
danger^  -and  the  fortunate  discovery,  with  the  mea-  ac 
sores  ptirsoed  by  the  government,  so  awed  a 
large  portion  of  the  conspirators,  that  a  consider- 
able time  elapsed  before  they  openly  appeared  in 
TAdlUms  But,  in  Ulster,  the  insurrection  began 
under  Six  Fhelim  O'Neil  on  the  appointed  day, 
and  in  a  short  time  he  found  himself  at  the  head 
of  about  thirty  thousand  men.  The  English  had, 
in  their  treatment  of  the  natives,  set  an  example 
of  cruelty,  of  which  (yarbarians,  who  had  so  many 
ills  to  avenge,  were  like  to  make  a  terrible  use : 
Btt  it  is  most  probable  that,  had  the  plot  been 
suoeessful  against  Dublin  Castle,  the  bulk  of  the 
eiKMnities  afterwards  committed  would  have  been 
prevented.  Instead  of  a  disorderly,  infuriated, 
barbarous  rabble,  goaded  on  by  a  blood-thirsty 
cowardly  leader,  and  by  their  clergy,  whoise  fears 


*  Tempk,  p.  SS.  et  ieq,    Borlace^  p.  20. 


204  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  SMPIRE. 

rendered  them  remorseless^  an  oi^ganized  army, 
under  intelligent  officers^  would  have  commanded 
the  country.    At  the  outset,  even  Sir  Fhelim  pro- 
ceeded wiUi  some  moderation :  The  English  wer^ 
indeed^  despoiled  of  their  possessions  and  move- 
ables, but  their  persons  were  safe.    It  was  when 
the  news  arrived  of  the  detection  of  the  conspira- 
cy and  the  safety  of  Dublin,  together  with  its  con- 
sequences on  the  great  body  of  the  conspirators, 
that,  having  become  desperate,  fitmi  fear  of  being 
left  alone  a  victim  to  public  justice,  while  his 
pride  dilated  with  the  number  of  his  irregular 
army,  and  his  hopes  were  flushed  with  success, 
— ^he  and  his  clergy,  tormented,  on  the  one  hand, 
with  the  dread  of  being  deserted,  and  fully  per- 
suaded, on  the  other,  of  their  power  to  bear  down 
all  opposition  if*  the  troops  did  not  desert  them, 
instigated  them  to  eveiy  act  of  wanton  crudty,  tha^ 
excluded  from  eveiy  prospect  of  mercy,  they  might 
place  all  their  hope  in  despair*     Then  b^an 
the  direful  work  of  slaughter,  horror,  desolation. 
Then  every  evil  passion  got  vent;  and  religion, 
which  ought  to  have  softened  their  hearts,  encou- 
raged their  savage  ferocity.    The  English,  men, 
women,  and  children,  stript  of  their  clothes,  and 
driven  from  their  houses,  in  an  unusually  incle- 
ment season,  without  food,  perished  in  vast  num- 
bers, in  bogs,  morasses,  or  on  hills,  to  which  they 
fled  to  escape  a  yet  more  horrid  death.    Hun- 
dreds were  pricked  forward  with  spears  to  ri- 
vers and  drowned  in  the  stream.    Vindictive  fuiy 
acquired  additional  rage  by  gratification  :     Be* 


HtSTOBT  or  THB  BBITI8II  EMPlEE.  205 

tween  the  two  classes  of  men  few  or  no  sympathies 
existed  i  and  the  new  settlers  were  at  last  des- 
tmed  to  feel  in  its  utmost  bitterness  the  eflfects  of 
the  system  which  had  <been  pursued  by  them. 
InwDtive  cmel^.was  then   put  to  the  rack; 
HMmy  were  burned  in  their  houses;  some  were 
dragged  ^  by^  ropes  through   woods»    bogs,    and 
ditches^  till. they  expured;  some  hung  on  tenter 
hooks  ;  some  slashed  and  cut»  to  inflict  the  utmost 
torture  withiKit  proving  immediately  mortal.    The 
helpless  innocence  of  rofimts  did  not  protect  them. 
Women  great  with  child,  were  tormented  till  they 
parted  with  the  burthens  of  their  wombs,  (which 
were  given  to  dogs  and  swine,)  and  then  destroyed 
with  an  indecency  equal  to  the  inhumanity.    The 
bellies  of  many  were  likewise  ript  open,  and  the 
children  similarly  diqpoised^f.     Some  wretches 
were  prevailed  upon,  by  a  promise  of  life^  to  be  the 
executioners  of  their  dearest  friends  and  kindred ; 
and  when  they  had  incurred  this  tremendous  guilt, 
through  a  pusilanimous  fear  of  death,  they  were, 
with  Satanic  triumph,  butchered  upon  their  mur* 
dered  relations.     Others,  tempted  by  the  same 
promise  of  safety  to  disown  their  faith,  and  con- 
form to  the  Romish  rites,  were  then  coolly  told, 
that  as  they  were  now  prepared  for  heaven,  it 
would  be  charity  to  send  them  thither  instantly, 
lest  they  should  relapse,  and  they  were  forthwith 
dispatched.    Others^— but  enough  of  this  disgust- 
ing picture.    Many  of  the  cruelties  were  perpe- 
trated to  extort  a  confession  of  concealed  goods  or 
money ;  but  savage  vengeance  and  fear  were  the 


906        HisTOiiy  OF  TUB  ntumm  uwnma* 

prime  mstigf^Ms.  Tlie  brute  jcceaftion  did  not 
qq)e  (h^  indiacnmifiate  iury  of  worse  thap  bmtes 
in  bMiniui  Soicm :  Cid;tJo  were  houghed  and  man* 
gledf  beQai]9e  they  had  beknged  to  Biote«taBfes» 
though  it  was  ww  theinterast  of  ike  notoiB  to 
saeure  what  bad  laUeat  into  their  iiandt*  Nefvca 
Yms  more  dispialiy  diaplagred  the  tieirihie  e&ciai  of 
bjgl9try:  The  coaplaipta  and  durieks  of  dying 
wmtfibeOf  instead  of  mollifying  l&dr  Gneade^javly 
dnsRV  from  them  an  esudting  yell,  that  their  pre^ 
9ent  sufferings  were  but  the  beginning  of-  eternal 

H«4  ibfi  Protestants,  leaving  their  separate 
dwelljogly  collected  for  mc^ual  defence,  they  might 
have  at  l0ast  arrested  die  torrent  till  succour  had 
be^n  sent^  or  dearly  sold  their  lives  (  but  so  une&» 
pedted  was  the  event,  <hat  each,  imagining  the 
danger  only  at  his  own  door,  tried  to  save  his 
goods,  and  their  families  individually  £eU  an  easy 
prey  to  the  insurgents.  Irish  prc^rietoes  delivered 
their  tenants  into  the  hands  of  their  enemiei.  Irish 
tenants  destroyed  their  landlords.  In  his  own  fa^ 
mily,  a  master  often  found  Ihat  his  servants  were 
prepared  to  sacrifice  himself,  his  wife,  and  child^ 
ren ;  or  to  invite  their  countrymen  to  the  deed  of 
horror*  Besides,  the  insurgents  early  surprised 
several  forts  and  places  of  strength,  which  gave 
them  the  command  of  great  part  of  the  coun* 


*  See  Temple,  p.  816^  et  seq.;  and  Borkoe,  p.  \U,  158,  and  880. 
SooU'b  Somen'  Tncto,  rd.  v.  p.  67S,  ei  seq.    Rush.  yoL  !▼•  p.  404^  ei 
uq.    Biuiiet's  Life  of  Bedd>  Bishop  of  Kilmore. 
2 


HI8T0B7  OF  THB  BBITIDB  BlfPIBE*  S07 

tiy  *•  Tbfi  SQOt^i  who  were  spared  in  the  first  in- 
8tance»  saved  themselves  aflerwardsy  in  a  great 
measyir^  though  they  still  suffered  much^  by  de- 
fending thraiselves  in  bodies. 

Thus  raged  the  rebellion  in  Ulster ;  but  several.^ 
eouitfaes  in  Leinster  soon  declared  themselvesy  and  && 
the  danger  threatened  the  o^ital,  both  from  the 
OMth  and  south*  The  other  provinces  soon  also 
declared  themselves^  and  the  Pale  itself  openly 
joined  the  rebellion  in  the  beginning  of  December. 
The  atrocities  fell  short  of  these  acted  by  the  fol- 
lowers of  Sir  Fhelim  O'Neil ;  but  they  were  eveiy 
where  dreadful. 

From  all  quarters  were  se^i  multitudes  flying 
towards  DuUin»  as  to  the  only  place  of  refuge ; 
and  as  they  daily  arrived  there  in  vast  numbers, 
never  did  town  exhibit  a  more  disgusting  spec- 
tacle. Many  persons  of  good  rank  and  quality, 
exhausted  with  sufierii^,  and  without  any  other 
covering  than  a  little  twisted  straw  to  hide  their 
nakedness,  hourly  poured  in :  reverend  ministers, 
and  others,  who  had  escaped  with  their  Uves, 
appeared  all  wounded ;  wives  deplored  their  hus- 
bands butchered  before  their  faces ;  mothers  their 
children ;  while  infants  again  that  had  been  car- 
ried off  £rom  the  savage  murderers,  were  ready  to 
perish  in  their  helpless  mothers'  bosoms.  Many, 
overcome  with  long  travel  and  want  of  food,  came 
crawling  on  their  loiees ;  others,  stiffened  with 
cdld,  scarcely  retained  existence.    Some,  again, 

*  Templei  p*  67.  et  seq.  194. 


308  HISTORY  09  THB  BRITISH  EMPlRfi* 

overwhelined  with  grie^  and  distracted  mih  their 
losses,  were  utterly  bereft  of  their  senses.  In 
every  street  wretches  wandered  like  ghosts :  and 
so  completely  were  many  subdued  by  their  mis- 
fortunes, that  they  could  not  make  the  necessary 
exertion  to  put  on  the  clothes  which  the  hu- 
manity of  the  government  and  the  citizens  had 
^furnished  to  them ;  others  agun  Would  not  bestir 
themselves  for  the  food  which  had  been  provided 
for  them,  but  miserably  perished  in  filth,  and 
covered  with  loathsome  rags,  when  help  was  at 
hand.  The  church-yards  were  soon  filled,  and 
other  ground  was  necessarily  set  apart  for  the  bo- 
dies of  the  sufferers.  The  churches,  as  well  as 
every  bam,  were  crowded  with  the  miserable  sur- 
vivors. 

Then  the  city  was  all  distraction;  every  hour 
teeming  with  some  new  report,  and  each  new 
stranger  spreading  terror  by  an  account  of  his 
sufferings,  and  by  painting  the  danger  under  the 
impression  of  his  own  fears.  The  English  inhabi- 
tants therefore  imagined  that  all  the  evils  which 
had  been  felt  elsewhere,  were  already  arrived  at 
iheir  gates.  There  were  no  fortifications  about  the 
suburbs ;  none,  even  about  the  city,  but  a  ruinous 
wall,  part  of  which  had  fallen  down.  The  inha- 
bitants of  the  suburbs  crowded  into  the  town ;  the 
higher  classes  iilto  the  castle :  while  many  chose 
rather  to  quit  the  kingdom  with  great  pecuniary 
loss,  and  other  disadvantages,  than  remain  in  that 
distracted  city.  Even  those  who  had  embarked, 
and  were  detained  in  harbour,  preferred  all  the 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  209 

privations  of  shipboard  to  returning  to  the  town. 
The  most  stormy  weather  did  not  intimidate  men 
from  encountering  one  danger  in  their  eagerness 
to  avoid  another.  The  very  Scottish  fishermen 
who  had  proffered  their  services^  partook  to  such 
a  degree  in  the  general  alarm,  as  to  put  to  sea» 
and  not  re*appear  upon  the  coast  that  year  *. 

It  is  quite  hopeless  to  arrive  at  any  thing  like  an  Number  of 
exact  estimate  of  the  number  of  protestants  yfho^^^SnS^ 
perished  in  the  first  year  of  this  deplorable  rebel- 
lion.   The  passions,  feelings,  and  even  interests  of 
the  parliamentary  party  particularly,  led  them  to 
exaggerate  the  massacre ;  those  of  the  Catholics, 
(though  some  of  their  writers  boasted  at  the  time 
of  the  murder  of  about  S00,000  protestants,)  to 
deny  the  enormities,  and  diminish  the  number  who 
fell  victims  to  the  fury  of  the  insurgents.    The 
high-church  &ction  have  so  far  espoused  the  cause 
of  the  rebels,  as  to  support  their  statements,  and 
there  have  been  writers  hardy  enough  to  assert, 
that  scarcely  four  thousand  were  sacrificed.    If  the 
general  statements  handed  down  to  us  are  little  to 
be  relied  upon,  hypothetical  calculations  founded 
on  the  proportion  bom  by  the,  protestant  part  of 
the  population  to  that  of  the  Catholic,  and  again 
on  that  of  the  number  massacred  to  that  which  es- 
caped, are  not  more  so;  since  every  one  must 
know  how  impossible  it  is,  in  a  case  of  this  kind, 
where  there  was  no  census  to  guide  one,  to  fix  upon 
the  proper  ratio,  and  what  effect  an  apparently 
small  error  in  that  has  on  the  result.    That  the  ac- 

*  Temple^  p.  109,  et  seq. 
VOL.  III.  V 


"210  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

counts  transmitted  to  us  by  protestants  of  150,000 
having  perished  in  the  province  of  Ulster  alone, 
are  greatly  exaggerated,  may  safely  be  affirmed ; 
but  the  disposition  of  later  times  has  been  to  fall 
short  of  the  truth  :  For  Clarendon  was  not  likely 
to  represent  matters  in  the  worst  light  for  the  Ca- 
tholics, and  his  intimacy  with  Ormonde  afforded 
him  excellent  opportunities  of  knowledge,  yet,  in 
his  grand  history,  he  informs  us,  that  **  about  forty 
or  fifty  thousand  of  the  English  protestants  were 
murdered  before  they  suspected  themselves  to  be 
in  any  danger,  or  could  provide  for  their  defence 
by  drawing  themselves  into  towns  or  strong  houses  ;** 
and  in  his  account  of  the  Irish  rebellion,  written 
when  Ormonde  and  he  were  with  Charles  II.  toge- 
ther at  Cologne,  his  language,  though  he  does  not 

apecifylufiy''iiqg|}2S£' ^^^    ^^^^  ^^  ^  infer  that  it 
was  much  greatei,  lAl'lil  there  says  that  an  incre* 

diMe  number  were  destroye 
GoDduet  of  Though  the  evidence  of  li^lMahon,  with  other 
jJi^  suspicious  circumstances,  attached  guilt  to  the  old 
English  of  the  Pale,  and  (ionsequehtly  justified  the 
executive  in  presuming  that  their  expressions  of 
loyalty  and  abhorrence  of  the  insurrection,  with 
their  eager  desire  to  quell  it,  were  the  offipring  of 
cunning  and  of  disappointment  in  tie  projected 
attempt  on  Dublin  Castle,  yet  the  Lords  Jus- 
tices and  Council,  calling  to  mind  tteir  loyalty 
in  former  rebellions,  and  anxious  to  &  them  in 
their  duty,  treated  them  as  above  suspicion,  and 

•  Clar.  Hist.  vol.  a.  p.  999.    Hiet.  of  the  Irish  Rebjion,  p.  n, 
18.   Carte's  Life  of  Ormonde,  vol.  i.  p.  irr.    Warwick,^.  199,  Sec, 


HISTORT  OP  TH£  BRITISH  EMPtRE.  21  ] 

therefore  granted  comtnissions  to  the  leading  lords 
to  preserve  the  puUic  peace^  and  even  issued 
amongst  them  seventeen  hundred  stand  of  arms. 
But  the  danger  of  this  liberal  policy  soon  mani- 
fested itself,  and  through  the  vigilance  of  the  go- 
vernment, nine  hundred  and  fifty  stand  of  the  arms 
were  fortunately  recovered  before  the  Pale  joined 
the  rebellion. 

The  Lords  Justices  and  the  Council  had  for- 
merly  prorogued  the  parliament  in  consequence  of 
the  dmgerous  spirit  that  began  to  shew  itself* ; 
and  they  afterwards  propounded  reasons  to  the 
English  council^^reasons  which  were  approved  o^ 
for  farther  prorogueing  it  till  Februaryt.  Their  rea^ 
sons  were  now  become  more  cogent;  for,  besides 
that  the  spirit  of  disaffection  was  augmented,  the 
capital  was,  in  most  men's  opinion,  still  in  the  most 
imminent  hazard,  and  the  meeting  of  the  legislature 
would  necessarily  have  afforded  a  pretext  for  an  un- 
usual resort  of  Catholics  who  might  then  have  effec- 
tuated th^  purpose  which  was  only  suspended  till  a 
fit  opportunity  presented  itself.  The  former  inten*- 
tion  was  therefore  resumed,  but  the  leading  pa* 
pists  who  had  not  yet  appeared  in  arms,  and  af- 
fected the  greatest  anxiety  to  suppress  the  rebeU 
lion,  so  strenuously  urged  for  an  opportunity  in  a 
legislative  form  to  testify  their  loyalty,  that  their 
wish  was  acceded  to,  and  the  parliament  met  <m 
the  16th  of  November.  Their  language  then, 
however,  indicated  feelings  so  very  opposite  to 

•  Id.  p.  373. 

t  Temple,  p.  89.  Append,  to  £velyti*8  Memodals.  Coneipond- 
enee  between  Charles  I.  and  Nicholas,  p«  36.  This  is  a  singular  fact. 
But  Charles  himself  sanctioned  the  measure. 


SI 9  HISTORT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIR8« 

those  which  they  had  previously  pretended,  (they 
would  not  even  call  the  insurgents  rebels,  but 
discontented  gentlemen,)  that  the  executive  pru- 
dently prorogued  the  parliament  without  delay, 
but  only  till  the  11th  of  January  *• 

The  lords  justices  immediately  on  the  breaking 
out  of  the  rebellion,  sent  dispatches  to  the  Eng- 
lish parliament,  announcing  the  event,  and  calling 
for  aid,  while  they  also  sent  O'Conally  thither, 
that  he  might  personally  conununicate  the  alarm- 
ing intelligence.  Dispatches  were  likewise  sent 
from  them  and  other  hands  to  the  king  in  Scot- 
land ;  and  we  shall  now  return  to  our  account  of 
transactions  there.  But,  in  passing,  we  may  ob- 
serve, that  new  forces  were  raised  by  the  execu- 
tive in  Ireland,  and  armed  from  the  stores  in  Dub- 
lin castle;  and  that  arms  were  likewise  distri- 
buted to  protestants  who  were  likely  to  use 
them  t. 


*  Temple^  P..944.  et  seg.  Borlace,  p.  32,  et  seq.  Carte's  Ornumd, 
vdL  i.  p.  8S1.  et  »eq, 

t  These  lords  justioes  were  poritans,  that  is,  they  fsTonred  the  ec- 
desisstical  proceedings  in  England,  and  therefore,  it  is  not  surprising 
that  they  should  hayr  been  abused  without  mercy,  and  haye  had  every 
detestable  motive  imputed  to  them  by  such  a  writer  as  Carte,  whose 
statements  haye  yet  been  too  closely  followed  by  Hume— a  circum- 
stance the  more  extraordinary,  since  the  same  Mr.  Home  pronounces 
him  ''anauthorof  great  industry  and  learning,  but  fiill  of  prqjudioes, 
and  of  no  penetration :"  But  we  shall  expose  a  little  the  inconsisten- 
cies and  absurdities  of  that  author,  in  his  life  of  Ormonde.  He  pane» 
gyrices  the  unconstitutional  government  of  Strafibrde,  and  violently 
censures  the  lords  justioes  for  governing  strictly  by  law,  and  encourag- 
ing the  aboUtion  of  arbitrary  courts,  and  yet  he  accuses  these  very 
justices  of  purposely  driving  nien  to  despair  and  rebellion  by  their 
tyrannical  courses:  In  the  same  breath,  he  accuses  them  of  prevent- 
ing foreign  levies,  and  allowing  them ;  alleging  that  the  officers  em- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  213 

So  early  as  the  28th  of  October,  Charles  receiv-  7^  ^ 

_      — ,  -  -^  _  IOhROIS  tiM 

ed  several  dispatches  from  the  north  of  Ireland :  Soouiah 
and  one  of  them  from  Belfast,  by  Lord  Chiches«of  thT^ 

bdlioii;  its 


ployed  were  the  most  dangerou  iostmnieiitB  of  eonspincy ;  and  yet^ 
thoe  were  the  very  officers  whoae  licences  by  Charles  they  ol^ected  V'^''^^  ^^ 
to !   In  this  way  he  violently  condemns  the  opposition  to  the  levying 
of  forces  for  Spain ;  yet  in  another  place  as  keenly  condemns  the 
lords  justices  for  permitting  any  motions  by  the  officers  from  abroad 
towards  it;  forgetting  that  he  had  ever  condemned  them  for  oppos- 
ing the  licences  granted  by  Charles  to  officers  returned  from  foreign 
service,  who  were  afterwards  the  most  active  in  rebellion.      He 
duages  them  with  the  most  criminal  nq^ligence   in  not  detect- 
ing the  conspiracy,  or  isther  viUany  in  conniving  at  it,  that  they 
might  have  a  ground  for  forfeiturca    because  ''  they  had  repeated 
advertisements  sent  to  them  of  tiie  danger,  and  express  orders  to  pro- 
vide against  it ;  yet  neglected  both.    ''  The  king,"  continues  he, 
**  received  accounts  from  his  ministers  in  Spain,  and  other  foreign 
courts,  of  ait  nnipeakable  number  of  Irish  churchmen  going  thence  to 
their  own  county,  and  of  several  good  old  officers  doing  the  same,  un- 
der pretence  of  askmg  leave  to  raise  men  for  the  king  of  Spain,  and 
that  the  design  was  to  raise  a  rebellion."    Yet  this  same  author,  in 
the  tame  paragraph,  informs  us,  that  ''  the  design  of  an  insurrection 
was  confined  to  the  old  Irish,  and  not  communicated  to  above  ha^a 
score  rftkem  till  the  very  moment  of  ezecuticn.    The  chiefs  depend- 
iog  upon  the  strong  disposition  of  their  vassals  to  follow  their  lords  in 
an  actions  whatever,  and  on  the  mortal  hatred  which  the  Irish  in  gen-* 
ctal,  and  the  gentlemen  in  particular  who  had  been  dispossessed  of 
tiieir  estates  by  the  plantation,  bore  to  the  English  nation  and  go- 
vernment." (voL  L  p.  165  and  6.)    One  would  thence  infer,  perhapB» 
that  the  des^  was  formed  solely  by  the  churchmen  and  officers  from 
abroad.    Yet  this  author,  in  a  preoeding  paragraph,  assigns  as  a  rea- 
son why  Colond  Plunket's  account  of  having  had  interviews  during 
the  summer  with  the  Irish  committee,  must  be  unfounded— that  the 
Colonel  had  been  so  long  abroad,  "  that  he  was  very  ill  qualified  to 
propose  any  thing  regarding  it,  and  had  been  then  entirely  ignorant 
of  the  conq^acy."    This  is  abundantiy  absurd.     I  bdieve  that 
a  great  many  were  intrusted  with  the  design;  but  that,  from  the 
causes  stated  above,  the  secret  was  admirably  kept.    Carte's  principal 
reason  for  iiitarpf^rtimQ  evidence  against  the  lords  and  gentry  of  the 
Pale,  is,  that  they  were  chiefly  under  the  influence  of  lawyers,  ''asetof 
men  who,  thou£^  the  most  active  of  any  for  redress  of  grievances  in  a 
way,  are  yet  always  averse  to  war  in  which  their  profes* 


214  HISTORY  OF  TH£  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

ter»  he  laid  before  the  Scottish  Parlianientt  while 
he  sent  an  ejcpress  with  the  intelligence  to  the 
English  Farliamentt  which  had  now  assembled. 

non  is  oflittleiut."  But  he  foig«ls  thai  (he  Soots^  whose  q^positioD 
to  ChaileB*  arhttnury  mfiunrea  he  pionaaiiQee  the  hiaclcett  rebellkmj 
had  acted  entuely  under  the  directiou  of  Uwyersj  and  that  the 
flune  daaa  were  amongtt  the  moel  forward  iu  England  afterwards. 
He  paints  the  extreme  denger  of  DuUin  for  a  oonsideraUe  tiine  after 
the  commeneemeat  of  the  rebellioDj  yet  nwrdleenly  oondentns  the 
Lorda  justices  for  keepis^  there  so  many  trooped—troops  deemed  by 
most  insufficient  for  the  defence  of  the  capitals  so  that  the  withdrawing 
of  them  might  have  heen  attended  with  ita  ruin»  p.  194»  196.  By 
the  way,  the  advice  of  Ormonde  to  draw  out  the  troops  appears  atrai^ge* 
When  Sir  Charles  Coot  went  with  600  men  to  Trede^  or  Dn^heda, 
after  a  defeat  of  the  English  forces.  Sir  John  Temple  tells  u^  that 
'<  had  the  rebels  drawn  all  ihe  forees  which  they  had  on  both  sidee 
the  Boyne,  for  the  siege  of  Tiedag^,  and  marched  directly  to  Dublin^ 
they  would  haye  found  so  strong  a  party  there>  that  they  could  not 
have  failed  of  success,"  p.  S67.  Carte  says,  that  had  the  Fak  been 
concerned  at  first,  Dublin  must  have  fkUen;  but  every  one  knovra 
the  efibct  of  a  discovery  in  such  a  case,-^that  all  confidence  amongat 
the  conspirators  being  dissolved,  their  motions  are  paralysed. 

The  tendency  of  all  his  writings  is  to  run  down  parliamentary  powers. 
Yet  forsooth  the  Irish  parliament  ought  to  have  met  at  this  crisis,  &r 
the  Roman  senate  ever  sat  in  the  hour  of  danger.  This  really  provca 
tiie  extent  of  his  want  of  judgment.  If  the  Irish  parliament  had 
fiurly  represented  the  ocmimunlty,  it  necessarily  must  have  encouraged 
the  rebellion,  for  the  bulk  of  the  people  favoured  it,  in  order  to  shake 
off  the  English  yoke,  and  estaUish  th^  own  religion.  The  parlia* 
ment  was  only  tolerated  by  &e  English  under  certain  oonditions,  and 
the  question  was,  whether  the  popish  party  should  obtain  the  ascen*- 
dency  in  the  legislature ;  and  have  an  opportunity  of  Inrlnging  their 
adherents  to  the  capital  ?  Had  the  protestant  portion  of  the  inhabit 
tants  preponderated  as  much  as  the  Catholic,  the  parliament  might 
have  been  most  useftdly  employed  at  such  a  juncture. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  Pale  are  said  to  have  been  driven  into  rebel- 
lion,  because,  not  having  been  allowed  arms,  and  having  been  pro« 
hibited  latterly  from  taking  r^iige  in  the  capital,  they  could  not  op- 
pose the  native  Irish,  and  therefore  were  constrained  to  join  them. 
There  was  a  proclamation  judiciously  issued,  ordering  all  strangers,  idio 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRK.  ^15 

Lord  Chichester  stated,  that  two  nights  before, 
certain  Irish  septs,  of  good  quality  in  the  north, 

hid  no  pretext  for  resorting  to  the  capital,  to  depart ;  but  the  Lorda 
of  the  Pale  were,  with  othera  of  the  nobility,  summoned  to  the  capital, 
to  be  eoiunilted  with  on  the  posture  of  afl&irs ;  and  they  refiised  to  obey 
the  auimnonsy  aUeging  that  they  were  afhdd  of  a  massacre.  Temple* 
p.  S12.  The  information  which  led  to  the  defeat  of  the  government 
faces  at  Gellistown  Bridge-Hi  defeat  which  raised  the  hopes  of  the 
Irish  to  the  utmost  height — ^was  given  by  Lord  Grormanstown's  groom, 
with  his  lordship's  knowledge,  (Temple,  p.  S64;  Borlace,  p.  36.);  and 
yet  this  very  nobleman  was  treacherously  pretending  to  direct  the  £ng« 
lish  commander  in  his  intended  attack  upon  the  rebels.  Carte's  Or* 
mond,  p.  241.  It  is  ever  the  pretext  of  men,  that  they  were  forced  into 
illegal  courses.  But  if  it  had  been  well  founded  here,  the  Pale  would  not 
have  so  eagerly  adopted  the  principles  of  the  natives,  and  carried  them  to 
such  lengths.  At  first  1700  stand  of  arms  were  distributed  amongst 
them,  and  commissions  against  the  rebels  granted  to  them :  Yet  even 
then  their  conduct  was  to  the  last  degree  equivocal ;  and  fortunate  it 
waa  that  950  stand  were  recovered :  still  they  soon  found  arms  for  rebel-i 
lion,  though  they  had  none  for  defence  of  the  government.  Indeed,  eve« 
ly  day  men  who  had  been  trusted,  went  over  to  the  rebels.  See  Clan* 
richaid's  memoirs  in  regard  to  some  of  his  own  relations.  The  Pale 
complained  of,  and  assumed  it  as  a  ground  of  rebellion,  the  enmity 
which  had  always  been  borne  to  them  by  Sir  William  Parsons,  who 
forsooth  maligned  them  the  graces,  and  had  prorogued  the  parliament 
to  prevent  their  passing :  But  it  is  singular,  that  while  the  Irish  com-^ 
mittee,  who  were  chiefly  Catholics  of  the  Pale,  had  objected  to  the  ap« 
pointment  of  Ormonde,  and  Lord  Dillon,  of  Kilkenny  West^  they  had 
approved  of  this  individual— the  most  conclusive  answer  to  their  alle- 
gatbna,  and  all  Carte's  charges.  Indeed^  it  is  only  necessary  to  oonsi-i 
der  that,  had  the  Pale  been  armed  and  trusted,  and  joined  the  in^ 
surgents,  Ireland  would  have  been  lost,— to  disregard  all  the  unsup- 
ported charges  against  this  individual  in  particular.  But  I  do  not 
mean  to  say  that  his  religious  notions  were  not  confined ;  yet,  it  must 
be  confessed,  that  the  popish  religion,  firom  depending  on  foreign 
powers,  whose  interest  it  was  to  encourage  them  to  shake  off  the 
English  yoke,  was  most  dangerous.  Were  we  even  to  suppose  him 
too  cautious,  there  would  surely  be  an  excuse  for  him. 

I  shall  just  make  an  observation  on  Lord  M'Guire*s  relation,  which 
he  d&Uvered  to  Sir  John  Conyersj  lieutenant  of  the  Tower,  and  which 


2l6  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE* 

whose  object  he  could  not  conceive,  but  who  were 
all  of  the  Romish  persuasion,  had  risen  with  force 
and  taken  Charlemont,  Dungannon,  Tonrages,  and 
the  Newry — *^  towns  all  of  good  consequence*'— 
and,  with  these  towns,  had  seized  upon  his  majes- 
ty's stores  there,  though  they  had  only  killed  one 
man ;  that  the  farthest  of  those  towns  was  only 
about  forty  miles  from  Belfast,  towards  which  the 
rebels,  who  were  increasing  in  numbers,  now  ad- 
vanced \  and  that  he  had  prepared  the  troops,  and 
given  orders  to  the  inhabitants  for  defence.  When 
this  letter  was  read,  his  majesty  stated,  that  if,  as 
he  trusted,  this  should  prove  a  small  matter,  there 
would  be  no  occasion  to  apply  to  them  ;  but  that 
if  it  happened  to  be  a  great  afiair,  then  he  confi- 
dently relied  on  their  assistance ;  That  it  was  pro- 
per to  ascertain  how  foreign  states  stood  affected ; 
and  he  believed  there  was  no  reason  to  apprehend 
danger  from  their  aiding  the  Irish ;  for  that  France 
was  bound  to  him  in  strict  amity,  besides  being  en- 
gaged in  hostilities  with  Spain :  That  from  Spain 
there  was  still  less  danger,  since  she  was  so  com* 
pletely  occupied  in  war  with  France,  Holland,  Por- 
tugal, &c.    The  parliament,  however,  appointed 
a  committee  to  meet  that  afternoon  on  the  busi- 
ness, and  report  the  result  of  their  deliberations  to 
the  house  next  day.  Their  report,  which  was  made 
accordingly,  and  adopted,  does  them  credit.    That 

Carte  depends  so  much  upon.  That  it  contains  much  truth  is  un- 
douhted ;  but  that  it  was  written  for  any  o1]ject  rather  than  from  com- 
punction^ is  evident  from  this ;  that  on  the  scaffold  he  declared  his 
approbation  of  the  conspiracy.  It  should  therefore  be  received  with 
allowances. 


HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  Si? 

Ireland  being  wholly  dependent  upon  the  crown 
and  kingdom  of  England,  their  interference  in  this 
business,  without  the  authority  of  the  English 
parliament,  might  give  rise  to  jealousy  and  mis- 
takes regarding  their  intention :  That  the  present 
imperfect  accounts  did  not  even  warrant  the  adop* 
tion  of  any  particular  course  for  suppressing  the 
insurrection,  and  his  majesty  had  properly  dis- 
patched messengers  to  Ireland  to  ascertain  the 
truth  and  extent  of  the  mischief,  while  he  had  also 
sent  an  express  to  the  English  parliament :  That 
should  the  affair  turn  out  to  be  of  that  magnitude 
as  to  require  their  assistance,  and  the  English  par- 
liament should  ask  it  to  co-operate  with  their 
troops,  the  Scottish  forces  could  be  ready  as  soon 
as  theirs  -,  but  that  if,  after  resolutions  taken  by 
his  majesty,  with  the  advice  of  both  parliaments, 
present  assistance  should  be  deemed  necessary, 
they  would  prepare  it  with  all  imaginable  speed. 
Though,  however,  the  parliament  wisely  abstained 
fix)m  adopting  any  measures  relative  to  this  affair, 
which  must  have  had  the  effect  of  exciting  jea- 
lousy,  and  involving  the  two  kingdoms  in  a  quar- 
rel, it  was  not  idle  in  ascertaining  the  extent  of 
the  assistance  which  could  be  rendered  to  the  sis- 
ter kingdom.  A  committee  was  appointed  on  the 
S9th,  to  ascertain  what  boats  and  other  vessels 
could  be  procured  on  the  west  coast  for  transport- 
ing troops }  and,  on  the  30th,  the  committee  re- 
ported, that,  between  Glasgow  and  Ayr,  there 
were  vessels  sufficient  to  carry  over  four  or  five 
thousand  ;nen,  besides  what  might  be  obtained  to 


f  18  HISTORY  OF  TH£  BRITISH  BJhfFIRE. 

the  north  of  Glasgow  *•  This  evinces  their  ala- 
crity i  andy  in  a  few  days  afterwards,  when  the  ac- 
counts of  the  extent  of  the  rebellion,  with  the 
evils  which  accompanied  it»  were  more  precise, 
they  reduced  their  proposals  to  proper  form,  o£fer« 
ing  to  levy  eight  regiments,  consisting  of  ten  thou- 
gand  men^— S500  of  them  from  the  Highlands,  and 
7500  from  the  low  country ;  and  also  to  supply  in* 
stantly  9000  stand  of  arms,  two-thirds  muskets, 
and  the  other  third  pikes,  provided  the  English 
parliament  would  engage  to  indemnify  themf* 
This  sufficiently  testifies  their  zeal;  and  it  has  been 
justly  observed,  that,  had  their  offer  been  accept- 
ed of,  the  Irish  rebels  might  have  been  quickly  re^ 
duced«  But  it  has  been  forgotten  that  England 
had  by  this  time  given  orders  for  raising  6000  foot, 
and  2000  horse;  and  that,  therefore,  as  these  could 
be  as  soon  in  the  field  as  the  Scots,  a  small  supply 
from  Scotland,  to  be  sent  into  Ulster,  was  deemed 
sufficient  At  first,  therefore,  they  asked  1000  only; 
but  when  they  resolved  upon  raising  10,000  them- 
selves, they  requested  first  5000,  and  then  10,000 
from  Scotland  t.  The  grand  obstruction  arose 
from  the  subsequent  disputes  between  the  king  and 
the  English  parliament.  An  army,  of  which  he  no* 
minated  the  officers,  never  could  be  trusted ;  and 
as  he  would  not  renounce  his  right  while  the 

*  Late  publication  of  Scots  Acts^  vol.  v.  p.  4>i'9,  et  seq.  BaHbur's 
DiumaU,  MB.  Adv.  Lib*  p.  1128*9^  1S4,  ei  seq. 

t  Id.  p.  143. 

X  Pari.  Hist,  vol  ii-  p.  923,  etseq.  Joxirnals^  13tb  Nov.  App.  to 
Evelyn's  Mems.  Priv.  Cor.  with  the  King,  p.  39. 

2 


HI9TQRT  OF  TUB  BRITISH  ESIPIRE.  219 

parliament  was  equally  resolute,  there  seemed 
to  be  an  obstacle  to  any  armament  from  the 
south.  In  that  case  it  woold  haye  been  neoessaiy 
to  consign  the  defence  of  Ireland  to  tiie  Scotg» 
who  had  determined  that  the  colonels  should 
be  nominated  by  the  king  and  parliament,  or,  in 
the  interval  of  parliament,  by  the  king  and  coun- 
cil; (we  shall  immediately  see  that  the  council 
had  been  rendered  independent  of  the  crown ;) 
but  this  would  have,  in  a  measure,  placed  Ireland 
in  the  power  of  Scotland ;  and  in  the  event  of 
any  interested  union  with  their  common  king,  that 
people  might  have  compromised  the  rights  of  Eng- 
land over  the  island  entrusted  to  them.  Indeed, 
nothing  could  be  more  preposterous  than  an  ar- 
rangement which  gave  the  Scots  the  whole  mili- 
tary power  of  the  empire,  as  well  as  of  Ireland 
in  particular,  while  the  English  were  at  the  whole 
expense  of  the  armament.  But  no  arrangement 
could  be  completed  with  the  Scottish  parliament, 
which  was  dissolved  on  the  l6th  of  November; 
and,  therefore,  the  business  was  devolved  upon 
the  committee,  who  were  appointed  as  conserva- 
tors of  the  late  treaty,  and  with  whom  negocia^ 
tions  and  arrangements  occurred,  which  we  shall 
relate  in  their  proper  place. 

Charles  had,  on  his  arrival  in  Scotland,  propo-  Settlement 
sed  at  once  to  ratify  all  the  acts  which  had  been  dfain,  and 
formerly  passed  by  the  parliament  and  stipulated  ^f*^"^ 
for  in  the  treaty ;  but  though  some  at  first  ima- 
gined that  this  augured  favourably  of  his  disposi- 
tion towards  his  native  country,  the  quicker-sight- 


220  HISTORY  OF  THK  BRITISH  £MPIR£. 

ed,  who  perceived  that  a  ratification  implied  their 
previous  invalidity,  insisted  that  they  should  be 
published  only  in  the  royal  name,  and  not  ratified*. 
Those  acts,  with  others  now  passed,  were  great 
concessions  to  public  liberty.    The  institution  of 
lords  of  the  articles  was  abolished :  The  creation 
of  Englishmen  peers  of  Scotland,  who  had  not  a 
foot  oli  land  in  that  country,  and  were  therefore 
ever  ready  to  grant  their  proxies  to  the  crown,  was 
restrained  to  such  only  as  had  landed  property  in 
that  kingdom  of  a  certain  yearly  value ;  officers  of 
state,  (with  the  exception  of  the  chancellor,)  and 
younger  branches  of  the  nobility,  were  prevented 
from  intruding  themselves  as  members  of  the  par- 
liament, unless  they  had  a  right  of  seat  there,  ei- 
ther as  peers  or  representatives  of  shires  or  bo- 
roughs ;  and  the  representatives  of  shires  made 
now  a  vindication  of  their  rights,  which  counter- 
poised the  peerage:  for  though  every  shire  sent 
two  members,  both  had  only  voted  as  one ;  but 
they  insisted  at  this  juncture,  and  carried  their 
point,  that  each  should  vote.     It  is  impossibly 
however,  to  satisfy  all  interests  :    The  younger 
branches  of  the  nobility  were  offended  at  their 
exclusion  t,  and  the  augmentation  of  votes  by  the 
barons  or  representatives  of  shires,  alarmed  the 
boroughs  for  their  own  influence,  since  it  was  not 
improbable  that  land-owners,  both  of  the  peerage 
and  the  commons,  should  feel  it  to  be  their  inte- 


*  Baillie,  vol.  i.  p.  325.    See  Scots  Acts,  voL  v. 
t  Baillie,  vol.  i.  p.  328. 


HISTORY  OF  THB  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  231 

rest  to  unite  against  the  independence  and  inte- 
rests of  the  other  parts  of  the  community. 

The  Presbyterian  church  government  was  also 
fully  confirmed.    But  the  grand  struggle  regarded 
the  election  of  officers :  The  Scots  had  proposed  it 
in  the  treaty ;  but  Charles  had  then  evaded  it  on 
the  principle  of  his  intending  to  visit  his  native 
country  when  he  hoped  to  give  satisfaction.   How 
he  had  tried  to  defeat  all  their  objects  we  have  alrea- 
dy seen ;  but,  as  his  designs  failed,  they  recoiled 
upon  himself,  and  he  found  it  necessary  to  yield  at 
last.  It  was  provided  that  all  the  principal  officers  of 
state,  the  privy  councillors,  the  judges,  &c.  should 
be  elected  by  the  king,  with  the  approbation  of  the 
parliament,  an  act  which  really  vested  all  the 
power  in  the  last ;  or,  in  the  intervals  of  parlia- 
ments, by  the  king  and  council  subject  to  the  ap*. 
probation  of  the  next  parliament ;  and  that  they 
should  hold  their  places  during  life  or  good  beha- 
viour *•    This  at  once  struck  deeply  at  the  regal 
power;  and  it  must  be  confessed,  that  the  scramble 
for  office  which  ensued  did  not  augur  favourably  of 
thexneasure.  But  as  Charles  had  not  yielded  to  this 
and  the  other  Scottish  demands,  except  as  a  mat- 
ter of  necessity,  so  even  at  the  last  he  was  with 
difficulty  prevented  from  a  trick  by  which  he  con- 
ceived he  might  render  his  concessions  nugatory, — 
going  to  the  parliament,  and  protesting  that  what 


•  Balfoui^s  Diurnal.  Scots  Acts,  yd.  ▼.  Baillie's  MS.  Letters, 
^1.  IL  p.  1SS8. ;  many  instances  of  similar  elections  of  a  recent  date 
nay  be  found  there.    Printed  Cop.  toL  i.  p.  138. 


^22  HISTORY  OF  TR£  BRITISH  fiMPTHB* 

he  had  granted  should  be  without  prejudice  of  his 
prerogative  * ;  and  he  did  not  even  leave  Scotland 
without  secret  assurances  that  the  present  mea- 
sures should  be  annulled. 

By  the  late  treaty  there  were  certain  provisions 
adopted  for  the  benefit,  tranquillity,  and  safety  of 
both  kingdoms :  That,  in  the  event  of  invasion,  each 
should  assist  the  other  t  That  neither  should  de- 
clare war  against  the  other  without  the  consent  of 
their  respective  parliaments  and  due  premonition ; 
and  that  if  any  portion  of  the  subjects  in  one  king- 
dom  without  the  consent  and  authority  of  their 
parliament,  invaded  the  other,  they  should  be  re- 
puted and  treated  as  rebels  to  the  state  which  they 
belonged  to,  while  both  parliaments  should  be 
bound  to  concur  for  their  suppression  t ;  and  that 
both  parliaments  should  be  consulted  in  all  treaties 
and  matters  of  peace  or  war  with  foreign  states. 
Commissioners  were  to  be  chosen  to  preserve  the 
articles  of  treaty  during  the  intervals  of  parlia- 
ment ;  and  the  Scottish  estates  now  elected  theirs, 
when  a  commission,  with  the  approbation  of  the 
parliament,  was  granted  to  them  by  the  king.  The 
integrity  of  part  of  the  late  commissioners  in  re- 
sisting tempting  offers  from  the  crown,  had  been 


*  Id.  p.  336.  '^  This  dangerous  novelty,"  says  this  author,  *'  of 
easting  aU  loose,  his  mi^esty  at  last  was  moved  to  give  over,  most  by 
Morton's  persuasion," 

t  This  appears  to  me  to  be  the  fair  construction  of  the  article;  but 
another  was  attempted  to  be  put  upon  it  in  order  to  engage  the  Soots. 
I  believe  that  it  was  purposely  expressed  inaoeurately,  that  it  might 
be  capable  of  different  constructions. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  223 

doubtedi  and  others  were  chosen  in  their  place. 
These  conservators  were»  as  we  have  said,  also  au- 
thorised by  the  states  to  treat  about  a  supply  of 
forces  to  Ireland  ♦.  The  parliament,  before  its 
dissolutioni  appointed  another  to  meet  within  three 
years. 

Charles,  at  his  departure,  seemed  disposed  to 
conciliate  a  country  which  he  had  so  lately  deter- 
mined to  reduce  by  fire  and  sword  to  the  most 
deplorable  subjection*  Of  the  church  lands  which 
had  lately  reverted  to  the  crown  on  the  dissolu- 
tion of  bishoprics,  &c.  he  bestowed  a  small  portion 
on  the  universities,  but  the  greater  part  he  distri- 
buted amongst  the  nobility ;  a  proceeding  which, 
however  pleasing  to  that  class,  was  resented  by 
the  clergy,  who  had  anticipated  the  property  as  part 
of  the  patrimony  of  the  kirk.  But  that  body  disco- 
vered that  their  power,  however  great  in  the  late  con- 
test with  the  crown,  was  nerveless  in  a  selfish  strug- 
gle with  the  aristocracy.  Yet  Charles  did  not  al- 
together neglect  them ;  the  livings  of  Henderson 
and  others  were  considerably  improved.  To  gain 
the  aristocracy  farther  he  distributed  honours  with 
a  liberal  hand.  Lord  Lowdon,  who  was  appointed 
chancellor,  was  created  an  earl ;  Argyle  was  made 
a  marquis ;  Leslie,  the  general.  Earl  of  Leven ; 
and  the  lieutenant-general,  £arl  of  Callander,  &c. 
The  premature  death  of  Rothes  only  prevented 
his  promotion ;  and  Balmerinoch,  who  had  sat  as 

•  Bdfour'a  DiurnaD. 


S24  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  £MPIRE. 

president  of  the  parliament,  was  the  only  noble^ 
man  who  was  passed  over  without  any  mark  of  the 
royal  favour,  on  the  principle  that  he  had  been 
ungrateful  for  his  former  pardon.  Many  knights 
were  created ;  and  as  some  of  the  judges  were  re- 
moved for  malversation,  Johnston  of  Warristoune 
was  raised  to  the  bench  *. 

In  return  for  these  acts  of  bounty,  the  states 
virtually  passed  from  the  trial  of  the  incendiaries 
and  of  Montrose  (an  individual  whose  safety 
Charles  was  so  deeply  concerned  for,  that  he  had 
resolved  not  to  quit  Scotland  without  securing  it;) 
for  while  they  appointed  commissioners  to  inquire 
into  the  guilt  of  those  men,  they  limited  the 
powers  of  the  commissioners  to  inquiry,  and  trans- 
ferred the  power  of  acquitting  or  condemning  to 
the  king.  They  also  proposed  to  raise  ten  thou- 
sand men  for  the  recovery  of  the  palatinate ;  an 
object  which  the  king  declared  he  had  much  at 
heart  t. 

We  are  informed  by  Clarendon,  that  the  old  gene- 
ral, on  receiving  this  high  honour  from  his  prince,  as- 
sured his  majesty,  that,  far  from  ever  bearing  arms 
against  him  more,  he  should  always  be  ready  to 
fight  in  his  service  without  inquring  into  the  cause } 
and  that  many  others  also  whispered,  that  as  soon 
as  the  present  storm  was  past,  they  would  reverse 
whatever  had  been  unreasonably  extorted  from 

*  Balfour*8  Diurnal.   Scots  Acto,  vol.  ▼.  p.  488,  453>  &c   BuOk't^ 
Let  vol.  i.  p.  333,  334. 
t  Balfour.    Scots  Acts.    Id.  App.  to  Evelyn's  Mem. 


AISTORY  CfB  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  225 

him*.  This  affords  a  clue  to  the  royal  policy. 
However  Leslie^  a  soldier  of  fortune,  may  have 
acted^  it  is  evident  that  Argyle  and  the  rest  of 
the  party  in  power  were  not  amongst  the  number 
who  whispered  in  that  manner  into  the  king's  ear, 
since  their  only  security  depended  upon  a  conti« 
nuance  of  the  present  state  of  things ;  and  the 
ehoice  of  conservators  of  the  treaty  provisd 
the  cautious  prudence  with  which  they  acted; 
but  that  there  was  a  party,  (of  whom  we  may  pre- 
sume Montrose  the  chief,)  to  whom  Charles  ea- 
gerly listened^  who  made  these  magnificent  pro* 
miffiesb  cannot  be  doubted  ;  and,  therefore,  we  must 
conclude  that  the  monarch  had  only  yielded  to 
the  desires  of  the  Scots  for  a  season,  tp  lull  them 
into  a  false  security. 

It  is  now  high  time  to  return  to  our  narrative 
of  English  afiairs.    Parliament  had  scarcely  metparijll^t 


on  the  20th  of  October,  after  the  adjournment,  ^^^^ 
when  a  new  bill,  the  others  having  been  dropt,|^^^ 
was  introduced  into  the  lower  house,  and  passed 
with  the  utmost  expedition,  for  taking  from  the 
bishc^  all  temporal  jurisdiction,  with  the  vote  in 
parliament.  It  was  expected  to  encounter  as  little 
opposition  in  the  upper  house,  except  from  the 
spiritual  peers;  and  that  these  might  not  frus- 
trate the  bill,  the  Commons  solicited  a  conference 
with  the  Lords^  at  which  they  contended  that  the 
prelates  were  not  entitled  to  vote  upon  a  question 
which  90  immediately  concerned  them  ^  and  par- 

*  Clar.  vol.  ii.  p.  309. 
VOL*  III.  Q 


S26  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

ticularly  that  the  thirteen  who  were  impeached, 
should  not  be  permitted  to  act  as  legislators,  while 
they  lay  under  a  heavy  charge  of  having  violated 
the  fundamental  laws  of  die  land.  There  were 
at  this  time  five  vacancies ;  and  as  these,  with  the 
thirteen  impeached,  formed  so  great  a  proportion 
of  the  whole,  all  the  popular  par^  laboured  to 
prevent  the  places  being  filled  in  time  to  oppose 
a  bill  which,  in  a  manner,  annihilated  the  office. 
The  court  party  argued  vehemently  that  it  was 
against  the  usage  of  parliament  to  receive  a  ae* 
cond  bill  in  the  same  session,  when  one  for  the 
same  purpose  had  been  already  rejected ;  but  the 
ot]gection,  though  encouraged  from  the  throne, 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  very  successful  in 
either  house  ^.  A  motion  was  likewise  made  in 
the  first  days  of  their  meetii^,  about  the  nomlna- 
tion  of  counsellors,  and  public  oScem  of  all  de« 
scriptions,  &c.  with  the  consent  of  paiiiament } 
and,  in  spite  of  all  the  eloquence  of  Hyde  and  bis 
party,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  prepare  the 
heads  of  a  bill  to  that  efiect  Nothing  can  more 
fully  evince  the  crisis  at  which,  since  Charles  was 
resolved  to  resist  both  points,  matters  had  arriv* 
ed.  His  conduct  it  is  now  necessary  to  nar* 
rate* 


*  Append,  to  £velyn*s  Memorials.  Correspondence  between  the 
king  and  Nicholas,  p.  43,  45,  47,  50,  68.  Journals  for  22d  October. 
CMd  Rirl,  Hist.  vol.  x.  p.  8.  et  seq,  Cobbet's  Do.  vol.  ii.  p.  916,  et 
seq.  Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  393,  et  seg.  Nalson,  vol.  ii.  p.  493,  ei  seq. 
Clar.  vol.  ii.  p.  302,  ei  seq. 


BISTORT  OP  THE  BRITISH  BMPIRB.  387 

The  king  bad  previously  si^gested  r  WRy  of  The 
aowing  dissension  between  the  two  houses*;  Rnd,^'^"'^'^ 
is  spite  of  his  pecunieiy  sitaittion»  he  had  been 
most  solicitous  for  a  pretext  to  procure  a  pro* 
longatioa  of  the  adjournment.  The  plague^ 
which  appears  to  have  been  in  those  days  never 
altogether  extinct  in  the  metropoUs^  had  brc^en 
out  furiously  during  the  recess  j  and  some  mem- 
bers of  the  parliaments  apprehensive  for  their  own 
safety^  had  expressed  a  wish  for  a  farther  adjourn- 
ment. But  as  the  act  for  tcmnage  and  poundage 
expired  on  the  first  of  December^  and  the  duties 
were  absdutdy  requisite  for  public  exigencies, 
unless  unconstitutional  ways  of  raising  money 
were  again  resorted  to^  the  ministers  were  an- 
xious ibr  the  meeting  of  the  legislature  at  the 
appointed  time.  Yet  Charles  no  sooner  heard  of 
the  wish  expressed  by  some  members^  than,  un- 
mindful of  his  pecuniary  necessities,  though  these 
alone  had  been  the  cause  of  a  parliaaient,  he  in^ 
stracted  his  servants  *<  to  further  the  adjournment 
by  anie  means.'^  There  were  some  who  vrished 
an  adjournment  to  some  other  place;  and  the 
king  proposed  that  it  should  be  Cambridge,  in  the 
event  of  a  change  of  place  being  only  agreed  tof  • 
His  instructions  were  sent  about  the  middle  of 
October.  But  the  popular  members  were  not  to 
be  deterred  from  their  duty,  and  the  royal  hopes 


*  Appendix  to  £velyu*s  Memorials.    Conrei^ndence  between  the 
king  and  Nidiolas,  p.  18^  43. 
t  Id.  p.  37,  39. 


238  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

were  frustrated.  The  king,  however,  gave  orders 
to  fill  ^p  the  vacant  bishoprics,  and  to  draw  a 
general  pardon  for  the  thirteen  prelates  who  were 
iflipeaehed^  that  (iiey  might  be  at  once  freed  even 
frwa  a  trial  $  while  he  also  desired  a  full  attend* 
ance  of  all  the  upper  bouse,  and  was  ani^ious  to 
defimt  the  Commons  in  their  scheme  for  exclud- 
ing the  popish  lords*.  His  correspondence  also 
not  only  evinces  the  utmost  solicitude  to  screen 
the  conq)irators  in  the  arni7<*plots  ^om  inquiiy, 
but  breathes  a  spirit  of  vengeance  against  the 
Commons  for  continuing  the  investigation  into 
the  second  plot,  and  refusing  to  allow  the  conspira^ 
tprs  the  benefit  of  the  act  of  oblivion  t. 
Fwtf^ar  The  committee  that  had  been  appointed  to  act 
rf^JJJ^  during  the  recess,  reported  the  occurrences  of  the 
intervening  period,  and  the  Scottish  incident  was 
generally  regarded  as  a  serious  ground  for  alarm. 
Besides  that  it  had  proceeded  from  the  same  mon- 
arch who  bad  for  so  long  a  time  endeavoured  to 
subvert  the  fundamental  laws  of  three  kingdoms, 
and  whose  disposition  it  proved,  as  much  as  the 
army  plots,  to  be  unchanged,  it  was  believefd  with 
reason  that  the  designs  in  the  north  were  iiqme* 
diately  connected  with  similar  projects  again^  the 
freedom  of  his  soutbati  subjects;  and  the  com* 

*  App^MuK  f<>  P^elyp's  Memorials.  Comipoiidence  between  the 
icing  and  Nicholas,  pi  81,  92,  S4,  SO,  SI,  S2,  37,  44,  45,  46,  47,  S7, 
66, 67.  In  one  of  his  apostyles,  he  says,  ^*  I  command  yon  to  send  in 
jny  name  to  all  those  lords  ^t  my  wyfe  shall  tell  yon  of,  that  tl^y 
faile  not  to  attend  at  the  downe  sitting  of  the  parliament,  ^.  44. 

•f  }d.  p.  7,  et  seq.  85,86,  87,  45,  75.       " 


mcDC 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  929 

hkhi  fears  were  augmented  by  the  number  of  dis- 
orderly people  who  flocked  to  the  capital  in  con- 
sequence of  the  late  disbandment^  and  committed 
riots^  &Ci  It  Dlras  therefore  deemed  necessary  to 
have  a  guard  appointed  for  the  protection  of  both 
houses,  and  Essex  was  commanded  to  provide 
one,  while  the  examination  into  the  second  army- 
plot  was  ccmtinued,  and  daily  brought  the  enor- 
mity of  the  case  more  fully  to  light.  The  Irish 
rebellion^  which  so  soon  followed,  struck  still 
^greater  dismay ;  and,  as  was  to  have  been  expect- 
ed, in  this  state  of  agitation,  silly  rumours  of  imar 
ginary  plots  engaged  the  public  attention  *• 

The  news  of  the  Irish  rebellion  were  communi- 
cated by  the  privy  coimcil  to  the  parliament  on 
the  1st  of  November }  and  both  houses,  while 
they  voted  a  reward  to  CyConally,  passed  or- 
dinances, without  waiting  for  his  majesty's  ap- 
probfttion,  to  raise  troops,  borrow  money  froin 
the  city,  and  send  arms  from  the  Tower  to 
the  Irish  government^  in  order  to  quell  the 
insurrection.  The  message  from  Charles,  re- 
commending the  Irish  business  to  their  care^  ar- 
rived within  a  few  days^  and  a  bill  was  introdu^ 
ced  into  tlie  lower  house  for  pressing  troops  j 
while  orders  were  transmitted  to  the  tord-lieutCr 
nant  for  Ireland,  to  lose  no  time  in  raising  volun^ 


*  App.  to  Evelyn^s  Memorials,  Cor.  p.  40.  Old  Pari.  Hist.  vol.  x. 
p.  1.  et  uq.  Cobbet^s  Do.  vol.  ii.  p.  912^  et  scq.  Journals^  SSd  Oct. 
rt  seq.  Rush.  yoL  iv.  p.  S9h 


890  HtStORT  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE* 

teers  K    He,  however,  doubted  whether  the  mere 
authority  of  both  houses  was  sufficient  to  justify 
the  measure  f ;  and  nothing  was  further  from  the 
intention  of  the  king  than  to  devolve  such  powers 
upon  them,    <<  I  send  you/'  writes  the  queen  to 
Nicholas,  on  the  ISth  of  November,  ^  a  lettre  for 
milord  keeper,  that  the  king  ded  send  to  me,  to 
deliuer  it  if  I  thought  fit.    The  subject  of  it  is  to 
make  a  declaration  against  the  ordres  of  parlia- 
ment, which  ar  made  without  the  king.    If  you 
beleue  a  fit  time,  give  it  him,  if  not,  you  may 
keepet  till  I  see  you  {«**   The  lordJieutenant  was 
ordered  to  proceed  in  the  levy,  as  the  ordinance 
of  both  houses  was  a  sufficient  warrant    The  po- 
pular party  almost  at  the  outset  asoibed  the  Irish 
rebellion  to  the  effects  of  evil  counsel  ||. 
'^^  ^        But  the  grand  question  which  occupied  the  at- 
tention  of  the  commons,  befbre  the  kiag'^s  return, 
Iras  the  famous  remonstrance,  or  declarattont  of 
the  state  of  the  nation.    This  state  paper  contaitti^ 
ed  a  full  recapitulation  of  all  the  grievances  and 
ads  of  misgovernment  that  had  been  committed 
from  the  first  of  the  reign ;  and,  in  fact,  presented 
the  most  frightful  picture  of  despotism  ever  exfai* 
hited  in  any  country  where  law  w  liberty  was  re- 
spected.   All  the  grievances  were  imputed  to  the 

*  JonnMils,  Ist  Not.  ei  ieq»  Old  ParL  HiBt  toL  x.  p.  5M>  «/  geq» 
0)b.  do.  yoL  iL  p.  9S5^  et  $eq,  App.  to  Evelyn's  Menu  p.  54.  Rush, 
f^  iy.  p.  S9S.    KalMMD,  ToL  ii.  p.  A13>  ti  ief* 

t  JotUrnals,  dth  Not. 

t  App.  to  Evelyn's  Itfem.  p.  72^  P.  SI  «h«raP6  wbat  anzioas  eor« 
respondenoe  subsisted  between  tUe  king  and  queen. 

U  Id.  p.  €2. 


HISTORY  OF  TH£  BRITISH  BMPIRB.  231 

eflB^^ts  of  evil  counsels,  which  his  majesty  evinced 
no  disposition  to  discard,  as,  instead  of  nominat- 
ing his  ministers  by  the  advice  of  his  grand  coun- 
cil the  parliamenty  he  still  affectionately  clung  to 
those  from  whom  so  many  waters  of  bitterness 
had  flowed.  The  popular  party  had  hitherto  been 
80  successful  that  they  had  not  anticipated  much 
<qiposition  here;  and  had  it  passed  easily,  they 
could  have  pressed  their  bill  about  the  appoint- 
ment of  public  officers  with  almost  irresistible  ef- 
fect; but  the  result  proved  that  they  had  over- 
calculated  their  own  strength.  Such  was  the  op- 
positicm,  that  the  debate  continued  from  three  in 
the  afternoon  till  three  next  morning,  while  there 
were  two  several  divisions  of  the  house  on  parti- 
co\ar  clauses ;  and  the  declaration,  as  amended, 
was  ultimately  carried  by  only  159  to  148.  Even 
then  another  serious  question  arose.  It  was  moved 
that  the  declaration  should  not  be  printed  without 
the  particular  order  of  the  house ;  and  as  this  evi- 
dently implied  an  intention  to  print  it,  should  the 
measure  not  be  averted  by  timely  concession  from 
the  throne,  the  oomi>party,  who  dreaded  the  con- 
sequences, proposed  that  the  word  **  published^' 
should  be  substituted  for  <'  printed/'  But  the 
am^idment  was  lost  by  101  to  1£4 ;  a  diminution 
in  numbers  which  evinces  the  justness  of  Claren- 
don^s  remark,  that  the  old  members^  exhausted 
with  the  length  of  the  debate,  had  left  the  house  ; 
but  then  it  applies  to  the  one  side  as  well  as  to  the 
other,  which  he  would  have  restricted  it  to.  When 
this  last  point  was  carried,  Mr.  Hyde,  according 
to  a  previous  resolution  which  had  been  formed 


S32  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

by  him  and  his  friends^  and  intimated  to  the  mi- 
nisters of  the  crown,  proposed  a  protestation  «» 
and  many  joined  him.  The  proceeding,  however, 
was  deemed  an  infringement  of  the  rules  of  the 
house,  and  ocpasioned  such  an  uproar,  that,  we  are 
told,  horrid  bloodshed  was  only  prevented  by  a 
hasty  adjournment,  which  was  accoBoplished,  says 
Warwick,  **  by  the  sagacity  and  great  calmness 
of  Mr.  Hampden  f.^*  A  motion  was  next  day 
made  for  th6  committal  of  the  protesters  to  the 
Tower ;  but  the  measure  was  drop!  on  their  sub- 
mission t.  ^ 

The  reasoning  of  the  court  paity  on  this  occa- 
sion appears  to  have  been  to  this  purpose :  That 
it  was  ofiering  an  uncalled  insult  to  the  king  to 
enumerate  grievances  and  miscarriages  which  had 
already  been  redressed :  That  much  was  said  about 
the  illegal  act^  of  the  court  of  star-chamber,  of 
high  commission,  &c. ;  but  that  his  majesty  had 
afforded  the  most  signal  proof  of  a  purpose  to  go- 
vern constitutionally  in  future,  by  consenting  to 
statutes  abolishing  entirely  the  arbitrary  courts 
whose  proceedings  had  been  complained  of;  and 


*  Append,  to  Evdyn^s  Mem.  p.  SO.  Nicholas  writes  that  it  was 
then  midnight ;  the  commons  had  heen  en^jaged  "  mace  12  at  noone  ;" 
that  his  indisposition  prevents  him  from  watching  longer  to  see  the 
result,  hut  that  there  are  "  diverse  in  y«  com'ons  house  that  are  re- 
acdved  to  stand  stiff  for  reiecting  that  declarac'on,  and  if  they  p*vayle 
not  then  to  protest  against  it.**  Hence  Clarendon's  is  not  quite 
candid. 

t  Warwick,  p.  202. 

%  Chur.  vol.  ii.  p.  301^  et  nq.  Whitelocke,  p.  51.  Append,  to 
Evelyn's  Mem.  p.  65,  77,  80.  Old  Far.  Hist  vol.  x.  p.  44,  et  sir 
Coh.  vol  ii.  p.  937>  et  9€q,    Journals,  22d  Nov. 


HiSTOBT  OF  THS  BfilTISR  RMPIRE.-  QS9 

that  to  enumerate  matters  of  this  kindp  could  only 
serve  to  inflict  a  wanton  wound  upon  the  sove*- 
reign»  and  inflame  the  populace  against  him :  That, 
in  like  manner,  the  people  had  justly  complained 
of  arbitrary  taxes ;  but»  as  a  legislative  remedy 
had  already  been  provided  against  the  recurrence 
of  such  evils,  it  was  the  mere  wantonness  of  inso- 
lence to  dwell  on  them  now :  That  the  grand  cause 
of  the  public  calamities  had  been  the  disuse  of  par- 
liaments ;  but  that,  in  the  triennial  bill,  the  noblest 
remedy  had  been  devised  for  the  evil,  and  his  ma- 
jesty had  testified  the  goodness  of  his  nature,  by 
readily  passing  an  act  which  secured  the  naticwal 
privileges  in  future :  That  to  demand  more  would 
be  in  reality  to  dethrone  the  sovereign,— -to  rob 
him  of  his  birth-right,  and  to  subvert  that  monar- 
chial  constitution  which  the  popular  party  labour- 
ed so  assiduously  to  prove  had  been  invaded  on 
the  king's  side :  That  the  royal  consent  to  so  un* 
just  a  sacrifice  could  not  be  expected,  and  the  at- 
tempt to  extort  it  would,  in  all  probability,  be  ac- 
companied with  the  most  deplorable  mischief, 
while  even  if  the  concesnon  were  made,  it  would 
be  so  far  from  promoting  the  public  good,  that  it 
would  unhinge  all  those  legal  principles  on  which 
mankind  had  hitherto  depended,  and  thus  lead  to 
general  anarchy. 

The  view  taken  by  the  other  side  appears  to 
have  been  this:  That  the  enumeration  of  mis- 
carriages, grievances,  &c«  was  necessary  to  sa- 
tisfy both  the  king  and  people,  that  parliament 
was  neither  insensible   of  the    national    rights, 


AM  HOTORT  OP  TOE  BRITtSHf  BHPIRE. 

nor  yet  unprepared  to  vindicate  the  common  pri- 
vileges :  Tliatt  from  past  misgoverament,  it  was 
easy  to  foresee  that  the  future  administration 
from  the  same  source,  would,  if  unrestrained,  be  no 
less  unconstitutional :  That  it  was  an  absurdity  to 
talk  of  security  from  the  late  laws,  which  decla- 
red the  various  proceedings  complained  of  to  be  il- 
1^1 ;  since  he,  whom  no  former  law,  not  all  the 
fundamental  principles  that  had  been  established 
for  so  many  ages,  and  fortified  by  the  petition  of 
right,  could  restrain,  could  not  be  expected,  when 
he  perceived  himself  liberated  from  his  present 
difficulties,  to  deem  himself  bound  by  later  enact* 
ments  to  which  his  consent  had  been  evidently  ex- 
torted :  That  he  fully  evinced  his  disposition,  not 
only  by  retaining  the  counsel  from  whence  so 
many  oppressions  and  calamities  had  sprung,  but 
by  the  army-plots,  the  incident,  &c.  which  were 
calculated  at  once  to  destroy  the  freedom  of  par- 
liament, nay,  possibly,  the  persons  of  its  members, 
and  to  substitute  a  naked  despotism  in  the  very 
face  of  those  provisions  for  public  liberty  that  had 
been  so  magnified :  That  it  was  true  that  the  star- 
chamber,  h^h  commission,  &c.  were  put  down ; 
but  that  it  might  fairly  be  inferred,  from  the  reluc- 
tance with  which  the  monarch  had  consented  to 
their  dissolution,  coupled  with  his  designs  against 
the  pariiament,  that,  under  the  pretext  that  his 
will  had  been  forced,  he  would  embrace  the  first 
opportunity  to  restore  them  :  That,  however,  it 
was  a  matter  of  indifference  whether  they  were  re- 
stored or  tyranny  appeared  in  a  new  form,  since 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EllPIEB*  3S5 

iiodiing  was  more  certain  than  that  an  arbitrary 
government  must  employ  arbitrary  means  to  com- 
pel obedience  :  Hiat  the  act  for  triennial  parlia^ 
ments  would  necessarily  fail  of  any  beneficial  ef- 
fect, because  if  a  parliament  were  permitted  to  as- 
semble, it  would  find  itself  bereft  of  parliamentary* 
powers  :  That  it  was  a  contradiction  in  terms  to 
say  that  paiiiament  possessed  the  legislative  power, 
and  yet  could  not  adopt  measures  for  the  due  exe- 
cution of  its  enactments :  That  it  was  alone  en- 
tided  to  impose  taxes,  and  yet  had  no  right  to  in- 
terfere with  the  application  of  the  money  :   That 
as  a  good  prince  would  never  employ  servants  who 
had  lost  the  confidence  of  his  grand  council,  or 
take  any  important  step  without  its  concurrence  $ 
so  such  a  monarch   might  well   be   left  to  the 
choice  of  his  ministers  and  other  servants,  since, 
in  efiect,  the  national  council  tacitly  approved 
of  his  choice ;  and  his  whole  government  proved 
a  disposition  to  uphold,  not  destroy  the  public 
privileges :  But,  tiiat  when  the  kingdom  had  al- 
rea4y  suffered  so  severely,  and  attempts  of  the 
most  atrocious  kind  had  been  made  to  frustrate  the 
late  concessions,  and  restore  the  will  of  the  prince 
%r  the  law  of  the  land,  parliament  was  bound  to 
Interfere  directly  for  the  general  security :  itiat, 
in  short,  matters  had  arrived  at  such  a  posture, 
that  the  grand  council  had  reason  to  believe  diat 
the  very  money  granted  for  the  exigencies  of  state 
would  be  used  to  raise  an  army  in  order  to  reduce 
the  kingdom  to  slavery,  when  terrible  vengeance 
would  be  visited  upon  those  who  had  stood  for- 


>—  — 


S3&  HYSTORY  OF  THS  BRITISH  EMPIRE^ 

ward  in  defence  of  the  ptiblic  rights ;  and  the  que»- 
tion  wasy  whether  they  would  be  discharging  their 
duty,  either  to  themselves  or  the  community^  by 
standing  upon  small  distinctions  in  such  an  hour 
of  danger  ?  That  the  complaint  by  the  kii^  that 
his  prerogative  was  invaded^  ought  to  be  disregard- 
ed^ since  his  power  was  given  for  the  pubUc  good^ 
and  by  his  violation  of  the  principles  on  which  be 
was  entitled  to  govern,  he  had  really  forfeited  any 
plea  founded  on  the  right  of  inheritance,  and  in  fact 
had  compelled  the  people  to  resort  to  new  regula- 
tions in  their  own  defence^ 

Such  appear  to  have  been  the  leading  views  and 
arguments  on  both  sides,  and  those  used  by  the 
court-party  gained  many  on  whom  the  popular 
party  had  relied :  Others,  who  began  to  apprehend 
that  there  was  a  faction  bent  on  something  more 
than  a  redress  of  grievances,  and  that  their  mea- 
sures might  subvert  exclusive  privileges  elsewhere, 
also  joined  the  court  party :  some  dreaded  to  irri- 
tate the  monarch  farther,  and  others  again  were 
actuated  by  more  impure  motives.  That,  of  the 
popular  party,  there  were  not  a  few,  who  them- 
selves coveted  that  power  which  they  disliked  in 
the  monarchy  subsequent  events  too  amply  veri- 
fied :  That  all  were  alarmed  for  the  concessions 
which  had  been  extorted  in  favour  of  public  liber- 
ty, and  even  for  their  own  safety,  unless  the  power 
d  the  crown  were  much  farther  abridged,  is  per- 
fectly evident,  and  indeed  was  a  necessary  conse- 
quence of  the  long  course  of  roisgovernment,  the 
late  plots,  and,  in  short,  of  the'numerous  instances 


HISTOBY  OF  THE  BB)TJ[S{I  EMPIBB*  9SJ 

of  perfidy  by  the  monarcb*  Of  this,  Ui^  declara- 
tion by  Oliver  CrcNnWell  (a  man  who  cannot  be 
jitody  accused  of  timidity)  to  Lord  Falkland,  on 
the  day  after  the  remonstrance  Was  voted,— ^^^  That, 
bad  il  not  been  carried»  he  would  have  instantly 
add  all  he  had,  and  gone  to  America,  and  thfit  he 
knew  there  were  many  other  honest  men  of  the 
same  resolution^*' — ^is  a  sufficient  proof  *« 

The  remonstrance  was  voted  on  the  SSd  of  No-King*i  u. 
vernber,  aiid  Charles  arrived  from  Scotland  on  the. 
i^th.  On  his  journey  he  was,  according  to  pre- 
vious assuiiances,  received  at  York  a^d  other  towns 
wjth  fivery  demonstration  of  joy,  and  matters  had 
been  arranged  for  a  magnificent  reception  in  the 
mefcrDpdis  t.  Court  influence,  owing  to .  th^  dex- 
terity of  one  of  the  sheri£&1:,  had  procured  the. 
decticm  of  one  Gumey,  a  keeQ  royalist,  wtiQ  long- 
ed  for  an  opportunUy  to  testify  his  extrjsme  attach- 
ment to  the  king,  and,  according  tp  a  previous  un« 
deratan^uigy  the  royal  reqeptiop  wa*  the  most 

*  Clar.  voL  iL  p.  312.  Oliver  imagined  that  it  could  scarcely  pro* 
voike  a  delxitey  so  unanimous  did  be  expect  that  the  houae  would  be. 
P.S11. 

t  Nidiolaa'  eanoespoiideBce  wilh  $he  king,  in  the  Appen^x.  to 
Evelyn's  Blemolrsj  affords  some  carious  information  on  this  suljcct. 

X  Id.  p.  31.  «  Alderman  Goumey/*  writes  Nicholas^  "  (accord- 
ing to  1h8  right  and  pkoe)  is  elected  Lo.  Mayornotw^trading  y<  o^ 
posic'cniif  y« fa|Btioi;i8 party^  throughe y« stoutnes  and  'good  a£&cc'on 
of  one  of  y*  new  sherifb  (called  Clerck)  who,  while  y«  factious  persons 
were  making  a  noyse^  would  not  pnxieede  to  y«  eleoc'on,  proposed 
Ald'raan  Goumey^  (who,  I  hear  is  very  well  aiflfected,  and  stout,)  and 
canyd  it,  and  y*  Scliismattcks,  (who  cryed  noe  elecc'on,)  were  silen- 
ced with  hisses,  and  thereupon  y«  sheriff  dismist  y^  court."  6^>  8*^. 
See  about  the  choice  of  the  sherifis,  p.  6.  Rush.  vol.  v.  p  429,  et  seq. 
Ger.  ynH  ii.  p.  322.    Nalson,  vol.  iL  p.  674^  et  scq. 


1 


238  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  XMPIRK* 

marked  imaginable.    His  lord^ip,  and  the  reopr^ 
der,  were  knighted  for  their  loyalty. 

The  cmnmissioQ  to  Essex  expired  oti  the  king's 
return,  and  his  majesty  instantly  ordered  the  dis- 
missal ci  the  guard,  which  bedi  houses  had  or- 
dered undtor  that  nobleman's  command  for  thew 
own  security :  But  Charles  at  the  same  time  inti- 
mated, that  for  their  sati^M^tion,  he  had  ordered  Earl 
Dorset  to  attend  upon  them  for  a  few  days  with  some 
of  the  train-bands  of  Middlesex.  This  was  warmly 
taken  up  in  the  lower  house,  where  it  was  alleged, 
that  after  the  detection  c^  former  plots,  the  Scottish 
incidrat,  the  number  of  suspicious  persons  about 
the  capital,  advertisements  of  danger  from  abroadt 
&c.  but  above  all  the  Irish  rebdlion,  which  burst 
out  so  unexpectedly,  they  could  not  be  safe  with** 
out  a  guard ;  and  that  it  was  neither  consisteiit 
with  the  dignity  nor  security  of  parliament  to  be 
guarded  by  any  that  were  not  under  their  own 
controul.  They  therefore  refused  to  be  guarded 
by  any  body  of  men  under  the  command  of  Dor- 
set, and  petitioned  for  liberty  to  appoint  a  guard 
themselves  under  the  command  of  Essex;  but 
the  upper  house  in  this,  as  in  other  respeetSy 
refused  their  concurrence.  Tumults  about  the 
parliament  ensued,  and  the  Lord  Keeper  informed 
them  that  it  became  necessary  for  them  to  suppress 
those  disturbances,  lest  their  proceedings  should 
lose  the  character  of  unconstrained  deliberations 
in  afler  times ;  yet  on  the  day  following,  Charles 
himself,  on  passing  the  bill  for  tonnage  and  pound- 
age, informed  them  that  he  did  not  expect  fears 


HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  BHPI1E»  0S9 

sod  jealousies  as  the  result  of  his  coocessimiB] 
that  these  might  have  been  excusable  in  his  ab* 
sence^  but  were  uubeooining  now  that  he  was  pre* 
sent  to  defend  them  \ 

The  reaionstnuice  was  presented  by  a  oommit- 
tee  of  the  Commons  on  the  1st  ot  December, 
and  along  with  it  a  petition,  in  which  thej  prayed 
that  the  prelates  should  be  deprived  of  their  vote 
in  parliament;  that  his  majesty  should  entrust 
the  pidilic  a&irs  to  such  only  as  the  parliament 
ai^NTOved  of;  and  that  he  would  not  alienate  any 
of  the  lands  in  Ireland  which  might  be  forfeited 
by  the  rebeUion,  but  reserve  them  as  a  fund  lor 
the  support  of  the  crown,  and  the  indemnification 
of  the  kingdom  for  the   expense   cf  the  war. 
Charles  received  the  committee  graciously ;  but, 
while  he  threw  out  an  observation  against  the  pro^ 
^ety  of  driving  the  Irish  insurgents  to  despair  by 
any  resolutions  relative  to  their  property,  and  ex- 
pressed his  abhorrence  against  any  design  to  sub- 
vtft  the  Protestant  faith— -a  ground  of  comi^aint 
in  the  remonstrance ;  he  required  time  to  answer 
both  papers.    He  eagerly,  however,  inquired  whe^ 
ther  the  Commons  meant  to  publish  the  remom 
strance ;  but  the  committee  declined  to  answer  a 
question  beyond  the  power  of  their  commission. 
In  the  answer  which  he  afterwards  formally  made 
to  the  petition,  he  expressed  his  aversion  to  ex- 


*  Rush.  ToL  IT.  p.  434,  ei  seq.  Nalson,  vol.  ii.  p.  684>  et  igq* 
JimnulB.  Old  Ptol.  Hist  vol.  z.  p-  51,  et  seq.  Gobbet's  Do.  vol.  ii. 
p.  911. 

1 


f  40  mnORX  op  TH£  BMTI8H  EMPIRE. 

prcBi  «ii]F  iMoludoD  regarding  the  property  cS  the 
Irish  lebelsy  from  the  motive  stated  above  j  and  it 
had  the  unhappy  efiect  of  augmenting  the  bdief 
that  he  encouraged  the  rebellion*.  It  formed  not 
only  a  contrast  with  his  fimner  measures  relative 
\o  Scodand,  but  seemed  to  accord  with  the  new 
law  lately  promulgated  in  the  neighbouring  isle 
on  the  very  subject  of  forfeitures. 

The  a&irs  of  Ireland  daily  became  more  des^ 
p^ate,  and  men's  passions  in  Britain  more  inflam- 
ed with  the  events  in  that  kingdom.  Charles 
tWefore  recommended  to  both  houses  to  hasten 
their  plreparatimiSy  and  informed  them  that  the 
Scottidi  commissioners  were  ready  to  treat  with 
tiiem  relative  to  assistance  from  Scotland*  Com- 
iSMMicviers  weie  appointed  to  negodate  with  the 
ScottKAi  t  s  butt  m  the  meantime^  the  English  pre- 
parations were  stopt  by  the  delay  of  the  upper 
house  in  4etermiQing  the  fate  of  tiie  pressing  bill. 
The  Commons  had  previously  resdved  that  the 
oncers  should  be  nominated  by  the  lord  lieuten- 
fip^  with  the  apiHTobation  of  both  houses ;  they  ap* 
pointed  a  council  of  war,  &c  $  and  had  even 
entered  into  a  resolution  to  make  Essex  captain- 
general  of  all  the  train-bands  to  the  south  of  the 
Trent,  and  Lord  Holland  to  the  north,  with  power 
jto  appoint  officers,  &c.  and  to  be  removeable  only  at 

*  Nalaon,  vol.  iL  p.  689^  et  ieq.  Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  452.  Old  Pari. 
Hist  voL  X.  p.  5i,  et  «ef .  Gobbet's,  voL  ii.  p.  94^  ei  seq. 

t  Old  ParL  Hist  voL  x.  p.  92,  et  aeq.  Gobbet's,  tdL  ii.  p.  966, 
et  icq.    Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  454,  et  seq.    NalsoHj  vol  ii.  p.  719,  et  seq^ 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITrSH  EMPIRE.  241 

the  discretion  of  parliament.    Other  resolutions, 
as  about  the  Isle  of  Wight,  tended  to  the  same 
object*.     And  on  the  7th  December,  a  bill  was 
introduced  into  the  lower  house  by  Mr.  Solicitor^ 
General  St.  John,  for  vesting  the  whole  power  of 
the  militia,  by  sea  and  land,  in  commissioners  to 
be  appointed  by  parliament.     This  bill,  in  spite  of 
a  violent  opposition  from  the  court  party,  was  once 
read.    This  was  just  transferring  the  command  of 
the  military  from  the  king  to  the  parliament ;  but 
as  the  result  of  their  investigation  of  the  army-plots 
had  been  so  black,  the  measures  seemed  to  be  de» 
manded  by  the  necessity  of  the  case.     In  the  up- 
per house,  however,  Charles  had  always  had  a 
strong  party.    The  prelates  clung  to  the  throne 
in  self-defence,  as  well  as  from  the  feeling  that 
all  the  patronage  and  promotion  of  their  class 
flowed  from  it.    There  were  lords  popishly  affect- 
ed, whom,  as  we  have  seen,  Charles  was  anxious 
to  prevent  being  excluded,  and  they  naturally  ad- 
hered to  the  crown,  while  the  number  attached  to 
the  court  by  of&ces,  &c.  -was  not  inconsiderable^ 
In  this  way  the  motions  of  the  lower  house  were 
checked,  and  matters  had  proceeded  so  far,  that, 
on  the  8d  of  December,  the  following  clause  ap- 
pears in  the  journals  of  the  Commons :    *^  This 
committee  is  appointed  to  prepare  heads  for  a  con- 
ference with  the  Lords,   and  to  acquaint  them 
what  bills  this  house  hath  passed,  and  sent  up  to 

*  Journals  of  the  Commons^  toL  ii.  p.  S04>  etseq,  NalsoD^  p.  608^ 
S24r,  et  seq.    Clar.  toL  ii.  p.  330,  et  seq. 

VOL.  III.  R 


842  HISTORt  OF  THE  BBITISH  EMPIRE. 

tfaeir  Lordsbipsf,  which  much  concern  the  safety  of 
the  kingdom,  but  have  no  consent  of  their  Lord- 
ships to  them ;  and  that  the  house  being  the  re* 
presentative  body  of  the  whole  kingdom,  and  tlieir 
Jjordships  being  but  as  particular  persons,  and 
coming  to  Parliament  in  a  particular  capacity,  that 
if  they  shall  not  be  pleased  to  consent  to  the  pass- 
ing of  those  acts  and  others,  necessary  for  the  pre* 
servation  and  safety  of  the  kingdom,  that  then 
this  house,  together  with  such  of  the  Lords  as  are 
more  sensible  of  the  safety  of  the  kingdom,  may  join 
together,  and  represent  the  same  to  his  majesty, 
&c  •.**  While,  too,  they  delayed  the  bill  for  press- 
ing the  soldiers,  by  which  the  rebellion  was  per- 
mitted to  rage  without  the  prospect  of  immediate 
check  by  military  power  from  England,  they,  at  a 
conference  with  the  Commons  about  the  supply  of 
troops  from  Scotland,  proposed  to  stipulate  that 
Scottish  assistance,  to  the  extent  of  10,000,  which 
the  Scots  undertook  to  ship  £ree  of  expense,  should 
not  be  accepted  unless  an  equal  quota  of  troop? 
were  sent  &om  England.  The  Commons  insisted 
that  such  a  stipulation  was  contrary  to  the  usage 
pf  Parliament }  but  that  their  Liordships  were  al- 
ready apprized  of  their  vote  for  10,000  English* 
The  Lords,  however,  only  concurred  provisionally 
^— -that  an  equal  army  should  be  sent  from  Eng- 
land f. 

The  bill  for  pressing  contained  a  clause  against 
the  iUegal  usurped  power  which  had  been  so  cala« 

*  Journals* 

t  Old.  ParL  Hist.  vol.  x.  p.  119.    Cobbet^  vol.  ii*  p.  981. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  243 

mitously  exercised  by  this  prince—of  pressing  the 
free-born  subject  at  his  pleasure,  by  which  the 
vengeance  of  the  crown  could  be  let  loose  upon 
the  highest  in  the  kingdom ;  and  Charles,  who 
knew  the  value  of  the  power,  was  determined  not 
to  renounce  it ;  though  it  is  not  improbable  that 
he  was  in  this  actuated  by  other  motives,  and  par- 
ticularly by  the  consideration  that  it  had  been  re- 
solved that  the  army  thus  raised  was  to  be  com- 
manded by  oiBcers  virtually  appointed  by  both 
houses.    One  concession  leads  to  another.    While  ChaHes  eom- 
the  bill,  therefore,  depended  in  the  upper  house,  ^^riiamentary 
he  came  thither,  and  having  summoned  the  Com-  ^^^^  ^ 
mons,  he  informed  them,  that  he  understood  such  ^  ^^"^^ 
a  bill  depended  before  Parliament :  That  it  involv-  i64i. 
ed  a  question  of  importance— for  which  he  was  lit- 
tle beholden  to  the  person  who  had  begun  the  dis-* 
pute — ^whether  by  virtue  of  his  prerogative  he 
might  press  men  into  his  service  ?  That  this  was  an 
ancient  right  of  the  crown,  and  he  was  determined 
not  to  renounce  it :  That,  if  the  bill  came  to  him 
without  any  infringement  or  diminution  of  his 
prerogative  he  would  pass  it,  but  not  otherwise  ; 
and  that,  therefore,  it  would  be  necessary  to  insert 
a  saho  jure  or  preservation  of  his  right.    This 
usurped  power  had  already  been  pronounced  ille- 
gal ;  and,  as  it  was  inconsistent  with  every  idea  of 
liberty  in  the  subject,  so  it  really  rendered  every 
other  provision  in  favour  of  it  nugatory.    But  had 
the  commons  halted  now,  they  must  have  been 
held  to  have  recognized  it)  and  consequently  would 
have  exposed  the  first  in  the  kingdom  to  the  ven« 


244  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

geance  of  the  crown,  under  the  form  of  what  they 
bad  admitted  to  be  law.    They  had,  therefore,  no 
alternative  now.    But  the  conduct  of  the  king  was 
80  contrary,  to  all  parliamentary  privileges,  that, 
considering  what  had  occurred  on  former  occa* 
sions,  it  is  scarcely  to  be  imagined  that  this  prince 
had  profited  so  little  by  experience,  as  not  to  anti- 
cipate, in  part  at  least,  the  result  of  this  illegal  in- 
terference with   a  bill  depending   before    both 
houses ;  and  therefore  we  may  conclude  that  he 
was  actuated  by  deeper  motives  than  a  mere  de- 
sire to  have  his  assumed  right  preserved.     He  af- 
terwards proposed,  as  a  compromise,  that  10,000 
volunteers  should  be  raised  by  him,  provided  the 
houses  would  engage  to  support  them^  and  as 
that  would  have  evaded  what  the  commons  were 
chiefly  anxious  for,  and  in  fact  had  resolved  upon 
•—the  appointment  of  the  officers — ^it  is  likely  to 
have  been  one  view  which  influenced  him  and  his 
secret  advisers  from  the  beginning.    The  proposal 
to  raise  the  volunteers  was  made  to  the  lords,  who 
zealously  communicated  it  to  the  commons ;  and 
the  latter  resented  it  as  an  improper  iqterference 
by  tbe  upper  hou^  *, 


*  Old  Pari  Hist:  yol.  x.  p.  99y  et  stq.  Cob.  vol.  2i.^  p.  9^8^  et  seq^ 
Clar.  ii.  p.  S26,  et  seq.  Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  457^  ei  seq.  Nalsoiiy  voL  ii. 
p.  738,  et  seq.  Whitdocke,  p.  50.  Journal  of  the  Commons^  vol.  ii. 
p.  361.  Clarendon  imputes  this  measure  to  the  treacherous  advice 
of  St.  John ;  but  if  it  had  been  the  fket,  Charles  would  not  lutTe 
obBtinately  declined  to  disdoae  the  name  of  his  adviser.  Indeed,  we 
learn,  from  this  very  writer,  that  St  John  had  already  declared  that 
the  power  of  the  mUitia  was  not  in  the  king,  and  had  introduced 
the  hill  for  vesting  it  in  commissioners^  p.  331, 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  245 

This  rash  measure  inflamed  both  houses,  and  lUmoDttrince 
they  immediately  prepared  a  remonstrance  against  J^t^J'SJ^ 
such  an  invasion  of  their  privileges,  demandin£r«  at^P"^'^^*^'^^ 
the  same  time,  the  names  oi  his  advisers*  Charles,  pnnttfaeir  grand 
in  his  answer,  declared^  that  he  had  no  wish  to  in-  "™°*™*"*' 
fringe  their  privileges;  that  he  was  guided  only  by 
an  ardent  desire  to  further  measures  for  the  reduc- 
tion of  the  Irish  rebels ;  but  that  it  would  be  un- 
becoming to  name  the  individuals  by  whose  coun- 
sels he  had  acted.      The  most   moderate  men 
were  confounded  at  this  ill^^vised  step ;  and  the 
commons  instantly  determined  to  print  the  remon- 
strance, with  the  petition  which  had  been  pre* 
sented  along  with  it 

Other  matters  tended  to  hasten  a  breach.  Charles  K^og  p^^  ^'mu 
published  a  proclamaf;ion  for  conformity  to  the  es-  ^^Mr.^^^^*^ 
tablished  church  and  worship ;  and  it  was  justly 
concluded  that  this  announced  a  purpose,  not 
only  to  refuse  the  general  demand  for  the  abolition 
of  episcopacy,  but  a  determination  to  enforce  the 
ceremonies  which  were  so  much  abhorred  *.  Sir 
Henry  Vane  had  been  dismissed  from  his  o£Sce  t, 
froim  no  other  apparent  motive  than  the  evidence 
he  gave  against  Strafiforde;  and  Lord  Newport, 
another  material  witness  against  that  grand  delin- 
quent, was,  with  some  others,  accused  by  the  king 
of  having  expressed  a  purpose  of  seizing  upon  the 
queen  and  her  children,  as  pledges  for  their  own 
security,  should  any  attempt  similar  to  the  incident 
be  made  against  them.    The  houses  remonstrated 

*  Whitelocke,  p.  50.  t  Clar.  voL  il.  p.  383. 


SlG  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

against  this,  and  Charles  equivocated  as  to  what 
bad  been  uttered  by  him ;  but  Newport  ^9  while  he 
rose  in  the  popular  estimation,  sank  in  that  of  the 
prince.  In  the  mean  time,  Sir  William  Balfour 
was  dismissed  from  the  lieutenancy  of  the  tower, 
and  one  Colonel  Lunsford  was  appointed  to  the 
place.  The  change  produced  general  consterna- 
tion. The  only  objection  to  Balfour  was,  that  he 
had  refused  to  betray  the  duty  of  his  office,  in  con- 
niving at  the  escape  of  Straiforde,  and  was  not  less 
unfit  for  other  unworthy  purposes :  but  his  succes- 
sor was  not  only  suspected,  on  fair  grounds,  of  un- 
soundness in  religion,  but  was  an  individual  of  bro- 
ken fortunes,  and  of  the  most  desperately  wicked 
character,  having  been  formerly  censured  in  the 
star<«hamber,  for  which  he  was  still  outlawed,  for 
the  most  deliberate  attempt  at  assassination.  This 
change  too,  followed  closely  resolutions  by  the  com- 
mons, that  there  had  been  a  second  attempt  to  de- 
bauch the  army — ^that  the  royal  favourite  Daniel 
0*Neale  was  guilty ;  and  that  he,  with  other  fa- 
vourites, Percy,  Jermyn,  Pollard,  Ashburnham, 
Berkley,  Suckling,  Davenant,  &c.  had  been  guilty 
in  relation  to  the  army  of  misprision  of  treason, 
and  should  be  accordingly  prosecuted  for  it.  The 
latter  too,  were  expelled  the  lower  house,  by  which 
new  writs  for  elections  were  issued  f *    The  city 

*  Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  464.  et  $eq.  Nalsoo,  voL  ii.  781. 

t  Nalaon^  vol.  ii.  p.  754.  ei  $eq.  Journals  of  the  Commons^  yoI.  ii 
p.  3S3>  ^7.  When  these  elections  were  ardered^  letters  were  sent  ta 
the  difl^ent  boroughs  by  peers^  in  favour  of  certain  candidates  ;  but 
the  commons  entered  into  a  spirited  resolution  against  it.    lb. 

4 


mSTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE*  247 

took  up  the  matter  zealously ;  the  buUion  in  the 
minty  &c«  was  not  conceived  to  be  safe  under  the 
command  of  such  a  character  as  Lunsford,  and  the 
city  might  be  brought  under  his  power,  since  it 
was  impossible  to  predict  what  additional  strength 
he  would  secretly  introduce.  Petitions  against  his 
appointment  were  therefore  presented  to  the  com- 
mons, who  applied  to  the  Lords  to  concur  with 
them  in  an  application  to  the  throne,  for  the  ap- 
pointment of  Sir  John  Conyers,  should  any  lieu- 
tenant, while  Lord  Newport  was  constable  of  the 
tower,  be  deemed  necessary ;  but  the  upper  house, 
alleging  that  it  belonged  to  the  sovereign  alone  to 
command  the  forts,  refused  to  interfere^  and  the 
commons  were  obliged  themselves  to  enter  into 
very  spirited  resolutions  against  it.  Orders  were 
given  by  them  to  Lord  Newport,  "  to  lodge  and 
reside  within  the  tower,  and  take  the  custody  and 
guard  of  that  place,''  but  he  was  immediately  dis- 
charged from  his  oflSce.  The  apprentices,  in  the 
mean  time,  threatened  to  attack  the  tower,  in  or- 
der to  drive  out  Lunsford,  and  Charles  saw  the 
propriety  of  dismissing  him ;  but  Sir  John  Byron, 
the  person  appointed  his  successor,  was  little  more 
acceptable  ♦.  The  commons  were  likewise  offend- 
ed,  and  we  may  presume,  alarmed,  at  the  appear- 
ance of  a  guard  upon  themselves.  They,  however, 
took  effectual  measures  for  its  removal. 

*  Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  459.  et  seq.  Nalson^  vol.  ii.  p.  773.  Clar.  vol.  ii. 
p.  332,  356.  This  writer  tells  us  tbat  BaHbur  was  very  gracious  to  the 
commons  for  the  safe  keeping  the  Earl  of  Strafforde ;  but  is  not  this 
an  admission  that  there  was  a  plot  for  his  rescue  ?  Old  Pari.  Hist- 
vol.  X.  p.  ISO*  Cobbet^  voL  ii.  p.  982. 


S48  HISTORY  OF  THE  BKITISH  EMPIRE* 

Immediately  after  the  dismissal  of  Lunsford,  but 
before  it  was  publicly  known^  the  citizens  flocked 
down  tumultuously  to  Westminster-hall,  crying  out 
no  bisho{>s,  and  Williams,  who  was  on  bis  way  to 
the  house  of  Lords,  seized  one  of  the  mob  whom 
he  observed  to  cry  against  tj^e  hierarchy.  But  the 
young  man's  comrades  so  hemmed  in  the  prelate, 
that  he  was  obliged  to  let  him  go,  and  they  all 
bawled  out  against  bishops.  At  this  time  one  Da- 
vid Hyde  <'  a  reformado  in  the  late  army  against 
the  Scots,''  began  to  bustle,  declaring  he  would 
cut  the  throats  of  those  round»headed  dogs,  (the 
origin  of  the  term  round  heads,  afterwards  given 
so  liberally  to  the  parliamentary  party,)  and  draw- 
ing his  sword,  called  upon  some  military  friends  to 
back  him  ;  but  they  declining,  he  was  apprehend- 
ed by  the  populace,  and  complained  of  to  the  com- 
mons, by  whom  he  was  committed,  and  deprived 
of  the  employment  to  which  he  had  been  appointed 
in  Ireland.  That  very  day  Lunsford  afforded  a 
striking  proof  of  his  aptitude  for  mischief:  at  the 
bead  of  about  thirty  or  forty  friends,  he  attacked  the 
citizens  and  apprentices  who  were  near  the  parlia- 
ment, sword  in  hand,  and  wounded  many.  The 
apprentices  hearing  of  this,  came  down  to  West- 
minster with  swords,  staves,  &c.  and  alarming 
tumults  ensued.  Lunsford,  Hyde,  and  their  par- 
ty, now  formed  themselves  into  a  sort  of  regu- 
lar body  against  those  whom  they  called  the  mob, 
and  having  been  joined  by  a  great  number  of  sol- 
diers of  fortune,  who  had  served  in  the  late  army, 
they  not  only  assaulted  the  populace  violently. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  249 

wounding  many,  but  began  also  to  use  menaces 
^^inst  the  parliament  itself*. 

To  appease  the  public  mind,  to  lessen  the  influ-  Amwer  to  the 
ence  of  parliament,  and  gam  a  party,  an  answer  was  the  commons  oa 
published  to  the  remonstrance.  This  answer  was^"^^^^* 
the  secret  production  of  Hyde,  and  certainly  does 
credit  to  his  talents.  He  alleges,  with  what  sin* 
cerity  may  be  questioned,  that  he  had  merely 
drawn  it  for  his  private  amusement,  but  that  hav* 
ing  shewn  it  to  Lord  Digby,  he  requested  that 
he  might  allow  it  to  be  read  to  the  king ;  and  it 
having  gained  his  majesty's  approbation,  was  print- 
ed accordingly  f.  In  this  answer,  the  king  is  made 
to  decline  any  argument  regarding  the  evils  enu« 
merated  in  the  remonstrance,  or  the  laws  enacted 
for  redress  of  them,  but  to  declare  that  he  would 
preserve  the  great  concessions  which  he  had  made, 
Srom  a  sincere  purpose  of  meliorating  the  condi- 
tion of  his  subjects  to  the  utmost  of  bis  ability ; 
and  that,  perhaps,  the  people  might  have  a  pious 
sense  of  the  many  blessings  which  they  had  en- 
joyed under  his  government  for  the  last  sixteen 
years— -not  only  in  comparison  of  other  countries, 
but  even  of  those  periods  of  their  own  history  that 
were  accounted  most  fortunate :  That  with  re- 
gard  to  the  popular  fears  and  jealousies  about  their 
religion  and  civil  rights,  they  were  altogether  un- 

*  Rndi.  roh  iv.  p.  46S.  Clarendon,  vol.  ii.  p.  388,  etseq.  says  that 
WUliama  would  hare  been  murdered,  had  it  not  been  for  the  timely 
assistance  of  some  friends;  but  the  statement  derives  no  support 
from  Rush. 

t  Clar.  Life,  p.  44-*85. 


250  BISTORT  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

founded ;  for  that,  as  he  was  neither  a  favourer  of 
papists,  nor  unacquainted  with  the  grounds  of  di£* 
ference  between  the  Romish  and  the  English  churchy 
so  he  would  seal  his  faith  with  his  blood :  That  he 
was  resolved  to  maintain  the  present  establishment^ 
but  thaty  as  for  some  ceremonies,  in  themselves  in- 
different, he  would  not  object  to  a  law  for  the  ex- 
emption of  tender  consciences,  provided  the  mea- 
sure were  proposed  with  modesty  and  submission, 
and  without  discountenancing  the  decency  and 
comeliness  of  God's  worship:  that  he  had,   on 
the  other  hand,  to  complain  of  seditious  and  scan- 
dalous pamphlets  and    sermons,   which  he  was 
amazed  to  find  had  so  many  readers  and  hearers^ 
as  it  was  a  fit  prologue  to  nothing  but  confusion^ 
and  which  therefore  it  was  his  province  to  punish 
condignly :    That  again,  as  to  their  civil  rights 
and  interests,  he  had  erected  many  monuments  of 
his  princely  and  fatherly  care  of  his  people,  in 
those  many  excellent  laws  which  had  been  passed 
in  the  present  parliament :     That  with  regard  to 
his  ministers,  he  neither  had  protected  them,  nor 
would  in  future ;  but  that  as  the  right  of  choice 
was  vested  in  him,  so  he  would  never  renounce  iU 
^  If,''  he  is  made  to  say,  "  notwithstanding  this, 
any  malignant  party  shall  take  heart,  and  be  will- 
ing to  sacrifice  the  peace  and  happiness  of  their 
country  to  their  own  sinister  ends  and  ambition, 
under  whatever  pretence  of  religion  and  consci- 
ence— ^if  they  shall  endeavour  to  lessen  my  repu- 
tation and  interest,  and  to  weaken  my  lawful  power 
and  authority — ^if  they  shall  attempt,  by  discoun- 
tenancing the  present  laws,  to  loosen  the  bonds  of 


HISTORY  OF  THB  BRITISH  EBCPIRE.  351 

government,  that  all  disorder  and  confusion  may 
break  in  upon  us— I  doubt  not  but  Grod  in  his  good 
time  will  discover  them  to  me,  and  that  the  wis- 
dom and  courage  of  my  high  court  of  parliament 
will  join  with  me  in  their  suppression  and  punish* 
ment.*^  He  concludes  with  declaring  his  abhor- 
rence of  the  Irish  rebellion,  and  his  invariable  de- 
sire to  suppress  it,  which  he  had  lately  evinced 
by  a  message  to  the  lords,  by  which  he  proposed 
to  raise  10,000  volunteers — a  fact  which  he  pub- 
lished to  contradict  the  malicious  whispers  of  some, 
that  the  preparations  had  hitherto  been  prevented 
by  him. 

This  publication  was  calculated  to  make  a  great 
impression.  The  aristocracy  began  to  be  alarmed 
at  the  popular  spirit  which  daily  arose  ;  the  salu- 
tary laws  that  had  been  passed  were  obvious  to  all, 
while  the  perpetual  source  of  jealousy  in  the  com- 
mons might  be  overlooked.  The  prince  who  stands 
convicted  of  attempts  to  overturn  the  fundamen- 
tal laws  of  his  country,  by  means  of  the  power 
which  has  been  intrusted  to  him  for  the  public 
good,  and  has  repeatedly  deceived  his  subjects  af- 
ter the  most  solemn  engagements,  justly  forfeits 
their  confidence  for  ever ;  and  even  the  late  mea- 
sures of  Charles  had  inspired  incurable  jealousy  in 
every  reflecting  breast.  Nor  could  it  be  unknown 
to  the  parliamentary  leaders,  that,  during  his  re* 
sidence  in  Scotland,  he  had  been  hunting  for  the 
means  of  their  destruction.  No  change  of  go- 
vernment could  be  expected  from  a  prince  that 
obstinately  adhered  to  those  counsels  which  had 


069  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE* 

already  proved  so  pernicious ;  and  his  conduct  in 
regard  to  the  bill  for  pressing  still  evinced  that 
he  yet  conceived  it  to  be  within  the  scope  of  his 
prerogative  to  force  into  his  service  whomsoever 
"^he  pleasedy  which  implied,  that  the  greatest  pa- 
triots might  in  that  form  be  objects  of  persecution. 
Add  to  this,  that  he  was  widely  suspected  of  hav- 
ing been  accessary  to  the  Irish  rebellion. 

The  impression  which  the  answer  to  the  remon- 
strance might  have  made,  however,  was  destroyed 
by  other  events.  The  cry  against  episcopacy  daily 
increased;  and  the  prelates  began  to  apprehend 
that  the  bill  which  depended  in  the  upper  house 
for  its  abolition  might  be  passed  by  the  lords  when 
the  royal  assent  could  with  difficulty  be  withheld. 
To  maintain  their  ground,  therefore,  a  most  extra- 
ordinary course  was  adopted.  It  has  been  seen 
that  Williams,  on  his  passage  to  the  lords,  had  been 
prevented  from  apprehending  one  of  the  populace, 
Protestatioii  of  whom  he  observed  to  cry  out  against  the  bishops. 


thL  TO^Mtt***^^  he,  with  eleven  more,  alleging  that  their  access 
free  pariiaiiient,  f0  the  housc  was  obstructed,  took  a  protestation 

and  that  all  acts  i_»   i_       •    i      i  i 

paved  in  their  against  all  acts  which  might  be  passed  in  their  ab- 
u  MIL  *'***^  sence.  This  protestation  was  approved  of  by  the 
king  before  it  was  presented  by  the  lord  keeper  to 
the  upper  house,  to  be  by  it  communicated  to  the 
lower ;  and,  as  it  was  consentaneous  to  the  royal 
proceedings  in  Scotland,  it  ought  rather  to  be  as- 
cribed to  the  continuance  of  the  counsels  that  di- 
rected matters  relative  to  that  country,  than,  as  the 
malice  against  Williams  has  dictated,  to  his  indivi- 
dual violence.    Even  the  lord  keeper  was  equally 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  2JS 

eulpable  in  not  opposing,  as  Williams  in  recom^ 
mendii^  it ;  nay,  as  the  keeper's  passions  must  be 
supposed  C00I9  while  the  other's  were  inflamed,  he 
was  in  that  view  infinitely  the  most  criminal  of  the 
two.  But  the  measure  was  intended  to  be  of  deep-^ 
er  consequence  than  royalist  writers  admit ;  and 
they  do  the  object  of  their  admiration  little  credit 
by  making  him  the .  senseless  dupe  of  every  inte- 
rested or  passionate  adviser.  He  was  bent  upon  a 
pretext  for  being  freed  from  the  parliament,  and  in 
that  state  of  feeling  was  not  scrupulous  about  the 
means.  But^  surely,  when  it  is  considered  on  the 
one  hand,  that  he  obstinately  refused  the  parlia- 
ment liberty  to  appoint  a  guard,  though,  he  had 
ordered  one  for  himself  at  Whitehall,  and,  on  the 
other,  that  he  permitted  Lunsford  and  his  lUiowers 
to  appear  armed  at  Westminster*hall,  we  cannot 
readily  admit  an  apology  for  his  concurrence  in  a 
measure  which  was  calculated  to  annihilate  a  par- 
liament that  was  indissoluble  without  its  own  con- 
sent :  for,  if  any  body  of  men,  by  absenting  them^ 
selves,  could  make  all  the  proceedings  of  the  legis- 
lature nugatory,  it  was  absolutely  extinct  ^. 

The  result  of  this  protestation  probably  disap- 
pointed both  those  who  took  and  those  who  ap- 
proved of  it.     Such  were  the  indignation   ^^^?^^S^Lth 
outcry  against  the  prelates,  that  it  was  immediately  trawm. 


*  Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  466|  et  seq.  Nalson^  vol.  ii.  p.  ^9i,  et  seq, 
Wbitelocke^  p.  S3,  but  he  is  not  correct  in  dates.  Clar.  toL  ii,  p.  S30. 
PU  ParL  HiBt.  to1«  x.  p.  137.   Cobbet>j  vol  ii.  p.  993. 


254  HISTORY  OF  THB  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

resolved  upon  to  impeach  them  of  high  treason  ; 
and  even  those  attached  to  the  function,  were  so 
offended  at  the  men  for  such  a  mark  of  indiscre- 
tion and  criminatity^  that  they  would  not  interfere 
to  save  their  persons.  One  gentleman  alone  feebly 
raised  his  voice  against  the  impeachment,  observ- 
ing that,  in  his  opinion,  they  were  not  guilty  of 
high  treason,  but  that  they  were  stark  mad,  and 
he  recommended  that  they  should  be  sent  to  bed- 
lam*. The  impeachment  was  immediately  voted  ; 
and  the  enemies  of  episcopacy  were  secretly  plea- 
sed at  an  event  that  so  fairly  opened  the  way  for 
the  removal  of  the  establishment.  The  bishops 
were  accordingly  impeached  of  high  treason  by 
the  commons,  at  the  bar  of  the  peers,  and  commit- 
ted till  the  charge  were  prepared. 

The  commons,  at  the  same  tim^  again  request- 
ed the  concurrence  of  the  lords,  in  an  application 
to  the  king  for  a  guard,  and  they  supported  their 
request  with  new  reasons  j  that  the  prelates  would 
not  have  ventured  on  so  insolent  and  traiterous  a 
measure,  had  they  not  been  sensible  that  they 
would  be  well  abetted  in  their  design ;  and  that 
the  king  had  himself  conceived  it  necessary  at  this 
juncture  to  appoint  a  guard  for  himself}  and  since 
the  king's  enemies  were  likewise  the  enemies  of 
parliamenty  the  guard  on  the  one  part  implied  its 
necessity  on  the  other.  But  the  lords  adhered  to 
their  former  resolution,  and  the  commons  petition- 

*  Clar.  Yol.  ii  p.  353.  et  9eq. 


HISTOBT  OF  THS  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  955 

ed  the  king  separately.  They  stated  that  there 
had  already  been  several  attempts  to  bring  de* 
struction  upon  their  whole  body,  while  threats  had 
been  vented  against  particular  individuals;  that 
there  was  now  a  malignant  party  which  daily 
gathered  strength  and  confidence,  and  had  arrived 
at  such  a  height  of  insolent  atrocity,  that  they 
had  imbrued  their  hands  in  the  blood  of  their  feU 
low  subjects,  in  the  face,  and  at  the  very  doors  of 
the  parliament,  and  at  his  majesty's  own  gates, 
while  they  used  the  most  violent  and  menacing 
language  against  the  parliament  itself.  An  an- 
swer to  this  petition  was  delayed  *. 

While  men,  having  lost  all  confidence  in  the 
sovereign,  justly  apprehended  new  conspiracies  of 
his  fomenting  against  the  parliament,  it  is  not 
wonderful  that  they  should  have  listened  with 
trembling  anxiety  to  groundless  rumours.  Such 
is  the  natural  course  of  events,  and  to  expect  that, 
in  the  hour  of  real  danger,  people  should  calmly 
and  scrupulously  weigh  evidence  and  balance 
probabilities,  before  they  give  ear  to  any  report, 
would  be  to  demand  a  philosophical  coolness  be* 
yond  the  compass  of  humanity,  and  which  would 
be  found  incompatible  with  the  alertness  that  is 
necessary  for  the  public  safety.  Were  no  precau- 
tion taken  till  the  danger  were  proved,  the  mortal 
blow  might  be  struck  before  the  s%htest  provi- 
sion was  made  against  it:  The  late  tremendous 

*  Rush,  vol]  if.  p.  47|.    Old  Pari.  Hist,  vol,  x.  p.  149,  et  seq. 
Gobbet's,  vol  U.  p.  \W>t 


256  HISTORY  OF  THB  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

explosion  in  Ireland,  under  which  so  many  thou* 
sands  still  suffered,  afforded  an  awful  warning  to  a 
people  against  whose  own  legislative  assembly 
auch  plots  had  been  devised.     That  unmanly  ter* 
Tor  which  would  lead  a  party  to  seek  its  security 
in  the  unjust  prosecution  of  supposed  adversaries, 
cannot  indeed  be  too  much  condemned,  (and  the 
disposition  against  the   Catholic    party,    which, 
however,  was  dangerous  at  this  juncture,  rather 
savoured  of  this,)  but  the  prince  who  had  been 
already  fully  detected  in  conspiracies  against  the 
grand  national  council  itself^  had  no  right  to  com- 
plain of  being  suspected  of  similar  designs;  and 
the  calm   investigation  of   the    army.plots  was 
every. way  worthy  of  an  English  parliament.     It 
is  easy,  however,  to  perceive  the  advantage  which 
false  alarms  were  calculated  to  afford  the  court 
party  in  extending  the  ridicule  against  them  to 
those  which  were  well-grounded ;  and  authors^ 
whose  object  has  certainly  not  been  truth,  have 
made  a  dextrous  use  of  it  in  their  relation  of 
events.    By  them  the  groundless  rumours,  as  well 
as  the  genuine  plots,  have  been  imputed  to  the 
fabrication  of  the  popular  members,  as  part  of 
their  system  for  keeping  alive  that  feverish  anxie* 
ty  cm  which  their  influence  was  built;  but,  though 
it  be  not  impossible  that  some  of  those  members 
might  not  be  averse  to  the  existence  of  reports 
that  augmented  their  power,  there  is  no  authority 
to  justify  the  imputation  against  them. 

We  have  already  said  that  the  answer  to  the 
piBtition  for  a  guard  was  delayed;  and  it  is  re* 


HISTORY  OF  TH£  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  2S7 

markable  that  it  was  returned  on  the  very  day  oti 
which  Lord  Kimbolton,  eldest  son  of  the  Earl  of 
Manchester,  and  the  five  members  of  the  Com^ 
monsy  Pym,  Hampden,  Hollis,  Hazlerig,  and 
Strode,  were  impeached  of  high  treason.  The 
answer,  too,  was  tantamount  to  a  direct  denial^ 
as  Charles,  while  he  affected  to  be  ignorant  of  the 
cause  of  their  fears,  then  agreed  to  give  them  a 
guard,  only  conditionally — provided  it  were  un- 
der the  command  of  an  officer  appointed  by  his 
majesty,  instead  of  Essex,  whom  the  Commons  re- 
commended. They  **  ordered  that  the:  lord  mayor, 
the  aldermen,  the  sheriffs,  and  common  council, 
be  forthwith  advised  from  that  house,  to  dii'ect 
that  the  trained-bands  of  the  city  of  London  may 
be  put  in  readiness  for  the  safety  of  the  king's 
person,  the  city,  and  the  commonwealth;  and 
that,  in  the  meantime,  there  may  be  strong  guards 
and  watches  set  at  all  places  convenient  about  the 
city*.*' 

On  that  day,  the  Sd  of  January,  the  Attorney- The  im. 
general  Herbert  went  to  the  House  of  Lords,  and,  ^S^hmt 
in  his  Majesty's  name,  impeached  Lord  KimboK]^^^^ 
ton,  a  member  of  that  body,  together  with  the  fiverae™''*^  ^ 
members  of  the  Commons,  of  high  treason,  on  theiiioii8,sd 
following  grounds:    That  they  had  traitorously '^•^ ^***'' 
endeavoured  to  subvert  the  fundamental  laws,  and 
the  government  of  the  kingdom }  to  deprive  the 


*  This  appears  by  fhe  JoumalB^  vol.  ii.  p.  366.  to  have  passed  be- 
fore the  members  were  impeached.     Rush.  vol.  iv^  p.  471,    Old 
ParL  Hist  p.  kna,  156.    Gobbet's,  vol.  ii.  p.  1069. 
VOL.  III.  S 


S58  BISTORT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE* 

king  of  his  regal  power ;  and  to  place  his  subjects 
under  an  arbitrary  and  tyrannical  power:  That 
they  had  endeavoured,  by  many  foul  aspersions 
upon  his  Majesty  and  his  government,  to  alienate 
the  afiections  of  his  people,  and  to  make  him  odious 
to  them :  That  they  had  endeavoured  to  draw  his 
Majesty^s  late  army  to  disobedience  to  his  com- 
mand, and  to  join  them  in  their  traitorous  design : 
That  they  had  invited  and  encouraged  a  foreign 
power  to  invade  the  kingdom :  That  they  had  en- 
deavoured to  subvert  the  very  rights  and  being  c^ 
parliament:   That,  for  the   completing  of  their 
traitorous  designs,  they  had  endeavoured,  as  far 
as  in  them  lay,  by  force  and  terror,  to  compel  the 
parliament  to  concur  with  them  in  their  designs ; 
and,  to  that  end,  had  actually  raised  and  counte- 
nanced tumults  against  the  king  and  parliament : 
And,  that  they  had  traitorously  conspired  to  levy, 
and  actually  had  levied,  war  against  the  king. 
Having  read  these  articles,  the  attorney-general 
moved  that  a  select  committee,  under  a  command 
of  secrecy,  might  be  appointed  to  take  the  exami- 
nation of  witnesses  according  to  the  practice  in  si- 
milar cases ;  that  his  Msgesty  might  have  liberty  to 
add  to,  or  alter,  the  articles  as  he  saw  cause  ;  and 
that  their  Lordships  would  adopt  the  requisite 
measures  for  securing  the  persons  of  the  accused. 
The  whole  house  looked  aghast  at  this  proceeding; 
and  no  one  was  hardy  enough  to  move  for  Elimbol- 
ton's  commitment.    His  Lordship  himself,  stand- 
ing up,  professed  his  innocence,  but  offered  readily 
to  obey  any  order  of  his  peers ;  yet  prayed  that. 


HrsTOHY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  25^ 

as  he  bad  beeq  publicly  impeached,  so  he  should 
also  have  a  public  opportunity  to  vindicate  his  in- 
nocence.    In  the  mean  time,  a  party,  consisting  of 
Sir  William  Fleming,  Sir  William  Killigrew,  and 
others,  had  been  sent  to  the  chambers  of  the  im- 
peached mem|>ers,  to  seal  up  their  trunks,  doors^ 
&c. ;  and  the  Commons,  having  received  notice  of 
this,  together  with  the  proceedings  in  the  uppet 
house,  resolved  that,  if  any  person  whatever  should 
come  to  the  lodgings  of  any  member  of  that  house, 
either  to  seal  up  his  trunks,  &c.  or  to  seize  his  per- 
son»  it  was  lawful  for  him,  according  to  the  late 
protestation,  to  defend  the  privileges  of  parliament^ 
to  call  a  constable  and  others  to  his  assistance,  and 
stand  upon  the  defensive.    They  also  desired  a 
conference  upon  this  breach    of  privilege,  and 
they  again  expressed  their  wish  that  their  Lord- 
ships would  concur  in  asking    a  guard   which 
should  be  approved  of  by  both  houses,  or  else  that 
they  would  consent  to  adjourn  to  a  place  of  greater 
safety.    The  Lords  ordered  that  the  seals  should 
be  removed  from  the  trunks,  &c.  of  the  members, 
and  at  last  agreed  to  petition  for  a  guard.    The 
Commons  likewise  issued  an  order  to  apprehend! 
Fleming,  and  the  other  gentlemen  who   acted 
with  him,  and  to  bring  them  before  the  house  as 
delinquents.    But,  while  matters  were  proceeding 
thus,  a  Serjeant  at  arms  came  to  the  lower  house, 
and  demanded  the  five  members.    The  Commons, 
having  ordered  the  seijeant  to  withdraw,  appointed 
a  committee  to  acquaint  his  Majesty,  that  as  the 
message  was  a  matter  of  such  consequence  as  to 


260  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  fiMPIRE. 

concern  the  privileges  of  all  the  Commons  of  Etig^ 
land,  it  was  necessary  for  them  to  take  it  into  their 
serious  consideration  ;  but  that  they  would  return 
an  answer  with  as  much  speed  as  possible }  and» 
in  the  mean  time,  they  would  take  care  that  the 
gentlemen  mentioned  in  the  message  should  be 
ready  to  answer  any  legal  charge  against  them. 
The  accused  members  were  ordered  by  the  house 
to  give  regular  attendance. 

Such  were  the  proceedings  in  parliament  on  the 
third ;  but  Charles,  determined  to  carry  through 
his  designs,  was  not  idle  that  evening.  He  had 
already  congregated  a  considerable  body  of  des- 
perate characters  in  the  better  walks  of  life,  men 
whose  fortunes  were  inadequate  to  their  desires, 
and  who,  having  an  open  table  kept  for  them,  were, 
in  the  form  of  a  guard,  prepared  for  any  unlawful 
measures :  yet,  not  satisfied  with  their  number,  he 
had  used  all  his  influence  to  enlist  also  under  his 
banners  the  gentlemen  of  the  four  inns  of  court, 
and  had  been  so  successful,  that  they  proffered 
their  services  as  a  guard,  and  one  of  them  said 
publicly,  in  the  hearing  of  Ludlow,  (who  took  up 
the  matter  so  sharply  that  the  young  man  pre- 
tended to  apologise  for  his  hasty  expression,) 
«  What !  shall  we  suffer  these  fellows  at  Westmin- 
ster to  domineer  thus  ?  Let  us  go  into  the  coun- 
try, and  bring  up  our  tenants,  and  pull  them  ouL" 
To  this  body,  Charles,  on  the  evening  of  the  third, 
sent  a  copy  of  the  charge  against  the  members  of 
parliament,  wi(h  a  message,  by  Fleming  and  Killi* 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  261 

grew,  to  keep  within  doors  next  day,  and  be  ready 
at  an  hour's  warning. 

The  king  had  promised  to  return  an  answer  toKing^sfio- 
the  message  of  the  Commons  on  the  next  day,  the  !^l!l^iii(o 
fourth ;  yet,  that  very  day,  having  put  himself  at^J^^^^ 
the  head  of  his  courtiers  and  band  of  armed  fol«fi^i 


ben.  4A. 

lowers,  he  marched  to  the  lower  house,  for  the  Jan.  1549. 
purpose  of  seizing  the  five  members  in  the  very 
discharge  of  their  duty.  Mr.  Pym  had  received 
notice  of  the  king's  intention  from  the  Countess  of 
Carlisle,  the  Earl  of  Northumberland's  sister ;  and 
as  his  Majesty  marched  at  the  head  of  his  troop, 
a  Captain  Langrish,  who  had  lately  returned  from 
the  French  service,  and,  from  his  military  habitsf, 
was  in  terms  of  intimacy  with  some  of  the  royal 
followers,  learned  from  them  the  object  of  this  ca- 
valcade, and,  passing  them  quickly,  reported  the 
intelligence  to  the  house.  As  force  was  evidently 
intended,  and  the  feelings  of  the  Commons  were 
such,  that  the  members  would  have  been  defended, 
had  an  attempt  to  seize  them  been  made,  it  was 
deemed  advisable  that  they  should  leave  the  house, 
rather  than  incur  the  hazard  of  such  bloodshed  as 
in  that  event  must  have  ensued.  One  of  them, 
however,  Mr.  Strode,  determined  to  meet  the  occa- 
sion, till  his  old  friend.  Sir  Walter  Earle,  pulled  him 
out  by  force.  The  band  which  accompanied  his 
Majesty,  and  amounted  to  upwards  of  three  hun- 
dred, armed  with  swords,  pistols,  halberts,  &c. 
made  a  lane,  through  which  he  passed  into  the 
house.  He,  walking  up  to  the  chair,  commanded 
the  speaker  to  resign  it,  and,  having  occupied  it, 


262  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

cast  his  eyes  round  for  the  objects  of  his  pursuit ; 
then  remarked,  that  he  was  ^orry  for  the  occasion^ 
but  that  he  had  already  sent  a  message  for  those 
fneoiben.  who  were,  by  his  command,  accused  of 
high  treason,  and  had  only  receiveid  a  message  in 
return,  instead  of  the  obedience  which  he  had  ex«- 
pected :  that  no  king  would  ever  be  more  careful 
of  their  privileges  than  he ;  but  that  as  no  place 
afforded  a  protection  against  a  charge  of  treason, 
8D  he  was  resolved  to  have  them  wherever  they 
were ;  and  that  so  long  as  they  continued  in  that 
house,  it  could  not  proceed  in  the  right  way. 
Having  looked  rouud  in  vain  for  the  impeached 
members,  he  demanded  of  the  speaker  whether 
they  were  in  the  house,  who,  falling  on  his  knees, 
answered,  with  admirable  presence  of  mind  on 
such  an  unprecedented  and  critical  occasion,  *^  May 
it  please  your  Majesty,  I  have  neither  eyes  to  see, 
nor  tongue  to  speak,  in  this  place,  but  as  the  house, 
whose  servant  I  am,  is  pleased  to  direct  me  j  and 
I  humbly  beg  your  Majesty's  pardon,  that  I  can- 
not give  any  other  answer  than  this  to  what  your 
Majesty  is  pleased  to  demand  of  me."    Satisfied 
that  the  accused  members  were  absent,  Charles 
said,  **  Well,  since  I  see  that  all  the  birds  are  flown, 
I  do  expect  that  you  will  send  them  to  me  as  soon 
as  they  return ;  but  I  assure  you,  on  the  word  of 
a  king,  I  never  did  intend  any  force,  but  shall  pro- 
aecute  them  in  a  fair  and  legal  way,  for  I  never 
meant  any  other.    And  now,  since  I  see  I  cannot 
do  what  I  came  for,  I  think  this  no  unfit  occasion 
to  repeat  what  I  have  said  formerly,  that  whatso* 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE,  26S 

ever  I  have  done  in  favour,  and  to  the  good  of  my 
subjects,  I  mean  to  maintain  it.  I  will  trouble  you 
no  more,  but  tell  you  I  do  expect  that,  as  soon  as 
they  come  to  the  house,  you  will  send  them  to  me ; 
otherwise  I  must  take  my  own  course  to  find  them/^ 
With  this  he  retired  in  some  confusion,  amid  a  cry 
from  many  members  of  ^^  privilege,  privilege/' 
The  house  instantly  adjourned  till  the  following 
day  at  one  o'clock  *. 

The  impeached  members  removed  th^t  after- 
noon into  the  city  for  protection,  and  during  the 
whole  evening  the  citizens  were  in  arms.  Such  was 
the  general  perturbation,  that  a  cry  was  repeatedly 
raised,  that  the  cavaliers,  with  the  king  at  their 
head,  were  coming,  some  said,  to  fire  the  city. 
Charles,  on  his  part,  issued  a  proclamation  to  stop 
all  the  ports,  lest  the  accused  should  escape  from 
the  kingdom,  and  to  prohibit  all  from  entertaining 
or  harbouring  them  t, 


*  Journals  of  the  Commons,  voL  iL  p.  366,  et  $eq.  Rush.  voL  iv. 
p.  473,  et  seq.  Rnshworth  had  taken  the  king's  speech  in  characters, 
and  his  migesty  having  ohserved  him  writing,  sent  for  him,  and  de- 
manded the  copy,  which  he  himself  immediately  published  for  the  sa- 
tisfaction of  his  sulgects.  Nalson,  vol.  ii.  p.  810,  et  seq.  Whitelocke, 
p.  523.  Clar.  vol.  iL  p.  356,  et  seq.  Ludlow,  voL  i.  p.  SI,  et  seq, 
Hutchinson's  Mem.  voL  i.  p.  144.  Old  ParL  Hist  voL  x.  p.  167, 
et  seq.  Cob.  vol.  iL  p.  1005,  et  uq.  Mem.  par  Mad.  de  Motteyille, 
tome  L  p.  964-7. 

t  Clar.  Vol.  ii.  p.  360.  This  writer  pretends  that  people  were  de- 
puted to  raise  the  alarm  ;  but  whence  did  he  learn  that?  He  tells  us 
that  the  members  had  nothing  to  apprehend,  and  merely  feigned  ter- 
ror out  of  policy ;  yet,  in  the  same  breath,  he  informs  us,  that  Lord 
IHgby,  whom  he  allies,  with  what  truth  we  shall  examine  by  and 
bye,  to  have  been  the  sole  adviser  of  this  breach  of  all  faith  and  pri- 


S64  HISTORY  OF  TH£  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

mtm^  On  the  following  morning  he  resolved  to  go  in 
^aty,  person  to  the  city,  under  the  pretext  of  demand- 
ing the  persecuted  members,  but  in  reality  to  gain, 
if  possible,  the  support  of  a  party  there.  Orders 
were  therefore  sent  to  the  Lord  Mayor  to  call  a 
Common  Council ;  and  Charles  went  to  Guildhall 
with  only  four  attendants,  to  shew  the  citizens  how 
much  he  relied  on  their  affections.  But  the  tem- 
per manifested  by  the  people  in  his  progress  through 
the  city,   might    have  convinced    him  that  the 

yd\ege,  himself  proposed  to  go  into  tlie  dij,  "  with  a  select  company 
of  gentlemen^  whereof  Sir  Thonau  Lunsford  was  one,  to  seize  upoa 
them  and  bring  them  away  alive^  or  leave  them  dead  in  the  place ;  but 
the  king  liked  not  such  enterprises.^    When  the  king  had  gone  so  far 
by  this  person's  counsel,  would  it  have  been  strange  had  he  gone  a 
little  farther  ?  i^nd  wi^  it  then  \)e  said  that  there  was  no  ground  for  ap- 
prehension ?  The  same  writer  says  elsewhere^  (Supplement  to  third 
volume  of  State  Papers,  p.  Gd,  character  of  Dlgby^)  that  when  Digby 
peroeiyed  the  oonsequences  of  his  advioe>  **  his  great  spirit  was  so  far 
from  failing,  that  when  he  saw  the  whole  pity  upon  the  matter  in 
arms  to  defend  them,  knowing  in  what  house  they  were  together^  he 
offered  the  king,  with  a  select  number  of  a  dozen  gentlemen  "  (what  \  en- 
counter the  whole  city,  whose  trained-bands  were  commanded  by  a  very 
able  and  experienced  officer,  with  only  a  dozen  ?)  ''  who  he  presumed 
wquld  stick  to  hiqn,  to  seize  upon  their  persons  dead  or  alive,  and 
without  doubt  he  would  have  done  it,  which  must  likewise  have  had  a 
wonderful  efftet'*    What  he  means  by  these  last  words  may  be  sur- 
mised from  an  observation  which  he  elsewhere  makes,  at  the  very  mo-; 
xa&\i  t}ia(  he  pretends  to  condemn  the  proceeding — tliat  tliey  diould 
haye  been  secretly  seized;,  and  sent  to  distinct  apd  close  custody,  which 
would  have  broken  the  spirit  of  the  house^.    Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  391. 
Yet  he  admits  that  all  their  offences  had  been  committed  in  the  parlia- 
ment,   ^lisstatement  ever  involves  itself  in  inconsistency.    To  con- 
demn the  popular  proceedings  and  exculpate  the  king,  Clarendon  pre- 
^nds  that  there  was  no  purpose  to  seize  them  while  they  were  in  the 
city ;  but  then  he  forgets  that,  in  that  case,  Charles's  motive  for  going 
to  the  House  of  Commons  must  have  been  very  different  from  that  of 
seizing  them  whom  he  believed  guilty  of  high  treason. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  BMFIRB.  $65 

task  he  had  undertaken  would  be  fruitless.    They 
thronged  round  his  carriage,   <<  and  humbly  en- 
treated that  he  would  be  pleased  to  agree  with  his 
parliament,  and  not  infringe  its  privileges/'    The 
becoming  reverence  with  which  they  thus  sent  up 
their  petition,  did  not  render  their  language  the 
less  impressive.    One  alone,  of  all  their  number, 
Henry  Walker,  an  ironmonger  and  pamphleteer, 
offered  an  insult  to  their  misguided  prince,  by  cast- 
ing into  the  coach- window  a  paper,  in  which  were 
written  the  words,  "  To  your  tents,  O  Israel,"  the 
language  of  the  ten  tribes  who  forsook  the  foolish 
and  wantonly  tyrannical  Rehoboam.     For  this  se- 
ditious insolence,  which  does  not  appear  to  have 
received  any  countenance  from  the  general  demea- 
nour of  the  citizens.  Walker  was  committed,  and 
prosecuted  at  the  next  sessions  •. — At  Guildhall, 
Charles  told  the  Council  that  he  bad   come  to 
demand  such  persons  as  he  had  already  accused 
of  high  treason,  and  whom  he  believed  to  be  con- 

*  Clar.  vol.  ii.  p.  361.  This  author  has  the  effirontery  to  ulj,  that 
Walker  cried  with  a  very  loud  voice^  *^  To  your  tents,  O  Israel  I"  and 
is  of  course  followed  by  Hume,  who  has  yet  the  confidence  to  quote 
Rushworth  for  it.  Rushworth's  statement  is  in  these  words :  **  The 
same  day  his  Majesty  was  also  pleased  to  go  into  London,  with  hU 
umalattendantsy  and  in  his  passage  some  people  did  cry  aloud,  privile- 
ges of  parliament !  privileges  of  parliament !  and  one  Henry  'Walker, 
an  iron-monger  and  pamphlet  writer,  threw  into  his  majesty's  coach  a 
paper,  wherein  was  written, "  To  your  tents,  O  Israel,"  for  which  he 
was  committed,  and  afterwards  proceeded  against  at  the  Sesuons."  VoL 
]V.  p.  479.  See  also  May,  lib.  ii.  p.  26,  27,  who  describes  the  conduct 
of  the  mob  as  very  humble.  See  also  Husband's  coUection  of  State 
Papers,  p.  126.  whence  Clarendon,  the  author  of  that  \ery  State  Paper 
there  referred  to,  could  not  be  mistaken. 


266  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE* 

cealed  in  the  city;  that  as  their  offences  were 
treason  and  misdemeanors  of  a  high  nature,  he 
trusted  no  good  man  would  detain  them,  and  he 
desired  their  assistance  that  the  accused  might  be 
brought  to  a  legal  trial :  That  there  were  divers 
suspicions  raised  that  he  was  a  favourer  of  the  po- 
pish religion ;  but  he  professed,  in  the  name  of  a 
king,  that  he  ever  had  been,  and  would  be  to  the 
utmost  of  his  power,  a  prosecutor  of  all  such  as  any 
ways  opposed  the  laws  and  statutes  of  this  king* 
dom,  either  papists  or  separatists,  and  would  ever 
defend  the  true  protestant  faith,  which  his  father 
professed.  After  this  address  he  departed  from 
the  assembly  without  any  of  that  applause  and 
cheerfulness  which  he  had  anticipated  from  his 
condescension — a  result  which  must  have  been  the 
more  poignantly  mortifying,  considering  the  well- 
known  extreme  loyalty  of  the  Lord  Mayor,  and 
his  Majesty's  late  splendid  reception  through  his 
Lordship's  activity.  To  conciliate  the  city  farther, 
he  proposed  to  dine  with  one  of  the  sheriffi,  who, 
of  the  two,  was  least  inclined  to  promote  his  views ; 
but,  though  he  was  nobly  entertained,  and  returned 
in  the  evening  to  Whitehall  without  receiving  the 
slightest  mark  of  disrespect  in  his  passage,  the 
whole  occurrences  of  the  day  only  taught  him  that 
the  confidence  of  the  city  was  irrecoverable  *. 
SjSlI^iSr  ^^^  houses  of  parliament  assembled  on  the 
^  ^c^  ^^™^  ^^^'  ^"^  ^^^  Commons  voted  a  declaration 
mons  ap-    upou  the  gross  violation  of  parliamentary  privile- 

poiot  a  com- 
mittee  to  sit 

iminGuild'       *  ^'^*  ^^^'  "•  P*  ^^^'*  ^^^^sh.  Vol.  iv.  p.  479,  48(K 
balL 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE*  267 

ges,  and  stated  that,  till  their  privileges  were  vindi- 
cated, and  a  guard  allowed,  it  would  be  impossible 
for  them  to  discharge  their  duty  as  a  branch  of  the 
legislature.  They  therefore  resolved  to  adjoura 
for  a  few  days,  till  the  11th,  that  the  king  might 
have  an  opportunity  to  afford  proofs  of  a  change  of 
conduct  But  they  appointed  a  committee  of  cer<- 
tain  individuals,  with  whom,  however,  all  who 
chose  to  attend  might  vote,  to  sit  at  Guildhall  in 
the  mean-time,  for  the  purpose  of  investigating  the 
facts  relative  to  llie  breach  of  privilege,  and  con- 
sulting with  the  citizens  both  on  it  and  on  the 
SLtEadrs  of  Ireland.  The  Lords  adjourned  to  the 
same  day 

The  evidence  led  before  the  committee  regard-  Evideoee 
ing  the  king's  forcible  entrance  into  the  House  of  the  oommit. 
Commons  was  soon  published,  and  must  have  satis- ^^^^* 
fied  all  unprejudiced  men  of  the  desperate  feelings  ^»?^ 
with  which  his  followers  were  then  actuated.    It 
was  to  this  effect :  That  the  number  which  accom« 
panied  him  on  that  occasion  was  about  ^00,  (the 
lately  enlisted  guards  out-numbered  his  gentlemen 
pensioners  or  ordinary  attendants,)  and  that  they 
were  armed  with  swords,  pistols,  and  other  wea- 
pons; that  the  new  guard  having  pressed  forward 
to  the  door  of  the  house,  placed  themselves  be- 
tween it  and  the  king's  ordinary  attendants,  and 
there  brandished  their  swords,  while  individuals  of 
them,  holding  up  their  pistols,  openly  used  such 


"  Jounuds  of  the  Commons,  vol.  ii.  p.  368.    Old  Pari.  Hist.  voL  x. 
p.  166,  et  teq,    Cobbct's,  vol.  ii.  p.  1002.    Rush.  voL  iv.  p.  478,  479* 


268  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

language  as  this,  '^  I  am  a  good  marksman,  I  can 
hit  right  I  warrant  you  ;*'  and  that  they  would  not 
allow  the  door  to  be  shut  according  to  custom,  de- 
claring that  they  were  resolved  to  support  their 
party:  That^when  several  of  the  members  approach- 
ed, and  their  servants  called  out  to  make  room  for 
them,  <<  some  of  this  new  species  of  soldiery  an- 
swered, "  A  pox.  Gad  confound  them  !**  while 
others  exclaimed,  **  A  pox  take  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, let  them  come  and  be  hanged ;  what  ado  is 
here  with  the  House  of  Commons  ?*'  That,  besides 
this,  they  assaulted  the  servants  of  the  mem- 
bers, and,  with  many  oaths,  expressed  their  regret 
at  the  absence  of  the  accused  members ;  nay,  that 
some  of  them  cried,  <^  when  comes  the  word ;"  and 
that  when  asked  the  meaning  of  that  expression* 
they  answered,  that  **  questionless,  in  the  posture 
they  were  set,  if  the  word  had  been  given,  they 
should  have  fallen  upon  the  House  of  Commons, 
and  have  cut  all  their  throats."  The  reader  will 
bear  in  mind  that  these  were  not  common  soldiers, 
whose  language  might  be  partly  the  ofispring  of 
ignorance ;  but  individuals  who  had  been  officers 
of  the  late  army,-i-who  had  entered  into  this  ser- 
vice out  of  alleged  principle,  and  who  were  feasted 
and  caressed  in  an  extraordinary  manner  at  White- 
hall !  Can  it  then  be  doubted  that  they  would  not 
have  uttered  such  sentiments  unless  they  had 
known  them  to  be  congenial  to  those  of  their 
master  P  Had  it  been  otherwise,  he  would  have 
been  eager  himself  for  the  punishment,  at  least  by 
dismissal  from  his  service,  of  a  set  of  men  against 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  269 

whom  such  daringly  profligate  conduct  was  estSL* 
blished ;  yet  they  appear  to  have  recommended 
themselves  by  it,  and  he  was  anxious  to  promote 
them*.  Besides  all  this,  their  threatening  lan*^ 
guage  against  the  parliament  had  already  been 
complained  of  by  the  Commons  in  a  petition  to  the 
throne.  But  there  was  another  important  fact  fully 
established  by  evidence  before  the  committee :— « 
*  That,  on  the  very  day  on  which  the  outrage  was 
committed,  a  hundred  stand  of  arms,  and  two  bar* 
rels  of  gunpowder,  with  match  and  shot  in  propor- 
tion, were  sent  from  the  tower  to  Whitehall,  with 


*  Joumala  of  the  Commonsj  vol.  ii.  p.  374.  Rush*  voL  !▼«  p.  484'> 
et  stq.  The  number  that  accompanied  the  king  is  generally  called 
about  300,  though  the  eyidence  makes  it  500.  I  conclude  that  the 
300  already  mentioned,  were  exdusive  of  the  ordinary  attendants, 
whom  they  outnumbered*  Mr.  Hume,  as  a  matter  of  course,  derides 
this  examination  into  the  language  and  menacing  gestures  of  the  king's 
followers,  as  if  it  had  been  imworthy  of  notice.^— That  these  men  were 
officers,  we  have  the  king's  admission.  Husband's  CoL  p.  108.  As  to 
their  having  been  thanked,  &c.  afterwards,  see  eveti  Digby's  admission, 
Nalson,  vol.  ii.  p.  865.  Mr.  Himie  here,  as  elsewhere,  affects  to  sneer 
at  the  popular  party  for  attributing  the  king's  advice  to  papists,  (which 
they  did  not  in  the  papers  alluded  to)*— a  way  by  which  he  really  ap« 
peals  to  the  pr^udices  of  his  readers,  and  yet  the  same  author  makes 
this  altogether  a  war  of  religion!  Were  the  papists  the  only  party  in 
the  state  who  were  quite  indifferent  to  religion  ?  or  was  the  existence  of 
such  a  party  like  witchcraft—altogether  ideal?  Had  the  learned  author 
forgotten  the  various  conspiracies,  &c.  during  £lizabeth*s  reign  ?-»the 
gun-powder  plot  during  the  preceding  reign  ? — ^the  late  intrigues  of  fo- 
reignstateson  this  subject? — the  innovations  by  the  court  faction? — the 
Irish  insurrection ;  and  the  encouragement  of  the  papists  there  by  the 
pope  and  foreign  princes  ?  We  may  well  disapprove  of  the  Parlia<* 
ment*s  intolerance ;  but  assuredly  it  is  not  too  much  to  presume,  that 
the  Catholics  were  actuated  with  as  much  zeal  as  the  Protestant  par- 
ties, and  it  is  not  reqiusite  to  suppose  more,  particularly  oonsider- 
jng  their  political  tenets. 


270  HISTORY  OF  THE  BBITISH  EMPIRE. 

the  Lieutenant's  knowledge  *•  It  will  also  be  re- 
membered that  the  gentlemen  of  the  Inns  of  Court, 
who  had  previously  been  gained  over,  were  told  to 
be  in  readiness  at  an  hour's  warning. 
The  dty*i  On  the  7th,  two  days  after  the  adjournment,  the 
STuagr  lord  mayor,  aldermen,  and  common  council,  pre- 
sented to  the  throne  a  petition,  in  which,  after  ad^ 
verting  to  the  dangers,  fears,  and  distractions,  into 
which  the  city  had  been  plunged  by  the  progress 
of  the  bloody  rebels  in  Ireland,  (who  were  coun- 
.  tenanced  by  papists  and  their  adherents  in  Eng* 
land,)  and  the  want  of  forces  to  suppress  that  re- 
bellion, together  with  the  intimations,  foreign  and 
domestic,  which  they  had  received  of  designs  to 
extirpate  the  Protestant  religion  with  the  liberties 
of  the  subject ;  to  the  removal  of  persons  of  ho- 
nour and  trust  from  the  offices  of  constable  and 
lieutenant  of  the  Tower,  and  the  late  warlike  pre- 
parations there  i  to  the  fortifying  of  Whitehall, 
and  the  provoking  language  and  violence  used  by 
his  new  guard  to  the  citizens ;  and  to  the  conduct 
of  the  gentlemen  of  the  Inns  of  Court ;  and  his 
Majesty's  late  entrance  into  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, with  such  a  band  of  armed  attendants,  be- 
sides his  ordinary  guard — They  prayed  that  he 
would  relieve  the  Protestants  of  Ireland  by  the 
advice  of  his  grand  council ;  remove  suspicious  per- 
sons from  the  Tower,  and  put  it  into  the  custody 
of  trust-worthy  characters ;  appoint  a  known  and 
approved  guard  for  himself  and  the  parliament ; 

*  Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  480. 


tiOD. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  271 

aiid,  lastly,  remove  all  restraint  from  Lord  Mande«» 
vi]le  or  Lord  Kimbolton,  and  the  five  members  of 
the  lower  house,  and  only  proceed  against  them 
according  to  the  privileges  of  parliament.  TheKing^s  n- 
royal  answer  to  this  petition  was  by  no  means  sa-S/s*^ 
tii^actory :  That  he  imagined  he  had  been  suffi-^" 
ciently  explicit  at  Guildhall;  but  that  he  now 
added  some  particulars  for  their  information :  ist. 
That  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  feel  more  than 
he  had  expressed  on  the  business  of  Ireland,  yet 
that  his  zeal  would  be  farther  manifested  by  a  decla- 
ration that  he  meant  to  set  forth,  and  he  hoped  that 
great  and  necessary  work  would  soon  be  advanced 
by  the  advice  and  assistance  of  parliament :  Sdly, 
That,  with  regard  to  the  Tower,  as  he  had  already 
removed  one  servant  of  trust  and  reputation,  (this 
was  Lunsford !)  to  satisfy  the  city,  and  had  substi* 
tuted  another  of  known  ability  and  unquestionable 
character,  he  wondered  at  their  groundless  fears ; 
and  as  to  the  preparations  for  farther  fortifying 
the  Tower,  he  deemed  them  as  necessary,  for  the 
city  as  for  his  own  safety,  and  should  ever  employ 
them  for  the  protection  of  both :  Sdly,  That  the 
fortification  of  Whitehall,  and  the  guard  he  bad 
lately  enlisted,  were  rendered  necessary  by  the 
seditious  language  and  tumultuary  conduct  of  the 
populace :  4thly,  That  as  for  the  gentlemen  of  the 
Inns  of  Court,  there  was  nothing  censurable  in  re« 
gardtothem;  for  that  they,  conceiving  that  his 
safety  might  be  endangered,  had  merely  expres- 
sed their  good  intention,  and  '*  he  had  received 
the  tender  of  their  loyal  and  dutiful  afiections  with 


972  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

very  good  approbation  and  acceptance ;"  that,  ^*  for 
his  going  to  the  House  of  Commons,  v^hen  his  at- 
tendants were  no  otherwise  armed  than  as  gentle- 
men with  swords/'  he  is  persuaded,  that  if  the  pe- 
titioners knew  the  clear  grounds  on  which  the  five 
members  stand  accused  of  high  treason,  they  would 
believe  that  his  going  thither  in  so  gentle  a  way  was 
an  act  of  grace  and  favour,  since  he  is  well  assured 
that  no  privilege  of  parliament  can  extend  to  trea- 
son, felony,  or  breach  of  the  peace :  and,  lastly^ 
That  he  ever  intended  to  proceed  against  the  ac- 
cused with  all  justice  and  favour,  according  to  the 
laws  and  statutes  of  the  realm,  to  which  the  inno- 
cent would  cheerfully  submit ;  **  and,''  says  he,  ia 
conclusion^  '*  this  extraordinary  way  of  satisfying 
a  petition  of  so  unusual  a  nature,  his  Majesty  is 
confidently  persuaded  will  be  thought  the  greatest 
instance  that  can  be  given  of  his  clear  intentions 
to  his  subjects,  and  of  the  singular  estimation  he 
hath  of  the  good  affections  of  this  city,  which  he 
believes  in  gratitude  will  never  be  wanting  to  his 
just  commands  and  service  *." 

Far  from  abandoning  the  prosecution  of  the 

Lord  Mandeville,  and  the  five  members  of  the  lower 

housei  Charles,  on  the  8th  issued  out  a  proclama- 

King  leaves  tion  to  apprehend  them  :  but,  on  the  10th,  he  left 

10th  jii.   London,  to  which  he  never  returned  till  he  was 

1642.       brought  thither  as  a  prisoner  t. 

The  views  with  which  he  took  this  important 

•  Clar.  voL  ii.  p.  86,  369—371.    Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  iSO-^^Sa. 
t  Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  481»--i84. 


HISTORY  OF  THB  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  278 

8tq>>  and  with  .which  he  had  acted  in  all  his  late 
measoresi  it  is  now  our  province  to  develope. 

Necessity  alone  had  prevaUed  with  Charles  to  The  nyti 
summon  a  parliament ;  but  that  assembly  had  not  ^^^^^ 
sat  long,  as  we  have  seen,  before  he  entered  into 
plots  for  its  destruction.  The  views  with  which 
he  undertook  the  journey  to  Scotland  were  partly 
defeated  by  the  failure  of  the  Incident ;  but  the 
disajqpointment  in  that  plot  did  not  divert  him 
from  his  mischievous  designs.  We  have  already 
seen,  that  as  the  act  for  tonnage  and  poundage, 
which  had  been  passed  before  his  departure  for 
the  north,  expired  on  the  SOth  of  November,  and 
the  duties  were  absolutely  requisite  for  the  exi- 
gencies of  state,  his  ministers  were  alarmed  by  a 
wish  expressed  by  some  timid  members  of  parlia* 
ment  for  a  fresh  adjournment,  on  account  of  the 
plague  which  then  raged  in  the  metropolis ;  but 
that  Charles,  regardless  of  pecuniary  embarrass- 
ments, though  these  alone  had  moved  him  to  con« 
vene  the  legislature,  instantly  commanded  his  ser- 
vants '<  to  have  the  ajurnement  furthered  by  anie 
means  ;'*  or,  as  the  next  best  plan,  to  obtain  an 
adjournment  to  Cambridge— a  place  doubtless  bet* 
ter  calculated  for  his  projects.  We  have  also  seen 
that  he  was  at  the  same  time  attempting  to  raise 
money  upon  his  large  cdlar  of  rubies,  which  had, 
for  that  purpose,  been  sent  into  Holland ;  while  his 
correspondcmce  breathes  revenge  against  the  po- 
pular party  in  parliament,  and  bespeaks  a  strange 
confidence  in  his  own  resources  to  frustrate  their 
expectations.      His   whole   subsequent   conduct 

VOL.  III.  T 


f74  HISTORY  W  THE  BRTTISH  EBIPIRiU       - 

evinced  that  he  was  fully  resolved  to  deMroy  tiw 
legislative  assembly,  which  fae  could  not  omrride } 
aad  asi  not  to  mention  the  act  whkh  fae  had  paased 
to  prevent  their  dissolution,  &o«  without  their  own 
consent^  it  is  evident  thati  in  the  event  of  Us 
dittolvmg  this  parlianienty  anodier  nt'oidd  have  just 
heeaa  composed  of  the  same  materialsi  and  have 
come  with  a  still  more  resolute  spirit  fhim  the 
breach  of  law  and  faith  with  the  preceding,  he 
must  have  been  determined  to  set  up  a  govern- 
{nent  of  the  sword.  The  parliament  (whether  their 
fears  were  well  founded  or  not,  or  even  feigned, 
would  in  this  view  be  a  question  of  no  impdrtance^) 
bad  deemed  it  proper  to  have  a  guard  for  its  own 
security,  and,  in  ordering  one,  arrogated  no  more 
than  what  is  allowed  to  every  court  and  eveiy  petty 
borough :  yet  Charles  immediately  dismissed  it ; 
and,  as  if  he  had  been  wiser  than  his  grand  coim- 
cily  derided  their  fears,  while  he  himself  proposed 
to  ^ve  them  a  guard  under  the  command  of  one 
of  his  own  creatures.  Had  the  two  houses  con* 
sented  to  this,  it  is  easy  to  perceive  what  an  oppor- 
tunity it  might  have  iJEbrded  of  surrounding  them 
with  military,  and  overawing  their  deliberations ; 
aod  it  does  net  appear  upon  what  principle  the  ar* 
rat^gement  which  they  had  formed  could  be  chal- 
lenged. It  is  vain  to  argue  that  it  interfered  with 
the  king's  tight  to  command  the  military ;  and  it 
is.  eqaally  ^  that  it  insulted  the  sovereign,  by 
implying  thbt  danger  was  apprehended  fjnm  him ; 
since,  if  he  truly  r^ented  oif'bis  former  cooqnracies 
against  the  legislature,  he  would  not  have  reseirted 


mSTCMIT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE*  27^ 

tfaeir  m^ickms  of  hiin,  tiU  he  had  evitic6d|  by  his 
sobde(|«r€9it  MiaMreSi  that  he  had  become  an  aU 
tered  msiti;  and  the  true  way  to  disarm  their 
grcmndleds  ftai^  wad  by  yielding  to  theif  plans  of 
SCicurity.  If,  on  the  other  haftd,  he  did  not  repent 
of  his  past  measures—- which  his  increasing  favour 
towards  the  very  individuals  who  had  even  con- 
fessed die  plots,  nay,  who  had  implicated  him,  filUy 
proved  that  he  did  not-^it  is  perfectly  evident  that 
he  was  prepared  to  repeat  them.  But,  if  this  ap- 
]rfied  to  his  conduct  in  the  first  instance,  it  did  in^- 
fiflitdy  more  so  afterwards,  when  he  had  himself 
ooUected  such  a  band  of  desperate  characters  in 
the  form  of  a  guard,  and  fortified  Whitehall^  under 
the  pretext  of  apprehending  danger  from  the  tu- 
mults at  Westminster ;  and  first  encouraged  Digby 
to  allege  that  this  was  not  a  free  parliament,  and 
then  ordered  the  lord  keeper,  who  had  also  ih  his 
own  person  thrown  out  a  hint  to  the  same  ^fect, 
to  present  the  protestation  of  the  bishops.  Hie 
upper  house  had  refused  to  concur  with  the  lower 
in  a  petition  for  a  guard;  but  it  should  be  borne 
in  mind,  that  it  was  the  court-party,  including  the 
bishops,  who  had  outvoted  the  popular  portion  of 
the  house ;  and  therefdre  it  does  appear  extraor- 
dinary indeed,  that  the  very  same  individiiials  who 
refused  their  assent  to  a  measure  which  "would  have 
affi>rded  them  ample  proteittion,  should' hhvi  pfro- 
festtid  against  all  acts  passed  in  their  bbsence,  be- 
cause they  had  been  prevented  from  frfefe  adeess  to 
the  house  by  the  factious  muTtitude.  'Hhh  gfktid 
assumptibn  of  royalist  vntHert^  is,  that  a  iMfinOi9ty  in 


27^  HISTORY  OF  TH£  BRITISH   SHPIHE^ 


by  combining  with  the  turbulent  Citi- 
zens»  drove  away  the  well-disposed  members,  and 
thus  left  themselves  to  cany  measures  which  would 
otherwise  have  been  ind^nantly  rejectod*  But 
these  apologists  of  Charles  forget  that^  had  the 
wish  of  the  popular  party  for  a  guard  been  acceded 
to,  nothing  of  the  kind  could  possibly  have  hap* 
pened.  It  is .  self-evident  that»  as  a  guard  nomi- 
nated by  both  houses  could  never,  unless  perhaps 
in  conjunction  with  the  king^  have  been  able  to 
master  them,  it  must  have  been  under  their  coa- 
troul,  and  could  at  once  have  been  dismissed  or 
new- modelled  by  them,  if  it  shewed  any  disposition 
to  promote  the  views  of  the  minority,  whocould  have 
had  no  of&cial  voice  in  commanding  it.  For  the  or- 
ders issued  to  the  guard  must  have  been  according 
to  the  votes  or  resolutions  of  both  houses,  and  have 
thence  necessarily  conveyed  the  will  of  the  majority. 
Hence  it  is  quite  obvious,  that  Charles,  in  obsti- 
nately refusing  a  guard,  while  he  congregated  so 
strange  a  one  for  himself,  and  encouraged  the  pre- 
lates tx>€ffe£  their  protestation,  had  no  other  object 
than  the  annihilation  of  the  parliament.  That  the 
bishops,  to  save  themselves,  eagerly  grasped  at  the 
suggestion,  and  adopted  the  views  of  the  court  in 
respect  to  a  guard,  is  without  question ;  but  the 
most  satisfactory  proof  of  the  origin  of  the  device 
is,  that  it  was  just  the  counterpart  of  the  treach- 
erous plan  recommended  by  Charies^  in  the  year 
1689»  tp  the  #$G0tti$h  prelates,  in  order  to  affimi  a 
pns^xt  fox;  annulling  the  proceedings  of  the  assem- 
bly and  .pvrlidtnent,  whose  acts  he  had  .sidemnly 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  377 

engaged  to  ratify.     The  result  of  this   device 
strengthened  the  popalar  party,  and  then  followed 
the  impeachment  of  the  six  members,  with  the 
extraoitlinary  entrance  into  the  lower  house ;  a 
proceeding  which  was  again  an  approximation  to 
die  incident,  and  founded  upon  the  erroneous  no- 
tion that  deceived  Charles  and  his  advisers  through- 
out his  re^,  aiid  has  been  ever  adopted  by  histo:- 
rtansy^^hat  the  individuals  who,  by  merely  acting 
as  the  organs  of  the  public  will,  were  enabled  to 
tidce  the  lead  in  afiairs,  created  the  general  senti- 
ments which  they  only  expressed.    The  articles 
against  the  members  bad  been  furnished  by  the 
king  himself  to  the  attorney-general,  who  dedared 
to  the  parliament  that  he  had  neither  ground  nor 
information  of  any  kind  to  proceed  upon  but  the 
command  of  his  master ;  and  in.  so  far  as  they  re- 
garded the  invitation  to  tlie  Scots  to  invade  the 
kingdom,  were  a  breach  of  all  law  and  faith,  sinc^ 
the  act  of  oblivion  by  the  treaty  with  Scotland 
was  expressly  provided 'to  preclude  for  ever  any 
question  on  that  ground^*.    The  measure  was,  be- 

*  II  iVBs  agreed  unto  by  the  ttetxy  with  the  Scots,  **  thut  an  act 
of  obliyioa  be  made  in  the  parliaments  of  aU  the  three  kingdoms,  for 
burying  in  forgetfolness  acts  of  hostility,  whether  between  the  king 
and  his  subjects,  or  between  fdkgect  ^nd  sulgect,  qv  which  may  be 
conoeiTed  to  arise  upon  the  coming  of  any  English  anny  against  Scot- 
land, or  coming  oi  the  Scottish  army  into  England;  or  upon  any  ac* 
tion,  attempt,  assistance,  counsel,  or  adnoe  having  relation  thetennto, 
and  falling  out  by  the  occasion  of  the  late  troubles  pieoeding  the  con- 
clusion of  the  treaty,  and  the  return  of  the  Scottish  army  iato  Scot- 
land :  That  the  same,  and  whatsoeyer  hath  ensued  thereupon,  whe- 
ther trenching  upon  the  laws  and  Uberties  of  the  church  and  king<« 
dom,  or  upon  his  migesty's  honour  and  authority,  in  no  time  hereafter 


978  HISTORY  OF  THE  BBlTiSH  KMPItUS. 

fljkjiesi  ab^(ird»  fon^idering  the  lai||;e  9um  which  bad 
)»e^  giy^  to  tb?  Spqts  %*  tbeif  biotharly  Maist* 
aoQC^     lience  it  19  \evidQQt  that  jnmu>  ^  from 

i*iv^  n9f^  fi^Qin  tliefpl6iQa.f«aabnMt»of  tbele^ 
gislaturi^^  sinc^  «Mea  tl«s  wrlkde  afac^wed  ikbat  ho 
did  m)it  coiic9iye  hifof plf  hound  hy  tb^.  sUtutas 
whiq^  l^  h^d  paps^df  ^  This,  hovmer*  vras  ftitthw 
evixiq^f>j(  ptih^r  ^iQl«s»  •  iiviier«)^y  Abe  ifysc^^meuit 
bem  ivffipe.  9ri^afng«4.  og  high  toeMoo .%  iisiituig 
procuned  the  {K^sji^  ^  hiUs  iP:  ttto.  tespeotme 

koowip  |to  the  W  for  thi9ur;coRdM!t  jp  fitrliitiBmil^ 
it  ia.inc9ute^hle  that  thp46  wh9$PinedJ;beni  vere 
also  aimiaal ;  a^d  as  lih^^  qqiti}K)wditWmfl|ori^ 
t^,  it  is^qubtl^  th^t  ^hen.th«  bwsfi9;iw#r6«:as 
waaao^cipat^*  q^^Ued  by  Upie  nm  of  thuk.lead* 
er^  the  fl^JQnty  would  hAY9:.^n . e):p«d»d.  Ui  tb^ 
royal  yei0geaiice»  which  Wj0uld:^9ly  haveboeo^  ia 
some  measure,  averted  Ij^y  thieir  Modoipg  whatever 
had  been  done»  or,  at  l€^t^  by  th«rj>opi^r  party's 
desertion  xif  the  parliament^  so  tb^t^ll^^:  emit  £ic* 
tion  might  act  without  controul ;  and  that,  whe* 
ther  they  ware  prooeedfid  against  as  tlwa  guilty, 


ma  J  be  otOed  In  questioD,  nor  recited  m  a  wrong,  natioiudy  or  per- 
■onal,  idiitooc^^er  be  the  quality  of  ^  person^  or  persons^  or  of  what- 
eisr  kind  ^  di^gtee,  dsvQ  at  criminal,  die  ii^ory  is  mpposed  to  be ; 
and  diat  no  menfioii  be  made  tbeveof  in  time  ooming,  neither  in 
judgment  nor  ovt  of  Judgment,  bnt  that  it  shall  be  he'ld  and  reputed 
aa  lAkoxifjk  nof er  any  euoh  thing  had  been  dioug^  or  wrought,"  &c. 
By  the  aet  of  padflcatien  this  and  other  artides  were  ratified  in  the 
fftvoagtat  manner. 


HISTORY  OF  THJK  BJUTI8H  BlfPOB.  tfO 

M  were  allowed  to  eapiqpie  at  having  beea  fcroed 
into measuDes  hurtful  to  the  psenigativet  BJliim 
late  statutes^  which  were  so  magnified  by  thft 
royal  adbereuta  as  miighty  coneeflsieiis  to  ltbeflt|r»: 
fidl,  aa  Si  matter  of  ooun^  to  die  gkwinfL  The 
lung's  professimt^  therefore,  of  extreme  regaid  fiw 
the  privfleges  of  parUameati,  and  of  a  puipose  to 
preserve  inviohite  the  late  laws,  were  so  belibd:b}r 
this  prooeedtngt  as  to  be  produotive  of  nokhii^ 
but  uttcf  dtttrostg  not  to  say  more^  of  a  prinee  oa«< 
pable  of  such  grass  hypocrisy* 

Lord  Clarendon  iniforms  as,  that^  thtoi^h  the 
recommendation  of  Lord .  Digby ,  Lord  Falklaiidyi 
Sir  Joha  Colepe|q[)er,  and  himself,  had  liM»ly  be- 
come the  offidal  advisers  of  the  kuo^  (Falkland 
having  been  omde  secr^ary  of  state,  Colepepper 
chancellor  of  the  exchequefi  and  himself  having 
been  offered  the  place  of  soUcitorfgeneral,  which. 
Scorn  prudential  motives^  he  then  declined,)  and 
that  Charles  hjEui  assured  them  that  he  irould  take 
np  st0p  whatever  wi^ut  their  knowledge  and  afw 
probatipn  i  but  that,  19  this  prosecfutioi)  of  tfaq 
six  mmib^praf  he  had  been  induced  by  Digbyr 
whose  advice  alone  he  followed  on  the  occasicm,: 
to  violate  his  engagiBimefit,  and  proceed  to  sudi 
extremities  without  then:  knowledge  $  and  that  the 
S9ine  IHghy*  who  had  promised  to  support  the  im- 
peachment in  the  upper  house,  having  perceived 
its  e£kct  uppn  that  assembly,  *^  never  spoke  the 
least  word,  butt  on  the  contrary,  seemed  the  most 
surprized  and  perplexed  with  the  attorney's  im- 
peachment i  and  sitting  at  that  time  next  the  Lord 


280  HISTORY  OF  TUB  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

Kimbolton,  with  whom  he  pretended  to  Hue  with 
muchjriendshipf  he  whispered  him  in  the  ear  with 
some  oommotiony  (m  he  had  a  rare  talent  in  disii^ 
mtdaiionf)  that  the  king  was  very  mischievously 
advised ;  and  that  it  should  go  very  hard,  but  he 
would  know  whence  the  counsel  proceeded ;  in  or* 
der  to  which,  and  to  prevent  farther  misdiief,  he 
would  go  immediatdiy  to  his  majesty,  and  so  went 
out  of  the  house.  Whereas  he  was  the  only  per- 
son who  gave  the  counsel,  named  the  persona, 
and  particularly  the  Lord  Kimbolton  V'  &c.  Such 
was  the  character  of  Clarendon^s  own  friend,  and 
the  adviser  of  his  master. 

Even,  according  to  this  statement,  the  most  ap- 
parently confidential  advisers  of  this  king  could 
not  depend  upon  him,  since  he  might  at  any  time 
the  most  unexpected,  unknown  to  them,  be  car- 
ried by  secret  counsels  into  the  most  indefensible 
and  irretrievable  measures.  But  Charles  could 
not  have  been  always  surrounded  by  individuals 
who  persuaded  him  into  the  adoption  of  pemidous 
projects }  and  the  inference  is,  not  that  he  was 
unfortunate  in  his  selection  of  advisers,  but  that 
he  selected  them  for  the  very  qualities  which  led 
to  his  ruin ;  and  that  they  advised  what  they  per- 
ceived to  be  agreeable  to  their  master.  The  pro- 
ceedings against  the  six  members,  however,  are 
with  no  justice  ascribed  to  Digby,  since  they  had 
been  resolved  upon  before  the  king  left  Scotland ; 

*  Clar.  Hist.  yoL  li.  p.  340,  et  seq.^,  SS9,  360.   Life,  p.  45,  etuq. 
^SS,etteq.   Appeiid.to  voLiii.  of  SUtePapeif,  duuraeterof  Digb7. 


HISTOay  OP  THB  BBITISH  EMFIRB.  281 

and  the  utmoit  that  could  with  propriety  be  kn- 
puled  to  that  nobleoian  ia^  that  having  dived  into 
the  puirpode,  he  tried  to  ingratate  himaelf  by  re* 
oommendiiig  what  he  saw  had  been  previously  de- 
termined upon  *•  But  Clarendon's  vwadty  is  not 
remaikable^  and  it  is  inconceivable^  Ist,  that  the 
diarge  could  have  been  given  to  the  attorney* 
gsneraly  and  also  orders  to  Sir  William  Fleming, 
Sir  William  Killigcew*  and  other  gentlemen }  Sdly, 
that  anns  and  ammuniticm  should  have  been 
hroii^ht  from  the  Tower  to  Whitehall ;  the  gen* 
demen  ci  the  inns  of  court  commanded  to  be  in 
readiness;  the  king's  followers  prepared  to  act 
so  desperate  a  part,  &c.  all  without  even  the 
auqpidon  ei  Hyde,  and  his  coadjutors;  and  no* 
thing  can  be  more  evident  than  that,  as  prodama^ 
timis  were  afterwards  issued,  &c.  they  at  least 
adopted  the  measure  which  th^  disclaimed  f. 
But  the  truth  is^  that  Clarendon,  even  in  his  histo- 
ry,  does  not  in  reality  object  to  the  baseness  of  the 
measure.  He  quarrels  a  Uttle  with  the  expedi^cy, 
in  consequence  of  the  king's  want  of  resources  to 
caixy  the  matter  fully  through  with  a  high  hand ; 
but  he  chiefly  quarrels  with  the  execution,  and  with 


^  See  Correspondence  between  the  king  and  Nicholas^  in  Append. 
toEvdyn^sMem. 

t  Some  of  the  oontradietums  and  inoonriatencies  of  Claiendon'a 
atatementa  have  been  abeady  exposed ;  and  I  think  it  impoariUe  that 
he  should  be  ignorant  of  a  messore  which  so  many  were  acquainted 
with^  though  it  is  very  likely  that  Charles  and  Digby  wished  to  con- 
ceal it;  and  that  he  and  the  others  having  winked  at  what  was 
going  onward,  condemned  it  when  they  saw  the  result. 


372  HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE* 

very  good  approbation  and  acceptance }"  that,  **  for 
his  going  to  the  House  of  Commons,  ^hen  bis  at- 
tendants were  no  otherwise  armed  than  as  gentle- 
men with  swords,"  he  is  persuaded,  that  if  the  pe- 
titioners knew  the  clear  grounds  on  which  the  five 
members  stand  accused  of  high  treason,  they  would 
believe  that  his  going  thither  in  so  gentle  a  way  was 
an  act  of  grace  and  favour,  since  be  is  well  assured 
that  no  privilege  of  parliament  can  extend  to  trea- 
son, felony,  or  breach  of  the  peace :  and,  lastly. 
That  he  ever  intended  to  proceed  against  the  ac- 
cused with  all  justice  and  favour,  according  to  the 
laws  and  statutes  of  the  realm,  to  which  the  inno- 
cent would  cheerfully  submit  j  "  and,"  says  he,  in 
conclusion,  <*  this  extraordinary  way  of  satisfying 
a  petition  of  so  unusual  a  nature,  his  Majesty  is 
confidently  persuaded  will  be  thought  the  greatest 
instance  that  can  be  given  of  his  clear  intentions 
to  his  subjects,  and  of  the  singular  estimation  he 
hath  of  the  good  affections  of  this  city,  which  he 
believes  in  gratitude  will  never  be  wanting  to  his 
just  commands  and  service  *." 

Far  from  abandoning  the  prosecution  of  the 

Lord  Mandeville,  and  the  five  members  of  the  lower 

house^  Charles,  on  the  8th  issued  out  a  proclama- 

King  leaves  tion  to  apprehend  them  j  but,  on  the  iOth,  he  left 

iSS^t^L  London,  to  which  he  never  returned  till  he  was 

1642.       brought  thither  as  a  prisoner  t. 

The  views  with  which  he  took  this  important 

*  Clar.  YoL  iL  p.  36,  369^-371.    Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  48(M>489. 
t  Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  462—484. 


HISTORY  OF  THB  BEITI8H  EMPIRE.  SJS 

stqp,  and  with  .which  he  had  acted  in  all  his  late 
measures,  it  is  now  our  province  to  develope. 

Necessity  alone  had  prevailed  with  Charles  to  The  royai 
summon  a  parliament ;  but  that  assembly  had  not  ^^^' 
sat  long,  as  we  have  seen,  before  he  entered  into 
plots  for  its  destruction.  The  views  with  which 
he  undertook  the  journey  to  Scotland  were  partly 
defeated  by  the  failure  of  the  Incident ;  but  the 
disappointment  in  that  plot  did  not  divert  him 
from  his  mischievous  designs.  We  have  already 
seen,  that  as  the  act  for  tonnage  and  poundage, 
which  had  been  passed  before  his  departure  for 
the  north,  expired  on  the  SOth  of  November,  and 
the  duties  were  absolutely  requisite  for  the  exi- 
gencies of  state,  his  ministers  were  alarmed  by  a 
wish  expressed  by  some  timid  members  of  parlia* 
ment  for  a  fresh  adjournment,  on  account  of  the 
plague  which  then  raged  in  the  metropolis ;  but 
that  Charles,  r^;ardless  of  pecuniary  embarrass- 
ments, though  these  alone  had  moved  him  to  con* 
vene  the  l^slature,  instantly  commanded  his  ser- 
vants **  to  have  the  ajurnement  furthered  by  anie 
means  ;'^  or,  as  the  next  best  plan,  to  obtain  an 
adjournment  to  Cambridge — a  place  doubtless  bet- 
ter calculated  for  his  projects.  We  have  also  seen 
that  he  was  at  the  same  time  attempting  to  raise 
money  upon  his  large  collar  of  rubies,  which  had, 
for  that  purpose,  been  sent  into  Holland ;  while  his 
correspondrace  breathes  revenge  against  the  po* 
pular  party  in  parliament,  and  bespeaks  a  strange 
confidence  in  his  own  resources  to  frustrate  their 
expectations.      His    whole   subsequent   conduct 

VOL.  III.  T 


S72  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

very  good  approbation  and  acceptance  ;*'  that,  '*  for 
his  going  to  the  House  of  Commons,  ^ben  bis  at- 
tendants were  no  otherwise  armed  than  as  gentle- 
men with  swords/'  he  is  persuaded,  that  if  the  pe- 
titioners knew  the  clear  grounds  on  which  the  five 
members  stand  accused  of  high  treason,  they  would 
believe  that  his  going  thither  in  so  gentle  a  way  was 
an  act  of  grace  and  favour,  since  he  is  well  assured 
that  no  privilege  of  parliament  can  extend  to  trea- 
son, felony,  or  breach  of  the  peace :  and,  lastly. 
That  he  ever  intended  to  proceed  against  the  ac- 
cused with  all  justice  and  favour^  according  to  the 
laws  and  statutes  of  the  realm,  to  which  the  inno- 
cent would  cheerfully  submit ;  ^*  and,''  says  he,  in 
conclusion^  <^  this  extraordinary  way  of  satisfying 
a  petition  of  so  unusual  a  nature,  his  Majesty  is 
confidently  persuaded  will  be  thought  the  greatest 
instance  that  can  be  given  of  his  clear  intentions 
to  his  subjects,  and  of  the  singular  estimation  he 
hath  of  the  good  affections  of  this  city,  which  he 
believes  in  gratitude  will  never  be  wanting  to  his 
just  commands  and  service  *.'^ 

Far  from  abandoning  the  prosecution  of  the 

Lord  Mandeville,  and  the  five  members  of  the  lower 

house^  Charles,  on  the  8th  issued  out  a  proclama- 

King  leaves tion  to  apprehend  them  ;  but,  on  the  iOth,  he  left 

imh  jai.  London,  to  which  he  never  returned  till  he  was 

1642.       brought  thither  as  a  prisoner  t. 

The  views  with  which  he  took  this  important 


"  Clar.  voL  iL  p.  36^  369-^71.    Rush.  vol.  iy.  p.  4Sa-**i89. 
t  Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  489—484. 


HISTORY  OF  THB  BEITI8H  EMPIRE.  278 

stq>»  and  with  .which  he  had  acted  in  all  his  late 
measuiesi  it  is  now  our  province  to  develops 

Necessity  alone  had  prevailed  with  Charles  to  tiw  royd 
summon  a  parliament ;  but  that  assembly  had  not  ^^^^' 
sat  long,  as  we  have  seen,  before  he  entered  into 
plots  for  its  destruction.  The  views  with  which 
he  undertook  the  journey  to  Scotland  were  partly 
defeated  by  the  failure  of  the  Incident ;  but  the 
disappointment  in  that  plot  did  not  divert  him 
from  his  mischievous  designs.  We  have  already 
seen,  that  as  the  act  for  tonnage  and  poundage, 
which  had  been  passed  before  his  departure  for 
the  north,  expired  on  the  SOth  of  November,  and 
the  duties  were  absolutely  requisite  for  the  exi- 
gencies of  state,  his  ministers  were  alarmed  by  a 
wish  expressed  by  some  timid  members  of  parlia* 
ment  for  a  fresh  adjournment,  on  account  of  the 
plague  which  then  raged  in  the  metropolis ;  but 
that  Charles,  r^ardless  of  pecuniary  embarrass- 
ments, though  these  alone  had  moved  him  to  con- 
vene the  l^slature,  instantly  commanded  his  ser- 
vants *^  to  have  the  ajurnement  furthered  by  anie 
means ;''  or,  as  the  next  best  plan,  to  obtain  an 
adjournment  to  Cambridge — a  place  doubtless  bet- 
ter calculated  for  his  projects.  We  have  also  seen 
that  he  was  at  the  same  time  attempting  to  raise 
money  upon  his  large  cdlar  of  rubies,  which  had, 
for  that  purpose,  been  sent  into  Holland ;  while  his 
correspondmice  breathes  revenge  against  the  po- 
pular party  in  parliament,  and  bespeaks  a  strange 
confidence  in  his  own  resources  to  frustrate  their 
expectations.     His    whole   subsequent   conduct 

VOL.  III.  T 


372  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE* 

very  good  approbation  and  acceptance  }*'  that,  **  for 
his  going  to  the  House  of  Commons^  Vihen  his  at- 
tendants  were  no  otherwise  armed  than  as  gentle- 
men with  swords/'  he  is  persuaded,  that  if  the  pe- 
titioners knew  the  clear  grounds  on  which  the  five 
members  stand  accused  of  high  treason,  they  would 
believe  that  his  going  thither  in  so  gentle  a  way  was 
an  act  of  grace  and  favour,  since  be  is  well  assured 
that  no  privilege  of  parliament  can  extend  to  trea- 
son, felony,  or  breach  of  the  peace :  and,  lastly. 
That  he  ever  intended  to  proceed  against  the  ac- 
cused with  all  justice  and  favour,  according  to  the 
laws  and  statutes  of  the  realm,  to  which  the  inno- 
cent would  cheerfully  submit  j  **  and,''  says  he,  in 
conclusion,  <^  this  extraordinary  way  of  satisfying 
a  petition  of  so  unusual  a  nature,  his  Majesty  is 
confidently  persuaded  will  be  thought  the  greatest 
instance  that  can  be  given  of  his  clear  intentions 
to  his  subjects,  and  of  the  singular  estimation  he 
hath  of  the  good  afiections  of  this  city,  which  he 
believes  in  gratitude  will  never  be  wanting  to  his 
just  commands  and  service  *•" 

Far  from  abandoning  the  prosecution  of  the 

Lord  Mandeville,  and  the  five  members  of  the  lower 

house,  Charles,  on  the  8th  issued  out  a  proclama* 

KingieaTestion  to  apprehend  them  ;  but,  on  the  iOth,  he  left 

10th  jiL   London,  to  which  he  never  returned  till  he  was 

1642.       brought  thither  as  a  prisoner  t. 

The  views  with  which  he  took  this  important 

«  Clar.  YoL  ii.  p.  36,  369^-371.    Ru8h«  vol.  iv.  p.  48(M-i89. 
t  Rush.  vol.  ir.  p.  489—484. 


HISTORY  OP  THB  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  S78 

stq),  and  with  which  he  had  acted  in  all  his  late 
measures,  it  is  now  our  province  to  develope* 

Necessity  alone  had  prevailed  with  Charles  to  The  royai 
summon  a  parliament ;  but  that  assembly  had  not  '^^'^' 
sat  long,  as  we  have  seen,  before  be  entered  into 
plots  for  its  destruction.  The  views  with  which 
he  undertook  the  journey  to  Scotland  were  partly 
defeated  by  the  failure  of  the  Incident ;  but  the 
disappointment  in  that  plot  did  not  divert  him 
from  his  mischievous  designs*  We  have  already 
seen,  that  as  the  act  for  tonnage  and  poundage, 
which  had  been  passed  before  his  departure  for 
the  north,  expired  on  the  SOth  of  November,  and 
the  duties  were  absolutely  requisite  for  the  exi- 
gencies of  state,  his  ministers  were  alarmed  by  a 
wish  expressed  by  some  timid  members  of  parlia- 
ment for  a  fresh  adjournment,  on  account  of  the 
plague  which  then  raged  in  the  metropolis ;  but 
that  Charles,  regardless  of  pecuniary  embarrass* 
ments,  though  these  alone  had  moved  him  to  con- 
vene the  l^slature,  instantly  commanded  his  ser- 
vants **  to  have  the  ajurnement  furthered  by  anie 
means ;''  or,  as  the  next  best  plan,  to  obtain  an 
adjournment  to  Cambridge — a  place  doubtless  bet- 
ter calculated  for  his  projects.  We  have  also  seen 
that  he  was  at  the  same  time  attempting  to  raise 
money  upon  his  large  cellar  of  rubies,  which  had, 
for  that  purpose^  been  sent  into  Holland ;  while  his 
correspondence  breathes  revenge  against  the  po- 
pular party  in  parliament,  and  bespeaks  a  strange 
confidence  in  his  own  resources  to  frustrete  their 
expectations.      His    whole   subsequent   conduct 

VOL.  III.  T 


292  HISTORY  OF  THB  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

of  all  their  political  and  .civil  fVanchises-r^f  the 
people  of  England.    True  it  is,  that  his  conduct 
in  regard  to  Ireland,  had  the  extraordinary  and 
unhappy,  yet  necessary  effect  of  retarding,  or  frus* 
trating  rather,  the  relief  of  that  wretched  country* 
We  have  seen,  that  the  lord-lieutenant  was  ordered 
by  the  parliament  to  raise  volunteers  pr  recruits  by 
beat  of  drum ;  but  that  the  commons,  at  the  same 
time,  proposed  a  bill  for  pressing  soldiers,  into 
which  they  inserted  a  clause  against  the  legality 
of  pressing,  without  the  intervention  of  the  legis« 
lature,  unless  the  kingdom  were  invaded  by  a  fo- 
reign power.    Now,  it  has  been  alleged,  that  the 
design  of  the  commons  was  merely  to  wres^t  froa^ 
the  crown  a  power  inherent  in  it,  sinqe,  consider- 
ing the  late  disbandment  of  the  $rmy  against  the 
Scots,  there  could  be  no  want  of  volunteers.    JSut 
the  power    arrogated  by   the  sovereign  .was   a 
usurpation  incompatible  with  law ;  and,  if  Charles 
had  been  sincere  in  his  other  concessions,  he  would 
not  have  hesitated,  especially  at  such  a  juQcti^re 
— ^when  delay  was  pregnant^with  so  many  cala- 
mities— ^to  have  yielded  thia  point  also, .  without 
which  all  the  late  provisions  in  favour  of  pub- 
lic liberty  were  nugatory.    Matters,  however,  on 
both  sides,  were  of  far  deeper  concernment*  After 
such  a  long  course  of  misgovernment,  and  what 
the  commons  had  lately  experienced,  they  could 
not  trust  Charles  with  an  army ;  and  a  resolution 
had  already  been  formed  by  them,  to  vest  the  power 
over  the  militia  in  commissioners  nominated  with 
the  approbation  of  parliament,  while  they  had  even 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  293 

issued  orders  about  the  appointment  of  officers  to 
the  Irish  army.  By  means  of  the  pressing  bill^ 
the  troops  could  be  ready  to  be  instantly  embodied 
vrithout  being  drawn  together,  so  as  to  afford  an 
opportunity  to  the  king  to  gain  them  and  set  of- 
ficers over  them,  before  the  important  matter  re« 
garding  the  commanders  were  fully  determined  s 
but  if  the  ordinary  way  of  levy  were  adopted,  the 
late  disbanded  soldiers,  whose  affections  had  been 
so  corrupted,  would  be  the  first  to  enlist }  when 
commissions,  hastily  issued  by  the  king  to  the  very 
officers  who  had  entered  into  such  conspiracies 
against  the  parliament,  and  had  lately  acted  at 
Whitehall,  &c.  would  at  once  give  him  the  com- 
mand  of  an  army,  which,  it  may  safely  be  inferred 
from  all  circumstances,  would  be  employed  to  per- 
form a  notable  service  in  England  before  it  crossed 
the  Irish  channel.  He  could  not  but  know,  that 
the  interference  with  the  bill  in  its  passage  through 
the  houses,  with  the  displeasure  expressed  towards 
the  members  who  had  stirred  the  question  about 
his  right,  would  lead  to  the  result  which  it  occa- 
sioned i  and  that  then  the  Commons  could  not  re- 
treat from  their  point,  without  recognising  a  power 
which  had  been  already  so  fully  pronounced  ille- 
gal,  and  consequently  exposing  the  franchises  of 
all  ranks. 

The  advocates  of  this  prince  have  alleged,  that 
the  Scots  might  have  at  once  sent  upwards  of  5000 
men  to  Ireland,  and  thus  have  crushed  the  rebel- 
lion at  its  commencement ;  but  that,  though  urged 
to  it  by  him,  they,  in  spite  of  their  professions  of 


20 1  HISTORY  OnP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

eagerness  to  save  that  country  fVom  the  insurgent^^ 
declined  to  adopt  so  salutary  a  course  *•  Now, 
we  have  already  seen,  that,  as  Ireland  was  a  de-^ 
pendancy  of  England  alone,  they  could  not  have 
attempted  to  send  an  army  there  before  they  ob^ 
tained  the  authority  of  the  English  parliament, 
willK>ut  involving  the  twokingd<Mns  in  a  quarrel— « 
^n  event  which  Charles  would  probably  have  hailed 
as  auspicious ;  and  that,  as  they  had  neither  re^ 
sources  themselves  to  maintain  such  an  army,  nor, 
if  they  had,  could  have  been  expected  to  use  them 
for  the  defence  of  the  dependency  of  a  foreign 
state,— -it  was  necessary  to  have  not  only  authority 

*  Carte's  Onnonde,  toI.  i.  p»  197.  This  tniter,  after  statiiig  tbal 
the  Scots  had  5000  still  on  foot,  (which  is  not  correct,)  and  might 
easily  have  collected  more,  which  would  at  once  have  put  an  effcctuid 
stop  to  these  commotions,  says,  with  tameless  effi-ontery,  <^  But  nei<« 
thcr  their  pretended  seal  for  religion,  nor  (he  hleeding  condition  of 
that  kingdom,  nor  the  danger  of  their  countrymen  in  it,  nor  the  en-« 
treaties  of  their  natural  sovereign,  nor  the  shame  of  failing  in  their 
own  promises  the  very  moment  they  were  making  them,  oould  prevail 
with  the  Seots  to  affbrd  any  succours  in  this- general  calamky."  I  am 
aony  indeed  to  say  that  Mr.  Hume's  statement  is,  if  possihle,  still 
worse«  Carte  says  that  the  king  saw  1500  men  sent  off  to  Ulster  to 
protect  the  Scottish  colony  there,  and  that  he  told  the  houses  this  on 
liis  retom  to  London.  But  he  quotes  no  authority  for  such  a  state-r 
ment,  and  it  is  at  direct  variance  with  the  whole  accounts  of  the  pio« 
feedings  on  that  head ;  while  it  may  give  some  idea  of  this  writer's 
accuracy  to  mention,  that,  in  the  royal  addresses,  there  is  not  even 
an  insinuation  of  such  a  thing.  Is  it  not  strange,  therefore,  that  Mr.. 
Laing  should,  amongst  others,  have  adopted  this  story  ?  But  mis- 
statements or  errors  once  made,  descend  from  one  writer  to  another^ 
like  the  heir-loom  in  a  family.  The  1500  that  Carte  referred  to  were 
not  sent  till  long  afterwards,  and  went  under  a  commission  hy  both 
houses  to  the  Marquis  of  Ai^le*  See  Journals  of  the  Common^ 
7th  and  22d  February,  1611-2*  Laing's  account  of  these  matters  is 
very  inaccurate. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EICPIRE.  095 

from  England  to  transport  the  troops,  but  an  as* 
surance  that  they  should  be  maintained  at  the  ex* 
pense  of  that  country :  That  the  Ei^lidi  Commons 
voted  for  the  acceptance  of  troops*--first  of  smaller 
numbers^  but  latterly  of  10,000 :  but  that  the  ob- 
struction to  an  agreement  with  the  Scottish  com* 
missioners  arose  from  the  upper  house^  who  would 
only  yield  to  the  measure  conditionally — that 
10,000  Englidi  should  also  be  sent;  while  they 
delayed  the  pressing  bill,  which  was  not  passed  till 
after  the  king  had  left  Whitehall,  and  thus  pre- 
vented the  raising  of  10,000  English  already  voted 
by  the  Commons.  The  principle  advanced  by  the 
Lords  was,  that  it  gave  the  Scots  too  much  power 
in  a  dependency  of  England— a  position  in  which 
there  is,  unquestionably,  much  appearance  of  rea- 
son. But  it  completely  disproves  the  allegations 
about  the  backwardness  of  the  Scots ;  and  it  is 
not  unworthy  of  remark,  that  this  objection  came 
from  the  king  himself:  for  the  majority  in  the 
upper  house,  who  frustrated  the  agreement  with 
the  northern  kingdom,  were  the  prelates  and  lay 
lords  attached  to  the  court ;  and  their  language^ 
consequently,  was  just  as  sure  an  indication  of  the 
royal  purpose,  as  if  he  had  himself  openly  pro- 
claimed it.  He,  however,  directly  spoke  the 
same  language  afterwards  in  regard  to  2500 
only,  which  both  houses  had  accepted  of:  for, 
posterior  to  the  time  now  alluded  to,  he  object- 
ed to  that  number's  passing  into  Irelandt  with  * 
authority  to  take  possession  of  a  certain  town,  be- 
cause it  would  give  them  a  power  in  that  island 


393  HISTORY  OF  THE  BItlTISH  EMPIRE. 

of  all  their  political  and  .civil  franchises-r— of  the 
people  of  England.    True  it  is^  that  bis  conduct 
in  regard  to  Ireland,  had  the  extraordinary  and 
unhappy,  yet  necessary  efiect  of  retarding,  or  frus- 
trating rather,  the  relief  of  that  wretched  country. 
We  have  seen,  that  the  lord-lieutenant  was  ordered 
by  the  pai*liament  to  raise  volunteers  pr  recruits  by 
beat  of  drum ;  but  that  the  commons,  at  the  same 
time,  proposed  a  bill  for  pressing  soldiers,  into 
which  they  inserted  a  clause  against  the  legality 
of  pressing,  without  the  intervention  of  the  legis- 
lature, unless  the  kingdom  were  invaded  by  a  fo- 
reign power.    Now,  it  has  been  alleged,  that  the 
design  of  the  commons  was  merely  to  wres.t  ftoix\ 
the  crown  a  power  inherent  in  it,  sinpe,  consider- 
ing the  late  disbandment  of  the  army  against  the 
Scots,  there  could  be  no  want  of  volunteers.    But 
the  power    arrogated  by   the  sovereign  .was   a 
usurpation  incompatible  with  law  -,  and,  if  Charles 
had  been  sincere  in  his  other  concessions,  be  would 
not  have  hesitated,  especially  at  such  a  juQctqre 
— ^when  delay  was  pregnant^with  so  many  cala- 
mities— to  have  yielded  this  point  also, .  without 
which  all  the  late  provisions  in  favour  of  pub- 
lic liberty  were  nugatory.    Matters,  however,  on 
both  sides,  were  of  far  deeper  concernment.  After 
such  a  long  course  of  misgovernment,  and  what 
the  commons  had  lately  experienced,  they  could 
not  trust  Charles  with  an  army ;  and  a  resolution 
had  already  been  formed  by  them,  to  vest  the  power 
over  the  militia  in  commissioners  nominated  with 
the  approbation  of  parliament,  while  they  had  even 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  BMPIRE.  393 

issued  orders  about  the  appointtoent  of  officers  to 
the  Irish  army.  By  means  of  the  pressing  bill^ 
the  troops  could  be  ready  to  be  instantly  embodied 
vrithout  being  drawn  together,  so  as  to  affi>rd  an 
opportunity  to  the  king  to  gain  them  and  set  of- 
ficers over  them,  before  the  important  matter  re« 
garding  the  commanders  were  fully  determined : 
but  if  the  ordinary  way  of  levy  were  adopted,  the 
late  disbanded  soldiers,  whose  affections  had  been 
so  corrupted,  would  be  the  first  to  enlist }  when 
commissions,  hastily  issued  by  the  king  to  the  very 
officers  who  had  entered  into  such  conspiracies 
against  the  parliament,  and  had  lately  acted  at 
Whitehall,  &c.  would  at  once  give  him  the  com- 
mand of  an  army,  which,  it  may  safely  be  inferred 
from  all  circumstances,  would  be  employed  to  per- 
form a  notable  service  in  England  before  it  crossed 
the  Irish  channel.  He  could  not  but  know,  that 
the  interference  with  the  bill  in  its  passage  through 
the  houses,  with  the  displeasure  expressed  towards 
the  members  who  had  stirred  the  question  about 
his  right,  would  lead  to  the  result  which  it  occa- 
sioned ;  and  that  then  the  Commons  could  not  re- 
treat from  their  point,  without  recognising  a  power 
which  had  been  already  so  fully  pronounced  ille- 
gal,  and  consequently  exposing  the  franchises  of 
all  ranks. 

The  advocates  of  this  prince  have  alleged,  that 
the  Scots  might  have  at  once  sent  upwards  of  5000 
men  to  Ireland,  and  thus  have  crushed  the  rebel- 
lion at  its  commencement ;  but  that,  though  urged' 
to  it  by  him,  they,  in  spite  of  their  professions  of 


90i  HISTORY  as  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE* 

eagerness  to  save  tliat  country  fVom  the  insurgents'^ 
declined  to  adopt  so  salutary  a  course  *•  Now, 
we  have  already  seen,  that,  as  Ireland  was  a  de-^ 
pendancy  of  England  alone,  they  could  not  have 
attempted  to  send  an  army  there  before  they  ob^ 
tained  the  authority  of  the  English  parliament, 
Itriihout  involving  the  two  kingdoms  in  a  quarrel— «^ 
^n  event  which  Charles  would  probably  have  hailed 
as  auspicious ;  and  that,  as  they  had  neither  re^ 
sources  themselves  to  maintain  sudi  an  army,  nor^ 
if  they  had,  could  have  been  expected  to  use  them 
for  the  defence  of  the  dependency  of  a  foreign 
state,— it  was  necessary  to  have  not  only  authority 

*  Carte's  Ormonde,  roL  L  jw  197«  This  miter,  after  statiiig  that 
the  Scots  had  6000  still  on  foot,  (which  is  not  correct,)  and  nught 
easily  have  collected  nu>re,  which  would  at  once  have  put  an  effectual 
stop  to  these  commotions,  says,  with  tameless  efl^ontery,  '^  But  neU 
tbcr  their  pretended  seal  for  religion,  nor  the  hleeding  condition  of 
that  kingdom^  nor  the  danger  of  their  countrymen  in  it,  nor  the  en-« 
treaties  of  their  natural  sovereign,  nor  the  shame  of  failing  in  their 
own  promises  the  very  moment  they  were  making  them,  could  prevail 
with  the  Scots  to  afi^rd  any  succours  in  this<  general  calamiCy."  I  am 
sorry  indeed  to  say  that  Mr.  Hume's  statement  isj  if  posaihle,  stitt 
worse.  Carte  says  that  the  king  saw  1500  men  sent  off  to  Ulster  to 
protect  the  Scottish  colony  there,  and  that  he  told  the  houses  this  oi^ 
his  retom  to  London.  But  he  quotes  na  swithority  for  such  a  state-r 
ment,  and  it  is  at  direct  variance  with  the  whole  accounts  of  the  priK 
ceedings  on  that  head ;  while  it  may  give  some  idea  of  this  writer  s 
accuracy  to  mention,  that,  in  the  royal  addresses,  there  is  not  even 
an  insinuation  of  such  a  thing.  Is  it  not  strange,  therefore,  that  Mr.. 
Laing  should,  amongst  others,  have  adopted  this  story  ?  But  mis- 
statements or  errors  once  made,  descend  from  one  writer  to  another^ 
like  the  heir-loom  in  a  family.  The  1500  that  Carte  referred  to  were 
not  sent  till  h)ng  afterwards,  and  went  under  a  commission  hy  both 
houses  to  the  Marquis  of  Ax^le>  See  Journals  of  the  Ck)mraons, 
7th  and  22d  February,  1611-2.  Laing's  account  of  these  matters  is 
very  inaccurate. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  SICPIRE.  095 

from  England  to  transport  the  troops,  but  an  a8« 
surance  that  they  should  be  maintained  at  the  el* 
pense  of  that  country :  That  the  Englidi  Commons 
voted  for  the  acceptance  of  troop»~fir8t  of  smaller 
numbers,  but  latterly  of  10,000 :  but  that  the  ob- 
struction to  an  agreement  with  the  Scottish  com- 
missioners arose  from  the  upper  house,  who  would 
only  yield  to  the  measure  conditionally — that 
10,000  English  should  also  be  sent;  while  they 
delayed  the  pressing  bill,  which  was  not  passed  till 
afler  the  king  had  left  Whitehall,  and  thus  pre- 
vented the  raising  of  10,000  English  already  voted 
by  the  Commons.  The  principle  advanced  by  the 
Lords  was,  that  it  gave  the  Scots  too  much  power 
in  a  dependency  of  England^-a  position  in  which 
there  is,  unquestionably,  much  appearance  of  rea- 
son. But  it  completely  disproves  the  allegations 
about  the  backwardness  of  the  Scots ;  and  it  is 
not  unworthy  of  remark,  that  this  objection  came 
from  the  king  himself:  for  the  majority  in  the 
upper  house,  who  frustrated  the  agreement  with 
the  northern  kingdom,  were  the  prelates  and  lay 
lords  attached  to  the  court ;  and  their  language, 
consequently,  was  just  as  sure  an  indication  of  the 
royal  purpose,  as  if  he  had  himself  openly  pro- 
claimed it.  He,  however,  directly  spoke  the 
same  language  afterwards  in  regard  to  2500 
only,  which  both  houses  had  accepted  of:  for, 
posterior  to  the  time  now  alluded  to,  he  object- 
ed to  that  number's  passing  into  Ireland,  with  * 
authority  to  take  possession  of  a  certain  town,  be- 
cause it  would  give  them  a  power  in  that  island 


S06  UISTORT  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIR£» 

inconsistent  with  the  pretensions  of  England*. 
It  is  unnecessary  to  add,  that  the  proposal  by 
iCharles  to  raise  10,000  volunteers,  provided  par* 
liaoient  would  engage  to  support  them,  could  not, 
with  any  regard  to  the  national  security,  have  been 
accepted  of. 

The  instant  that  Charles  heard  of  the  rebellion, 
he  sent  a  commission  to  Ormonde  to  take  the 
comnFiand  of  the  army }  but,  if*  we  may  credit  An- 
trim, whose  statement  derives  much  support  from 
other  circumstances,  Ormonde  bad  himself  been 
engaged  in  the  design  against  Dublin  Castle,  in 
4>rder  to  reorganize  the  late  disbanded  army  out 
of  the  stores  tliere ;  and  therefore  a  commission  to 
him  w^  apparently  of  all  things  the  most  calcu- 
lated to  promote  the  cause  it  was  professedly  in- 
tended to  ruin.  The  unexpected  and  detestably 
cruel  course,  however,  which  the  rebellion  took, 
seems  to  have  filled  Ormonde  with  genuine  abhor- 
rence at  the  insurrection  }  and  it  has  been  alleged 
by  the  advocates  of  the  insurgents,  that,  through 
personal  hatred  ol'  the  Irish  CathoNcs,  he  contra* 
yened  his  .master's  orders  in  pursuing  them  so 

.  *  This  will  1)6  fiilly  stated  in  Its  proper  place ;  and  I  just  beg  that 
the  reader  will  compare  it  with  the  preceding  passage  from  Carte» 
and  Hume's  obeerrations  on  the  same  sul^ect— the  conduct  of  the 
Soots  on  hearing  Off  the  rebellion.  The  latter  writer  conceives  ft  to  be 
evident  that  Charles  was  not  accessory  ta  the  rebellion  that  he  at  once 
recommended  the  care  of  it  to  both  the  English  and  Scottish  parlia- 
ments; but  he  could  not  do  otherwise,  without  virtually  acknowledging 
-himself  a  party  to  it,  and  thus  ruining  all  his  afflurSi  Tet,  though  he 
jrecommended  the  Irish  business  to  the  care  of  the  English  parlis« 
ment,  he  never,  as  we  have  &een,  intended  that  the  houaea  should 
have  the  management  of  it. 


HISTOnv  OF  Tllfi  BRITISH  EMPIRS.  297 

rigorously.  To  thid,  howeVet,  the  disposition  of 
the  armyi  and  of  all  around  him/  as  well  a^  of  the 
executive  there,  must  have,  in  no  small  degree,' 
contributed.  Yet  his  conduct  was,  in  several  re- 
spects, equivocal ;  and  there  is  proof  of  his  having 
been  empbyed  by  Charles,  almost  at  the  beginning 
of  the  insurrection,  to  negociate  a  peace  secretly 
with  the  rebels,  while  he  was  not  deemed  worthy 
of  being  trusted  in  some  of  the  most  important 
transactions  with  them4  Tiie  Irish  insurgents  were 
not  proclaimed  rebels  till  January,  and  orders  were 
given  to  print  only  forty  copies  of  the  proclama- 
tion *. 

As  both  houses  of  parliament  were  to  meet  on  R^Mem. 
the  11th,  the  committee  of  the  Commons  called  p^^J^^„j^ 
upon  the  sheiifis  of  London  and  Middlesex,  to  ^i*  ■'•"«• 
raise  the  posse  commUatus  as  a  guard  to  the  king  uditt  pro. 
and  parliament    On  this  occasion  many  captains*^^*""^ 
of  vessels  and  mariners  tendered  their  services,  and 
these  having  been  accepted  of,  they  carried  the 
guns,  great  and  small,  from  their  ships  to  West- 
minster.   The  apprentices  also  proffered  their  ser- 
vices ;  but  the  committee,  with  a  suitable  acknow- 
ledgment of  the  obligation,  declined  them.   While 
they  made  these  dispositions  for  the  security  of 
both  houses,  they  also  defeated  an  attempt  to  re- 

*  Append,  to  Clar.  Hist,  of  the  Irish  RebellioiL  State  Papers,  toI.  uL 
p.  17S.  Carte's  Ormonde,  toL  i.  p.  980,  et  seq.  Let-  in  Append,  and 
in  3d  vol.  Plowden's  Ireland,  vol.  i.  p.  148,  et  req.  Roah.  vol.  iy.  p. 
478.  May,  lib.  ii.  p.  SI,  et  seg.  See  former  Notes  bj  us.  See  how 
Antrim  resented  the  cmelties  of  the'  insurgents,  though,  doubtless, 
rjigaged  at  the  outset,  p.  1 78.  Deposition  of  Dr.  Maxwell,  Append, 
to  Borlac6*s  Ireland. 


288  HISTORY  OF  THB  BRITISH  EBfPIRE. 

A  parliament  without  power  is  no  parliament ;  and 
as  the  general  affiurs  of  the  kingdom  could  not 
have  stood  still,  matters  must  soon  hare  termina- 
ted in  a  direct  use  of  the  military.  Taxes  were 
necessary  for  the  puUic  exigencies ;  and  even  the 
last  act  of  tonnage  and  poundage,  duties  which 
could  not  be  dispensed  with,  was  about  to  expire. 
But,  under  such  circumstances,  the  parliam«[it  ne- 
ver would  have  voluntarily  imposed  taxes,  and, 
therefore,  Charles  must  either  have  overawed  them, 
or  levied  taxes  in  his  former  despotical  manner, 
and  thus  have  let  in  a  flood  of  arbitrary  power, 
which  swept  before  it  all  constitutional  principles. 
After  this  there  remained  no  alternative  for  the 
monarch,  if  he  had  desired  it,  which  none  who  re- 
views his  measures  can  believe.  If  doubt  remained, 
it  would  be  removed  by  the  promise  which  Cla- 
rendon, directly  against  the  tenor  of  those  state- 
ments by  which  he  would  throw  the  odium  of  be- 
ginning the  war  upon  the  parliament,  admits  that 
the  queen,  who  distrusted  her  husband's  firmness, 
exacted  of  Charles,  before  she  left  England, — that 
he  should  not  make  peace  with  die  parliament 
without  having  first  obtained  her  consent.  War 
did  not  commence  for  months  aft?erwards ;  yet  it  is 
evident  from  this,  that  war,  of  so  implacable  a  na- 
ture as  to  preclude  the  idea  of  accommodation, 
was  then  fully  resolved  upon. 

The  prompt  measures  of  the  two  houses,  parti- 
cularly of  the  commons,  who  procured  intelligence 
of  the  most  secret  plots  of  the  council — ^for  which 
both  they  and  their  informers  are  reviled  by  Cla- 
rendon— a  farther  proof  that  he  regretted  the  fail- 


HISTORY  OP  THE  BIKITISH  EMPIRE.  '  289 

tire,  not  the  conception  of  such  designs— -frust rat-- 
ed  the  royal  purpose,  and  obliged  him  to  tempo- 
rize for  months.  But  to  such  extremity  had  mat- 
ters proceeded,  that  immediately  after  the  removal 
from  Whitehall,  his  desperate  band  of  discarded  of- 
ficers, at  least  iOO,  with  Lunsford  at  their  head, 
liaving  retired  to  Kingston  upon  Thames,  and 
Vfhere  lay  the  magazine  of  the  county,  appesired 
in  a  warlike  manner ;  while  Dlgby  having  gone  to 
them  by  the  royal  command,  thanked  them  for 
their  ofier  of,  and  accepted  of,  their  services  in  the 
king's  name ;  assuring  them  that  his  majesty  had 
brought  them  thither  to  prevent  their  being  tram- 
pled in  the  dirt  in  London,  and  that  he  would 
amply  reward  their  loyal  attachment  *•    Ammu- 

'/ 

*  See  Jaumak  of  Ae  Gonnnoitfj  voL  iL  p.  373^  S76j  379>  et  9eq» 
Husband's  CoL  of  State  Papers,  p.  S03,  et  seq.  Cobbett,  vol.  ii. 
p.  1036,  et  seq.  Whitelocke,  p  54.  Nalson^  vol.  ii.  p.  S45>  et  eeq^ 
Digby'sovm  apologetical  defence  of  himself  after  his  flight— «  de- 
fence intended  to  aid  the  royal  cause-^is  well  worthy  of  notice:  That 
after  tiu  rudeness  and  vudenoe  of  the  rabble  drove  their  mijesties  to 
Hampton  Court,  he  by  command  attended  them.  ''In  this  short 
journey/'  says  he,  "  moxy  ialdier»  amd  eommanders^  (who  had  as- 
sembled themselves  jointly  to  solicit  payment  of  their  arrears  for  the 
late  northern  expedition  from  the  two  hataes  of  parliament,}  waited 
on  their  nujesties,  and,  leaving  them  at  Hampton  Court,  provided 
their  own  accommodation  at  Kingpton;  the  next  {dace  of  receipt^  and 
still  so  used  for  the  overplus  of  company  which  the  court  itself  could 
not  entertain.  To  these  gentlemen,  of  whom  few  or  none  were  of 
my  aoquatntanoe,  and  to  this  place  was  I  «ent  by  his  majesty,  with 
some  cKpresnons  of  his  mi^esty's  good  aeeeptance  of  their  service,' 
and  returning  tiie  same  night  to  Hampton  Cosfct,  oootinuod  my  at* 
tendance  to  Windsor,  whither  their  mi^^^^  ^i^  repaii^  I  had 
not  been  tfiere  one  day,  whm  I  heard  thA'both  houses  of  parliament 
were  informed,  that  I  and  CdlL  Lunsfovd,  a  person  with  whmn  I 
never  exchanged  twenty  words  in  my  life,"  (indeed !  whpu  according 

VOL.  III.  U 


388  HISTORY  OF  TH8  BRITISH  EBfPIRE. 

A  parliameDt  without  power  is  no  parliament ;  and 
as  the  general  affiurs  of  the  kingdom  oould  not 
have  stood  stilly  matters  must  soon  hate  termina- 
ted in  a  direct  use  of  the  military.  Taxes  were 
necessary  for  the  public  exigencies ;  and  even  the 
last  act  of  tonnage  and  poundage,  duties  which 
could  not  be  dispensed  with,  was  about  to  expire. 
But,  under  such  circumstances,  the  parliammt  ne- 
ver would  have  voluntarily  imposed  taxes,  and, 
therefore,  Charles  must  either  have  overawed  them, 
or  levied  taxes  in  his  former  despotical  manner, 
and  thus  have  let  in  a  flood  of  arbitrary  power, 
which  swept  before  it  all  constitutional  principles. 
After  this  there  remained  no  alternative  for  the 
monarch,  if  he  had  desired  it,  which  none  who  re- 
views his  measures  can  believe.  If  doubt  remained, 
it  would  be  removed  by  the  promise  which  Cla- 
rendon, directly  against  the  tenor  of  those  state- 
ments by  which  he  would  throw  the  odium  of  be- 
ginning the  war  upon  the  parliament,  admits  that 
the  queen,  who  distrusted  her  husband's  finnness, 
exacted  of  Charles,  before  she  left  England, — ^that 
he  should  not  make  peace  with  the  parliament 
without  having  first  obtained  her  consent.  War 
did  not  commence  for  months  afterwards ;  yet  it  is 
evident  from  this,  that  war,  of  so  implacable  a  na- 
ture as  to  preclude  the  idea  of  accommodation, 
was  then  fully  resolved  upon. 

The  prompt  measures  of  the  two  houses,  parti- 
cularly of  the  commons,  who  procured  intelligence 
of  the  most  secret  plots  of  the  council— for  which 
both  they  and  their  infoimers  are  reviled  by  Cla- 
rendon— ^a  farther  proof  that  he  regretted  the  fail* 


Uf STOAY  or  THE  BitlTISH  EMPIRE.  '  280 

lire,  net  the  conception  of  such  design&— friistrat-- 
ed  the  royal  purpose,  and  obliged  him  to  tempo- 
rize for  months.  But  to  such  extremity  had  mat- 
ters  proceeded,  that  immediately  after  the  removal 
from  Whitehall,  his  desperate  band  of  discarded  of- 
ficers, at  least  iOO,  with  Lunsford  at  their  bead, 
having  retired  to  Kingston  upon  Thames,  and 
ivhere  lay  the  magazine  of  the  county,  appeared 
in  a  warlike  manner ;  while  Dlgby  having  gone  to 
them  by  the  royal  command,  thanked  them  ibr 
their  ofier  of^  and  accepted  of,  their  services  in  the 
king's  name ;  assuring  them  that  his  majesty  had 
brought  them  thither  to  prevent  their  being  tram- 
pled in  the  dirt  in  London,  and  that  he  would 
amply  reward  their  loyal  attachment  *.    Ammu- 

*  See  Jouroak  of  the  Cominoiui,  voL  iL  p.  373,  376j  379«  ei  9cq. 
Hiuband's  CoL  of  State  Papersj  p.  902,  et  $eq,  Cobbett,  vol.  ii. 
p.  1036,  et  aeq*  Whitelockej  p  <54.  Nalflon^  vol.  ii.  p.  946,  ti  teq; 
Digby'a  own  apologetical  defence  of  hunself  after  his  flightr-<«  de- 
fence intended  to  aid  the  royal  caiue-^is  well  worthy  of  notice:  That 
after  the  rudeness  and  violence  of  the  rabble  drove  their  nujesties  to 
Hampton  Court,  he  by  cammand  attended  them.  "  In  this  short 
journey,"  says  he,  **  wuat^  soldierM  ami  commtmders,  (who  had  as* 
sembled  themselves  Jointly  to  solidt  payment  of  their  arrears  for  the 
late  northern  expedition  Jrom  /A<  Udo  houMs  of  parliament,)  waited 
on  their  mijesties,  and,  leaving  them  at  Hampton  Court»  provided 
their  own  acoonnnodation  at  Kmgston;  the  next  place  of  xeoeipt,  and 
still  so  used  for  the  overplus  of  company  which  the  court  itself  could 
not  entertain.  To  these  gentlemen,  of  whomiew  or  none  were  of 
my  acquaintance,  and  to  this  plaee  was  I  eent  by  his  nu^esty,  with 
some  eKpresstons  of  his  nugesty's  good  aeeeptanoe  of  their  service,' 
and  returning  die  same  night  to  Hampton  Covfct,  continued  my  at* 
tendance  to  Windsor,  whither  their  m^iesties  then  repelled.  I  had 
not  been  diere  one  day,  whm  I  heard  thal'both  houses  of  parliament 
were  informed,  that  I  and  ColL  Lunsfiocd,  a  person  with,  whom  I 
never  exchanged  twenty  words  in  my  life,"  (indeed  1  wh^iu  acconling 

VOL.  III.  U 


288  HISTORY  OF  THB  BRITISH  EBffPIRE. 

A  parliament  without  power  is  no  parliament ;  and 
as  the  general  affiurs  of  the  kingdom  could  not 
have  stood  still,  matters  must  soon  have  termina- 
ted in  a  direct  use  of  the  military.  Taxes  were 
necessaiy  for  the  public  exigencies ;  and  even  the 
last  act  of  tonnage  and  poundage,  duties  whidi 
could  not  be  dispensed  with,  was  about  to  expire. 
But,  under  such  circumstances,  the  parliam^it  ne- 
ver would  have  voluntarily  imposed  taxes,  and, 
therefore,  Charles  must  either  have  overawed  them, 
or  levied  taxes  in  his  former  despotical  manner, 
and  thus  have  let  in  a  flood  of  arbitrary  power, 
which  swept  before  it  all  constitutional  principles. 
After  this  there  remained  no  alternative  for  the 
monarch,  if  he  had  desired  it,  which  none  who  re- 
views his  measures  can  believe.  If  doubt  remained, 
it  would  be  removed  by  the  promise  which  Cla- 
rendon, directly  against  the  tenor  of  those  state- 
ments by  which  he  would  throw  the  odium  of  be- 
ginning the  war  upon  the  parliament,  admits  that 
the  queen,  who  distrusted  her  husband's  firmness, 
exacted  of  Charles,  before  she  left  England, — ^that 
he  should  not  make  peace  with  the  parliament 
without  having  first  obtained  her  consent.  War 
did  not  commence  for  months  afberwards ;  yet  it  is 
evident  from  this,  that  war,  of  so  implacable  a  na- 
ture as  to  preclude  the  idea  of  accommodation, 
was  then  fully  resolved  upon. 

The  prompt  measures  of  the  two  housesi,  parti- 
cularly of  the  commons,  who  procured  intelligence 
of  the  most  secret  plots  of  the  council — ^for  which 
both  they  and  their  informers  are  reviled  by  Cla- 
rendon— ^a  farther  proof  that  he  regretted  the  faiU 


UISTOAT  OF  THE  BAITISH  EMPIRE.  280 

• 

we,  net  the  conception  of  such  designs — frustrat-- 
ed  the  royal  purpose,  and  obliged  him  to  tempo- 
rize for  months.  But  to  such  extremity  had  mat* 
ters  proceeded,  that  immediately  after  the  removsrl 
from  Whitehall,  his  desperate  band  of  discarded  of- 
ficers, at  least  :2(X),  with  Lunsfbrd  at  their  bead* 
having  retired  to  Kingston  upon  Thames,  and 
where  lay  the  magazine  of  the  county,  appeared 
in  a  warlike  manner }  while  Dlgby  having  gone  to 
them  by  the  royal  command,  thanked  them  for 
their  offer  of^  and  accepted  of,  their  services  in  tlie 
king's  name ;  assuring  them  that  his  majesty  had 
brought  them  thither  to  prevent  their  being  tram- 
pled in  the  dirt  in  London,  and  that  he  would 
amply  reward  their  loyal  attachment  *.    Ammu- 

*  See  Joumak  of  tiie  Comiiioiuij  voL  iL  p.  373^  376j  379^  ei  jey. 
Hiuband's  CoL  of  Sute  Papers,  p.  802,  et  seq,  Cobbett,  vol.  jL 
p.  1036,  et  seq,  Whitelocke,  p  .54.  Nalflon,  vol.  ii.  p.  846,  et  eeq: 
Digby'a  own  apologeiical  defence  of  himself  after  bis  flight— «  de- 
fence intended  to  aid  the  royal  cauae-^is  well  worthy  of  notice:  That 
after  Ike  rudeness  and  violence  of  the  rabble  drove  their  majesties  to 
Hampton  Court,  he  byeommand  attended  them.  ''In  this  short 
journey,"  says  he,  *'  mamf  eoldiert  ami  commanders,  (who  had  as* 
sembled  themselves  jointly  to  solicit  payment  of  their  arrears  for  the 
Into  northern  expedition  from  the  two  houtes  of  parliament,)  waited 
on  their  mijesties,  and,  leaving  them  at  Hampton  Court,  provided 
their  own  accommodation  at  Kmgston;  the  next  place  of  receipt,  and 
stillsousedfortheoverphiaof  company  which  the  eourtiisfilf  could 
not  entertain.  To  these  gentlemen,  of  whomfewor  none  were  of 
my  acquaintance,  and  to  this  place  was  I  aent  by  his  majesty,  with 
some  cKpressions  of  hia  migesty's  good  acceptance  of  their  service, 
and  returning  tlie  same  night  to  Hampton  Coulct,  oontinued  my  at* 
tendance  to  Windsor,  whidier  thefa:  majesties  then  repaired.  I  had 
not  been  diere  one  day,  when  I  heard  that'both  houses  of  parliament 
were  informed,  that  I  and  ColL  Lunsford,  a  person  vnth  whom  I 
never  exchanged  twenty  words  in  my  Hfe,"  (indeed  I  wh^iu  acoonlinji^ 

vol,.  III.  U 


SgO  HISTORY  OF  Til£  BRITISH  SMPIUfU 

nition»  large  saddles,  with  arms,  were  likewise 
rested  in  their  passage  thither  j  and  it  may  be  in- 
ferred, that  the  failure  of  the  design  i^pon  Hull 
and  Portsmouth,  with  measures  th^t  prevented 

to  Clarendon,  he  was  one  of  the  very  men-^the  oply  one  nwned,  with 
whom  you  proposed  to  go  into  the  city  to  ta]ce  the  six  memhers^  dead 
or  alive^  on  the  eveniiig  of  the  4th !)  *'  had  appeared  in  a  warlike 
manner  at  Kingafooj  to  the  terror  of  the  kingfs  li^ges^  &c.    Wheii 
first  this  news  was  brought  me,  I  could  not  but  slight  it  as  a  ridicu- 
lous rumour ;  for  being  most  certain  that  I  had  never  been  at  King« 
atoll,  but  only  upon  tbat  message  of  the  king's  to  forty  or  fifty  gen^ 
lleraen  totally  strangers  lo  me,  with  whom  I  stayed  not  t|ie  space  of 
half  an  hour  at  most,  in  no  other  equipage  than  a  coach  and  six  hired 
horses,  with  one  single  man  in  the  coach  with  me,  and  one  servant 
riding  by,  I  thought  it  utterly  impossible  for  the  most  romancy  it- 
adlf,  at  so  near  a  distance,  to  raise  out  of  that  any  serious  matter  of 
scandal  or  prejudice  upon  me."  Id.  p.  865.    Now^  the  want  of  vera* 
city  in  Digby  has  already  been  fully  established,  and  therefore  his 
relation  is  of  small  value  in  his  own  favour,  or  that  of  the  cause  he 
capotises,  but  it  is  of  m^  against  both.    Wby  diis  concourse  to 
Kingston  of  many  soldiers  and  (fficers,  whose  business  was  with  both 
houses  of  parliament  ?    Why  the  message  by  Digby  to  them  ?    The 
evidence  led  by  parliament,  then,  comes  to  us  without  suspieion,  and 
it  was  of  a  very  black  aspect.    Indeed  Digby  had  no  time  to  do  morie 
than  see  these  men  once,  because  on  tlie  very  day  after  Charles  left 
Whitehall,  Parliament  iuterposed  to  frustrate 'the  design  on  Hull 
and  Portsmouth,  without  which  any  attempt  at  Kingston  could  never 
nifioeed;  and  it  waa  only  on  the  18th,  the  day  on  which  Charles  xe-« 
moved  to  Windsor,  that  Digfay's  attempt  was  directly  defeated  by  the 
measures  of  both  houses.    Churendon's  statement,  vol.  ii.  p.  383, 384. 
11  very  uncandid,  and  itf  at  direct  variance  with  dates.    But  what 
diaE  weaay  to  Mr*  Hume's,  who,  in  the  face  of  Digby's  own  admisaion 
—an  adunaaion  calculated  to  make  a  favourable  im)[>rcaBkm  for  the 
eanae  in  which  he  had  embarked,  as  well  as  to  screen  hknaelf-^ays, 
"  Lord  Digby  kamng  entered  Singstwi  In  a  eoadk  and  sir,  uttended  by  a 
fns  Omry  servmsis,  tile  intelligenca  waa  conveyed  to-London  ;  and  it 
waa  immediatdy  voted  that  he  had  appeared  in  a  hoatik  manner,  to 
the  terror  and  affright  of  his  majesty's  sulgects,  and  had  levied  war 
against  the  king  and  kingdom."    I  cannot  guess  what  that  au^or  a 
Mings  weie,  when  he  sat  down  giavely  to  write  so. 


fflSTORT  OF  THE  PXUTXSH  EMPIllB.  S!)i 

danger  from  the  Tower,  the  raising  of  the  adjoin* 
ing  counties  to  disperse  the  forces  at  Kingston, 
and  stopping  of  all  leries  under  the  pretext  of 
iotending  them  for  the  service  ol*  Ireiaod,  aic»ie 
changed  the  current  of  affairs  at  this  juncture,  by 
preventing  a  levy  of  troops,  and  d>liged  Pigby,  who 
was  thence  accused  of  high  treason,  to  abscond. 

As,  without  supplies  from  the  English  patiia^* 
ment,  Charles  was  destitute  of  the  means  to  raise 
a  force  capable  of  quelling  the  Irish  rebellion,  the 
settled  plan  to  destroy  the  constitutional  assembly 
is  altogether  inconsistent  with  his  professions  on 
the  Irish  afiairs.  His  language  on  that  subject, 
however,  did  not  exceed  the  expressions  of  the 
Lords  of  the  Pale,  before  they  openly  joined  the 
insurgents;  and  it  was  the  misfortune  of  this 
prince  to  have  justly  forfeited  all  confidence  in  his 
word  *•  His  religious  predilections  have  already 
been  amply  developed,  and  be  was  now  under  the 
pemkious  influence  of  the  queen>  It  is  not,  there* 
fore,  very  wonderful  that  he  should  not  have  been 
overmuch  disposed  to  protect  the  Irish  Puritans, 
at  the  expense  of  a  body  who  aifected  to  rise 
In  defence  of  his  prerogative,  at  the  same  tidie 
that  he  had  resolved  on  measures  pregnant  with 
(the  ruin  of  whatever  was  deemed  most  valuable— « 


*  Impiediatelj  after  the  incidents  Charles  addressed  the  Scottish 
parKsment,  to  which  he  professed  his  innocence^  "  with  tearcs  in  his 
eyies^  (and  as  it  seemed)  in  a  very  grate  grieffe^"  (Balfour's  Diurnal, 
p.  104'.)  It  thus  appears  that  he  could  weep  upon  occasion,  though 
he  heard  of  his  dear  friend  Buckingham's  assassinatioti  with  perfe«$ 
composurCf 


S92  HISTORY  OF  THB  BItlTISH  EMPIRE. 

of  all  their  political  and  ,civil  franchises-r-of  the 
people  of  England.    True  it  is,  that  his  oonduct 
in  regard  to  Ireland,  bad  the  extraordinary  and 
unhappy,  yet  necessary  ^ect  of  retarding,  or  fnis* 
trating  rather,  the  relief  of  that  wretched  countryt 
We  have  seen,  that  the  lord-lieutenant  was  ordered 
by  the  pai*liament  to  raise  volunteers  pr  recruits  by 
beat  of  drum  ;  but  that  the  commons,  at  the  same 
time,  proposed  a  bill  for  pressing  soldiers,  into 
which  they  inserted  a  clause  against  the  legality 
of  pressing,  without  the  intervention  qf  the  legis- 
lature, unless  the  kingdom  were  invaded  by  a  fo- 
reign power.    Now,  it  has  been  alleged,  that  the 
design  of  the  commons  was  merely  to  wres^t  from 
the  crown  a  power  inherent  in  it,  since,  consider- 
ing the  late  disbandment  of  the  army  against  the 
Scots,  there  could  be  no  want  of  volunteers.    But 
the  power    arrogated  by   the  sovereign  .was   a 
usurpation  incompatible  with  law ;  and,  if  Charles 
had  been  sincere  in  bis  other  concessions,  he  would 
not  have .  hesitated,  especially  at  such  a  juQcture 
— ^when  delay  was  pregnant^with  so  ipany  cala- 
lAities — ^to  have  yielded  this  point  also, .  without 
which  all  the  late  provisions  in  favour  of  pub- 
lic liberty  were  nugatory.    Matters,  however,  on 
both  sides,  were  of  far  deeper  concernmeot*  After 
such  a  long  course  of  misgovernment,  and  what 
the  commons  had  lately  experienced,  they  could 
not  trust  Charles  with  an  army ;  and  a  resolution 
had  already  been  formed  by  them,  to  vest  the  power 
over  the  militia  in  commissioners  nominated  with 
the  approbation  of  parliament,  while  they  had  even 


HISTORY  OF  THB  BRITISH  BMPIRE.  293 

issued  orders  about  the  appointment  of  officers  to 
the  Irish  army.  By  means  of  the  pressing  bill» 
the  troops  could  be  ready  to  be  instantly  embodied 
without  being  drawn  together,  so  as  to  affi>rd  an 
opportunity  to  the  king  to  gain  them  and  set  of- 
ficers over  them»  before  the  important  matter  re« 
garding  the  commanders  were  fully  determined : 
but  if  the  ordinary  way  of  levy  were  adopted,  the 
late  disbanded  soldiers,  whose  affections  had  been 
so  corrupted,  would  be  the  first  to  enlist  j  when 
commissions,  hastily  issued  by  the  king  to  the  very 
officers  who  had  entered  into  such  conspiracies 
against  the  parliament,  and  had  lately  acted  at 
Whitehall,  &c.  would  at  once  give  him  the  com- 
mand of  an  army,  which,  it  may  safely  be  inferred 
from  all  circumstances,  would  be  employed  to  per- 
form a  notable  service  in  England  before  it  crossed 
the  Irish  channel.  He  could  not  but  know,  that 
the  interference  with  the  bill  in  its  passage  through 
the  houses,  with  the  displeasure  expressed  towards 
the  members  who  had  stirred  the  question  about 
his  right,  would  lead  to  the  result  which  it  occa- 
sioned ;  and  that  then  the  Commons  could  not  re- 
treat from  their  point,  without  recognising  a  power 
which  had  been  already  so  fully  pronounced  ilie* 
gal,  and  consequently  exposing  the  franchises  of 
all  ranks. 

The  advocates  of  this  prince  have  alleged,  that 
the  Scots  might  have  at  once  sent  upwards  of  5000 
men  to  Ireland,  and  thus  have  crushed  the  rebel- 
lion at  its  commencement ;  but  that,  though  urged' 
to  it  by  him,  they,  in  spite  of  their  professions  of 


30  i  HISTORY  cnt  THE  BRITISH  EiCPIRK* 

eagerness  to  save  that  country  fVom  the  insurgents^ 
declined  to  adopt  so  salutaiy  a  course  *•  Now, 
we  have  already  seen,  that,  as  Ireland  was  a  de-' 
pendancy  of  England  alone,  they  could  not  have 
attempted  to  send  an  anny  there  before  they  ob* 
tained  the  authority  of  the  English  parliament, 
without  involving  the  two  kingdoms  in  a  quarrel— ^ 
an  event  which  Charles  would  probably  have  hailed 
as  auspicious ;  and  that,  as  they  had  neither  re« 
sources  themselves  to  maintain  such  an  army,  nor, 
if  they  had,  could  have  been  expected  to  use  them 
for  the  defence  of  the  dependency  of  a  foreign 
state,-~it  was  necessary  to  have  not  only  authority 

*  Carte's  Ormonde^  toh  i.  jw  197.  This  writer,  after  sfatmg  thai 
the  Scots  had  5000  still  on  foot,  (which  is  not  correct,)  and  might; 
easily  have  collected  more,  which  would  at  once  have  put  an  eflfbctual 
stop  to  these  commotions,  says,  with  shameless  efiOrontery,  '<  But  nei- 
ther their  pretended  seal  for  religion,  nor  the  Ueeding  eondicion  of 
that  kingdom,  nor  the  danger  of  their  countrymen  in  it,  nor  the  en« 
treaties  of  their  natural  sovereign,  nor  the  shame  of  failing  in  their 
own  promises  the  very  moment  they  were  making  them,  could  prevail 
with  the  Scots  to  afibrd  any  succours  in  this  general  calamity ."  I  am 
anrry  indeed  to  say  that  Mr.  Hume's  statement  is,  if  possible,  atiU 
worse^  Carte  says  that  the  king  saw  1500  men  sent  off  to  Ulster  to 
protect  the  Scottish  colony  there,  and  that  he  told  the  houses  this  on 
fiis  retam  to  London.  But  he  quotes  na  authority  for  such  a  states 
ment,  and  it  is  at  direct  variance  iirith  the  whole  accounts  of  the  pro« 
feedings  on  that  head ;  while  it  may  give  some  idea  of  this  writer's 
accuracy  to  mention,  that,  in  the  royal  addresses,  there  is  not  even 
an  insinuation  of  such  a  thing.  Is  it  not  strange,  therefore,  that  Mr.. 
Laing  should,  amongst  others,  have  adopted  this  story  ?  ,  But  mis* 
statements  or  errors  once  made,  descend  from  one  writer  to  another^ 
like  the  heir-loom  in  a  family.  The  1500  that  Carte  referred  to  were 
not  sent  till  long  afterwards,  and  went  under  a  commission  by  both 
houses  to  the  Marquis  of  Ax^le*  See  Journals  of  the  Commons, 
7th  and  22d  February,  1641-2*  Laing's  account  of  these  matters  is 
very  inaccurate. 


HISTORY  OF  TUB  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  99S 

» 

from  England  to  transport  the  troops,  but  an  as- 
surance  that  they  should  be  maintained  at  the  ex* 
pense  of  that  country:  That  the  Engli^  Commons 
voted  for  the  acceptance  of  troops— first  of  smaller 
numbers,  but  latterly  of  10,000 :  but  that  the  ob- 
struction to  an  agreement  with  the  Scottish  com* 
missioners  arose  from  the  upper  house,  who  would 
only  yield  to  the  measure  conditionally — that 
10,000  EngliA  should  also  be  sent ;  while  they 
delayed  the  pressing  bill,  which  was  not  passed  till 
after  the  king  had  left  Whitehall,  and  thus  pre- 
vented the  raising  of  10,000  English  already  voted 
by  the  Commons.  The  principle  advanced  by  the 
Lords  was,  that  it  gave  the  Scots  too  much  power 
in  a  dependency  of  England— a  position  in  which 
there  is,  unquestionably,  much  appearance  of  rea- 
son. But  it  completely  disproves  the  allegations 
about  the  backwardness  of  the  Scots ;  and  it  is 
not  unworthy  of  remark,  that  this  objection  came 
from  the  king  himself:  for  the  majority  in  the 
upper  house,  who  frustrated  the  agreement  with 
the  northern  kingdom,  were  the  prelates  and  lay 
lords  attached  to  the  court ;  and  their  language, 
consequently,  was  just  as  sure  an  indication  of  the 
royal  purpose,  as  if  he  had  himself  openly  pro- 
claimed it.  He,  however,  directly  spoke  the 
same  language  afterwards  in  regard  to  2500 
only,  which  both  houses  had  accepted  of:  for, 
posterior  to  the  time  now  alluded  to,  he  object- 
ed to  that  number's  passing  into  Ireland,  with  * 
authority  to  take  possession  of  a  certain  town,  be^ 
cause  it  would  give  them  a  power  in  that  island 


20  i  HISTORY  (Of  THE  BRITISH  EaiPIRK* 

eagerness  to  save  that  country  firom  the  insurgetits^^ 
declined  to  adopt  so  salutaiy  a  course  *•  Now, 
we  have  already  seen,  thntf  as  Ireland  wa&  a  de*' 
pendancy  of*  England  alone,  they  could  not  have 
attempted  to  send  an  anny  there  before  they  (sb^ 
tained  the  authority  of  the  English  parliament, 
without  involving  the  two  kingdoms  tn  a  quarrel— ' 
an  event  which  Charles  would  probably  have  hailed 
as  auspicious ;  and  that,  as  they  bad  neither  re^ 
sources  themselves  to  maintain  such  an  army,  nor, 
if  they  had,  could  have  been  expected  to  use  them 
for  the  defence  of  the  dependency  of  a  foreign 
state,— it  was  necessary  to  have  not  only  authority 

*  Carte's  Ormonde,  rol.  i.  p^  197«  This  writer,  afler  statiiig  that 
the  Scots  had  5000  still  on  foot^  (whidi  is  not  correct^)  and  nugbt 
easily  have  collected  morei  nrhich  would  at  once  have  put  an  effectui^ 
stop  to  these  commotions,  says,  with  ^meless  ef&onUry,  **  But  nei« 
thcr  their  pretended  seal  for  religion,  nor  the  Ueeding  condition  of 
that  kingdom,  nor  the  danger  of  their  countrymen  in  it,  nor  the  en« 
treaties  of  their  natural  sovereign,  nor  the  shame  of  failing  in  their 
own  promises  the  very  moment  they  were  making  them,  could  prevail 
with  the  Scots  to  aS5rd  any  succours  in  this  general  calamity."  I  am 
sorry  indeed  to  say  that  Mr.  Hume's  statement  is,  if  possible,  still 
worse.  Carte  says  that  the  king  saw  1500  men  sent  off  to  Ulster  to 
protect  the  Scottish  colony  there,  and  that  he  told  the  houses  this  on 
his  return  to  London.  But  he  quotes  no  authority  for  such  a  states 
ment,  and  it  is  at  direct  variance  with  the  whole  accounts  of  the  prtw 
feedings  oa  that  head  ;  while  it  may  give  some  idea  of  this  writer  s 
accuracy  to  mention,  that,  in  the  royal  addresses,  there  is  not  even 
an  insinuation  of  such  a  thing.  Is  it  not  strange,  therefore,  that  Mr.. 
Laing  should,  amongst  others,  have  adopted  this  story  ?  But  mis« 
statements  or  errors  once  made,  descend  from  one  writer  to  another^ 
like  the  heir-loom  in  a  family.  The  1500  that  Carte  referred  to  were 
not  sent  tUl  long  afterwards,  and  went  under  a  comnussion  by  both 
houses  to  the  Marquis  of  Ai^le-  See  Journals  of  the  Commons, 
7th  and  22d  February,  16il~2.  Laing's  account  of  these  matters  is 
very  inaccurate. 


HISTORY  OF  TUB  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  £95 

from  England  to  transport  the  troops,  but  an  as* 
surance  that  they  should  be  maintained  at  the  ex^ 
pense  of  that  country :  That  the  Engli^  Commons 
voted  for  the  acceptance  of  troops— first  of  smaller 
numbers,  but  latterly  of  10,000 :  but  that  the  ob- 
struction to  an  agreement  with  the  Scottish  com* 
missioners  arose  from  the  upper  house,  who  would 
only  yield  to  the  measure  conditionally — that 
10,000  EngliA  should  also  be  sent;  while  they 
delayed  the  pressing  bill,  which  was  not  passed  till 
after  the  king  had  left  Whitehall,  and  thus  pre- 
vented the  raising  of  10,000  English  already  voted 
by  the  Commons.  The  principle  advanced  by  tlie 
Lords  was,  that  it  gave  the  Scots  too  much  power 
in  a  dependency  of  England^— «  position  in  which 
there  is,  unquestionably,  much  appearance  of  rea- 
son. But  it  completely  disproves  the  aUegations 
about  the  backwardness  of  the  Scots ;  and  it  is 
not  unworthy  of  remark,  that  this  objection  came 
from  the  king  himself:  for  the  majority  in  the 
upper  house,  who  frustrated  the  agreement  with 
the  northern  kingdom,  were  the  prelates  and  lay 
lords  attached  to  the  court ;  and  their  language, 
consequently,  was  just  as  sure  an  indication  of  the 
royal  purpose,  as  if  he  had  himself  openly  pro- 
claimed it.  He,  however,  directly  spoke  the 
same  language  afterwards  in  regard  to  2500 
only,  which  both  houses  had  accepted  of:  for, 
posterior  to  the  time  now  alluded  to,  he  object- 
ed to  that  number's  passing  into  Ireland,  with  ' 
authority  to  take  possession  of  a  certain  town,  be- 
cause it  would  give  them  a  power  in  that  island 


201  HISTORY  Off  THE  BRITISH  fiifPIRS. 

eagerness  to  save  that  country  fVom  the  insurgenCs^y 
declined  to  adopt  so  salutary  a  course  *•  Now, 
we  have  already  seen,  that,  as  Ireland  was  a  de-^ 
pendancy  of  England  alone,  they  coiM  not  have 
attempted  to  send  an  anny  there  before  they  ob^ 
tained  the  authority  of  the  English  parliament, 
witlK>ut  involving  the  two  kingdoms  in  a  quarrel—' 
an  event  which  Charles  would  probably  have  hailed 
as  auspicious ;  and  that,  as  they  had  neither  re« 
sources  themselves  to  maintain  such  an  army,  nor, 
if  they  had,  could  have  been  expected  to  use  them 
for  the  defence  of  the  dependency  of  a  foreign 
state,— it  was  necessary  to  have  not  only  authority 

*  Carte's  Oraionde^  to),  i.  p^  197.  This  writer,  dler  slating  tliat 
the  Scots  had  5000  still  on  foot,  (which  is  not  correct,)  and  might 
easily  have  collected  more,  which  would  at  once  have  put  an  effectuid 
stop  to  these  commotions,  says,  with  shameless  effit>ntery,  "  But  nei- 
ther their  pretended  seal  for  religion,  nor  the  bLeediag  condition  of 
that  kingdom,  nor  the  danger  of  their  countrymea  in  it,  nor  the  en« 
treaties  of  their  natural  sovereign,  nor  the  shame  of  failing  in  their 
own  promises  the  very  moment  they  were  making  them,  could  prevail 
with  the  Seots  to  aff&rd  any  succours  in  this  general  calamity."  I  am 
aorry  indeed  to  say  that  Mr.  Hume's  statement  is,  if  possible,  still 
worse.  Carte  says  that  the  king  saw  1500  men  sent  off  to  Ulster  to 
protect  the  Soottidi  colony  there,  and  that  he  told  the  houses  this  on 
his  retnm  to  London.  But  he  quotes  no  authority  for  such  a  state-r 
ment,  and  it  is  at  direct  variance  with  the  whole  accounts  of  the  prcw 
feedings  on  that  head ;  while  it  may  give  some  idea  of  this  writer  s 
accuracy  to  mention,  that,  in  the  royal  addresses,  there  is  not  even 
an  insinuation  of  such  a  thing.  Is  it  not  strange,  therefore,  that  Mr^ 
Laing  should,  amongst  others,  have  adopted  this  story  ?  .  But  mis- 
statements or  errors  once  made,  descend  from  one  writer  to  another^ 
like  the  heir-loom  in  a  family.  The  1500  that  Carte  referred  to  were 
not  sent  till  long  afterwards,  and  went  under  a  commission  by  both 
houses  to  the  Marquis  of  Aigyle-  See  Journals  of  the  Common^ 
7ih  and  22d  February,  1641-2.  Laing's  account  of  these  matters  is 
very  inaccurate. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  £95 

» 

from  England  to  transpcMrt  the  troops,  but  an  as* 
surance  that  they  should  be  maintained  at  the  ex* 
pense  of  that  country:  That  the  Englidi  Commons 
voted  for  the  acceptance  of  troops— first  of  smaller 
numbers,  but  latterly  of  10,000 :  but  that  the  ob- 
struction to  an  agreement  with  the  Scottish  com* 
missioners  arose  from  the  upper  house,  who  would 
only  yield  to  the  measure  conditionally — that 
10,000  EngliA  should  also  be  sent  j  while  they 
delayed  the  pressing  bill,  which  was  not  passed  till 
afler  the  king  had  left  Whitehall,  and  thus  pre- 
vented the  raising  of  10,000  English  already  voted 
by  the  Commons.  The  principle  advanced  by  tlie 
Lords  was,  that  it  gave  the  Scots  too  much  power 
in  a  dependency  of  England— a  position  in  which 
there  is,  unquestionably,  much  appearance  of  rea- 
son. But  it  completely  disproves  the  allegations 
about  the  backwardness  of  the  Scots ;  and  it  is 
not  unworthy  of  remark,  that  this  objection  came 
from  the  king  himself:  for  the  majority  in  the 
upper  house,  who  frustrated  the  agreement  with 
the  northern  kingdom,  were  the  prelates  and  lay 
lords  attached  to  the  court ;  and  their  language, 
consequently,  was  just  as  sure  an  indication  of  the 
royal  purpose,  as  if  he  had  himself  openly  pro- 
claimed it.  He,  however,  directly  spoke  the 
same  language  afterwards  in  regard  to  2500 
only,  which  both  houses  had  accepted  of:  for, 
posterior  to  the  time  now  alluded  to,  he  object- 
ed to  that  number's  passing  into  Ireland,  with  ' 
authority  to  take  possession  of  a  certain  town,  be- 
cause it  would  give  them  a  power  in  that  island 


20  &  HISTORY  cm  THE  BRITISH  EAfPIRK. 

eagerness  to  save  that  country  firom  the  insurgents^^ 
declined  to  adopt  so  salutary  a  course  *•  Now, 
we  have  already  seen,  that,  as  Ireland  wa»  a  de-' 
pendancy  of  England  alone,  they  coidd  not  have 
attempted  to  send  an  anny  there  before  they  ob^ 
tained  the  authority  of  the  Englbh  parliament, 
without  involving  the  two  kingdoms  in  a  quarrel*-^ 
an  event  which  Charles  would  probably  have  hailed 
as  auspicious ;  and  that,  as  they  had  neither  re« 
sources  themselves  to  maintain  such  an  army»  nor, 
if  they  iiad,  could  have  been  expected  to  use  them 
for  the  defence  of  the  dependency  of  a  foreign 
state,--*it  was  necessary  to  have  not  only  authority 

*  Carte's  Ormonde^  toI.  i.  p.  197«  This  writer,  after  sUtiiig  that 
the  Soots  had  5000  still  on  foot|  (which  is  not  corroct^)  aend  might 
easily  have  collected  nu)re>  which  would  at  once  have  put  an  effectual 
stop  to  these  commotions,  says,  with  shameless  eflSrontery,  **  But  nei« 
ther  their  pretended  seal  for  religion,  nor  the  Ueeding  condition  of 
that  kingdom,  nor  the  danger  of  their  countrymen  in  it,  nor  the  en<« 
treaties  of  their  natural  sovereign,  nor  the  shame  of  failing  in  their 
own  promises  the  very  moment  they  were  making  them,  could  prevail 
with  the  Scots  to  aSbrd  any  succours  in  this  general  calamity."  I  am 
florry  indeed  to  say  that  lir.  Hume's  statement  is,  if  possihle,  stiU 
worse.  Carte  says  that  the  king  saw  1500  men  sent  off  to  Ulster  to 
protect  ihe  Scottish  colony  there,  and  that  he  told  the  houses  this  on 
Ikis  return  to  London.  But  he  quotes  no  authority  for  such  a  state-r 
ment,  and  it  is  at  direct  variance  with  the  whole  accounts  of  the  pro« 
feedings  on  that  head ;  while  it  may  give  some  idea  of  this  writer  s 
accuracy  to  mention,  that,  in  the  royal  addresses,  there  is  not  even 
an  insinuation  of  such  a  thing.  Is  it  not  strange,  therefore,  that  Mr^ 
Laing  should,  amongst  others,  have  adopted  this  story  ?  ,  But  mis* 
statements  or  errors  once  made,  descend  from  one  writer  to  another^ 
like  the  heir-loom  in  a  family.  The  1500  that  Carte  referred  to  were 
not  sent  till  long  afterwards,  and  went  under  a  commission  by  both 
houses  to  the  Marquis  of  Ai^gyle*  See  Journals  of  the  Common^ 
7th  and  22d  February,  1641-2.  Laing's  account  of  these  matters  is 
very  inaccurate. 


HISTORY  OF  TIIB  BRITISH  SUPIRE.  £95 

from  England  to  transport  the  troops,  but  an  as* 
surance  that  they  should  be  maintamed  at  the  ex* 
pense  of  that  country :  That  the  English  Commons 
voted  for  the  acceptance  of  troops— first  of  smaller 
numbers,  but  latterly  of  10,000 :  but  that  the  ob- 
struction to  an  agreement  with  the  Scottish  com* 
missioners  arose  from  the  upper  house,  who  would 
only  yield  to  the  measure  conditionally — that 
10,000  EngliA  should  also  be  sentj  while  they 
delayed  the  pressing  bill,  which  was  not  passed  till 
afler  the  king  had  left  Whitehall,  and  thus  pre- 
vented the  raising  of  10,000  English  already  voted 
by  the  Commons.  The  principle  advanced  by  the 
Lords  was,  that  it  gave  the  Scots  too  much  power 
in  a  dependency  of  England^— «  position  in  which 
there  is,  unquestionably,  much  appearance  of  rea- 
son. But  it  completely  disproves  the  allegations 
idx>ut  the  backwardness  of  the  Scots ;  and  it  is 
not  unworthy  of  remark,  that  this  objection  came 
from  the  king  himself:  for  the  majority  in  the 
upper  house,  who  frustrated  the  agreement  with 
the  northern  kingdom,  were  the  prelates  and  lay 
lords  attached  to  the  court ;  and  their  language, 
consequently,  was  just  as  sure  an  indication  of  Uie 
royal  purpose,  as  if  he  had  himself  openly  pro- 
claimed it.  He,  however,  directly  spoke  the 
same  language  afterwards  in  regard  to  2500 
only,  which  both  houses  had  accepted  of:  for, 
posterior  to  the  time  now  alluded  to,  he  object- 
ed to  that  number's  passing  into  Ireland,  with  ' 
authority  to  take  possession  of  a  certain  town,  be- 
cause it  would  give  them  a  power  in  that  island 


286  HIStmLT  OF  THB  BBITISH  EMPIBS. 

When  tlie  late  army  was  disbanded^  aD  the  ar« 
tillery,  aqimanitioii»  and  arms^  of  wliich  there  were 
16,000  Btahd,  were  depdiiiled  ia  Hull.  In  the 
aeighbaarhood  of  diat  town,  the  Earl  of  New« 
ca6tle>  who,  in  the  language  of  the  tiinea,  was  an 
inveterate  malignant,  had  vast  inflnence)  asda 
great  portion  of  the  inhabitants,  who  q>pear  to 
have  inclined  to  the  Catholic  superstitien,  were 
disafifected  to  the  parliamesrt.  Thither  thecefore 
CSiarles,  iefare  his  departure  frfm  WhiiduM^  se* 
credy  dispatched  diat  nobleman,  with  a  commis- 
sion to  take  possession  of  the  town  and  magaaine, 
and  draw  in  as  many  of  the  trained-bands  as  the 
earl  deemed  necessary  and  coold  rely  upon,  the 
king  intending  himself  to  follow  as  soon  as  mat- 
ters were  ready  for  his  reception )  m^ile  the  queen, 
who  had  prevailed  upon  Goring  to  engage  to  sur« 
render  Portsmouth,  in  spite  of  his  pledge  to  the 
parliament,  was  to  proceed  directly  to  that  strongly 
fortified  town,  in  order  to  take  possession  of  it,  as 
beipg  the  most  important  in  the  south,  as  well  as 
the  magaaine  for  arms  in  that  district  *^»  The  tower 
was  already  in  the  custody  of  a  man  who  could  be 

*  Ckr.  voL  iL  p.  388,  SSS^  417,  418.  JoqiiuLb  of  the  Coiasion# 
for  Janiuiy  II9  e<  J€y^  1648.  Old  Pail.  Hiat  vol.  is.  p.  1027.  Raidk 
vqL  iv.  p.  564.  WiUiaia  LqEges^  one  of  those  deeply  copoenifd  i^  the 
■my-ploty  was  alao  employed  io  aecore  Hull.  ThiaindiYidiialybyhiB 
evidenoe  implicated  Charlea^  yet  ao  great  a  f  a?ourite  waa  he,  tha(  he 
even  we&t  by  the  name  of  honeat  Will  Legge.  He  waa  anoeator  of 
the  Bark  of  Dartmouth.  The  Earl  of  Newcaatle  waa  auspeoted,  on 
good  grounda,  of  having  been  alao  eogagad  in  tbearmy-plota.  The 
qneenivonld appear  to  have  gained  a  fcomiaeof  Goring,  before  the 
Idng'a  ratum  fimn  8ootlan4»  to  awfwndv.BDrtmottth.  Mem.  par 
Mad.  de  Motteville,  tonel.  p.4M3. 


HI8TORT  OF  THB  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  flS? 

ikpeedtd  ob»  md  a  vessel  with  ad£ttoiMii  RrtiiB  had 
jiist  aitjved  from  Berwick. 

It  is  tnie^  that  the  same  Loid  Chtrendoii  to 
whom  we  are  indebted  for  this  important,  but  in^ 
adTertent,  devehypnent  c€  the  royal  purpoge^  tdls 
Wh  that  Charles  iatended^  ^'  that  being  secured 
in  those  strong  pbces,  whither  they  who  wished 
him  wdl  tni^bt  resort  tfid  be  protected)*^  <<  hA 
would  ait  stilU  till  they  who  were  over  active 
woidU  come  to  nason*  ;**  but  no  one  can  believe, 
that  siBcd  he  cooceived  militkry  fence  necessary 
i^iaiast  a  parliament,  he  would  have  fiuled  to 
make  an  active  use  of  it ;  and  the  idea  is  incon* 
sistent  with  his  #faole  conduct,  the  principles  of 
his  most  moderate  advisers,  and  the  very  nature 
of  thmgs.  The  conduct  of  an  assembly  which 
justified  his  retirtog  to  a  place  oi*  strengUi,  justi- 
fied him  also  in  dissolving  it ;  and  as  conserva- 
tor of  the  puUic  peace,  he  was  bound  to  quelt 
the  disorders  which  arose  firom  the  factious  spirit 
aigendered  by  the  parliament,  and^  consequentlyy 
to  march  directly  fo  the  capital.  In  that  event, 
too^  the  prosecution  of  the  six  members  would  not 
have  been  dropt  i  aad  it  is  easy  to  perceive  the 
apj^y^atian  of  the  principle  laid  down  by  Claren* 
doBy  that  the  king,  while  he  stood  on  the  defen- 
sive should  have  compelled  his  ministers  to  eze> 
cute  the  law  in  those  cases  that  concerned  the 
ptriUic  jpeaoe.  Aa  the  majerily  in  both  houses^  txx), 
had  been  equdly  guiky  vfbk  the  six  impeached 
ijsembers^  it  is  not  to  be  inUigined  that  Charlea 
would  have  allewed  them  to  triurni^i  in  security. 

•  Clar.  ibid. 


986  HIStmLT  OF  THE  BRITIM  EHPISB. 

When  tiie  late  amy  was  diabaiided^  aD  the  ar« 
tillery,  aqraniiiitioii^  and  anii^  of  vliich  there  were 
16,000  Btuidf  were  deposUed  in  Hull.  In  the 
ae^hboarhood  of  that  ttmn*  the  Earl  of  New« 
castle^  who,  in  the  language  of  the  timea,  was  an 
inveterate  malignant^  had  vast  niflaence;  and  a 
great  portion  of  the  inhabitants,  who  i^pcar  to 
have  inclined  to  the  Catholio  superetitien,  were 
disaffected  to  the  parliameat*  Thither  therefore 
Charles,  iefare  hi$  departure  Jhm  Whitehall,  se- 
cretly dispatched  diat  nobleman,  with  a  conunis- 
skrn  to  ttke  posseasimi  of  the  town  and  magaaine, 
and  draw  in  as  many  of  the  trainedJiands  as  the 
earl  deemed  necessary  and  could  rely  upon,  the 
king  intending  himself  to  follow  as  soon  as  mat- 
ters were  ready  for  his  reception ;  vitiie  the  <pieen, 
who  had  prevailed  upon  Goring  to  engage  to  sur- 
render  Portsmouth,  in  spite  of  his  pledge  to  the 
parliament,  was  to  proceed  directly  to  that  strongly 
fortified  town,  in  order  to  take  possession  of  it,  as 
being  the  most  important  in  the  south,  as  well  as 
the  magaaine  for  arms  in  that  district  *^.  The  tower 
was  already  in  the  custody  of  a  man  who  could  be 

*  Clar.  tdL  iL  p.  SSS,  88S,  417,  418.  Joomals  of  the  CommoPi 
for  Juuuury  11,  e<  j«^  1648.  Old  Paxi  Hist  vol.  is.  p.  1037.  Roib. 
vqL  iy.  p.  564.  WilUun  hcgge,  one  of  those  deeply  oopioenied  ^i  the 
•nny-ploty  was  also  employed  io  secure  Hull.  This  iodindiiBl,  by  hk 
evidenoe  implicated  Charles,  yet  so  great  %  favourite  vaa  he,  that  ha 
even  went  by  the  name  of  honest  WiULegge.  He  was  ancestor  of 
the  fiark  of  Dartmouth.  I^e  £arl  of  Newcastle  was  suspected,  on 
good  grounds,  of  having  been  also  ei^jsged  in  the  army-plots.  The 
qneen^onldi^ypear  tohave  guned  a  pcomiseol  Goring,  befocethe 
kiog'a  xitwn  horn  Sootlanct,  to  surrender  I^BrtSHioath.  Mem.  par 
Mad.  de  Motteville,  tome  i,  f,  SUSS. 


UXSTORT  OF  THB  BRITISH  £M?IRfi.  flS7 

depeBikd  on^  aid  a  vessel  with  adtfiiomii  araiB  had 
jMi  Bxtited&em  Berwick* 

It  is  trve^  that  the  same  Laid  Clareiidoii  to 
whom  we  are  iodebted  for  this  tflsportatit,  but  in- 
adTertent,  develcpinent  of  the  royal  purpose,  tells 
m^  that  Charles  intsoded^  «'  tiiat  being  secured 
in  those  strong  places,  whither  they  who  wiriied 
him  wdl  might  resort  and  be  protected/'  <<  h^ 
would  Bit  still,  till  they  who  were  over  actn^ 
would  toome  ta  reason* ;"  but  no  one  can  believe, 
that  siacd  he  cooceived  militkry  force  necessary 
s^gaiost  a  parliament,  he  would  have  ftiled  to 
make  an  active  use  of  it ;  and  the  idea  is  incon* 
sistent  with  his  #hde  conduct,  the  principles  of 
his  most  moderate  advisers,  and  the  very  nature 
of  things.  The  conduct  of  an  assembly  which 
justified  his  retiring  to  a  plaOe  ci  strengUi,  justi- 
fied him  also  in  dissolving  it ;  and  as  conserva- 
tor of  Uie  puUic  peace,  he  was  bound  txi  quell' 
the  disorders  which  arose  from  the  factious  q[)irit 
rageadered  by  the  parliament,  and,  conseqttentiy» 
to  march  directly  to  the  capital.  In  that  event, 
too^  the  prosecution  of  tibe  six  aMmbers  would  not 
have  been  dropt  (  and  it  is  easy  to  perceive  the 
apj^ication  of  the  principle  laid  down  by  Qaren* 
dQB»  that  the  king,  while  he  stood  on  the  defisn- 
sive^  should  have  compelled  his  ministers  to  exe» 
aite  the  law  in  those  cases  that  concerned  the 
public  jpeaeoi  As  the  majority  in  bolh  houses,  too, 
had  been  equdly  guilty  wiA  the  six  impeached 
pembers,  it  is  not  to  be  imagined  that  Charles 
would  have  allowed  them  to  triumph  in  security. 

•  Clar  ibid. 


286  HISTCHIT  OF  THB  BRITISH  EMPIRB. 

When  tile  late  army  was  disbanded,  all  the  ar« 
tiUery,  aqratunitioiit  and  arms^  of  wliich  there  were 
16,000  ststid^  were  deposited  ia  Hull.  In  the 
aeighboarhobd  of  that  town,  the  Earl  of  New- 
castle»  who,  in  the  language  of  the  times,  was  an 
inveterate  malignant,  had  vast  inflaenoe ;  and  a 
great  portion  of  the  inhabitants,  who  appear  to 
have  inclined  to  the  Catholic  superotitien,  were 
disaflfected  to  the  parltamcart.  Thither  therefore 
CSiarles,  kfore  his  dqmturejhm  WkUduMf  se- 
cretly dispatched  (liat  nobleman,  with  a  commis- 
sion to  ti^e  possesdoD  of  the  town  and  magaaine, 
and  draw  in  as  many  of  the  trained-bands  as  the 
earl  deemed  necessary  and  conld  rely  upon,  the 
king  intending  himself  to  follow  as  soon  as  mat- 
ters were  ready  for  his  reception  j  vitil^  the  queen, 
who  had  prevailed  upon  Ooring  to  engage  to  sur- 
render Portsmouth,  in  spite  of  his  pledge  to  the 
parliament,  was  to  proceed  directly  to  that  strongly 
fortified  town,  in  order  to  take  possession  of  it,  as 
beiqg  the  most  important  in  the  south,  as  well  as 
the  magazine  for  arms  in  that  district  *»  The  tower 
was  already  in  the  custody  of  a  man  who  could  be 

*  Oar.  vqL  IL  p^  368, 880>  417,  418.  Joamak  of  the  Comwonj 
for  January  11,  €t  seq.  164S.  Old  Pari  Hist  yqI.  ix.  p.  1027.  Eiub. 
▼oL  iv.  p.  564.  WiUiaiii  L^ggc;,  one  of  those  deeply  oonoenicd  ^  the 
army-ploty  was  also  employed  to  secoreHuIl.  ThisindiTidaalyhyhiB 
efidenee  implicated  CharlM,  yet  so  great  a  f aToiuitie  was  he,  that  ha 
even  went  by  the  name  of  honest  Will  I^eSB^  ^  ^**  ancestor  of 
the  Barb  of  Dartmouth.  T>a  Earl  of  Newcastle  was  suspected,  on 
goodgroundfl^of  having  been  also  engaged  in  ^army-^lots.  The 
queen  ^sonld  iqppear  to  have  gained  a  promise  of  Goring,  before  the 
king'a  nitum  fiom  Scotland^  to  sumnder  I^Mtsmouth.  Mem.  par 
Mad*  de  Motteville,  tome  u  f,  SOS. 


BISTORT  OF  THB  BRITISH  EMFIRfi.  SS? 

depeoikd  ob»  «id  a  vessd  with  addBciomi  artiiB  had 
ju0t  artiv^  fimm  Berwick. 

It  16  tnat,  that  the  same  Loid  C3ar«tidoii  to 
whom  we  are  indebted  fw  this  tfldportatit,  but  in- 
adTertent,  devekqpiBeiit  of  the  ro;^^!  purpose^  tdlA 
liB^  that  Charles  iatended^  *'  that  being  secured 
in  those  strong  pbces,  whither  they  who  wirfied 
him  wdl  tn^fat  resort  and  be  protected/'  '<  hf) 
would  sit  stiiU  till  they  who  were  over  active 
wouhl  come  te  leason*  f  but  no  one  can  believe, 
that  since  he  coacerved  miHtliry  forae  necessary 
^gaaost  a  parliament^  he  would  have  fiuled  to 
make  an  active  use  of  it ;  and  the  idea  is  incon* 
sistent  with  his  ^hde  ccmduct,  the  principles  of 
his  most  moderate  advisers,  and  the  very  nature 
of  things.  The  conduct  of  an  assembly  which 
justified  his  retiring  to  a  place  of  strength^  justi- 
fied him  also  in  dissolving  it ;  and  as  conserva- 
tor of  Uie  puUic  peace,  he  was  bound  tx)  quell 
the  disorders  which  arose  from  the  factious  spirit 
engendered  by  the  parliament,  audi  consequently, 
to  inarch  directly  to  the  capital.  In  that  event, 
too^  the  prosecution  of  the  six  members  would  not 
have  been  dropt ;  aid  it  is  ea^  to  perceive  the 
appUcation  of  the  principle  laid  down  by  Qaren- 
dQia»  that  tlie  king,  while  he  stood  on  the  defen- 
siv^  should  have  compelled  his  ministers  to  exe^ 
cute  the  law  in  those  cases  that  concerned  the 
public  peace*  As  the  majoriiy  in  both  hoiisesi  too, 
had  been  equdly  guilty  with  the  six  impeached 
ipsembers^  it  is  not  to  be  inriigined  that  Charles 
would  have  ^ewed  them  to  triumph  in  security. 

•  aar.  ibid. 


286  HISTORY  OF  THE  BBITISH  EMPIBB. 

When  die  late  army  was  dkbaaded^  all  the  ar« 
tiUery,  aqmmnitioii^  and  anssy  of  wbich  tliere  were 
16,000  stauid^  were  deposited  ia  fiull.  In  the 
ae^hboarhood  of  that  town,  the  Earl  of  New- 
castle who,  in  the  language  of  the  times^  was  an 
inveterate  malignant,  had  vast  inflaence  {  and  a 
great  portion  of  the  inhabitants,  who  appear  to 
have  inclined  to  the  Catholic  superstitien,  were 
disaffected  to  the  parliament.  Thither  therrfore 
CSiarles,  iefare  his  departure  Jhm  WkUeluMf  se- 
cretly dispatched  that  nobleman,  with  a  commis- 
sion to  take  possession  of  the  town  and  magaaine, 
and  draw  in  as  many  of  the  trained-bands  as  the 
carl  deemed  necessary  and  conld  rely  upon,  the 
king  intending  himself  to  f<dlow  as  soon  as  mat- 
ters were  ready  for  his  reception  $  iriiiile  the  queen, 
who  had  prevailed  upon  Goring  to  engage  to  sur- 
render Portsmouth,  in  spite  of  his  pledge  to  the 
parliament,  was  to  proceed  directly  to  that  strongly 
fortified  town,  in  order  to  take  possession  of  it,  as 
beipg  the  most  important  in  the  south,  as  well  as 
the  magazine  for  arms  in  that  district  *^.  Thetower 
was  already  in  the  custody  of  a  man  who  could  be 

*  Clar«  foL  iL  p.  S88»  SSO,  417^  418.  JournalB  of  the  ComnaiKi 
f(or  Januuy  11,  c<  Mg^  1648.  Old  Pari  Hist  toI.  ix.  p.  10S7,  Eiub. 
▼oL  iv.  p.  564.  WUUam  L^gg^  one  of  ihose  deeply  oopoetnfd  i^  tho 
■nny-ploty  was  also  emploTed  to  aecore  Hull.  ThulndividiiBlybyhk 
endenoe  implicated  Charlea>  yet  ao  great  a  favourite  waa  he^  that  lia 
even  we&t  by  tlie  name  of  hoottt  WiULegge.  He  waa  anoeator  of 
the  Barb  of  Dartmouth.  7>e  Earl  of  New(»8t)e  waa  auspected,  oa 
good  grounda,  of  having  been  alao  ei^ifiid  in  .the  army-plota.  The 
queen  ^maddiqiypear  to  have  gained  a  pcomiaeof  Goring»  before  the 
king'a  ratnm  fixnn  8ootlaii4»  to  aunrander  JPnrtamoath.  Mem.  par 
Mad*  de  Motteville^  tome  i,  pr  803. 


HISTORY  OF  THB  BRITISH  EMnRfi.  287 

depeedtd  on^  and  a  vessel  with  adtftiomi  artuB  had 
just  arrived  firom  Berwick. 

It  18  tive^  that  the  nme  Lord  Chrendoii  to 
whom  we  are  indebted  for  this  inpiMtatit,  but  in- 
advertent, devekqpinent  of  die  ro;^^!  purpose,  tdk 
yb^  that  Charles  intended^  ^<  that  being  secured 
in  those  strong  pbces,  whither  they  who  wiriied 
him  wdl  tn^fat  resort  and  be  protected/'  <<  h^ 
would  Bit  still,  tiU  they  who  were  over  active 
would  eome  to  nason* ;"  but  no  one  can  believe, 
that  since  he  coacerved  military  foice  necessary 
against  a  parliament^  he  would  have  fkiled  to 
make  an  active  use  of  it ;  and  the  idea  is  incon* 
sistent  with  his  ^hde  cimduct,  the  principles  of 
his  most  moderate  advisers,  and  the  very  nature 
of  things.  The  conduct  of  an  assembly  which 
justified  his  retiring  to  a  place  of  strengtJi,  justi- 
fied him  also  in  dissolving  it ;  and  as  conserva- 
tor of  Uie  puUic  peace,  he  was  bound  to  quell 
the  disorders  which  arose  from  the  factious  spirit 
engendered  by  the  pariiament,  and,  consequently^ 
to  march  directly  to  the  capital.  In  that  event, 
tpo^  the  prosecution  of  the  six  members  would  not 
have  been  dropt  i  and  it  is  easy  to  perceive  the 
appUcation  of  the  principle  laid  down  by  Garen- 
dM,  that  die  king,  while  he  stood  on  the  defen- 
sive^ should  have  compelled  his  ministers  to  exe- 
cute the  law  in  those  cases  that  concerned  the 
puMicjpeacCt  Aa  the  majonNy  in  both  houses,  too, 
had  been  eqiudly  guilty  widi  the  six  impeached 
ipranbers^  it  is  not  to  be  imagined  that  Charles 
would  have  allowed  them  to  triumph  in  security. 

•  Clar.  ibid. 


288  HISTORY  OF  THB  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

A  parliament  without  power  is  no  parliament ;  and 
as  the  general  affiurs  of  the  kingdom  could  not 
have  stood  still,  matters  must  soon  have  termina- 
ted in  a  direct  use  of  the  military.  Taxes  were 
necessary  for  the  public  exigencies ;  and  even  the 
last  act  of  tonnage  and  poundage,  duties  which 
could  not  be  dispensed  with,  was  about  to  expire. 
But,  under  such  circumstances,  the  parliament  ne- 
ver would  have  voluntarily  imposed  taxes,  and, 
therefwe,  Charles  must  either  have  overawed  them, 
or  levied  taxes  in  his  former  despotical  manner, 
and  thus  have  let  in  a  flood  of  arbitrary  power, 
which  swept  before  it  all  constitutional  principles. 
After  this  there  remained  no  alternative  for  the 
monarch,  if  he  had  desired  it,  which  none  who  re- 
views his  measures  can  believe.  If  doubt  remained, 
it  would  be  removed  by  the  promise  which  Clap 
rendon,  directly  against  the  tenor  of  those  state- 
ments by  which  he  would  throw  the  odium  <^  be- 
ginning the  war  upon  the  parliament,  admits  that 
the  queen,  who  distrusted  her  husband's  firmness, 
exacted  of  Charles,  before  she  left  England, — ^that 
he  should  not  make  peace  with  the  paiiiament 
without  having  first  obtained  her  consent.  War 
did  not  commence  for  months  afterwards ;  yet  it  is 
evident  from  this,  that  war,  of  so  implacable  a  na* 
ture  as  to  preclude  the  idea  of  accommodation, 
was  then  fully  resolved  upon. 

The  prompt  measures  of  the  two  houses,  partt- 
cukrly  of  the  commons,  who  procured  intelligence 
of  die  most  secret  plots  of  the  council— for  which 
both  they  and  their  informers  are  reviled  by  Cla- 
rendon— ^a  farther  proof  that  he  regretted  the  fail* 


f 
I 


UfSTOHY  OP  THE  BftlTlSH  EMPIRll.  '  280 

tire,  net  the  conception  of  such  designs-^fnistrat-' 
ed  the  royal  puipose,  and  obliged  him  to  tempo- 
rize for  months.  But  to  such  extremity  had  mat- 
ters proceeded,  that  immediately  after  the  remov^rl 
from  Whitehall,  his  desperate  band  of  discarded  of- 
ficers, at  least  !2(X),  with  Lunsfbrd  at  their  bead* 
having  retired  to  Kingston  upon  Thames,  and 
Hvhere  lay  the  magazine  of  the  county,  appeared 
in  a  warlike  manner  i  while  Dlgby  having  gone  to 
them  by  the  royal  command,  thanked  them  for 
their  oiier  of,  and  accepted  of,  their  services  in  the 
king's  name ;  assuring  them  that  his  majesty  had 
brought  them  thither  to  prevent  their  being  tram- 
pled in  the  dirt  in  London,  and  that  he  would 
amply  reward  their  loyal  attachment  ^.    Ammu- 

*  See  /oumak  of  die  CommoiM^  voL  IL  p.  S73,  S76j  379,  ei  jey. 
Hiuband's  CoL  of  8tote  Papers,  p.  903,  et  seq.  Cobbett,  ?ol.  ii 
p.  1030,  et  9eq,  Whitelocke,  p  54.  Kalaon,  vol.  ii.  p*  846,  tt  seq^ 
I>igby's  own  apologetical  defence  of  himself  after  his  flight— «  de« 
fence  intended  to  aid  the  royal  caoae-^is  well  worthy  of  notice:  Thafc 
after  tJu  rudeness  and  Tiolence  of  the  rabble  drove  their  nuyesties  to 
Hampton  Court,  he  by  command  attended  them.  "  In  this  short 
journey,"  says  he,  ^'  many  soidien  and  comtuanders,  (who  had  as* 
semUed  themselves  jointly  to  solicit  payment  of  their  arrears  for  the 
late  northern  expeditim  from  ike  two  hautu  of  pofUament,)  waited 
on  their  miijesties,  and,  leaving  them  at  Hampton  Court,  provided 
their  own  acoonmiodation  at  Kingprton;  the  next  place  of  receipt,  and 
atill  so  used  for  the  overplus  of  company  which  the  court  itself  could 
not  entertain.  To  these  gentlemen,  of  whom  few  or  none  were  of 
my  acqnaintsace,  and  to  this  place  was  I  aent  by  his  mtdesty,  with 
some  cspressions  of  his  migesty's  good  acceptance  of  their  service, 
and  returning  die  same  night  to  Hampton  Coufct,  continued  my  at* 
tendance  to  Windsor,  whither  their  mijesties  then  repaifed.  I  had 
not  been  diere  one  day,  when  I  heard  that^both  houses  of  parliament 
were  informed,  that  I  and  CoU.  Lunsfbed,  a  person  with  whom  I 
never  exchanged  twenty  words  in  my  Ufe,"  (inileed!  wh(?u«  acconUng 

VOL.  III.  U 


SgO  HISTORY  OF  Til£  BRITISH  SMPIJIE. 

nition»  large  saddles,  with  arms,  were  likewise  as- 
rested  in  their  passage  thither }  and  it  may  be  in- 
ferr^,  that  the  failure  of  the  design  mK>n  Hull 
and  Portsmouth,  with  measures  th^t  prevented 

to  CUurendon,  he  was  one  of  the  very  men — the  oply  one  n^mied,  with 
whom  you  proposed  to  go  into  the  city  to  ta]ce  the  six  niemhers^  dead 
or  tJbte,  <m  the  evening  of  the  4th !)  *^  had  appeared  in  a  warlike 
ttamuir  at  Kings^mi  to  the  terror  of  the  kii^s  li^;e8,  &c.    When 
first  this  news  was  brott§^t  me^  I  could  not  but  slight  it  as  a  ridico^ 
Ions  rumour ;  for  being  most  certain  that  I  had  never  been  at  King« 
ttohj  bat  only  upon  that  measage  of  the  king's  to  forty  or  fifty  geiH 
tfaaen  totally  strangers  to  me^  with  whom  I  stayed  not  the  space  of 
half  an  hour  at  mo8t>  in  no  other  equipage  than  a  coach  and  six  hired 
horses^  with  one  single  man  in  the  coach  with  me,  and  one  servant 
lidfng  by,  I  thought  it  utterly  impossible  for  the  most  romancy  it- 
adf,  at  so  near  a  dJatanoe^  to  raise  out  of  that  any  serious  matter  of 
scandal  or  pr^udice  upon  me."  Id.  p.  865.    Now,  the  want  of  vera- 
city in  Digby  has  already  been  fully  established,  and  therefore  his 
relation  is  of  small  value  in  his  own  favour,  or  that  of  the  cause  he 
cipofttes,  but  it  is  of  much  agamst  both.    Why  diis  concourse  to 
Kingston  of  many  soldiers  and  qfficersp  whose  business  was  with  both 
houses  of  psrliament  ?    Why  the  message  by  Digby  tp  them  ?    The 
evidence  led  by  parliament,  then,  comes  to  us  without  suspicion,  and 
it  waa  of  a  very  black  aspect.    Indeed  Digby  had  no  time  to  do  more 
than  see  these  men  once,  because  on  the  very  day  after  Charles  left 
Whitehall,  Parliament  interposed  to  fimstrate 'the  desigh  on  Hull 
and  Fortsmou^,  without  whidi  any  attemrpt  at  Kingston  oould  never 
■ooeoed;  and  it  was  only  on  the  12th,  the  day  on  which  Charles  re- 
moved to  Windsor,  that  ]>igby*s  attempt  was  directly  defeated  by  die 
measures  of  both  houses.    Clarendon's  statement,  vol.  iL  p.  383, 384. 
ia  very  uncandid,  and  is  at  direct  variance  with  dates.    But  what 
didl  weaay  to  Mr-  Hume's,  who,  in  the  face  of  Digby's  own  admission 
—an  aduBssion  calcnlated  to  make  a  favourable  im^prcadim  for  the 
cause  in  which  he  had  embarked,  as  well  as  to  screen  himaelfi-aays, 
"  Lord  Digby  hamng  entered  Kingston  m  a  caae&  and  six,  attended  by  a 
fne  Unery  aermmAr,  tiw  inlelligenca  was  conveyed  toi«ondon  ;  and  it 
was  immediately  voted  that  he  had  appeued  inu  hostile  manner,  to 
the  terror  and  aflSrlght  of  his  nu^esty's  sutgccts,  and  had  levied  war 
against  the  king  and  kingdom."    I  cannot  guess  what  that  author  a 
teliiip  were,  when  he  sat  down  gravely  to  write  so. 


DISTORT  OF  THE  PiUTXSH  EMPIRE.  S91 

danger  from  the  Tower,  the  raising  of  the  adjoin^* 
ing  counties  to  disperse  the  forces  at  Kingston, 
and  stopping  of  all  levies  under  tlie  pretext  of 
intending  them  for  the  service  of  Irehndi  alone 
changed  the  current  of  afiairs  at  this  juncture,  by 
preventing  a  levy  of  troops,  and  obliged  Digby,  who 
was  thence  accused  of  high  treason,  to  abscond. 

As,  without  supplies  from  the  Bnglish  patiia* 
ment,  Chailes  was  destitute  of  the  means  to  raise 
a  force  capable  of  quelling  the  Irish  rebdiion,  the 
settled  plan  to  destroy  the  constitutional  assembly 
is  altogether  inconsistent  with  his  professions  on 
the  Irish  afiairs.  His  language  on  that  subject, 
however,  did  not  exceed  the  expressions  of  the 
Lords  of  the  Pale,  before  they  openly  joined  the 
insurgents;  and  it  was  the  misfortune  of  this 
prince  to  have  justly  forfeited  all  confidence  in  his 
word  ^«  His  religious  jH^edilections  have  already 
been  amply  developed,  and  lie  was  now  under  the 
pernicious  influence  of  the  queen>  It  is  not,  th^e* 
fore,  veiy  wonderful  that  he  should  not  have  been 
over*much  disposed  to  protect  the  Irish  Puritans, 
at  the  expense  of  a  body  who  aifected  to  rise 
IB  defence  of  his  prerogative,  at  the  same  time 
that  he  had  resolved  on  measures  pregnant  with 
the  ruin  of  whatever  was  deemed  most  valuable-— 


*  Imynediately  after  the  incicleii(>  Charles  addressed  the  Scottish 
fsrifanicnt,  to  yhich  be  professed  his  mnocenoe^  "  with  tearcs  in  his 
eyjes,  (and  as  it  seemed)  in  a  very  grate  grieffe^"  (Balfour's  Diurnal, 
J^  104.)  It  thus  appears  that  he  could  weep  upon  occasion,  though 
he  heard  of  his  dear  fricod  Buckingham's  assassination  with  peifepi 
compwoKf 


S92  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

of  all  their  political  and  ,civil  franchisesr— of  the 
people  of  England*    True  it  is,  that  his  conduct 
in  regard  to  Ireland,  bad  the  extraordinary  and 
unhappyi  yet  necessary  effect  of  retarding,  or  frus- 
trating  rather,  the  relief  of  that  wretched  countryt 
We  have  seen,  that  the  lord-lieutenant  was  ordered 
by  the  parliament  to  raise  volunteers  pr  recruits  by 
beat  of  drum ;  but  that  the  commons,  at  the  same 
tune,  proposed  a  bill  for  pressing  soldiers,  into 
which  they  inserted  a  clause  against  the  legality 
of  pressing,  without  the  intervention  of  the  legis- 
lature, unless  the  kingdom  were  invaded  by  a  fo- 
reign power.    Now,  it  has  been  alleged,  that  the 
design  of  the  commons  was  merely  to  wres.t  fron^ 
the  crown  a  power  inherent  in  it,  since,  consider- 
ing the  late  disbandment  of  the  army  against  the 
Scots,  there  could  be  no  want  of  volunteers.     But 
the  power    arrogated  by   the  sovereign  .was   a 
usurpation  incompatible  with  law }  and,  if  Charles 
had  been  sincere  in  his  other  concessions,  be  would 
not  have  hesitated,  especially  at  such  a  juqcture 
— when  delay  was  pregnant^with  so  nciany  cala- 
mities-^to  have  yielde«l  this  point  also, .  without 
which  all  the  late  provisions  in  favour  of  pub- 
lic liberty  were  nugatory.    Matters,  however,  on 
both  sides,  were  of  far  deeper  concernment*  After 
such  a  long  course  of  misgovernment,  and  what 
the  commons  had  lately  experienced,  they  could 
not  trust  Charles  with  an  army ;  and  a  resolution 
had  already  been  formed  by  them,  to  vest  the  power 
over  the  militia  in  commissioners  nominated  with 
the  approbation  of  parliament,  while  they  had  even 


HISTORY  OF  THS  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  293 

issued  orders  about  the  appointtnent  of  officers  to 
the  Irish  army.  By  means  of  the  pressing  bill^ 
the  troops  could  be  ready  to  be  instantly  embodied 
without  being  drawn  together,  so  as  to  a£K>rd  an 
opportunity  to  the  king  to  gain  them  and  set  of- 
ficers over  them,  before  the  important  matter  re« 
garding  the  commanders  were  fully  determined : 
but  if  the  ordinary  way  of  levy  were  adopted,  the 
late  disbanded  soldiers,  whose  affections  had  been 
so  corrupted,  would  be  the  first  to  enlist  i  when 
commissions,  hastily  issued  by  the  king  to  the  very 
officers  who  had  entered  into  such  conspiracies 
against  the  parliament,  and  had  lately  acted  at 
Whitehall,  &c.  would  at  once  give  him  the  com- 
mand of  an  aimy,  which,  it  may  safely  be  inferred 
from  all  circumstances,  would  be  employed  to  per- 
form a  notable  service  in  England  before  it  crossed 
the  Irish  channel.  He  could  not  but  know,  that 
the  interference  with  the  bill  in  its  passage  through 
the  houses,  with  the  displeasure  expressed  towards 
the  members  who  had  stirred  the  question  about 
his  right,  would  lead  to  the  result  which  it  occa- 
sioned }  and  that  then  the  Commons  could  not  re- 
treat from  their  point,  without  recognising  a  power 
which  had  been  already  so  fully  pronounced  ille* 
gal,  and  consequently  exposing  the  franchises  of 
all  ranks. 

The  advocates  of  this  prince  have  alleged,  that 
the  Scots  might  have  at  once  sent  upwards  of  5000 
men  to  Ireland,  and  thus  have  crushed  the  rebel- 
lion at  its  commencement ;  but  that,  though  urged' 
to  it  by  him,  they,  in  spite  of  their  professions  of 


20  i  HISTORY  OfF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

eagerness  to  save  that  country  fVom  the  insiirgeYits^y 
declined  to  adopt  so  salutary  a  course  *•  Now, 
we  have  already  seen,  that,  as  Ireland  wa&  a  de- 
pendancy  of  England  alone,  they  could  not  have 
attempted  to  send  an  army  there  before  they  ob^ 
tained  the  authority  of  the  English  parliament, 
wilhout  involving  the  two  kingdoms  in  a  quarrel*-« 
an  event  which  Charles  would  probably  have  hailed 
as  auspicious ;  and  that,  as  they  had  neither  re«< 
sources  themselves  to  maintain  sudi  an  army,  nor, 
if  they  had,  could  have  been  expected  to  use  them 
for  the  defence  of  the  dependency  of  a  foreign 
state,— it  was  necessary  to  have  not  only  authority 

*  Carte's  Ormonde,  rol.  i.  p^  197«    Thk  writer,  uStet  sUting  that 
the  Scots  had  £000  still  on  foot,  (which  is  not  correct,)  and  might: 
easily  have  collected  more,  which  would  at  once  have  put  an  effectual 
stop  to  these  commotions,  says,  with  riiameless  effi-ontery,  "  But  nei- 
ther their  pretended  seal  for  religion,  nor  the  bleeding  condition  of 
that  kingdom,  nor  the  danger  of  their  countrymen  in  it,  nor  the  en* 
treaties  of  their  natural  sovereign,  nor  the  shame  of  failing  in  their 
own  promises  the  very  moment  they  were  making  them,  could  prevail 
with  the  Seots  to  aflRyrd  any  succours  in  this  general  calamity."   I  am 
aonry  indeed  to  say  that  Mr.  Hume's  statement  is,  if  possible,  still 
worse.    Carte  says  that  the  king  saw  ISOO  men  sent  off  to  Ulster  to 
protect  the  Scottish  colony  there,  and  that  he  told  the  houses  this  oi> 
liis  retom  to  London.    JBkit  he  quotes  na  authority  for  such  a  state-' 
ment,  and  it  is  at  direct  variance  with  the  whole  accounts  of  the  pto« 
eeedings  on  that  head ;  while  it  may  give  some  idea  of  this  writer  s 
accuracy  to  mention,  that,  in  the  royal  addresses,  there  is  not  even 
an  insinuation  of  such  a  thing.    Is  it  not  strange,  therefore,  that  Mr^ 
Laing  should,  amongst  others,  have  adopted  this  story  ?  .  But  mis- 
statements or  errors  once  made,  descend  from  one  writer  to  another, 
like  the  heir-loom  in  a  family.    The  1500  that  Carte  referred  to  were 
not  sent  till  long  afterwards,  and  went  under  a  commission  by  both 
houses  to  the  Marquis  of  Axgyle*    See  Journals  of  the  Commons, 
7th  and  22d  February,  1641-3.    Laing's  account  of  these  matters  is 
very  inaccurate. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EICFIRE.  995 

from  England  to  transport  the  troops,  but  an  as- 
surance that  they  should  be  maintained  at  the  ex* 
pense  of  that  country :  That  the  English  Commons 
voted  for  the  acceptance  of  troops— first  of  smaller 
numbers,  but  latterly  of  10,000 :  but  that  the  ob- 
struction to  an  agreement  with  the  Scottish  com- 
missioners arose  from  the  upper  house,  who  would 
only  yield  to  the  measure  conditionally^^hat 
10,000  Englidi  should  also  be  sent ;  while  they 
delayed  the  pressing  bill,  which  was  not  passed  till 
after  the  king  had  left  Whitehall,  and  thus  pre- 
vented the  raising  of  10,000  English  already  voted 
by  the  Commons*  The  principle  advanced  by  tlie 
Lords  was,  that  it  gave  the  Scots  too  much  power 
in  a  dependency  of  England— a  position  in  which 
there  is,  unquestionably,  much  appearance  of  rea- 
son. But  it  completely  disproves  the  allegations 
about  the  backwardness  of  the  Scots ;  and  it  is 
not  unworthy  of  remark,  that  this  objection  came 
from  the  king  himself:  for  the  majority  in  the 
upper  house,  who  frustrated  the  agreement  with 
the  northern  kingdom,  were  the  prelates  and  lay 
lords  attached  to  the  court ;  and  their  language, 
consequently,  was  just  as  sure  an  indication  of  the 
royal  purpose,  as  if  he  had  himself  openly  pro- 
claimed it.  He,  however,  directly  spoke  the 
same  language  afterwards  in  regard  to  2500 
only,  which  both  houses  had  accepted  of:  for, 
posterior  to  the  time  now  alluded  to,  he  object- 
ed to  that  number's  passing  into  Ireland,  with  * 
authority  to  take  possession  of  a  certain  town,  be- 
cause it  would  give  them  a  power  in  that  island 


532  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

misery,  and  of  all  the  invasions  of  their  just  rights 
and  liberties :  That  the  king  is  merely  entrusted 
with  the  fort€,  &c.  for  the  general  good,  and  that 
even  the  crown-jewels  compose  a  part  of  this  trust, 
being  only  put  under  his  command  for  public  uses : 
Tliat  as  the  trust  is  for  the  cpmmon  good,  so  ought 
it  to  be  .exercised  by  the  advice  of  both  houses  of 
parliament,  whom  the  nation  has  authorized  to  see 
it  properly  discharged :  That  were  it,  however, 
even  to  be  admitted  that  his  majesty  had  a  pro- 
perty in  the  town  and  magazine  of  Hull,'  yet  the 
parliament  was  entitled  to  dispose  of  his  property, 
as  well  as  that  of  his  subjects,  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  secure  the  kingdom  from  danger :  That  it  was 
in  vain  to  urge  precedents,  since  the  present  par- 
liament might,  upon  better  reasons,  make  prece- 
dents for  posterity  than  their  ancestors  had  done 
for  them ;  and  no  precedents  could  set  limits  to 
their  authority,  which  must  vary  according  to  the 
conditions  of  the  times :  That  if  there  had  been  no 
precedents,  it  was  merely  because  there  had  not 
hitherto  been  counsellors  who  attempted  to  alie- 
nate the  people  from  a  parliament,  or  harboured  a 
thought  that  it  could  be  accomplished.  '<  Were 
there  ever,''  say  they,  <<  such  practices  to  poison  the 
people  with  an  ill  apprehension  of  the  parliament  ? 
Were  there  ever  such  imputations  and  scandals 
laid  upon  the  proceedings  of  both  houses  ?  Were 
there  ever  so  many  and  so  great  breaches  of  pri- 
vilege ?  Were  there  ever  so  many  and  desperate 
designs  against  the  parliament,  and  the  members 
thereof?    If  we  have  done  more  than  our  ances^ 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  333 

tors  have  done,  we  have  suffered  more  than  ever 
they  suffered ;  and  yet,  in  point  of  modesty  and 
du^,  we  shall  not  yield  to  the  best  of  former 
times }  and  we  shall  put  this  in  issue,  whether  the 
highest  and  most  unwarrantable  precedents  of 
any  of  his  majesty's  predecessors  do  not  fall  short 
and  much  below  what  has  been  done  to  us  this  par* 
liament ;  and,  on  the  other  side,  whether,  if  we 
should  make  the  highest  precedents  of  other  par- 
liaments our  patterns,  there  would  be  cause  to 
complain  of  want  of  modesty  and  duty  in  us,  when 
we  have  not  so  much  as  suffered  such  things  to 
enter  into  our  thoughts,  which  all  the  world  knows 
they  have  put  into  act.'' 

In  other  dispatches,  Charles  professes  the  ut- 
most regard  for  the  liberties  of  the  people  and  the 
Protestant  religion ;  declaring  that  he  never  will 
allow  a  toleration,  and  appeals  to  Almighty  God 
for  his  sincerity  in  these  matters,  and  in  his  ab- 
horrence at  the  idea  of  reducing  the  kingdom  by 
force,  or  introducing  foreign  troops.  But  he  ar« 
gues,  that  the  militia,  with  all  the  forts,  had  been 
entrusted  to  him  and  his  heirs  for  ever ;  and  that 
it  cannot  be  believed  that  a  body  called  at  his 
pleasure,  and  appointed  by  the  people  for  a  season, 
should  ever  be  intended  as  guardians  or  control- 
lers in  managing  that  trust  which  God  and  the 
law  had  committed  to  him  and  his  posterity  for 
ever  •. 

The  parliament  prayed  that  the  king  would  dis- 

*  Hiubuid'tCoLp.lS8,ef  jtff.   Rush,  voL  ir.  p.  5S5,  cf  M7.   Clw. 
▼oL  iL  p.  506.  ei  $eq.    Wliitdoeke^  p.  57^  H  »^. 


SSi  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  £BCPIR£. 

miss  his  guards,  and  return  to  the  neighbourhood 
of  London ;  and  ivhen  they  perceived  that  accom* 
modation  was  hopeless,  and  understood  how  busy 
the  queen  was  in  raising  money  upon  the  -crown 
jewels,  they  entered  into  a  resolution,  which  they 
published,  that  the  king  intended  to  make  ww 
iqyon  them  j  and  passed  an  ordinance,  that  who- 
ever lent  money  upon  the  crown  jewels,  or  assisted 
in  pawning  them,  &c.  should  be  deemed  an  enemy 
to  the  state,  and  be  liable,  out  of  bis  own  property, 
for  any  damage  which  might  ensue.  Charles  com* 
plained  much  of  the  vote  in  regard  to  his  inten- 
tion of  making  war,  declaring,  that  God  knew 
his  heart  abhorred  it  * ;  and  to  such  a  height  did 

*  Husband's  CoL  p.  959^  et  seq,  Riuh>  voL  iv.  p.  S84.  Clar.  toL  ii. 
p.  539,  640.  ^  It  may  seem  strange,"  says  this  author,  *^  that  these 
men  could  entertain  the  hope  and  confidence  to  obtrude  such  a  deda- 
ration  and  vote  upon  the  people,  *  that  the  king  did  intend  to  make 
war  against  the  parliament,'  when  they  were  so  far  from  apprehend- 
ing that  he  would  be  able  to  get  an  army  to  disturb  them,  that  they 
were  moat  assured  he  would  not  be  aUe  to  get  bread  to  sustain  bin* 
self  three  months^  without  submitting  all  his  counsels  to  their  om* 
duct  and  c(mtroL"-*C]arendon  says  this,  who  yet  informs  us  that 
war  of  the  most  rancorous  kind  had  been  determined  on  before  the 
queen  left  England;  and  who,  only  on  the  seTcnth  page  preceding  the 
one  just  quoted,  writes  thu»— ''  Beyond  the  seas  the  quem  was  as 
intent  to  do  her  part,  and  to  provide,  that  so  good  company  as  she 
heard  was  daily  gathered  together  about  the  king,  should  not  be  dis- 
solved for  want  of  weapons  to  defend  one  another ;  and  theKfimt^ 
with  as  much  secrecy  as  oould  be  used  in  those  cases,  and  in  those 
places  where  she  had  so  many  spies  upon  her,  she  caused,  by  the  sslo 
or  pawning  of  her  own  and  some  of  the  crown  jewels,  a  good  quan- 
tity of  powder  and  arms  to  be  in  readiness  in  Holland  against  the 
time  that  it  ahould  be  found  necessary  to  transport  it  to  his  majesty  ; 
so  that  both  sides,  while  they  entertained  each  other  with  discourses 
of  peace,  (which  always  canned  a  aharpness  with  them  that  whetted 
their  appetite  to  war,)  provided  for  that  war  which  they  saw  would 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  335 

he  and  bis  counsellors  carry  their  hypocrisy,  that, 
even  on  the  15th  of  June,  when  the  arms  had  been 
purchased  and  sent  from  Holland,  and  the  warlike 
preparations  were  far  advanced,  in  council  he  took 
*^  notice  of  the  rumours  spread,  and  informations 
given,  whidi  might  induce  many  to  believe  that 
bis  majesty  intended  to  make  war  against  his  par* 
liament ;  professed  before  God,  and  said,  he  de* 
clared  to  ail  the  world,  that  he  always  had  and  did 
abhor  all  such  designs,  and  desired  his  nobility 
and  council,  who  were  there  upon  the  place,  to 
declare  whether  they  had  not  been  witnesses  of 
his  frequent  and  earnest  professions  to  that  pur« 
pose.  Whether  they  saw  any  colour  of  preparations, 
or  counsels  that  might  reasonably  beget  a  belief  of 
any  such  design ;  and  whether  they  were  not  fully 
persuaded  that  his  majesty  had  no  such  intention : 
But  that  all  his  endeavours,  according  to  his  many 
professions,  tended  to  the  firm  and  constant  settle- 
ment of  the  true  Protestant  religion,  the  just  privi- 
leges of  parliamentt  the  liberty  of  the  subject, 
the  law,  peace,  and  prosperity  of  the  kingdom/* 
*^  Whereupon  all  the  lords  and  counsellors  present 
unanimously  agreed,  and  did  sign  a  paper  in  these 
words  :*•  *•  We,  whose  names  are  underwritten,  in 
obedience  to  his  majesty's  desire,  and  out  of  the 


aot  be  preyented."  P.  6S8.— -He  daewliere  infom  «« that  the  ptr* 
liament  was  apprised  of  all  the  royal  motions,  and  particularly  of  the 
queen's  selling  and  pawning  the  jeweb  to  porebase  arms.  P.  640^^-* 
Sach  Is  the  veracity  of  Lord  Clarendon^  the  indindnal  panegyived 
and  followed  by  Mr.  Hume,  who  says  that  ''he  wsatoohowst  a  man 
to  fUsily  facts!" 


9S6  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRB. 

duty  which  we  owe  to  his  majesty's  honour  and 
to  truth,  being  here  upon  the  place,  and  witnesses 
of  his  majesty's  frequent  and  earnest  declarations 
and  professions  of  his  abhorring  all  designs  of 
making  war  upon  his  parliament,  and  not  seeing 
any  colour  of  preparations  or  counsels  that  might  ^ 
reasonably  beget  the  belief  of  any  such  designs, 
do  profess  before  God,  and  testify  to  all  the  worid» 
that  we  are  fully  persuaded  that  his  majesty  hath 
no  such  intention;  but  that  all  his  endeavours 
tend  to  ttie  firm  and  constant  settlement  of  the 
true  Protestant  religion,  the  just  privHeges  of 
parliamept,  the  liberty  of  the  subject,  the  law, 
peace,  and  prosperity  of  tbi^  kingdom  ^/' 


*  Clar.  vol.  ii.  p.  654,  et  seq.  It  is  imposaUe  to  con^ye  a  num 
m^ocboly  picture  of  insincerity,  nay  downright  perfidy,  than  Charles 
and  his  adTiaers  eadubited  on  this  occasion.  Nothing  need  be  said  of 
Clarendon  who  drew  the  papers;  bat  what  shall  we  say  of  Lovd 
Falkland,  whose  memory  has  been  so  revered  ? 

Mr.  Laing,  in  endeayouring  to  shew  that  Charles  had  meditated 
war  before  ^e  queen's  depsrture,  quotes  Neal's  History  of  the  Puri- 
tans; wha«  that  writer  informs  us,  that  a  few  days  after  the  Idng^s 
removal  from  Whitehall,  it  was  resolved,  in  a  cabinet  council  at  Wind- 
sor,  that  the  queen,  who  was  about  to  depart  with  her  daughter  for 
Hdland,  should  carry  the  crown  Jewels  thither,  to  pledge  for  money, 
ammunition,  snd  arms,  and  to  procure,  by  the  intervention  of  the 
Pope's  nuncio,  4000  soldiers  from  France  and  Spain,  &c.  Laing  saji^ 
that  he  could  not  discover  Ned's  authority,  but  justly  remarks,  that 
his  statement  coincides  with  the  inadvertent  discoveries  of  Clarendon. 
I  should  be  surprised  at  this,  had  I  not  early  perceived  that  Laing, 
while  he  had  looked  through  a  number  of  manuscripts,  had  not  sifted 
the  numerous  publications— including  Neal  himself—- to  which  he  re- 
fers, and  on  which  the  truth  must  chiefiy  depend. — The  fact  of  the 
jewds  appears  from  all  authorities,  Whitelocke,  p.  55.  May.  Lib. 
iL  p.  48.  Hutddnson,  vol.  i.  p.  14«.  Ludlow,  voL  i.  p.  87.  Mystery 
of  Inlqaiiy,  p.  fig.     daiendon,  who  quotes  the  very  state  papers 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  337 

declaration  was  subscribed  by  thirtj-five  peers,  and 
also  by  Lord  Falkland  and  others !  A  long  procla- 
mation was  grounded  upon  this,  to  the  equal  dis- 
credit  of  the  veracity  of  Charles  and  his  advisers 
and  supporters.  Amongst  other  things,  he  de- 
nied, in  the  most  solemn  language,  and  with  affect- 
ed indignation,  his  intention  of  introducing  foreign 
troops  into  the  kingdom,  as  a  measure  fraught 
with  the  ruin  of  the  commonwealth ;  and  yet  he 
had,  as  we  have  seen,  attempted  such  a  thing  in 
the  first  years  of  his  reign — again  at  the  com- 
niencement  of  the  Scottish  troubles-^and  even  at 
this  moment  he  was  endeavouring  to  overwhelm 
the  parliament  by  assistance  from  every  potentate 
who  would  render  it,  and  by  even  bartering  the 
crown  jewels  •. 

which  passed  hetween  the  king  and  parliament  relative  to  this  sub- 
ject. See  the  papers  in  Husband's  Col.  Rush.  yoL  iv.  p.  736^  et 
seq*  and  parliamentary  histories.  With  regard  to  the  expeeta- 
tiona  of  4000  troops  from  each  of  the  powers— of  France  and  Spain 
— ^that  seems  to  haye  been  derived  firom  the  state  papers,  in  which 
the  charge  is  made  by  the  parliament,  in  alleged  reports  from  foreign 
parts,  and  denied  by  the  king.  As  to  the  reariution  formed  in  the 
cabinet-oooncil  at  Windsor,  had  Laing  looked  through  Neal,  he* 
would  have  found  his  authority  within  a  few  pages  of  that  quoted  by 
him,  p.  605.  It  is  Father  Orleans  who  not  only  tells  us  this,  but  de- 
▼elopa  the  truth  as  to  the  reaolutiona  formed  by  Charles  before  he 
went  to  Scothmd.  Tome  iii.  p.  T%,  etteq.  See  Clar.  vol.  iL  p.  718. 
for  a  passage  not  hitherto  referred  to.  See  a  curious  letter  from  the 
ambassador  at  the  court  of  France  to  one  of  the  secretaries  of  state. 
Clarendim's  State  Papers,  vol.  iL  p.  137. 

*  See  the  state  papers  on  this  sulgect  in  Husband,  Clar.  Rush.  &c« 
See  also  in  the  king's  cabinet  opened,  the  instructions  to  be  pursued  - 
by  Colonel  Cochrane,  in  his  negodastion  with  the  King  of  Denmark  for 
assistance.    Charles  proposed  to  give  as  a  security  the  great  collar  of 
rubies,  which  has  been  already  so  much  spoken  of.     The  publica-' 

VOL.  III.  2 


HolkDd. 


S38  HISTOEY  OF  TU£  BJUTISH  £MPIRB. 

Anns  ar.       Qii  the  2d  of  Juoe,  a  vessel  with  the  loiur  ex- 

fiT6  to  the 

kingfrmn  pectcd  suppIy  of  aims  arrived.  The  ship  had  been 
captured  in  the  Humber ;  but  having  escaped  as 
the  parliament-vessel  was  carrying  her  into  Hull, 
ran  ashore  upon  Kenningham  creek.  The  ord- 
nance, consisting  of  sixteen  large  guns,  with  a 
great  store  of  small  arms  and  ammunition^  was  im- 
mediately landed,  and  the  countrymen  were  armed 
to  besiege  Hull.  That  town  had,  however,  been 
by  this  time  well  prepared  for  defence,  while  the 
motives  for  besieging  it  were  greatly  withdrawn. 
The  loyalty  of  the  inhabitants  had  been  tried,  and 
their  integrity  secured,  by  a  protestation  which 
had  been  proposed,  to  maintain  the  place  for  the 
king  and  parliament*  The  majority  readily  took 
it :  Those  who  refused  it  were  expelled  the  town. 
The  great  ordnance,  with  a  large  proportion  of  the 
small  arms  and  ammunition,  had  been  sent  to  the 
Tower,  as  well  with  a  view  to  remove  the  motives 
for  besieging  the  town,  as  to  prevent  their  falling 
into  the  enemies'  hands.  New  officers  were  like- 
wise appointed,  as  the  old  could  not  be  depended 
upon  *. 

Charles,  having  formed  his  resolution,  marched 
from  York  to  Beverly,  which  is  situated  at  the  dia- 


tioD  nfeired  to  ptesento  a  deplorable  proof  of  perfidy  on  the  part  of 
Charles;  and  it  is  truly  melancholy  to  ftod  Hume  and  others,  in 
the  face  of  loch  iirefingable  erideiMe,  ooalend  for  that  monaich's 
nncerity.    See  alao  Ludlow,  toL  L  p.  SS* 

*  Ruah.  Yol.  iv.  p.  565,  et  9tq.  Clar.  voL  iL  p.  506,  et  »eq.  (Md 
Pari.  Hist.  toL  x.  p.  5SS,  et  seq^ ;  xi.  p.  6!^  «<  ieq^  Cobbett's,  vol.  ii. 
p.  19S5,  ft  $eq.    May,  lib.  ii.  p.  90,  et  seq> 


HISTORY  OF  THE.  BRITISH  EMPIRE*  939 

tance  of  a  few  miles  from  Hull.     His  army  is  re-  ab  at^pt 
ported  to  have  consisted  of  SOOO  foot  and  1000 
horse.     But  he  relied  confidently  on  the  co-opera- 
tion of  the  fleet  under  Sir  John  Pennington,  whom 
he  had  just  appointed  to  the  command.     The 
commission  of  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  had 
been  withdrawn  by  him,  and  a  fresh  commission 
was  preferred  to  that  nobleman  by  the  parliament; 
but  as  he  had  owed  his  office  to  Charles,  be  refused 
by  such  a  course  to  turn  the  fleet  kgainst  his  em- 
ployer ;  and  the  Earl  of  Warwick  was  nominated 
in  his  stead.    Charles  at  the  same  time  nominated 
Sir  John  Pennington,  who  had  already  incurred 
the  resentment  of  both  houses,  by  assisting  in  the 
escape  of  Digby,  when,  under  the  royal  warrant, 
that  young  nobleman  fled  from  justice ;  but  the 
Affections  of  the  sailors  were  all  devoted  to  the  par- 
liament, and  when  their  officers  endeavoured  to 
preserve  authority  over  them  for  the  king,  they 
immediately  seized  these  officers  as  enemies  to  the 
state,  and  sent  them  to  London.    In  this  way  the 
earl  obtained  the  command ;  and  Charles,  disap- 
pointed  in  his  hopes  from  that  quarter,  and  per- 
ceiving that  the  town  was  well  prepared  for  a  vi* 
gorous  defence,  was  obliged  to  abandon  his  de- 
sign*. 


^  dar.  vol.  iL  p.  67i,  et  $eq.  Rush.  toI.  ir.  p.  509-3^  530-7^  579, 
May,  lib.  ii.  p.  94.  Clarendon  abases  the  sailors  as  cormpted  in 
tbeir  aflbctions  to  the  monardi ;  whence  two  refleetiona  ariae.  He» 
and  after  him  Hume^  aocoses  the  commons  of  a  porpose  to  insult 
the  king,  &c.  by  insisting  upon  the  removal  of  Byron  fimn  the  oom* 
roand  of  the  Tower^  because  he  was  a  man  of  unblenuBhed.  repata- 


S40  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

As  war  was '  unavoidable,  the  two  houses  vi-* 
gorously  prepared  for  it  as  well  as  the  king. 
The  militia  ordnance  was  enforced  by  the  first ; 
the  array  was  resorted  to  by  the  last*  In  some 
counties,  by  the  influence  of  the  great  aristocracy, 
the  king  was  successful.  In  most,  however,  the 
parliament  prevailed ;  and  in  almost  all  the  towns 
they  encountered  small  opposition.  In  the  mean- 
time both  parties  endeavoured  to  gain  the  people* 
by  asserting  the  uprightness  of  their  intentions ; 
and  the  state  papers  which  passed  on  the  occa- 
sion, unquestionably  do  credit  to  the  talents  of 
the  writers  on  either  side ;  but  it  would  be  diffi- 
cult to  convince  an  impartial  peruser  of  them,  that 
the  display  oT  talent  and  argument  was,  as  Mr. 
Hume  asserts,  chiefly  on  that  of  the  king. 

Forgetting  that  those  rules  which  apply  to  the 
ordinary  administration  of  afiairs  must  3rield  to 
unprecedented  conjunctures,  Charles  and  his  ad- 

tion.  But  the  instance  before  us  shews  what  they  deemed  necesBary 
to  a  good  reputation  ;  and  no  one  will  seriously  deny^  that  a  good 
character  with  them  was  the  worst  recommendation  to  the  parlia- 
ment* After  Byron's  conduct^  indeed^  it  is  extraordinary  that  suoh 
statements  shoidd  hare  been  made.  But  even  Lunsford^  the  con- 
victed assassin^  is  not  condemned  by  Hume !  The  next  reflection 
relates  to  Carte^  who^  in  defence  of  Strafibrde  and  Charles's  con- 
duct in  raising  the  Catholic  army,  alleges  that  the  officers  were  all 
Protestants,  and  that  it  was  a  matter  of  indifference  what  the  sol- 
diers were — though  they  joined  the  insurgents^^^nd  he  appeals  to 
aU  the  officers  in  Europe  in  support  of  his  opinion*  Now  the  case 
before  us>  as  well  as  that  which  occurred  in  regard  to  the  English  ar- 
my raised  against  the  Soots,  completely  reftites  the  idea*  Officers  are 
the  worst  judges  of  such  matters :  They  are  lost  in  extraordinary 
coi^unctures. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  S41 

viflers  enticed  Littleton,  the  Lord  Keeper,  to  join  LitUeum 
the  royal  party  at  York,  and  carry  \vith  him  the  great  bux 
great  seal;   and  also  determined  to  remove  the*****^^' 
courts  of  justice  from  Westminster;    flattering 
themselves  that,  as  it  was  high  treason  to  counter- 
feit the  great  seal,  the  two  houses  would  either 
not  venture  to  violate  a  law,  which,  though  salu* 
tary  as  a  general  principle,  was  inapplicable  to  the 
present  case,  when  a  pretext  of  law  was  employed 
to  overturn  every  legal  security,  or  that  the  peo- 
ple would  reiuse  to  follow  them  in  so  unusual  a 
course,  while  the  removal  of  the  courts  would 
frighten    the  metropolis,  if  not  the  parliament, 
into  submission :  But  these  devices  were  not  cal- 
culated for  the  era.     A  new  seal  tt^as  ordered; 
and  measures  were  adopted  to  frustrate  the  royal 
hopes  on  the  other  ground  *• 
With  the  same  success  too  did  the  king  allege 


*  Cohhett,  yoL  ii.  p.  1234-70.  Old  Pari.  Hist.  vol.  L  p.  530.  xi. 
p.  46-  Ckr.  Life,  vol.  i.  p.  69,  116,  56S,  et  seq.  Hifit  vol.  ii.  p. 
066.  et  geq,  Whitelocke,  p.  69,  60.  Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  666,  et  seq. 
718.  Clarendon  says  that  there  seldom  met  ahove  twenty-five  peers 
at  Westminster,  while  there  were  at  this  time  about  a  hundred  alto- 
gether, including  minors,  &c  Hume,  not  content  with  Clarendon's 
statement,  asserts  that  there  were  rarely  above  sixteen ;  and  he  states 
this  to  shew  that  the  opposition  to  the  king  being  unsupported  by 
the  peerage  was  indefensible  ?  Let  us  see  how  this  applies  to  the  re- 
volution of  1688.  I  was  at  pains  to  inquire  about  the  Stuart  papers, 
but  finding  that  none  related  to  the  period  I  have  chosen,  I  did  not 
endeavour  to  see  them,  which  perhaps  would  have  been  a  diffi- 
cult matter,  particularly  at  that  time ;  but  I  was  informed  that  it 
appean  by  them,  that  a  vast  proportion— a  great  minority— of  the 
British  nobility  corresponded  with  the  Pretender.  The  oondnsion 
is  obvious.  But  the  majority  of  the  peers  still  attended  the  parlia- 
ment. See  List  in  Old  Pari.  Hist.  vol.  xi.  p.  87.  Cobbett,  vol.  ii. 
p.  1296. 


S4£  HISTORY  OF  THK  BRITISH  EMPIRfi. 

that  the  majority  of  the  peers  had  joined  himi  or 
at  least  deserted  the  parliament,  and  therefore 
that  the  parliament  had  lost  the  character  of  a 
free  assembly.    The  two  houses  denied  the  fact, 
and  prosecuted  absentees  for  abandoning  their 
places,  while  they  refuted  the  idea,  that  because  a 
part  of  their  number  deserted  their  duty,  they 
should  resign  the  management  of  affairs  to  the 
will  of  an  individual.    Indeed  it  must  be  confess- 
ed, that  the  allegations  of  the  royalist  party  on 
this  head,  though  they  have  obtained  the  assent  of 
the  unreflecting,  do  not  bear  scrutiny.     The  ne- 
cessary  eflect  of  a  guard,  which  Charles  so  keenly 
refused,  has  already  been  explained :  and  now  it 
may  be  neceslary  to  advert  to  another  bill,  which 
the  Commons  in  particular  were  anxious  for,  after 
the  irruption  of  the  king  and  his  followers  into  the 
lower  house,   but  which  Charles  indignantly  re* 
jected,  to  enable  the  two  houses  to  adjourn  to 
whatever  place  they  chose  *.     It  was  alleged  that 
the  factious  minority  of  both  houses,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  London  citizens,  chased  away  the 
majority ;   and  that  had  the  parliament  been  as- 
sembled elsewhere,  very  different  measures  would 
have  been  adopted.     But,  as  we  have  seen,  a  guard 
appointed  by  both  houses  must  have  been  com- 
pletely under  the  controul  of  the  majority  in  both, 
and  had  the  other  bill  passed,  it  would  only  have 
been  necessary  for  the  majority  of  both  houses  to 
have  assembled  once,  in  order  to  have  removed  the 

*  Old  Pari.  Hifct.  vol,  x.  p.  J9S,  et  seq.    Cohhei"^,  vol.  ii.  p.  1029« 
et  seq. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE*  843 

session  from  the  local  influence  of  the  metropolis. 
The  assertions  of  the  monarch  and  his  advisers, 
particularly  of  Clarendon,  about  a  few  individuals 
governing  the  parliament,  the  city,  the  country, 
the  army,  &c.  all  against  their  wills,  are  so  ridicu- 
lous, that  every  one  would  be  astonished  at  the  ef« 
frontery  that  could  make  them,  were  not  his  feel- 
ings at  that  not  swallowed  up  in  still  greater  as- 
tonishment at  the  credulity  which  could  listen  to 
such  monstrous  absurdities  \  The  real  fact  seems 
to  have  been,  that  many,  afraid  that  the  king  would 
ultimately  prevail,  (and  in  so  unprecedented  a  cri- 
sis it  is  not  wonderful,)  were  willing,  out  of  a 
selfish  fear,  not  to  interfere  with  politics  which 
they  were  pleased  with ;  and  that  many  resorted  to 
him  on  the  same  principle. 

Charles  had  the  zealous  co-operation  of  the  whole  state  of  ptr. 
Catholic  body,  who  were  very  numerous,  and  na-  ^ 
turally  joined  a  prince  who  favoured  them,  and 
who,  by  courting  their  support,  promised  to  raise 
them  from  degradation  to  pre-eminence  in   the 
state.      He  had    also    the  keen  support  of  the 
high  church  party,  whose  principles  were  not  far 
removed  from  popery  :  A  considerable  portion  of 
the  great  aristocracy  too,  alarmed  for  their  own 
exclusive  privileges,  joined  him.     But,  though  of 
those  many  were  courtiers  who  adhered  to  the 
crown,  with  a  resolution  to  carry  matters  to  any 
extremity,  in  order  to  obtain  the  rewards  which 
they  anticipated  and  were  promised,  for  serving 

*  There  was  an  excellent  pamphlet  puhlii^hed  on  thii  suloect. 


344  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

the  prince  against  bis  people,  a  great  proportion 
were  actuated  by  better  motives.  They  indeed 
clung  to  their  own  privileges,  which  they  imagined 
the  popular  spirit  now  afloat  might  subvert ;  but 
they  dreaded  the  success  of  the  monarch  as  fraught 
with  the  ruin  of  the  general  freedom,  and  justly 
concluded,  that  the  papistical  party  would  immedi- 
ately regain  their  footing,  and,  forgetting  the  last 
benefit  in  their  sense  of  former  opposition  and  in. 
suit,  wreak  vengeance  on  those  most  imioediately 
obnoxious  to  their  complete  advancement  Men 
of  such  principles,  therefore,  laboured  to  accom- 
plish a  reconcilement,  and  their  temper  is  apparent 
in  many  of  the  loyal  addresses.  In  order  to  gain 
them,  Charles  was  obliged  to  come  under  the  most 
solemn  engagements  to  preserve  the  laws ;  and  he 
the  more  readily  took  the  engagements,  because 
he  hoped  by  such  means  to  be  relieved  from  the 
obligation  to  keep  them  *• 


*  This  abundantly  appean  from  the  various  authorities.  The 
fidlowing  passages  from  Letters  by  Robert  Lord  Spencer  to  his  wife, 
a  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  throw  much  %ht  upon  the  sub- 
ject. The  first  is  dated  from  Shrewsbury,  Slst  Sept.  1641.  He  had 
joined  the  royal  standard,  and  he  fell  fighting  under  it.  ''  The  king's 
condition  is  much  improved  of  late ;  his  force  increaseth  daily,  which 
increaseth  the  insolency  of  the  papUts.  How  much  I  am  unsatisfied 
with  the  proceedings  here,  I  have  at  large  expressed  in  several  letters. 
Neither  is  there  wanting  daily  handsome  occasion  to  retire,  were  it 
not  for  grinning  honour.  For  let  oocaaUm  be  never  so  handsome,  xloi* 
less  a  man  were  resolved  to  fi^t  on  the  parliament  side,  which,  for 
my  part,  I  had  rather  be  hanged,  it  will  be  said  without  doubt,  that 
a  man  is  afraid  to  fight.  If  there  emddbe  an  expedient  fmnd  to  solve 
the  punctilio  of  honour,  I  would  not  continue  here  an  hour.  The  disoon- 
ttpt  that  J,  and  n^any  other  honest  men  receive  daily,  is  beyond  ex- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  315 

The  parliament,  on  the  other  hand,  had  the  sup- 
port of  the  towns,  of  a  considerable  portion  of  the 
highest  aristocracy,  and  generally  of  the  gentry. 


presuoiL  People  are  much  divided ;  the  king  is  of  late  very  much 
aTene  to  peace  hy  the  penuaaons  of  809  and  111.  It  is  likewise 
well  conceiTed  that  the  king  has  taken  a  resolution  not  to  do  any 
thing  in  that  way  hefore  the  queen  comes ;  for  people  advising  the 
king  to  agree  wiUi  the  parliament  was  the  occasion  of  the  queen's  re- 
turn. TOl  that  time  no  advice  win  he  received.  Nevertheless  the 
honest  men  will  take  all  occasions  to  procure  an  accommodation^  which 
the  king,  when  he  sent  those  messages,  did  heartily  desire,'*  (in  this  his 
lordship  was,  with  many  others,  deceived,)  ''and  would  still  make  of- 
fers in  that  way^  hut  for  220,  111^  and  the  expectations  of  the  queen, 
and  the  fear  of  the  papists,  who  threaten  people  of  349.  I  feare  843 
(papists)  threats  have  a  much  greater  influence  upon  83  (king)  than 
upon  343."  In  the  next  letter,  undated,  hut  shortly  alter  die  pre- 
ceding, he  says,  ''  If  the  king,  or  rather  843,  prevail,  we  are  in  sad 
eondition,  for  they  will  he  insupportahle  to  all,  hut  most  to  us  who 
have  opposed  them,  so  that  if  the  king  prevails  hy  force>  I  must  not 
live  at  home,  which  is  grievous  to  me^  hut  more  to  you ;  hut  if— I 
apprehend,  I  shall  not  he  ^uflfered  to  live  in  England ;  and  yet  I  can- 
not fancy  any  way  to  avoid  hoth ;  for  the  king  is  so  awed  hy  843^ 
that  he  dares  not  propose  peace,  or  accept;  J  fear  hy  his  last  message 
he  is  engaged.  But  if  that  he  ofiered  hy  the  parliament,  I  and  others 
win  speak  their  opinions,  though  hy  that  concerning  the  treaty  were 
threatened  hy  843,  who  caused  99  to  he  commanded  hy  the  king  upon 
his  allegiance  to  retume  against  his  will,  he  heing  too  powerfuU  for 
108,  ill,  and  hy  whom  England  is  now  likely  to  he  governed."  Sid- 
ney Papers,  voL  ii.  p.  667,  668.  The  reader  wiU  ohserve  that  843 
are  the  papists,  and  yet  Mr.  Hume  makes  the  idea  of  danger  from 
that  hody  the  unceasing  suhject  of  derision.  One  would  almost  ima- 
f^e  that  he  carried  the  same  scepticisra,^(nMird!r  one  side-^mto  his- 
tory that  he  used  in  metaphysics,  hy  which  he  douhted  the  existence 
of  the  universe.  It  is  so  singular  that  an  author  of  Mr.  Hume's 
acuteness  should  have  fallen  into  such  an  error,  or  rather  that  his 
statements  should  have  heen  so  successful,  that  it  may  not  he  impro- 
per, in  this  place,  to  present  a  rapid  view  of  the  progress  of  the  rdfor- 
roation,  and  of  puhlic  opinion  on  that  subject. — ^The  first  motion  by 
Henry  VIII.  to  throw  off  the  papal  yoke,  occurred  in  the  year  1530, 


S4G  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

and  tbe  lower  independent  country  ranks,  particu- 
larly the  yeomen ;  of  all,  in  short,  who  had  an  in- 

and  Charles  ascended  the  throne  in  1625^  or  ninety-five  years  after- 
wards. The  progress  that  it  rnade^  with  all  the  circumstances  which 
attended  it  under  Henry  VIII.  and  his  son^  it  is  unnecessary  to  reca-> 
pitulate.  In  15SS,  the  Catholic  worship  was  restored^  and  continued 
to  be  the  established  religion  till  1558^  or  till  only  sixty-seven  yean 
of  the  reign  of  Charles.  Nor  can  the  spirit  with  which  it  was  re* 
stored  and  enforced  without  horror  be  remembered.  The  plots» 
conspiracies^  and  rebellions,  in  conjunction  with  foreign  princes,  for 
the  restoration  of  the  pope's  power  in  Elizabeth's  time,  and  the  state 
of  afl^rs  on  the  Continent,  must  be  fresh  in  the  reader's  memory. 
But  he  may  be  reminded,  that  the  massacre  at  Paris  on  St.  Bartholo- 
mew's eve,  occurred  in  1573,  or  within  the  memory  of  many  who 
must  have  been  in  the  full  possession  of  their  faculties  in  1626,  or 
fifty-seven  years  afterwards ;  and  that  the  Spanish  armada  appeared 
on  the  English  coast  in  1588,  or  within  thirty-seven  years.  The 
next  fearful  event  was  the  gunpowder  plot,  to  blow  up  the  king  and 
parliament,  and  thus  destroy  the  constitution,  when  the  conspirators 
imagined  they  should  be  able  to  take  the  government  into  their  own 
hands,  and  force  the  nation  to  return  into  the  bosom  of  the  Catholic 
church.  This,  however,  happened  not  only  in  the  reign  of  Charles* 
father,  but  within  twenty-one  years  of  his  own  accesdon.  To  main- 
tain, therefore,  that  the  papists  were  not  a  numerous,  and  a  most  for- 
midable body  at  the  accession  of  Charles,  is  to  set  all  probability,  as 
it  does  all  authority,  at  defiance  ;  and  we  may  remark,  that  the  very 
laws  against  them,  which  had  partly  sprung  from  their  own  atroci- 
ties, necessarily  nurtured  rancour  in  the  breasts  of  all  who  still  ad- 
hered to  that  faith.  It  will  now  be  recollected  that  Charles  had  him- 
self proposed  to  his  father  to  acknowledge  the  papal  supremacy ;  that 
foreigners  treated  with  him  on  the  Catholics*  account ;  that  he  had 
not  only  ever  favoured  that  body,  but  that  a  nq;ociation  for  recon- 
cilement with  the  court  of  Rome  in  his  reign  had  proceeded  far, 
while  the  papists,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  ^pected  it ;  and,  lastly, 
that  the  Irish  rebellion,  which,  in  spite  of  all  its  unheard-of  enormi- 
ties, the  pope  hallowed  with  his  fatherly  benedictions,  &c  and  Spain, 
at  least,  encouraged,  had  just  made  Ireland  a  place  of  desolation. 
AVhen  these  things  are  called  to  mind,  it  will  naturally  be  asked  how 
Mr.  Hume  could  adopt  the  style  he  has  used?  but  the  solution  is 
easy.  The  concealed,  yet  suspected  religion  of  Charles  II.  and  the 
avowed  creed  of  his  brother,  inspired  just  apprehensions  for  religion. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  347 

dependent  stake  in  the  community.    These  per- 
ceived that  their  own  liberties  and  the  success  of 

though  the  progress  of  time  and  events  had  vafitly  lessened  the  num- 
ber of  papists.  Out  of  this  panic  grew  that  phenomenon  osUed  the 
popish  pJot  James  II.  confirmed  the  national  fears^  by  attempting 
against  all  reason  to  carry  the  people  back  to  the  Romish  persuasion; 
and>  as  every  body  knows^  the  revolution  of  168S  flowed  as  much 
from  rdig^ma  as  from  civil  oauies.  So  long  as  the  Ptetender  threat* 
ened  British  tranquillity,  a  dy  was  aealously  maintained  by  those  in 
power  against  papists,  who  by  this  time  had  become  altogether  con- 
temptible as  a  party  in  the  state.  The  necessary  consequence  of  pro- 
tracting the  alum  when  the  cause  had  ceased,  was  a  feding  of  shame 
at  the  trick  in  the  well-informed,  conscientious  portion  of  the  Whig 
party,  while  it  aflbrded  a  decisive  triumph  to  the  whole  Jacobite  or 
Tory  party.  But  men  never  stop  at  the  exact  line.  Having  dis- 
oovered  how  much  they  had  been  deluded,  and  having  perceived 
that  the  credulity  of  their  forefathers  had,  in  regard  to  the  popish  plot, 
been  so  abused,  the  better  informed  extended  their  contempt  of  the 
popular  feeHng  which  outlived  the  cause,  to  ages  when  matters  were 
in  a  very  different  poatnre. '  Of  dua  Mr.  Hume  knew  well  how  to 
take  advantage.  He  infnrms  ua  in  his  life,  that  *^  he  thought  himself 
the  only  histcnian  that  had  at  once  neglected  present  power,  interest, 
and  authority,  and  the  cry  of  popular  prejudice."  But  the  reception 
of  Carte's  works,  in  spite  of  all  their  violence,  mi^t  have  taught 
him,  conaidcriBg  how  unsparingly  he  borrowed  from  them,  to  expect 
success ;  and  have  convinced  him  that  the  tide  was  turned.  After 
the  year  17^,  the  hopes  of  the  Pretender  were  blasted;  his  party 
soon  abai^doned  hia  cause  as  deqierate,  and  then,  iar  from  being  ex« 
duded  from  power,  they  aoon  got  to  the  helm.  The  high-church 
party  had  been  hitherto  opposed  to  the  administration,  while  the  dis- 
senters had  been  favoured;  but  the  aspect  of  affidrs  was  now  changed. 
The  high-drarch  party  were  in  power,  and  hd^tened  the  contempt 
at  the  dissenleia,  by  the  ridicule  of  their  affected  terror  of  popery. 
Now,  it  is  remarkable,  that  though  Hume*s  history,  by  having  a  tit- 
tle preceded  the  current,  was  not  at  first  very  successAil,  it  soon  be- 
came so  when  the  tide  flowed  fast  in  its  new  direction. 

Rc^ger  Coke  is  a  weak  miter,  but  his  authority  as  to  the  fears  of 
the  high  royalists,  regarding  the  king's  ascendancy,  which,  he  tells  us, 
he  learned  from  themsdves,  is  in  unison  with  the  above,  and  also 
with  the  correspondence  in  Clarendon's  State  Papers.     Coke,  p.  979. 


348  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

the  king  were  irreconcileable,  and  they  zealously 
co*operated  with  the  parliament  *. 

Before  actually  resorting  to  arms,  the  parlia* 
ment,  as  a  last  effort  to  accommodate  matters 
without  the  effusion  of  human  blood  in  an  unnatu- 
ral quarrel,  sent  nineteen  propositions  to  the  king, 
which  were  of  the  same  nature  with  what  had  been 
resolved  upon  while  Charles  was  in  Scotland,  if 
not  even  prior  to  that  period,  and  which  were  si* 
milar  to  the  regulations  in  the  sister  kingdom. 
They  were  to  this  purpose :  That  the  privy  council- 
lors, and  the  great  officers  of  state,  should  only  be 
appointed  with  the  approbation  of  both  houses, 
Bnd  that  the  councillors,  and  also  the  judges,  should 
take  an  oath,  (such  as  shotdd  be  devised  by  both 
houses,)  for  the  due  execution  of  their  offices,  and 
be  responsible  to  parliament :  That  the  privy  coun- 
cil should  not  exceed  twenty-five,  nor  be  under  fif- 
teen, and  that  every  act  passed  by  them  should  be 
agreed  to  by  the  majority :  That  if  any  places  in 
the  council  should  become  vacant  during  the  in- 
tervals of  parliament,  they  should  be  supplied  by 
the  approbation  of  the  majority  of  that  body,  and 
the  choice  afterwards  be  submitted  to  the  parlia* 
ment :  That  all  matters  proper  for  the  cognizance 
of  both  houses  should  be  debated  there  only: 
That  the  high  offices  of  constable,  treasurer,  privy 
seal,  marshall,  admiral,  warden  of  the  cinque  ports. 


Even  some  popish  lords  were  alarmed  for  the  general  franchises,  and 
cmly  supported  Charles  upon  a  solemn  assurance  that  he  would  not 
Tiolate  them.    Clar.  Papers^  voL  ii.  p.  147. 
*  This  abundantly  appears  from  various  authorities. 


HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  349 

chief  governor  of  Ireland,  chancellor  of  the  ex* 
chequer,  master  of  the  wards,  the  secretaries  of 
state,  the  two  chief-justices,  and  the  chief-baron, 
should  always  be  chosen  with  the  approbation  of 
both  houses,  or,  in  the  interval  of  parliament,  by 
the  council,  in  the  same  manner  as  privy  council- 
lors, and  that  the  patents  to  the  judges  should  be 
quamdiu  se  bene  gessermt :  That  no  marriage  should 
be  contracted  by  any  of  the  royal  family  without 
the  consent  of  parliament,  and  that  their  gover* 
nors  should  be  appointed  with  the  approbation  of 
both  houses :  That  sudb  a  reformation  of  the  ec« 
clesiastical  government  as  both  houses  recommend- 
ed should  be  adopted :  That  the  forts  and  the  mi- 
litia should  be  under  the  command  and  custody  of 
persons  approved  of  by  both  houses :  That  the 
peers  who  should  be  created  afterwards  should  not 
be  admitted  to  vote  in  parliament  without  the  appro- 
bation of  both  houses:  That  a  bill  should  be  pass- 
ed to  clear  Lord  Kimbolton  and  the  others :  That 
delinquents  should  be  given  up  to  justice,  &c. 

<<  Should  I  grant  these  demands,''  said  the  king,. 
<*  I  may  be  waited  on  bareheaded ;  I  may  have  ray 
hand  kissed ;  the  title  of  majesty  may  be  continu- 
ed to  me }  and  the  king's  auUiority  signified  by 
both  houses,  may  still  be  the  style  of  your  com- 
mands ;  I  may  have  swords  and  maces  carried  be- 
fore me,  and  please  myself  with  the  sight  of  a 
crown  and  a  sceptre,  (though  even  these  would 
not  long  flourish  where  the  stock  upon  which  they 
grew  was  dead.)  But  as  to  true  and  real  power,  I 
should  remain  but  the  outside,  but  the  picture. 


.^0  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

but  the  sign  of  a  king/'  Yet  he  for  long  after 
professed  bis  abhorrence  of  reducing  his  people 
by  force  •. 

The  parliament,  to  raise  money,  issued  orders 
for  loans,  by  contributing  plate,  &c. ;  and  the  citi- 
zens of  London,  and  the  females,  exemplified  their 
zeal  by  bringing  even  their  trinkets  into  the  com* 
mon  stock.  Charles  was  also  liberally  supplied  by 
his  adherents;  and  he  afforded  an  invincible 
proof  of  his  feelings  in  regard  to  Ireland,  and 
of  the  wisdom  of  parliament  in  not  trusting 
him,  by  seizing  for  his  own  use,  against  the 
people  of  England,  the  military  stores,  &c.  pro- 
vided for  that  devoted  country.  The  parlia* 
ment  also,  by  ordinance,  appropriated  the  du- 
ties of  tonnage  and  poundage  f,  though  Charles 
laboured  hard  to  obtain  them ;  and  it  borrowed 
L.  100,000  out  of  L.400,000,  which  had  been  vot- 
ed for  the  relief  of  Ireland!.  The  last  provoked 
the  bitterest  invectives  from  the  royalist  party,  as 
if  the  parliament,  in  the  prosecution  of  its  own 
ambitious  schemes,  acted  not  only  with  indiffer- 
ence, but  with  the  grossest  injustice,  nay  even 
perfidy,  towards  that  unhappy  island ;  and  certain 
historians  have  likewise  condemned  it  as  at  least 
equally  indefensible  with  the  conduct  of  the  king 
in  seizing  upon  the  horses,  waggons,  &c.  which 

*  Rush*  vol.  iy.  p.  79St,  et  seq*  CobbeUTs,  toI.  iL  p.  1S24^  ei  ttq* 
Old  Pari.  Hilt  toL  ix.  p.  \\6,H$eq.  Joumak  of  the  Comiiuma. 
May*  lib.  ii.  p.  74,  et  ieq,    Ludlow,  toL  i.  p.  31,  ei  seq. 

t  Cobbett's  Pari.  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  1479.    Hi]8baTid*8  Col 

X  Cobbett*B  Pari.  Htat.  vo).  ii.  p.  1443,  ft  stq. 


HISTORY  OF  TUB  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  351 

had  been  provided  for  that  country.  But  the 
idea  proceeds  upon  the  erroneous  assumption 
that  this  was  merely  a  struggle  for  power  between 
Charles  Stuart  and  a  set  of  men  called  the  par- 
liament :  whereas  both  could  not  justly  be  regard* 
ed  in  any  other  light  than  as  trustees  fcM*  the 
public.  If  the  parliament  betrayed  its  trust,  the 
king  was  certainly  called  upon  as  a  joint  trus- 
tee to  interpose  for  the  public  good ;  and  if  this 
could  be  established  to  have  been  the  part  he  per- 
formed»  his  seizure  of  the  horses,  &c.  provided  for 
Ireland,  must  be  pronounced  laudable,  since  sure- 
ly the  people  of  England  could  never  intend  to 
serve  the  sister  isle  at  the  expense  of  their  own 
rain.  But  if,  on  the  other  hand,  the  parliament, 
in  this  struggle,  discharged  its  duty  to  its  consti- 
tuents, in^  defeating  the  designs  of  the  sovereign 
to  overturn  their  laws  and  liberties,  then  it  cannot 
be  considered  as  distinct  from  the  community 
which  it  represented;  and  as  the  nation's  first 
object  must  have  been  the  preservation  of  the 
general  rights  and  safety  against  a  prince  who 
availed  himself  of  the  limited  authority  entrusted 
to  him,  to  subvert  all  that  he  was  appointed  to  de* 
fend,  parliament  was  imperiously  called  upon  as 
trustee  for  the  public,  to  employ  the  people's  own 
money  in  the  people's  own  defence  *• 

^Roafa.  ToL  It.  p.  743.;  ▼•  p.  13,  14.  Wliitelocke,  p.  61.  MtLj, 
libb  ii.  p.  65,  66.  Purliamentary  Histories.  Oliver  Cromwell  per- 
formed 8  notable  Beryioe«  by  preventing  the  uniTersity  of  Oxford 
from  sending  their  plate  to  the  king.  Cobbett*s  ParL  Hist.  toL 
iL  p.  Ii53.    May,  lib.  iii.  p.  74.     I  persuade  myself  that  no  man 


952  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE* 

will  now  terioualy  dispute  th^t  Charlai  drove  the  people  into 
a  war  by  inyading  their  liberties,  and  determining  on  hoBlilities  or 
force  upon  both  housei,  and  therefore  that  all  Mr.  Hune's  statemienfBy 
in  .which  he  aacribes  the  whole  to  £niafticism»  are  utterly  abiuid. 
I  am  eony  to  add,  that  they  are  alu^gether  uncandid ;  and  as  to  what 
he  says  about  "  the  danger  not  being  of  that  kind,  great,  urgent,  ine- 
TitaUe,  whidi  diflaolves  all  law,  and  lerels  all  limitation^"  &c- 1  do 
not  nnderftand  it.  The  question  was,  whether  the  EngUah  people 
were  for  ever  to  renounce  their  dvil  and  religious  liberty,  and  smk 
into  the  same  deplorable  condition  with  the  other  great  European 
monarchies^  and  though  Mr.  Hume  might  see  in  that  nothing  worth 
a  struggle,  I  trust  there  are  not  many  of  his  opinion.  It  is  stiaags 
too  to  argue  that  the  king's  power  was  so  much  diminished  as  to  be 
no  longer  a  cause  of  fesr,  when  Charles  had  actually  resolved  on  war. 
This  is  much  of  the  same  species  of  argument  with  that  in  fiivour  of 
James,  when  he  says  that  that  numareh  must  have  succeeded  to  the 
same  plenitude  of  power  which  he  assumed,  because  he  arrogated  it ; 
and  also  of  Charles  in  regard  to  the  German  horse,  while  he  is 
ibroed  to  acknowledge  that  that  prince  did  then  usurp  arbitrary 
power  without  its  assiBtance.  But  would  not  the  argument  tpply  with 
greater  force  to  the  sons  of  that  long? 


S63 


CHAP.  VIIl. 


C&mm&ncemerU  ^the  Civil  War. — State  of  parties. — Bat- 
tle of  Edge  HiU.^^King^e  attempt  on  Brentford. — Nego- 
ciation  at  Oxford, — Landing  of  the  Queen. — Policy  of 
Charles  in  regard  to  Ireland  and  ScoUand. — Actions  in 
various  Quarters. — Fall  of  Reading. — Death  ofHamp^ 

den Battle  of  Straiton. — Of  Lansdowf^^Of  Rounds 

n^pjfdown.^Br%sUi  taken.^Siege  of  GUfster.^BaUle  tf 
Newbury.^State  of  Affairs.-^The  Solemn  League  and 
Caoenant,  and  arming^the  Scots.^^Cessaiion  with  Ire* 
land-^Deaih  qfPym. 

It  may  not  be  improper,  at  the  commencement  of  sttta  or 
hostilities^  to  take  a  concise  view  of  the  state  of  ^^'^^ 
parties.    Of  the  nobility,  too  many  had  been  ori- 
ginally attached  to  the  court,  as  the  fountain  of 
their  own  power,  and  still  wished  to  promote  its 
schemes :  others,  having  been  lately  ^struck  with 
apprehensions  that  the  spirit  which  animated  the 
Commons  and  the  great  mass  of  the  people,  was 
hostile  to  their  exclusive  privileges  ;  and  expect- 
ing preferment  from,  while  they  dreaded  the  ven- 
geance of,  the  court,  which  they  imagined  would 
be    ultimately  successful,    and   would  doubtless 
mark  out  those  in  highest  place  for  the  first  sa- 
crifices, had,  after .  temporizing  for  a  time,  joined 
VOL.  nu  2  A 


554  HISTORY  OF  THB  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

the  king.  Many  in  the  lower  house^  actuated  by 
simiUu:  motives,  had  also  deserted  their  duty  in 
Parliamenty  and  fled  to  the  royal  standard :  but 
we  have  already  shewn  the  vanity  of  that  idea 
which  presupposes  that  they  wished  complete  suc- 
cess to  the  monarchy  or  were  actuated  by  gener- 
ous motives  of  loyalty.  They  still  hoped  for  ac- 
commodation as  the  only  resource  against  tyranny 
in  the  king  and  encroachment  in  the  people ;  and 
the  scrambling  for  office,  and  honours,  &c.  the 
heart-burnings  and  jealousies,  together  with  the 
desertion  of  their  royal  master  in  his  utmost  need, 
all  detailed  by  Clarendon*, — strip  their  characters 
of  that  air  of  romance  with  which  certain  histo- 
rians have  so  sedulously  clothed  them.  There 
were  even  some  prudent  meiAbers  of  the  peer* 
age,  who,  wisely  calculating  chances,  arrayed 
one  part  of  their  sons  on  one  side  and  another  on 
the  other,-»the  plan  so  generally  pursued  after^ 
wards  in  Scotland,'-— that  the  titles  and  '  estates 
nright  be  preserved  in  the  family.  -But  the*  great 
aristocracy,  on  whom  the  king  so  much  relied, 
though  they  could  briiig  their  immediate  dq>end«» 
cAhts  into  the  field,  were  in  other  respects  rather 
calculated  to  grace  the  court,  and  by  their  m* 
fluence  in  society,  support  it  in  an  hour  of  peac^^ 
than  prevail  in  the  present  conflict.  The  rank  and 
title  on  Which  their  daim  to '  public  I'espect  was 
founded  in  ordinary  times,  naturally  disposed  them 
to  confide  in  these  ardvantages,  instead  of  t:ultivat- 

« 

*  See  particularly  vol.  iii.  p.  361-9.;  iv.  p.  S&4,  ttseq. 


»t8T0AT  OF  /THS  BHDTISH  UFlBiU  86^ 

iDg  the  habits  of  mental  energy  and  activity  requititi 
for  such  a  crisis ;  and  accordingly^-  the  sloth  wHiok 
sprang  from  their  situation  w^s  renaarked  ev^n  by 
their  friends.  As  officers^  they  proved  rather  jolly 
companions  than  good  soldiers ;  apd  each  removal 
by  death  or  otherwise  was  hurtful  ta.  the  oause^ 
since  the  influence  over  their  dependents  was  t^sti 
and,  merit  never  having  been  rewarded  with  plac^ 
the  king  wanted  others  to  supply  their  room.  Even 
the  common  soldiery  were  composed  of  materials 
far  inferior  to  those  of  the  parliadient }  for  the 
aristocracy,  though  they  might  call  their  depemt- 
ents  into  the  field,  could  never  inspire  that  zea| 
which  actuates  men  deeply  interested  in  the  public 
government,  and  ardent  for  the  preservation  of 
freedom.  The  foot,  therefore,  was  even  at  the 
beginning  inferior  to  that  of  the  parliament ;  but 
many  of  a  go^  station  having  entered  into  the 
ranks  of  the  cavalry  *,  a  far  higher  spirit  prevailed 
in  that  department  of  the  military.  It  is  true  that 
some  individuals  of  eminent  talent  did  resort  to 
the  king ;  but  as  these  were  politicians,  calculated 
for  the  closet,  not  the  field,  and  who  were  destitute 
of  the  vigour  or  influence  of  a  popular  meetingp 
while  Charles  only  followed  their  counsel^  when 
it  corresponded  with  his  secret  designs,  which  he 


«  Clarendon  pretends  that  one  troop  of  cavalry  poeseased  more  pnM 
perty  tban  all  the  oommona  who  Toted  the  war  at  Weatminaler  |  hut 
he  prodcmly  mtrama  from  aU  particnlara  hy  which  hii  atatcfnenl 
ooold  have heen contradicted;  yet  Mr-  Hume  adopta  it,  thoajsh he 
had  alio  maintained  that  the  oommona'  hooae  in  the  banning  ef 
thia  rogn  poaaeaaed  three  timca  the  wealth  of  die  honae  of  peenk 


356  HISTORY  OF  THB  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

never  thoroughly  revealed  even  to  them,  their 
abilities  and  accomplishments  were  of  compara- 
tively small  advantage.  The  old  clergy  and  high- 
church  party  strictly  adhered  to  the  royal  side ; 
and  Charles  depended  greatly  on  the  whole  Ca- 
thdUc  body^  who  zealously  supported  him,  from  the 
hope  of  promoting  both  their  religion  and  their  in- 
fluence in  the  state. 

In  talent,  zeal,  and  energy,  the  opposite  party 
were  infinitely  superior.    No  age  nor  country  ever 
could  boast  t>f  a  greater  number  of  admirable 
statesmen  than  at  this  period  dignified  the  English 
parliament :  Their  capacity  for  afikirs  was  equalled 
only  by  their  unremitting  assiduity.     A  committee 
of  the  most  eminent  was  appointed  to  manage  the 
war  as  well  as  foreign  business,  and  being  ever  res- 
ponsible to  the  general  body  when  it  required  in- 
formation, their  whole  powers  w^re  exerted  to 
merit   its    approbation.     Hence,  the  parliament, 
though  a  public  body,  could  act  with  the  requisite 
secrecy,  while  they  lost  no  opportunity  of  diving 
into  the  most  secret  consultations  and  projects  of 
their  adversaries ;  and  in  this  were  so  successful, 
that  no  measure  was,  at  any  time,  devised  by  the 
jToyal  party,  whether  in  regard  to  foreign  connec- 
iions,  supplies  of  arms,  or  internal  action^  that  es- 
caped their  vigilance.     The  most  confidential  ser- 
vants  of  Charles  indeed  were  always  ready  to  be- 
tray  him ;  but  they  who  betrayed  the  laws  and 
rights  of  their  country  could  not,  without  a  foolish 
presumption,  be  expected  to  stand  true   to  the 
prince,  whose  services  imported  treachery  to  the 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE;  357 

state  :  the  cold,  formal,  and  forbidding  manner  <^ 
Charles,  was  incompatible  with  affection  to  his  per- 
son. 

Towns  are  the  region  of  liberal  spirit,  and  of  the 
talent  calculated  to  vindicate  one's  rights :  and  the 
metropolis  and  the  other  independent  towns  were 
all  equally  zealous  for  the  parliament.  The  haughty 
carriage  of  the  nobility,  which  bespoke  contempt 
for  the  sober  citizen,  was  returned  with  no  friendly 
feeling  by  men  whose  independent  fortunes  did  not 
raise  them  to  proportional  respect.  The  numerous 
monopolies  and  obstructions  to  trade  bad  inflamed 
the  mass  of  the  inhabitants  on  pure  grounds  ;  of 
pecuniary  interest,  as  had  the  arbitrary  measures 
of  the  court,  both  in  regard  to  civil  and  political 
liberty,  struck  them  with  dismay.  So  anxious  had 
the  prince  been  to  suppress  the  spirit  of  the  capi« 
tal,  that  he  had  interferred  with  the  appointment 
of  their  magistrates;  and  even  in  the  hour  of -his 
greatest  necessity,  during  the  Scottish  invasion,  he 
had  meditated  greater  changes:  On  the  same 
principle,  he  eagerly,  against  law,  interdicted  the 
resort  thither  of  the  nobility  and  gentry.  It  is  un- 
necessary to  remark  that  the  support  of  the  towns 
was  a  sure  fund  of  money,  if  not  of  men. 

In  the  country,  the  greater  portion  of  the  prin* 
cipal  gentry,  and  almost  all  the  inferior,  together 
with  the  freeholders  and  yeomen,  were  heartily  in- 
clined to  the  popular^  side  ;  and  as  these  inferior 
ranks  were  prepared  to  arm  in  defence  of  the  cause, 
it  is  easy  to  conceive  that,  when  embodied,  they 
would  be  actuated  with  a  spirit  and  intelligence  to 


858  HISTOBT  OF  THE  BRITISH  SMPIRE. 

Uriiidi  ordvMiy  tiM>}M  «iu6t  foe  ever.  Btrangers.  But 
the  parliamentary  party  enjoyed  another  vast  ad- 
vantage in  the  very  constitution  of  a  popular  as- 
aetoMy*  Enterprise  And  talent  looked  thither  for 
diBtinctioUt  well  assured  that  as  they  could  nM 
long  be  hid  from  the  public  eye,  so  they  could  not 
long  be  confined  to  an  inferior  statioti.  The  voice 
of  the  people  and  the  army  itself  recommended 
abilities^  and  the  necessity  of  employing  these  could 
nob  be»  for  any  considerable  period,  overlooked  or 
disregarded.  Nothing  of  the  kind  could  be  ex- 
pected from  the  opposite  side.  As,  after  his  dis* 
appointment  in  regard  to  seiziiig  Portsmouth  and 
Hull,  and  arming  a  body  of  mercenaries^^papists, 
dr  desperadoes,  to  crush  the  legislative  assembly 
before  it  could  be  in  a  condition  to  make  a  struggle, 
Charles  was  obliged  to  throw  himself  in  a  manner 
upon  a  portion  of  the  great  aristocracy,  to  he  was 
obliged  to  nominate  them  to  the  chief  commands 
without  regard  to  their  qualifications ;  and,  though 
some  experienced  soldiers  were  allowed  to  hold  a 
pertain  rink  in  the  army,  it  followed,  from  the  na* 
tore  bflhings,  that^  had  he  displaced  men  of  a  high 
apfaere,  for  abilities  in  an  inferior  walk  of  life,  he 
would  have  offended  the  whole  and  been  deserted. 
Besides/,  he  could  not  be  guided  by  the  populair 
voice  when  he  had  not  its  support ;  and  it  seldom 
happens  that  an  individual,  who  has  been  bom  to 
the  rank  of  sovereignty,  has  either  the  quick  dis- 
pemmenty  or  the  ndanliness  of,  a  popular  assembly 
in  the  selection  of  his  servants.  Accustomed  to 
^attery,  he  is  t6o  often  misled  by  the  minions  of  his 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BOITISH  EMPIRE.  859 

Gourty  and  bestows  upon  tibose  mho  re-echo  his  {htq* 
conceived  purposes^  the  places  to  which  talent  and 
virtue  should  be  alone  assigned  f «  Hence  it  hap- 
pened, that  the  royalist  <^cefs  were  distoigitislMl 
by  gross  hafattst>f  dissipation  juid  inattention  HoHm 
duties  of  their  calling,  while  the  paiiiameslaiyiidr* 
ficera  were  contradistinguished  by  the  strictest  de^ 
cency  of  deportment  and  indefatigable  industryf  In 
their  stations^ 

.  'From  this  view,  it  must  appear  strange  that  the 
king  should  have  been  able  for  such  a  length  of 
time  to  maintain  thet:ontest }.  but,  in  tnttln  heiwns 
no  longer  successful  than  while  the  operation. d? 
these  causes  in  regard  to  his  adversaries  was  sin- 
pended^  So  many  of  the  peerage  bad  left  the  pass» 
liament,  that  Charles  had  <Atained  an  advsmtage  in 
denying  it  the  character  of  a  free  assembly  ^  Had^ 
therefore,  the  remainder  deserted  to  him,  the  im« 
putation  would  have  been  confirmed,  and  the  dia« 
racter  of  the  parliament,  as  comprebendit^  both 
houses,  would  have  sustained  a  serious  injuiy.  It 
waSy  on  this  account,  deemed  necessary  to  gratify 
the  remainderi  by  conferring  offices  upon  them ; 
and  as  few  of  them  were  either  imbued  with  the 
resolution  demanded  by  the  exigency, — having  al« 
ways  a  regard  to  their  exclusive  privileges,  whidi 
might  be  endangered  by  the  conflict,  whatever  side 
prevailed,— or  wore  endowed  with  the  qualities  de« 
mended  by  the  occasion,  they  counteracted  for  a 
time  the  vigour  of  other  principles,  and  brought  a 

*  See  even  Clar.  vol.  iv.  p.  4fi\,  SSi,  el  sey. 


860  HISTOBT  OF  THE  BRITISH  £MPIB£. 

great  portion  of  those  disadvantages  upon  the  par* 
liament  that  the  monarch  laboured  under. 

The  absurd  notions  prevalent  upon  the  art  of 
war,  as  if  military  tactics  involved  some  mystery 
which  could  only  be  acquired  by  long  practice, 
had  also  an  unfavourable  effect.  Inured  to  peace, 
the  people  for  a  season  confided  only  in  officers 
who  had  returned  from  the  Continent,  with  that 
knowledge  of  the  military  art  which  it  was  erro- 
neously supposed  could  only  be  attained  there  * ; 
and  the  old  soldiers,  who  carried  with  them  to  the 
field  all  the  timid  notions  of  warfare  practised 
abroad  in  mercenary  armies,  were  exceedingly 
priced  and  generally  consulted.  But  it  is  extra- 
ordinary that,  with  the  exception  of  Skippon,  not 
one  of  these  on  either  side  distinguished  himself. 
In  this  art,  as  in  most,  if  not  all,  others,  great  abi> 
Uty  will  soon  acquire  all  the  knowledge  and  dex- 
terity which  are  requisite  for  command ;  and  in- 
stead of  servUely  following  the  dull  rules  which 
have  been  handed  down  unquestioned  from  one 
generation  to  another,  it  will  scrupulously  exa- 
mine the  principles  on  which  they  are  founded, 
and  either  strike  out  a  new  path  for  itself,  or  im- 
prove the  art  in  so  far  as  it  is  established ;  while 
the  ardour  of  men  whose  souls  are  thrown  into  the 
cause,  disdains  the  cautious,  timid,  policy  displayed 
by  soldiers  of  fortune,  who,  when  opposed  to  each 
other,  appear  to  esteem  it  their  highest  praise  to 
preserve  their  troops  unhurt  The  listless  inacti- 
vity of  ordinary  troops  too,  whose  officers  are  pro- 

*  Ludlow,  vol.  i.  p.  46. 


HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIUE.  361 

moted  from  connection,  cannot  stand  the  shock 
of  that  fervour  which  possesses  a  popular  army, 
where  the  whole  mass,  stimulated  with  the  hope 
of  rapid,  if  merited,  advancement,  rouse  every 
faculty  into  exertion.  Accordingly  we  shall  find 
that,  immediately  after  the  new  model  of  the  par- 
liamentary army,  the  decisive  measures  of  its  gene- 
rals were  every  where  successful. 

On  the  25th   of  August,  Charles  erected  hisChuies 
standard  at  Nottingham  ;  but  though  that  county,  ^dud  at 
through  the  influence  of  the  Earl  of  Newcastle,  S^ffith 
was  much  devoted  to  the  royal  cause,  the  king  was  ^"8*  ^^**' 
greatly  disappointed  in  the  number  that  flocked  to 
him.     His  artillery  had  been  left  at  York,  and  his 
chief  strength  consisted  in  the  cavalry,  which  is 
said  not  to  have  exceeded   800.    The  Earl   of* 
Lindsay,  as  having  served  with  'reputation  in  the 
Low  Countries,  was  appointed  general,  Prince  Ru- 
pert, the  king's  nephew,  commanded  the  horse. 
He,  with  his  brother  Maurice,  sons  of  the  late 
Elector  Palatine,  came  to  England  and  proflered 
their  services  to  Charles,  which  were  accepted  of, 
while  their  brother,  the  ex-Elector,  as  if  they  had 
been  actuated  by  the  policy  which  distinguished 
some  noble  families,  and  atlerwards  the  Scots,  se- 
dulously applied  himself  to  the  popular  party  in 
parliament  to  interest  them  in  the  recovery  of  the 
palatinate  *.     Many  ill  omens  occurred  to  terrify 


•  Clar.  State  Papers^  vol,  ii.  p.  150.  Whitelocke,  p.  85.  May, 
lib.  liL  p.  12,  et  »eq.  This  very  Elector  had  been  obliged  to  leave 
England^  from  haviqg  so  warmly  espoused  the  royal  cause,  as  to  ac- 
company Charles  in  his  violent  entrance  into  the  lower  house. 


562  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE* 

the  king  and  his  adherents;  in  particular  the  stand- 
ard was  blown  down  by  a  tempestuous  wind^  and 
could  not  be  re-erected  for  a  day  or  two--4  dr- 
eiunstance  which  is  related  witii  rel^ous  awe  bv 
Oarendon.  Had  the  parliamentaiy  army,  whidi 
at  this  time  far  exceeded  the  king's,  been  brought 
into  action,  the  royal  forces  must  have  been  in- 
stantly dissipated:  even  Sir  Jacob  Astl^,  the 
king's  standard-bearer,  declared  that  he  could 
not  give  any  assurance  against  his  majesty's  be- 
ing taken  out  of  his  bed,  if  a  brisk  attempt  were 
made :  but  decisive  measures  were  not  yet  con- 
sentaneous either  to  the  feelings  of  the  general  or 
the  parliament  *•  From  the  same  motives,  another 
opportunity  was  lost :  indeed  matters  were  in  so 
unprecedented  a  situation,  that  it  is  not  wonderftil 
the  parliament  should  have  acted  with  indecision. 
Though  the  royal  forces  had  been  routed,  a  fresh 
army  might  have  been  collected  by  Charles ;  and 
the  termination  of  one  war  have  been  shortly  fol- 
lowed by  another,  unless  he  were  taken  prisoner, 
and  the  whole  frame  of  the  government  altered. 
But  this  was  not  suited  to  the  temper  of  the  times, 
and,  therefore,  it  was  probably  imagined  that  the 
king,  after  perceiving  the  strength  of  his  adversa- 
ries, and  his  own  inability  to  continue  the  contest, 
for  it  was  not  supposed  that  his  forces  would  be 
immediately  augmented,  would,  without  sustain- 
ing the  dishonour  of  a  defeat,  submit  to  the  propo- 
sitions which  he  had  previously  rejected.     Having 

•  Clar.  vol.  ii  p.  715;  vol.  iii.  p.  1,  et  seq.    Whitelocke,  p.  61. 


HI8TOBT  OF  THE  BBinSH  SMPIBfi.    .        36S 

ODce  eiig|Bge4  rin^choiipliti^  the  passions  of  bfith 
sides  oatundly  became  mmre  heat^  ^  but  Charles's 
engagemeBt  to  the  queen^  joined  to  his  own  head- 
atroi^ -teiBperi  {Hr^uded  all>  accommodatioii : 
mtmy  of  his  followers  dreaded  proceedings  against 
them  in  parliament ;  and  the  apparent  indecision 
of  the  twa  houses  and  their  general^  inspired  tbem 
^ith  the  Yain  hope  that  the  king  would  ukiniatelj 
triumph  'OVer  all  opposition.  Aa  for  himself,  there 
waa  one  principl^^a  fatal  one  to  him,  and  perni- 
cious to  the  adverse  party,  on  which heconfident'^ 
ly  relied — ^that  in  any  event  his  person,  liberty,  and 
n^gal  dignity  would  be  secure;  and  that,  while 
success  would  render  him  absolute,  discomfiture 
would  merely  reduce  him  to  the  necessity  of  sub* 
mitting  to  the  terms  that  had  been  already  propo* 
sed  to  him  as  the  only  basis  of  accommodation. 
Had  he  believed  that  he  was  himsdif  obnoxious  to 
justice  for  overturning  that  constitution  of  which 
he  was  appointed  the  sworn  guardian,  and  carry- 
ing misery  and  bloodshed  throughout  the  king- 
dom ;  in  short,  had  he  expected  to  be  deposed  and 
exiled  in  the  event  of  discomfiture,  he  most  proba- 
bly would  never  have  resorted  to  force  against  his 
people  and  the  law,  or  would  have  quickly  laid 
down  his  arms ;  his  office  as  well  as  his  life  might 
have  been  preserved,  and  the  privileges  of  the  peo- 
ple vindicated :  but  when  we  consider  that  he  ima- 
gined he  had  every  thing  to  gain  and  nothing  to 
lose,  we  need  be  the  less  surprised  at  his  pertina- 
cious adherence  to  principles  destructive  of  t)ie  ci- 
vil rights  of  the  community. 


364  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

Though  the  parliament  did  not  yet  chuse  to  act 
directly  against  the  king  himself,  it  ordered  opera- 
tions against  his  servants.  Goring,  who  had  long 
agreed  to  betray  his  trust,  had,  as  governor  of 
Portsmouth,  declared  for  the  king,  and  was  obli- 
ged to  jdeld  the  place  to  the  parliament  *.  TTie 
Marquis  of  Hertford,  in  whom  that  assembly  had 
latterly  reposed  trust,  had  likewise  endeavoured  to 
promote  the  service  of  the  monarch  in  the  county 
of  Somerset,  where  his  influence  was  great ;  but 
he  was  forced  to  fly  before  the  parliamentary 
armyf. 

To  raise  an  army,  Charles  tried  the  array ;  but 
commissioners,  or  lieutenants  and  their  deputies 
appointed  by  the  parliament,  invariably  opposed 
it ;  and  as  the  middling  and  lower  classes,  who 
had  no  immediate  dependence  on  the  great  aristo- 
cracy, were  generally  inclined  towards  the  parlia- 
ment, it  was  in  most  instances  unsuccessful.  The 
king  on  his  part  denounced  Essex,  whom  the  par- 
liament had  appointed  general,  and  his  followers, 
traitors.     The  parliament,  on  its  part,  retorted  the 


*  Mr.  Hume^  in  relating  this  afl&ir^  says^  ^*  This  man"  (Goring) 
**  seemed  to  have  rendered  himself  an  implacable  enemy  to  the  king,  by 
hetrayingy  probMy  magnifymg,  the  c%bals  of  the  army,"  &c.  Now, 
Goring  diiectly  implicated  the  king  and  queen ;  and  the  historian 
scoffs  at  the  idea  of  their  guilt,  while  he  abuses  the  parliament  for 
accusing  them;  yet  now,  all  that  Goring  is  charged  with  by  the  same 
author,  is  betraying,  probably  magnifying,  the  cabals  of  the  army ! 
Rush.  vol.  iv.  p.  683.  Whitelockc,  p.  60,  62.  Clar.  State  Papers^ 
Tol.  ii.  p.  147.    Hist.  vol.  iii.  p.  19. 

t  lb. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  365 

charge  upon  the  advisers  and  fdUowers  of  the  mo<> 
narch  *. 

Perceiving  the  smallness  of  the  royal  forces,  and 
even  dreading  the  success  of  Charles  in  this  unna- 
tural struggle,  when  they  saw  that  the  Catholic 
party  would  then  bear  the  sway,  the  nobility  who 
attended  him  advised  accommodation ;  but  nothing 
could  be  more  remote  from  the  royal  designs.  Be* 
sides  that  he  had  promised  solemnly  to  his  consort, 
which  ^*  shut  out  all  opposite  consultations,"  not 
to  enter  into  such  measuresi  he  persisted,  both  be- 
cause he  thought  he  had  nothing  to  lose,  and  be- 
cause by  assistance  from  abroad,  and  taking  arms 
from  the  trained-bands,  to  arm  sokliersi  as  well  as 
by  seizing  stores  provided  for  Ireland,  he  might 
soon  be  in  a  situation  to  cope  with,  and  master,  his 
adversaries*  He  therefore  suddenly  broke  up  the 
council,  to  quash  such  proceedings }  but  when  the 
matter  was  renewed,  he  agreed  to  send  a  messen- 
ger with  propositions,  which  he  was  determined 
should  be  unproductive  of  any  pacific  result  The 
message  was  carried  by  the  Earl  of  Southampton 
to  the  Lords,  and  Sir  John  Colepepper  and  Sir  Wil- 
liam Uvedale  to  the  Commons*  The  first  pre- 
sumptuously offered  to  take  his  seat ;  but  was  in- 
stantly ordered,  as  a  traitor  to  the  commonwealth, 
to  withdraw,  and  also  to  quit  the  town.  The  two 
latter  having  acted  with  more  discretion  towards 
the  lower  house,  were  treated  with  greater  civility. 
The  parliament  declared,  in  their  answer,  that,  till 


*  Rush.  Tol.  iv.  p.  655^  et  seq.    ^Vhitelocke^  p.  61.    Mttj,  lib.  u 
c  6. 


S66  HI6TOEV  OF  tBB  BBSmH  EMPIRB. 

the    king  recalled  his   proclamation  of  *  treason 
against  Essex  and  others,  and  took  down  his  stand* 
ard,  they  could  not  treats    Charles  replied^  that 
he  never  intended  to  declare  the  parliamoat  <trai« 
tors,  nor  to  set  up  his  ^standard  against  it ;  and 
that,  if  their  proclamation  of.  treason  were  la^ 
called,  be  would  likewise  recal  his.     The  two 
houses  then  desired  him  to  put  away  his  ewil  couiu 
cillors,  and  return  to  his  parliament ;  voting  that 
the  arms  of  the  parliament,  for  the  religion,  lawsi 
and  liberties  of  the  kingdom,  should  not  be  aban* 
doned  till  delinquents  were  brought  to  justice,  and 
their  estates  rendered  liaUe  for  the  debts  of  the 
commonwealth,  which  their  wickedness  had  been 
the  cause  of  incurring.     A  petition  of  similar  im» 
port  was  presented  at  the  same  time.  •  Many  x)f  the 
royal  followers  keenly  desired-peace  j  but  the  idea 
of  it  never  coidd  have  entered  into  the  conteropku 
tion  cfF  Charles,  considering  the  pledge  which  he 
had  given  to  his  consort  *•  >      t  r 

After  this  fruitless  attempt  at  acqommodation, 
tiie  two  houses  justified  their  own  conduct,  and  ex« 
posed  that  of  their  adversary^  by  declaration  to  the 
kingdom.  They  state  that  the  justness  of  those 
fears  and  jealousies  which  had  been  so  ofbei^.  ez« 
pressed  by  them,  relative  to  the  king's  intention 
to  make  war  upon  the  parliament  and '  people  of 
England,  were  now  fully  and  indisputably  establish- 
ed, while  it  was  also  apparent  that  the  oaths,  pro* 

*  Wbitdocke^  p.  G2,  et  teq.  Sidney  Papm»  TtL  M.  pt  mf.  Cbr. 
▼d.  iii.  p.  SS,  et  seq*  Ruth.  voL  ir.  pw  781^  et  seq, ;  voL  t.  p*  1<V  W 
$eq.    Husband's  ColL  p.  561>  ei  $eq, 

I 


HISTORY  OF  TBS  BBlTttH  mPIHE.  967 

testations,  and  execrations,  published  in  his  name, 
in  which  that  intention  had  been  disavowed,  were 
merely  the  devices  of  wicked  councillors,  to  gam 
time  for  the  accomplishment  of  their  designs: 
That  it  was  now  evident  that  the  war  involved  the 
Protestant  religion  itself  as  well  as  the  laws ;  for 
Uiat  enormities  were  committed  by  the  king's  sol- 
diers against  the  Protestant  party,  who  were  de- 
nominated round-heads,  as  they  had  formerly  been 
puritans  by  the  clergy]:  That  arms  had  been  takeQ 
from  honest  gentlemen,  yeomen,  -and  tradesmen^ 
which  had  been  called  borrowing  them,  and  put 
into  the  hands  of  desperadoes  who  could  only  sub- 
sist by  rapine :  That  in  the  face  of  those  vows 
and  protestations  to  govern  according  to  law,  which 
had  been  circulated  throughout  the  kingdom  to 
mislead  the  people,  the  most  mischievous  princi« 
jies  of  tyranny  ever*  invented  were  openly  practis« 
ed^-4lie  scheme  being  nothing- else  than  to  disarm 
the-  middle  classes  of  society,  and  maintain  a  mer- 
cenary army  by  forced  contributions,  as  well  as  to 
erect  a  provincial  government  in  the  north  *. 

CShi^s  briskly  carried  on  his  levies;  and  though 
he  was  disappointed  in  a  supply  of  arms  by  a  ves- 
sel dispatched  from  Hc^and  by  the  queen,  which 
was  intercepted  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  he  soon 
obtained  arms  by  taking  them  from  the  trained- 
bands,  and  ransacking  the  armouries  of  noblemen* 
Men  of  highest  quality  in  Derbyshire,  Stafford- 
shire, and  Shropshire,  supplied  him  with  plate  and 

*  Hiubtnd*8  CoH. 


'368  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

money.    He  soon,  therefore,  established  a  mint, 
and  issued  out  coin.     The  wi^gons  and  carrii^e- 
horses  prepare^l  for  Ireland  were  seized  by  his  or- 
ders at  Chester  as  they  were  ready  for  embark* 
ment.    Before  he  was  in  a  condition  vigorously  to 
take  the  field,  he  resolved  to  march  to  Shrewsbury, 
where  he  was  assured  of  a  strong  party,  and  which 
was  well  situated,  being  defended  by  the  Severn 
on  one  side,  and  on  the  other  opening  a  secure 
passage  into  Wales,  while  it  promised  him  Worces- 
ter and  Chester.     At  Wellington,  a  day's  march 
from  Shrewsbury,  he  made  a  notable  protestation 
at  the  head  of  his  troops.     After  informing  his  sol- 
diers that,  on  the  other  side,  ^*  they  should  meet 
with  no  enemies  but  traitors,  most  of  them  brown* 
ists,  anabaptists,  and  atheists^  such  who  desired 
to  destroy  both  church  and  state,  and  who  had 
already  condemned  them  to  ruin  for  being  loyal 
to  him,''  he,  in  the  mpst  solemn  manner,  uttered 
a  protestation  in  these  words  :-^*^  I  do  promise,  in 
the  presence  of  Almighty  God,  and  as  I  hope  for 
his  blessing  and  protection,  that  I  will,  to  the  ut^ 
most  of  my  power,  defend  and  maintain  the  true 
reformed   Protestant  religion  established  in  the; 
church  of  England,  and,  by  the  grace  of  God,  in 
the  same  will  live  and  die.     I  desire  to  govern  by 
all  the  known  laws  of  the  land,  and  that  the  liberty 
and  property  of  the  subject  may  be  by  them  pre- 
served with  the  9ame  care  as  my  own  just  rights* 
And,  if*  it  please  God,  by  his  blessing  upon  hia 
army,  raised  for  my  necessary  defence,  to  preserve 
me  from  this  rebellion,  I  do  solemnly  and  faithful- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPII^^  S69 


]y  promise,  in  the  sight  of  God,  to  maintain  the 
just  privileges  and  freedom  of  parliament^  and  to 
govern  by  the  known  laws  of  the  land  tx>  the  ut* 
most  of  my  power ;  and,  particularly,  to  observe 
inviolably  the  laws  consented  to  by  me  this  parlia« 
menti    In  the  meanwhile,  if  this  time  of  War,  and 
the  great  necessity  and  straits  I  am  now  driven 
to,  beget  any  violation  of  those,  I  hope  it  shall  be 
imputed  by  God  and  men  to  the  authors  of  this 
war,  not  to  me,  who  have  so  earnestly  laboured  for 
the  preservation  of  the  peace  of  this  kingdom. 
When  I  willingly  fail  in  these  particulars,  1  will 
expect  no  aid  or  relief  from  any  man^  or  prote^^ 
tion  from  heaven.    But,  in  this  resolution,  1  hope 
for  the  cheerful  assistance  of  all  good  men,  and 
am  confident  of  God's  blessing  *." 

Whoever  has  seriously  attended  to  the  preceding 
narrative,  fortified  as  it  is  with  the  authority  of 
Clarendon,  who  not  only  inadvertently  developes 
the  king's  early  determination  to  resort  to  arm4 
against  the  parliament,  but  informs  us  that  he 
passed  bills,  because  he  conceived  he  had,  from 
the  manner  of  their  passage  through  the  houses,  a 
pretext  for  diisregarding  them  as  null — ^will  be  able 
to  form  some  idea  of  the  character  of  a  prince  that 
could  thus  appeal  to  heaven,  and  invoke  the  divine 
vengeance  against  himself,  if  he  did  not  utter  the 
truth,  or  adhere  to  what  he  vowed,  when  he  was 
conscious^  not  only  of  having  already  belied  all 
such  professions,  but  of  entertaining  at  the  instant 

•  Cltf.  vol.  ii.  p.  IS,  17. 

VOL,  in.  a  B 


970  HXnOET  OF  THB  BRITISH  £MPIR£. 

purposes  faiught  with  the  direct  destruction  of  the 
principles  he  proclaimed*  Many,  however,  were 
deluded  both  with  the  substance  of  this  protesta- 
tion, and  the  solemnity  with  which  it  was  pronoun- 
ced, and  the  levies  went  on  with  additional  brisk- 
ness. But  though  people  at  a  distance,  and  such 
as  from  their  situation  were  incapable  of  penetrat- 
ing through  this  specious  disguise,  were  deceived, 
the  nobility  around  were  not  to  be  imposed  upon. 
They  well  perceived  that  the  papistical  party  would 
reap  the  benefit  of  success,  and  themselves  who  had 
Cotttribated  to  it  be  exposed  to  the  vengeance  of 
the  monarch  and  that  body^  because  they  stub- 
bornly refused  to  second  all  his  pernicious  views. 
Yet  Charles  solemnly  denied  that  he  employed  or 
countenanced  Catholics,  and  absurdly  retorted  the 
charge  upon  his  adversaries,  as  if  they  either  could, 
or  durst,  attempt  such  a  project. 

In  a  short  time  Charles  found  himself  at  the 
head  of  ten  thousand  foot,  fifteen  hundred  dra- 
goons, and  two  thousand  ordinary  horse.  His  army 
was  likewise  on  the  increase;  and  a  trifling  ad-* 
vantage  gained  by  Prince  Rupert  near  Worcester, 
elated  the  army  as  well  as  the  king  with  the  idea 
that  they  should  be  able  to  march  to  London  with- 
out opposition.  Rupert  had  surprised  some  of 
the  parliamentary  troops  in  a  defile,  and  killed 
about  thirty  of  them ;  and  this  trifling  skirmish  being 
magnified  into  a  vast  adventure,  as  auguring  future 
success,  overcame  the  fear  inspired  by  the  omi- 
nous fall  of  the  standard  at  Nottingham,  and  up- 
lifted them  with  the  notion  that  the  name  of  Ru- 


HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  371 

pert  was  from  that  moment  terrible  to  their  adver* 
saries*. 

The  Earl  of  Essex,  who  had  been  bred  a  soldier 
in  the  Low  Countries,  and  was  deemed  fitted  by  ex- 
perience  to  lead  the  army  as  a  general,  as  well  as 
calculated  to  grace  the  cause  by  his  character  and 
rank  in  the  peerage,  was  appointed  to  the  command 
of  the  parliamentary  army.  Having  obtained  bia 
instructions,  he  set  himself  at  the  bead  of  the  army^ 
which  amounted  to  about  15,000.  Hampden,  Hoi- 
lis,  and  other  leading  men,  entered  into  the  ser- 
vice as  colonels.  The  general's  instructions  were, 
that  he  should,  before  proceeding  to  fight,  present 
a  petition  ^  the  king,  praying  him  to  dissolve  hi$ 
army,  and  return  to  his  parliament,  and  assuring 
him  that,  if  he  complied  with  the  requisition,  ali 
the  forces  but  those  which  might  be  necessary  to 
secure  bis  return  should  be  disbanded :  But  that 
if  his  majesty  refused  accommodation,  then  tbe 
general  should  fight  his  army,  and  rescue  him  and 
his  sons  from  his  malignant  advisers,  and  that  he 
should  proclaim  a  pardon  to  all  who  should  with- 
draw from  the  king — ^with  the  exception  of  Rich- 
mond, Cumberland,  Newcastle,  Rivers,  Caernar- 
von, Newark,  Falkland,  Nichob,  Porter^  and 
Hyde  t. 

When  Essex  sent  a  message  to  Charles  about 
the  delivery  of  the  petition,  he  was  apprised  that» 

*  Sidney  Papen^  toL  iL  p.  667.    Hiubd-'s  CoL    Clar.  toL  iiL  pv 
25.  et  seq.    Rudi.  toL  ▼.  p.  S3,  84. 
f  Whitelocke,  p.  68.  ef  jeg.    May,  lib.  ii.  ch.  5.    lab.  iiL  p.  5. 

et  seq. 

2  B  2 


87?  HI8T0RT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

if  it  were  delivered  by  any  who  stood  accused  by 
his  majesty  of  high  treason,  it  should  be  instantly 
rejected ;  and  the  answer  put  an  end  to  all  nego- 
ciation.  The  king  marched  towards  London,  in* 
tending  to  reduce  some  places  in  his  way,  and 
Essex  followed  him :  But,  so  imperfect  was  the  mi- 
litary art,  that  both  parties  continued  their  march 
for  ten  days  within  twenty  miles  of  each  other, 
without  intelligence  of  each  other's  motions. 

It  was  at  midnight,  on  the  2Sd  of  October, 
that  Charles,  while  he  intended  to  besiege  Ban- 
bury Castle,  was  surprised  by  notice  that  Essex 
was  in  the  neighbourhood.  Upon  this  intelligence, 
he  changed  his  motions,  and  resolved  upon  an  im- 
mediate battle.  His  troops  had  been  harassed  by 
long  marches,  and  some  advised  him  to  defer  tlie 
engagement  for  another  day,  that  the  army  might 
be  refreshed ;  but,  as  the  royal  party,  particularly 
the  foot,  had  lived  at  free  quarters  wherever  they 
went,  and  the  country  was,  on  this  account,  as  well 
as  from  principle,  hostile  to  them,  it  was  unsafe  to 
spend  time  there*.  There  was  still  a  stronger 
reason  for  hazarding  an  engagen>ent  instantly: 
That  a  great  portion  of  the  parliamentary  army, 
with  the  baggage,  was  about  a  day's  march  be- 
behind  the  main  body,  and  the  latter  might  be 
vanquished  before  the  rest  arrived^    Beside^  it 


*  Sidney  Papers,  p.  668.  about  the  foot  liTing  at  free  quarten. 
Clarendon  is,  as  usual,  disingenuous.  See  vol.  ill.  p.  47.  May,  lib. 
ii«  p.  S. 


mSTORT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  9^3 

was  expected  that  many  of  the  parliamentary  offi- 
cers would  desert  to  the  king  *.  It  is  not  easy  to 
ascertain  the  exact  amount  of  the  royal  army : 
According  to  some  accounts,  it  was  18,000  strongs 
and  it  undoubtedly  was  about  12,000,  but,  though 
the  royalists  prudently  declined  to  spediy  their: 
number,  yet,  to  magnify  the  victory  which  they, 
as  well  as  the  other  party  pretended  to  have  gain- 
ed, they  declared  themselves  inferior  to  their  adver- 
saries. The  army  under  Essex  scarcely  exceeded 
10,000.  The  battle  was  fought  on  Edgehill,  on^Battkor 
the  borders  of  Warwickshire,  and  the  neigbbour«^^ 
hood  of  Keinton ;  and  the  royal  army  occupied  the 
height.  The  greater  part  of  the  king's  horse,  un^ 
der  the  command  of  Rupert,  was  placed  on  the 
right  wingy  and  it  had  the  advantage  of  the  wind 
as  well  as  the  eminence.  The  chief  of  the  parlia- 
Hient's  horse  was  also  stationed  on  the  right,  under 
the  command  of  Sir  William  Balfour,  Sir  Philip 
Stapleton,  Lord  Fielding,  and  Colonel  Hurry. 
The  left  wing  was  commanded  by  a  Scotsman, 
Commissary-General  Ramsay.  The  wing  opposed 
to  Rupert  was  thus  inferior,  and  in  consequence  of 
the  wind,  it  was  too  much  extended.  This,  with 
a  very  adverse  circumstanck,/had  nearly  proved 
fatal  to  the  whole  army.  Sir  Faithful  Fortescue, 
an  Irishman,  who  had  lately  been  engaged  to 
serve  against  the  rebels  of  his  native  country,  had 
entered  into  the  parliament's  army,  and  having  dcr 
(ermined  to  desert  to  the  king  on. the  first  opporr 

*  Clar.  vol.  iii.  p.  4S. 
2  bS 


574  HISTQRT  OP  TK£  BRITXSfi  BMPIfiE. 

tuoky^  now  availed  himself  of  being  stationed  in 
front  of  the  left  wing  to  actxmplisb  his  treacher- 
ous purpoye.  At  the  very  outset^  he  ordered  his 
men,  whom  he  had  previously  corruptedi  to  fire 
their  pistols  on  the  ground,  and  join  the  opposite 
side.  Hie  whole  troop  went  over  on  the  first 
brush,  though  seventeen  of  them  suffered  the  just 
reward  of  their  treachery,  in  being  afterwards 
killed  in.  mistake  by  the  royalists,  in  consequence 
of  their  uniform.  So  unexpected  a  desertion  not 
only  weakened  the  left  wing,  which  was  not  suffi- 
eiently  strong  at  the  first,  but  threw  a  weight  into 
the  opposite  scale^  while  it  spread  distrust  of  each 
otker^s  intentions  idl  around.  Rupert,  in  the 
mean  time,  drove  furiously  on,  and  put  the  horse 
to  flight :  The  &ot  openifig  to  rebeive  their  own 
boAyv  were  thrown  into  confusion,  and  the  rout  of 
that  wing  becanie  universal.  Had  Rupert  known 
how  to  use  bis  success,  the. circumstance  might  have 
pro^red  fatal :  But-his  rashness,  together  with  a  bad 
arrangement  in  the  command,  saved  his  enemies. 
As  so  nearly  allied  to  the  king,  he  had  insisted  on 
receiving  no  orders,  but  from  his  m^c*sty  himiself, 
though  the  command  of  the  army  had  been  de- 
volved upon  the  Earl  of  Lindsay,  and  thus  the 
cdmmander  in  chief  had  no  controul  over  the  best 
part  of  the  troops,  while  jesdousies  and  heart  burn- 
ings were  immediately '  engendered.  In  this  way 
Rupert  was  left  to  his^  own  rakimess ;  and  instead 
of  wheeling  abont  upon  another  part  of  the  ene- 
my's line,  while  he  sent  a  small  body  to  prevent 
the  horse  from  rallying,  he  needlessly  pursued  them 


HfilTOftT  OF  THE  BEITiflH  SMFIBS.  9JS 

with  his  whole  body  for  nearly  three  mileii^  and 
idlowed.tbe  men  to  plunder^  thns  leaving  the  king's 
main  force  destitute  of  such  n  con^derable  portiop 
of  cavalry,  and  affording  even  the  parliament's  fpot 
of  that  wipg  time  to  rally,  wbich»  under  Holjis, 
they  soon  accomplished*  In  the  mean  tuBe^^^l^h^ 
conflict  on  the.  king's  right  wing  had  been  atf;end0d 
with  a  very  different  result.  His  horse  was  rou^j- 
and  as  Essex  had  thrown  his  greatest  strengtih  flf 
foot  into  the  centre,  he  seteied  the  critical  itiofBM^pli^ 
of  a  general  attack  in  fh)nt>  while  Balfour  wf  t^. 
the  cavalry  qppoeed  the  royal  forces  in  r^^iy  Th^, 
beset,  the  king's  army  gave  way  in  ^e  <^  «11  the, 
esertions  of  Lindsay*  who  perf  bimed  the  pait  of  a 
gbod  general ;  and  Charles  soon  found  himself  in 
extremities.  Bupert,  on  his.  return  from  an  unne«> 
cessary  pursuit,  beheld  every  prospect  of  a  defeat 
instead  d  a  victory,  and  he .  could  vfit  again 
bring  up  his  exhausted  troops  to  the  ei^egement* 
Lindsay,  covered  with  wounds,  fell  into  the  ene- 
my's haqds,  and  died  thKt  evening,  while  many 
others  of  distinction  were  either  slain  or  taken» 
and,  had  not  night  int^erposed,  the  whole  roytd 
army  must  have  been  routed.  The  battle  began 
at  two  in .  the  afternoon,  and  the  shortness  of  the 
day  at  tlmt  season  proved  the  safety  of  the  king's 
army.  Even  his  standard  had  been  taken,  and  his 
standard-bearer  slain ;  but  by  an  odd  adventure  it 
was  recovered.  Essex,  to  whom  it  had  been 
brought,  committed  it  to  the  custody  of  his  secre- 
tary, and  two  royalists,  having  assumed  the  uniform 
of  their  enemies,  went  to  the  secretary,  and  pre« 


37^  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EtfPIRB.     ^ 

tending  that  it  was  unfit  for  a  gownman  to  carry 
a  standard,  obtained  the  custody  of  it,  with  which 
they  galloped  off  to  their  own  body.  One  of  them 
was  knighted  for  his  gallantry  ^. 

On  the  following  morning  Hampden,  with  three 
or  four  thousand  fresh  troops,  joined  Essex,  and 
strenuously  advised  to  follow  up  the  present  ad- 
vantage. Had  his  advice  been  taken,  success,  in 
all  probability,  would  have  been  inevitable;  but 
Essex,  if  he  really  desired  to  see  such  a  termination 
to  hostilities,  was  as  cautious  as  a  general,  as  un- 
questicmably  brave  in  his  own  person ;  and  repos- 
ing cmifidence  only  in  men  accustomed  to  war, 
consulted  with  Colonel  Palbier  and  other  old  sol* 
diers,  who,  as  their  routine  discipline  did  not  ad? 
mit  of  such  ardent  motions,  confirmed  the  opinion 
of  the  general  to  decline  any  further  engagement  f  • 
Nay,  he  was  satisfied  to  retreat  towards  Coventry, 
leaving  the  king  in  a  measure  master  of  thie  field ; 
and  Charles  now  uninterruptedly  pursued  his  ori- 
ginal intention  of  investing  Banbury  Castle,  which 
surrendered  without  resistance,  though  garrisoned 
with  1 UOO  men  t.  Both  parties  claimed  the  vic- 
tory in  the  battle  of  Edgehill,  and  publicly  gave 
thanks  for  it  to  God.  There  fell  on  both  sides 
from  5000  to  6000  men  ;  and  it  was  remarked  as 
singular,  that  on  the  same  day  of  the  month  in  the 
preceding  year,  the  Irish  rebellion  broke  out^. 

*  RtHfa.  vol.  V.  p.  3S,  et  uq.    Cltr.  voL  iii.  p.  43,  et  seq.    Cai1e'$ 
letters,  vol.  i.  p.  9,  ei  seq.    May,  lib.  iii.  p.  15,  etseq, 
t  Whitelocke,  p.  64..  "     \      J  Clar.  vol.  iii.  p.  SB,  ei  seq, 

§  May,  lib.  iii.  p.  21. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  977 

Some  runaways  on  the  parliament's  side,  who  had 
seen  every  thing  through  the  medium  of  their  own 
cowardly  fears,  reported  a  complete  rout,  and  the 
intelligence  spread  consternation  through  the  me- 
tropolis, while  it  emboldened  the  king's  secret 
friends,  and  even  e&cted  a  change  upon  the  Ian-' 
guage  of  many  who  had  been  previously  inclined 
towards  the  liberal  side.  But  the  truth  soon  re- 
lieved the  fears  of  the  wellrdisposed,  and  quieted 
their  secret  enemies,  while  it  confirmed  the  wa- 
vering. 

Essex  marched. to  Coventry,  leaving  the  king  to 
pursue  his  own  course  towards  Oxford ;  apd  as 
Prince  Rupert  began  to  make  incursions  with  his 
horse  upon  the  neighbourhood  of  Loudon,  the  par* 
liament  called  up  their  own  forces  as  a  guard. 
The  general  was  honourably  received  at  Westmin* 
ster.  The  parliament  voted  him  L.5000,  and 
complimented  him  upon  his  acceptable  service  in 
the  bloody  battle  of  EdgehilL  But  it  was  neces- 
sary  to  recruit  his  army ;  and,  to  procure  men  the 
more  readily,  the  parliament  immediately  ordained 
that  all  apprentices  who  entered  the  service,  should 
not  forfeit  their  privileges  in  r^ard  to  their  indettr 
tares ;  but  that  their  sureties  shpuld  be  n;lieved, 
and  the  time  of  the  young  men  spent  in  that  army 
be  counted  as  if  they  still  continued  in  the  em* 
ployment  of  their  masters.  Many  enlisted ;  and 
thus  the  army  was  recruited  with  active,  intelli* 
gent,  young  men,  full  of  the  adventurous  spirit  be- 
coming soldiers. 

The  king  also  recruited  his  army;    but  he 


978  H»TORY  or  TfUB  BBITI8H  XMPIR8. 


^ugbt  no  credit  to  his  oiikse  by  enlistaBg  the 
IMifusts  of  Lanciusbire  *• 

J^Up^rt  ragged  over  the  country  with  hift  hMse^ 
which  <;o<Miitted  imheard*of  inldiencies.  White- 
loqke  ioforoii  u^  that  his  liouse  was  takea  posses- 
sion of  by  about  1000  horse^  under  Sir  John  Byron 
and  his  brother^  and  that  these  gentlemen  were 
kiQd  enough  to  order  the  soldiers  to  abstaiA  from 
insolence  sftd  (blunder }  but  that  suoh  was  the  stat6 
of  discipline^  that  the  loose  soldiery  committed 
every  outrage.  *^  They  carried  their  whores  with 
them>  consumed  whatever  they  could  find  of  meat 
or  liquor^  lighted  their  pipes  with  the  choicest 
manu$cript4»  and  even  the  title-deeds  of  his  estates  ; 
littered  their  horses  with  sheaves  of  wheat ;  broke 
down  his  fences;  cut  his  beds,  and  let  out  the 
feathers,  that  they  might  carry  off  the  ticking,  and 
left  no  sort  of  linen  or  bouaehold-^tuff.  They  took 
his  horses,  add,  in  a  word,  oemmitted  all  the  mis^ 
chief  and  spoil  that  malice  conld  provoke  barbar- 
ous enemies  to  commit  t."  Tlie  imprudence  of  to* 
lerotiog  such  liceittibittness  was  only  equalled  by 
the  ^iqk^dness.  It  corrupted  the  army,  and  fa^ 
ther  alienated  the  people. 
Attack  on  .  It  V/w  the  purpbse  of  Charles  to  mardi  to  Lon* 
fs^N^'  don  ;  and  ais  be  approached,  he  proclaimed  a  pM** 
^^^'  don  upon  submission.  The  parliament,  anxiouft 
still  to  rescue  the  country  from  the  horrors  inci- 
dent to  civil  war,  voted  an  address  for  peace,  and 


*  Whitdocke,  p.  64.     Rash.  vol.  y.  p.  49,  $0. 
t  Whitelocke,  p,  65. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  379 

ikisired  ^  «ife  oonduet  &r  the  Earls  of  Noiihuin- 
berlaod  and  Pembroke,  Lord  Wenman,  Mr.  Piere- 
poifit,  (Boii.of  the  Earl  ot'  Kingston,)  Sir  John  Eve- 
lyb,  and  Sic  Johq  Hipf»e$ley.  But  the  king  re« 
fused  tQ  grant  a  safe  pass  tA  Evfjyn,  on  the  ground 
of  hi3  having  been  already  proclaimed  a  traitor ; 
and  the  two  bouses  were  so  inflamed  that  they 
voted  this  to  be  a  refusal  of  the  treaty ;  yet  the 
more  moderate  ultimately  succeeded  in  haviog  the 
vote  rescinded,  and  a  commissioa  granted  exclus** 
ive  of  that  gentleman.  They  petitioned  the  mo* 
narch  to  take  up  his  residence  in  London  till  the 
terms  were  adjusted  i  Md  he  appointed  Windsor ; 
but  as  all  thoughte  of  a  treaty  were  precluded  by 
the  promise  to  the  queen,  and  his  own  headstrong 
preconcerted  resolutions,  he  only  listened  to  ac- 
commodation that  he  might  destroy  his  parliament 
in  the  moment  of  false  security.  The  twa  houses 
no  sooner  proposed  a  treaty,  than  they  issued  out 
orders  to  their  troops  for  a  cessation  of  hostilities, 
and  now.  dispatched  a  messenger  to  determine  up- 
on a  regular  truce.  But  Charles  who,  though  the 
messenger  for  the  tr^ty  bad  not  arrived,  was 
aware  of  the  pacific  disposition  of  his  adversaries, 
and  had  learned  that  their  artillery  was  at  BreBt- 
ford  without  a  sufficient  guard,  while  the  troops, 
confident  of  a.  mutual  cessation,  were  quite  un- 
prepared, conceived  that  he  had  now  a  grand 
chance  of  making  himself  master  of  their  artil- 
lery, and  marching  directly  to  the  city.  A  thick 
fog  favoured  the  enterprise.  The  royal  army 
marched  unseen,  and  reached   Brentford  before 


d60  H<«TOaY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE* 

their  approach  was  suspected.  To  deceive  the 
parliament,  he  sent  a  messenger,  a  very  little  be- 
fore him,  to  Westminster,  to  inform  both  bouses, 
that  having  understood  Essex  had  drawn  out  his 
troops,  he  had  deemed  it  necessary  to  advance  to 
Brentford.  Luckily  for  the  parliament  there  were 
stationed  there  two  regiments  of  foot,  the  one  com* 
manded  by  Hampden,  the  other,  (which  was  first 
attacked,)  by  HoUis,  and  a  small  one  of  horse* 
The  foot,  though  so  few  in  number,  eflfectually 
opposed  the  march  of  the  king*s  forces  during  the 
greater  part  of  the  afternoon,  and  saved  the  artil- 
lery. The  noise  of  the  firing  spread  the  alarm, 
and  other  troops,  which,  most  fortunately,  were 
at  the  very  time  mustered  in  Chelsea  fields,  were 
brought  to  their  assistance.  Before  their  arrival, 
however,  the  so^all  party  were  quite  encompassed 
by  the  enemy;  and  when  they  understood  that 
their  services  were  no  longer  required  to  save  the 
artillery,  the  city,  and  indeed  the  cause,  they  threw 
themselves  into  the  river  in  hopes  of  reaching  the 
opposite  bank ;  but  this  proved  fatal  to  many,  and 
a  considerable  number  were  rescued  from  the  wa- 
ter as  the  captives  of  their  adversaries.  In  the 
mean  time  the  king's  soldiers  committed  the  great* 
est  rapine  and  violence  upon  the  town. 

Next  morning  the  trained-bands  were  called  out 
of  the  city,  and  by  the  activity  of  Pennington, 
the  Lord  Mayor,  and  the  officers  of  the  militia, 
were  brought  into  the  field  in  spite  of  opposition. 
These  troops  marched  with  alacrity  under  Skip** 
pon,-p-the  only  old  soldier  who  maintained  his 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  381 

character  during  the  war.  His  rhetoric  on  the 
occasion,  though  homely,  is  said  to  have  been  per« 
suasive  with  the  men :— i-**  Come,  my  boys,  my 
brave  boys,  let  us  pray  heartily  and  fight  heartily ; 
I  will  run  the  same  fortunes  and  hazards  with  you : 
Remember  the  cause  is  for  God,  and  for  the  de- 
fence of  yourselves,  your  wives,  and  children  : — 
Come,  my  honest,  brave  boys,  pray  heartily,  and 
fight  heartily^  and  God  will  bless  us." 

About  SOOO  of  the  parliament's  army  were  quar- 
tered at  Kingston,  and  Essex  was  advised  by  the 
new  adventurous  officers  to  order  them  to  Houns** 
low,  that  they  might  take  the  king  in  rear,  while 
he  advanced  with  the  main  body  in  front ;  and 
had  the  plan  been  adopted,  it  would  most  likely 
have  been  crowned  with  success.  But  Dalbier» 
Sir  Jdm  Merick,  and  other  old  soldiers,  recom- 
mended an  opposite  course, — ^that  of  marching 
them  round  by  London  bridge  to  join  the  main 
body ;  and  as  their  advice  was  followed,  the  troops 
were  exhausted  with  fatigue  when  they  should 
have  been  ready  for  action. 

The  whole  parliamentary  army  was  drawn  out 
on  Tumham-green,  about  a  mile  from  Brentford, 
and  consisted  of  24,000  men,  as  stout,  gallant^ 
well-habited,  and  armed,  says  Wbitelocke,  as  ever 
were  to  be  seen  in  any  army,  and  apparently  ia 
the  highest  spirits  for  battle.  It  was  now  resolved 
on  to  divide  the  army,  and  send  one  detachment  by 
Acton  Hill  to  attack  the  king^s  forces  in  rear,  while 
Essex  ynth  the  main  body  assailed  them  in  frmt  j 


382  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRK. 

and  Hampden,  ever  ready  for  a  hazardous  enter- 
prise, was  one  of  those  appointed  to  march  by  Ac- 
ton Hill ;  but  the  detachment,  after  it  had  pro- 
ceeded about  a  mile,  and  the  scheme  was  ripe  for 
execution,  received  a  countermand.  A  consulta- 
tion was  then  held  whether  the  army  should  ad- 
vance, and  most  of  the  parliament  men  and  gen- 
tlemen, who  were  officers,  were  decidedly  for  im- 
mediate action  ;  but  the  old  soldiers  of  fortune  op- 
posed it,  and  Essex  embraced  their  opinion,  by 
which  Charles  was  allowed  to  draw  off  even  his 
baggage  and  ordnance.  When  the  troops  had  been 
regaled  with  good  cheer  from  the  city,  another 
consultation  was  held  as  to  the  propriety  of  pur- 
suing the  enemy,  and  again  the  advice  of  the  old 
soldiers  prevailed  against  the  general  opinion,  which 
was  strenuously  urged.  The  reasons  assigned  by 
the  old  soldiers  were  such  as  might  have  been  ex- 
pected from  their  habits :  That  it  was  hazardous 
to  pursue  the  enemy,  and  that  the  army  had  al- 
ready reaped  honour  enough  in  having  frustrated 
the  royal  project,  and  obliged  the  king  to  retreat. 
It  was  afterwards  confessed  by  some  of  the  royalist 
party,  that  as  their  bullets  were  nearly  exhausted, — 
the  real  cause  of  the  retreat, — ^they  could  not  have 
maintained  the  contest  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour. 
Charles  returned  to  Oxford,  where  he  was  assured 

« 

of  the  support  of  the  university,  though  the  towns- 
men were  less  fnendly  inclined  ^. 

*  Wbitelocke^  p.  SB,  M.  Roab.  vol.  r.  p.  56,  et  nq.  Ckr.  toL 
ill.  p.  70,  et  teq.  M8S.  Brit.  Mus.  Ayscough,  4169.  Let.  to  Lord 
Fairfax  from  the  Committee  of  Safety,  I5th  Nov. 


HISTORT  OF  THE  BRTFISH  £MPIRS.  9SS 

The  proeeeding  at  Brentford  excited  die  utmost 
abhorrence  in  the  metropolis.  It  was  declaimed 
against  as  full  of  perfidy  during  a  treaty,  atid  the 
inhabitants  trembled  at  the  recollection  of  the 
danger  they  had  escaped,  as  they  understood  that 
the  city  would  have  been  given  up  to  plunder ; 
an  idea  confirmed  by  what  occurred  at  Brentford; 
and  which  is  faintly  denied  by  Clarendon,  who 
admits  that  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  re* 
fltiaki  the  troops.  Charles  made  a  twofbld  de- 
fence of  himself;  1st,  That  there  was  no  actual 
cessation  of  hostilities ;  2d]y,  That  he  did  not  mean 
to  enter  the  city.  As  these  grounds  are  irrecon- 
dleable^  he  ought  to  have  confined  himself  to  the 
firsty  though  it  would  have  proceeded  with  a  bet- 
ter grace  from  a  g^eral  engaged  in  hostilities  be- 
tween contending  nations,  than  from  a  king  who 
had  drawn  the  sword  against  his  own  people,  to 
whom,  as  a  father,  he  professed  a  desire  of  recon- 
cilement ;  and  it  should  not  be  forgotten,  that  he 
had  virtually  acknowledged  the  understanding  as 
to  a  cessation  by  the  perfidious  message  which  he 
sent  to  the  parliament  apologizing  for  his  advance. 
But  the  second  ground,  which  destroys  the  first, 
though  accompanied  with  appeals  to  heaven  for 
his  sincerity,  was  calculated  to  sink  his  own  char- 
acter, not  to  gain  belief.  His  grand  object  had 
always  been,  (if  we  can  excuse  his  recourse  to  arms 
at  all,  we  must  allow  that  it  was  a  wise  one,)  to  ob- 
tain possession  of  tiie  capital ;  and  if  there  were  no 
understanding  of  a  cessation,  it  is  impossible  to 


384  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE* 

conceive  a  itiotive  fdr  bis  stopping  Abort  almost  at 
the  gates  *. 

Tbe  hope  of  accommodation  now  was  more  re* 
mote  than  ever.  Twice,  even  after  Essex  bad  been 
furnished  with  full  instructions,  bad  the  royal  army 
been  in  the  power  of  the  parliament's ;  but  the 
opportunities  bad  been  lost ;  and,  as  the  contribu- 
tions which  had  been  calculated  as  sufficient  to 
bring  the  war  to  a  conclusion^  were  expended^  it 
became  necessary  to  raise  money  by  general  a»- 
sessments.  These  were  accordingly  iitiposed  by 
ordinance,  and,  as  was  to  have  been  anticipated^ 
the  proceeding,  which  threatened  the  ruin  of  the 
opposite  party,  was  denounced  with  every  odious 
epithet  as  downright  plunder :  The  royalist,  of, 
as  it  was  denominated  by  the  parliament^  the  ma« 
lignant,  party  too,  hoped  to  have  been  liberated 
from  contribution.  New  taxes  upon  a  people  that 
had  already  borne  so  much,  were  not  expected  to 
be  popular,  and  the  king  supposed  that  they  would 
alienate  the  public  affections  from  his  adversaries ; 
but,  to  his  disappointment,  the  city,  the  grand 
source  of  wealth,  continued  staunch  to  the  par- 
liament, and  declared  against  a  treaty,  while 
the  people  in  general  deeply  resented  the  irregu- 
larities and  rapines  of  his  troops.  Another  ordi- 
nance was  passed  for  fitting  out  ships  to  intercept 
foreign  supplies  to  the  king  t.  In  the  upper  house, 

*  See  CUr.  toL  iii.  p.  70,  et  seq. ;  and  Hiub.  Coll. 
t  Rush*  vol.  ▼.  p.  S4,  S5. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  SS5 

subscriptions  were  entered  into  for  supporting  the 
army,  and  the  example  was  recommended  to  the 
commons  *. 

At  every  step  the  two  houses  proposed  accom- 
modation ;  and  another  petition  was  now  presented 
to  the  king,  praying  him  to  desert  his  army  and 
to  return  to  them  ;  but  the  proposal  was  rejected 
with  disdain.  Charles  had  indeed  cause  to  be 
more  elated  than  ever.  He  expected  officers,  am- 
munition, and  money  from  Holland,  and  the  as- 
sistance of  troops  and  money  from  Denmark.  Let- 
ters to  this  effect  were  intercepted,  and,  in  the  face 
of  those  numerous  appeals  to  heaven  with  which 
the  truth  was  denied,  confirmed  the  parliament's 
-information  on  that  subject  f  •  In  the  north,  the 
Earl  of  Newcastle  had  raised  considerable  forces 
for  the  king,  having  for  their  support  levied  con- 
tributions at  pleasure ;  and  had  likewise  associated 
the  counties  of  Cumberland,  Northumberland,  and 
Durham  for  the  royal  cause.  Ferdinando,  Lord 
Fairfax,  whose  estate  lay  in  Yorkshire,  Che  had 
been  created  a  peer  of  Scotland,)  and  who  had 
great  influence  in  the  north,  was  appointed  by 
Essex  general  of  that  district,  but  he  with  difficulty 
kept  his  ground  against  the  earl.  Goring  havipg 
landed  with  the  queen^s  standard,  and  a  great  num- 
ber of  officers,  together  with  a  large  stock  of  am« 
munition,  had  joined  the  Earl  of  Newcastle,  who 

*  Cobbett's  Pari.  Hiit.  toI.  in^  f.l^  ei  geq.    Rui)i.  t^  T«  P*  T^* 
0t  uq'    Clar.  voL  iii.  p.  30^  78, 98,  ei  $eq. 
t  Rash.  ToL  T.  p.  66—60. 

VOL.  njt.  3  c 


886         aiBTOET  or  ths  British  empibs. 

carried  the  town  pf  whidi  he  bore  the  title,  while  the 
king  looked  for  the  most  overwhelming  aid  from 
both  Ireland  and  Scotland  *. 

In  the  mean  time  the  opposite  party  was  not 
idle.  Norfolk,  Suffolk»^£ssex,  Hartford,  Cambridge, 
and  Ely,  were  associated  for  the  parliament,  by 
Lord  Grey  of  Wark,  Derby  and  other  counties 
by  Lord  Say ;  and  the  plan  once  fairly  begun  on 
both  sides  went  on  rapidly*  Wherever  the  pro- 
perty of  the  counties  chi^y  belonged  to  a  few  oi 
the  great  aristocracy  who  joined  the  king,  the 
royalists  were  successful*  In  most,  where  the 
land  was  more  divided,  the  parliament  interest  pre- 
vailed ;  and  in  the  towns  it  experienced  small  op- 
position. It  is  remarkable  that  it  was  chiefly  in 
the  north  and  in  Wales  that  the  royalist  associa- 
tions were  formed,  and  that  in  these  quarters  the 
Catholic  religion  was  prevalent.  In  military  ope- 
rations too  the  parliament  had  considerable  suc- 
cess {  Winchester  and  Chester  were  carried  by  its 
army ;  and  600  of  the  king's  troops  were  routed 
at  Malton  in  the  north.  Sir  Thomas  Fairfgi^  toq, 
the  son  of  Lord  Fairfax,  began  to  shew  his  talents 
&}T  war,  and  commenced  his  brilliant  career*  Leeds 
was  carried  by  him,  when  SOO  prisoners  fell  into 
his  hands ;  Wakefield  and  Doncaster  also  surren- 
dered to  him  t* 

Still  there  was  an  ardent  desire  for  peace*  The 
city  petitioned  his  majesty  on  the  subject,  profess- 
ing their  loyalty  and  their  grief  for  his  distrust 

*  Whitdocke,  p.  06.    Clar.  toL  ii.  p.  718.  in.  p.  141. 
t  Ibid,  f,  69.    Rush,  t^  t.  p.  06,  €t  seq.    May,  lib.  iL  €.  S. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  S87 

of  them.  The  answer  had  a  very  opposite  effect 
from  what  was  anticipated.  He  told  them  that 
he  entertained  a  good  opinion  of  many  of  them, 
and  attributed  their  misconduct  to  a  few  desperate 
characters  who,  though  without  title  to  respect  either 
from  wealth  or  virtue,  yet  to  the  di^ace  of  the 
city,  governed  against  the  will  of  the  majority ; 
and  that  he  could  willingly  grant  a  pardon  to  all 
except  Ptonington,  the  pretended  Lord  Mayor, 
Venn,  Foulke,  and  Manwaring.  He  concluded  with 
a  threat  against  all  who  continued  to  assist  his  ad< 
versaries,  either  by  pa3dng  taxes  or  otherwise. 
When  this  answer  was  returned,  a  committee  of 
parliament  attended  the  common-council,  and  Pym 
harangued  that  body  on  the  monstrous  sacrifice— 
of  their  chief  magistrate  and  other  respectable  ci« 
tizens— which  was  demanded  of  them ;  declaring 
in  the  name  of  the  parliament  a  readiness  to  live 
and  die  with  the  city.  The  address  was  received 
with  unmingled  acclamations  of  applause  *. 

About  this  time,  Charles  tried  to  reduce  the 
kingdom  by  another  device.  He  ordered  the  courts 
of  justice  to  be  adjourned  from  Westminster  to  Ox* 
ford,  by  which  he  hoped  to  place  the  general  pro- 
perty at  his  discretion,  as  his  judges  could  there^  by 
the  influence  of  himself  and  his  army,  have  ar- 
raigned and  condemned,  or  outlawed  whom  he 
pleased :  But  the  attempt  was  resolutely  oppos- 
edt. 

*  Ruah.  tqL  y.  p.  110.  et  seq,    Whitdocke,  p.  ^6.    Cltf.  yd.  iL 
p.  180.  et  seq* 
t  Old  Pari  Hist.  yoL  zfi.  p.  l¥i,HHf,   Gobt'i.  toL  iiL  p.  65.6. 

2c2 


S88 


HISTORY  OF  THfi  BRITISH  J^MFIRE* 


tu^  Ox-  ^^  ^P^^^  o^  former  miscarriages,  the  two  houses 
*^  made  another,  and  a  great  effort,  for  reconcile* 
ment;  and  a  safe  conduct  was,  on  the  S8th  of 
January,  granted  by  the  king  for  the  Earls  of 
Northumberland,  Pembroke,  Salisbury,  and  Hol- 
land, and  Lords  Winman,  and  D^ngarvon;  Sir 
John  Holland,ISir  William  Litton,  Pierpoint,  White- 
locke,  Edmund  Waller  the  poet,  and  Winwood, 
On  their  arrival  at  Oxford,  Waller  was  treated 
with  extraordinary  respect,  Charles  having  told 
him  that,  though  last,  he  was  not  least  in  his 
favour.  But  the  cause  of  this  was  soon  afterwards 
discovered  :  Waller  was  at  the  time  engaged  in  a 
conspiracy  to  betray  the  city  *.  The  propositions 
from  the  two  houses  were,  that  the  king  should 
disband  his  army,  return  to  his  parliament,  leave 
delinquents  to  trial,  and  allow  papists  to  be  disarm- 
ed ;  pass  a  bill  for  the  abolition  of  episcopacy,  with 
other  bills  for  the  reformation  of  religion,  &c. ; 
remove  malignant  counsellors ;  settle  the  militia  ac- 
cording to  the  former  desire  of  the  parliament ; 
and  fill  up  the  offices  with  the  individuals  whonri 
they  had  recommended ; — ^pass  a  bill  to  clear  Lord 
Kimbolton  and  the  five  members  of  the  commons ; 
enter  into  an  alliance  with  the  palatinate ;  grant 
a  general  pardon,  with  the  exception  of  the  Earl  of 
Newcastle,  Lord  Digby,  and  some  others ;  and  re- 
store to  their  offices  members  of  parliament  who 
had  been  displaced,  as  well  as  indemnify  theif 
losses.    The  kin^,  on  the  other  hand,  propose4 

f  Wbitalocke^  p.  67. 


HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  389 

that  his  revenue,  magazine,  towns,  ships,  and  forts, 
should  be  restored  ;  whatever  had  been  done  con- 
trary to  his  right  recalled,  and  the  illegal  powers 
arrogated  by  the  parliament  disclaimed ;  that, 
though  he  would  readily  execute  all  laws  concern- 
ing popery,  a  bill  should  be  passed  for  preserving 
the  book  of  common  prayer  against  sectaries : 
That  all  persons  excepted  out  of  the  general  par- 
don should  be  tried  by  their  peers ;  and  that,  in 
the  mean  time,  as  was  prayed  for  by  the  parlia- 
ment, there  should  be  a  cessation  of  hostilities. 
Such  were  the  propositions  on  both  sides  *. 

As  the  respective  terms  proposed  were  so  discor- 
dant, it  is  not  wonderful  that  nothing  should  have 
been  done  in  the  treaty  for  a  time :  in  the  inter-r 
val,  hostilities  continued,  and  the  king's  affairs  be- 
gan to  wear  a  promising  aspect,  for  though  a  cessa- 
tion was  asked  by  the  parliament,  and  seemingly 
wished  by  him,  he  slyly  encouraged  an  address 
against  it,  lest  he  should  be  forced  into  what  he  was 
resolved  against^-peace,  that  imported  any  thing 
short  of  unconditional  submission  in  his  people  f  • 
Prince  Rupert,  with  4000  horse  and  foot,  had 
marched  by  Cirencester,  where  the  magazine  of 
the  county  lay,  put  the  £arl  of  Stamfort's  regiment, 
and  other  troops,  to  the  sword,  taking  1100  pris- 
oners and  8000  stand  of  arms.  The  honour  that 
would  have  redounded  to  him  by  this  victory  was 

*  Wbitelocke,  p.  67.  Old  ParL  HlBt  toL  xiL  p.  147.  ei  seq. 
Cobbett'iy  voL  iii.  p.  6S.  et  seq. 

t  Clarendon  reveals  all  this  in  bit  life,  which  is  in  this  instance  at 
direct  Tariance  with  his  history.    life,  yoL  i  p.  80—157. 

2c3 


890  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

lost  by  the  cruelty  with  which  he  stained  it.  The 
prisoners  were  stript  almost  naked  in  that  incle- 
ment season,  tied  together  with  cords»  beaten,  and 
driven  along  like  dogs.  *'  When  they  arrived  at 
Oxford,"  says  Whitelocke,  who  was  present,  «*  the 
king  and  lords  looked  on  them,  and  too  many 
smiled  at  their  misery."  One  individual  instance 
is  dwdt  on  by  tliat  author :  A  genteel,  handsome 
young  mism,  the  whiteneiis  of  whose  skin  is  remark- 
ed by  so  grave  a  writer  as  Whitelocke,  covered 
with  wounds,  was  placed  aXtxioit  naked  upon  the 
bare  back  of  a  horse ;  but,  though  the  blood  stream- 
ed in  i&very  direction  down  bis  body,  he  sat  erect 
with  an  undaunted  mein.  As  b»  approaclied  the 
kingi  a  female  exclaimed,  <<  Ab^  you  traitorous 
rogue,  you  are  well  enough  served."  The  young 
man  having  exerted  himself  to  bestow  the  opprobri- 
ous epitiiet  which  she  probably  merited,  instantly 
expired.  **  The  beginning  of  sudi  cruelty  by  Eng- 
lishmen to  their  countrymen  was  afterwards  too, 
too  much  followed  *."  lb  addition  to  this  good  for- 
tune on  the  royal  side,  the  Queen  landed  at  Bur<* 
lington  Bay  with  many  officers^  as  well  as  a  great 
quantity  of  military  stores,  &c«  and  soon  collected 
troi^.  To  the  Pritici  of  Orange  Charles  had 
been  greatly  iddebted  for  men  and  money,  and  the 
parliament  had  dispatched  an  ambassador  to  the 
states,  to  remind  them  of  their  obligations  to  Eng- 
land in  their  grand  struggle  for  independence*  and 
to  protest  against  assistance    to  their   monarch 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRX.  891 

against  his  people ;  but  it  was  some  time,  (and  the 
interval  was  well  employed  on  the  other  side,)  be** 
fore  the  ambassador  obtained  an  audience ;  and 
though  he  then  received  an  assurance  from  the 
States,  who  proffered  their  mediation^^between  the 
contending  parties,  that  no  further  aid  should  be 
given,  the  promise  was,  through  the  influence  of 
the  Prince  of  Orange,  very  ill  regarded  *• 

We  learn  from  Clarendon,  the  very  apologist  of  ^^^' 
Charles,  that,  though  the  monarch  entered  into 
the  negociation  with  all  the  semblance  of  a  fer<« 
▼ent  desire  to  put  a  period  to  the  public  calamities^ 
he  was  firmly  resolved  against  peace.  But  he  pro^ 
mised  himself  many  advantages  from  the  treaty^ 
which  he  flattered  himself  that  he  should  find  a 
pretext  for  breaking  off  at  pleasure :  it  satisfied 
the  ceaseless  importunities  of  his  followers  for  ac< 
commodationr,  and  convinced  the  people  of  his 
fatherly  wish  to  restore  harmony,  while  it  affi>rded 

*  Warwick^  p*  S37*  Rush.  voL  t.  p«  1^7.  et  seq,  dar*  vol.  iiL  p^ 
IiS-3.  This  noble  author  here  tells  ub  of  the  dextrous  senrice  per« 
formed  by  the  queen^  in  providing  ''  great  quantities  of  arms  and 
ammnnitkm,  with  some  considerable  sums  of  monej,  and  g«od  store  of 
officers  ;"  yet  abuses  Vice- Admiral  Batten^  who  had  been  stationed  to 
intercept  foreign  supplies,  for  having  treasonably  fired  upon  the  house 
on  the  quay  where  she  lodged,  immediately  after  shehad  landed^as  if  he 
eonld  know  where  she  lodged.  He  with  equal  rancour  assails  the  pir« 
liament  for  not  having  disavowed  the  act ;  and  he  pretends  that  about  a 
hundred  shot  were  fired  at  the  house.  His  statement  does  no  credit  to 
his  candour.  Batten  discharged  his  duty  in  firing  upon  the  four  smaE 
vessels  which  contained  the  stores,  in  order  to  destroy  them^  and  aa 
flome  of  the  balls  fell  about  the  house  she  lodged  at,  she  was  obliged 
to  move.  Had  he  levelled  the  fifth  part  of  a  hundred  at  the  house  he 
must  have  battered  it  down.  But  could  this  be  called  treason  ?  Waa 
she  not  avowedly  in  arms  against  the  people  and  laws  of  Englaod? 


d92  HISTORT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE* 

hitn  an  opportumty  to  endeavour  to  corrupt  the 
parliamentary  commissioners,  as  well  as  others  from 
the  metropolis*  and  thus  inspired  the  hope  of  at- 
taining by  treason  what  he  might  never  accomplish 
by  the  sword.  Alarmed,  as  we  have  said,  lest  any 
suspension  of  hostilities  should  so  far  tend  to  recon- 
cilement, that  his  real  designs  might  no  longer 
elude  the  vigilance  of  his  pursuers,  he  secretly  en- 
couraged an  address  from  the  gentlemen  of  several 
counties  against  the  truce  which  was  proposed  by 
the  other  side — ^that,  by  military  operations,  the 
passions  of  his  party  should  be  more  inflamed  *• 
The  two  houses,  with  that  cautious  prudence  which 
became  a  great  legislative  assembly,  had  strictly 
limited  the  powers  of  their  commissioners  by  writ- 
ten articles,  and  the  king,  who  expected  to  gain 
more  upon  the  individuals  than  upon  the  body  by 
which  they  were  deputed,  remarked,  **  that  he  was 
Sony  that  they  had  no  more  trust  reposed  to  them ; 
and  that  the  parliament  might  as  well  have  sent 
their  demands  to  him  by  the  common  carrier,  as 
by  commissioners  so  restrained  t."  Yet  he  and  his 
advisers,  with  that  narrow,  crooked  policy,  which 
always  characterized  them,  imagined  that,  by  de- 
bauching the  chief  commissioners,  they  might  ob- 
tain the  command  of  the  parliament ;  and,  if  we 
.may  credit  Clarendon,  whose  veracity,  however,  is 
not  to  be  relied  on,  Northumberland,  if  not  others, 

*  Ckr.  Life,  toL  L  p.  SO— 156, 157.  Let  this  be  compared  with  what 
iattatedin  the  history,  and  the  reader  will  be  aUe  to  fonn  aQiiie  idea 
of  this  wxiter'0  yeradty* 

t  Id.  p.  75—147. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  SQS 

could  have  been  gained  at  no  great  expence*    But 
Charles  conceived  himself  to  be  in  a  fair  way  to 
secure  the  full  height  of  his  ambition — the  abso- 
lute command  of  the  persons  and  property  of  his 
subjects.     His  army  had  of  late  obtained  some  suc- 
cess, and  the  queen  had  not  only  brought  with  her 
farther  supplies  from  Holland,  but  had  augmented 
Newcastle's  army.    Many  officers  from  the  Conti- 
nent accompanied  her,  and,  as  fresh  Catholics  were 
daily  enlisted,  a  great  military  force,  independent 
of  that  general  body  of  the  aristocracy  by  which  he 
was  attended,  promised  to  be  at  his  devotion,  and 
enable  him  to  shake  off  the  controul  of  a  class 
that,  while  it  supported  him,  crippled  all  hi^  most 
unconstitutional  motions.    Edmund  Waller  and 
others  had  engaged  in  a  wide-spread  and  artful 
conspiracy    for   betraying  the  city  to  the  royal 
army ;   Montrose  flattered  the  monarch's  hopes, 
by  mighty  assurances  of  aid  from  Scotland  ;  and, 
while  Ormonde    prepared    to  conclude  a  cessa- 
tion with  the  Irish  rebels,  that  the  army  employ- 
ed against  them    might  be  transferred  into  the 
king's  service  in  England,  deputies  from  the  in- 
surgents appeared  at  Oxford,  and  protfered  great 
assistance  from  the  body  they  represented.     In 
addition  to  all  this  he  expected  aid  from  foreign 
states  *.     When,  with  this,  we  reflect  that  Charles 
was  perfectly  persuaded  that  in  war  he  had  every 

*  Rmh.  ToL  ▼.  p.  350.  take  thu  leferenoe  along  with  aU  other  chr- 
eomstanoes.  With  regard  to  the  cessation^  I  shall  giye  an  account  of 
it  by  and  bye,  and  rapport  it,  as  I  coftcdTe,  by  irrefiragable  evidence 
of  a  very  different  description  from  Mr.  Hume's. 


984  HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIIffi. 

conceive  a  motive  fdr  his  stopping  short  almost  at 
the  gates  *• 

The  hope  of  accommodation  now  was  more  re- 
mote than  ever.  Twice,  even  aft^r  Essex  had  been 
furnished  with  full  instructions,  had  the  royal  army 
been  in  the  power  of  the  parliament's ;  but  the 
opportunities  had  been  lost ;  and,  as  the  contribu- 
tions which  had  been  calculated  as  sufficient  to 
bring  the  war  to  a  conclusion^  were  expended,  it 
became  necessary  to  raise  money  by  general  as- 
sessments. These  were  accordingly  imposed  by 
ordinance,  and,  as  was  to  have  been  anticipated^ 
the  proceeding,  which  threatened  the  ruin  of  the 
opposite  party,  was  denounced  with  every  odious 
epithet  as  downright  plunder :  The  royalist,  of, 
as  it  was  denominated  by  the  parliament^  the  ma*- 
lignant,  party  too,  hoped  to  have  been  liberated 
from  contribution.  New  taxes  upon  a  people  that 
had  already  borne  so  much,  were  not  expected  to 
be  popular,  and  the  king  supposed  that  tbey  would 
alienate  the  public  affections  from  his  adversaries ; 
but,  to  his  disappointment,  the  city,  the  grand 
source  of  wealth,  continued  staunch  to  the  par- 
liament, and  declared  against  a  treaty,  while 
the  people  in  general  deeply  resented  the  irregu- 
larities and  rapines  of  his  troops.  Another  ordi- 
nance was  passed  for  fitting  out  ships  to  intercept 
foreign  supplies  to  the  king  t.  In  the  upper  house, 

*  See  Cltr.  toL  iii.  p,  70,  et  stq. ;  and  Hiub.  Coll. 
t  Rush*  vol.  Y.  p.  84^  Si. 


RI8T0RT  OF  THE  BBITISH  EMPIRE.  S85 

subscriptions  were  entered  into  for  supporting  the 
army,  and  the  example  was  recommended  to  the 
commons  ^. 

At  every  step  the  two  houses  proposed  accom- 
modation  ;  and  another  petition  was  now  presented 
to  the  king,  praying  him  to  desert  his  army  and 
to  return  to  them  ;  but  the  proposal  was  rejected 
with  disdain.  Charles  had  indeed  cause  to  be 
more  elated  than  ever.  He  expected  oflScers,  am- 
munition, and  money  from  Holland,  and  the  as- 
sistance of  troops  and  money  from  Denmark.  Let- 
ters to  this  efiect  were  intercepted,  and,  in  the  face 
of  those  numerous  appeals  to  heaven  with  which 
the  truth  was  denied,  confirmed  the  parliament's 
information  on  that  subject  f  •  In  the  north,  the 
Earl  of  Newcastle  had  raised  considerable  forces 
for  the  king,  having  for  their  support  levied  con- 
tributions at  pleasure  ;  and  had  likewise  associated 
the  counties  of  Cumberland,  Northumberland,  and 
Durham  for  the  royal  cause.  Ferdinando,  Lord 
Fairfax,  whose  estate  lay  in  Yorkshire,  (he  had 
been  created  a  peer  of  Scotland,)  and  who  had 
great  influence  in  the  north,  was  appointed  by 
Essex  general  of  that  district,  but  he  with  difficulty 
kept  his  ground  against  the  earl.  Goring  havipg 
landed  with  the  queen^s  standard,  and  a  great  num- 
ber of  officers,  together  with  a  large  stock  of  am« 
munition,  had  joined  the  Earl  of  Newcastle,  who 

*  Cobbetl't  PtrL  Hist.  voL  W^  f.\^  ei  seq,    Rusfi.  tqL  t,  p.  ^l* 
et  seq-    Clar.  voL  iii.  p.  30,  78, 98,  ei  seq, 
t  Rnsb.  ToL  T,  p.  65^0. 

vol..  nj.  «  C 


384<  HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  £MPIIUE« 

conceive  a  motive  fdr  his  stopping  short  almost  at 
the  gates  *. 

The  hope  of  accommodation  now  was  more  re- 
mote than  ever.  Twice,  even  aft^r  Essex  had  been 
furnished  with  full  instructions,  had  the  royal  army 
been  in  the  power  of  the  parliament's ;  but  the 
opportunities  had  been  lost ;  and,  as  the  contribu- 
tions which  had  been  calculated  as  sufficient  to 
bring  the  war  to  a  conclusion^  were  expended,  it 
became  necessary  to  raise  money  by  general  as- 
sessments. These  were  accordingly  iidposed  by 
ordinance,  and,  as  was  to  have  been  anticipatedf 
the  proceeding,  which  threatened  the  ruin  of  the 
opposite  party,  was  denounced  with  every  odious 
epithet  as  downright  plunder :  The  royalist,  of» 
as  it  was  denominated  by  the  parliament^  the  ma** 
lignant,  party  too,  hoped  to  have  been  liberated 
from  contribution.  New  taxes  upon  a  people  that 
had  already  borne  so  much,  were  not  expected  to 
be  popular,  and  the  king  supposed  that  they  would 
alienate  the  public  affections  from  his  adversaries ; 
but,  to  his  disappointment,  the  city,  the  grand 
source  of  wealth,  continued  staunch  to  the  par- 
liament, and  declared  against  a  treaty,  while 
the  people  in  general  deeply  resented  the  irregu- 
larities and  rapines  of  his  troops.  Another  ordi- 
nance was  passed  for  fitting  out  ships  to  intercept 
foreign  supplies  to  the  king  t.  In  the  upper  house, 

*  See  Clar.  roi.  iii.  p.  70,  cf  seq, ;  and  Hn»b.  Coll. 
t  Rush*  vol.  y.  p.  84^  85. 


BISTORT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  S85 

subscriptioDs  were  entered  into  far  supporting  the 
army,  and  the  example  was  recommended  to  the 
commons  *. 

At  every  step  the  two  houses  proposed  accom- 
modation  ;  and  another  petition  was  now  presented 
to  the  king,  praying  him  to  desert  his  army  and 
to  return  to  them  ;  but  the  proposal  was  rejected 
with  disdain.  Charles  had  indeed  cause  to  be 
more  elated  than  ever.  He  expected  officers^  am- 
munition^  and  money  from  Holland,  and  the  as- 
sistance of  troops  and  money  from  Denmark.  Let- 
ters to  this  effect  were  intercepted,  and,  in  the  face 
of  those  numerous  appeals  to  heaven  with  which 
the  truth  was  denied,  confirmed  the  parliament's 
-information  on  that  subject  f  •  In  the  north,  thje 
Earl  of  Newcastle  had  raised  considerable  forces 
for  the  king,  having  for  their  support  levied  con- 
tributions at  pleasure  i  and  had  likewise  associated 
the  counties  of  Cumberland,  Northumberland,  and 
Durham  for  the  royal  cause.  Ferdinando,  Lord 
Fairfax,  whose  estate  lay  in  Yorkshire,  (he  had 
been  created  a  peer  of  Scotland,)  and  who  had 
great  influence  in  the  north,  was  appointed  by 
Essex  genersd  of  that  district,  but  he  with  difficulty 
kept  his  ground  against  the  earl.  Qoring  havipg 
landed  with  the  queen^s  standard,  and  a  great  num- 
ber of  officers,  together  with  a  large  stock  of  am« 
munition,  had  joined  the  Earl  of  Newcastle,  who 

*  Cobbetl't  Pari.  Hist.  toL  Jov  p.  I4.  el  teq.    Ru^i.  tqL  t,  p.  7I. 
€t  uq»    Clar.  voL  iii.  p.  30^  78^  98>  et  teq. 
t  Roib.  ToL  T.  p.  65«-h(0, 

VOL.  njt.  2  c 


S84f  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE* 

conceive  a  motive  fdr  his  stopping  ^hort  almost  at 
the  gates  *• 

The  hope  of  accommodation  now  was  morel  re- 
mote than  ever.  Twice,  even  aft^r  Essex  had  been 
furnished  with  full  instructionsi  had  the  royal  army 
been  in  the  power  of  the  parliament's ;  but  the 
opportunities  had  been  lost ;  and,  as  the  contribu- 
tions which  had  been  calculated  as  sufficient  to 
bring  the  war  to  a  conclusion,  were  expefnded^  it 
became  necessary  to  raise  money  by  general  as- 
sessments. These  were  accordingly  imposed  by 
ordinance,  and,  as  was  to  have  been  anticipated, 
the  proceeding,  which  threatened  the  ruin  of  the 
opposite  party,  was  denounced  with  every  odious 
epithet  as  downright  plunder :  The  royalist,  of, 
as  it  was  denominated  by  the  parliament^  the  ma* 
lignant,  party  too,  hoped  to  have  been  liberated 
from  contribution.  New  taxes  upon  a  people  that 
had  already  borne  so  much,  were  not  expected  to 
be  popular,  and  the  king  supposed  that  they  would 
alienate  the  public  affections  from  his  adversaries } 
but,  to  his  disappointment,  the  city,  the  grand 
source  of  wealth,  continued  staunch  to  the  par- 
liament, and  declared  against  a  treaty,  while 
the  people  in  general  deeply  resented  the  irr^u- 
larities  and  rapines  of  his  troops*  Another  ordi- 
nance was  passed  for  fitting  out  ships  to  intercept 
foreign  supplies  to  the  king  t.  In  the  upper  house, 

*  See  Clar.  toI.  iii.  p.  70^  et  seq. ;  and  Husb*  CoU. 
t  Rush^  vol.  ▼.  p.  84^  85. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  SS5 

subscriptions  were  entered  into  for  supporting  the 
army,  and  the  example  was  recommended  to  the 
commons  *. 

At  every  step  the  two  houses  proposed  accom- 
modation ;  and  another  petition  was  now  presented 
to  the  king,  praying  him  to  desert  his  army  and 
to  return  to  them  ;  but  the  proposal  was  rejected 
with  disdain.  Charles  had  indeed  cause  to  be 
more  elated  than  ever.  He  expected  oflScers,  am- 
munition, and  money  from  Holland,  and  the  as- 
sistance of  troops  and  money  from  Denmark.  Let- 
ters to  this  efkct  were  intercepted,  and,  in  the  face 
of  those  numerous  appeals  to  heaven  with  which 
the  truth  was  denied,  confirmed  the  parliament's 
-information  on  that  subject  f  •  In  the  north,  thje 
Earl  of  Newcastle  had  raised  considerable  forces 
for  the  king,  having  for  their  support  levied  con- 
tributions at  pleasure  ;  and  had  likewise  associated 
the  counties  of  Cumberland,  Northumberland,  and 
Durham  for  the  royal  cause.  Ferdinando,  Lord 
Fairfax,  whose  estate  lay  in  Yorkshire,  (he  had 
been  created  a  peer  of  Scotland,)  and  who  had 
great  influence  in  the  north,  was  appointed  by 
Essex  generd  of  that  district,  but  he  with  difficulty 
kept  his  ground  against  the  earl.  Goring  having 
landed  with  the  queen^s  standard,  and  a  great  num- 
ber  of  officers,  together  with  a  large  stock  of  am* 
munition,  had  joined  the  Earl  of  Newcastle,  who 

*  CobbeU'i  Pwrl.  Hiit.  yoL  iiv  ^.  If  el  geq.    Ru^.  i^  ▼•  P*  ?!• 
et  $eq*    Clar.  voL  iii.  p.  30^  78^  98,  et  $eq. 
t  Rasb.  ToL  T,  p.  65^0« 

VOL.  njr.  2  c 


400  HISTORlr  OF  THE  BRITISH  SMPIRE. 

while  they  received  hints  from  a  friendly  quarter 
to  beware  of  assassination  *• 

In  the  mean  time  Hamilton  and  Montrose  at* 
tend  the  queen,  who  eagerly  listens  to  the  most 
desperately  wicked  schemes.  The  first  gave  hopes 
of  prevailing  with  his  countrymen,  in  spite  of  the 
Aigyle  party,  to  declare  for  the  king ;  the  latter 
proposed  a  mode  better  adapted  to  the  dark  un- 
principled impetuosity  of  his  own  character,  and 
the  ears  which  he  addressed— rto  raise  a  party  sud* 
denly  and  unexpectedly  in  Scodand,  and  with  it 
massacre  the  chief  covenanters,  when,  having  borne 
down  all  opposition  there,  they  might  bring  the  re«> 
sources  of  that  kingdom  into  the  service  of  his  ma* 
jesty  against  England.  Hamilton  objected  to  this 
scheme  for  its  impracticability,  which  he  exposed 
on  feasible  grounds ;  but  Montrose,  having  secur* 
ed  an  ally  who  promised  vast  assistance  from  Ire- 
land, succeeded  in  carrying  his  point ;  and  a  ter- 
rible scheme  was  devised.  The  ally  alluded  to  was 
the  Earl  of  Antrim ;  and  the  plot  hatched  with  the 
queen,  and  fully  approved  of  by  her  husband,  was, 
that  Antrim,  who  measured  the  integrity  of  other 
men  by  his  own,  should,  by  the  highest  offers,  bribe 
Monro,  the  Scottish  lieutenant-general  in  Ireland, 
by  whom  the  troops  were  really  commanded,  to 
declare  for  the  king,  and  transport  his  army  to 
England,  (the  army  had  been  by  late  arrangements 
augmented  to  10,000,)  while  Antrim  should  raise 

^  BaiUie's  Letters^  vol.  ,  356>  et  seq.  Buniet'i  Mem.  of  the  Ha-v 
miltODS^  p»  188.  etseq,  Clar.vol.  iii.  p.  62.  et  seq.  8i*  etseq.  174.  el 
seq.    Life,  toI.  i.  p.  80.  148*  et  seq. 


aisf  dRY  OF  !rttE  Bitirisk  empire*        401 

a  large  body  bf  the  Catholics  to  invade  Scotland^ 
to  act  in  Conceit  with  Montrose ;  that  the  M^Do- 
halds  in  the  Isles,  and  the  Gordons  in  the  north; 
who  were  relied  upon,  should  be  suddenly  raised^ 
and,  under  Montrose,  sweep  down  upon  the  cove^ 
nanters  before  they  even  suspected  danger,  and 
thus  having  Secured  that  kingdom,  march  in  con* 
junction  with  the  Irish  to  the  south. 

Though  this  terrible  scheme  was  fully  resolved 
upon,  Charles  continued  to  affect  a  desire  to  gain 
the  Scots  by  the  most  magnificent  promises,  that 
each  third  place  in  the  English  council  should  be 
filled  ulrith  a  native  of  that  kingdom^  and  that-^an 
arrangement  which  he  is  alleged  to  have  formerly 
proposed,  while  their  army  was  in  England^  to  en^ 
gage  it  against  the  parliament-^the  northern  coun^ 
ties  should  be  ceded  to  Scotland..  Ormonde  wasi 
at  the  same  time,  urged  to  conclude  a  cessation 
with  the  rebels,  that  the  army  under  him  might 
be  transported  to  the  other  side  of  the  water^  andf 
a  fresh  army  be  raised  from  the  insui^nts  *i 
When  we  reflect  on  this  plot,  it  is  impossible  to 
Suppress  our  indignation,  and  deny  that  it  infinite- 
ly exceeded  the  guilt  which^  in  so  far  as  guilt 
must  be  measured  by  Intentiota,  attached  to 
Charles,  for  authorising  the  original  insurrection. 
He  had  then  the  same,  if  not  stronger,  motives 
than  now  for  resorting  to  extremities^  because  h^ 

*  Boraet's  Memt.  of  the  ilamiitoiis,  p«  21liL  ei  ieq.  Wuhan*8  Lifd 
of  Montrose,  p.  8S*  et  teq.   Append,  p.  422.  et  teq,    Baillie's  Let  toL 
i.  p.  335.  et  seq%    Appenid.  to  Carte's  Ormonde,  p.  1.  et  seq,    CwM 
Let  Tol.  i.  p.  19.    Burnet's  Hist  voL  i.  p.  74.  Milton's  Prose  Wmtey 
Tol*  ii  p.  412; 

VOL*  TIL  9  D 


402  HISTORY  OW  TBS  BRITISH  SMPIBE* 

knew  that  the  terfm  which  were  bow  demaoded 
had  then  been  fuity  determined  on  by  the  parlia* 
mentt  while  he  felt  himself  less  able  than  he  had 
9i»ce  hecomd  Ac  cootetid  With  the  torrent :  no  one 
ooidd  hfeive  predicted  the  horrid  atrocities  that  ac- 
boBipamed  that  rd>dlipn :  and,  as  it  could  not  be 
denied  that  the  Catholic  party  had  been  much  op* 
pressed,  we  have  some  sympathy  with  the  prince^ 
Ivho,  m  father  of  his  pec^le,  listened  to  the  prayers 
of  six^sevenths  of  a  nation*  But,  after  such  expe^ 
rknce  of  their  unexampled  cruelty,  to  conceive 
iheipbm  of  istroducuig  them  into  Britain,  nrhere, 
if  fittccessfid,  they  musft  have  been  expected  to  act 
v^er  again  many  of  the  dismal  scenes  that  had 
•been  ^  exinbtted  in  the  sister  isle»  beS]^ks  a  diiipo- 
-sition  to  which  it  is  not  easy  to  do  justice*  In 
considering  a  questioii  of  this  nature,  we  are  too 
•pt  to  oegafdit  asm  case  of  war  between  bosttle 
states  which  are  not  accotintalde  to  each  other  for 
*the  instruments  they  eiafloy;  bust  it  is  a«  U9&jr 
view^'tiie  nMttter,  thou^  it  ^U  be  a(feutte4» 
that  even  in  such  a  ease  there  are  certain  rules  ob- 
-eer^red :  By  the  manimous  consent  of  civilised  na- 
tions the  scalping  knif*e  as  abhorred,  and  quarter  is 
given.  Even  in  this  light  the  kiog^  conduct  is 
indefensible ;  but,  when  we  reflect  that  he  ought 
<to  imve  considered  himself  the  father  of  his  peoplft 
^nd  hatne  had  no  interest  distinict  from  ilieirs ;  th^t 
he  had  declared  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  call- 
ing God  Almighty  to  witness  his  vemcity,  that  his 
<ttdy  object  was  to  vindicate  the  laws  against  a 
.feetion  which  gosiexued  affiiirs  conl^ajy  to  the  will 
of  the  majority  even  in  parliament ; — ^tbat  he  bad 


DISTORT  OF  TH£  SlUTlSH  EMPIBE.  403 

VAlh  equft]  sQlemnitj  decking  that  he  would  never 
Uaat  i^rith  the  r-ebel^  nor  grant  a  toleration,  while  he 
V9»  QOgooi^ting  all  the  tiiqe,  md  that  he  depended 
9olely  m)|pn  the  auction  of  his  subjects  in  vindica^ 
ting  the  rights  of  th,e  crown,  which  iuvolved  their 
own,  and  never  would  call  in  foreign  force,  which 
h^  €i09cc)iye4  would  he  fraught  with  the  ruin  of 
his  dominions  *, — ^we  cease  to  fiqd  an  apology.  If 
we  only  si$p99e  that  an  army  of  native  Irish  had 
entered  Ixu^Gp,  the  rebellious  city  a$  it  was  call« 
edj  ^nd  p^i^ure  to  ourselves  all  the  rapines,  burn- 

*  As  Clartndon  drew  the  papers  in  which  the  Ahnightj  is  so  ioTok- 
ed,  the  following  passage  wiU  afibrd  a  proof  of  his  character.  After 
mentioning  the  inclinations  of  foreign  kingdoms,  imd  coipplaiiiiqgthat 
they  fl^deafxmn^  instead  of  assisting  princes  against  thdr  people,  tg 
^w  dissension  in  foreign  states,  ''  as  if  the  religion  of  princes  were 
nothing  but  policy,  and  they  considered  nothing  more  than  to  make 
aO  other  nations  but  thdr  own  nuseraUe,"  he  o<mtil»ifli  thu^y  *'  a|i4 
|i0capseGod  hath  leserF^d  them  io  be  tiied  only  with|nhis  o^jwfs- 
djctioUj  and  before  his  own  tribunal,  that  he  means  to  try  them  too  by 
other  laws  and  rales  than  he  hath  published  to  the  world,  for  his  ser- 
▼ants  to  walk  by.  Whereaa  they  ong^t  to  eonndor  that  (^  iwt^ 
l^tfMa4  4Ma  oyer  his  peo|^  tm  examples,  apd  tp  |;iTe  oottntems^c^  tp 
f^  )il>fp,  by  their  strict  observation  of  them."  This  is  good ;  but 
mar^  the  sequel :  ''  and  that  as  their  subjects  are  to  be  defended  and  pro-* 
teeted^  their  prinees,  so  tkey  themselves  are  to  be  assisted  and  eujipartf 
f4pg  one  another,  thejimetion  of  kings  bein^  an  or^b^itseffr  The^ 
they  sEffi  all  alike,  and  consequently  there  are  no  ^imits  upon  ihis  or- 
der ;  or  at  least  none  of  which  they  themselycs  are  not  the  exclusive 
Judges.  "  And  as  a  contempt  and  breach  of  every  law  is^in  the  pett" 
fy  pf  state,  an  ^ffipnee  against  the  person  of  the  l^^g,  booauAe  thoe  k 
a  kind  of  violation  offered  to  his  person  in  the  transgression  of  that 
law,  without  which  he  cannot  govera."  Excellent  logic.  **  So  ^  re* 
betiion  of  su^feets  against  their  ffrtneeongkt  to  be  looked  npom  bgaUoth^ 
kings,  01  an  assanlt  of  their  own  sovereignty,  and,  in  some  degree,  a  de* 
.flgn  against  monarehif  itself,  and  consequently  to  be  suppressed  gndextir^ 
paled,  tn  whatsoever  other  kingdom  it  is  with  the  like  concernment,  as  if  it 
iMre  ts  iMr  oM  fc>iM&."  VoL  iiL  p.  M— 4.    See  Rnah.  V0L  T«  p.  S#. 

2d2 


404  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  £MPltaE« 

ifigs,  murders,  endless  abominations  that  mudt 
have  etisued  from  such  a  ferocious  rabble,  -we 
^hall  then  be  qualified  to  form  some  idea  of  the 
proceeding.  Nor  let  us  flatter  ourselves  that  such 
brutal  soldiery  could  have  been  restrained ;  for  the 
outrages  committed  by  them  in  Scotland,  which 
we  shall  have  occasion  to  detail,  are  utterly  re^ 
volting  to  humanity. 
Chtracterdf  From  the  part  performed  by  Montrose  in  this 
MoatroM.  bugiiieg^^  jt  iuajr  not  be  improper  here  to  give  a 

sketch  of  bis  character.  Active,  cruel,  daring,  and 
unprincipled,  he  seemed  formed  by  nature  for  ci- 
vil broils.  Chagrined  at  real  or  supposed  neglect 
from  the  court,  he  joined  the  covenanters  with  a 
bitterness  of  spirit  which  was  mistaken  for  enthu- 
siastic zeal.  But  vexed,  on  the  one  hand,  at  being 
Eclipsed  in  the  council  by  the  abilities  and  influ- 
ence of  Argyle,  and  in  the  army  by  Leslie>  and 
allured  on  the  other  by  the  prospect  of  high  court- 
favour^  the  wtot  of  which  had  first  stung  him  with 
mortification  and  revenge,  he  eagerly  listened  to 
tempting  offers,  and  not  only  engaged  to  renounce 
the  principles  for  which  he  had  contended,  but 
to  betray  the  cause^  to  conspire  by  perjury  against 
the  lives  and  honour  of  the  individuals  with  whom 
he  had  acted  in  concert,  and  latterly,  to  propose 
Cutting  them  off  by  assassinaitionf,  or  by  suddenbf 
raising  a  faction  in  the  hour  of  unsuspecting  secu- 
rityj  to  perpeftrate  an  indiscriminate  slaughter  up- 
on all  the  leading  men  of  the  party.  Detected  in 
his  wickedness^  and  utterly  cast  off  by  the  whole 
body  as  bloated  with  iniquity,  he  allowed  the  tu^ 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  40^ 

inpltuous  fury  of  wounded;  pride  and  disappointed 
aml^itipn  to  assume  the  semblance  of  pqnciplei 
and  looked  towards  the  ruin  of  the  pplitical  fran^ 
chises  and  the  religion  of  his  country,  which  he 
had  so  sworn  to  maintain,  as  to  the  necessary  re* 
moval  of  standing  reproaches  of  his  apostacy  an4 
barriers  to  his  aggrandizement.  I^epce  there  was 
no  scheme  so  desperate  that  he  hesitated  to  re- 
commend, none  so  wicked  that  he  declined  to 
execute.  His  eulogists  have  so  liberally  called  in 
the  aid  of  fiction  to  their  narrative  of  his  exploitSi 
sfit  to  represent  him  as  ^  prodigy  of  military  talent } 
yet,  when  we  examine  his  feats  through  the  me^ 
dium  of  truth  instead  of  romance,  we.  discover 
neiUier  the  comprehension  nor  the  cool  judgment 
of  a  great  general,  who  takes  in  a  wide  plan  of  ope« 
rations.  But  his  abilities  were  better  suited  to 
the  measures  he  projected  than  l^gh^r  genius. 
Misled  by  his  passions*  he  allowed  his  presump- 
tuous hopes  to  direct  his  understanding,  and  emt- 
barked  in  undertakings  which  f^  calculating  bead 
would  have  rejected }  bqt  addressing  himself  to 
the  wild  barbarians  of  the  hills,  who^  object  was 
plunder,  he  roused  them :  by  intrepidity  and  deci- 
sion, and  thus  seemed,  on  thp  sudden,  to  wield  re- 
sources of  which  nobody  anticipated  his  command; 
As,  however,  his  troops  were  ads^pted  to  him,  s<> 
was  he  to  them ;  and,  though  both  were  terrible 
in  desultory  wi^rfare,  neithei^  could  act  in  a  higher 
9phere.  His  firm  adherence  to.  the  royal  cause  afr 
ter  the  detection  of  his  conspiracies  against  the 
st^te,  has  $il  ready  been  accounted  for  withp^ul;  re-^, 

«pS 


406  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

dounding  to  hts  credit :  an  individual  of  intolera- 
ble pride  and  ambition,  whose  treachery  has  redu^ 
ced  bim  to  the  humiliating  condition  of  an  out* 
cast  from  one  party,  has  no  alternative  but  to 
clmg  to  another,  which  he  has  perfidiously  attempt- 
ed to  serve;  and  the  fortunes,  the  all,  of  Mon* 
Irose,  latterly  depended  upon  the  success  of  the 
royal  side.  It  has  been  justly  remained,  however, 
as  a  favourable  trait  in  his  character,  that  though 
he  could  not  bear  an  equal,  and  was  always  ready 
to  destroy  an  adversary,  whether  by  heroism  in 
the  field  or  by  the  cowardly  hiode  of  assassina- 
tion, he  was  sfclU  generous  to  those  who  testified 
Ibeir  sensfe  of  hia  superiority. 

We  shall,  iti  their  ^lace,  relate  ihei  Svents  which 
arose  but  erf*  the  detestable  projects  devised  by  him ; 
and,  in  the  meati  tiine^  resume  oiir  narrative. 

The  qneea  having  erected  her  standard^  (on 
which,  and  other  grouiicis,*--^s  having  caused  dis- 
tuibances  in  Scodand,  incited  tfafe  Irish  reb^ion, 
pawned  the  crowti  jewels,  &d  ishe  wai  iinpeached 
by  the  parliament  of  high  treason*,)  gave  great  sup- 
plies to  the  Earl  of  Newcastte,  with  whom  she  act- 
ed in  concert,  thbugh,  as  she  prefeh-ed  her  own 
favourites,  jealousy  soon  sprang  up  between  theih  f . 
Hie  king  had  solemnly  denied  that  he  retained 
Catholics  in  his  army,  Sand  absurdly  retorted  the 
charge  ti|)on  the  adverse  party ;  biit,  as  gr6at  part 
of  the  Eurl^  troops  Were  of  the  Romish  peniua- 
vion,  it  was  vain  fyr  that  hobleman  to  persist  in 

•  Mjiy,  Kb.  iii.  ip.  55.  t  Cktie's  Leitcn,  vol.  i.  p.  «0. 

3 


HiSYOAY  OF  THE  B1UTI8H  fiUPUUC.  407 

denying  the  fact,  and  while  he  owoed  that  part  of 
them  were  papists,  he  defended  the  me9mi*e  by  the 
practice  of*  princes  in  gctneral,  who  ^re  indifiereot 
to  tlie  religion  of  their  soldiers,  and  followed  the 
example  of  his  master  in  cbaipng  the  patliament 
with  being  equally  unscrupuloas*  The  junctiiQii 
of  the  que^n  and  the  earl  was  attended  with  great 
efiects ;  but  their  success  was  rather  apparent  than 
real.  Not  only  were  the  counties  of  Northumber- 
land, Cumberland,  and  Durham,  with  the  town  of 
Newcastle,  brought  under  subjection^  but  even  the 
northern  parts  of  Yorkshire ;  and,  in  spite  of  the 
vigorous  exertions  of  Lord  Fairfax,  and  his  heroiQ 
son  Sir  Thomas,  and  of  HulPs  being  in  the  power 
of  the  parliament,  the  queen  and  New^castle  still 
extended  their  conquests.  Fairfax  had  been  too 
much  neglected  by  the  two  houses,  and  he  was  at 
one  time  obliged  to  intimate  to  them  that,  unless 
he  received  supplies,  he  would  be  obliged  to  re<- 
nounoe  the  contest;  but  he  was  no  stranger  to  the 
internal  causes  of  decay  which  operated  on  the 
other  aide,  and  the  inherent  vigour  of  his  own 
party.  Newcastle  had  pressed  a  portion  of  bis  sol* 
diers,  and  levied  contributions  at  pleasure,  and 
even  allowed  his  men  to  pillage  the  country. 
^ence,  as  well  as  on  principle,  the  inhabitants  were 
everywhere  hostile  to  him,  and,  in  April,  when  he 
desired  a  mutual  cessation,  not  only  the  troops  of 
Fairfax  declared  their  aversion  to  it,  but  the  coun« 
try  population  in  general,  unless  they  were  indem- 
nified of  the  losses  they  had  sustained  througl?  the 


408  HISTOBY  OF  THE  BRITISH  BMFIRE. 

lawless  proceedings  of  his  army*.  With  the 
country  against  him,  Newcastle  could  not  long 
maintain  his  power,  since,  though  the  people  might 
for  a  season  be  kept  down  by  force,  they  would 
naturally  avail  themselves  of  any  reverse  in  their 
oppressor  to  rise  against  him.  But,  in  the  mean 
time,  he  was  terrible  in  that  quarter ;  and  after- 
wards became  still  more  so.  What  contributed  to 
the  temporary  misfortunes  of  Fairfax  was,  that 
Newcastle,  who  had  great  influence  in  Netting* 
hamshire,  succeeded,  by  garrisoning  Newark,  in 
cutting  off  his  supplies  from  the  parliamentary 
party  in  Lincolnshire.  A  detachment  of  New- 
castle's  army,  under  Mr.  Cavendish,  had  even  taken 
Grantham,  with  three  hundred  prsoners,  and  all 
their  arms  and  ammunition.  Scarborough  Castle 
too,  was  delivered  up  to  the  queen,  and,  though  it 
was  recovered  in  the  same  week,  it  was  again 
treacherously  surrendered.  Such,  in  the  early  part 
of  the  year,  was  the  posture  of  a&irs  in  the 
North  f.  • 

The  West  had  at  first  been  entirely  under  the 
authority  of  the  parliament ;  but  matters  had  since 
begua  to  take  a  different  turn.  The  Earl  of  Bed* 
ford,  at  the  head  of  some  parliamentary  forces,  had 

*  MBS.  Brit  M118.  Aysoough^  4168.  Extracts  from  the  Register 
Book  of  Letters  of  Ferd*  Lord  Fairfax-  May.  Rush.  voL  t.  p.  131. 
et  »eq.  868^  et  nq.  8ee  there  also  an  account  of  the  queen's  haughty 
reception  of  Sir  William  Fairfax,  who  was  sent  to  her  hy  Lord  Fairfax, 
with  the  yiew  of  inducing  her  to  interpose  her  influence  towards  an 
accommodation. 

t  Rush.  voL  V.  p.  66.  264,  865—268,  ei  seq.  274.  Clar.  vol.  iii. 
p.  137.  ei  seq,  143-4.     . 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  409 

obliged  the  Marquis  of  Hertford,  who  beaded  the; 
opposite  party,  to  retreat  into  Wales,  and  Sirf 
Ralph  Hopton,  Sir  John  Berkeley,  Ashhumbam;; 
9nd  others,  to  retire  into  Cornwall.  Qut  the  easet 
with  which  he  effected  this,  produced  a  contempt 
of  the  enemy,  whiqh  led  to  memorable  coosa-^ 
quences.  Instead  of  following  up  his  success,  the 
marquis  left  the  restoration  of  tranquillity  to  the 
commissioners  from  the  parliament,  aided  by  the 
militia  of  Devonshire ;  and  as  the  parliament  dest 
pised  the  opposite  party  in  that  quarter,  as  mudb 
as  the  earl  did,  both  the  marquis  and  the  rest  were 
thus  allowed  leisure  to  recruit  their  forces  and  pro^ 
ject  new  measures.  The  commissioners  conoeive(| 
the  plan  of  proceeding  in  Cornwall  by  a  legal 
course  against  the  royalists,  for  having  come  armed 
into  tliat  county,  and  a  presentment  against  them 
^fras  prepared ;  but  the  best  quality  of  that'  sliirey 
(the  same  spirit  does  not  appear  to  have  extended ' 
to  the  lower  classes,)  having  been  devoted  to  the 
crown  and  high  church  principles,  the  bill  wys 
thrown  out  by  the  grand  jury  ;  and  matters  did  not 
end  even  there ;  for  a  commission  from  the  king 
to  the  Marquis  of  Hertford,  as  general  of  that  dis^ 
trict,  and  another  from  that  nobleman  to  Sir  R; 
Falkland  having  been  exhibited,  the  grand  jury 
expressed  their  sense  of  his  majesty's  care  of  them» 
and  their  determination  to  support  him.  Feeling 
their  strength,  they  followed  the  example  whicli 
had  been  set  them  of  legal  measures,  and  indicted 
Sir  Alexander  Carew,  Sir  Richard  Sutler,  and  the 
other  parliamentary  commissioners,  lor  a  riot  and 
unlawful  aasemblv  at  Launcestoo,  and  also  for  riotf 


410        HiffroftV  ar  THB  BBiTim  xm^ire. 

Md  miofdemesnorg  against  maity  of  the  king^s  sub- 
jeets,  and  the  sheriff  being  a  keen  royaiist,  imme- 
diately raised  the  pos3e  commtatus.    In  this  way  a 
ttittitia  of  SOOO  well  armed  men  was  drawn  out, 
which  drove  the  few  parliamentary  forces  from  the 
coubty.    Hopton  wished  to  carry  this  army  beyond 
the  shire ;  biit  the  toldiers  refused  to  follow  him, 
SiS  an  act  not  required  of  them  by  the  law,  unless  in 
the  case  of  foreign  invasion^  Disappointed  thus»  Sir 
B6vil  Grenvillcp  whom  Clarendon  calls  the  most  be- 
loi^d  in  that  cdiintyt  Sir  Nicholas  Stanning,  Mr. 
John  Arundel,  anfd  Mr.  John  Trevannion,  immediate- 
ly formed  the  resdution  to  raise  regiments  ofvolun- 
feers ;  and,  as  young  gentlemen  of  the  shire  flocked 
to  their  standard^  and  gladly  accepted  of  subaltern 
eommands,  1500  men  were  soon  ready  for  the 
iield.    The  parliament,  now  sensible  of  its  error, 
and  of  the  necessity  of  suppressing  this  new  army, 
<Nrdered  its  forces  from  Dorset,  Somerset,  and  De* 
Von— which  were  all  under  its  authority— *>to  march 
under  the  Earl  of  Stamford  against  the  royalists. 
But  mismanagement  defeated  the  object.    Ruth- 
yen,  a  Scotsman,  commanded  one  detachment  of 
Stamford's  airmy,  which  preceded  the  main  body 
by  three  days*  march,  and  desirous  of  signalizing 
himself  by  the  conquest  of  the  Cornish  before  the 
Eail^s  arrival,  passed  the  Tamar,  six  miles  above 
Saltash,  in  order  to  hazard  a  general  battle  with 
his  detachment    His  army  exceeded  in  number 
that  of  the  volunteers,  but  diey  having  been  joined 
by  the  trained-bands,  became  supericxr ;  and  Hop- 
ton,  upon  whom  the  command  of  the  Cornish  was 
devolved,  had  too  much  discernment  not  to  per- 


linTORT  OF  THE  MrTIMfi  SHPIftV*  4U 

cieive  tb6  propria  of  fttf }kiag  n  Uow  iMfttfc  SfaiiK 
ford  came  lip«  The  two  MvAm  met  on  Bradick 
Down,  tod  the  parliamenuiry  troops  were  toiaUy 
routed.  BnthTen  fled  to  Sidtittb,  fibili  whicii  hm 
was  soon  driven,  and  escaped  hiiilself  wMi  difficuii 
ty  to  Plymouth,  with  the  loss  of  his  ondoonee,  eo^ 
lours,  kc  A  vessel,  with  stOKs  frmn  the  parlia- 
ment, also  fell  into  the  eriemy's  hands.  A  6e8i»- 
tion  was  then  concluded  between  the  parties  in 
that  quarter;  but  it  was  broken  in  the  spring', 
when  matters  took  a  still  more  decided  tuni  for  the 
king  •. 

Lancashire,  Chesshire,  and  Shropshire,  were  aop^ 
posed  by  Charles  to  be  firmly  devoted  to  hito ;  but 
the  parliament  party,  under  Sir  William  Brer^tmii 
whose  activity  was  indefatigable,  sood  became  8U* 
p^rior.  Chester,  indeed,  thtx>ugh  the  ifltefMt  of 
the  bishop,  continued  stedfast  to  the  kiftg)  but 
NantWich  was  fortified,  while  Manchester^  like 
all  the  great  manu&cturirtg  add  trading  towtis^ 
Was  devoted  to  the  parliametit  t.  The  state  of 
those  eoutities  exhibits  a  striking  picture  of  the 
feelmgs  dT  the  times.  The  Earl  of  Derby,  a  royal- 
ist. Was  the  individual  of  cihief  note  in  the  district, 
and,  fhmi  the  general  respect  which  had  been  bi<. 
therto  paid  to  his  ratik,  he  did  not  anticipate  the 


•  CMr.  ^^  iiL  p.  i8S»  et  iry.    Raih.  toL  ▼.  p.  96r. 

t  ''  The  town  of  Mtnclicster/'  aajt  Clarendon^  ''from  the  ban- 
ning (oat  of  thjit  fectiouB  humour  which  possessed  most  coqpontloiis, 
and  the  pride  of  wnA)  opposed  the  king,  and  declared  magSaierially 
IbrtlMpaxliniielitr  VoLiiLp.lM.  Bee  p.  3S3,  fir  an  accotmt  of 
BirmfcJiam,  or  Btrmingham.  "  Manchester,"  writes  Mr.  Trevor  to 
Ormonde,  »  a  fury, ''  is  the  very  London  of  those  parts,**  &c.  Carte*s 
Let  ydI  I.  p.  le. 


41 2  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE* 

slightest  exposition.    But  nothing  is  more  falla- 
cious than  liie  usual  outward  deference  shewn  to 
rank.    In  the  ordinary  current  of  B&an^  rank  pro- 
cures what  it  seems  to  desire*  but  in  revolutionary 
times,  though  it  still  has  influence,  it  becomes  pal- 
sied, unless  acccMOpanied  with  talent  as  well  s^  vir- 
tue.   Men  who  never  attempted  to  struggle  with 
the  influence  of  family,  but  had  lived  in  retire- 
ment, and  been  despised  by  the  aristocracy  as  be<> 
ings  of  no  consideration,  then  start  into  importr 
ance,  and  wither  all  the  feeble  energies  of  factitious 
concomitants,  unsupported  with  virtue  and  abii;* 
ties.    Such  Wto  the  case  in  tins  instance  :  new  men 
at  opce  appeared  fbriqidable,  and  Perby's  power 
sank.    The  papists  too,  who,  when  secretly  en- 
couraged  by  the  court,  had,  by  their  insurrections, 
alarmed  the  kingdon),  were  suppressed  by  the  po^ 
pular  party ;  and  individual),  whose  habits  seemed 
ibreign  to  a  military  life,  ahnojst  imipediately  shew^ 
ed  a  capadity  for  war,  which  the  oldest  soldiers 
could  not  contemn.    Their  very  enemies  pay  a 
trR)Ute  of  justice  to  their  sobriety  and  industry, 
virtues  which  they  confess  did  not  belong  to  their 
own  side.    But,  in  the  struggle,  the  popular  party 
bad  one  great  advantage:  supplied  with  money 
and  arms,  provided  to  them  by  the  pwrliaqient, 
they  had  no  occasion  to  oppress  the  inhabitants, 
while  their  adversaries  were  armed,  fed,  and  cloth- 
ed, at  the  expense  of  the  country,  "which  quickly 
inclined  it,"  says  Clarendon,  "  to  remember  th^ 
burthen  and  forget  the  quarrel."    But  the  foUowr 
ing  sentence  from  that  author  is  so  characteristic 
of  the  times,  that  we  should  do  injustice  to.  th^ 


HISTORY  OP  THE  BftlTISH  EBlPtRSi  418 

reader  by  omittiDg  it :  <<  The  difference  in  the 
temper  of  the  common  people  of  both  sides  was  so 
great,  that  they  who  indined  to  the  paiiiament 
left  nothing  unperformM  that  might  advance  the 
cause;  and  were  incredibly  vigilant  and  indus- 
trious to  cross  arid  hinder  whatsoever  might  pro^ 
mote  the  king's ;  whereas,  they  who  wii^hed  well 
to  him,  thought  they  had  performed  their  duty  in 
doing  so ;  and  that  they  had  done  enough  in  that 
they  had  done  nothing  Against  him  *•"  The  king 
bad  still  to  contend  with  another  disadvantage : 
as  he  depended  on  the  leading  aristocracy^  he  durst 
liot  displace  them,  however  unequal  to  the  office  to 
which  they  had  been  assigned^  This  was  exem* 
plified  in  the  present  instance ;  for  Charles,  while 
he  was  no  stranger  either  to  the  inactivity,  or  want 
of  talent  in  Derby,  was  yet  obliged  to  employ  him. 
The  influence  of  some  families  in  Wales  inclined 
that  country  towards  the  king,  and  North  Wales^ 
with  the  city  of  Chester^  kept  the  parliament  party 
in  Considerable  play  f  • 

The  midland  counties,  betwixt  Oxford  and  York^ 
were  chiefly  under  the  parliament.  Northamptoiv> 
shire,  Derbyshire,  Staffordshire,  and  Leicestershire, 
were  associated  for  it  under  Lord  Grey,  thongk 
commanded  by  Lord  Brooke.  Banbury,  which  was 
in  the  possession  of  the  royal  troops,  kept  part  of 
Northamptonshire  in  check;  but  as  they  were  oblige 
ed  to  subsist  by  contributions  upon  the  adjacent 
country,  there  was  no  great  probability  of  their  ex- 

•  Clar.  vol.  iiL  p.  147. 

t  Id.  p.  144^  et  seq,  Curte*8  Let.  voL  I  p.  15.    May,  Lib.  ii.  c  ^ 
Lib.  iii.  c.  4. 


loidMg^iMr  infllieiip?.  Inl^icestarfdb^eytpOytltera 
«nMicoiMideia)>lppiirty  wj^ed  forth^  Igog,  tl^ough 
tfa0  actiifi^  of  CoIqM  Hasting;,  »9oa  of  the  £^I 
•f  HftWtiofdQff  i  )7|it  the  gr«at^r  poitioa  of  tbe  iur 
htbitonts  ia^limd  rtro^gly  ^9  ,tbe  p^U^ent,  wd 
ite  untbority  ww  |Fiua^h9>at  in  the  other  cmo- 
liM  *•     But  thi»  .nph^epuMi  wbos?  exQrtipps  ha4 
been  w  hflQeftfiiftl  tp  the  cp^8e^  wi^  destined  tp 
fall  early  in  the  quarrel*    A  premat^re  attempt 
haivicg  been  miil^   hy  the  royal  party  against 
Litnbfiftld,  he  qmij^  t9  suppress  it,  ^nd  apt  he  sur- 
vejad  iihe  opcmtions  from  the  window  of  the  ca- 
thedral whid)  he  had  gvrisoned,  was  killed  by  a 
miisket«ahot  in  the  eye.    Loud  were  the  indeceii|; 
rgoicii^  of  the  royalists  on  the  occasion  i  and  the 
high  dergyt  (^ing  to  mind  that  he  had  said,— 
ahich  was  probttbly  an  invention  of  their  own,  for 
Buch  pious  frauds  were  frequent, — ^be  hop«d  to  see 
all  the  catbedials  in  £)iigland  pulled  dpwi^,  c^eqlars* 
fd  his  fata  a  ijjidgmeqt  inflicted  uppn  him  \>y  St^ 
Chad,  who  founded  the  edifice,  and  whoj^e  ^ay 
tiuty  reparted  it  to  have  been.    Hgy^  he  ^^as  said 
4o  have  prayed  that  morning,  that  it*  the  cause  he 
^ere  an  w^e  not  right  and  just,  be  might  he.prer 
afpiUy  Qttt  offt.    We  shall  ppt  pristend  tP  deterr 

*  P]|ur..T<»L  ii.  p.  m,  148.    Rush.  vpl.  v.  p.  169. 
t  Par.  Tol.  iiL  p.  149.    The  noble  historian  tells  all  this  with  the 
mtxnost  gratity,  ihouj^  he  retuctaaUy  does  jastiee  to  the  InlcgH^  ^ 
XoidfiaMke.  Thi« way fu^ja^ peat ciipcUt^l^^n^^ 
,jt»lyifaU^  (Wnd  p^^shedA  most  violent  speech  against  peace  in  Uiat 
Lord's  name^  with  such  a  similitude  of  style^  that  it  was  talten  ftr 
Brooke's  own  composition.    He  at  the  saine  time  hoasts  of  having 
M^  .fq^l^y^^Pfrou^  in  fi^bsicatyig  oi^e  for  peace  in  L<srd  Pemhrdce's 
name.    Life^  vol.  i.  p.  136. 169*    trfiud's  D^y,  Tronblea^  p.  901. 


te  bow  fio"  these  several  oiFcumBtanoes  cooGur- 
fed  to  complete  the  iuggestion  of  a  mirade,  tboogh 
tbere  ia  a  strong  pnssuoiptioii  against  the  coinci* 
denoe ;  but  we  may  well  remark,  what  assuredly 
few  will  deiiy*  that  ft  party,  eo  c<Hitemptibly  sa* 
perstitious,  was  not  entitled  to  charge  the  ^ 
posite  side  widi  bigotiy;  and  that  therdigiooa 
spirit  which  rose  against  this  superstition,  was 
Bec0S8ary  to  rescue  the  nation  irom  the  most 
deplorable  intellectual  bondage.  Lord  Brook 
was  remarkably  pious ;  but  an  ^enemy  to  prelaw 
oy,  though  an  ardent  friend  to  religious  as  well 
9s  jciyil  libertyt  His  talents  and  learning  wer^ 
considerable,  and  his  industry  great  With  regard 
to  the  saint,  his  power  terminated  with  the  execu* 
tion  of  vengeance  against  his  particular  enemy.; 
for  the  parliamentary  forces,  beaded  by  Sir  Jolin 
Gell,  Goippleted  tiie  victory  which  Lord  Brook  bad 
begun  ^. 

In  the  eastern  oountie^i  98  Norfolk*  Suffolk^  Es* 
9ex,icc.  which  w^re  all  associated  for  the  parlia* 
ment,  the  individual  who  really  constituteil  tbe 
life  of  the  association  was  Oliver  Cromwell  j  and 
be  very  early  gave  signal  proofs  pf  those  talentp 
which  afterwards  raised  him  so  high  f  •  In  some 
of  the  southern  shires  a  party  ipanifested  itself 
fer  the  king ;  but  the  rapid  marches  of  Sir  Wil* 
liam  Waller,  who  had  been  appointed  to  the  com* 
■land  of  a  detachment  of  the  army,  soon  over- 

^  May,  Lib^iiL  c.  S>  CUr.  hist  ib.  Rush.  yqL  r.  p.  147.  White- 
locke,  p.  69. 

'f  Ruih*  ToL  T.  p.  S7.'Mft7,lib.ii.  p.  106;  ii.  p.  5S.  S9L  dm.  w^LISL 
p.  8S,  196. 


41^  ikl^ORT  OP  THE  lilUTISH  EMPIRE. 

powered  it.  He  surprised  Winchester  on  the 
18th  of  December,  where  he  took  800  prisons 
ers,  and  Chichester  on  the  2d  of  January,  when,; 
rapidly  passing  through  Wiltshire,  capttiring 
Maimsbuiy  by  the  way,  he  advanced  to  the  re- 
lief of  Gloucester^  which  was  at  that  time  besiege 
ed  by  the  Lord  Herbert^  afterwards  Earl  of  Gb^ 
morgan.  This  ndbleman,  add  his  father  the  Mar- 
quis of  Worcester,  were  rigid  Catholics;  and,  as 
they  had  great  influence  in  South  Wales,  where 
the  Romish  party  preponderated,  they  obtained  a 
joint  commission  from  the  king  to  assume  the  go^ 
vernment  of  that  district,  in  which  their  authority 
appears  to  have  been  undisputed  except  in  Pem« 
brokeshire.  The  son  embarked  in  the  royal  cause 
without  scruple.  The  father^  in  spite  of  his  reli-* ' 
gion  j  regarded  with  no  favourable  feelings  the  late 
inroads  upon  the  rights  of  the  community,  and  was 
with  di£Sculty  prevailed  on,  by  the  intercessions  of 
his  own  son,  to  join  the  king,  without  some  securi- 
ty for  the  privileges  of  the  people^  But  having 
once  embarked  in  the  cause,  he  soon  perceived 
that  his  all  depended  on  its  success ;  for  the  acti- 
vity of  his  son,  with  the  avowal  of  principles  in- 
compatible with  the  constitution,  naturally  brought 
the  father  under  the  imputation  of  the  same,  de- 
sign,— an  imptitation  which  his  religion  confirmed ; 
and  the  rigour  of  the  parliament  being  proportion- 
ate, he,  in  a  personal  view,  saw  himself  bereft  of 
all  hope  but  in  carrying  matters  to  extremities, 
which  his  understanding  and  sentiments  equally 
condemned  *«    The  taking  of  Cirencester  by  Ru^ 

*  Clar.  State  Papen^  vol.  ii.  p.  l44, 6,  I4 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  417 

pert,  had  considerably  extended  the  territory  um 
der  the  authority  of  the  royalist  ^arty,  and  had! 
Gloucester  also  &Ilen,  acoflrniunicatidnwoold  hive 
been  opened  with  Wales  of  vast  importance  to  tfad 
king.    To  prevent  this  was  the  object  of  WaHer'a 
march  ;  and  as  the  inhabitants  of  the  vicinity,  aa 
well  as  townsmen,  were  all  heartily  inclitied  tCM 
wards  the  parliament,  they  furniriiedhim  with  flatp 
bottomed  boats  with  which  to  pass  the  Severn. 
Having  secretly  formed  his  arirangemehts,  there* 
fore,  he  deceives  the  enemy  by  a  feint  upon  Cirra^ 
cester,  then  suddenly  passing  the  river,  attacks 
Herbert's  forces  in  rear,  while  the  towosnken  saU 
lied  upon  them  in  front    The  besiegers  were  in 
this  way  completely  routed  i  five  hundred  Welsh 
were  put  to  the  sword,  a  thousand  taken,  prisoners, 
with  tiie  arms  and  ammunition,  and  the  remaind» 
dispersed.    Herbert  himself  with  difficulty; escaped 
to  Oxford.    After  this  Waller  took  Tewksbury, 
then  Chepstow,  where  he  sased  upon  a  ship  o£ 
great  value  belongii^  to  the'aiemy.    He  next 
marched  to  Monmouth,  which  surrendered  upon 
terms.    The  terms  were,  that  the  arms  and  am* 
munition  should  be  delivered  up,  but  that  quarter 
should  be  given  the  soldiers,  plunder  prohibited,, 
and  the  ladies  civilly  treated.   Hereford  also  yield* 
ed  to  him.    Many  gentlemen  of  distinction  were 
taken  prisoners  *.    Leaving  Waller  for  the  present 


•  Clar.  Tol.  iii.  p.  ISS,  ei  seq.    Rush.  vol.  iii.  p.  8G3.  Mzj,  lib.  m^ 
p.  7\,  ei  seq, 

you  m.  2  U 


418  HISTOKf  OF  TH£  BBCTISH  EMFIRE. 

we  shall  Ktnrn  to  Essex,  wko  itiight»  hj  one  blow, 
luive  terminated  the  wan 

Imoiediateiv  after  the  breach  of  the  treaty  at 
Oxford,  paiiiaiiient  determined  to  send  Essex  into 
Ae  field  with  a  fine  army,  which  it  was  expected 
would  speedily  end  the  war.  He  set  out  on  the 
1^^  of  April  with  p,000  foot  and  8000  horse,  fiiU 
ly  equipped  for  any  service ;  and,  had  the  advice  of 
the  committee  of  war;  and  particularly  of  Hampden, 
who  attended  with  bis  own  regiment,  and  had  given 
proof  of  such  vigour  and  military  skill  as  to  be 
deemed  little  infeHor  to  the  general  himself,  beei^ 
fidlowed,  the  #ar  would  by  one  bold  stroke  have 
been  brought  to  a  period.  The  stdyiqe  was  to  march 
directly  to  Oxtbrd,  the  seat  of  thd  court^  and  thus 
by  a  vigorous  attack  tipdn  the  heart  of  the  pause^ 
dBfect  what  could  not  be  accomplished  by  wasting 
time  and  {strength  upon  the  distant  member9.  1% 
IS  confbssed  by  Clarendon  himself  that  the  plan 
ihust  have  proved  successful  For  the  town  waa 
pooiiy  fwtified,  and  the  royal  army  inferior^  while 
the  nobility,  as  well  as  the  ladies  about  thb  court, 
were  so  easUy  alarms,  that  every  attempt  at  re- 
sistance would  have  been  crippled.  What  niotives 
fnduced  Esses^  tp  pursue  a  di^rent  course  it  is  not 
easy  to  determine ;  but  sqspidons  have  been  enter- 
tained that,  afraid  of  being  overtopped  by  the  popur 
lar  party,  he  was  disinclined  towards  such  decisive 
measures,  hoping  that,  afte^  the  war  had  been  a  lit* 
tie  longer  protracted,  an  accommodation  might  be 
entered  into  on  terms  more  favourable  to  the  king, 
and  that  hq  should  be  able  to  secure  to  himself  the 


JUIOTORV  OF  TUB  BRITISH  SMTIBB.  419 

hifbest  fBSB^kB  of  the  rojral  faVour*.  The  <M  soldieri  sdge  and 
supported  him  in  all  hm  moteufcetttsi    £^r  deter?*  Hnd^g. 
mined  to  take  Reading  $  but*  instead  of  attempt- 
ing it  by  fitorm,  according  to  the  urgetit  cdccnn^ 
mendation  of  the  comcdittee  of  war,  tbiit  lie  liii^ht 
then  march  directly  to  Oxford^  which  wais^  dofabt^ 
lea^  the  wiae  plan»  he  rtsdved  upon  a  siege  f.  To 
raw  levies  at  such  a  season  di  the^ybar  nothing 
could  be  more  destructive ;  and  tholi^k  aU  reqlii* 
aite  supplies  were  sent  from  the  metrdpblii^  dt^ 
eases  were  Engendered  ivhich  wasted  away  ffieir 
numbers^  or  unfitted  a  great  part  for  senriee^    The 
town  held  out  for  ten  days,  and  then  surfi^ndbred 
upon  tends,  which  were  violated  by  the  cotnoMm 
soldiery  in  spite  of  all  efforts  to  restrain  them.  The 
garrisont  according  to  the  articles,  were  to  mA'ch 
out  without  their  arms,  with  their  sidk  and  wound- 
ed, and  the  officers  Ifrere  to  retain  their  swbrds. 
The  soldiers  on  the  opposite  side  seind  the  hats 
and  swords  of  som6  officers,  when  Essex,  to  rektrsin 
them»  slashed  several  with  iiis  owd  band.    In  tiieir 
justification^  th0  troops  aUeged  thbt  ibiit  condui^t 
was  the  proper  retUrb  of  iA  infringement  of  aiti^ 
des  by  the  besi^d,  who,  under  the  pretence  of 
cariying  off  the  sick  in  wa^gon%  ttlid  'fednfcealbd 
four  hundred  stlEuid  of  arms,  ^ich  the  victoH  sei3»» 
ed.    But  many  of  the  soldiers  had  enlisted  from  a 

•  Clarendoii  pnys  a  eompUment  to  Essex  for  retaining  a  amall  sbaro 
ofloyaJty,  which  prevented  him  from  attacking  a  place  where  the  king 
himself  was  stationed.    Vol.  iii.  p.  238. 
tibid. 

2e« 


490  HISTORY  OF  TUB  BUTISH  EMPIRE. 

« 

hope  of  phindefy  and  as  they  expected  that  the 
town  would  be  taken  by  assault,  and  left  open  to 
their  rapacity,  they  could  scarcely  be  managed  af-* 
ter  the  disappointment  *• 

Charles  had  projected  the  relief  of  this  town  ; 
and  as  the  disappointment  was  great  in  the  surren- 
der, the  officer  who  signed  the  articles  Was  deeply 
reproached,  and  afterwards  tried  by  court-martial, 
when  he  made  a  narrow  escape  with  his  life,  and 
forfeited  for  ever  the  court  favour :  But  various 
opinions  were  entertained  regarding  his  conduct, 
many  conceiving  that  he  had  discharged  his  duty 
faithfuUy^^—which  appears  to  have  been  the  fact  ; 
and  the  incident  is  chiefly  remarkable  for  the  fac* 
tions  which  it  occasioned  in  the  court  and  army  t. 

Had  Essex,  even  after  the  surrender  of  Read* 
ing,  marched  to  Oxford,  though  the  garrison  of 
the  latter  was  reinforced  with  4000  men  fwrn  the 
former,  that  town  must  have  surrendered^  and  the 
war  have  been  decided  before  his  troops  had  be- 
gon  to  sink  under  the  diseases  contracted  in  the 
aiege.  From  the  terror  inspired  by  the  surrender 
-of  Reading,  and  the  high  spirits  of  the  victorious 
army,  Charles  would  noA  have  hazarded  the  issue. 
His  chief  officers,  who  never  doubted  that  Essex 
would  march  directly  thitlier,  advised  his  majesty 
to  retreat  northward,  to  join  the  Earl  oi  Newcastle 


•  Riuh.  voL  T.  p.  265^  ei  $eq,    WMtdocke^  p.  69. 

t  Clar.  Tol.  iii.  p.  S38,  et  $eq.  This  author  indiiies  to  think  that 
he  not  only  fUscharged  hia  duty  faithfull^^  but  even  with  ^irit  an^ 
judgment. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  421 

and  the  Queen ;  and^  says  Clarendon,  *'  if  the 
Earl  of  Essex  had,  at  that  time,  made  any  shew  dT 
moving  with  his  whole  body  that  way,  I  do  verily 
persuade  m3r8elf  Oxford  itself,  and  all  the  other 
garrisons  of  those  parts,  had  been  quitted  to  him/' 
A  retreat  northwards,  however,  would  to  all  ap* 
pearance  have  been  impracticable :  It  would  have 
lain  through  a  hostile  country,  and,  in  particular^ 
Charles  would  have  had  to  cut  his  way  through 
the  counties  associated  for  the  parliament,  which 
were  so  garrisoned  that  scarcely  a  messenger  could 
pass  between  the  king  and  his  northern  army,  and, 
above  all,  through  the  parliamentary  forces  com- 
manded by  Fairfax  and  Cromwell*.  The  probability 
therefore  is,  that  the  royal  army  must  have  yielded 
at  discretion.  But  the  parliamentary  general  did 
nothing ;  his^army  mouldered  away,  while  Charles 
only  lost  a  town  of  no  importance  to  him,  for  his 
troops  were  preserved  t. 

The  citizens  of  London  tiiumphed  loudly  on  the 
fall  of  Reading,  conceiving  that  the  contest  has- 
tened to  a  close ;  but,  though  their  hopes  were  jus* 
tified  by  reasonable  probability,  they  quickly  dis- 
covered their  error,  and  the  city  itself  had  nearly 
fallen  by  treachery.  We  have  stlready  said,  that  a  ConipiiMy 
conspiracy  for  betraying  it  had  been  formed  by  £d«^  uJ^ 
mund  Waller  the  poet,  (Sir  William  Davenant, 


*  For  an  aocount  of  Cromwell's  actions  at  this  period,  see  Maj, 
lib.  iii.  p.  79. 

t  Clar.  ?ol.  iii.  p.  949. 

2bS 


422  HISTOEY  OF  THE  BBITISII  EMPIRE. 

another  poeti  had  been  deeply  engaged  in  the 
army-plots,)  and  several  others ;  but  some  months 
elapsed  before  the  plot  was  ripe  for  execntion,  and 
then  it  wbs  detected  by  the  servant  of  one  of  the 
conspirators  to  Pym,  whose  activity  and  vigilance 
defeated  the  projecti  and  established  the  guilt  of 
the  traitors.  They  had  taken  a  survey  of  the 
town,  in  order  to  ascertain  the  strength  of  the 
party  which  they  could  expect  to  support  them  ; 
and  bad,  for  the  completion  of  their  scbemea*  ob- 
tained a  commi$3ion  from  the  king,  whil*  they 
sent  him  daily  information  of  whatever  passed  ei- 
ther in  the  parliament  or  city,  lb  promote  the 
project,  Charles  proposed  to  renew  his  negocia* 
tions )  and  alluded  to  the  detracted  state  of  Ire- 
land, and  the  necesaity  of  relieving  it,  as  one  bp- 
tive  for  his  anxiety  to  reconcile  all  difl^renees; 
though  hia  own  letters  prior  to  this,  to  conclude 
a  cessation  with  the  rebels,  are  extant^  and  the  pre? 
conceived  intention  to  introduce  that  ferocious 
body  into  Britain,  is  established  beyond  controver- 
sy. But  the  parliament  having  discovered  the 
design,  threatened  to  execute  as  a  spy  the  mes- 
senger who  appeared  without  a  pass,  and  tha9 
frustrated  the  royal  object,  while  it  devised  a  cove- 
nant to  be  taken  by  its  own  members  as  well  a9 
others,  to  defend  the  commonwealth  against  the 
army  of  papists  and  malignants.  The  plot  having 
failed,  therefore,  strengthened  the  party  against 
whom  it  was  levelled.  Chaloner  and  Hopkins,  two 
of  the  conspirators,  were  hanged ;  but  the  abjef:t- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRS.  42S 


nesf  Qf  Waller  saved  his  life  ^    Just  before  the 
covery  of  the  plqt,  Charles  published  a  proclamation^ 
in  lyhich  the  distractions  of  the  times  were  imputed 
to  a  few  Brownists  and  Anabaptists }  a  general 
pardon  o0ered  on  submission,  with  the  exception  of 
certain  individuals,  including  Hampden  and  ^rm ; 
And  the  parliament  declared  to  be  no  legislative  as- 
sembly. Rents  were  also  prohibited,  by  another  pro- 
clamation, to  be  paid  to  the  parliamentary  p^rty, 
as  to  men  in  rebellion ;  ^nd  trade  was  interdicted 
with  London.    Afterwards  the  members  of  both 
houses  were  summoned  as  to  a  parliament  at  Ox- 
ford, Charles,  conceiving  that  it  was  the  name  of 
a  parliament  which  gave  the  assembly  at  Westmin- 
ster its  authority,  and  that,  as  he  could  give  the 
appellation  to  his  own  creatures  who  followed  him^ 
he  might,  by  such  an  engine,  raise  himself  to  ua- 
liipited  power  t.  But  the  whole  design  failed ;  and 
so  little  was  Charles  calculated  fi>r  a  free  govero- 
ment»  that  he  was  happy  to  be  rdieved  of  this 
mock  assembly,  which  himself  denominated  in  his 
letters  to  the  queen  the  Mungrel  Parliament,-^ 
because  it  manifested  a  feeble  spirit  against  some 
of  the  pernicious  designs  of  the  court. 

*  Whitebdce,  p.  67,  70,  105.  Maj,  lib.  ifi.  p.  49,  el  jff •  Burfi. 
ToL  T.  p.  S88,  et  99qm  Clarendon,  according  to  the  umfom  pvactioe 
of  a  faction  whoae  oonspiraciai  haye  ftiled  and  recoiled  upon  than- 
fldviny  wiahea  to  make  it  appear  that  theie  waa  no  plot:  (thic  it  the 
waj  in  whidi8Qch£Mtioiia  Tent  their  ipleen  At  diasppcintiMnt;)  and 
that  it  was  crueltj  in  the  parllanient  to  inflict  the  poniahment.  VoL 
iii.  p.  S45,  957,  H  seq.  380. 

t  Rnah.  toL  t.  p.  831,  S4S,  364,  365. 


494  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

Though  Essex  chose  to  waste  his  precious  time 
in  inactivity,  his  opponents  were  not  idle.    Small 
parties  made  incursions  to  the  metropolis  during 
the  night,  and  carried  off  the  citizens,  for  whose 
liberty  they  exacted  high  ransom.     It  was,  there- 
fore, deemed  advisable  to  carry  a  ditch  round  both 
London  and  Westminster.    Essex  at  last  made  a 
feint  to  proceed  to  Oxford,  and  fixed  his  head- 
quarters at  Thame  in  Buckinghamshire,  in  order 
to  protect  that  county ;  but  so  defective  was  his 
generalship,  that  though  the  enemy  was  near,  he 
kept  no  sufficient  scouts,  while  he  allowed  the  men 
to  live  dispersed  in  several  quarters.     The  conse- 
-quenees  were  deplorable,  as  they  occasioned  the 
death  of  Hampden.    One  Colonel  Hurry,  a  Scots^ 
jnan  in  his  army,  conceiving  that  he  might  more 
•easily  make  his  fortune  by  betraying  his  party  than 
by  promoting  its  interest,  went  over  to  Prince  Ru- 
fiert,  and  shewed  bow,  by  an  attack  upon  the  scat^ 
^red  troops,  much  execution  might  be  done#    Ce- 
lerity was  the  distinguishing  characteristic  of  Ru- 
-pert  aa  a  general ;  and  as  he  adopted  the  project, 
he  instantly  fell  upon  the  unsuspecting  enemy, 
routed  two  whole  regiments  of  cavalry,  and  pene- 
trated to  within  two  miles  of  Essex's  quarters. 
With  this  exploit,  and  with  much  booty,  he  retired  ; 
but  the  alarm  having  been  spread  through  the 
parliamentary  army,  Hampden,  ever  on  the  alert, 
Beatfa  of  ^od  ready  for  an  affitir  of  danger,  quickly  pursued 
H«mpdeD.  ^jjg  assailants,  and  attacked  their  rear  in  Chalgrove- 
field,  in  the  corner  of  Buckinghamshire.     In  this 
skirmish  he  received  a  musket-shot  in  the  should- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRS.  4fi5 

er,  of  which  he  died  in  great  agony  a  few  days  af- 
terwards *« 

So  much  has  already  been  said  of  this  celebrated 
individual,  that  we  shall  content  ourselves  here 
with  remarking/  that,  had  his  advice,  on  four  seve- 
ral occasions,  been  followed,  it  would  have  been, 
in  all  probability,  decisive  of  the  wan  We  need 
not  remind  the  reader,  1^/,  of  what  occurred  on  the 
day  after  the  battle  of  Edgehill ;  2c%,  of  what  hap-, 
pened  on  the  affair  at  Brentford ;  Sdly^  of  the  ad* 
vice  he  gave  when  Essex  attacked  Reading  instead 
of  Oxford ;  and,  lastly ^  of  that  which  he  needless- 
ly urged  after  the  fail  of  Reading*  Such  a  con- 
summation of  the  war  was,  in  the  very  nature  of 
the  contest,  implied  as  its  object,  and  it  was  hoped 
that,  when  the  council,  the  various  officers,  and  the 
militia  were  all  settled,  and  the  king's  guilty  adhe* 
rents  brought  to  condign  punishment,  tranquillity 
might  be  restored,  and  the  liberty  of  the  people 
secured*  How  far  the  hope  was  well  founded  may 
be  questioned:  for  as  Charles  was  destitute  of 
good  faith,  he  was  not  to  be  bound  by  any  enage- 
ment ;  and  as  the  parliament  unfortunately,  and 
£9itally,  encouraged  the  idea,  that,  whatever  might 
be  the  issue  of  hostilities  with  his  people,  his  life, 
liberty  and  crown«— nay  all  the  regal  authority 
which  they  now  proposed  to  allow  him — would  be 
perfectly  inviolable,  he  confidently  concluded  that» 
in  any  fresh  projects,  he  might  be  successful  in  at* 

*  Clar.  vol.  iii.  p.  S60^  et  seq^  Whitelocke^  p.  70.  Rush.  toL  Tiii. 
p.  874.  Warwick^  p.  939.  Ckrendon  has  a  sort  of  defence  of  Hnrry^ 
but  it  ia  not  Tery  conibtent  with  his  own  statement. 


496  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRB. 

taming  the  object  of  his  ambiticm,  while,  in  the 
case  of  failure,  he  could  lose  nothing;  and  there^ 
fiyre  would  ever  have  been  busied  in  cabals,  both 
at  home  and  abroad,  against  the  Hmits  assigned  to 
his  prerogative,  and  the  men  who  had  imposed 
them*  What  succours  to  his  plans  he  might  have 
obtained  from  Ireland  and  Scotland,  as  well  as  from 
toeeign  states,  it  is  impossible  to  determine ;  but, 
as  too  many  of  his  subjects,  perceiving  him  seated 
in  the  former  dignity  of  his  office,  would,  before 
the  new  settlement  had  been  confirmed  by  time, 
have  been  apt  to  recal  the  various  associations  con^ 
nected  with  his  late  power,  and  still  to  look  forward 
to  him  as  the  source  of  office,  honour,  and  emolu- 
ment, so  many  of  desperate  fortunes  and  characters 
would,  undeterred  by  the  fate  of  their  predecessors, 
have  been  eager  to  embark  with  the  sovereign  in 
any  fresh  adventure  which  promised  to  raise  them 
to  the  highest  place  in  the  commonwealth.  There 
was  likewise  a  great  probability  that  the  parlia- 
ment itself,  after  it  had  secured  the  disposal  of  the 
offices,  would  have  been  rent  into  factions,  and 
that  the  weaker  would  have  endeavoured  to 
strengthen  themselves  by  an  alliance  with  the  mo- 
narch, which  would  have  proved  fatal  to  the  new 
settlement.  The  only  office  which  it  is  alleged 
that  Hampden  ever  desired— and  even  that  is 
doubtful — was  tutor  to  the  prince,  whom  he  wished 
to  train  in  habits  suited  to  the  genius  of  the  con-^ 
stitution  *. 

•  Warwick,  p,  !^. 


H13T0RT  op  THE  BItIT(SH  EMPIRE.  4^ 

Bssex  coiitioued  hi9  inactivity,  and  therefore 
tre  shall  take  a  view  of  the  war  in  other  quarters. 
We  have  already  mentioned  that  the  cessation  AdSoM  in 
in  the  west  was  broken  in  the  spring.  The  £arl 
of  Stamford*  who  commanded  the  parliamentary 
forces  in  that  quarter,  had  placed  1500  ibot  and. 
SOO  horse  in  the  north  of  Devonshire,  under  the  im« 
mediate  command  of  Major  James  Chudleigb,  son. 
of  Sir  George,  who  was  the  Earl's  lieutenant>gene- 
raJ.  Tb»  major  had  been  deeply  engaged  in  the 
army«plots }  but  having  tpld  the  truth  on  his  exa* 
mination  i^on  oath,  be  was  afterwards  so  ill  re- 
ceived by  his  own  party,  whom  he  never  meant  to 
desert,  that  he  proffered  his  services  as  a  military, 
man  to  the  parliament*  In  the  first  instance  he 
rendered  acceptable  service  to  his  new  masters ; 
but  he  soon  betrayed  his  trust.  Having  learned 
that  Launceston,  in  Cornwall,  was  slenderly  garri- 
soned, be  resolved  to  try  its  reduction.  He  there- 
fore beat  the  centinels  from  Polsen-Bridge,  and 
approached  to  a  bill  called  the  Windmill,  which 
protects  the  town,  and  where  Sir  Ralph  Hopton 
had  stationed  his  forces  in  a  temporary  fort  that 
he  bad  erected.  These  Chudleigh  immediately  at- 
tacked ;  but  having  met  with  greater  resistance 
than  he  had  expected,  and  having  been  prevented 
by  the  numerous  hedges  from  using  bis  horse,  he 
was  obliged  to  retreat  To  intercept  him  Sir 
Ralph  attempted  to  seize  the  bridge ;  but  the  ar- 
rival of  some  fresh  parliamentary  troops  defeated 
the  design.  Chudleigh  therefore,  succeeded  in  car- 
rying off  his  ordnance,  ammunition,  &c«  without 


428  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  £Mi»IR£. 

Any  extraordinary  loss,  to  Oakhampton.  His 
whole  force  there,  however,  only  consisted  of  about 
1000  foot  and  130  horse ;  and  Hopton,  who  mus- 
tered 4000  foot  and  500  dragoons  and  horse, 
determined  to  attack  that  town.  AH  that  Chud* 
leigh  could  propose  to  himself  was  a  safe  retreat, 
without  the  loss  of  his  artillery  and  ammunition  ; 
and  as  the  carriages  had  been  dismissed  as  unser- 
viceable, and  iro  new  ones  had  been  provided,  this 
was  a  matter  of  difficulty.  His  object,  therefore, 
was  to  skirmish  with  the  forlorn  hope,  and  thus,  if 
possible,  stop  the  enemy,  till  night  should  oblige 
the  assailants  to  encamp  on  the  downs,  when  he 
hoped  that  carriages  would  be  provided,  and  dark« 
nes^  would  enable  him  to  retire.  Having  made 
proper  dispositions  for  this  purpose — his  horse  be- 
ing drawn  up  in  six  divisions,  and  the  foot  sta- 
tioned at  the  town's  end— he  so  successfully  char- 
ged Hopton's  horse,  and  through  them  even  the 
foot,  that  he  put  the  whole  body  into  disorder,  and 
even  took  three  stand  of  colours  belonging  to  the 
infantry.  Flushed  with  this  success,  he  ordered 
the  foot  to  advance ;  but  the  superiority  of  the 
enemy  in  number  so  awed  them,  that  they  would 
not  be  prevailed  upon.  He  resumed,  therefore, 
his  original  purpose  of  restricting  himself  to  the  ef- 
fecting of  a  retreat ;  and  having  given  orders  to  his 
infantry  to  leave  their  matches  burning,  so  that 
they  appeared  to  the  adverse  party  like  an  army 
ready  to  fall  upon  them,  while  with  a  select  body 
of  horse  he  beat  oft*  the  scouts,  and  prevented  all 
intelligence  of  his  design— rhe  thus,  being  favour-' 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  BMPIREU  429 

ed  by  the  darkness  and  tempestuouaness  of  the 
night,  effected  his  retreat.  Hoptoii  iben  drew  off' 
his  troops  in  disorder  from  the  downs,  with  the 
loss  of  a  portion  of  the  arms  and  ammunition,  which 
next  day  fell  into  the  hands  of  Chudleigh's  soldiers 
and  the  country  people  *. 

This  brilliant  conduct  only  served  to  blacken 
the  subsequent  treachery  of  Chudleigh.  Stamford 
had  taken  up  his  position  on  a  hill  at  Stratton,  on  Battle  oc 
the  borders  of  Cornwall,  and  dispatched  his  lieu-^'^^^ 
tenant-general.  Sir  George  Chudleigh,  into  Corn* 
wall,  with  600  horse.  The  absence  of  the  father 
was  taken  advantage  of  by  the  son  to  betray  the 
army  in  which  he  commanded.  According  to  a 
previous  arrangement,  which  was  fully  disclosed 
by  letters  that  were  afterwards  intercepted,  Hop^- 
ton  attacked  Stamford's  army,  and  as  Chudleigh,  in 
the  heat  of  battle,  when  victory  inclined  to  the  part 
liamentary  side,  infamously  went  over  with  a  party 
to  the  enemy,  and  charged  the  parliamentary  troops^ 
a  circumstance  that  spread  consternation  all  around, 
the  Earl  sustained  a  defeat.  For  this  service  Hopton 
was  created  Lord  Hopton  of  Stratton  f.    Stamr 


*  Rush.  ToL  v.  p.  867^  868. 

t  Id.  p.  871-8.  Mr.  Hume's  Account  of  Uiis  Utde  tf  not  a  litdf 
•muiing.  He  quotet  Rushwortli;  yet  thoog^  that  author  lay^ 
that ''  by  intercepted  letters  to  hia/'  (Chudleigh's)  «'  father^  it  ap- 
peered  to  have  been  designed  by  him/'  Hume  extols  that  officer's 
conduct  But  Ihen  it  affiirded  him  an  opportunity  of  paying 
a  high  compliment  to  the  gallantry  of  the  royalist  troops^  "  led 
by  the  prime  gentry  of  the  county."  He  refers  also  to  Clarendon,  who 
indeed  praises  Chudleigh,  but  then  he  takes  no  notice  of  a  laboured 
defence  by  that  noble  historian  sgainst  the  charge  of  treachery  brought 


4S0  aiBTOBT  OF  TBE  BRITISH*  EMFHUS; 

fard  fetmd  hj  BninU{fle  ta  Exeter,  wheref  he 
wasbesiq^td  by  this  very  Major.  Charies  had 
intended  to  have  sent  Prince  Aupert  to  the  west^ 
when  matttn  began  to  wear  so  promising  an  a»* 
pect ;  but,  after  the  battle  df  Strattdn»  fae  cdntent- 
ed  himself  with  sending  Prince  Maturice  arid  the 
Ifarquis  of  Hertford.  Maurice,  having  joined 
Cfaudldgh  with  a  strong  force,  pnsbed  the  si^^  and 
Stamford  yielded  upon  tenris^  after  having  held  out 
ibr  eight  months  and  nineteen  daj^s  s  But  his  con- 
dact  gave  such  small  satisftction  to  his  employers, 
that  a  purpose  was  at  one  time  entertained  of  pro- 
secuting him  for  the  surrender  *, 

Hopton  being  reinforced  with  part  of  the  troops 
tmder  Prince  Maarice  and  the  Marquis  of  Hert^ 
ferd,  overran  the  county  of  Devon,  and  even  made 
incursions  into  Somerset  WaHer  therefore  was 
sent  against  him,  and  after  some  ikirmishingi  the 
Btf  tit  u  two  parties  fought  a  great  battle  at  Lansdown  near 
Bath.  This  engagement  was  not  decisive ;  each 
party  having  iletreated  td  its  former  quartenu  On 
the  royal  side  there  fell  Sir  Bevil  Grenvill^  Lieu^ 
tenant-Colonel  Whrd,  and  Mkjor  Loweb :  The  par- 
liament  lost  a  major,  a  lieutenant,  and  two  cor^* 


I17  the  Earl  of  8ti)piford,  a  defence  wliieh  don^cts  the  accoted.  Se 
atatea  that  it  waa  partly  in  oonaequeiice  of  thia  aeioidal  that  Cbadkigil 
joined  the  royal  aide!  But  see  what  he  liya  in  tibia  place  about  the  aarmy 
plot  It  certainly  conreya  a  very  different  picture  from  hii  fivrmeir 
atatementa.  In  particular,  he  says  Chudleigh  had  **  been  buay  in 
inclining  the  army  to  engage  in  sneh  petidbna  and  midertakibgs  aa 
were  iiot  griuaoua  to  the  parliament."  Fomaiy,  there  had  been  but 
pne  petition !  Clar.  yoL  iii.  p.  S68,  et  §eq. 
•  Rush.  p.  Wqi,  ei  $fq. .  Ckt,  vol.  iii.  p.  ST3, 1^34,  «3b. 


UI8TORT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPI&E.  481 

nets  *;  WaUw  having  lefnesbed  his  men  by  two 
days'  sta^  at  Bath»  bent  his  course  tawards  the 
Devi$es»  a  town  in  Wiltshire;  to  which  Hilton  ha4 
retreated ;  and  whicby  after  some  skirmishing,  h% 
laid  siege  toj  and,  as  Prince  Maurice  and  the 
Marquis  Of  Hertford  had  returned  to  Oxfprd,  he 
had  every  prospect  of  carrying  the  place  and  finistw 
ing  the  war  in  the  west.  But  a  jealousy  between 
bifl^  and  Essex,  who  began  to  entertain  apprehen- 
sions  that  he  might  supersede  him,  together  with 
some  indiscretion  as  a  comma^nder,  proved  fatal  to 
the  enterprise  and  the  army  of  Waller.  The  Earl 
pf  Caernarvon  and  Iiord  Wilmot  had  been,  by  the  Vattk  ar 
remissness^  dot  to  say  more,  of  Essex,  who  ought  ddwii.  "^^ 
to  have  intercepted  them,  been  allowed  to  ap» 
proacb  with  upwards  of  SOOO  horse,  and  were 
within  two  or  three  miles  of  his  camp  when  notice 
reached  him  of  their  advance.  His  object  was  to 
attack  them  instantly  before  they  should  be  en« 
pilled  to  act  in  concert  with  the  beseiged,  and  he 
giiye  immediate  orders  to  draw  out  his  army  on 
Eound-wiiy  Down.  His  men  too  much  despised 
the  enemy,  whom,  as  they  descended  the  hiU,  Sir 
Arthi^  Haslerig  with  the  horse,  which  he  parried 
away  from  the  infantry,  galloped  up  to  attack  on 
very  di^advantageoifs  ground,  when  he  was  put  to 
a  disorderly  retreat  Having  joined  the  reserve, 
(loweyer,  they  rallied  and  stood  a  second  charge ; 
\}ixt  were  then  totally  routed.  The  infantry 
sfopd  better ;  but  Helton  having  sallied  upon  them 


*  plar.  Tol.  iii.  p.  277,  et  seq.    Rush.  p.  984. 


iSC  HISTORY  OF  THB  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

from  the  town,  while  Caernarvon's  cavalry  at- 
tacked them  in  front,  destitute  of  any  protec- 
tion from  their  own  horse,  they  in  a  short  time 
were  also  defeated,  and,  having  flung  down  their 
arms,  fled  in  all  directions.  Waller,  with  Hazle- 
rig  and  other  commanders,  took  refuge  in  Bristol, 
and  from  thence  he  went  to  London,  wher^,  though 
his  fame,  which  had  been  previously  very  high,  was 
tarnished,  he  was  highly  caressed,  and  another  army 
raised  for  him.  He  oomplained  loudly  of  Essex  for 
having  allowed  Wilmot  to  pass  him  ;  and  indeed 
it  is  not  easy  to  figure  an  excuse  for  him.  Many 
prisoners,  four  pieces  of  ordnance,  with  a  vast 
quantity  of  small  arms,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
conquerors  *. 

Losses  upon  the  parliament  seemed  to  accumu* 
late,  through  the  incapacity  of  its  officers.  Brist<d, 
the  second  town  in  the  kingdom,  was  taken  on  the 
^SSXf  22d  of  July  by  Prince  Rupert,  who  appeared  before 
Pmice  Ru-  j^.  ^jti^  ^n  army  said  to  amount  to  twenty  thousand. 
The  governor  of  the  town.  Colonel  Nathaniel 
Fiennes,  son  of  Lord  Say,  surrendered  it  in  a  man- 
ner which  justly  brought  upon  him  a  sentence 
of  death,  on  a  charge  of  cowardice ;  but  he  re- 
ceived a  pardon.  He  had  stipulated  for  the  safely 
of  the  troops  and  the  inhabitants ;  yet,  under  the 
pretext  that  the  articles  of  Reading  had  been  vio- 
lated, the  grossest  infringements  took  place  t. 

^  Rush.  yd.  ▼.  p.  285.  CUr.  toI.  t.  p.  9S7,  etseq.  Whitelodte^  p.  7(K 
t  Whitelocke,  p.  71.  Rush.  vol.  ▼.  p.  984.  Clar.  vol.  iii.  p.  293-  There 

h«d  formerly  been  a  deign  to  betray  it^  p.  2k7.  See  State  Trials,  vol  h- 

p*  186j  for  the  trial  of  Fiennes. 


nrSTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  433 

About  the  time  that  Bristol  was  surrendered, 

the  queen  joined  her  consort  at  Oxford  with  a 

large  reinforcement,  and  now  he  seemed  superior 

to  his  enemies.    Waller^s  army  had  been  nearly 

annihilated ;  while  Essex  had  so  allowed  his  to 

moulder  away  in  inactivity,  and  the  parliament 

had  so  ill  supplied  it  latterly  with  necessaries, 

that   it  was  reduced   to  a  wretched    condition.^ 

In  this  apparent  decline  of  its  afiairs,  some  of  the  The  pnp^ 

lords  deserted  the   parliament,   though  as  theirJJ^^"^,^ 

reception  at  Oxford  was  ungracious,  they  return- 

ed  *  ;  and  the  great  body  of  the  upper  house  de* 

sired  peace,  while  Essex  himself  recommended  it. 

Propositions  were  therefore  sent  down  from  the 

Lords  to  the  Commons,  to  be  agreed  to  by  that 

body,  and  then  transmitted  to  the  king.    The  par^ 

ticuJars  were,  that  both  armies  might  be  presently 

disbanded,  and  his  majesty  be  entreated  to  return 

to  his  parliament,  upon  such  security  as  should  give 

him  satisfaction :  Secondly,  That  religion  might  be 

settled  with  the  advice  of  a  senate  of  divines,  in 

such  a  manner  as  should  be  agreed  to  by  his  ma« 

jesty,  with  the  consent  of  both  houses :  Thirdly, 

That  the  militia,  both  by  sea  and  land,  might  be 

settled  by  bill,  and  with  the  forts,  &c.  committed 

to  such  hands  as  the  king  should  appoint^  with  the 

approbation  of  both  houses  ;  and  that  his  majesty's 

revenue  should  be  absolutely  and  whcdiy  restoml 

to  him :  Fourthly,  That  all  the  members  of  both 

« 

*  Baillie,  tcA.  ▼.  pi.  391.    Clar.  toL  iii.  p.  S9i,  ei  seq.    Rtiih.  r^l 
^'  p.  367,  368. 

TOL.  in.  2  P 


434  HlflTOftT  OP  TUB  BRITISH  £MPIRB» 

hou«e8,  who  bad  been  expelled  merely  for  absent- 
ing themselves^  or  complying  with  bis  majesty, 
without  any  other  charge  against  them,  should  be 
restored  to  their  places ;  Fifthly,  That  all  delin- 
quents  from  before  the  10th  of  January,  1641, 
should  be  delivered  up  to  the  justice  of  parliament, 
and  a  general  pardon  be  passed  for  all  others  on 
all  sides. 

Such  was  the  disposition  of  the  lords ;  but  a  very 
different  spirit  prevailed  in  the  lower  house  as  well 
as  in  the  city.  The  upper  house  appear  to  have 
been  the  grand  cause  of  the  protraction  of  the 
war,  and  of  the  present  calamities.  Individuals  of 
the  peerage  had  been  appointed  to  the  highest  sta* 
tions,  for  which,  either  through  incapacity  or  un* 
pardonable. lukewarmness,  they  were  unqualified. 
That  had  been  remarkable  in  the  general,  and  bad 
it  not  been  for  the  late  defeat  of  Waller,  he  proba- 
bly might  have  superseded  Essex  in  the  chief  com- 
mand. A  determination  had  been  ibrtned  to  call 
in  the  Scots ;  and  their  junction  with  the  English 
parliament  proved  serviceable,  chiefly  by  giving  in- 
fluence to  the  popular  party,  and  thus  enabling 
them  to  exercise  a  greater  latitude  in  the  choice 
of  their  officers,  and  to  follow  out  more  decisive 
measures.  The  Scots,  on  the  other  hand,  had  dis* 
covered  the  perfidious  plot  against  them,  under  the 
direction  of  Antrim  and  Montrose,  which,  with 
other  motives,  determined  them  to  enter  into  a 
league.  Out  of  a  negociation;  therefore,  entered 
into  between  the  two  countries,  was  formed  the  fa- 
mous solemn  league  and  covenant,  of  whicb/and 


HISTORY  OF  THfi  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  4S5 

the  negociation,  we  shall  afterwards  give  a  full  ac- 
count. In  the  meantime  we  may  observe  thatf 
with  the  expectation  of  great  assistance  from  Scot- 
land, and,  above  all,  with  the  hope  which  this  in- 
spired of  being  enabled  to  act  more  decisively,  and 
appoint  more  efficient  commanders  without  clog- 
ging every  measure  by  a  deference  to  the  lords, 
lest  they  should  desert  to  the  king, — ^the  commons 
had  no  cause  to  despair,  especially  as  the  spirit  of 
the  city  and  of  the  great  body  of  the  people,  re- 
mained unbroken.  It  was  probably  the  dread  of 
this  preponderance  which  the  new  arrangement 
threatened  to  give  to  the  commons  that  induced 
the  lords  to  be  so  anxious  for  peace.  It  is  not 
likely  that  they  were  strangers  to  the  feeling 
which  appears  to  have  been  prevalent  that  the 
disastrous  protraction  of  hostilities  was  attribute 
able  to  them  *.  The  city,  too,  proposed  to  raise 
an  army  for  Waller. 

Under  these  circumstances,  the  commons  re^ecU^i^f*^  ^ 
ed  the  propositions  of  the  lords ;  declaring  thatmooi.  ' 
they  had  sustained  great  injury  by  the  treaty  at 
Oxford ;  and  that,  as  the  king  had  since  pronounc- 
ed them  no  parliament,  it  was  impossible  for  them 
to  propose  a  treaty  till  their  character  as  a  legist 
lative  assembly  was  vindicated ;  and  that,  consi- 
dering the  league  which  had  been  formed  with 
Scotland,  any  treaty  to  which  that  naticm  was  no 
party  would  be  a  betraying  of  them,  which  would 

*  See  Baillie's  Let  toL  L  p.  371.  Waller  was  the  fsTourite  of  the 
commons^  and  hated  by  the  lords^  p.  403.  A  jealousy  was  early  en- 
tertained of  Essex.  See  a  letter  to  Ormonde^  31st  Dee.  164S.  Carte's 
LetTol.  i.  p.  17. 

Sf2 


436         histout  op  the  British  EnspmE/ 

incur  a  forfeiture  of  all  hope  of  relief  from  that 
quarter,  to  whatever  extremity  they  should  after- 
wards be  reduced.  They  also  rested  their  hopes 
upon  the  exertions  of  the  city  and  the  neighbour- 
ing counties. 

No  sooner  had  the  intention  of  peace  on  the 
part  of  the  lords  been  intimated  to  the  city,  than 
it  excited  a  general  alarm ;  and,  by  the  activity  of 
i^WaJlI*  Pennington,  the  lord  mayor,  a  common  council 
was  called  to  petitiou  against  it.  There  was,  how^^ 
ever,  still  a  faction  lurking  in  the  city  which  fa- 
voured the  king ;  and  a  petition  for  peace,  no 
doubt  framed  by  their  betters,  was  presented  by 
2000  or  3000  women  of  the  lowesit  order  in  so«» 
ciety.  It  was  even  supposed  that  many  of  the 
mob  were  men  in  women's  clothes.  Their  petition 
was  graciously  received  ;  the  commons  declaring 
their  hearty  desire  of  accommodation :  but  this 
could  not  satisfy  a  mob  that  had  been  primed  for 
mischief;  and  as  their  numbers  increased,  tbey 
bawled  out — "  Peace,  peace ;  give  up  those  trai- 
tors that  are  against  peace>  that  we  may  tear  them 
in  pieces ;  give  Us  that  dog  Pym."  As  matters 
became  serious,  the  trained-bands  that  guarded  the 
house  tried  to  disperse  them  with  blank  shot  j  but 
when  tbey  understood  that  there  was  no  intention 
to  hurt  them,  they  cried  out  that  there  was  no- 
thing but  powder,  and  attacked  the  guards  with 
brick-bats  and  other  missiles.  A  troop  of  horse 
was  then  called  in,  which,  after  all  gentle  means 
bad  failed,  drew  their  swords,  and  wounded  some 
of  the  mob,  as  well  as  killed  two,  of  whom  one  was 


UlSTORT  OF  THE  BRITISH  SMPIBZ.  437 

a  ballad-singer.  This  event  is  the  more  particu- 
larly  dwelt  upon«  as  royalist  writers  expatiate  on 
the  respectability  of  the  mob,  as  well  as  on  the 
cruelty  and  injustice  of  those  who  dispersed  it; 
and  the  affair  has  given  rise  to  the  erroneous  idea 
that  there  was  in  London  a  large  party  favourable, 
to  the  king,  whereas  the  disturbance  was  in  all  pro- 
bability contrived  by  the  cavaliers  to  produce  dis* 
traction,  and  was  confined  to  a  class  not  likely  to 
have  much  influence  in  the  state  *» 

From  the  gloomy  aspect  of  affairs,  it  has  been 
supposed  by  many  historians,  that  had  the  king 
marched  directly  to  London  at  this  period,  he 
might  have  carried  it,  and  thus  have  terminated 
Uie  war ;  but  historians,  as  if  an  army  could  be 
transported  with  as  much  facility  as  the  eyetra* 
vels  over  a  map,  are  too  much  inclined  to  overlook 
difficulties  in  these  cases :  they  delight  to  dwell  on 
contrasts,  which  impart  animation  to  the  scene; 
the  passions  and  feelings  of  every  kind  being  ex^ 
cited  by  extremes :— the  reader,  agitated  by  what 
he  either  hopes  or  fears,  enters  with  the  greatest 
keenness  into  the  conception  of  the  piece,  when 
the  fate  of  a  kingdom  hangs  upon  a  trifle.  It  is 
this  which  has  induced  historians  to  take  such  a 
view  of  the  present  posture  of  a^irs ;  but  if  all 
circumstances  be  considered,  the  practicability  of 
reducing  London  will  not  be  so  apparent.  The 
spirit  of  the  Qity  was  uqsubdued  i  the  factious,  af« 


*  Baillie,  p.  390, 391.    Gobbett's  ParL  Hist.  vol.  iu.  p.  160,  et  jffi 
Clar.  vol.  ill.  p.  318^  et  seq.    May,  lib.  iiL  p.  90. 

2f3 


438  HISTORT  OF  THE  BRITISH  SHPIKE. 

ter  the  discovery  of  Waller's  plot,  could  widi  no 
great  difficulty  have  been  suppressed ;  aud  the 
mighty  eflbrts  which  the  metropolis  immediately 
made,  prove  that  it  could  have  mustered  such  a 
body  as  most  probably  would  have  overwhefaned 
i^istance  ^. 
OtoueLr  '  ^^^^^^  determined  upon  immediate  action ;  and 
his  council  was  much  divided  regarding  the  expe- 
dition which  he  ought  to  undertake — ^whether  it 
should  be  against  London  or  Gloucester.  By  the 
possession  of  the  latter  town,  he  would  have  open- 
ed a  line  of  communication,  of  the  utmost  import* 
ance  to  him,  between  Wales  and  Oxford ;  and,  as 
he  expected  small  opposition  from  that  place,  be 
directed  his  march  thither.  But  miserable  was 
his  disappointment :  never,  perhaps,  was  greater 
heroism  in  the  defence  of  a  town  exhibited.  Hav- 
ing sat  down  before  it,  be  summoned .  it  to  sur* 
render ;  but  the  city  sent  the  following  Spirited 
answer  in  writing,  by  the  hands  of  Seijeant^major 


*  The  following  is  a  most  yaluable  passage  from  Clarendon^  vol.  iiL 
p.  384 :  *'  The  diacomposures,  jealousies^  and  disgustSi  which  reign^ 
ed  at  Oxfordj  produced  great  iiioo&yenienoes  ;  and  as  men  in  a  scuffle 
lose  iheir  weapons^  and  light  npon  those  which  belonged  to  their  ad- 
▼ersaries^  who  again  arm  themselyes  with  those  which  belonged  to  the 
others :  sadi>  one  woold  hare  thooght,  had  been  the  fbrtune  of  the 
Idng^B  army  in  tbe  encounters  with  the  enemies ;  for  those  under  the 
king^s  commanders  grew  insensibly  into  all  the  licence,  disorders,  and 
impieties  with  which  they  reproached  the  rebels ;  and  they  into  great 
discipline,  diligence^  and  sobriety ;  which  begot  courage  and  resolu- 
tion in  them^  and  notable  dexterity  in  achievements  and  enterpriaea. 
In  so  much,  as  one  side  seemed  to  fight  for  monarchy  with  the  wea* 
pons  of  confurion,  and  the  other  to  destroy  the  idng  and  government 
with  all  the  principles  and  regularity  of  monarchy.*' 


HI8TOBT  or  TaS*  MIIT18H  BBCJPIRB.  4t9 

Piidsey  and  one  of  the  oitisens :  <<  We  the  inha- 
bitants, magistrates,  officers,  and  soldiersb  within 
this  garrison  of  Gloucester,  tinto  his  majesty^s  gra* 
dous  message  return  this  humble  answer,  that  we 
do  keep  this  city  according  to  our  oath  and  alle* 
glance  to,  and  for  the  use  of  his  majesty  and  his 
royal  posterity,  and  do  conceive  ourselves  wholly 
bound  to  obey  the  commands  of  his  majesty  sig* 
nified  by  both  houses  of  parliament^  and  are  re* 
solved,  by  God's  help,  to  keep  the  dty  according^^ 
ly/'  Ilie  king,  who  was  elated  with  the  strength 
of  his  own  army,  and  could  not  comprehend  ^dienee 
the  garrison  el:pected  relief,  was  astonished  at 
the  answer.  <<  Waller  is  extinct,**  said  he,  in  the 
hearing  of  the  messengers,  *^  and  Essex  cannot 
come  •* 

*  Mr.  ttiab^  «]niotl  in  Um  woidi  of  Cimmdom,  expreneibimMlf 
thus :  ''  The  ■!»Pf»m^f  to  iuir^iider  aUowediwo  boon  four  tax  tiiiwer : 
But  before  tliat  time  ezpfaredi  Uiere  appeared  before  the  king  two 
dtiaena  with  lean,  pale»  iharp^  and  dismal  ▼iaages*'— had  famine  eaten 
Aem  uph^"  ftoa  no  abrange  uod  unooath,  aooofding  to  Lord  Gl»- 
iwidmi ;  fignxea  ao  haUted  and  •ecoutfed,  aa  at  once  moved  the  moal 
grave  eovmtenance  to  mirth,  and  the  moat  dieerfnl  heart  to  aadneas : 
It  seemed  impoaaiblfe  that  aoch  meaaengera  could  bring  leaa  than  ft 
defiance.  The  men,  without  any  drcumatanoe  of  duty  or  good  man- 
ner*, in  a  pert,  durfll,  undiamftyed  accent,  said  that  they  brought  an 
answer  from  the  godly  dty  of  Gloucester;  and  extremely  ready  were 
they,  according  to  the  historian,  to  give  insolent  and  seditious  replies 
to  any  question ;  as  if  their  business  were  chiefly  by  provddng  the 
king  to  make  him  violate  his  own  8af(^  conduct"  There  is  something 
ao  ridiculous  in  all  this,  that  it  is  not  suipaaaed  by  what  we  are  told 
of  the  Spanish  bigotry  in  the  farly  stages  of  the  Reformation— that 
the  poor  people  were  surprised  to  find  that  the  English  had  the  ap- 
pearance of  men.  Why  should  the  dtiaens  of  Gloucester  have  been 
ao  unlike  the  rest  of  their  spedes  ?  or  why  should  the  most  uncouth 
have  been  selected— ii;iM  Hmikr  fttditia  too  f  But  Clarendon,  though. 


440  HISTORY  OF  THE  BAITUH  EMPIRE. 

The  governor  of  Gloucester  was  Massey,  and  his 
ability  in  its  defence  extorted  encomiiuna  from 
the  adverse  party.  As  a  considerable  loss  had 
been  sustained  in  the  attempt  to  storm  Bristol,  the 
ardour  of  the  military  for  such  enterprises  was 
damped,  and  the  town  was  not  to  be  taken  in  that 
way :  Yet,  scarcely  had  the  messengers  returned 
to  the  garrison,  when  the  king,  by  firing  the  su- 
burbs, made  a  shew  of  such  a  design ;  but  this, 
which  was  the  cNily  attempt  of  the  kind,  far  from 
skrikii^  terror,  as  had  been  anticipated,  into  the 
soldiers  and  citizens,  only  roused  a  more  resolute 
determination  to  de&nd  the  place  to  the  last.  The 
garrison  consisted  of  no  more  than  150Q,  and»  with 
the  exception  of  about  1 20  that  were  kftpt  iis  ia  re* 
serve,  the  whole  were  day  and  night  on.  duty  ; 
yet  such  was  the  spirit  of  the  soldiery  and  talent 
of  the  officers,  that  they  not  only  defeated  the  pro- 
jects of  the  enemy,  but  made  many  successful  saU 
lies,  particularly  under  Serjeant-major  Pudsey,  in 
which  the  skill  and  resolution  of  the  assailants 
were  so  remarkable,  that  scarcely  a  man  of  them 

M  in  the  preceding  note^  he  does  sometimes  teU  the  trath>  is  prone 
to  vent  his  spleen  against  anj  hrave  set  of  men^  hy  denying  the  qua<- 
lities  of  the  body  as  well  as  those  of  tlie  spirit.  This^  however^  af« 
fords  no  excuse  for  Mr.  Qnme^  as  himself  refers  to  Rush  worth 
and  May,  who  state,  and  indisputably  too,  that  one  of  the  two  was 
Scrjcant-msgor  Pudsey,  whose  gallantry  in  the  siege  was  beyond 
praise.  Nor  let  the  word  serjetfiit-m'jjor  startle  the  reader :  The  dty 
of  London's  commander  went  under  that  title,  and  the  commanders 
of  other  towns ;  w)iile  even  Waller  was  aippointed  to  an  army  as  Es- 
sex's serjeant-major.  ^  MOnroe  was  segeant-migor-general,  in  Ireland, 
of  the  Earlof  Ixjvcd.  Sec  Clar.  vol.  iii.  p.  315.  Rush.  vol.  v.  p.  287« 
Alay,  Jib.  iii.  p.  96.  '       '  *" 


UlSfTOET  OF  THK  BBTTUH  SMP1BE»  441 

was  Mttedlt  though  the  royal  army  invariably  sua- 
tained  consideiiible  loss.  Eren  the  wotben,  young 
and  old,  ennilated  the  men  in  contributiog  to  the 
defence  of  the  town,  by  venttiring  beyond  the 
walls  for  turf  and  other  materials,  undeterred  by 
Rupert^s  horse,  which  were  ever  on  the  alert,  and 
would,  they  well  knew,  have  shewn  them  no 
mercy*. 

Great  was  the  consternation  of  London  when 
intelligence  of  this  siege  arrived ;  and  the  relief  of 
GIducester  was  conceived  to  be  of  vital  importance 
to  the  cause.  But  their  only  army  was  that  under 
Essex,  which  was  so  wasted  and  sickly,  besides 
being  eighty  miles  distant  from  that  town :  the  re* 
putation  of  the  parliament  was  sunk,  and  many  be- 
gan to  desert  a  falling  cause ;  while  the  disaffect* 
ed  spread  daily  rqiorts  of  the  fail  or  surrender  of 
the  place,  and  expatiated  upon  the  impracticability 
of  sending  it  relief.  But  the  parliament  and  metro- 
poUs  shewed  themselves  superior  to  misfortunes,  and 
aflforded  a  striking  proof  of  the  power  of  a  popular 
spirit.  The  city  regiments  and  auxiliaries  proflered 
their  services,  while  the  regiments  of  the  old  army 
were  recruited,  partly  by  impressment,  which,  by 
the  way,  rather  discredited  the  cause,  and,  in  fifteen 
days,  Essex  marched  tp  the  relief  of  Gloucester,  at 

to  the  Wljjif 

the  head  of  14,000  choice  men.    The  committee  or  oioa. 
For  the  militia  of  the  city  ordered  all  shops  to  be 

*  Mvfg  lib«  iii.  p.  94^  tft  uq.  Ruth.  yoL  v.  p.  8S6,  et  $eq.  Clar.  voL 
iii  p.  841,  ei  seq.  Whitelockej  p.  78.  Ludlow^  toL  1.  p.  6S.  Clar- 
endon tells  us  tbni  not  above  one  officer^  and  not  above  tluree  common 
soldiers  ran  from  the  town. 


imtsed. 


44f  UltTOBT  OP  THE  BBITISB  EMPIRE* 

shut,  UdMrding  to  powem  veBted  in  tbefei  by  ordi- 
nance^ till  Gloucester  were  relieved,  in  order  that 
the  citizens  might  be  prepared  for  the  defence  of 
the  capital.  At  the  same  moment,  too,  another 
army  was  raising  for  Waller ;  and  the  Earl  of 
Manchester  undertook  to  raise  one  in  the  associated 
counties  over  which  he  presided,  to  act  in  concert 
with  the  troops  which  had  performed  many  gallant 
exploits  under  Cromwell.  No  man  can  seriously 
reflect  on  all  this,  without  being  satisfied  that 
Charles  acted  judiciously  in  trying  Gloucester  in* 
stead  of  London  *» 
The  siege  The  foute  of  Essex  lay  through  a  wasted, coun- 
try; but  his  raw  levies  were  undismayed,  and 
evinced  their  ardour  for  fight  in  various  dcirmishes 
by  the  way«  On  the  fifth  of  September  he  drew  up 
bis  army  in  sig^t  of  Gloucester,  when  the  siege  was 
instantly  raised ;  and  as  the  royal  ibroes  could  not 
be  prevailed  on  by  Charles  to  fight,  he  was  permit- 
ted to  enter  the  town  on  the  eighth*    By  this 

*  May,  lib.  iii.  c.  6.    Ruth.  ibid.    Whitelockej  ibid.    After  the 
royal  failure  at  Gloucester,  all  the  courtiers  and  officers  poured  forth 
execratioDB  against  those  who  advised  tha  si^^  wbidi  moat  of  them 
had  approved  of.    ''  Though/'  says  Clarendon,  "  what  happened  in 
the  relief  of  Gloucester  might  well  seem  to  justify  the  measure,  for 
fiince  it  appeared  that  the  city  was  so  much  united  to  the  parliament 
that  it  supplied  their  army  wiih  their  trained*baiids,  (wit^mt  which 
ii  never  ooaU  have  marched,)  with  what  suooefla  oo^  his  mqesty 
have  i^yproadied  London,  after  the  taking  of  Bristol,  with  his  harass- 
ed army  ?   And  would  not  the  whok  body  qfihe  trained-bands  have  de* 
fended  that,  when  jo  contiderabk  apart  qfthem  eomldbe  pertuaded  to 
fmdertakeafnardk<if90OtmieM9  for  less  they  did  not  march  from  the 
lime  they  went  out  to  that  in  which  they  returned***  vd.  iii*  p*  S6L 
This  is  good  sense,  and  the  gallant  conduct  of  the  trained^bands  irill 
be  seen  immediately. 


HmMT  W  rOB  BRITI8B  SMPIES*  4!l0 

tine  it  w»  reduced  to  the  last  extremity,  and  he 
Bot  only  lay  there  two  nights,  that  its  immediate 
wants  might  be  supplied,  but  marched  to  Tewks- 
bury,  where  he  continued  five  nights  more,  that, 
while  he  commanded  the  adjacent  country,  Giouces* 
ter  might  have  a  full  opportunity  of  hying  in  a 
sufficient  stock  of  provisions.  Thus  was  Gloucester' 
relieved  from  siege,  but  it  was  only  rescued  from' 
that  danger  to  be  exposed  to  another ;  for  what  the 
king  could  not  eflfect  by  arms,  he  then  nearly  ac- 
complished by  treachery :  the  design,  however, 
fortunately  failed,  from  an  ill  arrangement  between 
the  traitors  and  the  royalist  party  without*. 

Having  effected  his  grand  object,  Essex,  who 
heard  that  there  was  a  portion  of  the  royal  fdtx^es 
at  Cirencester  drawing  in  a  large  stock  of  provi*' 
sions,  marched  thither,  and  surprised  two  regi- 
ments, fVom  which  he  took  three  hundred  prison* 
ers,  and  four  hundred  horses,  six  standards,  and, 
what  his  army  required,  fifty  load  of  provisionsr 
He  afterwards  discovered  that  this  affliir  was  of 
greater  importance  than  he  had  imagined,  as  these 
regiments  were  intended  to  cover  a  design  of  rais- 
ing a  party  in  Kent.  fVom  Cirencester  he  proceed-- 
ed  by  Crickdale  towards  Newbury  ;  but  as  he  ap- 
proached to  within  two  miles  of  the  latter  place^ 
he  beheld  the  royal  army  stationed  on  a  hill  in  the 
neighbourhood,  the  king  having  availed  himself  of 
the  opportunity  afforded  by  the  necessary  delays 
of  the  parliamentary  army  to  get  beyond  it.   The 

•  May,  Rush.  Whitelocke,  €kr*  Ibid. 


444  HISTORY  W  TB£  BRITISH  SMPIRR. 

politipD  of  llie  rojal  army  vas  remarkably  favoura- 
ble for  defence ;  yet  Essex,  as  it  intercepted  his 
march,  had  no  alternative  but  to  hazard  a  battle, 
iind  force  his  way  through  the  obstruction :  He 
therefore  prepared  for  fight  on  the  following  morn* 
B^  of    Jug.    Afler  a  desperate  struggle  the  parliamentary 
troops  opened  their  way  through  difiScult  ground 
vfaich  separated  the  two  armies,  and  the  engage- 
ment became  general.    On  former  occasions  the 
k'mg  had  always  e^^celled  in  horse,  but  here  the 
parliament'ji  cavalry  evinced  no  inferiority  j  and  the 
trained-bands  of  the  city,  which  had  never  seen 
any  service  beyond  the  training  in  the  artillery 
garden,  gave  a  memorable  proof  of  the  illiberal 
absurdity  of  those  sneers  against  that  species  of 
establishment,  by  which  certain  people,-*^who  pro- 
bably  in  their  hearts  dislike  the  spirit  which  actu* 
ates  such  bodies,  while  their  unmanly  jealousy  in- 
clines them  to  deny  the  coprage  of  the  sddjer  to 
those  whom  they  have  h^en  a<:customed  to  meet 
as  ci^ens^T-^affeet  a  character  pf  wisdom,  as  if 
men  who  have  the  deepest  stake  in  the  communi- 
ty, and  cannot  justly  be  accused  of  want  of  discip- 
line, should  not  be  most  zealous  in  its  defence. 
Rupert  himself  charged  them  with  the  flower  of 
his  horse,  but  could  make  no  impression  on  their 
stand  of  pikefc  which  was  immovable  as  a  biidwark 
or  rampart.    The  royal  fbrc0s  also  behfived  with 
much  spirit ;  and  with  greater  libertdity  than  we 
discover  on  other  occasions,  for,  in  reading  the  opr 
posite  accounts  of  battles,  one  would  almost  ima- 
gine, from  their  diifferent  statements,  that  their  aq- 


.  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  SMPIHE.  445 

tagonists  were  destitute  of  the  ordinary  coutsge  of 
men.  Each  piirty  did  justice  to  the  gallantry  of  its 
adversaries.  «  AM  were  Englishmen/^  says  Whiter 
locke,  <<  and  pity  it  was  that  such  courage  should 
be  apent  in  the  blood  of  each  other/'  The  battle 
eontinoedt  with  various  success,  from  eight  in  the 
momiitg  till  darkness  separated  the  combatants. 
Essex  had  gained  ground  $  but  such  was  the  doubt- 
ful nature  of  the  action,  that  he  expected  a  renew- 
al of  it  next  day,  when  the  king,  by  drawing  off' his 
army,  allowed  him  to  pursue  his  march  by  Read- 
ing to  London.  The  king  in  this  fight  and  pre- 
vious skirmishes  lost  in  killed  above  2000.  Essex 
did  not  lose  above  500  * . 

It  had  been  the  misfortune  of  Charles  hitherto, 
in  most  of  the  battles  and  skirmishes,  to  lose  some 
of  his  fastest  friends ;  aqd  he  is  supposed  now, 
in  the  fall  of  the  Earl  of  Carnaervon  and  Lord  Death  nd 
Falkland,  to  have  sustained  a  great  calamity ;  but  lUISmL 
though  he  might  deplore  the  first,  it  is  most  likely'*^ 
that  he  did  not  deeply  lament  the  death  of  the  lat- 
ter, who,  far  from  flattering  his  passions,    had 
brought  himself  under  obloquy  and  reproach  for 
having  unceasingly  laboured  to  eff<*ct  a  reconcilia- 
tion with  the  parliament,  and  thus  save  his  coun- 
try from  all  the  misery  which  he  both  witnessed 
and  anticipated.    He  was  one  of  those  mixed  cha- 
racters, whose  failings  we  pity,  whose  virtues  we 
admire*    At  the  beginning  of  this  parliament  he 

*  Rwli*  ^L  T.  p^  ass.    May,  lib.  is.  p.  lOS,  f<  M^.    WhMocM, 
p.  73.    Ludlow,  p.  66. 


446  HI8T0BT  OF  THE  BBITISR  EMPIRE. 

had  stood  forth  the  staunch  advocate  of  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  liberty;  and,  as  to  high  rank,  he 
joined  the  most  elegant  accomph'shments  and  con- 
siderable talents,  he  soon  raised  himself  to  influ- 
ence with  the  parliament  and  estimation  with  the 
people  at  large.    It  is  charity  to  believe  that,  as 
he  was  firmly  attached  to  aristocractioal  privileges 
as  well  as  to  monarchy,  though  a  friend  to  the 
constitutional  liberty  of  the  subject,  he  began 
to  be  alarmed  at  the  spirit  of  innovation  which 
he  apprehended  in  the  commons;  artd  that,   at 
this  critical  juncture,  the  tempting  oflfehi  of  the 
court,  backed  with  the  artful  persuasions  of  Hyde, 
whose  pupil  he  was,  determined  him  to  desert  to 
the  king,  under  the  vain  imagination  that  he  might 
gratify  his  ambition  without  sacrificing  the  inter- 
ests of  his  country.    Fairly  entangled  with  the 
court,  he  had  not  the  resolution  to  abandon  it, 
and  with  it  his  prospects,  when  he  perceived  that 
Charles  was  bent  on  measures  destructive  of  the 
national  franchises.    But  though  denounced  as  a 
traitor  by  the  parliament,  and  excepted  from  par- 
don by  all  the  propositions,  the  unprincipled  ran- 
cour of  an  apostate  never  possessed  him.    He  still 
cherished  the  hope  that  he  might  be  the  mean  of 
saving  the  constitution,  and  strained  every  effort 
to  accomplish  the  object  by  reconciling  the  con- 
tending parties.    It  would  be  a  pleasure  to  draw 
a  veil  over  that  part  of  his  conduct  which  reflects 
most  disgrace  upon  his  memory— the  sanction 
which  he  gave  to  the  most  solemn  declarations 
that  he  must  have  known  to  have  been  destitute 


JOIiTMlT  OF  TUB  BRITISH  SlfFlSE.  447 

of  truth :  but  though  it  be  impoasible  to  excuse 
this  part  of  his  conduct)  we  ieel  our  indignation 
tnelt  into  coaipassion»  when  we  consider  the  ann 
guish  he  endured  on  account  of  this  unhappy  con* 
test,  which  be  believed  would  end  either  in  anar- 
diy  or  despotism.    More  than  his  fonper  cheeiv 
fubess^  however^  brightened  up  his  countenance 
on  any  prospect  of  peace,  which  he  would  urge 
with  all  his  might ;  but  his  interpositioa  for  his 
country,  as  it  was  lost  on  Charles  and  his  more  in- 
timate advisers,  only  brought  against  him  the 
charge  of  being  one  of  **  those  bad  hollow-hearted 
counsellors  who  too  much  affected  the  parliaments 
ary  way,''  ^  and  were  so  enamoured  of  peace  that 
they  would  have  the  king  purchase  it  at  any  price." 
A  settled  gloom,  therefore,  stole  upon  his  mind,  and 
clouded  his  features :  the  natural  afikbility  of  bia 
temper  in  the  discharge  of  his  office  was  convert* 
ed  into  peevishness^  which  was  mistaken  for  pride : 
sleep  forsook  him,  the  flesh  wasted  away  from  h^ 
bone^  and  a  sallow  paleness  overspread  his  visage : 
his  dress  and  personal  appearance,  which  he  had 
previously  paid  more  attention  to,  and  expended 
larger  sunis  on,  than  might  have  been  expected 
from  one  of  his  elegant  turn,  were  now  quite  ne* 
glected.    In  the  society  of  his  friends,  often  after 
a  deep  and  sad  silence,  interrupted  with  frequent 
sighs,  he  would,  in  a  shrill,  mournful  accent,  inge« 
minate  the  word — Peace,  peace;  declaring  that 
the  continuance  of  these  calamities,  and  the  pros« 
pect  of  further  mischief,  deprived  him  of  sleep^ 
and  would  shortly  break  his  heart    His  omirsge 


448        HirroET  of  the  British  ebcpirb; 

in  the  field  had  always  been  remarkable ;  but  the 
spirit  with  which  he  entered  into  battle  on  that 
fatal  day,  was  that  of  a  man  tired  of  existence. 
He  dressed  himself  neatly  in  the  morning,  observ- 
ing, that  the  enemy  sfaoidd  not  find  his  body  in 
foitl  linen ;  and  declared  that  he  was  weaiy  of  the 
times,  as  he  foresaw  much  calamity  to  his  coiintry» 
but  that  he  hoped  to  be  out  of  the  world  ere  night. 
He  was  in  his  thirty-fourth  year  *• 
TemiNr  of      Bcforc  the  siege  of  Gloucester,  the  king's  party 
l^MDjat^^  been  so  elated  with  the  fall  of  Bristol,  that  they 
^^'^oid.     flattered  themselves  that  the  war  was  at  a  close, 
and  imagined  that  they  had  only  to  march  to  Lon- 
don and  take  possession  of  it,  as  it  would  be  deliver- 
ed to  them  on  demand.    But  on  this  reverse  there 
appeared  nothing  but  dejection  of  mind ;  **  it  be- 
ing their  unlucky  temper,*'  says  Clarendon,  <<  to 
be  the  soonest  and    the  most  desperately  cast 
down  upon  any  misfortune  or  loss,  and  again, 
upon  any  victory,  to  be  the  most  elated^  and  the 
most  apt  to  undervalue  any  difficulties  which  re- 
mained*''   After  the  king's  return  to  Oxford,  dis- 
content and  secret  mutiny  raged  in  the  army, 
eveiy  one  accusing  another  of  want  of  courage  and 
want  of  conduct  in  the  field,  and  all  execrating  the 
expedition  to  Gloucester,  though  themselves  had 
approved  of  it    But,  while  the  soldiers  were  all 
quarrelling  amongst  themselves,  in  one  thing  they 

*  Ciu.  vol  uL  p.  S60,  it  seq.  Whitdoeke,  p.  78.  Carte'i  Let  ?oL 
i.  p.  SO-  From  the  character  of  Falkland,  and  the  reproaches  Sung 
upon  him,  I  cannot  doubt  that  he  la  alluded  to  here,  thou^  the  wii« 
ter  prudently  dedinea  to  mention  names  in  h{B  diapatch. 


HISTORY  OP  THE  BBI TISH  EMPIRE*  449 

all  agreed— 'in  a  contempt  of  any  other  body  of 
men,  and,  in  particular,  of  the  council ;  and  imagin* 
ing  that  the  king  depended  altogether  upon  the 
power  of  the  sword,  they  conceived  that  all  councila 
should  be  subordinate  to  them,  whence  it  is  not 
unlikely  that,  had  the  king  been  successful  in  war, 
he  would  have  brought  himself  under  a  more  ig«^ 
nominious  bondage  than  that  which  he  so  abhorred 
from  the  parliament.  The  very  temper,  however, 
of  the  troops,  would  have  frustrated  the  effects 
even  of  triumph  in  the  field  ;  fortlieir  indiscrimi- 
nate  plunder  and  insdence,  wherever  they  went, 
raised  up  the  country  against  them.  The  court 
and  council  were  also  rent  into  factions,  every  one 
being  importunate  for  office  and  honours,  and  ready 
to  sacrifice  all  that  stood  in  the  way  of  his  own 
advancement  *, 

While  the  fortune  of  the  war  seemed  fairly  turned  Aetunu  in 
in  the  south,  it  will  be  necessary  to  take  a  short 
review  of  the  actions  in  the  north.     Hull  had 
nearly  fallen  a  sacrifice  to  the  treachery  of  the 


*  Clar.  ToL  ixL  p.  S27.  ''  A  retf  great  lioenoe/*  says  Clarendoiiy 
broke  into  the  army^  both  among  Mcen  and  soldien^"  (at  the  siege 
of  Gloucester,)  ^'  the  malignity  of  those  parts  being  thought  excuse  for 
the  exercise  of  any  rapine  or  severity  amongst  the  inhabitants.  In- 
aomudi,  as  it  is  hardly  to  be  credited  how  many  dioosand  sheep  were 
in  a  few  days  destroyed,  besides  what  were  brought  to  the  oommissa- 
lies  for  a  r^^ular  provision^  and  many  countrymen  imprisoned  by 
officers  without  warrant,  or  the  least  knowledge  of  the  long,  till  they 
had  paid  good  sums  for  their  delinquency,  all  which  brought  great 
clamour  upon  the  discipline  of  the  army,  and  justice  of  the  officers^ 
and  made  than  likewise  less  prepared  for  the  service  they  were  to  ex- 
pect P  341,  342.  361,  ei  seq.  3S4,  et  $eq.  Vol.  iv.  p>  4S0,  et  seq.  49S. 
515^518.  £54,  eiseq.  626—51.  67.  H  seq.  87^96, 97. 700—4. 88,  29. 

VOL.  III.  2  G 


t* 


4i50  HIBTORT  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

Hothams ;  but  the  plot  having,  as  it  was  ripe  for 
execatioD,  been  luckily  discovered,  both  father  and 
son  were  sent  to  London,  where  they  underwent 
the  just  punishment  of  their  viUany  *.  The  pre- 
servation of  Hull  proved  the  safety  of  F(drfax. 
After  a  brilliant  career  he'  had  been  attacked  at 
Atherton-moor  by  the  Earl  of  Newcastle,  with  a 
superior  force,  especially  in  cavalry,  and  had  been 
utterly  defeated  and  pursued  into  Hull,  where  he 
was  soon  besieged*  Before  beginning  the  siege, 
however,  Newcastle  directed  himself  towards 
Gainsborough,  which,  after  a  desperate  attack,  was 
suirendered  to  him.  This  town  had,  a  little  be- 
fore, been  taken  by  assault  for  the  parliament,  by 
CromweU,  who  *^  now,"  sajrs  Whitelocke,  <V began 
to  appear  to  the  world.  He  had  a  brave  regiment 
of  horse  of  his  countrymen,  most  of  them  freehold- 
ers, and  freeholders'  sons,  and  who,  in  matter  of 
conscience,  engaged  in  this  quarrel  under  Crom- 
well,  and  thus  being  well  armed  within  by  the 
satisfaction  of  their  own  consciences,  and  without 
by  good  iron  arms,  they  would  as  one  man  stand 
firmly  and  charge  desperately  t/'  On  that  occa> 
sion,  there  fell  the  Earl  of  Kingston,  and  a  son  of 
the  Earl  of  Devonshire;  but  Cromwell  having 
been  obliged  to  recruit  his  little  army,  and  New- 
castle, after  the  defeat  of  Fairfax,  having  advanced 


'  It  it  imasing  to  see  Mr.  Hune  ocmdeiiiii  the  parlUment  £dr 
piece  of  juitice.  Had  any  of  Charles's  officers  acted  a  aiimlar  par^ 
wonld  any  one  pretend  that  he  did  not  desenre  death?  Having  engaged 
with  the  parliament,  they  ought  sorely  to  have  been  faithfiil  to  it,  or 
surrendered  their  commiBBion. 

t  Whitelocke,  p.  7S. 


lilfiTORT  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  451 

^prith  six  thousand  horse  and  tbot,  when  there  was 
no  sufficient  force  to  cope  with  him,  forced  Gains* 
borough  in  several  places,  and  obfiged  Lord  WiU 
loughby  to  surrender  it  on  the  condition  of  being 
allowed  to  inarch  away  with  bag  and  baggage. 
Willopghby  carried  his  troops  to  Lincoln ;  but  the 
£arl  dislodged  them,  and  placed  a  garrison  there 
for  the  king.  After  this  good  fortune  he  was 
created  Marquis,  and  sat  down  before  Hull  *. 

In  the  meantime.  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax  had  raised 
twenty-five  troops  of  horte  and  dragoons,  and  two 
thousand  foot,  with  part  of  which  having  been 
driven  from  Beverley,  he  joined  Cromwell,  who  had 
recruited  bis  forces,  and  the  Earl  of  Manchester, 
who  also  raised  an  army  by  an  ordinance  of 
parliament  On  the  11th  of  October,  they  en« 
gi^ed  part  of  the  Marquis's  forces  at  Horn-Castle, 
in  Lincolnshire,  and  defeated  them.  In  dragoons 
and  horse,  both  sides,  were  nearly  equal.  Crom- 
well commanded  the  van,  and  charged  with  the 
utmost  resolution  ;  but  bis  intrepidity  had  nearly 
proved  fatal  to  him.  His  horse  having  been  killed 
under  him,  tumbled  above  him,  and,  as  he  attempt- 
ed to  rise,  he  was  again  knocked  down  by  Sir 
Arthur  Ingrain,  the  gentleman  who  had  assaulted 
him.  He,  however,  got  up,  and  having  seized  ^  a 
poor  horse  in  a  soldier's  hand,'*  returned  to  the 
charge.  The  van  of  the  royalist  horse  gave  way, 
and  threw  the  reserve  into  disorder :  Manchester's 
cavalry  then,  availing  themselves  of  the  advantage, 

*  Whitdocke^  p.  70^  et  $eq.    Rush.  ToL  r.  p.  975,  tt  nq* 

jeo2 


452  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

put  the  whole  to  the  rout  The  parliamentary 
foot  now  advanced ;  but  the  horse  had  already  done 
the  business.  A  thousand  of  the  royal  party  fell  on 
that  day,  while  the  opposite  side  sustained  a  very 
small  loss,  which  did  not  include  one  man  of  note. 
So  far  were  matters  now  changed,  that  the  parlia- 
ment, which  had  been  inferior  in  horse,  though  su- 
perior in  foot  now  under  Cromwell,  began  to  ex- 
cel far  more  in  cavalry  than  it  had  ever  done  in 
infantry.  On  the  following  day.  Lord  Fairfax, 
who  had  beat  off  many  attempts  of  Newcastle  on 
Hull,  by  a  desperate  sally,  obliged  that  nobleman 
to  raise  the  siege  *•  The  tide  of  war  was  now, 
therefore,  completely  changed  in  the  norths  as  well 
as  in  the  south  ;  and  there  is  small  reason  to  doubt 
that  the  parliament  would  have  prevailed  in  the 
struggle  though  the  Scots  had  never  entered  Eng- 
land. 
The  toionn  Wc  havo  already  seen  what  had  occurred  in  re- 
Iml^'t^  gard  to  Scotland ;  but  it  may  be  necessary  to  ad- 
vert to  the  feelings  and  views  of  the  people  of  that 
country.  The  Covenanters  have  been  described 
by  a  late  celebrated  historian,  as  having  been  sole- 
ly actuated  by  ridiculous  fanaticism ;  but,  when  we 
examine  the  most  legitimate  sources  of  informal 
tion— the  familiar  letters  of  one  of  the  chief  cove- 
nanting clergy,  addressed  to  his  brother-in-law — 
we  see  matters  in  a  very  different  light.  All  men 
who  zealously  embrace  any  opinion,  not  only  on 

*  Rush.  vol.  ▼.  p.  981^  et  seq.   Wliitelocke,  p.  75-6. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  453 

political  and  religious  subjects,  but  even  on  those 
which  do  not  appear  to  affect  human  interests,  are 
anxious  that  others  should  adopt  it,  and  regard 
with  particular  satisfaction,  all,  wherever  situated, 
who  concur  with  them  in  sentiment  In  religious 
or  political  matters,  all  benevolent  minds  desire 
that  others  should  enjoy  that  happiness  which  they 
admire  in  their  own  institutions.  But  when  there 
is  reason  to  believe  that  the  chief  magistrate  lies 
in  wait  to  overturn  the  civil  and  religious  rights, 
every  one  must  feel  his  interests  at  home  strength- 
ened by  the  diffusion  of  the  same  principles  abroad, 
and  therefore  watches  the  proceedings  in  other 
states,  with  a  concernmient  approximating  to  what 
he  does  those  in  his  own. 

English  affairs,  however,  came  at  once  home  to 
the  bosoms  of  the  Scots  as  their  own,  for  they  lived 
under  the  same  king,  and  plainly  perceived  that 
be  required  only  the  conquest  of  the  sister  king- 
dom in  order  to  overwhelm  Scotland,  and  restore 
the  civil  and  religious  bondage  which  they  had  so 
intrepidly  cast  off.  On  the  other  hand,  as  there 
was  a  party  in  Scotland  busy  to  raise  a  faction 
there,  which  should  overpower  the  Covenanters 
and  join  the  king,  it  was  scarcely  possible  for  the 
latter  to  be  quiet.  It  is  as  true  that  a  portion  of 
the  English  parliament  looked  for  the  help  of  the 
Covenanters  in  their  internal  struggle.  The  in- 
trigues of  Montrose,  Aboyne,  and  the  Hamiltons, 
were  early  suspected ;  and  the  second  seizure  of 
the  Earl  of  Antrim  by  Monro,  enabled  them  to  de- 
velop the  whole  horrid  plot,  by  papers  found  oa 

2g3 


454  HI8TOAT  iiJ?  THE  BRITIgH  EMPIBS. 

his  perscMi*    After  this,  which  struck  them  with 
dismay*  for  matters  were  blacker  than  they  iina«  I 

gined,  neutrality  was  impossible;  and  as  they 
might  summon  a  convention  of  estates,  which  in  a 
great  measure  possessed  the  powers  of  a  parlia- 
ment, and  which  Charles  opposed  in  vain,  they, 
under  that  name^  accomplished  the  object  which 
they  were  denied  by  the  king.  Much  was  th«r 
disappointment,  therefore,  at  the  backwardness  of 
the  English  parliament  in  soliciting  their  assist- 
ance ;  and  they  seem,  latterly,  to  have  listened 
greedily  to  all  accounts  of  its  disasters,  which  they 
flattered  themselves  would  lead  to  that  event. 
The  matter  was  opposed  by  the  aristocratical  por- 
tion of  the  houses ;  but  the  more  popular  succeed- 
ed at  last  in  carrying  the  measure ;  and  commis- 
sioners, of  whom  Sir  Henry  Vane  the  younger 
was  the  chiefs  were  dispatched  to  ScotUod,  for  the 
purpose  of  establishing  a  league  with  that  nation. 
Though  the  Scots  were  deeply  imbued  with  a 
sense  of  the  superiority  of  their  religious  establish- 
ment over  those  of  all  other  states,  they  did  not 
permit  their  enthusiasm  to  withdraw  them  from 
mere  worldly  affairs.  Imagining  that  the  English 
were  almost  overpowered  by  the  king,  they  flat- 
tered themselves  that  it  would  be  reserved  for  their 
army  to  suppress  the  royal  forces ;  and  that  thea, 
in  conjunction  with  the  Presbyterian  party,  they 
would  be  enabled  to  dictate  both  in  civil  and  ec- 
clesiastical matters,  and  thus  open  to  themselves 
the  offices  in  church  and  state. 
The  Eqglish  commissioners  were  instructed  to 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  455 

enter  into  a  civil  league  only ;  but  it  was  the  inte- 
rest of  the  Scots,  as  well  as  the  dictates  of  their 
feelings,  to  make  it  also  a  religious  one.    As  the 
commissioners  could  not  accomplish  their  own  ob- 
ject, it  became  necessary  for  them  to  modify  what 
appertained  to  ecclesiastical  matters,  so  as  not  to 
exclude,  and  consequently  forfeit  the  support  and 
affections  of,  the  large  party  in  England,  that  now 
began  to  be  known  under  the  title  of  Independents, 
including  those  who  had  not  resolved  on  a  form 
of  church  government,  but  objected  to  the  tyran- 
nical rigour  of  the  Presbyterians.   To  have  yielded 
to  any  express  stipulation  in  favour  of  the  Inde- 
pendents, might  have  shaken  the  stability  of  the 
Scottish  establishment,  and  would  have  blasted 
the  hopes  of  the  Scots  in  regard  to  the  success  of 
their  schemes  in  the  south.    On  the  other  handy 
it  would  have  been  pernicious,  perhaps  fatal,  to 
the  English,  to  have  renounced  the  interests  of  so 
powerful  and  respectable  a  body  as  the  Indepen- 
dents.   But  as  the  common  safety  of  the  two  na- 
tions required  an  immediate  agreement,  they  en- 
tered into  a  compromise— that  while  the  worship 
in  Scotland  should  be  sustained  as  at  present  esta^ 
blished,  the  reformation  in  England  should  be  ef- 
fected ^*  according  to  the  word  of  God,  and  the  ex- 
ample of  the  best  reformed  churches.''    In  other 
respects,  they  agreed  to  root  out  popery,  &c.    A 
meeting  of  divines,  for  the  establishment  of  the 
English  church,  was  to  be  held  at  Westminster, 
where  the  Scottish  clergy  were  to  assist  in  the 
discussion.     But  the  latter,  though  they  displayed 


456  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

much  erudition  there,  which,  however,  they  allow- 
ed their  antagonists  also  exhibited,  appear  to  have 
relied  more  upon  the  power  of  their  army  than  of 
their  arguments :  their  continual  complaint  after* 
wards  was,  that  so  fine  a  military  force  should  do 
nothing ;  their  cry,  to  enter  upon  action,  that  hav- 
ing borne  down  resistance  from  the  king,  it  might 
act  in  conjunction  with  the  Presbyterian  party 
against  all  others*. 

The  agreement  with  the  Scots  obtained  the  name 
of  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant ;  and  by  it 


*  The  clause  in  regard  to  the  drarch-goyemmeDt  of  Engknd  has 
been  ascribed  to  the  deep  hypocrisy  of  Sir  Henry  Vane,  who,  accord- 
ing to  Clarendon,  overreach^  a  whole  nation  in  what  they  moat  ex* 
celled  in— dissimulation.    But  it  is  well  for  that  historian  to  endea- 
vour to  blast  the  dharacter  of  an  individual  whom  he  may  be  said  to 
have  murdered,  and  that  of  a  nation  which  he  oppressed  with  sudi 
tyrannical  bigotry.    Burnet  says,  that  the  English  commissioners 
would  not  hear  of  a  clause  for  presbyterianism,  and  thought  them- 
selves well  secured  from  the  inroads  of  the  Scottish  presbytery,  by 
the  words,  ''  of  reforming  according  to  the  word  of  God,**  cast  in  by 
8ir  Henry  Vane ;  whilst  the  Scots  thought  the  next  words!,  **  of 
reforming  according  to  the  practice  of  the  best  reformed  churches," 
made  sure  for  the  Scottish  model,  since  they  counted,  and  indisputa^ 
bly,  that  Scotland  could  not  miss  that  character ;  and  dutt,  therefore, 
in  the  very  contriving  of  that  artide,  they  studied  to  outwit  each 
other.    Now,  what  does  all  this  prove,  but  that  both  parties  were 
satisfied  to  leave  the  matter  open  to  after  discussion?    That  the 
Soots  flattered  themselves  with  the  idea  of  carrying  their  object,  is 
beyond  all  doubt ;  but,  when  the  affidr  was  so  contested,  they  could 
not  be  strangers  to  the  loose  nature  of  the  clause.    Then,  why  should 
there  be  an  assembly  at  Westminster,  to  determine  upon  the  best  ec- 
clesiastical establishment,  if  any  thing  had  been  resolved  upon  ?   The 
private  letters  of  Baillie,  however,  put  this  matter  beyond  question ; 
and  it  is  extraordinary  that  it  should  have  been  reserved  for  such 
writers  as  Clarendon  to  charge  Vane  with  overreaching  the  Scots, 
ivhile  the  Presbyterians  were  silent. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  457 

they  undertook  to  send  a  large  army  into  £ng- 
land,  to  co-operate  with  the  parliament  Having 
been  sanctioned  by  the  English  parliament,  it  was 
ordered  to  be  taken  by  the  people  in  both  coun- 
tries ;  and  the  enthusiasm  with  which  it  was  de- 
ceived must  have  inspired  terror  into  the  opposite 
party.  The  Scottish  pulpits  sounded  to  arms ;  and 
the  curse  of  Meroz  against  those  who  go  not  out 
to  assist  the  Lord  against  the  mighty,  rang  in  the 
ears  of  the  zealous  auditors.  Young  men  of  fa- 
mily readily  offered  their  services  in  the  army ; 
and  old  soldiers  of  fortune  hailed  the  opportunity 
of  such  employment.  By  the  close  of  the  year, 
Leslie,  Earl  of  Leven,  who  accepted  of  the  com- 
mand, led  20,000  men  to  the  borders  *. 

On  the  other  hand,  Charles  had  long  been  tarn-  iiiih  iffiuii 
pering  in  Ireland,  and  had  only  been  restrained^ 
from  concluding  a  peace,  and  bringing  over  the 
army  there  to  England,  as  well  as  from  raising  an- 
other of  Irish  Catholics,  by  the  backwardness  of 
the  first  to  concur  in  the  measure,  and  by  the  fa- 
tal prejudice  which  the  project  must  bring  to  his 
affairs,  unless  it  enabled  him  to  triumph  complete- 
ly over  the  liberties  of  Britain.  His  secret  corre- 
spondence with  Ormonde,  however,  and  even  with 
Catholics,  continued  uninterrupted,  and  he  em- 
ployed all  means  to  incline  the  army  to  his  wishes, 
and  to  obtain  a  pretext  for  entering  into  a  peace. 
The  distractions  in  Britain  had  prevented  sufficient 

*  Baillie's  Letten,  vol.  i.  p.  337,  et  seq.  Burnet's  Mem.  of  the 
HamiltonB,  p.  333,  et  seq.  Clar.  vol.  iii.  p.  369j  et  seq, ;  voL  y. 
p.  119,  113. 


4SS  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRS, 

supplies  from  being  sent  to  the  army  in  Ireland, 
and  it  was  reduced  to  straits.    Availing  himself  of 
this,  Charles  secretly  encouraged  the  oflScers  to 
set  forth  remonstrances  of  their  lamentable  condi- 
tion, and  to  use  the  language  of  despair.     The*  op- 
posite party  complained  that  vessels  with  supplies 
were  seized  by  the  royal  troops,  and  alleged  that 
others  were  intercepted  by  secret  intelligence  given 
to  the  rebels ;  and  it  is  extraordinary,  indeed,  that 
Charles  himself  commanded  Ormonde^— that  in- 
dividual had  been  bribed  with  a  new  title— >to  send 
him  arms  and  ammunition,  articles  of  which  Or- 
monde himself  loudly  complained   in  public  of 
hot  being  sufficiently  provided.    The  parliament 
sent  commissioners   to  watch  over  Irish  affiiirs, 
who  even  engaged  their  own  credit  for  the  sup- 
ply of  the  troops,  and  made  many  judicious  ar- 
rangements ;  but,  under  the  colour  that  they  had 
been  sent  without  his  authority  by  an  assembly 
in  rebellion  against  Charles,  he  commanded  their 
departure  from  the  island,  and  even  issued  orders 
to  seize  them  on  a  charge  of  sedition,  &c.  Some  of 
the  justices  and  council  strenuously  opposed  any 
cessation,  for  a  peace  durst  not  be  entered  into, 
and  these  were  immediately  displaced,  and  even 
threatened  with   an   impeachment,  on   grounds 
which  it  was  well  known  could  never  be  substan* 
tiated.     The  lordJieutenant  was,  on  the  same 
principles,  detained  in  England.    The  officers  in 
the  army  too,  who  opposed  any  agreement  with 
the  rebels,  were  discountenanced  as  disaffected  to 
the  king.    All  attempts  to  bribe  the  Scottish  ge- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  459 

neraU  and  seduce  his  army,  proved  ineffectual. 
The  intrigues,  however,  failed  to  give  a  colour  to 
the  proceeding  till  September. — The  fate  of  the 
English-Irish  army,  and  the  result  of  the  cessation, 
AM  be  related  in  their  place  *. 


*  The  statement  of  Mr.  Hume  on  this  subject,  and  he  merely  fdU 
lowB  Carte,  an  author  that  makes  the  boldest  assertions  against  evi« 
dence  fiimlfifaed  by  himself,  is  so  extraordinary  that  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  meet  it.  His  statement  is,  that  Charles  was  actuated  by  the 
laudable  motiTe  of  saving  the  Bnglish^Irish  army,  (which  was  in  the 
utmost  straits,)  as  well  as  his  Protestant  sulgectB,  and  that  then  he 
naturally  employed  the  army  against  the  parliament.  Now,  the  first 
ooBmussion  to  Ormonde  to  hear  die  comf^aints  of  the  confederated 
Irish,  is  dated  Uie  11th  of  January,  (Carte's  Ormonde,  toI.  ill. 
p.  117,  lis,)  and  yet  it  appears,  by  a  letter  to  Ormonde  on  the  12th 
of  that  month,  or  next  day,  that  8eijeant*midor  Warren  had  been 
previously  instructed  to  carry  to  Ormonde  his  majesty's  commands  for 
peace,  and  do  other  work.  Along  with  this  letter  there  is  a  memorial  fbr 
iSie  treaty,  **  tihat,"  says  Charles,  "  honour  andpubSc  safety  may  go 
along  WITH  MT  FARTicuLAx  iiTTSEESTS,  wlucfa  I  permit  you  to  com- 
municate according  to  your  discretion.  For  the  rest,  I  hare  given  so 
ftdl  instructions  to  this  trusty  bearer  that  I  need  say  no  more."  (Ap- 
pendix to  Life  of  Ormonde,  p.  1.)  Yet  this  trusty  bearer,  the  king 
mentions,  knew  nothing  of  Warren's  message.  Warren  seems  to 
have  been  dispatched  in  November ;  and  one  object  was,  to  dispose 
the  officers  of  the  army  to  the  king's  service,  and  encourage  them  to 
complain.  Accordingly,  on  the  I9th  December,  Ormonde  writes  to  Se- 
cretary Nicholas,  that  Warren  himself,  with  others,  had  formally 
made  a  complaint,  (voL  iii.  p.  130,)  but  he  takes  care  not  to  aUude 
to  the  secret  instructions ;  and  here  I  must  observe,  that  it  is  per- 
fectly evident,  by  colladng  letters,  &c.  that  both  the  king,  Ormonde, 
and  others  of  the  royal  correspondents,  used  in  their  dispatches  a 
style  which  imported  something  yery  di£Perent  from  what  privately 
passed.  Compare  the  letters  in  the  Appendix  to  the  life  of  Or^ 
nionde,  and  what  we  have  quoted  from  the  Appendix  to  Clarendon's 
History  of  the  Irish^Rebellion,  with  those  in  vol.  iii.  of  Carte's  Or- 
monde. On  the  9d  of  February,  Charles  writes,  ''  I  am  glad  to  see, 
by  yours  of  the  16th  of  January,  that  you  are  ready  to  put  those 
propositions  in  execution  which  I  made  to  you  by  Seijeant-major 


460  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITIH  EMPIRE. 

^^^  In  December  this  year,  the  parliament  and 
people  sustained  a  great  loss  in  the  death  of 
Pym,  whose  poverty  at  his  decease  put  a  pe- 
riod to  the  ceaseless  charges  of  the  royalists, 
that  he  was  amassing    an   immense   fortune  at 

Warren,  usuring  j<m,  tbat  that  service  shall  not  be  hindered  by  the 
arriyal  of  a  more  powerful  head."  (This,  of  course,  was  Letoester, 
the  lord-lieutenant,  who  was  purposely  kept  in  England  by  Charles.) 
*'  And  I  earnestly  desire  you  (for  many  reasons,  which  I  have  not 
tame  now  to  set  down)  to  send  me  word^  with  all  spewed,  the  particu- 
lars of  this  business,  as  how,  when,  and  in  what  measure  it  will  be 
done,  as  likewise  what  use  they  will  make  of  Mr.  Bourke's  dispatch 
in  relation  to  it.  Accommodation  is  much  qwken  of  here,  I  having 
yesterday  received  propositions  from  the  parliament;  but  those  that 
see  them  will  hardly  believe  that  the  propounders  have  any  intention 
of  peace ;  for  certainly  no  less  power  than  His,  who  made  the  world 
of  nothing,  can  draw  peace  out  of  these  articles."  (This  evinces  with 
what  disposition  the  treaty  of  Oxford  was  entered  into.)  '^  There- 
fore, I  leave  you  to  judge  what  hope  there  is  for  you  to  receive  sap- 
plies  from  hence,  which  you  should  not  want  were  it  in  the  power 
of,"  &c.  On  the  Sth,  he  writes—^'  I  am  glad  that  mine  of  the  ISth 
of  January  are  come  to  your  hands,  and  that  you  will  lose  no  time  in 
the  prosecution  of  that  business,  commandw^  ycu  to  tlacken  nothmg" 
in  it,  whatsoever  the  Justices  may  say  or  do.  I  would  not  this  way 
seem  to  doubt  your  diligence  in  obeying  my  commands^  but  that  IJind, 
towards  the  conclusion  of  your  letter,  that  the  justices  intend  to  desire 
of  me  a  stop  of  the  execution  of  that  commission  ;  and  I  know  thai  I 
need  not  bid  you  hinder,  as  much  as  you  may,  the  concurrence  of  im^ 
Protestant  subjects.  This  last  of  yours,  if  I  be  not  deceived,  shews 
me  clearly  that  my  commands  by  Major  Warren  are  very  feasible  ; 
wherefore  I  desire  you  earnestly  to  lose  no  time  in  that  neither^  and 
that  you  woidd,  with  all  speed,  send  me  Wairen  over^  very  particu- 
larly instructed,  which  way  and  when  I  may  expect  the  perfbrmanoe 
of  that  business,  with  all  the  circumstances  conducing  to  it."  Vol.  iL 
App.  p.  2,  3.  See  further,  a  letter  on  the  92d,  and  one  on  St.  Pa- 
trick's day,  in  which  he  says — "  Besides  what  yon  will  receive  in  ans- 
wer to  your  last  di^tch  by  my  secretary,  I  must  add  this,  to  desire 
you  to  send  to  Chester  as  many  muskets  as  you  can  spare,  with  all 
expedition.  I  would  wish  2000,  and  likewise  forty  barrels  of  pow- 
der to  the  same  place."    And  on  the  23<;  of  March  he  writes,  '*  I 


*» 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  461 

the  public  expense ;  but  a  new  calumny  suc- 
ceeded, that  he  had  been  cut  off  for  his  iniquity 
by  the  loathsome  disease,  morbus  pedicularis,  with 
which  Sylla  had  been  afiected----a  disease  which  has 
absurdly  be  enascribed  to  many  ♦.     His  body  was 


havesojklly  intruded  this  fruity  bearer,  that  I  add  nothings  but  only 
by  way  of  memorandum^  that  the  Lord  Forbears  fleet  is  to  be  seized' 
(this  lord  commanded  troops  from  Scotland  to  suppress  the  Irish  re- 
bels^) '<  whether  there  be  peace  with  the  Irish  rebels  or  not ;  but  not 
to  be  undertaken  except  you  be  more  than  competent  to  do  it :  And 
if  there  be  peace  in  Ireland^  then  my  Irish  army  is  to  come  over  with 
all  speed  to  assist  me,  and  not  else^  except  I  send  yen  word,**  lb.— - 
Now^  if  this  be  considered^  along  with  the  plot  with  Antrim^  and  the 
whole  correspondence  in  the  third  volume  of  Carte*s  Ormond,  it  will 
set  matters  in  a  very  strange  light«  See  from  p.  130  to  966.  It  ap- 
pears by  a  letter  from  Digby  to  Ormonde,  e9th  November,  that 
Antrim,  who  had  been  liberated  by  the  interposition  of  the  king, 
(see  p.  Sis,)  had  returned  to  his  old  project;  and  yet  it  was  in  Ja- 
nuary following,  that  the  commission  which  is  in  the  Clarendon  Pa- 
pers was  granted  to  him.  See  Borlace's  Ireland,  p.  103,  104,  111 
112,  114,  121,  128, 129,  135.  See  Ckr.  voL  iiL  p.  159,  etseq.  Rush, 
vol.  V.  p.  34S,  et  seq.  Whoever  will  attend  to  what  we  have  quoted 
and  referred  to,  and  to  what  we  have  formerly  proved  on  this  subject, 
will  not  entertain  a  doubt  on  the  matter.  The  very  fact,  indeed,  that 
Charles  wished  a  pretext  for  bringing  over  the  English-Irish  army  to 
England,  and  thenoe  encouraged  the  officers  to  complain,  and  that  he 
had  projected  the  introduction  of  the  Irish  rebels  long  before  the  ces- 
sation, affinrds  a  presumption  which  is  insurmountable.  Carte,  who 
abuses  all  who  opposed  the  royal  designs,  charges  Monro,  who  re* 
fused  an  earldom,  and  upwards  of  £2000  per  annum,  as  a  bribe  to 
join  Charles,  with  having  indifferently  plundered  friend  and  foe;  but 
it  is  strange  that  the  Protestants  did  not  complain. 

*  Rush.  voL  V.  p.  376.  Whitelocke,  p.  69.  Clarendon,  voL  iiL 
p.  462*  Journals  of  the  Commons.  See  Letters  in  third  volume  of 
Carte's  Ormonde.  The  malice  of  Clarendon  makes  him  repeat  the 
silly  tale  (which  he  probably  assisted  to  invent)  regarding  the  cause 
of  Pym's  death,  and  endeavour  to  destroy  his  character  for  integrity 
by  a  story  which,  like  the  other,  only  reflects  against  himself ;  that  one 
of  the  witnesses  againat  Strafford,  ''  an  Irishman  of  very  mean  and 


462  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

exposed  for  some  time,  to  refute  the  groundless 
clamour.  It  was  believed,  that  the  load  of  business, 
with  anxiety  for  the  public  service,  overpowered  a 
naturally  infirm  constitution  at  an  advanced  period 
of  life.     His  debts  were  paid  by  the  parliament. 


low  condition^  afterwards  acknowledged,  Uiat  being  bnragfat  to  him 
as  an  eyidenoe  of  one  part  of  the  charge  against  the  lord-lieutenant^ 
in  aparticulat  of  which  a  person  of  so  vOe  quality  would  not  be  rea« 
Bonably  be  thought  a  competent  informer,  Mr.  Pym  gare  him  money 
to  buy  a  satin  suit  and  doak,  in  which  equipage  he  appeared  at  the 
trial,  and  gave  his  evidence."  Now  surely,  if  this  person  of  vile  qim- 
lity  was  not  worthy  of  credit,  upon  his  oath  against^Straffiirde,  he 
should  not,  on  his  bare  word,  have  been  beUered  against  Pym,  when 
the  restoration  (for  that  undoubtedly  was  the  '*  afterwards")  had  put 
all  power  in  the  hands  of  Clarendon's  own  party.  But  who  was  this 
witness?  IVhatdidheswear  to?  To  whom  did  he  make  this  im- 
portant disclosure?  Clarendon  is  prudently  silent  as  to  all  this. 
The  same  writer  denies  the  great  natural  talents  of  Pym,  and  alleges 
that  they  were  not  muth  adorned  with  art ;  but  he  admits  his  capa- 
city for  business,  and  allows  that  '^  he  had  a  very  comely  and  grare 
way  of  expressing  himself,  with  great  v^Aufaility  of  words,  natural  and 
proper.**  But  see  what  Baillie  says  of  his  powerful  eloquence,  in  his 
Journal  of  Strafforde*s  Trial. 


463 


CHAP.  IX. 


SiaU  qfihe  Court  and  Royal  Armjf — Assembly  of  the  Mock 
or  Mongrel  Parliament  at  Oxford^  and  its  proceedings 
— Ruin  of  the  English-Irish  Regiments  brought  by 
Charles  to  Engiand^Entrance  of  the  Scots^  and  their 
JwuMon  with  Fayrfaic  after  his  victories  at  Sdby-^Siege 
ofYorky  andjunction  of  Manchester's  Army  mJOi  Fair' 
Ja£s  and  the  Scottish^^Es^loits  of  Rupert^  and  Battle 
ofMairston  Moor^^Character  qfCromweU  and  of  the  In- 
dependents— Battle  qfCropredy  Bridge — Essex's  Forces 
disarmed^Second  Battle  of  Newbury^^Self  denying  Or-' 
dinance-^FairfaX'^Monirose's  proceedings  in  Scotland 
'^Treaty  of  Uxbridge^^Execution  of  Laud, 

In  his  attempt  to  escape  from  the  wholesome 
controul  of  his  grand  council^  Charles  only  in- 
curred a  severer  thraldom.  To  the  complaints 
and  insatiable  demands  of  those  who  supported 
him,  and  who,  putting  a  due  value  on  their  own 
services,  shewed  that  they  did  not  mean  to  vindi- 
cate his  claims  without  a  proper  return,  the  royal 
ear  must  be  ever  open ;  and  if  any  received  the 
shghtest  check  in  his  unwarrantable  pretensions, 
he  threatened  to  leave  the  kingdom.    Having  set 


464  HISTORY    OFTHEBRir/SH  EMPIRE. 

the  example  of  trampling  upon  all  law  but  that  of 
force,  he  taught  the  soldiers  to  regard  the  sword 
as  the  origin  of  legitimate  government,  and  con- 
sequently to  despise  the  council  as  subordinate  ta 
the  army.  With  a  respect  for  the  law  of  the  land, 
the  officers  threw  off  that  likewise  for  military  dis- 
cipline, and  the  ordinary  decency  of  morals,  hav- 
ing become  addicted  to  the  grossest  intemperance 
and  licentiousness,  which  soon  infected  the  whole 
army.  The  council,  which  wanted  all  the  vi- 
gour of  a  popular  meeting,  was  rent  into  factions, 
all  forgetting  the  cause  in  their  intrigues  for  place, 
honours,  and  emolument,  and  each  aiming  at  the 
ruin  of  his  neighbour.  But  he,  flattering  himself 
that,  after  he  had  used  his  present  instruments  to 
overturn  the  constitution,  he  might  either  restrain 
or  change  them,  was  not  moved  by  this  melancho- 
ly posture  of  affairs,  to  conceive  the  idea  of  at- 
tempting to  recover  the  place  of  a  legal  monarch ; 
yet  it  is  most  certain,  that,  as  the  government 
which  he  desired  would  have  been  opposed  to  the 
affections  of  his  people,  he  must  have  been  little 
better  than  the  slave  of  the  military,  on  whom  alone, 
in  that  event,  he  could  have  depended  *, 

Charles,  having  learned  advisers,  who  told  him 
that,  in  their  *'  opinion,  the  act  for  the  continuance 
of  the  parliament  was  void  from  the  beginning,  as 
it  was  not  in  the  power  of  the  king  to  bar  himself 
from  the  power  of  dissolving  it,  which  is  to  be  de- 
prived of  an  essential  part  of  his  sovereignty,"  had 

*  Clar.  vol.  iii.  p.  384,  et  seq,  and  other  references  in  our  preceding 
page  449. 


HISTORY  OF  Tfl£  BRllTISH  £MPliUE«  465 

formed  the  design  of  dissolving  the  parliaments 
But  from  this  he  was  dissuaded  by  Hyde,  who  a&* 
sured  him  that  not  one  man  less  would,  on  that  ac^ 
count,  attend  the  meeting  at  Westminster ;  and 
that,  as  it  would  confirm  all  the  assertions  of  the 
two  houses  in  regard  to  his  intention,  (for  on  the 
same  principle  that  he  denied  the  validity  of  this 
act,  he  might  all  the  other  acts  to  which  even  his 
supporters  were  attached,  as  excellent  provisions 
in  favour  of  public  liberty;)  so  it  would  bring  to 
them  an  accession  of  many  members  who  had  late- 
ly deserted  their  places  in  that  assembly  *.  Instead 
of  this,  therefore,  another  plan  was  recommended ; 
that  of  summoning  the  members  of  both  houses  to 
meet  at  Oxford,  when  all  those  who  bad  left  West- 
minster might,  as  to  a  free  parliament,  resort  hi- 
ther, and  thus  destroy  the  authority  of  the  meet- 
ing at  Westminster.  Buft  Charles,  though  he  con- 
ceived the  scheme  to  be  feasiUe  in  the  main^  was^ 
on  other  grounds,  alarmed  for  the  consequences  of 
such  an  assembly,  and  reluctantly  listened  to  the 
project.  Nothing  being  farther  from  his  purpose 
than  peace  upon  conditions,  he  apprehended  that 
the  members  who  should  obey  his  summons,  hav- 
ing been  allowed  the  character  of  a  free  parliament^ 
might  assume  the  independence  c^'  olie,  and,  by 
proposing  accommodation,  cripple  instead  of  ad- 
vancing his  designs.  His  council,  however,  view* 
ed  matters  in  a  different  light,  and  he  came  round 

*  Ckr.  IA£d,  ?oL  i  p.  86*169,  cf  Jtf. 
VOL.  III.  2  H 


i 


466  BI8T0RY  OP  THB  BRITISH  SBfPIRfi. 


to  thtftr .  opiium.  But  the  grounds  on  if hich  the 
plan  was  .cecommended  and  adopted,  are  beat  stat- 
ed IB  the  words  of  Clarendon,  <<  It  might  reason- 
ably be  hoped  and  presumed,  that  persons  who  had 
that  duty  to  obey  his  majesty's  summons  in  coming 
thither,  which  would  be  none  but  such  as  had  al- 
leady  absented  themselves  from  Westminster,  and 
thereby  ineensed  those  who  remained  there,  would 
aot  bring  ill  and  troublesome  humours  with  them 
to  disturb  that  service,  which  could  only  preserve 
them  $  but,  on  the  contmry,  would  unite  and  cour 
spire  together  to  make  the  king  superior  to  his  and 
theiv  enemies ;  and  as  to  the  advancing  any  proposi- 
ticHis  of  peace,  which  there  could  be  no  doubt  but 
they  would  be  inclined  to,  nor  would  it  be  fit  for  his 
majesty  to  oppose  them,  there  could  be  no  inconve- 
nience, since  their  appearing  in  it  would  but  draw 
reproach  from  those  at  Westminst^,  who  woQld 
aever  give  them  any  answer,  or  look  upon  them  uih 
der  any  qotion  but  as  private  persons  and  deserters 
of  the  parliament*  without  any  qualificatton  td  treat, 
or  be  treated  with,  which  would  iqore  provoke  those 
at  Oxford,  an4  by  degrees^  stir  up  more  animosities 
between  them  */'  Tiins  did  Charles  consent  even 
to  this  meeting,  only  trona  the  hope  (fbat  circum- 
stances had  deprived  it  qf  all  independence,  and 
ibat,  far  from  accomplishing  the  dbject  which  be 
professed'  to  have  most  at  heart-^the  public  peace 
—it  would  render  the  parrel-  irpeconcileable. 

• 

*  Ckr.  Hist.  \o\.  vi.  p-  413,  414. 


< 


Wfcat  had  been  tdve^em  immediately  htfpj)etied^eeting  of 
when  this  assembly  met.    The  parliament,   whifth^ZST' 
had  tea  fu%»  ewperienced  that  propositions  from**^*^"^ 
the  kivig  were  merely  intended  to  cover  iatriguesi 
ftp  betttiyitig  them,,  had  prudently  pitohibited  any 
message  from  that  quarter,  except  through  the  ge- 
neral ;  and  a  letter  waa  sent  from  the  lonis  an* 
commons  assembled  in  parliament  at  Oxford,  under 
cover  to  him,  to  be  conveyed  to  those  who  trusted^ 
hi».  This,  as  it  at  once  directly  denied  the  authori- 
ty tinder  which  he  acted,  he  refused  to  forward  j 
and  it  was  followed  by  a  tetter  from  the  king's  ge- 
neral for  a  safe  conduGK  "to  and  from  Westmitt- 
ster,  for  Mr.  Richard  Fanshaw  and  Mr.  Tbomaa 
Q%.**    The  same  conclusion  arose  from  this,  an* 
Essex  answered,  that  when  his  majesty  required  a 
safe  conduct  for  the  gentlemen  mentioned  to  the 
two  houses  of  parliament,  it  should  be  forwarded. 
Then  followed  another  tetter  to  Essex^  enclosing 
one  from  the  lords  and  commons  of  parliament  a»- 
settibled  at  Oxford,  to  the  lords  and  commons^  of 
parliament  assembled  at  Westminster,  which  drew 
from  that  body  a  spirited  answer,  vindicating  their 
own  character  as  the  grand  legislative  assembly, 
yet  professing  their  desire  of  accommodation  ;  and 
thus  ended  the  matter  according  to  the  monarch's 
wish,  while  it  affi)rded  him  a  pretext  for  publishing 
a  declaration,  in  the  name  of  the  lords  and  com- 
naons  of  parliament  assembled  at  Oxford,  full  of 
reproaches  against  the  parliament  for  continuing 
so  calamitous  a  war,  in  spitt  of  all  his  ceaseless  la- 


'168  HISTOKT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

bours  to  terminate  the  bleedingmisery  of  hisking'* 
dom*. 

Charles's  mongrel  parliament,  as  himself  desig- 
nated it,  imitated  the  conduct  of  the  two  houses  at 
Westminster  in  ordaining  taxes.  It  allowed  a  loan 
of  L.100,000  on  privy  seal,  which  was  compul- 
sorily  levied,  and  imposed  a  duty  on  wine,  beer, 
and  other  commodities,  while  it  granted  its  autho* 
rity  to  raise  troops,  whether  by  impressment  or 
voluntary  service.  The  excise  was  first  introduced 
by  the  long  parliament,  and  it  afforded  to  the 
royalist  party  which  thus  followed  the  example,  a 
field  for  declamation :  as  that  it  had  hitherto  been 
the  reproach  against  foreign  states,  that  they  were 
subjected  to  it,  and  that  the  bare  apprehension  of 
such  a  thing  at  the  commencement  of  this  reign 
had  excited  a  general  alarm.  It  is  not,  however, 
the  name,  but  the  substance,  which  ought  to  excite 
abhorrence.  England  gloried  in  her  superiority  to 
foreign  states,  because  no  tax  could  be  imposed  in 
that  kingdom  except  by  the  voice  of  the  commu- 
nity, expressed  by  their  legitimate  organ  the  par- 
liament ;  while,  in  other  states,  imposts  were  le- 
vied at  the  will  of  the  prince,  and  fell  almost  ex- 
clusively upon  the  lower  classes,  lest  the  higher, 
who  alone  possessed  a  shadow  of  political  influence, 
should  revolt  against  a  tyrannical  government. 
The  people  of  England  had,  on  the  same  grounds, 
justly  entertained  the  greatest  apprehensions  of  a 

^Clar.  iu.p.  413-14,  440,  etseq.      Rvah.  yd.  y.  ^,6S9,etseq. 
Wliitelocke,  p.  80,  et  seq. 


*-, 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  469 

king  who,  in  the  face  of  every  constitutional  prin- 
t»plei  had  resolved  to  impose  an  excise  of  his  own 
accord,  and  to  introduce  foreign  troops  to  exact  it. 
But  it  is  not  so  wonderful  that  the  royalists  of  that 
age,  who  merely  desired  a  pretext  for  clamour, 
should,  though  they  followed  the  example  which 
might  have  closed  their  mouths,  have  stigmatised 
the  parliament  on  that  ground,  as  that  the  elegant 
historian  to  whom  we  have  so  often  alluded,  should 
have  said,  that  **  so  extremely  light  bad  govern, 
ment  hitherto  lain  upon  the  people,  that  the  very 
name  of  excise  was  unknown  to  them  ;*'  for,  of  the 
invention  of  monopolies  in  Elizabeth's  time,  he  re- 
marks, that  **  had  she  gone  on  during  a  tract  of  years 
at  her  own  rate,  England,  the  seat  of  riches  and 
arts,  and  commerce,  would  have  contained  at  pre- 
sent as  little  industry  as  Morocco  or  the  coast  of 
Barbary;^'  and,  he  well  knew,  first,  that  monopo- 
lies, which  were  against  the  old  fundamental  laws, 
had  since  been  directly  prohibited  by  statute ;  and, 
secondly,  that  Charles  had  so  shackled  every  ma- 
nufacture, nay,  raw  commodity,  by  that  pernicious 
system,  so  raised  the  ordinary  articles  of  consump- 
tion, that  industry  and  commerce  had  been  palsied, 
and  the  people  oppressed  by  the  dearth  of  the  ar- 
ticles. The  removal  of  these  monopolies  had  since 
given  such  a  spring  and  energy  to  the  national 
spirit,  that,  in  spite  of  a  civil  war,  the  taxes  of  par- 
liament had  become  comparatively  insignificant, 
while  the  people  knew  that  they  were  imposed  for 
^n  object  that  could  alone  secure  public  and  pri- 
vate liberty,  and  for  which  almost  any  temporary 


aaorifioe  onghti  i9  be  j«^9««^..inQ0i]ai4»i||^ 
jSiidi  irere  the  fisstfiromeditigs  ^  tlie  mox^tthp$itT 
liament  But  ^GhttPles,  nat  covi^nt  with  the  tww 
whidh  eveo  it  kaposeiX,  m^^ed  ^i:dars,  under  tb^ 
peoalty  of  ifire  and  <swQf  d,  to  the  inbi4PAtiiUt8  of  Ox- 
foxd9bire,  and  the  neagh^umng  jCountieet,  to  biiag 
in  their  corn,  haji  &c.  for  which,  indeed,  he  pro* 
fessed  his  purpose  to  ^p^y  at  QipdeiiaAe  xfkte^.  Hif 
paWiAmdnt  adjourned  itself  during  tl^ewmfner;  and 
we  shall  give  some  account^  of  its  af^er  .prooeod* 
iqgs  in  their  place  *• 

Charles  had  hitherto  been  disappointed  in  Jus  ex- 
pectations of  great  assistance  from  Prance ,;  biktf 
on  the  death  of  Louis  XIIL  he  flattered  himself 
with  .the  iprMpect  of  qiore  friendly  counsels.  To 
Ihs  movtificationi  however,  Mazarine  only  sent  .the 
lGQU0t  HarcQjurt  tp  propose  a  ^medi^tiop  {between 
him  and  his  ipavli^mentr— whioh  of  <fpurse  rond^d  i^ 
Qotbing  f  • 
ThcaniTai  ^^  November  1643,  some  of  the  English  r^gi- 
and  &tc  of  ments  which  had  been  raised  for  the  service  of  Ire- 

tbe£ogliBii- 

Irish  legi-  iandy  were  brought  by  Charlesito  Englaaclf  and  we^ 
"^'^  afterwardsjoined  by  more ;  but,  though  the  officeii^ 
were  sufficiently  disposed  towards  the  ^service,  tb^ 
privates  weire  inclined  to  mutiny  ag^aart  what 
they  conceived  to  be  treason  to  their  religion  and 
country.  The  officers  entertained  the  most.profound 
contempt  for  the  parliamentary  troops,  and  tj^ 
first  success  seemed  to  justify  their  presumption ; 

f  Rush.  ib.   Clar.  ib. 

i*  Ciar.  vol.  iii.  p.  398^  et  seq.    State  Papers^  vol.  ii.  p.' 157.  ei  seq. 
Appendix  to  Evdyn's  Mem.  p.  963.  eiseq. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  QRITIW  SMPIBB^  4?! 

but  Sir  Tboo^as  Fair&x  soon  omyisiced  then  of 
their  errpr.  Having  landed  a(  Moystyne,  in  North. 
Wales,  and  been  put  under  the  command  of  Lord 
Byronj  latdy  Sir  Jdin  fiyron»  they  took  WawKr** 
den  Castle^  then  Beeston  Castle,  which  was  so  di&- 
giMefully  surrendered  that  the  governor  was  ^« 
ecuted  for  cowardice:  Northwich,  Gtew-house, 
Dedington-house,  and  lastly,  Acton-church,  yield- 
ed to  tiiem,  leaving  no  place  in  Cbeshite  or  the 
neighbouiiiood  in  possession  of  the  opposite  paity. 
except  Nantwid) ;  and  this  town  was  laid  ^efge  to 
in  the  depth  of  winter.  Alarmed  for  so.  isnpisrtant 
a  place,  parliament  ordered  Sir  Thomas  ¥$,itfys^  in 
the  month  of  January,  when  his  horse  had  been 
greatly  injured  by  the  preceding  campaiign,  the 
foot  also  mudi  harassed,  and  the  roads  very  de^t 
to  undertake  its  relief.  The  spirit  of  this  gal- 
lant commander  was  instantly  infused  into  his 
troops,  and  he  led  them  on  to  victory.  Byron  had 
divided  his  army,  and  placed  it  on  opposite  sides, 
of  the  river,  but  Fairfax  in  vain  attempted  to  at- 
tack one  part  before  the  other  joined  it ;  for  his 
own  artillery  was  not  come  up,  and  the  junctioii 
was  effected  before  he  was  prepared  for  actiQit; 
The  battle  was  sharp,  but  of  short  duration.  By- 
ron's forces  gave  way  on  all  sides,  and  a  great  part 
having  retreated  to  Acton-church,  **  were  caught 
as  in  a  trap.**  Two  hundred  only  of  the  van- 
quished were  slain ;  but  a  great  number  of  offl* 
cers,  and  fifteen  hundred  common  soldiers  were 
taken  prisoners :  The  victors  also  took  the  whole 
of  the  enemy's  ordnance,  and  twenty-two  pairs  of 


47f  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

colours :  a  hundred  and  twenty  women,  who, 
armed  with  long  knives,  are  reported  to  have  done 
mischief,  also  fell  into  their  hands.  Amongst  the 
prisoners  was  the  famous  Colonel  George  Monk, 
who  was  sent  to  London,  and,  after  a  short  inter- 
val, joined  the  parliament  party.  This  victory  was 
gained  with  the  loss  of  fifty  men ;  and  thus,  in  a 
great  measure,  was  dissipated  that  army  on  which 
Charles  had  so  much  relied,  for  a  great  portion 
a|l>horring  the  service,  joined  the  parliament  * 

Still  resolved  upon  putting  into  execution  his 
project  of  introducing  the  native  Irish,  the  king 
granted  fresh  powers  to  Antrim  to  seduce  Monro, 
whose  army  alone,  as  it  was  well  observed,  prevent- 
ed the  Irish  from  being  poured  in  endless  succession 
upon  the  western  coast  f .  But  Monro  was  incor- 
ruptible, and  the  native  troops  which  were  intro* 
duced  into  England  were  as  unsuccessful  as  the 
army  which  hgd  been  raised  to  reduce  and  chastise 
them.  As  these  gave  no  quarter,  but  continued 
that  detestable  mode  of  warfare  to  which  they  had 
been  accustomed  in  their  rebellion,  parliament 
most  properly  passed  an  ordinance  against  giving 
them  quarter  1. 

*  indteLodLt,  p.  SI.  Rush.  toL  ▼•  p.  299>  el  teq,  C«rte*8  Let 
ToL  i.  p.  89.  ff  $eq.  Clar.  toL  iii.  p.  456,  tt  teq.  Clarendon  is  wrong 
in  aupposing  that  Fairftx  b^n  the  attack  before  both  the  enem/s 
diTJauma  were  united.  Fairfax  hoped  to  have  done  so,  but  was  diiap- 
poiiited^  See  his  own  dispatch.  Sir  Robert  Byron,  in  a  letter  to  the 
Marquis  of  Ormonde,  says,  that  the  enclosures  prerented  the  royaUst 
hant  ftwn  assisting  tibe  foot 

t  BaiUie'a  Let  ToL  i.  p.  395.    Clar.  Papen,  T(i  ii.  p.  165.  cf  jey. 

X  Rush.  vol.  y.  p.  783.  Mr.  Hume  says,  that  Prince  Rupert,  by 
making  some  reprisals,  soon  repressed  this  inhumanity ;  but  surely  if 
Rupert  were  justified  in  making^reprisals,  the  opposite  party  were,  ip 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  47S 

Id  the  same  month  of  January,  1644,  the  Scotp  Entnnee  ef 
tish  army,  consisting  of  17f 000  foot  and  3000  horse, 
entered  England.     The  roads  were  excessively 
deep,  and  this  brave  army  wanted  those  improve- 
ments in  travelling  which  render  a  modem  cam- 
paign so  comparatively  easy.     The  men  often 
marched  knee-deep  in  the  snow,  and  the  subse- 
quent thaw  rendered  their  march  still  more  dread- 
ful.    Frequently  were  they  obliged  to  repose  in 
the  fields,  while  the  precautions  of  the  enemy  re- 
duced them  to  great  straits  for  subsistence.    Hav- 
ing reached  Newcastle,  they  summoned  it  to  sur- 
render in  the  name  of  the  committee  of  both 
kingdoms ;    but  the   spirit  of  the  governor  and 
garrison  convinced  them  that  it  would  only  b.e 
won  with  difficulty.    Their  situation  was  now  crir 
tical.     The  Marquis  of  Newcastle,  strengthened 
with  forces  from  Durham,  and  twelve  troops  of 
horse  from  Yorkshire,  watched  their  motions  with 
an  army  of  14,000  $  and  having  shewn  a  disposi- 
tion to  fighty  which  the  nature  of  the  ground  pre- 
vented the  Scots,  who  in  two  skirmishes  were  suc- 
cessful, from  meeting  with  action,  retired  upon 
Durham-house  with  a  view  of  straitening  their  quar- 
ters, when  he  carried  and  drove  almost  every  thing 
moveable  before  him.    Five  vessels  had  been  sent 
from  Scotland  with  provisions ;  but  three  of  them 
had  been  wrecked,  and  the  other  two,  having  been 

ordftinisg  that  no  quarter  shoald  be  giren  to  a  body  of  men  that  allow- 
ed none.  The  fact  ib,  that  the  ordinanee  was  invariably  acted  upon, 
and  that  Rupert's  denial  of  quarter  oocorred  some  months  anterior 
^it. 


474  HISTORY  OOP  THE  B&ITISH  EMPIEC. 

drmn  by  stress  of  weather  into  Sundeiland,  fell 
ioto  the  eneii^s  hands.  The  army  was  therefore 
reduced  to  such  a  conditioki,  that  it  was  frequently 
wkhoat  the  necessaries  of  life,  and  never  had  more 
than  a  supply  fer  twenty^foar  hours  at  a  time.  In 
the  neighbourhood  of  Newcastle,  however,  they 
jsig^  procure  provisions  for  themselves ;  but  they 
wanted  JEbrage  for  the  horses :  By  advancing  they 
secured  the  latter,  but  exposed  themselves  to  the 
want  of  the  former:  By  sending  forward  their 
horse,  while  they  detained  the  foot,  they  would 
have  hazarded  the  ruin  of  the  army;  since  the 
marquis  could  encounter  the  foot  with  all  his 
fi>nces,  and  then  return  against  the  latter.  It  was 
prudently  determined  on,  therefore,  to  march  for* 
ward,  in  the  face  of  all  difficulties,  into  the  heart 
of  England,  leaving  the  town  of  Newcastle  in  the 
possession  of  the  enemy.  A  fresh  victory  of  Sir 
Thomas  Fairfax  brought  them  unexpected  relief*. 
The  parliament  conceiving,  that  while  the  mar- 
quis watched  the  motions  of  the  Scottish  army, 
now  was  the  time  to  reduce  the  whole  of  York' 
sUlre^  sent  orders  to  Lord  Fairfax,  and  his  son  Sir 
ThoQias,  to  seisse  the  opportunity*  The  latter  hav- 
ing received  the  orders,  left  the  prosecution  of  the 
seige  of  Latham-house,  in  which  he  was  then  en- 
gaged, to  his  brother  Sir  William,  Colonel  Asbton, 
Rigby,  and  others,  and  hastened  to  join  his  father. 
C!olonel  Bellasis,  who  had  been  deputed  by  the 

f  Ruah.  V10L  ▼.  p.  60S,  et  seq.    BoiUie's  Leiten* 


HISTORY  iOp?  TW  WiViW  SftlPIBS.  475 

Marquis  x)f  Newcastle  t^^  jbbe  ;Coiiimii»i  m  Yotk- 
shire  duriag  Wa  own  aba^Qocw  iMftd  who  had  been; 
very  .active^  erroneously  Qoncei^ng  that  he  .might 
pi:event  the  J4jinctH>B  of  tbe  jPair&xes^  eoooontend 
their  juoite^  ibroes  at  $G|by»  and  was  totally  de^ 
feated :  bimself  *and  maay  other  offioeris,  with  1500 
coauooD  43oldiers,  were  taken,  besides  all  their  ord^ 
nance,  arjnsi  and  bs^gag/t.  Vessels  and  boats  vpon 
the  xiver,  beloogiqg  to  the  adverse  party^  ailso  fell 
In^o  the  hands  of  the  coaquecors*  The  oiarquis 
now  perceived  himself  in  daiiger  of  being  inclosed 
between  the  two  armies— *-that  of  die  Fairfaxes  on 
the  south*  and  of  the  Scots  00  the  north,  and  hav^^ 
ing  drawn  some  additional  forces  from.Newcasde 
and  Lumley-castle,  hastily  retreated  ukta  Yoric^ 
whither  he  was  quickly  followed  *. 

Fairfax  joined  the  Scottish  army  at  Tadcaster  siege  of 
on  the  20th  of  April,  and  marched  directly  to  Yoifc. 
But  their  united  forces  were  insufficient  to  be* 
leaguer  that  city.  For  the  marf  uis  havang  between 
four  and  five  thousand  horse»  with  the  command 
of  the  bridge^  could  easily  meet  the  assaiUiitts  at 
any  part  If  again  they  divided  their  forces,  aad 
occupied  the  opposite  sidest  then  he  could  attack 
either  division  with  all  his  army,  and  probaUy 
destroy  it  before  the  other  could  possibly  come  to 
its  assistance  }  and  afterwards  direct  all  his  force 
against  the  otiier.  It  was  therefore  deemed  ne- 
cessary to  summon  the  Earl  of  Manchester  out  of 
the  associated  counties  to  their  assistance ;  and, 

*  Rush.  vol.  V.  p.  618^  et  seq. 


476  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

before  proceeding  farther,  we  shall  give  a  succint 
account  of  his  army  and  its  proceedings  *• 

In  the  preceding  year,  Manchester  had  under- 
taken to  the  parliament  to  raise  an  army  out  of  the 
associated  counties  of  Essex,  Suffolk,  Norfolk, 
Hertford,  Cambridge,  Huntingdon,  and  Lincoln, 
with  the  Isle  of  Ely,  in  order  to  co-operate  with 
the  forces  under  Cromwell.    The  earl  appointed 
that  intrepid  and  able  commander  his  lieutenant- 
general,  and,  in  a  short  time,  found  himself  at  the 
head  of  fourteen  thousand  men.    For  the  regular 
support  of  this  new  army,  after  it  had  performed 
some  gallant  feats,  the  parliament  passed  an  ordi- 
nance for  assessments  in  the  associated  counties  ; 
and  it  was  soon  put  into  an  excellent  condition. 
On  the  third  of  May  it  sat  down  before  Lincoln, 
and  immediately  took  the  lower  part  of  the  city. 
The  beseiged  retreated  to  the  minster  and  the 
castle,  on  the  top  of  an  eminence ;  and,  on  the  6tb, 
a  &11  of  rain  having  retarded  operations,  Manches- 
ter carried  these  by  storm,  when  the  governor  and 
officers,  with  7OO  private  foot,  and  100  horse,  were 
taken  prisoners,  besides  the  arms  and  eight  pieces 
of  ordnance.    What  enhanced  the  victory  was  its 
being  gained  with  the  loss  of  only  eight  men.   Af- 
ter this  he  made  a  disposition  to  watch  the  motions 
of  Sir  Charles  Lucas,  whom  the  Marquis  of  New- 
castle had  sent  with  a  large  body  of  horse  to  forage 
in  the  neighbourhood,  and  then  joined  the  united 
vmy  at  York.   But  part  of  the  parliamentary  army 

*  Rush.  vol.  V.  p.  690. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  477 

had  also  been  sent  to  Lancashire  under  Sir  John 
Meldrum,  and  there  had  been  great  loss  during 
the  siege  *. 

Charles  regarded  York  as  so  important  a  place, 
that  he  conceived  the  loss  of  it  to  be  almost  equi- 
valent to  the  loss  of  his  crown,  and  he  commanded 
Rupert  to  march  to  its  relief,  and  endeavour  to 
beat  the  rebel  army  of  both  kingdoms  as  the  only 
prospect  which  the  monarch  had  to  spin  out  time 
till  Rupert  himself  should  come  to  his  assistance  t. 
Rupert  had  lately  performed  some  great  exploits. 
He  had  relieved  Newark  with  great  loss  to  the  op« 
posite  party ;  and  having  then  marched  into  Shrop- 
shire, had  taken  the  garrison  of  Longford,  near 
Newport.     He  next  proceeded  to  the  relief  of 
Latham-house,  where  the  Countess  of  Derby,  dur- 
ing a  close  seige,  had  made  a  noble  defence.     In 
his  route,  however,  he  carried  Stopworth,  in  Che- 
shire, on  the  banks  of  the  Mersey,  with  the  cannon, 
and  ammunition,  and  some  hundred  prisoners.  The 
parliamentary  party  before  Latham-house,  on  the 
approach  of  so  superior  a  force,  retreated  to  Bol- 
ton ;  but  Rupert  having  followed  them,  carried 
that  town  also  in  spite  of  a  gallant  defence.    The 

*  Riuh.  ToL  ▼.  p.  081,  et  ieq. 

t  See  the  kinged  letter  to  him  in  the  Append,  to  Evelyn'i  Mem.  p, 
B6j  et  Meq.  This  letter  is  extremely  valuable,  as  it  forms  a  powerful 
▼indication  for  Rupert,  and  it  is  a  proof  how  memoirs  are  got  up ;  that 
in  those  of  the  house  of  Somcryille,  it  is  said,  that  Essex's  army  had 
been  ruined  in  the  souths  so  that  Rupert  had  no  motive  for  flghtJ^^g  ; 
whereas  the  ruin  of  Essex's  army  occurred  on  the  first  of  September 
following.  Clarendon  pretends  that  the  letter,  which  he  alludes  to, 
could  not  bear  that  construction.  But  I  cannot  conceiTe  that  there 
is  room  for  doubt  on  the  subject    VoL  iv.  p.  505, 506. 


478  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  XMVIR& 

glory  of  the  victory,  however^  was  tarnished  by  his* 
cruelty.     He  refused  quarter  to  1900^  whom  he 
put  to  the  sword.     Liverpool  was  also  taken  by 
him ;  but  the  ordnasce^  ammunitioB,  and  goods, 
had  prudently  been  conveyed  away  by  the  gover- 
nor, who  foresaw  that  the  defence  of  the  place  was 
impracticable.    The  inhabitants  suflEered  under  the 
vengeance  of  an  infuriated  soldiery  for  the  prudent 
act  of  the  govenKu*.    It  was  when  he  had  per- 
formed these  exploits  that  he  received  tlie  orders 
of  Charles  to  march  to  the  relief  of  York»  and  ta 
fight  the  united  army.    Rupert,  therefore,  hating^ 
gathered  all  the  forces  he  could  in  his  march,  and 
being  joined  by  Sir  Charles  Lucas,  and  Newcastle's 
horse,  proceeded  towards  York  at  the  head  of  near- 
ly 20,000  men  ♦. 

Be£bre  the  approach  of  Rupert,  the  Marquis  of 
Newcastle  had  been  reduced  to  the  greatest  straits, 
and  had  tried  the  stratagem  of  n^odation  to  spin 
out  time  till  relief  arrived.  On  the  1  at  of  July 
the  prince  iq>peared  with  his  taige  force ;  and  the 
united  army,  expecting  that  he  would  approach 
by  the  south-^west  side  of  the  river,  retreated  to 
Marston  Moor^  with  the  hope  of  obliging  him  to 
fight ;  but  he  dextrously  effected  his  object  by  a 
different  route.  The  situation  <:iS  his  army,  and 
of  the  besieged,  was  however  wretched.  His 
fiorces,  suddenly  raised,  depended  for  subsistence 
on  the  sword,  and  would  be  ready  to  desert  on  any 
reverse  or  want,  while  they  would  necessarily,  by 

*  Riuh.  voL  V.  p.  6523,  et  seq. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  479 

H  long  continuance  in  any  quarter,  have  raised  the 
country  against  them.  The  troops  in  the  city 
were  so  mutinous  for  want  of  pay,  that  they  couM' 
scarcely  be  prevailed  upon  to  join  in  an  engage^ 
ment.  The  generals  of  the  united  army,  on  the 
other  hand,  had  resolved  to  march  to  Tadcaster, 
Cawood,  and  Selby,  with  the  view  not  only  of  mak-' 
ing  themselves  master  of  the  river,  but  of  cutting 
off  all  supplies  out  of  the  East-Riding,  and  ob- 
structing his  march  southwards,  while  the  £ari  of 
Denbigh,  with  the  Lancashire  forces,  was  rapidly 
advancing  from  the  west,  whence  ibey  had  pur- 
sued him  by  the  route  he  came,  and  thus  render-* 
ed  retreat  very  hazardous.  Three  thousand  ad« 
ditional  forces  were  indeed  expected  by  the  mar* 
quis  from  the  north ;  but  the  earl,  with  the  Lan- 
cashire forces,  which  were  far  more  numerous,  also 
hastened  forward  to  join  the  adverse  party.  In 
these  circumstances,  Rupert  had  every  motive, 
besides  the  positive  command  of  the  king,  to  ha« 
2ard  a  battle.  His  army  was  at  least  equal,  and, 
flushed  with  success,  were  in  high  spirits  for  ba1> 
tie,  which  a  short  delay  would,  from  the  0caut;ity 
of  provisions,  have  dejectedi  If  he  prevailed,  and 
had  it  not  been  for  the  great  exertions  of  Cmm^ 
well,  who  in  reality  saved  the  allied  army,  such 
would  in  all  probability  have  been  the  faot-^he 
most  formidable  force  which  Charles  had  to  eo^ 
counter  was  overthrown,  and  then  Rupert  hoped 
to  have  marched  with  a  victorious  army  to  join 
the  monarch,  when  it  might  reasonably  be  eacpect- 
ed  that  all  opposition  would  be  overborne.    It  may 


480  HISTORY  OF  TH£  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

well  be  questioned,  too,  whether  he  could  have 
avoided  an  engagement.  For  he  required  to  move 
for  provisions,  and  could  not  have  stirred  without 
fighting.  But  the  loser  is  ever  censured  ;  and  a 
defeated  party,  while  they  indulged  themselves  in 
reflections  upon  his  misconduct,  endeavoured  to 
ease  their  anguish  in  reproach,  and  by  persuading 
themselves  that  the  issue  ought  to  have  been  dif- 
ferent. It  is  said  that  the  Marquis  of  Newcastle 
used  every  argument  to  dissuade  him  from  hazard- 
ing an  engagement,  alleging  that  he  should  be  con- 
tented with  having  effected  his  grand  object  of  re- 
lieving  York ;  that  he  understood  such  dissension 
]jad  broken  out  amongst  the  generals  of  the  ad- 
verse party,  that  they  had  formed  the  resolution 
of  separating }  and  that  then,  when  besides  rein- 
forced with  the  additional  troops  expected,  he 
must  destroy  each  party  individuaUy.  But  from 
the  contradictions  in  the  accounts  of  this  matter, 
there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  marquis,  or  his 
friends  for  him,  was,  like  many^others,  wise  after  the 
event ;  and  as  the  loss  of  the  battle  was  imputed  to 
himself  be  had  a  motive  for  exerting  himself  to 
invent  an  apology.  There  seems  no  reason  for 
supposing  that  the  combined  army  meant  to  split ; 
and  the  dissension,  which  was  chiefly  directed 
against  Cromwell,  arose  after  the  battle :  while,  if 
we  may  credit  Clarendon,  no  personal  communica- 
tion took  place  between  Rupert  and  Newcastle. 
It  may  be  added  that,  even  assuming  the  fact  of 
the  marquis's  advice,  it  is  manifest  that  it  is  im- 
possible he  should  have  had  intelligence  which 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  481 

could  have  justified  any  reasonable  man  for  acting 
upon  it  *. 

On  the  2d  of  July,  the  combined  army  began  its  BattUof 
march  to  Tadcaster,  the  Scots  leading  the  vanimooT^ 
when  news  arrived  that  Rupert  pressed  upon  the 
rear  with  5000  horse,  and  was  drawing  up  the  rest 
of  his  troops.  The  march  was  immediately  coun- 
termanded, and  preparations  made  for  battle.  The 
numbers  of  the  respective  armies  in  the  field  were 
nearly  equal,  each  being  about  25,000.  Of  the 
royal  army,  Rupert  commanded  the  right  wing ; 
and,  though  accounts  are  contradictory,  it  appears 
that  Newcastle  commanded  the  left ;  but  that  the 
arduous  part  of  his  duty  devolved  upon  Sir  Charles 
Lucas  and  Colonel  Hurry.  It  is  uncertain  who 
commanded  the  centre.  On  the  opposite  side,  Sir 
Thomas  Fairfax  commanded  the  right  wing,  con- 
sisting of  eighty  troops  of  horse,  being  partly  his 
own,  and  partly  Scottish.  The  left  wing,  which 
consisted  of  seventy  troops,  being  the  whole  of 
Manchester's  cavalry,  and  part  of  the  Scottish, 
was  commanded  by  that  nobleman  and  his  lieuten- 
ant-general, Cromwell,  assisted  by  the  Scottish 
lieutenant*general,  David  Leslie.  The  centre  was 
commanded  by  Lord  Fairfax  on  the  right,  and  the 
Earl  of  Leven  on  the  left.  As  Rupert's  line  ex- 
tended farther  than  theirs,  they  placed  the  Scot- 
tish dragoons  on  the  left,  under  Colond  Frizzle, 
to  secure  their  flank.     The  prince's  word  was 

*  Carte's  Let.  toLL  p.l7-S. 

VOL.  m.  2  I 


48^  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

'<  God  and  the  King;''  the  opposite  party's,  ^  God 
with  us." 

About  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  ord- 
nance on  both  sides  began  to  play,  but  with  veiy 
inconsiderable  execution.    At  five,  all  was  ready 
for  a  general  action,  and  a  deep  silence  ensued, 
each  party  expecting  from  the  other  the  attack, 
which  an  intervening  ditch  and  bank  rendered 
hazardous.    Though  within  musket  shot,  however, 
the  hostile  armies  faced  each  other  without  mov- 
ing, for  about  two  hours — ^no  proof  of  that  head- 
strong impetuosity  ascribed  to  Rupert — ^and  it  was 
generally  believed  throughout  the  ranks  of  the  re* 
spective  parties,  that  there  would  be  no  battle  that 
night.     But  at  seven  o'clock  the  parliamentary 
generals  determined  on  the.  attack,  and  the  signal 
being  given,  Manchester's  foot,  with  part  of  the 
main-body  of  the  Scots,  advanced  in  a  running 
march,  and  having  soon  passed  the  ditch,  charged 
vigorously.     The  horse  also  charged,  and  the  at- 
tack began  likewise  on  the  opposite  wing.    The 
firat  division  of  Rupert's  horse,  headed  by  him- 
self, charged  three  hundred  of  CromwelFs  with 
that  intrepid   leader  at  their  head ;    and  as  the 
prince  had  brought  his  bravest  troops  to  this  quar- 
ter, and  attacked  both  in  front  and  flank,  the  com- 
bat was  for  some  time  desperate,  the  respective 
parties  slashing  at  each  other  with  their  swords ; 
but  Cromwell's  band,  ever  irresistible,  at  length 
broke  through,  and  having  been  ably  supported 
by  Leslie,  the  whole  cavalry  in  that  wing  was  borne 
down.   The  victors  continued  the  chace  beyond  the 


aiSTOET  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE*  483 

Ifeft  wing  of  .the  vanquished.  Manchester's  charge 
liirith  bis  foot  wa$  equally  successful  against  the  in** 
fan  try,  araongstwhich  wasNewcastle'sown  regiment, 
who,  disdaining  to  fiy,  were  cut  down  in  the  order 
that  they  hadbeenfirst  formed  in :  the  remainder  fled 
towards  Yotk.  In  the  other  wing,  the  fortune  of 
the  first  shock  was  reversed.  Sir  Thomas  Fairfa^i 
and  Colonel  Lambert,  at  the  head  of  five  or  six 
troops,  charged  the  horse  opposite,  and  breaking 
through,  went  to  their  own  left  wing ;  but  Hurry 
then  charging  with  his  reserve,  so  furiously  assail' 
ed  Lord  Fairfax's  brigade,  which  was  annoyed  by 
raw  levies  that  were  put  to  flight  and  thrown  back 
upon  their  body,  that  the  right  wing  was  routed 
with  part  of  the  main  body,  including  the  Scots,  and 
fled  towards  Tadcaster,  giving  out  that  all  was 
lost:  as  however  the  conquerors  were  ready  to 
seize  the  carriages,  Cromwell  with  his  horse,  and 
Manchester  with  his  foot,  having  returned  from 
the  pursuit  of  the  prince's  right,  and  perceived 
the  condition  of  their  friends,  advanced  to  a  se- 
cond charge.  Both  sides  were  surprised  to  find 
that  they  must  fight  the  battle  over  again,  for  a 
victory  of  which  each  thought  himself  assured. 
The  face  of  the  field  was  now  counterchanged,  the 
royalists  occupying  exactly  the  ground  which  their 
adversaries  had  done,  and  the  parliamentary  party 
that  of  the  royalists.  The  second  encounter  was 
desperate,  but  short  Before  ten  o'clock  the  par« 
liamentary  forces  had  cleared  the  field,  and  not 
only  secured  their  own  artillery,  but  taken  the 
whole  train  of  Rupert.    The  victors  followed  up 

2i2 


484  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

the  pursuit  till  within  a  mile  of  York.  In  killed, 
the  king  lost  between  three  and  four  thousand, 
and  in  prisoners  four  generals,  and  nearly  a  hundred 
other  officers,  with  fifteen  hundred  common  sol- 
diers. The  opposite  party  would  not  acknowledge 
the  loss  of  more  than  three  hundred.  Twenty- 
five  pieces  of  ordnance,  a  hundred  and  twenty 
barrels  of  powder,  and  ten  thousand  stand  of 
arms,  with  a  hundred  pairs  of  colours,  and  New- 
castle's cabinet,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  con- 
querors *. 


*  Rash.  vol.  ▼.  p.  SSl,  et  seg.    WMtelocke,  p.  93,  94.    Ckr.  vol 
It.  p.  SOS.    Tfaia  writer  pretends,  aa  if  he  oonld  have  the  means  of 
knowing,  that  the  parliamentary  generals  were  in  luch  a  state  of 
diftsension,  that  the  Scots  talked  of  marching  home,  and  all  had 
agreed  to  separate.    But  this  is  jnst  the  way  he  ever  talks  on  any 
dlsttter*     The  parliamentary  writers,  and  the  private  eorrespond- 
cnce,  &C.  do  not  warrant  ns  in  reposing  the  slightest  faith  in  the 
statement,  which  is  refuted  by  the  dispositions  which  had  been  de- 
termined on.    Clarendon,  too,  assumes  thai  the  parliamentary  army 
was  more  numennu,  which  is  a  mistake.    The  author  of  the  memoirs 
of  the  Somerrilles  says,  that  the  united  army  would  have  been 
obliged  to  separate  for  want  of  provisions,  whereas  the  case  was  just 
reversed,  vol.  ii.  p.  345,  et  seq*    fiailie^s  Letters,  vol.  ii.  p.  23,  33, 
85,  3S.    ''  There  were  three  generals  on  each  side,"  says  this  vniter, 
''  Lesley,*'  (Earl  of  Leven),  *'  Fairfax  and  Manchester;  Rupert, 
Newcastle,  and  King.    Within  half  an  hour  and  less  they  all  took  to 
their  heels."    But  this  is  a  mistake  as  to  Manchester.    The  following 
picture  of  the  battle  by  Mr  Trevor  to  Ormonde,  is,  in  my  opim'oo, 
though  artless,  admirable.    Cartels  Letters,  vol.  i.  p.  56,  et  teq. 

"  To  give  your  Excellence  the  short  account  I  shaU  at  piesent 
make  to  yon,  I  could  not  meet  the  prince  until  after  the  battle 
was  joined,  and  in  the  fire,  smoke,  and  confusion  of  that  day,  I 
knew  not  for  my  soul  whether  to  indine.  The  runaways,  on 
both  sides,  were  so  many,  so  breathless,  so  speechless,  so  full  of 
fears,  that  1  should  not  hare  taken  tbcitn  for  men,  but  by  th«r 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  CUfPIRE.  485 

Great  as  was  the  loss  on  the  royal  side  at  Mars- 
ton-moor,  it  is  possible  that  bad  the  issue  just  been 
reversed,  Fairfax  and  Cromwell  would  not  have 
permitted  Rupert  to  derive  all  the  advantages 
which  redounded  to  them,  and  which  he  expected, 
and  would  doubtless  have  obtained,  against  infe* 
rior  leaders.  They  would  have  instantly  rallied 
their  broken  troops,  and  retreating  upon  their  re- 
sources in  the  associated  counties,  if  they  did  not 
even  renew  the  contest  on  the  same  ground, 
would  have  been  soon  prepared,  in  conjunction 
with  the  Lancashire  forces,  to  try  the  fortune  of 
another  battle,  after  they  had  straitened  Rupert's 
army,  and  thus  perhaps  deeply  injured  it  by  deser- 
tion. At  all  events,  they  would  have  effectually 
opposed  his  march  to  the  south.  But  the  other, 
though  he  expected  a  reinforcement,  was  not  even. 


notioiiy  which  itfll  lenred  them  Tory  well;  not  *  man  of  them 
being  aUe  to  give  me  the  leaet  hope  where  the  prinoe  wu  to  be 
foond,  both  armies  being  mingled^  both  horM  and  foot^  no  tide 
keeping  thetr  own  poets^— In  this  teiiible  distraction  did  I  soonr  the 
country;  here  meeting  with  a  dioal  of  Soots,  crying  out,  Wae*8  ui^ 
we're  a'  undone;  and  so  fnll  of  lamentation  and  mourning;  as  if 
their  day  of  doom  had  overtaken  them,  and  from  which  they  knew 
not  whither  to  fly :  and  anon  I  met  with  a  ragged  troop  reduced  to 
four  and  the  comet ;  by  and  by  with  a  little  foot  officer  without  a  hat, 
band,  or  indeed  any  thing  but  feet,  and  so  mueh  tongue  as  would 
serre  to  inquire  the  way  to  the  next  garrisons,  which,  to  say  trutl^ 
were  well  filled  with  stragglers  on  both  sides  within  a  few  hours, 
though  they  lay  distant  from  the  place  of  fight  twenty  or  thirty 
miles.**— Clarendon  himself  informs  us  that  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax 
and  Cromwell  could  always  rally  their  troops  though  broken ;  but 
the  generalship*  of  the  other  commanders  on  both  sides  must  have 
been  very  bad. 

2iS 


486  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EUPIRE. 

supposing  that  he  had  had  the  mental  aptitude, 
in  a  condition  to  keep  the  field.     His  army,  sud- 
denly raised,  was   dispirited  by  such  a  reverse. 
It  had  hitherto  depended  upon  the  sword  for  sub- 
sistence ;  and  as  supplies  were  cut  off  in  conse- 
quence of  the  posts  occupied  by  the  parliamentary 
troops,  it  must  have  soon  been  reduced  to  extremi- 
ties, which  It  great  portion  would  not  have  remain- 
ed to  meet.    Newcastle's  troops  in  York  too,  who 
were  in  a  raging  mutiny  for  want  of  pay,  could 
never  be  expected  to  take  the  field  after  the  diffi- 
culty with  which  part  of  them  had  been  drawn 
out  to  Marston-moor.    It  was  therefore  prudently 
resolved  upon  by  Rupert  to  retreat,  so  long  as  it 
was  practicable ;   and,  from  .the  approach  of  the 
Lancashire  forces,   we  must  conclude   that    he 
evinced  good  generalship  in  carrying  off  so  great 
a  portion  of  his  army.    But  the  unfortunate  must 
bear  reproach;  and  such  writers  as  Clarendon, 
who  measured  events  by  their  own  presumptuous 
I^opes,  undervaluing  every  difficulty  in  the  way  of 
their  own  aggrandizement,  as  if  conquest  were  as 
easy  as  words,  have  severely  visited  upon  the  me- 
mory of  Rupert  the  contempt  with  which  he 
tres^ted  them  as  counsellors,  while  their  successors 
have  rung  changes  upon  the  same  dull  tale  *. 
ChaiMter       The  conduct  of  the  Marquis  of  Newcastle  is  not 
ouitof    'so  defensible.    Instead  of  endeavourinfir  to  lessen 
'  the  misfortune  to  his  master,  nay  to  surmount  it, 
he  instantly  left  the  kingdom.    It  is  said  that  be 

*  See  kit  referencet. 


HISTORY   OF  THE  BHITISH  KMPlliE.  487 

was  disgusted  with  the  rashness  of  Rupert  in  per- 
sisting to  fight ;  but  it  would  be  a  poor  apology 
for  a  subordinate  commander's  abandoning  his 
master,  that  he  had  differed  in  opinion  with  his 
superior  in  regard  to  an  action  which  had  proved 
disastrous;  and  this  nobleman  is  confessed  to 
have  been  utterly  unqualified  for  the  substantial 
duties  of  a  general.  Full  of  the  distinguished 
place  he  held  in  society,  **  he  loved  monarchy,  as  it 
was  the  foundation  of  his  own  greatness }  and  the 
churchj  as  it  was  well  constituted  for  the  splendour 
and  security  of  the  crown ;  and  religion,  as  it  cher- 
ished and  maintained  that  order  and  obedience 
that  were  necessary  to  both,  without  any  other 
passion  for  the  particular  opinions  which  were 
grown  up  in  it,  and  distinguished  it  into  parties, 
than  as  he  detested  whatsoever  was  like  to  disturb 
the  public  peace."  His  estate  and  influence  in  the 
district  enabled  him  to  collect  an  army ;  but  though 
<<  he  liked,"  to  borrow  the  language  of  Clarendon, 
'<  the  pomp  and  absolute  authority  of  a  general 
well,  and  preserved  the  dignity  of  it  to  the  full, 
and  for  the  discharge  of  the  outward  state  and 
circumstances  of  it,  in  acts  of  courtesy,  affability, 
bounty,  and  generosity,  he  abounded^  which  in  the 
infancy  of  a  war  became  him,  afid  made  him  for 
some  time  very  acceptable  to  men  of  all  condi- 
tions,— ^the  substantial  part  and  fatigue  of  a  gene- 
ral he  did  not  in  any  degree  understand,  being 
utterly  unacquainted  with  war,  nor  would  submit 
to  it,  but  referred  all  matters  of  that  nature  to  the 
discretion  of  his  lieutenant-general.  King."     His 


488  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

generosity  may  be  questioned  from  the  plunder  he 
allowed :  but  it  affords  a  striking  proof  of  the  opi- 
nion entertained  of  his  character,  though  the  ob- 
stacles which  intervened  vindicate  him  from  the 
individual  charge,  that  he  is  accused  by  the  noble 
historian  of  not  having  availed  himself  of  former 
opportunities  to  march  south,  **  lest  he  should  be 
eclipsed  by  the  court,  and  overshadowed  by  Prince 
Rupert."     Effeminate  in  his  habits,  though  brave 
in  action,  he  frequently,  at  critical  junctures,  un- 
less when  a  battle  was  expected,  and  then  he  be- 
haved with  proper  spirit  in  his  own  person,  shut 
himself  up    for  two  days  at   a   time,    denying 
access   even   to  his  lieutenant-general,    that   he 
might  indulge  his  inordinate  taste    for    music, 
<*  or  his  softer  pleasures  *."     Such  a  mind  shrunk 
from  difficulties,  and  when  he  perceived  that  the 
pomp  of  generalship  must  be  worn  at  a  vast  ex- 
pence  of  toil ;  and  beheld  that  army,  which  he  had 
stept  out  of  himself  to  render  so  complete,  in  a 
great  measure  destroyed,  for  the  loss  fell  heavily 
upon  it,  he  naturally  longed  for  the  aristocratic 
indolence  he  formerly  enjoyed ;    and  having  no 
mental  resources  to  bear  up  against  present  cala- 
mity, he  saw  his  master's  affairs  through  the  medi* 
um  of  those  feelings  which  render  difficulties  so 
appaling  to  the  inactive.     The  aspiring  hopes  with 
which  he  had  espoused  the  quarrel  were  now  blast- 
ed, since  he  never  could  expect  to  recover  the 
proud  situation  that  he  had  held  in  the  preceding 

*  Clar.  Tol.  V.  p.  507,  etse^. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  489 

year;  reproaches,  which  must  have  been  mortify- 
ing to  such  a  disposition,  and  from  such  a  quarter, 
were  flung  upon  him  by  Rupert,  as  having  occa- 
sioned the  loss  of  the  battle ;  and  while  he  could 
now  scarcely  look  for  farther  honours  or  rewards 
from  the  crown,  he  might  justly  conceive  that  his 
abandonment  of  the  cause,  and  retreat  from  the 
kingdom,  under  the  pretext  of  a  misunderstanding 
with  Rupert,  would  serve  him  in  any  subsequent 
accommodation  between  the  king  and  the  parlia- 
ment, as  the  latter  would  not  be  displeased  with  a 
rupture  that  bespoke  the  odiousness  of  the  prince's 
temper,  and  might  forget  past  miscarriages  in  more 
jrecent  events  ♦. 

The  consequences  of  the  battle  of  Marston-moor 
were  not  confined  merely  to  the  contest  between 
the  king  and  the  parliament,  but  powerfully  ex- 
tended to  the  parties  associated  with  the  latter; 
and  as  it  raised  Cromwell,  who  was  the  main  in- 
strument in  obtaining  the  victory,  as  well  as  the 
party  with  which  he  acted,  to  the  highest  influ- 


*  We  have  already  said,  Uiat  Newcastle  levied  a  great  number  of 
Catliolics  with  the  kingf  s  knowledge,  thougfh  Charles^  with  the  most 
•olemn  oaths,  denied  the  fact :  The  following  letter^  which  I  omitted 
in  its  place^  therefore,  will  senre  to  convey  a  picture  of  that  monarch's 
principles :  ''  Newcastle^  this  is  to  tell  you,  that  Uiis  rebellion  is  grown 
to  that  height,  that  I  must  not  locke  what  opinion  men  ar  who,  at 
this  tyme,  ar  willing  to  senre  me.  Therefore,  I  doe  not  only  permit, 
but  command  you,  to  make  use  of  all  my  loving  subjects,  without  ex- 
amining their  condenses,  (more  than  their  loyalty  tome,)  as  you  shall 
fynde  most  to  conduce  to  the  uphouldlng  of  my  just  regal  rights." 
Shrewsbury,  9Sd  Sept.  1642,  MSS.  Brit.  Mus.  Aysc.  41^1,  No.  of 
ToL  69«    See  other  Letters  in  same  volume. 


490  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE* 

ence,  it  will  here  be  necessary  to  present  an  ac* 
count  and  character  of  both. 
Chiiieierar  The  stories  which  have  been  so  industriously 
circulated  about  the  birth,  and,  more  particularly, 
about  the  early  life  of,  Cromwell,  were  invented 
chiefly  after  his  death,  and  were  the  production 
of  men  whose  interested,  pitiful,  malice  supplied  the 
place  of  talent.  The  most  nauseous  part  of  the 
picture  has  obtained  no  sanction  from  such  writers 
as  Clarendon,  who  would  not  have  lost  so  fair  an 
opportunity  to  revile  his  memory,  and  exaggerate 
his  faults,  had  they  not  been  sensible  that,  as  the 
stories  were  groundless,  they  could  not  venture 
upon  a  repetition  of  them  without  forfeiting  all 
character  for  sincerity.  The  disgusting  task  was 
left  to  scribblers  who  had  no  characters  to  lose^ 
but  whose  endless  malice  could  implant  the  sting 
which  their  want  of  literary  merit  would  have  pre- 
vented men  of  high  minds  from  extracting,  had 
they  dared,  or,  from  political  motives,  been  willing 
to  undertake  it ;  for  to  answer  the  calumnies  of 
little,  despicable,  minds,  is  to  own  them  worthy  of 
notice :  as  the  intelligent,  candid,  portion  of  the 
community,  are  superior  to  contamination,  it  is 
only  party  rancour,  which  always  burns  fiercest  in 
the  breasts  of  the  retainers  of  a  faction,  that  en- 
courages the  noxious  race  of  slanderers,  and  wise 
men  console  themselves  that  the  tale  will  not  out- 
live the  short  day  of  its  authors.  But,  in  the  case 
of  Cromwell,  matters  have  been  reversed :  stories 
which  received  little  credit  in  their  own  age,  how- 
ever sedulously  circulated,  have  been  revived  with 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BBITISH  EMPIEE*  49*1 

avidity ;  and  tbe  very  contempt  which  passed  them 
over,  has  served  to  recommend  them  as  unan- 
swered facts.  The  courtiers  could  not  se^ 
depicted  in  sufficiently  disgusting  colours,  the 
man  who  had  so  signally  triumphed  over  them  as 
a  party,  and  devoted  so  many  of  their  number  to 
destruction, — whom  they  had  felt  that  they  could 
only  expect  to  overturn,  and  thus  recover  their 
own  loss,  by  rendering  odious,  and  the  influence 
of  whose  character  they  dreaded  after  the  restora- 
tion. Had  the  fame  of  his  exploits  been  less, 
they  would  not  perhaps  have  been  so  much  dis- 
posed to  persecute  his  memory.  The  royal  family 
were  naturally  gratified  with  anecdotes  that  black- 
ened the  character  of  their  inveterate  and  power- 
ful enemy — whom  they  abhorred  as  the  murderer 
of  a  king  and  their  father ;  while  for  a  Reason 
none  durst,  and  few  were  inclined  to  staqd  for- 
ward the  advocate  of  his  memory,  whose  very 
bones  were  dug  from  their  tomb,  to  be  exposed 
upon  a  gibbet,  and  buried  with  ignominy  under  the 
gallows.  A  party  in  parliament,  who  having  froni 
their  rank  acquired  influence  at  the  outset,  expect 
ed  to  transfer  the  power  of  the  throne  to  them- 
selves, could  not  forgive  the  ascendancy  by  which 
he  reaped  the  benefit  of  their  labours.  The  Pres- 
byterians, whose  hopes  he  frustrated,  and  whom 
he  crushed  by  his  arms,  were  not  less  inclined  to 
listen  to  the  slanderous  tale,  while  the  republi- 
cans, whom  he  overreached  and  deserted,  were  not 
interested  to  vindicate  him  from  aspersion.  Ano« 
ther  party,  who  admired  his  exploits,  were  not 


492  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRK. 

unwilling  to  believe  that  he  was  as  remarkable 
for  failings  which  sank  him  beneath  their  own 
level,  as  for  talents   which   raised    him  so  far 
above  it.    Yet  calumny  was  harmless  near  his 
own  time,  and  rather  cherished  by  his  rancorous 
enemies  as  food  for  their  malice  than  seriously 
believed.    But  the  political  effects  of  his  career 
did  not  perish  with  him,  and  later  writers  have 
collected  all  the  filth  vented  against  his  early  life, 
his  hypocrisy,  and  other  supposed  vices,  to  render 
detestable  the  opposer  of  a  king,  while  they  have 
exaggerated  his  good  qualities  and  talents  to  ren- 
der respectable  the  dominion  of  an  individual. 
Hence  he  has  been  represented  as  of  obscure  birth 
and  mean  circumstances ;  of  a  character  so  rough, 
boisterous,  and  untractable,  that  he  resisted  or- 
dinary instruction,  and,  in  his  youth,  delighted 
only  in  the  grossest  debauchery,  in  haunting  ta* 
verns  and  brothels  with  bullies   and  roisters,  till 
he  had  wasted  the  greatest  part  of  his  small  inhe-. 
ritance,  when,  by  a  sudden  transition,  he  assumed 
the  manners  of  a  saint,  and  having  now  attempted 
to  gain  a  livelihood  by  agriculture,  lost  the  re- 
mainder of  his  fortune,  by  spending  with  his  ser* 
vants  in  fanatical  prayers  that  portion  of  the  day 
which  ought  to  have  been  devoted  to  business. 
He  thus,  it  is  said,  entered  into  the  long  parlia- 
ment a  man  of  broken  fortune,  to  whom  every 
change  was  acceptable.    But  for  all  this  there 
seems  to  have  been  no  foundation  *. 

^  The  idea  of  his  profligacy  is  supposed  to  be  oonflnned  by  a  lat- 
ter to  Mrs.  St.  John,  in  which  he  pronounces  himself  to  have  been  a 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  493 

Oliver  was  descended  of  an  ancient,  and  highly 
respectable,  family.  There  is  even  reason  to  believe 
that  he  was,  on  the  maternal  side,  allied  to  the  royal 
house  of  Stuart  itself  His  father  being  a  second 
son  of  Sir  Henry  Cromwell,  the  inheritance  was 
probably  not  large,  yet  was  it  sufficient  to  enable  the 
family  to  associate,  and  connect  themselves  with, 
the  first  gentry  in  the  country.  As  only  son,  he 
succeeded  his  father.  To  lower  the  idea  of  Oli- 
ver's birth,  it  has  been  alleged  that  his  father  con* 
ducted  a  large  brewery  to  augment  his  income 
from  his  estate ;  and  that  his  mother,  a  woman  of 


sinner^  the  chief  of  sinnen ;  but  the  whole  letter  is  in  a  strain  of  en- 
thusiastic piety  and  self-mortification^  and  resUy  proves  nothing,  as 
every  one  must  be  satisfied  who  looks  into  religious  letters,  &c.  The 
morally  depraved,  who  suddenly  turn  saints,  look  upon  their  moral 
delinquencies  as  scarcely  dust  in  the  balance  weighed  with  their 
estrangement  ftom  religious  duty.  It  has  been  wdl  observed,  too, 
that  even  the  confession  in  the  litany  contains  the  amplest  acknow- 
ledgments of  sin,  and  that  Cromwdl  wrote  in  the  ssme  spirit.  But 
the  following,  from  the  last  speech  of  Sir  Henry  Vane  the  younger, 
wOl  set  the  matter  in  the  strongest  light.  *'  I  might  tell  you,**  says 
he  to  the  spectators  of  his  execution,  "  I  was  bom  a  gentleman,  had 
the  education,  temper,  and  spirit  of  a  gentleman,  as  weU  as  others, 
being,  in  my  youthful  days,  inclined  to  the  vanities  of  this  world,  and 
to  that  which  they  call  good  fellowship,  judging  it  to  be  the  only  way 
to  accomplish  a  gentleman.**  (From  this,  one  would  instantly  con- 
clude, that  he  had  been  a  dissipated  debauchee,  but  mark  the  sequeL) 
"  But,  about  the  fourteenth  or  fifteenth  year  of  my  age,  which  is  about 
thirty-four  or  five  years  since,  God  was  pleased  to  lay  the  foundation 
or  ground-work  of  repentance  in  me,  for  the  bringing  me  home  to 
himself,  by  lus  wonderful,  rich,  and  free  grace,  &c.  When  my  con- 
sdenoe  wss  thus  awakened,  I  found  my  former  course  to  be  disloyalty 
to  God,  profanenesB,  and  a  way  of  sin  and  death,  which  I  did  with 
tears  and  bitterness  bewail,  as  I  had  cause  to  do.*'  State  Trials,  vol. 
Tl.  p.  I9t. 


494  HISTORT  OP  THE  BaiTISH  EMPIRE. 

high  descent,  aod  singular  prudehce  and  ^(k>d 
sense,  after  the  demise  of  her  husband,  continued 
the  business,  in  order  to  enable  her  to  give  portions 
to  her  daughters,  as  well  as  .to  conduct,  the  edu« 
cation  of  all  her  chil4i'en,  whom  she  spared  no 
pains  to  adorn  with  the  accomplishments  of  their 
age.  Though  this  story,  which  gave  rise  to  the 
ridiculous  stigma  of  the  brewer,  were  true,  and  it 
is  not  sufBciently  authenticated,  it  would  prove 
little  as  to  the  father's  rank,  while  it  is  to  be  hoped 
that  Oliver  had  too  much  good  s^nse  to  feel  as  a 
reproach  what  in  reality  reflected  credit  upon  his 
excellent  mother,  whose  maternal  solicitude  he 
remembered  with  gratitude,  and  returned  with 
affection,  to  his  latest  breath.  The  father,  repre- 
sented Huntingdon  in  the  35th  of  Elizabeth,  and 
was  appointlsd  a  commissioner  in  1605,  for  drain- 
ing the  fens  in  the  counties  of  Northampton,  Lin- 
coln, Huntingdon,  and  Cambridge,<— facts  which, 
with  his  marriage,  sufficiently  establish  that  he 
had  preserved  the  station  to  which  his  descent  en- 
titled him. 

Oliver  was  bom  on  the  25th  of  April  1599,  and 
was  early  put  under  the  tuition  of  a  veiy  learned 
and  respectable  clergyman,  Dr.  Beard.  At  the 
age  of  seventeen,  he  was  sent  by  his  father  to. 
Cambridge  as  a  Fellow  Commoner.  In  the  follow- 
ing year  he  lost  his  father,  and  it  is  impossible  to 
ascertain  how  long  he  continued  at  the  universi- 
ty i  but  there  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  he  left 
it  before  the  usual  time  ;  for  all  these  stories  about 
his  having  been  expelled,  according  to  some,  after 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BHITISH  BMPIBE*  ^iQS 

one  year's  residence  there,  and  to  others,  after 
two,  stories  similar  to  those  by  which  the  greid; 
Milton  was  himself  so  groundlessly  defamed,  were 
of  late  invention,  and  rest  upon  no  authority*  If 
lie  continued  the  usual  time,  he  must,  as  he  bid- 
came  a  husband  at  twenty-oiie,  have  marriled  al- 
most immediately  after  his  return  to  the  country* 
And  here  we  may  put  the  stories  of  his  early  de- 
bauchery to  the  test.  The  chief  scene  of  them  is 
laid  in  the  inns  of  court,  which  it  is  alleged  he  enter- 
ed at  the  age  of  seventeen,  after  he  left  the  universi- 
ty, and  remained  in  for  three  years, — a  prodigy 
of  impiety,  and  every  species  of  profligacy ;  where- 
as he,  at  that  period  of  his  life,  only  went  to  the 
university,  and  it  is  now  ascertained,  beyond  doubts 
that  be  never  was  a  member  of  any  of  the  inns  of 
court.  Nor,  though  he  could  not  bear  a  comparl* 
son  in  that  respect,  with  Selden,  Hampden,  &c.t 
can  he  be  supposed  to  have  studied  with  small 
success  under  Dr.  Beard,  and  at  the  university, 
who  could  perfectly  understand  the  Latin  tongue 
when  spoken,  and  even  converse,  though  inele- 
gantly, in  that  language  himself.  A  good  know- 
ledge of  ancient  history,  as  well  as  modem,  he  is 
admitted  by  the  most  unquestionable  authority  to 
have  possessed :  His  library  afterwards  was  choice, 
and  his  encouragement  of  learned  men  notorious. 

On  the  22d  of  August,  1620,  when  he  had  lit- 
tle more  than  completed  his  twenty-flrst  year,  he 
married  the  daughter  of  Sir  James  Bouchier  of  Fit- 
sted,  in  Essex,  which  of  itself  affords  a  presumption 
against  the  idea,  either  of  the  extreme  smallness 


496  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIBE. 

of  bis  fortune,  or  of  his  having  impaired  it.    After 
his  marriage  it  is  not  denied  that  he  proved  a 
steady  head  of  a  family,  as  well  as  a  faithful  and  af- 
fectionate husband.     But  the  certainty  of  biis  stai- 
tion  in  society  does  not  rest  on  such  circumstan- 
ces. He  was  always  intimate,  not  only  with  his  rela- 
tions, the  Hampdens,  the  St.  Johns,  the  Massams, 
&c.  but  with  other  leading  families ;  and,  in  the 
third  parliament  of  Charles,  he  served  as  member  for 
Huntingdon, — a  fact  of  itself  perfectly  conclusive, 
since  it  was  estimated  that  the  lower  house  then 
contained  three  times  the  wealth  of  the  upper,  and 
it  is  quite  ridiculous  to  suppose  that  he  ever  could 
have  been  sent  there,  had  he  been  the  individual  of 
broken  fortune  and  character  that  he  has  been  re- 
presented.   There  is  also  proof  on  record  that, 
though  opposed  on  principle  to  the  government, 
he  was,  during  the  long  interval  of  parliaments, 
still  treated  by  it  with  the  respect  due  to  station 
and  beconfiing  conduct.     His  importance  too  rose 
so  high  during  that  period,  that  Cambridge  re- 
turned him  as  its  member  to  the  long  parliament. 
The  origin  of  the  imputation  of  having  squandered 
his  inheritance,  may  be  traced  to  his  having  dis- 
posed of  a  detached  part,  to  pay  off  portions  allotted 
to  his  sisters.     But  he  acquired  additional  lands 
elsewhere,    particularly    through    his    uncle,   Sir 
Thomas  Steward,   who  appointed  him   his  heir. 
The  affairs  of  that  man  could  not  be  embarrassed 
who,  before  the  commencement  of  the  civil  war, 
subscribed  L.5(X)  towards  reducing  Ireland,  and 
L.SOO  for  the  service  of  the  commonwealth.  Great 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  497 

must  his  ascendancy  have  been  in  society,  who,  at 
the  outset  of  the  present  contest,  could  raise  a 
thousand  horse  and  dragoons,  composed  of  free- 
holders, and  freeholders'  sons. 

Cromwell,  though  well  versed  in  ancient  and 
modern  history,  was  not  qualified  as  a  statesman 
to  speculate  profoundly  upon  human  afiairs,  nor 
to  predict  the  distant  consequences  of  passing 
events;  but  he  possessed  a  ready  perspicacious  judg- 
ment,  with  a  perfect  confidence  in  his  powers,  a 
knowledge  of  character  almost  intuitive,  and  a 
capacity  of  the  first  order  for  the  practical  busi- 
ness of  life,  heightened  by  an  enthusiastic  ardour 
that  roused  up  all  the  energies  of  his  mind  with 
concentrated  force  upon  any  emergency.  Thus 
he  saw  conjunctures  in  their  native  simplicity,  and 
judged  with  an  original  rectitude  and  clearness  as 
to  what  was  to  be  instantly  transacted,  far  beyond 
what  was  attainable  by  such  as  bronght  pre*con- 
ceived  opinions  and  dull  generalities  to  the  aid  of 
their  understandings.  Bending  all  his  resources 
to  the  accomplishment  of  his  immediate  object, 
undismayed  either  by  present  fears  or  the  dread 
of  distant,  problematical,  consequences ;  and,  lat- 
terly at  least,  seldom  starting  at  a  sacrifice  of 
principle,  which  might  have  appalled  a  better  head, 
as  well  as  a  better  heart,  he  had  ever  the  prompt 
decision  which  is  of  such  importance  in  life. 

His  speech,  corresponding  with  the  general 
structure  of  his  mind,  was  characteristic,  and  soon 
removed  any  unfavourable  impression  made  by  the 
untuneableness  of  his  voice,  and  ungracefulness  of 

VOL.  Ill  2  K 


49S  HI8TOBT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 


his  manner.  Having  a  clear^  practical,  as  well  as 
fervent  conception  of  the  subject  under  debate, 
and  being  neither  entangled  with  theoretical  in* 
ferences,  nor  studious  of  embellishment,  he  struck 
home  with  a  vehement,  blunt,  common  sense  ap- 
peal, which  reached  every  bosom  interested  in  the 
question.  Men  listened  with  avidity  to  a  speaker 
who  seemed  to  despise,  as  out  of  place,  any  thing 
like  an  attempt  at  eloquence,  iK^en  the  very  exist* 
ence  of  the  commonwealth  was  in  danger,-^-whose 
fervour  announced  sincerity,  and  whose  practical 
wisdom,  echoed  by  every  breast,  produced  an  ef- 
fect dem'ed  to  the  more  refined  speculaticHis  and 
polished  harangues  of  others.  His  fame  as  a  sol- 
dier procured  him  greater  respect  in  parliament, 
as  his  influence  there  promoted  him  as  a  military 
leader ;  but  his  frequent  appointments  to  commit* 
tees  before  the  civil  war,  sufficiently  proves  that  he 
had  attained  a  character  in  the  house  anterior  to 
his  exploits  in  the  field.  What  has  been  said  of 
his  speech  relates  to  occasions  when  be  voshed  to 
be  understood.  When  he  descended  to  cant,  we 
do  indeed  look  in  vain  for  a  glimmering  of  com- 
mon sense. 

He  wrote  without  grace  or  even  adherence  to 
the  rules  of  construction }  but  he  expressed  him- 
self succinctly  and  intelligibly;  and  his  handwrittng, 
(I  have  seen  some  of  his  letters,)  was  characteris- 
tic, and  perfectly  that  of  a  gentleman  *. 

^  There  are  some  of  his  letters  at  Oxford,  and  they  who  have  only 
seen  his  signature  cannot  judge  of  his  handwriting.  I  believe  many 
will  diink  the  mention  of  handwriting  beneath  the  dignity  of  history ; 
hut  others,  who  trace  character  even  in  it,  will  he  of  a  dil&reitt  opi- 
nion. 


HISTORY  OJP  THE  BRITIS0  E]tfFJ|t£.  4f99 

Conscious  of  his  aptitude  for  w^,  he  was  one  of 
the  first  to  take  up  arms^  and  almost  immediately 
distinguished  himself.  As  opportunities  openeci 
for  him,  he  threw  into  the  shade  all  the  old  sol- 
diers who  had  acquired  renown  abroad.  He  lived 
with  the  members  of  his  own  regiment,  who  en- 
tered the  service  out  of  conscience,  with  the  fami- 
liarity of  a  companion ;  and  yet,  such  was  the  su- 
periority of  his  mind,  without  ever  forfeiting  the 
respect  due  to  him  as  commander,  lie  had  thiis 
ever  the  best  intelligence,  and  was  obeyed  from 
love,  not  fei^r.  It  is  singular,  top,  that  though  al* 
ways  remarkably  fond  of  broad  humour,  which, 
however,  appears  to  have  been  in  a  measure  char- 
acteristic of  Englishmen,  from  the  throne  down- 
wards, till  the  restoration  introduced  French  licen- 
tiousness with  Gallic  refinement, — and  though  he  al- 
lowed full  scope  to  his  vein,  he  never  lowered  him- 
self in  the  estimation  of  those  even  immediately 
around  him.  When  the  occasion  demanded  dig* 
nity,  none  could  assume  it  more  gracefully  *. 

*  Noble'8  Mems.  of  die  Pkotectonte  House  of  CromwelL  Gram* 
w^'b  Mem.  di.  Tiii.  Wbitelocke^  p.  116,  117.  SSi.  SS7,  et  seq.  Hai^ 
Tk^s  Ltfe  of  him.  Glar.  toI.  ii.  p.  SiS.  Wurwicke's  Mem.  p.  947. 
Bee  tleo  Hatdunaon,  Ludlow,  Hodaon.  Wallei^s  Life  prefixed  to 
his  Poems,  and  Thurlow's  State  Papers,  vol.  L  p.  766. 

Mr.  Hume's  account  of  Cromwell  is,  like  almost  every  character  he 
draws,  and  transaction  he  reUtes,  utterly  erroneous.  He  takea  up  the 
Idea  of  his  extreme  dissipation,  &c.  and  then  says,  ''  all  of  a  sudden, 
theifiirit  of  reformation  seized  him  ;  he  married,  affected  a  grave  an4 
composed  hehaviour,  entered  into  aU  the  seal  and  vigour  of  the  pu^ 
ritanical  party,  and  offered  to  restore  to  every  one  whatever  sums  he 
had  formerly  gained  by  gaming."  Now,  really  one  might  suppose, 
that  aa  Oliyer  was  sent  to  the  univenity  at  seventeen,  and  manied  ft 


500  HISTORT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

Having  given  the  character  of  Cromwell,  it 
will  now  be  necessary  to  present  an  account  of  the 
Independents, 

twenty-one,  when>  apoording  to  this  account,  the  spirit  of  reforaiation 
had  already  seized  hini>  he  had  no  great  leisure  for  such  a  course  of 
intemperance,  and  surely,  even  supposing  that  he  had  heen  guilty  of 
excesses,  he  might  have  been  forgiven,  considering  that  he  became  so 
very  different  a  man  at  an  age  when  youth,  the  height  of  passion,  and 
mexperience  are  admitted  as  an  apology  for  so  many.  He,  who  at 
such  years  becomes  master  of  his  passions  after  having  given  rein  to 
folly  and  licentiousness,  obtains  an  infinitely  greater  oonquest  over 
Jiimself  than  those  who  never  went  astray.  But,  as  we  have  said,  this 
merit  is  not  due  to  Cromwell,  as  the  stories  are  unfounded,  and  of  the 
same  description  with  those  of  his  having  quarrelled  with  the  king  at 
four  years  old,  whidi  laid  the  foundation  of  his  future  enmity  ;  of  his 
having  been  warned  in  a  dream  of  his  future  exaltation,  &c  &:C 
There  is  oply  one  instance  ever  referred  to  of  his  having  repaid  what 
he  had  gained  by  gaming,  and  that  is  of  his  having  returned  thirty 
pounds,  88  be  conceived  he  could  not  conscientiously  keep  money  so 
obtained ;  but,  if  true,  it  would  redound  to  his  credit,  without 
pre-supposing  that  be  had  been  addicted  to  the  vice,  and  even  at 
the  worst,  it  surely  must  be  admitted  to  be  a  noble  principle  to  re- 
trieve errors  in  this  way.  The  single  instance,  however,  is  not  suffi- 
piently  authenticated.  Mr.  Hume,  according  to  the  vulgar  accounts 
fabricated  after  the  restoration,  says,  that  his  house  was  the  resort 
of  all  the  zealots;  but,  how  he  applied  the  term  zealot,  has  been  al- 
ready seen,  and  it  is  extraordinary,  that  during  the  disuse  of  par- 
liaments, CromweU  appears  to  have  attended  the  established  churdi, 
and  to  have  been  on  fair  terms  with  the  clergy  in  his  neighbourhood, 
though  he  appears  to  have  endeavoured  to  protect  those  who  were  per- 
aecuted  for  non-oonformity,  by  applying  frequently  at  one  time  to 
the  Bishop  of  Lincoln  in  their  behalf.  The  same  writer  also  repeats 
the  stories,  equally  groundless,  of  his  ruined  afiairs,  &c.  and,  upon 
the  same  authorities,  states  that  he  was  chosen  for  Cambridge  by  acci- 
dent and  intrigue.  The  first  has  been  already  spoken  to ;  and  the  true 
answer  to  the  last  is,  that  not  only  was  his  election  never  called  in 
question,  but  that  an  insinuation  on  that  head  was  never,  during  his 
life,  thrown  out  against  him.  He  had  made  himself  very  useful  to 
Cambridge  by  opposing  the  Earl  of  Bedford  in  draining  the  Fens ; 
and,  from  his  connections  with  the  Hampdens,  St  Johns,  Mashams^ 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  501 

The  Independents,  properly  so  called,  conceiv-  ^^^^^ 
ing  that  they  could  draw  from  Scripture  alone  that  dependents. 
form  of  ecclesiastical  polity  which  was  most  con- 
sonant to  the  spirit  of  Christianity,  rejected  tradi- 

&c.  who  all  intimatdy  corresponded  with^  and  supported^  him>  hia 
election  was  just  what  might  have  been  expected.    The  reader  will 
not  haye  forgotten  that  he  was,  in  a  former  parliament^  member  for 
Huntingdon,  which  his  father  had  represented  before  him.    But  then 
follows  the  most  extraordinary  statement  of  all,  which  will  a£fbrd 
another  proof  of  tlie  small  hesitation  with  which  this  writer  makes 
the  broadest  and  most  groundless  assertions.    Cromwell,  says  he, 
"  seemed  not  to  possess  any  talents  which  could  qualify  him  to  rise 
in  that  public  sphere  into  which  he  was  now  at  last  entered."  (Why, 
(U  last,  when  he  had  been  in  parliament  before  ?")    ''  His  person  was 
ungraceful,  his  dress  slovenly,  his  voice  untuneable,  his  elocudoR 
homely,  tedious,  obscure,  and  embarrassed  ?"  (We  shall  soon  have  an 
opportunity  of  presenting  a  specimen  of  Oliver's  eloquence,  when  the 
reader  will  be  enabled  to  judge  for  himself.    Mr.  Hume  selects  mere 
cant,  forgetting  what  himself  observes  in  regard  to  the  writings  of 
Sir  Henry  Vane  the  younger,  that  '^  they  treat,  all  of  them,  of  reU-i 
gious  subjects,  and  are  absolutely  unintelligible.     No  traces  of  elo« 
quence,  or  even  of  common  sense,  appear  in  them.    A  strange  para- 
dox !  did  we  not  know  that  men  of  the  greatest  genius,  where  they 
relinquish  by  principle  the  use  of  their  reason,  are  only  enabled  by 
their  vigour  of  mind  to  work  themselves  deeper  into  error  and  absur-* 
dity.")    '^  The  fervour  of  his  spirit  frequently  prompted  him  to  rise 
in  the  house ;  but  he  was  not  heard  with  attention."    (It  is  quite 
evident  that  Mr.  Hume  has  taken  his  picture  from  Warwick ; 
but   die    passage  itself  will  shew  what  justice  he  has  done  to 
it,  and  likewise  the  character  of   Warwick  himself  in  regard  to 
dress.    *'  The  first  time,"  says  he,  ''  that  ever  I  took  notice  of 
him,  (Cromwell,)  was  in  the  very  beginning  of  the  parliament  held  in 
November,  1640,  vuhen  I  vainly  thought  tnyseff  a  courtly  young  get^ 
ileman ;  for   we  courtiers   valued  ourselves    much  upon  our   good 
clothes.    I  came  one  morning  into  the  house  well  clad,  and  per- 
ceived a  gentleman  speaking,  whom  I  knew  not,  very  ordinarily 
apparelled,  for  it  was  a  plain  doth  suit,   which   seemed  to  have 
been  made  by  an  ill  country  tailor ;  his  Unen  was  plain  and  not 
very  clean,  and  I  remember  a  speck  or  two  of  blood  upon  his  litde 
band,  which  was  not  much  lai^ger  than  his  collar.;  his  hat  was  with- 
out a  hat-band ;  his  stature  was  of  a  good  size  ;  his  sword  stuck  dose 


50S  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

tion  M  the  basis  of  the  various  usurpations,  whe- 
ther by  the  pope,  the  Greek  patriarch,  by  Laud^  or 
others,  which  had  tyrannised  over  and  disgraced 
Christian  society.     Their  form  of  ecclesiastical 

to  his  side ;  his  coantenance  swoln  and  reddidi ;  his  voice  shaip  and 
nntoneable;  and  his  eloquence  fidl  of  fervour  ;  fat  the  snbject  matter 
would  not  btiar  much  of  reafton^  it  being  in  behalf  of  a  servant  of  Mr. 
Tryrok'n,  who  had  dispersed  libels  against  the  queen  for  her  dancings 
anfl  such  like  innocent  and  courtly  sports ;" — the  case  of  Prynn's  ser- 
Tant  has  already  been  given^  and  few  more  infamous  ones  can  be 
fbund  in  the  history  of  any  people  that  daim  a  shadow  of  freedom  ;— 
^' and  he  aggravated  the  imprisonment  of  this  man  by  the  council- table 
unto  diat  height^  that  one  would  have  believed  the  government  itself 
was  In  great  danger  by  it"  ( — Was  it  not  ? — )  *'  I  sincerely  profess 
ft  lessened  much  my  reverence  unto  Uiat  great  council^  for  he  was 
^whry  much  hearkened  unto,"  p.  847,  278.  Warwick  justly  reflects 
upon  his  vanity  at  that  time  for  dress ;  and  his  frame  of  mind  then, 
for  he  became  wiser  afterwards,  recals  to  our  recollection  an  anecdote 
of  the  great  Sully.  Louis  XIII.  sent  for  him  to  give  his  advice  upon 
li  great  emergency,  and  the  courtiefs  whispered  to  one  another  and 
inniled  at  his  unfashionable  appearance ;  which  the  duke  having  ob* 
terved,  said  to  the  king.  '^  Whenever  your  migesty^s  fkthei*  did  me 
the  honour  to  consult  me,  he  ordered  the  buffoons  of  the  Court  to  retire 
into  the  anti-chamber."  But,  in  Warwick's  description,  we  find  the 
Very  reverse  of  Hume's  statement.  Oliver  effected  his  object  in 
rousing  the  house,  and  was  very  much  hearkened  to.  The  same 
Warwick  tells  us,  that  he  "  afterwards  appeared  to  his  eye  of  a  great 
and  majestic  deportment ;"  (and  we  may  here  remark  that  Mr.  Hume 
mangles  the  report  of  Oliver's  speech,  in  the  third  of  the  king,  when 
he  properly  spoke  as  a  member  of  the  committee  on  religion.) — "  His" 
(Cromwell's)  *' natme"  continues  Mr.  Hume,  ''foe  above  two 

YBAKS  IS  NOT  TO  BX  FOUND  OFTEK^K  THAK  TWICE  OK  AKT  COM- 
MITTEE ;  and  those  committees  into  which  he  was  admitted^  were 
chosen  for  affairs  which  would  more  interest  the  zealots  than  the  men  of 
business,"  This  would,  indeed,  be  a  decisive  proof  of  the  little  esti- 
mation in  which  he  was  held,  and  the  reader,  conceiving  that  Mr. 
Hume  would  never  have  hazarded  an  assertion  of  this  kind  without 
having  ascertained  the  fact,  by  a  careful  inspection  of  the  Journals, 
(he  certainly  means  to  convey  that  he  had,  and  I  have  heard  credit 
allowed  him  for  having  gone  to  those  sources  of  information,)  con- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  ^03 

government  was  extremely  simple: — ^That  each 
congregation,  as  a  complete  church  within  itself, 
should  have  full  power  to  elect  its  own  pastor  and 
office-bearers,  and  manage  all  its  own  afiairs  with- 

dndfis,  that  his  acooant  of  that  individnal's  charteter  is  sapported  by 
irrefir^gable  evidence ;  but  what  will  be  his  asUmiahineiit  at  the  foI« 
lowing  ttatement?  That  Cromwell  was  nominated  one  of  sixteen, 
amongst  whom  were  Hampden^   PsTni,  St  John^   Selden,  Hollia, 
Lord  Digby,  Peard^  Rous,  Grimston^-- of  the  very  fifth  committee 
appointed  by  the  long  parliament ;  that>  before  the  recess  on  the  9tfa 
of  Septemb^,  1641,  or  within  the  first  ten  months^  I  have  fbund, 
(and  though  I  diaU  refer  to  all  these,  and  thus  put  them  beyond  dis- 
pute, it  is  possible  that  my  eye  may  have  missed  some,)  that  he  was 
specially  appointed  to  eighteen  committees,  exclusive  of  his  appoint- 
ment amongst  the  knights  and  burgesses  generally  of  the  counties  of 
Lincoln,  Northampton,  Huntingdon,  Cambridge,  Sufiblk,  and  Nor- 
folk ;  and  of  his  having  been  sent  up  twice  alone  vrith  important  mes- 
sages to  the  lords:  and  that  the  most  important  matters  fell  within 
the  province  of  several  of  these  committees;  as  Leighton's  case;  an 
act  for  the  yearly  holding  of  parliaments ;  grievances  in  regard  to  in- 
land poets,  foreign  couriers,  carriers,  and  foot  posts,  &c.    Act  for 
abolishing  superstition,  and  the  better  advancing  the  true  worship 
and  service  of  God;  breach  of  privilege,  3  Car. ;  fines  in  chancery, 
&c. ;  act  for  the  better  enabling  members  of  parliament  to  discharge 
their  consciences  in  the  proceedings  of  parliament;  act  about  the 
speedy  rainng  of  money ;  addition  to  several  statutes,  one  msde  in 
the  time  of  PhiL  and  Mary,  the  other  in  that  of  James ;  petition 
of  freeholders  of  the  county  of  Herts,  &c. :  That,  fhnn  the  re-meet- 
ing of  the  parliament,  on  the  SOth  October,  1641,  till  about  the 
middle  of  July  following^  when  he  went  down  to  the  country  to  raise 
and  train  troops,  I  have  found  him,  (and  again  I  must  say  that  my 
eye  may  have  passed  some,)  specially  nominated  to  twenty-seven  com- 
mittees, exclusive  of  his  having  been  once  again  appointed,  as  before, 
generally  amongst  the  knights  and  buigeises  of  those  counties,  ex- 
clusive too  of  his  having  been  appointed  four  several  times,  in  con- 
junction with  Mr.  Hotham,  to  carry  important  messages  to  the  lord- 
lieutenant  of  Ireland,  who,  tfie  reader  will  recollect,  was  detained  in 
England ;  exduflve  likewise  of  his  having  been  sent  no  less  than  six 
times,  always  alone,  vnth  important  messages  to  the  lords ;  making 
in  all  thirty-eight  times :  he  was  besides  nominated  twice  one  of  the 


504  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

out  the  controul  of  prelates  or  of  presbyteries,  sy- 
nods, and  assemblies,  or,  in  short,  any  other  eccle- 
siastical  institution ;  though  they  held  that  every 
church  should  cultivate  a  communion  with  others 


tdlen :  and  the  matter  diat  fell  within  ihe  pfOTinoe  of  these  dom- 
mitteea  only  requires  to  be  mentioned.  Grievances^  Irish  a£Biir8  ge- 
nerally ;  to  consider  of  the  speedy  and  effectual  way  to  reduce  the  re- 
bels ;  again  to  consider  of  a  more  effectual  way ;  to  meet  with  a  commit- 
tee of  the  lords  about  tumults  and  seditkma  pamphlets ;  to  meet  with 
another  committee  of  the  upper  house  to  consider  of  a  report  about 
the  prince  and  the  Marquis  of  Hertford ;  bill  about  the  biahops ;  to 
consider  of  the  number  and  quality  of  all  those  who  have  refused  the 
protestation  ;  to  consider  the  king's  reply  to  Mr.  Pym'a  speech ;  to 
consider  where  his  miyesty's  last  letter  was  framed ;  to  consider  of  an 
answer  to  letters  from  the  committee  at  York ;  the  bill  of  subscrip- 
tions ;  to  take  informations  of  Danish  and  Swedish  ship-masters^  &c. 
regarding  the  preparation  of  a  navy  in  their  respective  countries ;  to 
meet  with  a  oommittee  of  the  lords,  to  connder  all  the  information, 
&C.  from  York :  to  reoeive  information  of  all  warlike  preparations  go- 
ing on  at  York,  &e. :  he  was  appointed  too,  conjunctly  with  Sir  G. 
Gerrard,  to  prepare  a  letter  to  Sir  Wm.  Brereton,  &e. 

When  it  is  considered  that  Cromwell  was  not  a  lawyer,  and  conse- 
quently unqualified  at  first  to  direct  in  matters  of  form,  &c.  and  that 
Pym,  Hampden,  Hollis,  &c.  were  all,  from  what  had  previously  occur- 
red, selected  of  course,  we  may  form  some  estimate  of  his  character  in  the 
house,  from  the  number  of  committees  he  was  appointed  to.  But  the 
first  volume  of  the  Life  of  Clarendon  might  have  set  Mr.  Hume  right. 
Clarendon,  then  Hyde,  was  chairman  of  a  committee,  of  which  Crom- 
well was  a  member,  r^rding  some  enclosures  of  the  queen's  manor, 
without  consent  of  the  tenants, — ^indosures  which  Lord  Mandeville, 
or  Kimbolton,  was  interested  to  keep  up.  *'  The  oommittee,"  says 
the  noble  author,  *'  sat  in  the  queen*s  court ;  and  Oliver  Cromwell 
being  one  of  them,  appeared  much  concerned  to  countenance  the  pe- 
titioners, who  were  numerous,  t<^ether  with  their  witnesses;  the 
Lord  Mandeville  being  likewise  present  as  a  party,  and,  by  the  direc- 
tion of  the  committee,  sitting  covered.  Cromwell,  who  had  never  before 
been  heard  to  speak  in  the  House  of  Commons,'*  (then  it  must,  as  is 
evident  from  Warwick's  account,  and  the  journals  of  the  case,  have 
been  very  early,  in  Nov.  1640,)  ''  ordered  the  witnesses,  and  petitioners 
in  the  method  of  the  proceeding^  and  seconded  and  enlarged  upon 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  505 

of  whose  principles  and  practice  it  approved ;  and 
they  admitted  the  use,  while  they  denied  the  ju- 
risdiction^  of  classical  assemblies.  In  no  material 
point  of  doctrine  did  they  differ  from  the  Presby- 

Tvhat  they  said  with  great  passion;  and  the  witnesses  and  persona 
concerned^  who  were  a  very  rude  kind  of  people,  intempted  the  coun- 
cil and  witnesses  on  the  other  side  with  great  clamour^  when  they  said 
any  thing  that  did  not  please  them ;  so  that  Mr.  Hyde>  whose  office 
it  was  to  oblige  men  of  all  sorts  to  keep  order^  was  compelled  to  use 
sharp  reproofs^  and  some  threats^  to  reduce  them  to  such  a  temper, 
that  the  business  might  be  quietly  heard.    Cromwell,  in  great  fury, 
reproached  the  chairman  for  being  partial,  and  that  he  discountenan- 
ced the  witnesses  by  threatening  them ;  the  other  appealed  to  the 
committee,  who  justified  him,  and  declared  that  he  behaved  himself 
as  he  ought  to'^do ;  which  more  inflamed  him,  who  was  already  too 
much  angry.    When,  upoii  Any  mention  of  matter  of  fact,  or  the  pro- 
ceeding before,  and  at,  the  enclosure,  the  Lord  Mandeville  desired  to 
be  heard,  and  with  great  modesty  related  what  had  been  done,  or 
explained  what  had  been  said,  Mr.  Cromwell  did  answer,  and  reply 
upon  him  with  so  much  indeoelicy  and  rudeness,  and  in  language  so 
contrary  and  offensive,  that  every  man  would  have  thought,  that,  as 
their  natures  and  their  manners  were  as  opposite  as  it  is  possible,  so 
their  interest  could  never  have  been  the  same.*'    (The  reader  will  re« 
collect,  that  at  the  time  treated  of  in  our  text,  Cromwell  was  this 
Lord's,  now  Earl  of  Manchester's  lieutenant-generaL)     ''  In  the 
end,  his  whole  carriage  was  so  tempestuous,  and  his  behaviour  so  vio« 
lent,  that  the  diairman  found  himself  obliged  to  reprehend  him,  and 
to  tell  him,  if  he  proceeded  in  the  same  manner,  he  would  presently 
adjourn  the  committee,  and  the  next  morning  complain  to  the  House 
of  him,  which  he  never  forgave,  and  took  all  occasions  aft^inrards  to 
pursue  him  with  the  utmost  malice  and  revenge  to  his  death.*'   Life, 
vol.  i.  p.  40 — 79. 

Had  Cromwell  been  an  ordinary  man,  and  been  merely  appointed 
to  a  committee  from  accidental  circumstances,  or  out  of  compliment, 
the  bare  report  of  such  conduct  would  have  disposed  the  House  ne- 
ver to  nominate  him  again.  Hyde  would  doubtless  exert  all  his  in- 
fluence against  such  a  nomination,  and  Lord  Mandeville's  popularity 
in  the  lower  house  would  have  a  great  effect ;  while  even  Cromwell's 
friends  would  have  taken  care  that  he  should  not  have  another  oppor- 
tunity to  expose  himself,  and  affiront  them.    But  he  does  not  appear 


506  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

terians.  The  number  of  this  sect,  in  its  strictest 
definition,  was  limited ;  though  it  included  men 
of  great  learning,  and  many  of  high  rank.  But  it 
obtained  a  mighty  support,  and  even  accession  on 

to  hftve  been  injured  by  it;  and  the  probability  is,  that  bis  diarge  of 
partiality  against  Hyde  was  not  unfonnded.  For  Hyde  was  ever  con- 
aing;  and  CromweU,  though  he  proTed  himself  dishonesty  always 
played  a  high  game,  making  a  sacrifioe  of  integrity  only  for  a  grand 
olQect  Hence  he  was  studious  for  a  character  of  inflesdble  worth, 
and  was  so  successful  in  attaining  it,  that  one  of  his  keenest  oppo- 
nents—«  presbyterian  divine-rthus  writes  of  him  in  a  letter  to  a 
ixiend,  at  the  moment  he  bitterly  opposed  him:  'The  man  is  a  very 
wise  and  active  head,  Qnlversally  well  beloyed  as  rehgions  and  stoat.*j 
Baillie's  Let  voL  ii.  p.  60. 

We  may  conclude  from  Clarendon's  account,  that  Cromwell  was 
not,  at  the  outset,  an  habitual  speaker,  though  he  early  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  house ;  and  the  drcumstanoe  will  raise  our  opinion 
of  his  judgment.  Every  one  acquainted  with  human  affairs  knows, 
that  unless  an  sssemUy  be  taught  to  esteem  a  speaker  for  sound 
psactical  wisdom,  he  will  addreaa  it  in  vain ;  the  finest  strokes  of 
eloquence  being,  at  least  after  the  orator  has  been  heard  a  few  times, 
regarded,  and  justly  regarded,  as  an  idle  interruption  of  that  serious 
business  on  which  men  have  met  The  true  plan  therefore  for  an 
individual,  who  has  a  character  to  make,  is  to  reserve  himself  at  first 
to  occasions,  wh^  he  feels  that  he  can  speak  with  a  powerful  effect 
In  thia  way  he  gaina  upon  the  house,  and  may  then  expect  to  be 
heard  with  due  reverence  on  ordinary  business.  Such  was  the  course 
pursued  by  almost  all  the  great  apeakers  whom  particular  circnm- 
stances  did  not  at  <mce  bring  forward  upon  the  notice  of  the  house. 
Even  the  younger  Vane  was  seldom  on  committees  at  first. 

Lest  it  should  be  alleged  that  I  merely  meet  Mr.  Hume's  asser- 
tion regarding  the  Journals  by  one  of  my  own,  I  give  a  list  of  dates 
to  every  thing  referred  to  above,  so  that  the  reader  may  at  once  sa« 
tisfy  himself  of  my  accuracy*  1640,  Nov.  9th,  Dec  3d  (twice  nomi- 
nated}—17th,  19th,  89d,  30th~16il,  Feb.  10th,  ISth.  17th,  S3d.-> 
Mardi  9th,  June  4th,  July  Sd,  88th,  Aug.  16th,  18th,  84th,  (see 
two  noBainations  this  day)-..SOth,  S^t  1st  Oct  89th,  Dec  llth, 
aodi,  89th,  (ase  lour  nominations  this  day.)— >164^  Feb.  llth,  ISth, 
Mtii,  March  Ist,  5id,  5th,  (twice  nominated,  and  also  appomted  one 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  507 

general  grounds^  from  a  great  portion  of  the  com- 
munitj  that  did  not  exactly  embrace  its  particular 
system. 

of  the  tellers)  Stii^  88th^  April  &ih,  9th,  16th,  98th,  May  3cl,  5th, 
19tii,  14th,  S3d,  SOth,  Slat,  June  6th,  11th,  (appointed  a  teller,) 
15th,  17th,  18th,  20th,  S7th,  (twice  nominated,)  July  5th,  14th. 

It  is  said  that  Hampden  alone  saw  into  the  powers  of  Cromwell's 
mind,  and  prophesied  his  fiitute  greatness  in  the  event  of  a  exvil  war ; 
for  that  "  m  the  beginning  of  the  war,"  Lord  Dighy,  "  Who  was  then 
a  great  man  in  the  House  of  Commons,"  happening  to  walk  down 
the  stairs  from  the  house  with  Hampden,  asked  who  that  man  was 
before  them,  "  for  I  see,"  said  he,  *^  he  is  of  our  side,  hy  his  speaking 
80  warmly  to-day,"  (a  shrewd   ooi\jecture !)  "  upon  which  Mr. 
Hampden  replied, '  That  slovenly  fellow  which  you  see  before  us,  if 
we  should  ever  come  to  a  breach  with  the  king,  which  God  forbid,  I 
say  that  sloven,  in  such  a  ease,  will  be  one  of  the  greatest  men  of 
England' — but  Hampden  knew  him  weU."  Bulslxode^s  Mem.  p.  198. 
This  story,  though  repeated  by  one  author  after  another,  from  Bul« 
strode  downwards,  is  quite  as  probable  as  Cromwell's  dream,  which 
that  dealer  in  dreams,  Clarendon,  so  gravely  relates,  or  as  a  preter- 
natural event  that  Is  said  to  have  occurred  in  relation  to  a  crown, 
when  Cromwell  as  a  boy  acted  a  character  in  a  play,  &c    Digby's 
utter  want  of  veracity,  and  great  dexterity  in  invention,  have  been 
fiilly  established;  and  we  have  no  reason  to  believe  that  Bulstrode 
got  the  story  directly  from  that  lord,  or  from  any  source  that  could 
be  depended  on  as  proceeding  from  him.    But  the  matter  can  luckily 
be  brought  to  the  test    On  the  9th  of  November,  1640,  or  the  sixth 
day  after  the  meeting  of  the  parliament,  Digby,  Hampden,  and  Crom- 
wdl  were  appointed  to  the  same  committee,  which  consisted  only  of 
sixteen,  and  was  authorised  to  call  witnesses,  &c.  &c  This,  therefore, 
must  have  made  Digby  and  Cromwell  acquainted  with  each  other, 
and  the  numerous  appointments  of  Cromwell  so  early,  and  his  ad- 
dressing the  house,  are,  along  with  this,  totally  Irreconcileable  with 
the  idea  of  Digb/s  not  knowing  who  and  what  he  was.    Again, 
Digby  was  utterly  cast  off  by  the  popular  party  in  May  following, 
and  was  then  called  to  the  Upper  House.    Now,  though  plots  were 
in  May  a|iprdiended,  and  even  the  introduction  of  foreign  troops, 
•nrely  no  one  eonld  foresee  a  long  protracted  war,  by  which  alone  the 
militaiy  genius  of  a  man  altogether  obscure  as  he  is  here  represented 
to  have  been,  could  have  risen ;  and  Hampden  would  not  have  been 


508  HISTOBT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

As  the  grand  object  of  an  ambitious  priesthood 
is  a  form  of  church-government  which  confers 
power,  and  rites  and  ceremonies  had  been  multi* 
plied  to  promote  it ;  so  wherever  the  people  have 
been  subdued  to  a  religion  full  of  superstitious  ob* 
servances,  they  regard  the  form  of  church-policy 
and  the  clergy  as  part  of  the  divine  institutions, 
which  they  are  called  upon  to  support  with  the 
same  spirit  as  points  of  faith.      But  where   the 
mass  of  the  population,  having  devoted  themselves 
to  the  study  of  the  Scripture,  endeavour  to   en- 
lighten their  understandings  from  that  fountain, 
they  are  solicitous  mainly  for  purity  of  doctrine^ 
and  venerate  the  ecclesiastical  establishment  only 
as  it  is  calculated  to  secure  it.    Though  always 
ready  to  yield  due  respect  to  the  conscientious 
ministers  of  religion,  and  listen  to  their  elucida- 
tion of  revealed  truths,  it  is  merely  as  to  indivi- 
duals, who  from  having  cultivated  divinity  as  a 
profession,  are  presumed   to  be  better  qualified 
than  the  rest  of  mankind  to  explain  it,  and  whose 
calling  is  necessary  to  awaken,  by  their  exhorta- 
tions, the  religious  zeal,  and  promote  the  morality 
of  their  hearers.    Finding  no  particular  form  of 
church  policy  prescribed  in  the  New  Testament, 
they  infer  that  the  author  of  their  religion,  while 


80  foolish  as  disclose  his  views^  had  he  entertained  those  implied  in 
this  story.  Besides^  who  cotdd  predict  of  any  man  altogether  untried 
in  warj  that  he  had  a  transcendent  military  genius?  The  great  caps* 
city  and  judgment  of  Cromwell  might  be  duly  appreciated  by  Hamp* 
den  at  that  time,  but  not  the  other :  And  his  character  was  early  too 
high  to  leave  room  for  such  an  observation. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  509 

he  was  sufficiently  explicit  in  doctrinal  matters, 
has  left  men  to  their  own  freedom  in  that  respect, 
since  the  form  ought  to  depend  upon  the  circum- 
stances of  society,  habits  of  a  people,  and  govern- 
ment of  the  state.  To  them  it  appears  as  unrea* 
sonable,  as  the  history  of  nations  has  proved  it  tp 
be  dangerous,  to  refer  to,  or  draw  conclusions 
from,  the  example  of  the  primitive  church,  since, 
while  Christianity  was  opposed  by  the  established 
civil  and  ecclesiastical  powers,  and  was  subject 
to  persecution,  there  necessarily  prevailed  a  form 
of  discipline  different  from  what  was  requisite 
when  revelation  became  the  religion  of  the  state. 
Such  were  the  principles  upon  which  episcopacy 
was  established  and  defended  at  the  Reformation ; 
and  it  had  only  been  latterly  that  the  hierarchy 
had  pretended  to  trace  their  power  to  a  divine 
origin.  The  dissenting  clergy,  had  indeed  all 
along  veheroeptly  opposed  episcopacy ;  but  their 
success  with  the  people  had  always  arisen  from 
the  fervour  with  which  they  had  preached,  and  the 
purity  of  doctrine  in  regard  to  ceremonies,  which 
they  had  inculcated ;  Even  in  Scotland,  the  peo- 
ple never  would  have  been  disposed  to  resist  epis- 
copacy, had  it  not  been  for  its  accompaniments. 
Accustomed  to  that  particular  form  of  ecclesiastic 
cal  policy,  the  people  of  England  generally  vene- 
rated it ;  and  though  the  mad  ambition  of  Laud, 
in  conjunction  with  the  king,  had  taught  men  to 
look  out  for  some  other  form  which  might  se- 
cure blessings  that  were,  by  such  an  imprudent; 


510  HISTORY  OF  THi:  Qm^I^U  SMPiilE. 

and  criminal  course^  rendered  hopeless  under  the' 
present  system^  the  bulk  of  the  nation  would 
even  yet  have  gladly  returned  to  episcopacy^ 
could  they  have  b^en  certain  that  it  would  not 
again  be  made  the  instrument  of  such  unworthy 
purposes  *. 
We  have,  in  a  former  part  of  our  work,  given 


*  This  is  quite  dear  even  from  Baillie's  acoount    '^  It  is  certfunly 
tme,**  says  he  in  a  familiar  letter  to  his  brother-in-law,  so  late  as  S7th 
Deoamhor,  1044,  ''  of  what  yen  wrole>  of  the  impossibility  e?er  (o 
have  gotten  England  reformed  by  human  means,  as  things  hare  stood^ 
without  their  brethren's  help.    The  leamedest  and  most  considerable 
part  of  them  were  Ailly  Episcopal.    Of  those  who  joined  with  the 
parliament,  the  greatest  and  most  considerable  part  were  much  EpoB^ 
copal,"  vol.  ii.  p.  SI.    There  has  been  always  a  strong  tendency  ii| 
the  high-church  party  of  England  to  regard  Charles  I.  Laud,  and 
Strafforde,  as  martyrs  for  the  church ;  but  the  iiict  is,  that  they  were 
in  reality  its  greatest  enemies.    Had  it  not  been  for  their  innoTatliig 
and  outrageous  conduct,  episcopacy  could  never  have  been  in  danger* 
For  an  account  Oi  the  Independents  and  their  supporters,  see  Baillie, 
vol.  ill.  et  se^.f  but  partlcnlaily  p.  67.  S3-i>.  180.    There  had  been 
disputes  about  the  saerameal»  the  Independents  wishing  the  de-f 
ments  to  be  dispensed  throujg^  the  church,  instead  of  the  commu** 
nicants  coming  up  to  the  table;  likewise  about  marriage  and  bap- 
tism ;  the  last  of  which  diey  conceived  mig^t  be  done  privately,  and 
tile  first  eonstitated  without  the  priest    But  tfaoe  points  they  cob* 
ceded;  and  itis  singular  that  in  modem  times  their  principles  re- 
garding marriage  and  baptism  are  admitted  on  the  opposite  side: 
baptism  is  generally  performed  privately,  and  marriage  may  be  oon- 
stituied  as  under  the  canon  law,  by  mutual  consent    See  Ifosbeiai, 
ToL  V.  p.  46.  $07,  et  seq>    Orme's  Life  of  Owen,  p.  63,  et  ieq.    See 
Whitelocke*s  Speech  upon  ecclesiastieal  government,  in  his  Memorials, 
p.  99.    He,  Selden,  and  indeed  all  the  lawyers,  were  Erastlans,  hold* 
ing  that  there  was  no  divine  rule  of  eedesiastical  govcnunent,  bat 
that  it  should  depend  upon  thedvil  power.    Baillie  with  great  indi|g« 
nance  informs  us,  that  the  majority  of  the  commons  held  the  same 
teneto,  vol.  ii.  p.  97.  107.  149^50. 

4 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  ^511 

an  account  of  the  pretensions  of  the  Presbyteriatl 
clergy  in  Scotland,  prior  to  the  late  king^s  acces- 
sion to  the  English  throne,  and  we  need  not  repeat 
it.  During  their  persecution,  both  by  the  late 
and  the  present  king,  they  had  assumed  a  modenu 
tion  of  language  foreign  to  their  principles ;  and 
a  great  portion  of  the  English,  who  duly  appre- 
dated  the  noble  struggle  of  the  Scots  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  throne,  and  approved  equally  of  the 
simplicity  of  their  worship  and  purity  of  their  doc- 
trine, conceived,  before  the  ambition  of  their  cler- 
gy, which,  from  circumstances,  was  adopted  by 
the  people  themselves,  was  unveiled,  that  they 
might  more  safely  embrace  a  system  already  esta- 
blished in  the  neighbour  kingdom,  than  incur  all 
the  obloquy,  and  run  all  the  hazard,  of  one  which 
had  never  been  tried.  But  the  language  of  the 
Scottish  clergy  changed  with  the  times,  and  the 
spirit  of  their  English  brethren  also  developed  it- 
self. When  they  entered  into  the  solemn  league 
and  covenant,  they  flattered  themselves  that  their 
army  would  have  the  merit  of  terminating  the 
ix>ntest  with  the  king,  and  that  then,  in  con- 
junction with  the  Presbyterian  party  in  Eng- 
land, they  might  dictate  equally  in  matters  of 
state  and  church,  and  consequently  instal  them- 
selves into  the  richest  benefices  and  places.  The 
aristocracy  joined  in  the  same  views ;  and  the 
clergy,  thence  encouraged  to  advance  their  preten- 
sions,"So  greatly  changed  their  tone,  that  one  can* 
not  read  the  correspondence  of  the  same  indivi- 
dual, at  the  different  times,  without  being  asto- 


512  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

Bished  at  the  diference  in  his  language.  The  di- 
vine right  of  presbytery,  the  power  of  their  classi- 
cal assemblies,  their  independence  of  the  civil 
authority,  and  their  right  to  call  upon  it  to  root 
out  heresy,  error,  and  schism,  by  the  most  exem- 
plary punishments,  were  all  advanced  by  them 
with  a  violence  and  bitterness,  that  one  unac- 
quainted with  the  history  of  religion,  could  scarce- 
ly have  anticipated  from  a  sect  that  had  so  lately 
smarted  under,  and  complained  of,  persecution,  and 
of  the  cruelty  of  forcing  the  consciences  of  men. 
By  their  excommunications  and  other  church  cen- 
sures, which  they  insisted  upon  having  accompanied 
with  heavy  civil  penalties,  while  they  obstinate- 
ly refused  to  specify  the  causes  that  fell  under 
their  cognizance,  they  would  soon  have  drawn 
within  the  pale  of  ecclesiastical  usurpation  the  ma- 
jority of  cases  proper  for  the  civil  courts;  and 
they  even  arrogated  the  right  of  visiting  all  fami*- 
lies  within  their  respective  bounds,  that  they  might 
exhort,  threaten,  or  censure,  according  to  the  oc- 
casion. Nothing,  in  their  eye,  was  so  sinful  as  any 
toleration ;  and  the  very  mention  of  it  by  the  In- 
dependents, who  were  content  to  solicit  it,  inspir- 
ed them  with  rage.  They  warmly  approved  too 
of  the  zeal  with  which  their  brethren  in  the  united 
provinces  reproached  their  magistrates  with  se- 
cretly allowing  a  species  of  toleration,  and  thus 
committing  that  heinous  sin  *« 

*  For  aU  see  Baillie's  Letters^  vol.  ii.    Mr.  Laing's  aocount  of  tl^e 
increase  of  fanaticism  has  been  thought  just ;  but  it  appears  to  me 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  51S 

The  most  discerning  part  of  the  community  had 
early  perceived  the  tendency  of  the  Presbyterian 
principles,  and  had,  therefore,  regarded  that  sect 
with  no  complacency.  But  when  they  beheld  the 
monstrous  height  to  which  they  carried  their  pre- 
tensions, they  saw  the  necessity  of  opposing  them. 
Presbytery,  properly  modified,  and  restrained  by 
the  civil  power,  with  a  toleration  to  other  sects, 
as  it  is  in  Scotland  at  this  day,  might  have  been 
obtained  without  great  opposition  ;  but  this,  as  a 
weak  Erastian  presbytery,  as  making  the  church 
dependent  on  the  state,  which  they  yet  called  upon 
to  interpose  with  a  potent  hand  in  their  favour^ 
was  rejected  with  disdain ;  and,  as  happened  to 
the  hierarchy,  they,  by  arrogating  too  much,  lost 
all.  The  Independents,  therefore,  whose  doctrine 
was  pure,  whose  form  of  policy  perfectly  accord- 
ed with  civil  government,  and  who  allowed  tolera- 
tion in  its  utmost  latitude,  in  a  religious  view,  were 
supported  by  all  of  the  popular  party,  and  parti- 
cularly by  Selden,  Whitelocke,  and  other  great 
lawyers,  who  did  not  admit  the  divine  right  of 


quite  onsoand.  The  clergy  now  scarcely  went  so  fsr  as  their  prede- 
oeMOTB  had  done  before  James's  acoessbn  to  the  English  thioneb 
They  had  latterly  become  moderate^  like  every  sect  that  is  mider 
persecution.  Their  spirit  reyived  with  success^  and  now  they  had 
the  highest  game  to  play.  Henoe  it  was  not  that  a  new  race  became 
intolerant,  bat  that  men  of  ardent  spirits  were  encouraged.  Even 
the  mild>  the  gentle  Baillie^  entered  into  all  their  views  in  oppoaitioii 
to  his  previous  conduct  and  native  temper.  Their  principles  are 
better  explained  by  Milton,  vol.  ii.  p.  S75,  and  his  account  is  put 
beyond  all  doubt  by  BaiUie's  Letters. 

VOL.  in.  S  L 


514  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

presbyterjy  or  feel  it  to  be  their  interest  to  pro- 
mote it. 

Cromwell^  who  studied  the  scripturei  had  hot 
arrived  at  a  conclasion  in  regard  to  ecclesiastical 
poh'cy;  but  appears  to  have  esteemed  that  best 
which  was  most  calculated  to  secure  what  ought 
to  be  the  object  of  all  such  establishments.  He  is 
alleged  to  have  at  first  inclined  to  the  presbjterian 
system ;  but  it  must  have  been  only  at  the  very 
banning  of  a  prospect  of  change^  and  to  such  a 
modified  system  as  would  have  been  approved  of 
by  Whitelocke  and  others.  The  troops  whom  he 
commanded  were  inspired  with  his  own  zeal,  and, 
like  their  leader,  conceived  themselves  too  enlight- 
ened in  religion  to  submit  to  presby terian  tyranny. 
Hence  he  laboured  to  support  the  Independents,—^ 
a  class  that»  as  we  have  said,  included  a  vast  num- 
ber more  than  those  that  literally  came  nnder  the 
definition ;  and,  as  his  fine  body  of  military  was 
modified  to  his  wish,  he  became  an  object  of  terror 
to  the  Scots,  whose  hopes  were  humbled  by  the  &* 
gure  which  their  army  had  made. 

At  the  beginning  of  this  parliament,  Hollis  had, 
both  from  his  rank  and  his  former  persecution,  act- 
ed a  conspicuous  part,  though  subordinate  to  that 
of  Hampden  and  Pym.  After  their  deaths  he  ap- 
peared to  take  the  lead}  but,  for  the  perform** 
ance  of  such  a  part,  he  wanted  the  requisite  ta- 
lents; and,  as  Cromwell,  along  with  Vane  and 
others,  soon  overtopt  him,  the  most  irreconcile- 
able  difference  arose  between  them.  Hollis  had 
at  first  protested  against  accommodation,  declaring 


mSTORT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPUffi.  515 

that  he  abhorred  that  word*;  but  when  he  perceived 
that  the  younger  Vane  t,  Cromwell,  and  others, 
were  rising  into  such  importance,  and  supported 
by  a  great  party  as  well  as  real  power,  so  that  he 
could  not  longer  expect  to  sit  at  the  helm,  he  then 
felt  a  desire  of  accommodation,  as  his  best  chance 
to  secure  power,  and,  joining  with  the  Presbyteri- 
ans, exerted  all  his  influence  to  crush  Cromwell, 
by  blasting  his  character,  and  deprinng  him  of 
command.  The  Independents,  however,  looked 
to  Cromwell  as  their  head,  and  his  achievement 
at  Marston-Moor,  by  raising  his  own  influence  ad- 
so  highly,  advanced  theirs.  His  fame  was  spread 
abroad,  and  the  Scots  in  vain  tried  to  ascribe  the 
victory  to  their  own  troops,  under  the  comnuind  of 
their  lieutenant-general,  David  Leslie.  But  it  is  stiw 
gular,  that  their  clergy  were  alarmed  at  the  same 
time,  lest  the  leaven  of  independency  should  infect 
the  soldiery ;  and  we  learn  from  themselves,  that 
during  the  long  stay  of  the  Scottish  army  in  Eng- 
land ontheformeroccasion,many  hadacquired  those 
principles^.  Manchester's  maj<M:-general,  Crawford, 
had  'been  encouraged,  as  a  presbyterian  Scot,  in  op- 
position to  Cromwell ;  and  the  latter,  with  the  ar* 
my  at  large,  imputed  to  hikn  many  faults,  which  he 
seemed  fully  to  affix  by  his  conduct  during  the 
siege  of  York.    Entrusted  with  a  mine,  by  which 

*  HntdiiiiflOB,  FoL  ii.  p.  149.    BailHey  toI.  tL  fi.  i7« 
t  Vaae  htd  fae6n  greatly  relied  oft  liy  the  Fmbyticbw,  (aee  BtH- 
he,)  bnttfaey  ooaqplaiiiei  a£lm lift¥ing  finutnfted ^bar  hapm,4tc-by 
wiihing  tolendoB.    He,  on  At  vaSUbL,  dedwcd  thct  kehad  ahvsfs 
liked  the  caweraaLt,  \mt  nat  die  ]ig«r«M  way  of  impoMBg  it. 
X  BailLwy  voL  a.  p.  SO. 

2l2 


^16  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

it  was  rationalljr  expected  that  the  town  would  be 
gained,  he  occasioned  not  only  a  failure,  but  an 
immense  Joss  of  lives,  by  so  ill  attending  to  the 
season  of  action,  that  the  rest  of  the  army  was  un- 
prepared to  take  advantage  of  the  explosion,  and 
at  the  same  time  exposed  to  the  enemy.  To  save 
himself,  Crawford  gratifies  both  his  countrymen 
and  Denzil  HoUis,  by  alleging  that  Cromwell,  hav- 
ing been  slightly  wounded  in  the  neck,  had  retired 
from  the  field,  and  was  not  present  at  the  second 
chai^ge  ;  but  this,  though  made  by  HoUis  the 
ground  of  a  most  absurd  imputation  of  personal 
cowardice,  an  imputation  that  no  one  ever  ven- 
tured to  repeat,  and  urged  with  a  rancour  nei- 
ther creditable  to  the  head  nor  heart  *,  seems  to 
have  been  altogether  groundless,  and  the  enmity 
of  Hollis's  party,  in  conjunction  with  the  Scots, 
only  rivetted  Cromwell  faster  in  the  affections  of 
the  whole  mixed  body  of  independents,  while  silly 
calumnies  raised  his  character  still  higher  with  the 
nation  at  large.  Essex,  who  had  formerly  been 
supported  by  the  upper  house  chiefly,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  a  party  in  the  lower  allied  to  the  lords, 
had  lost  his  character  with  the  popular  party,  and 
Waller  had  been  purposely  raised  up  as  his  compe- 

*  No  unprgudiced  man  can  pemse  HoIHb's  Memoirs,  and  rise  from 
them  with  a  good  opinion  of  the  author.  Mr.  Laing  supposes  thai, 
as  Baillie  and  Salmonet  agree  with  HoUis  in  regard  to  Cromwell's  ha- 
ving been  absent  from  the  second  charge  in  conseqvenoe  of  his  wound, 
he  must  have  retired  to  get  it  dressed :  But  had  this  author  not 
been  content  with  merely  dipping  into  authorities,  he  would  have 
found  it  acknowledged  that  the  whole  rested  upon  die  word,  accom- 
panied indeed  with  oaths,  of  Crawford,  and  that  Mr.  Baillie  seems  Uu 
terly  to  have  been  ashamed  of  it. 


HISTORT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  517 

tttor,  with  a  view  to  eclipse  him.  Waller,  however, 
like  all  the  r^ularly  bred  soldiers,  Skippon  ex- 
cepted, and  even  he  had  too  much  of  that  leaven  \ 
had  not  done  much  credit  to  the  selection,  and, 
therefore,  all  men  who  wished  to  see  a  period  to 
the  war,  turned  their  eyes  towards  Cromwell  and 
Fairfax.  This,  however,  so  alarmed  the  Scots  and 
the  parties  now  allied  to  them,  that,  though  a  vie- 
toicious  termination  of  the  war  under  Essex  seem- 
ed hopeless,  and  they  had  a  little  before  imputed 
all  to  his  imbecility,  they  now  supported  him,  con-^ 
ceiving  that  they  could  depend  on  him,  and  that, 
at  the  same  time,  the  great  burden  of  the  war  and 
merit  of  closing  it,  with  all  the  power  which  must 
accompany  a  most  victorious  army,  would,  by 
such  means,  devolve  upon  the  Scottish  troops  : 
Their  hopes,  however,  were  frustrated ;  their  ar- 
my did  nothing  but  lie  as  a  burden  on  the  coun- 
try, which  they  alienated  by  their  plundering  and 
licentiousness  f,  and  the  Earl  of  Leven  presented 
a  memorable  proof  of  the  correctness  of  our  ob- 
servations in  regard  to  military  genius,  since, 
though  he  had  acquired  a  remarkably  high  charac- 
ter abroad,  he  was  at  once  eclipsed  by  new  men» 
and  sank  into  insignificance. 

The  grand  principle  by  which  the  Independr 
ents  surpassed  all  other  sects,  was  universal  tolenu 
tion  to  all  denominations  of  Christians  whose  reli» 
gion  was  not  conceived  to  be  hostile  to  the  peace 


*  Hailes*  Let  p.  146.  I 

t  BaiUie's  Letters  an  mvduaUe>  M  fiiUy  derelopiiig  an  th^    See 

TcJ*  ii  p.  IS.  &C. 

«l3 


518         HiSTcaT  or  the  British  bmpire. 

of  the  rtate^-a  principle  to  which  they  were  faith- 
ful  ID  the  height  of  power  as  well  as  under  perse- 
cution. In  tliia^  for  which  they  were  bitterly  re- 
viled by  tlie  Preri>yterian8,  tiiey  set  an  example  to 
Christendom ;  for,  though  a  secret  toleration  to  a 
certain  extent,  or  rather  a  connivance  at  certain 
sects,  had  been  allowed  in  the  United  Provinces, 
it  was  on  far  less  liberal  principles,  and  denounced 
by  the  clergy  as  most  sinful  in  the  magistracy.  It 
is  true  that  the  Independents  did  not  extend  the 
principle  of  toleration  to  the  Catholics,  but  the  ex* 
ception  was  founded  on  political  grounds  only ; 
that  the  Catholic  body  acknowledging  a  fore^n 
spiritual  dominion,  and  holding  correspondence, 
not  only  with  it,  but  with  an  organized  clergy 
throughout  Europe,  and  through  them  with  the 
civil  powers,  were  dangerous  to  the  peace  of  a 
Protestant  community.  This  noble  principle  of 
the  Independents  has  been,  by  men  who  could 
trace  no  good  in  the  adherents  of  a  party  that  op- 
posed the  illegal  pretensions  of  a  court,  deduced 
from  the  excess  of  their  enthusiasm ;  but  it  owed  its 
origin  to  better  motives.  An  interested,  ambitious 
clergy,  regularly  organized  throughout  a  stat«,  are 
intolerant,  because  they  suppose  their  own  conse* 
quence  is  involved  in  the  struggle.  With  the 
community  at  large,  who  in  many  instances  re* 
sign  their  understandings  to  their  spiritual  guides, 
civil  interests  also  too  often  mingle  with  religious, 
and  the  priesthood  are  ever  ready  to  sound  the 
alarm  :  But  when  the  great  body  of  the  people 
think  for  themselves,  and  no  longer  dread  the  ci- 


HISTOaT  OF  TH£  BRITISH  EMPIRE*  £1$ 

vil  consequence9  of  diffei^nce  in  opinioo^  wbild 
they  have  no  organized  clergy  to  sound  the  tocw^ 
on  every  appe^^rance  of  heresy^  they  become  im^ 
bued  with  all  the  genuine  charity  of  the  gospel. 
The  clergy  unorganized  into  a  regular  govern^ 
ment,  and  each  devoted  to  the  duties  of  his  own 
parish,  have  neither  power  nor  inclination  to  c^* 
cert  measures  against  the  opinions  of  their  neigh- 
boursy  provided  they  do  not  threaten  their  own 
security.  They  do  indeed  pity  the  delusions  of 
the  rest  of  mankind ;  but  they  would  correct  them 
by  opening  their  eyes  to  the  light,  not  by  consign- 
ing to  the  flames  those  whom  they  cannot  convert 
by  their  arguments. 

To  return  to  our  narrative  of  military  tr^nsac* 
tions.  After  the  battle  of  Marston-Moor  the  sieg^ 
of  York  was  resumed,  and  the  town  soon  surrender*  SnmndA 
ed  on  terms.  The  three  commanders-in-chief  then  ^^ 
agreed  that  Lord  Fairfax  should  remain  at  York  as 
governor,  while  he  sent  1000  hone  into  Lanca* 
shire,  to  form  a  junction  with  the  forces  of  that 
county  and  of  Cheshire  and  Derbyshire,  for  the 
purpose  of  watching  the  motions  of  Prince  Ruperf;, 
and  with  the  rest  of  the  army  reduced  the  whole  of 
Yorkshire ;  tliat  the  Scottish  army  should  m^ch 
northward  to  meet  the  Earl  of  Callender^  who  was 
expected  with  an  additional  force  of  10,000,  and 
reduce  the  town  of  Newcastle ;  and  that  the  Earl  of 
Manchester  should  proceed  towards  Liocolnshiref 
that  he  might  recruit  his  army  out  of  the  associated 
counties.  The  Scots  were  met  by  Callender,  and 
sat  down  before  Newcastle  i  but  the  town  was  not 
carried  till  October,  and  the  English  b^gan  to  da- 


theaoutb. 


5S0  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

spise  a  force  that  had  boasted  so  much,  and  yet 
performed  so  little,  while  the  soldiers  alienated  the 
country  by  licentiousness,  which  could  not  have 
been  looked  for  from  the  austerity  of  their  preach- 
ers, and  rigid  manners  of  the  leading  covenanters  ; 
nor  did  they  ever  recover  their  character  by  any 
after  stroke.  The  Earl  of  Manchester,  in  his  way 
south,  took  some  places ;  but  Cromwell  afterwards 
accused  him  of  having  purposely  neglected  oppor- 
tunities,  on  the  principle  that  the  parliament  was 
already  too  high,  and  the  king  too  low,  and  that 
&rther  success  would  prevent  such  a  peace  as 
would  be  agreeable  to  him  and  bis  party  *. 
Aetknu  in  The  afikirs  in  the  south  had  been  far  more  pros-^ 
perous  for  the  king,  though  in  the  spring  Waller 
had  gained  a  considerable  advantage,  and  the  par* 
liament  had  furnished  two  armies,  one  under  him, 
and  another  under  Essex,  which,  it  was  supposed, 
should  have  brought  matters  to  a  conclusion. 

The  southern  association,  consisting  of  the  coun- 
ties  of  Southampton,  Sussex,  Surry,  and  Kent,  hav- 
ing undertaken  to  raise  forces  for  Waller,  which  the 
parliament  provided  for  by  ordinance,  the  king's 
general,  the  Earl  of  Brentford,  who  had  become 
besotted  by  habitual  drinking  t,  and  Lord  Hopton, 
determined  to  break  into  the  association,  where 

*  Rush.  voL  vi.  p.  6S6>  etseq-  BaiUie's  Let.  toL  ii.  p.  62^  et  $eq% 
Whitelockc^  p.  94,  95.    Clar.  yoL  iv.  p.  60S. 

t  Such  is  the  character  given  of  him  by  by  Clarendon^  vol.  iv.  p. 
4S1.  The  same  historian  tells  us  that  he  was  illiterate  to  the  greatest 
d^;ree  that  can  be  imagined,  lb.  But  I  presume  that  he  could  not 
be  more  so  than  the  Earl  of  Leven,  who,  though  he  had  raised  him- 
self abroad  as  a  mere  soldier  of  fortune,  could  scarcely  scrawl  his  owp| 
pame*    HaUe8*8  Let.  p.  91. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  521 

they  expected  a  party  to  join  them.  They  there? 
fore  entered  Hampshire  with  that  view,  at  the  head 
of  14,000  men,  when  Waller,  Balfour,  and  others 
were  dispatched  against  them  with  10,000.  The 
parties  met  at  Cherington-Down,  near  Alsford,  and 
the  royal  army  was  defeated  with  considerable 
loss ;  but,  through  the  able  conduct  of  Hopton,  the 
greater  part  of  the  artillery  was  saved,  and  the  re- 
treat to  Oxford  secured.  Lady  Hopton  fell  into 
Waller's  hands ;  but,  instead  of  detaining  her  as 
a  prisoner,  he  sent  her  to  Oxford  under  a  safe 
conduct,  withal  the  plate  that  properly  belonged 
to  her.  The  *  cumstance,  however,  is  only  wor- 
thy of  mention,  as  it  serves  to  refute  the  idle  alle- 
gation, that  the  parliamentary  party  <<  little  affect- 
ed to  conduct  themselves  by  the  maxims  of  gallan- 
try and  politeness/." 

This  victory,  as  the  presage  of  futui*e  success, 
occasioned  rejoicings  in  the  metropolis ;  and  the 
parliament,  according  with  its  spirit,  determined 
to  make  arrangements  which  it  was  conceived 
would  bring  matters  to  a  speedy  conclusion.  Essex 
was  sent  out  about  the  middle  of  May  at  the  head 
of  12,000,  and  Waller  at  that  of  10,000.  The  first 
was  best  provided  with  large  ordnance ;  bnt  the 
latter,  by  the  addition  of  leathern  guns  upon  a  new 
construction,  was  also  well  supplied.  Besides  these, 
upwards  of  5000  were  sent  out  under  Sergeant- 
major-general  Brown.  Charles  also  took  the  field, 
and,  that  he  might  augment  his  army  as  much  as 
possible,  he  slighted  Reading  and  other  places, 
that  he  might  draw  the  troops  from  the  garrisons. 

^  Ruih«  YoL  V.  p.  653>  et  seq. 


522  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EHPIBfi. 

The  Toyal  army  wa$,  howeyer,  inadequate  to  cope 
with  the  parliamentary,  and  Charles  wisely  lef^ 
Oxfordshire  to  elude  it,  and  also  to  save  Worces*^ 
ter,  as  well  as  draw  the  other  into  a  country,  where 
the  advantages  of  artillery,  in  which  the  king  was 
inferior^  might  npt  be  so  sejosibly  felt.  But  his 
situation,  m  spite  of  the  battle  <£  Marston  Moor, 
was  soon  changed  \ 

Lyme  had  been  long  besieged  by  Prince  Maurice, 
with  a  force  whi(:h  it  could  scarcely  have  been  supf» 
posed  that  a  town  comipamled  by  heights,  wretch^ 
edly  forttfiedi  and  only  garrisoned  with  1000  men^ 
Qould  bave'resis(;ed«  But  it  had  no^ss  a  hero  than 
Blake  for  one  of  its  commanders,  and  under  such  eve« 
xy  disadvantage  was  surmounted.  The  townsmen, 
too,  acted  the  most  undaunted  part,  and  the  very 
women  displayed  the  highest  spirit,  for  they  carried 
the  ammunition,  &c.  and  one  is  alleged  lo  have  dis- 
charged sixteen  musket  shot  with  her  Qwn  hand^ 
Hence,  with  verysmall  loss,  the  besieged  first  and  last 
billed  two  thousand  of  thebesiegers.  But,  though  the 
Earl  of  Warwick  had  contrived  to  send  in  a  small 
supply  c^  ammunition  and  provisions,  it  was  redu* 
ced  to  the  greatest  straits ;  and  as  ^he  safety  of  the 
west  was  thought  in  a  measure  to  depend  upon 
that  of  Lyn^e,  Parliament  determined  to  relieve  it. 
A  dispute,  however,  arose  as  to  the  army  which 
should  undertsdce  it,  and  both  Essex  and  Waller 
desired  the  employment.  The  last  was  conceived 
to  be  fully  adequate  to  the  occasion,  and  the  par* 
liamentary  committee  wished  him  to  be  sent ;  but 
T^ssex  had,  as  supreme  commander,  made  an  ar- 

*  Ruth.  vd.  V.  p.  edS,  ct  9eq» 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE*  3t93 

rangement  in  his  own  favour,  and  when  he  receive 
ed  other  instructions,  he  argued  that  he  had.ahrear 
dy  made  dispositions,  which  could  not  be  changed 
^thout  great  inconvenience,  and  was  permit- 
ted to  proceed,  while  the  other  was  ordered  to 
watch  the  royal  motions.  Leaving  Essex,  there* 
fore,  for  the  present,  we  shall  follow  the  king  *. 

Charles  having  drawn  Waller  to  Worcester  and 
the  neighbourhood,  and  heard  that  the  Earl  of  Den- 
bigh and  others  were  ready  to  arrest  his  m^rch, 
while  Waller  hotly  pursued,  by  which  he  wa9 
threatened  with  being  inclosed  between  the  two  ar*. 
mies,  resolved  upon  returning  to  Oxford,  now  thaf 
Essex  was  dispatched  into  the  west.  He  therefore 
made  a  feint  to  pass  the  Severn,  by  which  he  so  far 
deceived  Waller,  that  he  gained  two  days'  march, 
and  proceeded  rapidly  to  his  old  quarters*  Wal- 
ler, however,  overtook  him  near  Banbury,  though 
the  Charwell  intervened ;  and  the  armies  faced  one 
another  fc^  a  day  without  action,  each  expecting 
the  attack  from  the  other,  under  the  disadvantage 
of  passing  the  river.  Next  morning  Charles  drew 
off  his  army ;  and  Waller  having  driven  off  that 
portion  of  it  which  guarded  Cropredy-bridge,  sent  Affair  of 
part  of  his  cavalry  to  assail  the  enemy's  rear.  But  bridge. 
again  had  he  been  deceived.  A  larger  portion  of 
the  royal  troops  remained  than  he  supposed,  and 
they  having  got  between  his  cavalry  and  the  bridge, 
intercepted  their  retreat  The  horse  broke  through, 
but  not  without  great  loss ;  and  Waller,  as  if  he 
had  already  discharged  the  duties  of  a  campaign, 

*  Rush.  ToL  V.  p.  670^  et  seq*    Whitdodv^  S4^  H  9eq.    Cltf.  toL 
iv.  p.  481>  et  ttq. 


524  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

returned  to  London  to  recruit     The  truth  is»  that, 
from  mismanagement,  though  he  always  carried 
out  a  fine  army,  he  soon  ^foiind  it  melt  away  by 
desertion  *• 
Monmcnti     We  shall  now  accompany  the  motions  of  Essex. 
H^vmy   ^^^  approach  towards  Lyme  having  been  learned 
•WW  to  by  Prince  Maurice,  he  raised  the  siege  with  the 
iti  ttiiii.    great  loss  already  mentioned,  and  Essex  took  Wey- 
mouth and  other  places.    But  the  aspect  of  affiiirs 
was  suddenly  changed.    Hitherto  the  object  of 
Charles  had  been  to  form  a  junction  with  Rupert, 
after  that  prince  had,  as  was  expected,  relieved 
York,  and  defeated  the  allied  army.     The  battle 
of  M£u*ston-Moor,  however,  blasted  all  his  hopes 
from  that  quarter,  and  made  him  look  towards  the 
south-west,  where   were  Maurice,  Hopton,  and 
Grenville,  as  his  only  resource.    Though,  there^ 
fore,  deceived  at  first  by  false  rumours  regarding 
the  battle  of  Marston-Moor,  he  marched  again  to- 
wards Worcester,  be  soon,  upon  better  information, 
changed  his  route  towards  the  south  by  Gloucester 
and  Bath,  unobstructed  or  followed  by  Waller.  An 
obstruction  from  another  he  dexterously  removed 
by  a  feint  to  proceed  into  Wales.    Having  been 
joined  by  Hopton  and  Maurice,  and  also  by  a  num- 
ber of  volunteers  in  Somersetshire,  he  found  him- 
self in  a  condition  to  follow  Essex  with  a  consider* 
able  army.    The  earl,  having  been  apprized  of  bis 
majesty's  approach,  called  a  council  of  war,  to  de- 
termine upon  the  course  to  be  pursued,  when  it  vf^s 

*  Rush.  vol.  V.  p.  a7&,  676.  Clar.  vol.  iv.  400.  496-97-98.  Ap- 
pend, to  Evelyn's  Mem.  p.  87^  88.  See  Baillie*8  Let*  voL  ii.  p.9>  et 
aeq,  about  Waller's  troops. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  525 

unfortunately  resolved  that  he  should  march  into 
Cornwall,  relieving  Plymouth,  then  besieged  by 
Grenville,  by  the  way;  that  he  might  destroy 
Grenville's  forces,  and  thus  cut  off  supplies  of  men 
to  the  king  from  that  quarter,  and  afford  the  coun- 
try, in  which  Lord  Roberts,  Essex's  field-marshal, 
had  great  influence,  an  opportunity  to  declare  for 
the  Parliament ;  while  it  was  not  doubted  that 
Waller  would  hang  upon  his  majesty's  rear,  and, 
by  stopping  all  supplies  of  men  and  provisions,  ren- 
der the  royal  army  an  easy  prey  to  that  of  Essex 
on  its  return.  The  parliamentary  general,  there- 
fore, relieves  Plymouth,  and  marches  towards  Lest- 
hieL  But  Waller,  who  was  suspected,  on  no  im- 
probable grounds,  of  wishing  the  ruin  of  Essex,  as 
Essex  had  formerly  done  his,  pretended  that  he  was 
not  in  a  condition  to  march,  and  onlv  sent  2500 
horse  and  dragoons  under  Middleton,  who  arrived 
too  late.  Had  the  parliamentary  general  been  in 
a  situation  where  he  could  have  forced  his  adver- 
saries to  fight,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  he  would  have 
still  been  successful ;  but  in  a  country  so  narrow, 
hilly,  and  full  of  passes,  he  was  soon  reduced  to  the 
last  extremity.  In  this  distress,  which  had  been 
augmented  by  the  treachery  of  some  of  his  officers, 
he  formed  the  resolution  of  breaking  through  with 
his  horse,  while  the  foot  should  be  left  to  capitulate 
on  the  best  terms  they  could,  and  having  been  sup- 
ported in  the  plan  by  some  of  his  principal  officers, 
he  immediately  executed  his  purpose,  and  took  re- 
fuge in  Plymouth. 


dfi6  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EICPIRE. 

Skippon,the  next  in  command,  though  too  geneiu 
ous  to  complain  to  the  Parliament  of  his  supericM^s 
conduct,  appears  not  to  have  approved  of  it ;  and 
having  assembled  the  field-officers  after  the  flight 
of  Essex,  addressed  them  thus  :     <<  Gentlemen, 
you  see  our  general  and  some  chief  officers  have 
thought  fit  to  leave  us,  and  our  horse  are   got 
away:    We  are  left  alone    upon    our  defence. 
That  which  I  ptx>pound,  therefore,  is,  that  we, 
having  the  same  courage  as  our  horse  had,   and 
the  same  God  to  assist  us,  may  make  trial  of  our 
fortunes,  and  endeavour  to  n^ake  our  way  through 
our  enemies  as  they  have  done ;  and  account  it 
better  to  die  with  honour  and  faithfulness,  than  to 
live  dishonourably/*    But,  as  few  concurred  with 
him,  he  was  obliged  to  treat;    yet  the  known 
courage  of  his  men,  whom,  as  Skippon  drew  them 
up  to  charge,  in  case  good  terms  were  refused, 
it  would  have  been  dangerous  for  the  victors  to 
drive  to  despair,   procured  them  good  terms: — 
that  the  common  soldiers  should  lay  down  their 
arms,  but  the  officers  retain  theirs  as  well  as  their 
horses;  and  that  the  whole  should  be  conveyed 
in  safety  to  their  own  quarters,  without  any  other 
condition  than  that  they  should  not  again  bear 
arms  till  they  reached  Southampton*     At  first 
some  of  the  royal  troops  began  to  infringe  the 
articles ;  but  Skippon  having  represented  the  mat- 
ter to  the  king,  his  majesty,  who  expressed  him- 
self much  hurt  at  their  conduct,  so  effectually  is- 
sued orders  against  the  repetition  of  it,  that  each 

4 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRB.  527 

pftity  gave  testimony  to  the  other  of  the  good 
carriage  of  the  respective  soldiery  *• 

The  parliament  faad»  pi^viously  to  tiiis  stroke, 
been  moch  dissatisfied  with  the  generalship  of 
Sssex ;  but,  above  reproaching  him  under  misfor- 
tune, both  houses  joined  in  a  letter,  assuring  him 
that  tliey  imputed  no  blame  to  htm,  and  that, 
while  they  submitted  With  resignation  to  the  will 
of  providence,  they  would  lose  no  time  ia  riepair- 
ing  the  disaster,  to  accomplish  which  they  had 
ordered  arms  to  be  sent  to  reorganize  his  troops, 
and  instructed  Mandiester  to  march  south.  The 
same  soldiers  had  soon  an  opportunity  of  wiping 
oS^the  disgrace  with  which  this  disaster  had  co- 
hered them. 

Essex's  troops  having  been  armed  and  joined  Seeond  bat. 
With  Manchester's  and  Waller's,  as  well  as  Middle--  ^^^  27!' 
ton's,  were  in  a  condition  to  give  Charles  battle,  ^^^^' 
and,  after  some  marching  and  skirmishing,  they 
met  at  Newbury,  on  Sunday  the  27th  of  Octo- 
ber.     Essex  was  at  this  time  in  London,  confined 
with  indisposition,   and  therefore   the  duty  de« 
volved  upon  the  other  commanders.     As  the  par- 
liamentary army  was  superior  in  number  to  the 
king's,  he,  who  expected  a  large  reinforcement 
under  Rupert  and  the  Earl  of  Northampton,  pru^ 
dently  took  up  a  strong  position  in  order  to  avoid 
a  battle  till  they  joined  him;  but  the  advene 

*  Rush.  ToL  Y.  p.  677^  et  $eq.  Whitdockej  p.  101^  et  seq.  Bail- 
lie>  voL  ii.  p.  53>  ei  seq.  Clar.  voL  !▼.  p.  511^  et  seq.  Ludlow^  toL  L 
p.  126,  who  tells  us,  that  it  was  alleged,  the  ofject  of  thftt  iinfortu«< 
lurte  march  into  Coinwall  was  to  afford  Lord  Rc^ierts  an  opportunity 
to  collect  his  rents. 


d28  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

party  were  on  that  account  no  less  eager  for  an 
immediate  engagement.     From  the  king's  posi- 
tion, and  the  neighbourhood  of  Dennington  castle» 
which  was  garrisoned  by  him»  it  was  deemed  ad- 
visable for  the  parliamentary  generals  to  divide 
their  forces  ;  and  a  post  was  assigned  to  Mancbes* 
ter  at  a  little  distance  from  the  place  of  action. 
The  parliamentary  horse  that  acted  were  com* 
manded    by  Waller  and   Balfour;    the  foot  by 
Skippon :  and  the  news  of  that  morning — ^that  the 
Scots  had  taken  Newcastle  by  storm,  and  that  the 
Irish  rebels  had,  sustained  a  defeat — ^inspired  both 
officers  and  men  with  an  augury  of  success.     As 
Skippon  had  to  march  the  foot  by  a  considerable 
circuit,  in  order  to  avoid  the  fire  from  Denning* 
ton  castle,  out  of  which  a  party  sallied  upon^hem, 
it  was  three  in  the  afternoon  before  the  attack 
commenced;  but,  after  a  desperate  conflict  of 
three  hours,  during  which  both  sides  displayed  the 
genuine  spirit  of  Englishmen,  success  so  inclined 
to  that  of  the  Parliament,  that  it  was  conceived 
night  came  opportunely  to  save  the  whole  royal 
army.    Four  hundred  prisoners,  and  nine  pieces 
of   ordnance,  were  taken  by  the  parliamentary 
forces :   of  the  latter  there  were  six  of  the  indi- 
vidual guns   of  which  Esssex's  troops  had  been 
disarmed  in  Cornwall;  and  they  were  recovered 
by  the  very  men  who  had  been  reduced  to  the 
humiliating  condition  of  surrendering  them.    An- 
xious to  remove  the  stigma,  they  rushed  up  to  the 
guns  in^pite  of  every  difficulty  and  danger,  and 
embracing  them  as  old  friends,  exclaimed,  they 
would  give  them  a  Cornish  hug.    Charles  was  so 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  339 

humbled  with  the  success  of  this  day,  that  he  is 
reported  to  have  marched  away  to  Oxford  with 
only  one  troop.  He,  however,  soon  returned,  and 
both  armies  faced  each  other  at  Dennington  cas- 
tle ;  but  though  the  parliamentary  army  was  about 
double  the  king's  in  number,  the  officers  declined 
to  hazard  a  battle.  Cromwell,  however,  after- 
wards brought  a  charge  against  Manchester  for  al- 
lowing to  slip  so  favourable  an  opportunity  to  fi- 
nish the  war.  After  this  both  parties  retired  into 
winter  quarters  •. 

While  these  events  were  passing  in  England,  Acdoo*  of 
Montrose,  according  to  the  preconcerted  plan,  in  &»ciBDd^ 
had  begun  his  operations  in  Scotland.  Antrim 
had  undertaken  to  send  10,000  Irish  into  that 
country,  but  his  magnificent  promises,  on  which 
Charles  relied,  he  never  was  in  a  situation  to  ful- 
fil, and  he  afterwards  reduced  the  number  for 
which  he  was  engaged  at  that  time,  to  SOOO, 
while  only  I6OO  reached  that  kingdom.  Mon- 
trose, supported  by  Huntley,  had  previously  erect- 
ed his  standard  at  Dumfries ;  but  the  attempt  was 
premature.  Few  joined  them  ;  and  as  the  High- 
landers  whom  they  brought  thither  retreated  to 
their  hills,  the  leaders  were  obliged  to  seek  their 
safety  in  fiight  Gordon  of  Haddo,  who  had  join- 
ed them,  and  whose  previous  oppressions  had  ren- 
dered him  odious,  having  been  caught,  was  con- 
demned on  a  charge  of  having  carried  on  a  trea- 


*  Rush.  ToL  y.  p.  718,  fff  seq.    Whitelocke,  p.  107.    Clar.  vol.  ir. 
p.  548y  ei  ieq,    Baillie,  ToL  ii.  p.  7tf.    Ludlow,  toL  L  p.  127,  et  jcf . 

VOL.  IlL  9  M 


aontble  connesposideiice  mfy  Huntley,  wppoomd  ia 
armst  &c.  aii4  brought  to  the  block.    Not  diq[Mrit- 
ed,  however,  with  th^  failure,  Montrose  pvepwr- 
ed  for  wotber  attempt.    In  disguise,  and  aocooi- 
panied  with  only  two  attendants,  he  reached  the 
boiise  of  oae  of  his  vassals  in  Strathean^,  at  the 
fyot  of  the  Grampians ;  and  having  sient  cpe  ^f 
his  attendants  in  quest  of  inteUigenee,  994  ^ 
rouse  his  adherents,  he  |iM*k;ed  for  ^  tjune  a|on^ 
concealed  in  any  hut  by  day,    a^d  wa^deiin^ 
amongst  the  hilb  by  night    In  this  situatioi^  be 
heard  of  the  approach  of  the  Irish  auxiliarieis^  and 
be  hastened  to  set  hjpiself  at  th^sir  head.    These 
native  Iriafif  apjon^ting  to  16QQ,  and  who^  a^  the 
retaiQers  of  Antrim,  had  been  accustoiped  t^  ^nos 
in  tbe  rebellion,  bad  been  first  landed  under  tkp 
conduct  of  Alester  M'Poqald,  at  Acdnamiir^cbw* 
in  Argyleshire,  w^ere  they  plijipdered^  biirae^  afifl 
destroyed  th#  couajKtry,  as  well  as  i^urdered  jtbe  19- 
habitants ;  but  hearing  th^t  th^  Marquis  (^  Ar- 
gyl(s  was  priBpfu^ipg  forcefs  ^gai^st  ti^^f»$  Ma«d<W- 
aid  fihi{>psd  bis  troo|)6,  and  tra^isported  threap  to 
Skye,  ffUd  frow  tbfOf^e  tp  the  maifilapd,  wben  jbhs^ 
trav^ised  I/)^ber  apd  Badenoc^,  fgwi^fatt  of  tbi& 
ftfee  9f  they*  l^der,  thcwgh  joined  by  some  of  the 
islanst    But,  9^  th»y  descended  into  Atkol^  M  in 
Ibhe  garb  of  a  i^epntajnew*  a^d  with  only  one  «4- 
feeodant,  pf^j^med   bifos$)f  tb#ir  oowpuinder. 
Tbf  y«  bowev^i)  could  not  believe  ^t  ia  p^n^  fp 
habited  and  attended,   could  be  the  individual 
of  ^hose  rank  and  power  they  had  been  forewarn- 
ed; till  the  respect  sfaei^n  hiqi  by  the  Higb- 
landers  who  recognised  his  person,  and  the  mim- 


ber  whom  iiis  name  Bummooed  to  arm^  covfinotd 
them  of  their  mjitake.  We  Are  told  that  ihe 
amoHtit  of  his  fiioce,  even  theii»  did  tmt  rnudi 
exceed  8000  men;  hot  as  bis  foasgifiiM  iW4r 
^imioish  his  aumben^  to  reader  bss  exploitt  the 
DMre  fiiitf  velloas,  aad  6o  0iany  dans  JMoed  hna^ 
we  i»n  scarcely  believe  that  it  was  so  dituiaiitifie. 
Had  not  all  the  valuable  Scottnrii  tmofB  bean  ki 
England,  his  career  would  have  been  sboit.  But  be 
ti^as  not  deemed  amportant  enough  to  vaimnt  the 
recal  of  any  portion  of  the  army,  nor  yiet  to  lor- 
ganiae  TtffdaiAy  a  fMsh  body  of  men  4  and  to  ;tbis 
idea  of  his  hisigiiiff  canoe  in  war  may  be  traoed  bis 
gfeat success.  The  oommtttee  .of estates  insl^uitly 
ordered  out  troops  under  Lord  Elcbo,  to  the  imbi- 
ber  of  from  six  to  sevea  thousand  horse  and  fiiot; 
and  Argyle,  having  raised  his  adherents,  advanced 
in  the  punuit  of  the  Irish.  It  was  naeassaiy, 
tiiwefore,  for  Montrose  to  haaaid  saimediate  ac- 
tion before  be  should  be  enclosed  between  tk9  two 
itfmies.  Perth  opened  exteasive  resources  to  his 
troops  in  case  of  success,  as  the  mountains  yet 
afforded  a  refuge  in  case  of  defeat.  The  aiq>e* 
riority  which  the  raw  Lowlandeis  had  hitherto 
enjoyed  over  the  Highlanders  was  now  lost; 
For,  while  the  latter  were  allowed  to  chaige  with 
that  impetuous  irregularity  which  corresponded 
wkh  their  habits,  the  former  had  just  received  a; 
much  discipline  as  deprived  them  of  their  native  im« 
petuoMty,  aad  yet  was  insufficient  to  be  of  service 
to  them  in  the  field,  as  it  so  hampered  them,  and 
cramped  every  movement,  that  they  had  ndther 

2m2 


SSa  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPUUU 

the  furious  onset  of  irregular,  nor  the  steady  va* 
lour  of  r^^ar,  soldiers.   Troops  thus  formed  and 
ill  officered,  were  in  this  instance  suddenly  em- 
bodied ;  and  these  disadvantages  were  heightened 
by  the  treachery  of  some  of  their  leaders.     Mon- 
trose to<dc  up  a  strong  position  at  Tippermuir; 
and  as  the  Irish,  though  used  to  the  oiusket, 
were  unarmed  with  pikes,  and  thence  unable  to 
resist  the  cavalry,   he  placed  them  in  the  centre, 
and  his  countrymen  on  the  wings.    His  panegy- 
rists, forgetting  that  the  utter  worthlessness  of  ihe 
opposite  troops  bereaves  him  of  all  glory  in  van- 
quishing them,  inform  us  that  the  adverse  cavalry 
was  put  to  flight  by  a  shower  of  stones ;  but,  con. 
sidering  the  silly  fictions  of  these  writers,  the  re- 
lation is  only  so  far  valuable  as  it  tends  to  confirm 
the  account  of  the  other  side : — ^that  at  the  very 
commencement  of  the  battle.  Lord  Drummond, 
and   his   friend  Cask,   who  had  been  entrusted 
with  command  by  the  popular  party,  treacherous- 
ly, according  to  a  preconcerted  plan,   ei^horted 
their  men  to  immediate  flight:  Lord  Elcho,  on 
-the  other  hand,    afforded  an    advantage   by  bis 
rashness  *•    When  the  horse  had  thus  given  way, 
'Montrose  ordered  his  foot  to  advance  agaiqst  the 
infantry^  and  their  furious  assault  put  the  whole 
to  the  rout    Eight  pieces  of  cannon,  with  the  am- 
munition,  and  a  great  number  of  small  arms,  fell 
into  his  hands ;   and  about  three  hundred  of  the 
adverse  party  were  slain.     Drummond  and  bis 

i 

*  Bullie,  voL  ii.  p.  «i.  09. 


HISTORY  OF  TH£  BRITISH  VMPIVLB4  5S5 


friend  then  formally  joined  Montrose.    The  vio 
toiy>  too,  was  gained  with  very  small  loss  on  his 
side;    and    its    importance    was  great.      Perth 
opened  its  gates  to  him,  and  there^  as  he  plunder* 
ed  the  town,  he  supplied  his  troops  with  clothings 
and  acquired  additional  arms.    His  success,  too, 
encouraged  others  to  declare  themselves.  The  Earl 
of  Airly,  as  well  as  his  sons,  with  the  Lords  Duplin 
and  Spynie,  joined  him,  and  the  Gordons  were  pre* 
paring  a  large  reinforcement*    But  Argyle  ad- 
vanced, and,  as  Dundee  was  impregnable,  Mon« 
trose,  both  to  avoid  him,  and  join  with  the  Gor- 
dons, retreated  northwards.    As  he  approached  to 
Aberdeen,  about  2700  men,  some  of  them  from 
Fife,  the  rest  from  that  town  and  the  neighbour* 
hood,  were  called  out  under  two  of  Huntley's 
sons,  who,  either  from  conscience  or  policy,  took 
an  opposite  side  from  their  father,  to  oppose  his 
progress  at  the  Bridge  of  Dee ;  but,  in  spite  of 
every  precaution,  desertion  thinned  their  ranks, 
and  Montrose,  having  with  a 'far  superior  force 
crossed  the  river  at  a  ford  above,  poured  down 
upon  them  with  an  impetuosity  which,  though  400 
Fife  men  stood  the  whole  shock  for  abov^  four 
hoursi  ultimately  drove  them  from  the  field.    Had 
they  fled  farther  into  the  country  they  might 
have  escaped  without  much  slaughter,  and  pos- 
sibly have  so  drawn  off  the  enemy  as  to  prevent 
his  entrance  into  the  town  ;    but  seeking  their 
safety  there,  the  victors  pursued  them  into  it, 
and,  not  confining  the  slaughter  to  them,  exhibited 
a  scene  of  horrors  which  might  weU  have  been 

2if  S 


fM  HIOTOftt  OF  TBQC  BBBI8B  EMPIRE* 

aaHioiimed  from  a  body  of  sien  d&epfy  imbrued  in 
931  the  ouaehief  of  the  Irish  rebellion.  Montrose 
hsA  formerly  eppreased  Aberdeen,  becaese,  out  of 
e  priDcSf  le  of  loyalty,**^  principle  which  he  now 
afieded!  vMk  such  vnbridled  fory  to  act  npon, — ^it 
hadireriated  the  covenant;  yet,  mch  wasfihedisposi- 
lion-  of  the  man,  siieh  the  nnmitigated  ferocity  of 
Ua  tffoops,  that  the  devoted  town  was  abandoned 
aa  a  prey  to  rapine,  knt,  aand  murder.  Women  were 
dbflowered :  the  pean^il  citiaen  was  first  stripped 
and  then  maasacred  in  eold  blood,  last  his  clotftes 
should  he  soiled  with  his  own  gore :  tike  unhap- 
py mother  durst  not  deplore  the  inhuman  death  of 
her  infimt;  the  wife  of  her  husband ;  nor  yet,  with 
the  assistance  of  kindred,  remove  the  loathsome 
spectacle  from  the  pollated  streets  f  For  four  dkysr 
did  this  monstrous  cruehy  continuOi  and  it  ceased 
only  Aen  because  the  approach  of  Argyll  oU^ed 
Montrose  to  evafcuate  the  town  ^. 

As  MontDoae  waa  not  in  a  situation  to  cope  with 
Asgjd^  be  retreated  northward  to  ferm  tihe  junc* 
tioai  with  Huntley,  but,  dksfpointed  ki  the  expect- 
ed auecour^  sfid  finding  the  opposite  banks  of  the 
Spey  guarded  with  about  6QO0  men  drawn  from 
the  adjaeeuB  shires^  be  had  no  resource  but  flight 
tOi  the  meamtaiiaii    The  Highlanderst  laden  with 

* Thk aeoirantaf  the boRon eadbibited at  Abefd6^  takeb  teat 
8(Nddiiig,  a  cotemporary  townsman^  moat  fiimly  attadied  to  Charka 
and  Bpiseopacy,  and  a  wdQ-tibher  to  tlie  general  aaccefls  of  Montroae, 
ToL  iL  p.  aST,  eimf»  8m  fiar  predading  tnmttetkma  p.  216,  H  jufi 
Baillifl^ in>L  iL  n,  S4.  SB,  if  M9«  Wiabut,  p.  69,  6^  ««9»  Ghr.voLifw. 
p.606,efj«7.  darte*B  L^e  of  Ormonde,  ToL  L  p.  477.  The  atatemoit 
htte  ia  In  dheet  oppodtion  to  the  general  tenoir  of  thia  author*6  woift:, 
and  confinna  our  aoeoont  of  Ixiiii  sAlft. 


spdil,  left  biniy  aceotdkig  <o  their  eustom ;  ye(» 
vith  masterly  mai^cbed  ov^  the  hiHs,  id  whfifth  his 
artillery  and  aaimunition  M^re  lost  isf  a  moMss,  he 
saved  himself  from  defeat  and  disgrace.    Bult  it 
was  necessary  to  employ  his  Irish  troops^  and,  a» 
Aigyle^s  army  had,  through  some  jealousy  6f  hiii 
influence  in  the  state,  been  so  shamefully  neglect- 
ed that  the  desertion  of  his*  men  obliged  hint  ta^ 
abandon  the  pursuit  of  Montrose,  and  so  disgusted 
bim  that  he  threw  up  his  command  ;•  the  latter 
was  left  at  liberty  to  begin  a  new  expedition. 
Though  the  season  was  far  adiPAnced,  and  Vi^intei^ 
already  begun,  he,  having  gained  some  fresh  adh^ 
rents,  penetrated  into  the  Wilds'  of  Argyleshtire,  hi- 
therto deemed  inaccessible,  and  soon  6veti^  that 
coumtry  with  a  vindictive  barbarity,  Which  only  the 
brutal  Msh  of  l^at  age,  and  the  savages  of  th^^ 
mountainsy  eonld  have  been  foittMfto  i^tptixiXt. 
The  bouste  and  corn  were  burned,  th6  cattle  de<^ 
stroyed  or  carried  away,  and  dl'  tSie  teale^  fA  t& 
benr  ams,  that  fell  into  4iehf  bands^  tftesstered  iti 
cbld  Mood  K 

Aftcs*  thes6  Exploits  he  returned  towards  Itkvef^ 
ness  i^  bM,  after  be  had  proceeded  so  far,  he  leanl^ 
ed  thai  Argyte,  Who,  disgusted  at  the  neglect  of 
bis  sttafi  mmy  by  the  piNrliament,  had  thrown  up^ 

•  Widitfl»  diftp.  viL  aad  viiL  lliifttttlioriifi  HwC  Ai^l^flM 
pnctiied  this  cnid  mode  of  wttfue  ;  bui  it  wonld  luTe  been  belliBlr 
tb  have  given  in^Apw»a ;  and  what  shall  we  think  of  a  pveUte,  of  one 
that  WIS  afterwards  Bisfaop  of  Gdidbotsh,  who  can  gravely  tdl  ud 
IkitMontnseadbMnrledgedthathe  had  never  laore  cSLpMmted  iM 
n^pBlarpfovideneeandgoodneasof  Godtfaa]iinthifez|ieditioii?  An 
these  the  weapons  ofthego^lf—Spald.voLii.  p.  869.  BaiUie,  voL  ii. 


5S6  HISTORY  OF  THB  BUTISH  EMPIRE/ 

hb  command,  had  again,  resenting  the  dreadful 
invasion  of  his  territoiy  as  an  immediate  wrong  to  - 
himself,  collected  about  3000  men,  to  take  ven-^ 
geance  on  his  enemy,  and  was  ravaging  the  lands 
of  a  clan  confederated  with  Montrose.  He  there- 
fore instantly  changed  his  course,  and,  passing  the 
mountains,  fell  down  upon  Argyle's  party  at  In-* 
verlochy  in  Locbaber.  The  outposts  that  escaped 
fled  with  breathless  precipitation  to  announce  the 
intelligence,  and  scarcely  could  their  leader,  by 
hasty  preparations,  keep  off  the  enemy  for  the 
evening.  It  was  moonlight,  and  the  parties  faced 
each  other  in  a  menacing  posture  till  morning* 
Aigyle,  next  day,  instead  of  leading  on  his  meo^ 
took  to  his  boat  on  the  lake,  from  which  he  viewed 
the  battle  at  a  safe  distance,  having  devolved  the 
command  upon  a  cousin  i  and  the  apology  made  for 
him  by  his  friends,  that  an  accidental  fall  from  his 
horse  some  days  before  had  so  bruised  his  face 
and  arm,  that  he  was  disabled  from  using  either 
sword  or  pistol,  has  not  been  deemed  sufficient  to 
exempt  him  from  a  charge  of  pusillanimity.  A 
considerable  portion  of  Argyle's  forces  consisted 
of  such  half-trained  Lowlanders  as  we  have  de«> 
scribed,  and  these  he  divided  between  the  oppo- 
site wings ;  the  rest,  who  were  Highlanders,  he 
placed  in  the  centre.  The  number  of  Montrose's 
force  cannot  be  ascertained,  but  his  furious  assault 
dissipated  the  wings  composed  of  such  troops ; 
and  then  the  centre,  being  charged  on  all  sides, 
was  quickly  overthrown.  The  slaughter  was 
great,  and  Argyle  lost  many  of  his  own  friends : 


HISf  ORT  OF  TtlE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  5S7 

^he  rest  of  bis  troops  found  shelter  in  the  moun^ 
tains*. 

After  this  fresh  success,  Montrose  resumed  his 
purpose  of  marching  to  Inverness ;  and  which,  as 
he  was  now  joined  by  the  Gordons  and  the  Grants^ 
who  had  warily  kept  back  till  they  thought  they 
saw  some  certainty  of  a  successful  issue,  he  ex- 
pected would  surrender  to  him  ;  but  the  town  was 
not  disposed  to  yield,  and,  garrisoned  with  two 
veteran    regiments,  was  impregnable.    Turning, 
therefore,  from  it,  he  let  loose  the  native  ferocity 
of  his  own  temper,  as  well  as  that  of  his  troops,  up- 
on the  adjacent  country.    Acting  on  the  princi- 
ple, that  all  who  were  not  for  him  were  against 
him,  he  wasted  their  lands,  and  plundered  and 
burned  their  houses.     Elgin,  Cullen,  and  Banfi^ 
were  plundered ;  and  the  inhabitants  of  Stoneha* 
ven  in  vain  implored  his  mercy.   He  consumed  the 
town  to  ashes  without  a  feeling  of  remorse  at  the 
misery  he  inflicted  f .    Such  were  the  first  pro- 
ceedings of  Montrose—proceedings  that  were  held 
out  by  the  ministers  of  his  master  as  an  example  to 
English  commanders  X ;  and  by  such  tender  mer- 
cies did  <*  the  mild,  the  gentle  Charles,''  attempt 
to  reclaim  a  deluded  people  to  the  just  sway  of 
his  paternal  authority.    But  the  people  were  not 

•  Wiihirt,  p.  110,  et  seq.    Baillie,  voL  ii.  p.  93.    See  also  Gen 
Bidllie*!  ^ndic&tion.  Id.  p.  864.  Spaldiiig,  voL  iL  p.  970. 

t  Id.  p.  5273,  et  seq.  See  p.  865,  for  a  proof  of  inezontUe  cnicity 
in  Montroee,  scarcely  credible  of  one  in  didlized  life.  The  men,  wo- 
men, and  children,  with  prayers,  tem,  and  lamentations,  addressed 
him  in  Tain. 

t  Clir.  State  Papers,  vol.  ii  p.  89. 


5Sd:  UtSTOlT  OB  THIS  BRITISH  tUfin^ 

to  be  sa  woUi  and  no  success  ever  gave  Montrose 
a  firm  footing  in  Scotland.  Not  one  fort  did  he 
hold ;  not  a  garriMii  did  he  ever  plant.  Whence 
the  authorities  which  be,  for  an  instant,  appeared 
to  have  overthrown,  immediately  resumed  their 
fixnctions.  Hie  route  was  indeed  marked  with 
blood  and  devastation  ;  but  as  his  power  only  fbl- 
lowed  his  person,  his  influence  vanished  with  hia 
preience  ;  and,  while  men  prayed  for  his  over- 
throw and  ponishment,  his  atrocities  everywhere 
kindled  a  deeper  resentment  against  counsels  that 
could  encourage  them. 
*j2^  It  19  now  time  to  resume  the  narrative  of  Eng^- 
MirEatttihKBh  affiufs.  For  the  supreme  military  command, 
Essex  was  as  unqualified  from  inclination  as  ability. 
DnWiiling  to  overpower  the  king,  he  had  evident- 
ly neglected  opportunities :  incapable  of  availing 
himself  of  his  advantages,  he  had  ever  lost  the 
Reason  of  action.  The  influence  of  the  peers^  alone 
had  long  preserved  him ;  and,  after  the  death  of 
Hampden,  the  popular  party  had  attempted  to  raise 
tip  Sir  Wflliam  Waller,  hoping,  that  when  that 
officer  had  eclipsed  the  other  in  war,  fixe  chief 
command  might  be  obtained  for  him.  But  he  was 
no  less  inefficient  r  '<  nimblie  marches'*^  he  did  in- 
deed make ;  but  his  practice  was  to  lead  out  a  fine 
army  from  the  city,  and  return  in  a  few  weeks  to 
recruit ;  for  such  was  bis  utter  want  of  discipline 
that  the  soldiers  g^ierally  left  him  after  a  motttk's 
service.  But  the  attempt  to  raise  him  as  the  com- 
petitor of  Essex  had  excited  such  jealou&y  be* 
tween  them,  that  he  complained  of  the  kNtt  of  one 


mtmmj  ot  thb  bsitish  suFnoL        S99 

army  through  the  designed  want  of  support  fro«l 
Essex ;  aad  Essex^  of  the  loss  of  another,  through 
n  similar  fitult  oa  his  side.  Croanrelly  viht^  had 
performed  the  most  signal  exfdoits^  unless  Fm^ 
fax  may  be  ranked  as  his  competiltor  for  milttary 
fame^  had  a  powerful  party  in  parliament ;  but  the 
Sdots,  whom  he  despised,  and  whose  ecclesiastical 
discipline  he  opposed,  were  hostile  to  his  promotkOf 
while  Denzil  HoUis,  who  had  flattered  himself 
n^ith  the  hope  of  the  ehief  ascendancy,  and  at  last 
perceived  how  inefiectually  he  could  contend  with 
him  in  the  lower  house,  now  not  only  suf^caled 
Essex,  as  well  as  the  peer»  for  wftom  be  shewed 
formerly  such  small  reference,  but  endeavourei 
to  dessroy  the  diaraeter  of  Cromwdl  by  calumniM 
of  cowardice,  which  none  would  beUe^  and  tried^ 
in  conjunction  with  Essex  and  the  Scots^  to  im^ 
peach  hmi  aa  aa  incendiary,  for  kindling  dissen^ 
stonbeCweenitlie  two  kingdoms*  Croaiwell's^friendW 
had  afareffdy  tiried  to  gtt  the  diief  coasmand  of 
Mancheatei^a  army  transferred  to  hiaa  ftroa^  that 
noUemao^  who,  if  he  leally  derived  saccess,  Wfls> 
deatitute  of  talents  to  secnite  it  Bat  the  atten^ 
had  aft  once  apreaii  alarmi;  and,  os  the  aaine  prin^ 
cqde,  IhuI  Gmwferd  beeif  svppodsdi  wfaen^  charged* 
\tkli  varioua  breaches  of  disty,  ae  welUaa  beeo  eau 
counged  to  traduce  GromwelL 

CDOcnwell,  who  had  at  first  gomeiiDedi  die:  Easl 
of  Manchester,  had  been  for  m  oonaiderablv  time 
back  dn  iU  tarm»  widi  that  neblemao^  and!  thens*' 
fart,  wboB  parliament  sMtitutddF  an  iniiuiry  iotet 
th»  ahamefid!  bosikiess  at  DeBafii^tont  castl^  ke 


640  USTORT  OF  TH£  BBITI8II  EMPIE& 

presented  a  charge  against  him  to  this  efkcti 
That,  anxious  only  for  such  a  peace  as  victory 
would  be  prejudicial  to,--a  principle  which  he  had 
discovered  by  express  words,  as  well  by  a  series 
of  actions^  he  had  always  been  indisposed  to  en- 
gage the  royal  forces,  and  thus  end  the  war  by 
the  sword :  That,  after  the  surrender  of  York,  he 
had,  as  if  he  thought  the  parliament  too  high, 
and  the  king  too  low,  studiously  neglected  and 
shifted  off  opportunities  by  his  own  absolute  will, 
against,  or  without,  the  opinion  of  his  council  of 
war ;  and  had,  in  spite  of  the  commands  of  the 
committee  of  both  kingdoms,  detained  his  army 
in    positions    which  .afforded    every    advantage 
against  him :  That«  even  after  the  junction  with 
the  other  armies,  he  had  acted  a  similar  part» 
unless  when  he  cajoled  or  deluded  his  council  of 
war  to  concur  with  him  in  neglecting  one  oppor- 
tunity under  pretext  of  another,  and  that  again 
of  a  third;  <<  and  at  last  persuading  them  that 
it  was  not  fit  to  fight  at  all :"   and  that  his  con- 
duct  was  particularly  reprehensible  when  facing 
Dennington  castle,  as  he  might  there  have  over- 
thrown  the  king.    Manchester  gave  in  a  narrative 
in  his  own  defence,  in  which  he  ascribes  some 
slowness  in  his  operations  to  the  jealousies  and 
misunderstandings  of  his  oflScers ;  but,  confining 
himself  almost  exclusively  to  that  part  of  his  con- 
duct which  was  most  obnoxious  to  reproach,  he 
states  that  Cromwell  had  been  himself  partly  the 
cause  of  the  small  success  on  that  occasion,  by 
not  bringing,  up  his  horse :    That,  for  his  owa 


i 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRS.  6ifl 

party  tfs  he  was  inexperienoed  in  war,  he  had 
done  nothing  without  the  advice  of  his  principal 
officers,  of  whom  the  first  that  dissuaded  from 
4ighting  was  Sir  Arthur  Hazlwigi  (an  individual 
that  Cromwell  meant  to  adduce  as  a  witness  to 
prove  his  charge,)  and,  says  he,  ^  I  must  acknow* 
ledge  that  Lieutenant-Geheral  Cromwell  was  sen? 
sible  of  a  contradiction  in  this  particular,  as  when 
there  was  but  an  information  of  such  a  report  cast 
out  at  random,  that  I  had  acted  without  the  ad- 
vice of  the  council  of  war,  he  professed  that  he 
was  a  viUain  and  lyar  that  could  affirm  any  such 
thing  V  Not  content  with  this,  Manchester 
brought  a  charge  against  Cromwell,  that  after  the 
capture  of  York,  he  had  declared  that  the  Scots 
had  come  into  £ngland  to  impose  their  church- 
government,  and  he  would  as  soon  draw  his  sword 
against  them  in  that  attempt,  as  against  those  of 
the  king's  party :  That  he  had  spoken  disrespectful* 
ly  of  the  house  of  peers,  saying  that  he  wished  there 
was  never  a  lord  in  England,  and  it  would  not  be 
well  till  he  were  Mr.  Montague ;  and  that  he  was 
desirous  of  such  an  army  of  sectaries  as  might  pre- 
vent any  peace  with  the  Ipng,  which  wais  against 
the  inclinations  of  his  party  t. 

These  mutual  charges  never  came  to  any  proper 
investigation }  the  commons  having  held,  that  the 
one  at  the  instance  of  Manchester,  which  was  trans- 
mitted from  the  lords,  could  not  be  entertained 
against  a  member  of  their  house,  as  it  ought  tq 

*  Budi.  ToL  T.  p.  7SS,  etseq. 

^  Hollis's  Mem.  p.  18.    BdUie't  Let.  iL  p.  t%,  77. 


iia^e  origiaated  wffeh  Aewgalycs,  nod  tlie  new  «o- 
del  having  rendec^d  the  pn^M^utioa  ol'  ifce  Eari 
pi«il«ce0«tfy«  It  18,  therefore,  impoMibie  ta  defw^ 
mwe  i>ow  far  the  impectivie  (itataeaieiitsarecqitis^clU 
Thait  Mmichevter^  who  hitd  beea  xweA  nip  nueli 
t9  tiie  displwsuM  of  J&»^z  ftad  his  ji^^n,  as  tii« 
iml4if  dpiit  «iN»tBa|ideiM9-olwe£  MkI  ibsd  so  Ijttfa 

fuJb^ted  the  eKpectatiMis^jdie  puUic  ti^it  he  som 
iBcuired  the  sMue  ms^kim  §»  theotber,  md  tibw 
justified  Oomw«U's  divge  fn  die  pMl^U^  esteens* 
aneuBdoRibiedfeets*.  Xbat  Ah^otbec,  wktm  aectn 
yation  w»8  ip^d  willisa  49  liw  days  i^er  l^he^Air 
atDemiqglon^iistk^  and  who  had  been  feraloiia: 
tiaiembad  tenw  irith  hismipeiiar  nt^r^AmAd 
haye^spK^easowanB^ytP  liii  face  f^n«it  tiM»  wk^- 
stiipoe9ftM^Gbai^isTetyiiiiac«otiQtab]iet#  ftatt 
«iii  the  of^er  hand,  it  is  as  vwnrS^ttimt  Mwobesler 
ai»d  his  frienda  had  becoiaa  very  jeaiws  o£  Oeair 
ireUfasthehead  oftim  popular  party^  f^who^t 


^  Id.  p.  13.  'at  was  the  faetioif s  grief/  says  he,  on  the  Idth 
Mtfy  14144,  llut  the  ttdtnaBQBlbr  keeping  «p  Muwhetftai^s  ennj  ftr 
9lfaer  tbtae ipoiMks,  ''WA4ehlra«greeteripd^ler  (i^ipviy  thvi 
the  general's,"  &&  p  SO,  66,  e<  4tf  • ;  and  also  for  our  general  atate- 
nent,  see  that  vdume.  Hntdiinson,  voL  L  p.  34T,  348.  Ludlow, 
roL  L  p.  138. 

tTh^aAirqf}]^B|ipgt(^^af^09eiweaAS  the  llMh  of  ^lof em- 
ho*  and  Cz;omwieIl*a  charge  appears  to  have  hee^  given  in  within  ahont 
a  fortnight  Manchester's  vindicadon  was  presented  to  the  lords 
bf  theendof  liie  month.  Joam.  tSlli  N«r.  d  Mf.  BaiBie,  voL  i.  p. 
76.  JiUimkfi  poDPQposed  ^j  fo^lyMoak  whf  have  a^ted  a  great  fm 
in  public  transactions,  without  any  immediate  view  of  pnbli^tion  for 
an  object,  are  highly  valuable ;  and  the  idea  is  that  HoUis's  are  ctf  ihia 
description ;  but  it  is  quite  apparent  ficom  the  dedication,  &c  that  he 
had  written  them  for  a  purpose,  though  he  had  not  VMitored  to 
publish  tbem. 


aM74M8figl(^pu0«i  aD4  it  ip  not  leas  truc^  that  Im  bid 
embi^ac^  nU  ej^itmiitiesto  shew  his  disioespeot  of 
fbe  Scotsu  It  k  Mt  utilikdiy  too,  that  be  had  aU 
kmrKd  to  eaoape  bipi  flome  le^pcfssions  aga^ast  th^ 
iwemge^  yfkkk  bad  atoimMl  tbie^wL  3itf tb«t  tha 
tkMgt,  m  it  (Sfeoodf  w»  pr^ar«d  w  ft  tisoipi^miy 
fq^pedieat  to  prociws  the  iremoyal  of:Cfiommfii$  ap- 
peals enideot  Aom  semnd  ^vomiuAaacesp  fioUis 
alleges  in  bis  Memoic^  iwhkib  i^pear  to  hxye  be«a 
pcftpaeediii  16ft8f  M  ^  <4^ppip  ^v^h  Jtie  ivtend^d 
inatantljT  to  pvblisb  agaiost  bis  «Pisniji9^  and  pani- 
eoMjr  CrqmwfU  and  St  Johii,  that  tb^  charge 
ironld  have  been  prared,  bad  it  flf^  hem  vm^V 
sliflad  hy  the  indepesAwt  pflfl^r  ^  ^  b>ww 
houe  *•  But  the  seer/et  eab^^  ^{fWSt  Cf pmwaU 
8t  this  junctune,  in  which  Holjis  Mted  A  vefy  4eep 
part;  sMMlihefitot  of  Manobest^#  ^arga  b^eiog 
ooty  made  to  mwt  the  one  agstest  biaiself»  apd 
of  its  having  been  brought  down  by  HoUis,  a^d 
adearpresoa^tiQn  that  the  matter  coiddni^  have 
been  substantiated. 

Cromwell's  penetration  into  character,  and  deep 
policy,  are  ^together  irreeoncileaUe  with  the  idea 
of  h}s  so  foolishly  exposing  his  designs  to  a  noble* 
to  ii^iose  seatJAQQntfi^  in  regard  to  the  exclup 


•  Thf  f^y^pitteft  to  whom  it  wia  Tcferrefl  wereflie  Ibilowing ;  Mr. 
I^ldeftiix^  Mr.  Brown,  My.  Solicitor,  Sir  Joim  Clotworthy,  Sir  Wffiiam 
StridOand,  pir  Hemy  Vane,  fflr  Writer  Erie,  Mr.  Maynard,  Mr. 
Cijew,  Mr^  WhUelficlce,  Mr-  Beynddf,  «ir  Arthnr  Haderig,  Sogeuit 
Wijdc,  My.  Jade,  Mr.  ffoOU,  Mr.  Hill,  Sir  TTiomaa  Widdiington, 
Mr.Pierpomi.    Joorn.  4Ui  Dec 


544  HISTOET  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

sive  privileges  of  his  own  class,  he  could  be  na 
stranger ;  and  if  be  had  been  so  absurdly  incau- 
tious, it  was  certainly  the  duty  of  Manchester  to 
have  given  instant  information  against  him,  instead 
of  preserving  a  profound  silence,  rendered  the  more 
remarkable  by  differences  between  them,  till  him* 
self  was  accused  of  the  grossest  misconduct  by  that 
individual,  who  <*  had  given  great  satisfaction,  to 
the  commons  touching  the  business  of  Dennington 
castle^/*  But  tbie  case  does  not  rest  on  this. 
Cromwell  had  reflected,  though  delicately,  on  Es- 
sex's officers ;  and  that  earl  having,  .along  with 
Hollis,  Stapleton,  Meiyich,  and  others,  instigated 
the  Scottish  commissioners,  who  were  sufficiently 
predisposed,  to  impeach  him  as  an  incendiary  be* 
tween  the  two  nations,  in  violation  of  the  solemn 
league,  and  covenant,  sent  for  Majmard  and  Whiter 
locke  one  evening  very  late  to  Essex-house  for 
consultation  on  the  subject,  of  which  he  had  luA 
previously  apprized  them ;  but,  though  the  com-^ 
missioners  were  supported  by  the  others,  who  were 
all  present,  and  the  two  lawyers  stated,  that  the 

*  VTbiteiockey  p.  116.  ClaieiidKm'a  ^cccmiit  of  this  m»UeK  u  very 
iliociitect ;  and  i^  is  ref^  fltr^nge  indeed  iHmt  Hollis  should  impute  the 
not  fighting  to  the  desi^s  of  the  Independent  party,  lest  the  war 
■honld  be  finished,  to  it  might  have  been,  by  one  stride.  Compare 
his  statement  with  Mandiester's  narratiTe.  He  pretends  that  his  ma- 
jesty's affairs  were  irretrievably  ruined  now>  and  therefore  that  Fair- 
fax and  Cromwell  had  no  merit  in  finishing  the  war.  Lamentable  i^ 
it  too,  to  find  him  so  vehement  against  St.  John,  for  his  argument  in 
Strafford's  case— considering  that  he  never  resented  it,  but  continued 
most  intimately  connected  with  him,  till  he  found  himself  sinking 
under  the  Independent  party,  to  which  St.  John  attached  hlmsdfl 
put  enough  of  Hollis. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  545 

lord  chancellor  of  Scotland's  idea  of  an  incendiary 
corresponded  with  the  principles  of  the  English 
law,  they  could  adduce  no  other  grounds  for 
their  intended  proceeding,  than  that  he  was  no 
well-wisher  to  Essex,  and  that,  "  since  the  advance 
of  the  army  into  England,he  had  used  all  underhand 
and  cunning  means  to  take  off  from  their  honour, 
and  the  merit  of  their  kingdom,-^an  evil  requital 
of  all  their  hazards  and  services."  The  two  lawyers 
justly  remarked,  that  the^  case  must  depend  on 
proof;  that  they  had  heard  no  particular  stated, 
nor  knew  any  themselves,  which  could  warrant  a 
proceeding ;  and  that,  therefore,  the  Scottish  com- 
missioners should  endeavour  to  collect  matter  of 
fact,  which  tended  to  substantiate  their  general 
charge,  when,  if  called  upon,  they  would  be  ready 
to  give  their  opinion  regarding  it :  But  that,  as  it 
behoved  both  them  and  the  lord-general  to  be  cau- 
tious in  engaging  in  any  prosecution  which  could 
not  be  clearly  supported  by  facts,  and  Cromwell  had 
great  interest  in  the  house  of  commons,  and  many 
friends  amongst  the  peers,  while  he  possessed  "  abi- 
lities to  manage  his  own  part  to  the  best  advan- 
tage V'  they  advised  that  the  business  should  be  at 
least  deferred.  With  this  the  Scottish  commis- 
sioners were  satisfied,  though  **  Mr.  HoUis,  and  Sir 

*  This  sorely  is  a  proof  of  Cromwell's  talent  for  speaking.  Had  he 
been  the  tedious^  homely^  perplexed  speaker  he  is  represented  by 
Hume>  a  seat  in  parliament  would  have  been  disadvantageous  to  him, 
as  by  exposing  himself  there,  he  would  have  lost  the  character  for  ta«« 
lent  which  he  had  gained  in  the  field ;  and  yet  it  was  to  his  influx 
ence  in  the  senate  that  he  was  greatly  indebted  for  his  rise. 

VOL.  III.  2  N 


546  HISTORY  OF  TH£  BEITI9H  EMPIRB. 

Philip  StapletoD,  and  some  others,  spake  smartly 
to  the  business,  and  mentioned  some  particular 
passages  to  prove  him  to  be  an  incendiary ;  and 
they  did  not  apprehend  his  interest  in  the  bouse 
of  conunons  to  be  so  much  as  was  supposed,  and 
Aejf  wmld  mttingly  hofoe  been  upon  the  accumtkn 
of  him  ^.''  Now  it  is  singular,  that  HoUis  was  the 
very  individual  who  brought  down  Manchester's 
charge  from  the  house  of  lords ;  and  that  both 
he  and  Stapleton,  as  well  as  Whitelocke  and  May* 
nard,  were  of  the  committee  to  whom  the  matter 
of  privilege  was  referred.  But  as  this  would  have 
affi>rded  indisputable  ground  ibr  prosecution^  it  is 
vain  to  say  that  Hdlis  and  the  others  were  outvot* 
ed  both  in  the  committee  and  in  the  house,  since^ 
though  it  was  resolved  that  an  impeachment  of  a 
member  of  the  commons  could  not  originate  with 
the  lords»  there  was  no  bar  to  a  proceeding  in  ano- 
ther form ;  and  the  very  circumstance  of  their  be* 
ing  on  the  committee,  enabled  them  to  ascertain 
early  what  would  be  the  vote,  and  thus  lose  no 
time  in  taking  new  measures.  It  is  clear,  there- 
fore,  that  the  whole  was  a  cunning  device,  to 
alarm  the  aristocracy,  and  the  English,  as  well  as 
Scottish  Presbyterian  party,  agaiqst  Cromwell ;  and 
we  may  conclude  with  remarking,  that  HoUis  him* 
self,  while  he  founds  upon  the  very  existence  of 
the  charge  as  a  decisive  proof  of  its  truth,  never  al- 
ludes to  his  own  cabals  for  the  ruin  of  his  enemy. 

*  Whitelocke,  p.  116,  117. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  5417 

« 

«•  I  have  cause,"  says  Whitelocke,  in  regard  toCauMof, 
the  consultation  at  Essex-house,  "to  believe  that^^db^w. 
at  tfiis  debate,  some  who  were  present  were  false  ^^^^j^, 
Itfethren,  and  informed  Cromwell  of  all  that  iwissedny^s  *«^ 
amongst  us  *  :**  and  the  intelligence  could  not  fail 
to  rouse  him  and  his  friends  to  immediate  proceed- 
ings. But  matters  could  not  remain  longer  in  their 
present  posture.  In  the  armies,  general  was  against 
general,  and  the  subordinate  officers  were  rent  into 
factions  by  their  divisions.  The  parliament  par* 
took  of  their  difierences,  and  was  daily  splitting  into 
greater  factions,  while  the  country  at  large  had 
begun  to  cry  out  against  the  conduct  of  a  war, 
which,  it  was  generally  believed,  the  commander- 
in-chief  did  not  desire  to  see  brought  to  a  decisive 
termination  ;  and  complained  that  the  members  of 
the  parliament,  having  engrossed  lucrative  offices, 
purposely  protracted  the  miseries  of  their  country, 
that  they  might  enrich  themselves  at  the  public  ex- 
pense t.  There  had  been  that  time  twelvemonth  a 
vote,  that  the  members  of  the  parliament,  with  cer- 
tain exceptions,  should  not  hold  offices  t ;  and 
there  had  now  been  an  inquiry  instituted  into  the 
number  and  emoluments  of  those  at  present  enjoy- 
ed by  them  §.  The  course,  therefore,  to  remove 
the  present  commanders,  and  still  the  public  dis- 
content, appeared  chalked  out ;  and  on  the  ninth 
of  December,  the  consideration  of  the  present  con- 

^  Whitdocke,  p.  116, 117. 

t  Baillie'8  Let.  toL  ii.  p.  47.  57.  00,  et  seq. 

t  Cob.  ParL  Hist  yoL  iiL  p.  1S7. 

§  Jouni.  14ih  Nov.  1644. 

2n  2 


548  HISTORY  0?  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

dition  of  the  army,  and  the  means  of  efficaciously 
reforming  it,  having  come  before  the  lower  house, — 
Cromwell,  while  every  one  was  unwilling  to  broach 
a  subject  of  so  delicate  a  nature,  broke  the  deep 
silence  thus,  <'  That  it  was  now  a  time  to  speaks  or 
for  ever  to  hold  the  tongue }  the  important  occa- 
sion being  no  less  than  to  save  a  nation  out  of  a 
bleeding,  nay  almost  a  dying  condition,  which  the 
long  continuance  of  the  war  had  already  brought 
it  intOji  so  that  without  a  more  speedy,  vigorous, 
and  efiectual  prosecution  of  the  war,  casting  off  all 
lingering  proceedings,  like  soldiers  of  fortune  be« 
yond  sea,  to  spin  out  a  war,  we  shall  make  the  king- 
dom weary  of  us,  and  hate  the  name  of  a  parlia- 
ment.   For  what  do  the  enemy  say  ?   Nay,  what 
do  many  say  that  were  friends  at  the  beginning  of 
this  parliament  ?   Even  this,  that  the  members  of 
both  houses  have  got  great  places  and  commands, 
and  the  sword  into  their  hands,  and  what  by  in- 
terest in  parliament,  and  what  by  power  in  the  ar- 
my, will  perpetually  continue  themselves  in  gran- 
deur, and  not  permit  the  war  speedily  to  end,  lest 
their  own  power  should  determine  with  it    This  I 
speak  here  to  our  own  faces,  is  but  what  others  do 
utter  abroad  behind  our  backs,    I  am  far  from  re- 
flecting on  any ;  I  know  the  worth  of  those  com- 
manders, members  of  both  houses,  who  are  yet  in 
power ;  but,  if  I  may  speak  my  conscience  without 
reflection  upon  any,  I  do  conceive,  if  the  army  be 
not  put  into  another  method,  and  the  war  more  vi- 
gorously prosecuted,  the  people  can  bear  the  war  no 
longer,  and  will  enforce  you  to  a  dishonourable 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  549 

peace.  But  this  I  would  recommend  to  your  pru« 
deuce,  not  to  insist  upon  any  complaint  or  oversight 
of  any  commander«in>  chief  upon  any  occasion  what- 
soever; for,  as  I  must  acknowledge  myself  guilty 
of  oversights,  so  I  know  they  can  rarely  be  avoided 
in  military  afiairs :  therefore  waving  a  strict  inqui- 
ry into  the  causes  of  these  things,  let  us  apply  our* 
selves  to  the  remedy  that  is  most  necessary ;  and  I 
hope  we  have  such  true  English  hearts,  and  zealous 
affections  towards  the  general  weal  of  our  mother 
country,  that  no  members  of  either  house  will  scru- 
ple to  deny  themselves  their  own  private  interests 
for  the  public  good ;  nor  account  it  a  disl^onour 
done  to  them,  whatever  the  parliament  shall  resolve 
upon  in  this  weighty  affair  */'  Another  spoke  thus : 
"  Whatever  is  the  matter,  which  I  list  not  so  much 
to  inquire  after,  two  summers  are  past  over,  and 
we  are  not  saved  :  our  victories  (the  price  of  blood 
invaluable)  so  gallantly  gotten,  and,  which  is  more 
pity,  so  graciously  bestowed,  seem  to  have  been 
put  into  a  bag  with  holes  }  what  we  won  one  time 
we  lost  another:  the  treasure  is  exhausted,  the 
country  wasted :  a  summer's  victory  has  proved  but 
a  winter's  story ;  the  game,  however  shut  up  with 
autumn,  was  to  be  new  played  in  spring— as  if  the 
blood  that  has  been  shed  were  only  to  manure  the 
field  of  war,  for  a  more  plentiful  crop  of  conten- 
tion. Men's  hearts  have  failed  them  with  the  ob- 
servation of  these  things,  the  cause  whereof  the 

*  This  I  conceive  to  be  a  sufficient  proof  of  Cromwell*s  powers  as 
a  public  speaker. 

2  n3 


550  UISTORT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRB. 

pariiraaent  has  been  tender  of  ravelliog  into.  Bat 
men  cannot  be  hindered  firomVenting  their  opinions 
privately,  and  their  fears  which  are  various,  and  no 
less  variou&lj  expressed ;  concerning  which  I  de* 
termine  nothing ;  but  this  I  would  say,  'tis  appa^ 
rent  the  forces  being  under  several  commanders, 
want  of  good  cotrespondency  amongst  the  chief- 
tains has  oftentimes  hindered  the  public  service**** 
After  these  speeches,  Mr.  Zouch  Tate  moved,  that 
all  members  of  either  house  should  be  precluded 
by  ordinance  irom  holding  commands ;  and  this 
having  been  seconded  by  the  younger  Vane  aii4 
others,  was,  after  a  long  debate,  resolved  by  the 
house,  when  an  ordinance  in  conformity  with  the 
vote  was  ordered  to  be  brought  in.  On  the  11th,  the 
ordinance  as  prepared  was  read  the  first  time ;  and 
a  fast  was  voted  on  the  same  Azyjinr  that  house, 
to  be  held  on  the  18th,  "  to  humble  themselves 
for  their  parliamentary  and  particular  sins  and  fail- 
ings, whereby  they  might  obtain  God's  blessing 
in  a  better  measure  upon  their  endeavours  for 
the  future."  On  the  12th,  a  petition  was  present- 
ed by  many  in  London,  encouraging  the  design. 
On  Saturday  the  14th,  the  ordinance  was  read  a 
second  time,  and  a  committee  of  the  whole  house 
was  appointed  to  consider  it  on  the  Wednesday  fol- 
lowing, (17th,)whensome  amendments  were  assent- 
ed to,  and  a  provision  in  favour  of  the  lord-general, 
that  the  ordinance  should  not  extend  to  him,  was 


*  Surely  there  are  fewer  more  eloquently  condensed  paauges  to  be 
fpiind  in  any  language  than  this. 


HISTORY  OF  TH£  BRITISH  &M1»IRS.  ^51 

rejected  by  100  to  9S.  Another  proviso  levelled  at 
Oomwell's  friends,  that  none  should  enjoy  military 
command  who  would  not  subscribe  an  obligation 
to  submit  to  any  church  government  which  should 
be  agreed  upon  by  both  houses^  upon  the  advice  of 
the  assembly  of  divines,  was,  with  the  ordinance 
itself,  allowed  to  lie  over  till  the  next  Thursday,  or 
the  day  after  the  fast.  The  fast  was  assented  to 
by  the  lords  IScewise ;  and  certain  preachers  were 
ordered  by  both  houses  to  discharge  the  spiritual 
functions,  while  all  strangers,  even  the  attendants 
of  members,  were  ordered  to  be  excluded.  This 
resolution  by  both  houses  was  alleged  to  be  for  the 
purpose  of  affording  the  preachers  an  opportunity  to 
expatiate  upon  the  new  intended  model,  or,  as  this 
was  styled,  the  self*denying  ordinance ;  but  as  it 
bad  previously  been  fully  debated  and  determined 
upon  in  the  lower  house,  the  object  could  not  be 
to  move  the  commons,  unless  as  to  the  proviso,  re- 
garding the  subscription  to  submit  to  any  church 
government  agreed  to  by  both  houses.  &c.  and 
therefore  we  must  conclude,  that,  if  such  a  design* 
were  contemplated  at  all,  it  must  have  been  directed 
towards  the  lords,  where  it  was  expected  the  ordi« 
nance  would  encounter  the  greatest  opposition. 
Next  day  the  proviso  about  church  government  was 
rejected  by  the  commons,  and  the  ordinance  pass- 
ed» 


*  Now  the  reader  wiU  be  aUe  to  appreciate  the  ooReetaeK  of  C1^^ 
don's  ttatement^  which  is  followed  by  Hume,  and  the  nature  of  thelat- 
ter^ihittoryofEngland.  The  story  ia,  that  the  Independent!  knew  not 


V 


55i  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

j^^  In  the  debate  about  the  self-denyiog  ordinance 
gumcot  on  uuder  the  grand  committee,  Whitelocke  spoke  at 
njingoidi.  Considerable  length  against  the  measure ;    argu- 

how  to  propose  the  alterations,  till  they  resorted  to  the  method  which  had 
hitherto  proved  so  successful — that  of  preparing  and  repairing  things 
in  the  church,  that  they  might  afterwards  grow  to  maturity  in  par-> 
liament    That  they  therefore  proposed  that  they  would  hare  a  so- 
lemn fast  day,  in  which  ihey  would  seek  God,  (which  was  the  new 
phrase  they  brought  from  Scotland  with  their  covenant,)  and  desire 
his  assistance  to  lead  them  out  of  the  perplexities  they  were  in  ;  and 
they  took  care  to  nominate  fit  preachers :  that  when  the  fast  day  came^ 
(which  was  observed  for  eight  or  ten  hours  together  in  the  churches,) 
the  preachers  prayed  that  "  parliament  might  be  inspired  with  those 
thoughts  as  mig^t  contribute  to  their  honour,  reputation,"  6cc :   that 
they  then  expatiated  upon  public  afBurs,  alleging  the  parliament  lay 
under  many  reproaches  for  making  places,  &c  to  themselves,  and  that 
the  people  despaired  of  ever  seeing  an  end  of  the  present  calamities^ 
&c.  They  again  fell  to  their  prayers,  ''  that  Grod  would  take  his  own 
work  into  his  hand  ;  and  if  die  instruments  he  had  already  employed 
were  not  worthy  to  bring  so  glorious  a  design  to  a  conclusion,  that  he 
would  inspire  others  more  fit,"  &c.    When,  continues  he,  the  two 
houses  met  the  next  day  after  these  devout  animadversions,  there  was 
another  spirit  appeared  in  the  looks  of  many  of  them.    Sir  Henry 
Vane  told  them,  ''  If  ever  God  had  appeared  to  them,  it  was  in  the 
exercise  of  yesterday ;  and  that  it  appeared  it  proceeded  from  Grod^ 
because  (as  he  was  credibly  informed  by  many  toko  had  been  aiuditorg 
tfi  the  congregaiioHs)  the  same  lamentations  and  discourses  had  been 
made  in  other  churches,  as  the  godly  preachers  had  made  before  them, 
which  could  tlierefore  proceed  only  from  the  immediate  inspiration  of 
God  ;**  and  so  forth.    He  also  gives  a  speech  for  Cromwell,  Clar.  voL 
iv.  p.  564,  et  srq*    Now  we  have  given  our  dates  JhyM  the  Journals, 
y>hich  prove  beyond  all  doubt  that  the  new  model  was  resolved  upon  be" 
fore  a  fast  was  even  voted,  and  that  the  ordinance  itself  had  undergone 
the  fullest  discussion  before  the  fast  i^as  held.    But  this  is  not  all*    The 
fast  was  only  kept  by  the  two  houses ;  an  ordinance  for  the  gene- 
ral or  national  fast  having  been  past  next  day,  to  be  held  on  Christ- 
mas day,  <'  although  it  be  the  day  on  which  the  feast  of  the  nativity 
of  our  Saviour  was  wont  to  be  solemnized;"  (Joum.)  so  that  there 
could  not  be  that  concunrence  in  the  language  of  the  difierent  church^ 
fiB,  pretended  to  be  alluded  to  by  Vane.    It  is  evident,  therefore,  si 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  553 

iiig  that  members  of  parliament  could,  as  having 
the  deepest  stake  in  the  community,  be  most 
surely  depended  on  for  its  defence :  That  mi* 
litary  commanders  selected  from  their  own  body, 
were,  as  most  directly  subject  to  the  controul  of 
either  house,  most  likely  to  be  obedient:  Tliat 
their  rank  necessarily  obtained  for  them  a  submis- 
sion from  the  subordinate  officers,  that  could  not 
be  expected  from  such  as  more  nearly  approximate 
ed  to  the  station  of  those  whom  they  commanded ; 
and  that,  as  by  this  new  arrangement  the  eminent 
individuals  who  had  already  so  signally  served  their 
country  must  lay  down  their  commissions,  it  would 

well  as  from  the  speeches  which  we  have  given  from  Rushworth^  and 
the  facts  stated  hy  that  collector  and  Whitelocke^  &c.  that  this  ac- 
count was  a  most  impudent  fabrication ;  and  I  have  no  doubt  that 
Clarendon^  who  takes  such  credit  to  himself  for  his  dexterity  in  foig^ 
ing  speeches^  was  himself  the  author  of  the  whole.  But  one  feds 
more  inclined  to  excuse  him^  who^  having  embarked  aD  his  hopes  and 
fortunes  in  the  struggle^  and  been  engaged  in  aU  the  transactions, 
could  not  fail  to  be  imbued  with  the  passions  incident  to  them,  for 
such  a  statement,  than  for  the  adoption  of  it  by  Mr.  Hume,  who  sat 
down  coolly  with  the  avowed  object  of  writing  the  truth.  The  apology 
for  him  is  that  he  followed  Clarendon ;  but  it  cannot  be  admitted^^ 
because  he  himself  refers  to  Rushworth,  as  if  he  had  been  warranted 
by  his  authority ;  and  it  is  utterly  impossible  that,  as  Rushworth 
gives  a  most  particular  account  of  the  whole  business,  with  dates  and 
speeches,  and  mentions  that  the  fast  was  held  to  implore  a  blessing  upon 
tlye  new  model,  which  had  already  drawn  a  congratulatory  address 
from  many  in  London,  Himde  could  be  deceived.  His  misrepresenta- 
tion then,  I  must  speak  out,  was  as  wilful  as  it  is  gross.  If  truth  be 
necessary  to  history,  I  cannot  conceive  that  Mr.  Hume's  work  will 
come  under  the  denomination.  He  elsewhere,  by  fvay  qf  ridicule, 
quotes  the  very  words  of  the  ordinance,  for  the  national  fast  on  Christ" 
mas  day.  As  for  Clarendon,  he  tells  us  he  often  wished  to  make  a 
collection  of  all  the  speeches  and  letters  he  had  forged.  Life,  vol.  i. 
p.  137.  The  principle  on  which  Clarendon  wrote,  too,  was  incon- 
sistent with  a  regard  to  truth.    "  I  first  undertook,"  says  he,  "  this 


S5^  HISTORY  OF  TH£  BRITISH  BBfPIRE. 

not  only  offend  them,  but  devolve  the  public  safe- 
ty upon  men  without  experience.  He  concluded 
with  referring  to  the  conduct  of  the  Greeks  and 
Romans  in  support  of  his  aigument,  alleging  that 
they  always  bestowed  the  great  civil  and  military 
offices  upon  their  senators,  as  on  persons  the  best 
qualified,  both  from  the  deep  interest  they  had  in 
the  state,  and  from  their  opportunities  of  acquiring 
in  the  senate  that  intimate  knowledge  of  the  coun* 
lels  of  their  country,  which  was  necessary  for  pro- 
moting them  \ 

As  this  has  been  presented  by  Mr.  Hume  as  an 
irrefragable  argument,  and  the  conduct  of  the  an* 
cient  republics  referred  to  by  him  with  particular  sa^ 
tisfaction,  it  may  be  proper  to  give  the  matter  a  lit- 
tle examination.  Without  an  intimate  acquaint- 
ance with  the  institutions  of  any  state,  it  is  always 
dangerous  to  draw  an  inference  from  any  particular 
branch  of  its  policy,  because  what  may  be  wise 
and  beneficial  under  one  system,  may  be  absolutely 
pernicious  under  another.  But,  in  this  instance, 
neither  Whitelocke  nor  Hume  seems  to  have  un- 
derstood the  nature  of  the  political  machine  in 
those  ancient  republics  i  and  in  regard  to  Greece 
they  had  remarkably  mistaken  the  fact,  since  nei- 
ther in  Athens  nor  Sparta,  the  two  most  consider- 
able Grecian  states,  were  senators  eligible  to  other 

difficult  work  with  his  mqjeHys  approbation,  and  by  his  fncourogt* 
ment,  and  fir  his  vindication,"    Hist  Tol.  iv.  p.  087. 

Ruah.  ToL  tL  p.  S,€t  seq.  Whitelocke,  p.  118^  119.  This  author 
tells  us,  that  ''  some  saitT'  the  proachers  wished  the  church  to  he  at- 
tended only  hy  memhers,  that  they  mig^t  speak  the  more  fteAj  to 
them>  especially  upon  the  point  of  the  self-denying  ordinance. 

•  Whitelocke,  p.  119, 190. 


HIBTORT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIBS.  555 

offices  *•  In  Rome,  indeed,  the  senators  were  eiu 
gible  to,  and  most  frequently  filled,  some  of  the 
hi^est  places ;  but,  in  order  to  ascertain  how  this 
operated,  we  must  attend  to  the  constitution  of 
that  commonwealtfa.  The  senate  did  not,  as  in 
England  now,  elect  the  public  officers,  and  neither 
possessed  the  legislative  power,  nor  any  right  even 
to  impose  taxes.  It  was  a  select  committee,  into 
which  they  were  chiefly  chosen  who  had  already 
filled  some  offices,  and  performed  something  me- 
morable in  the  public  service ;  and  its  powers  were 
limited  to  those  only  of  superintending  the  gene- 
ral current  business  of  the  state.  All  laws  were 
enacted,  and  public  officers  elected,  by  the  people  in 
their  comitia ;  and,  had  the  power  wisely  entrust* 
ed  to  the  senate  been  perverted,  it  could  have  been 
modified  by  a  new  law.  The  senate  had  thus  no 
power  to  augment  the  number  of  offices ;  and 
whenever  it  was  suspected  that  a  war  was  protract* 
ed,  in  order  to  affi>rd  an  advantage  to  members  of 
their  body,  new  men  were  brought  forward.  The 
consuls  were  invested  with  large  powers ;  but  they 


*  In  Athens^  the  lenatara,  and  all  the  great  dvSl  and  military  offi* 
(MTB,  were  aamially  dected  by  the  people ;  but  die  flnt  were  cfaeaen 
by  lot  oat  of  the  reepeedfe  tribes,  from  indinduala  qualified  by  imnk» 
age^  &c  while  all  the  latter  were  elected  by  Toices  in  the  annual  as- 
semblies called  for  the  purpose.  From  the  nature  of  the  senate 
it  does  not  appear  that  candidates  for  other  offices  could  be  put  in 
nomination  for  the  lot  Gi]lies*s  Aristotle's  Political  p.  80,  el  seg.  The 
powers  of  the  senate  were  soon  TirtoaUy  withdrawn  by  the  popular 
assemblies.  In  Sparta,  the  senate  was  composed  only  of  twenty-eight, 
and  none  was  eligible  till  he  had  completed  his  sixtieth  year.  Their 
age  prednded  the  idea  of  their  acting  in  a  military  capacity ;  and  the 
duties  of  their  office  as  senators  required  all  theirpowers.  Flut  Life 
of  Lycurgus. 


5^6  HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

could  not  SO  modify  an  army,  as  to  turn  it  against 
the  community ;  for,  as  their  ofBce  expired  at  the 
end  of  one  year,  they  had  neither  time  to  cor- 
rupt the  army,  nor  undue  influence  over  officers, 
who  depended  upon  the  popular  vote  for  their 
own  advancement    As  few,  too,  of  the  senate 
could  ever  expect  to  enjoy  the  consular  dignity, 
they  could  feel  little  disposition  to  promote   its 
power  at  the  expense  of  their  own  influence  in  the 
national  council,  while  the  people  could  ever,  by 
new  laws,  curb  any  thing  dangerous  in  the  author- 
ity of  its  commanders.    As  the  senate  had  not  the 
nomination  to  places,  it  was  never  disgraced  by 
factious  cabals  and  broils  to  obtain  them;  and 
hence  we  do  not  ever  read  of  the  existence  of  mi- 
nisterial, or '  ruling,  and  opposition,  factions  in  that 
august  body.  What  we  have  said  relates  exclusive- 
ly to  the  pure  days  of  the  republic.     It  is  not  our 
province  to .  inquire  into  the  causes  that,  in  the 
progress  of  centuries,  suspended  the  operation, 
as  they  ultimately  destroyed  the  peculiar  fabric,  of 
that  celebrated  government  *•     But  in  England, 
at  the  period  we  are  treating  of,  the  two  houses  of 
parliament  were  invested  with  unlimited  power, 
determinable  only  at  their  own  pleasure;  wd,  in 
short,  were,  in  their  aggregate  capacity,  clothed 
with  all  the  authority  of  absolute  monarchs.    In- 
vested with  the  whole  legislative  power,  and  enti« 
tied  to  appoint  all  public  officers,  they  had  a  natu- 
ral tendency  to  advance  their  own  greatness  to  the 


*  See  Brodie's  History  of  the  Roman  GoTemment  for  an  aooouni 
of  that  constitution. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  557 

prejudice  of  the  people,  as  well  as  to  multiply  jobs 
and  places,  that  they  might  enrich  and  exalt  them- 
selves at  the  public  expense.  Such  a  system  tended 
also  to  inflame  the  members  with  the  desire  of  secur- 
ing the  chief  influence  in  this  assembly  of  joint  ab- 
solute princes,  and  likewise  of  procuring  the  great 
offices,  which  all  could  not  equally  obtain — ^till  they 
were  rent  into  factions  for  supremacy,  and  each 
fixed  his  hope  upon  the  military,  as  on  an  engine 
by  which  it  might  render  its  ascendency  complete. 
Such  was  the  natural  tendency  of  this  state  of  af- 
fairs ;  and  it  is  no  answer  to  the  objections,  that 
the  English  parliament  at  that  time  contained  a 
number  of  patriots,  who  were  prepared  to  make 
great  personal  sacrifices  for  the  public  benefit,  since 
an  institution  must  not  be  appreciated  by  the  in- 
tegrity of  particular  men,  and,  with  all  their  virtue, 
they  had  neither  escaped  the  imputation  of  selfish-* 
ness,  nor  the  consequences  of  the  system*.  In  pro- 
posing the  self-denying  ordinance,  they  acted  upon 
the  immutable  basis  of  sound  policy  in  the  ordina- 
ry transactions  of  life,  such  as  has  been  recognised 
by  the  law  of  every  country ;  that  no  trustee  shall, 
in  any  transaction  regarding  the  subject  of  the 
trust,  act  for  his  own  behoof.  The  human  heart 
is  assuredly  not  changed  by  an  appointment  to  a 
place  in  the  national  council.  As  for  the  argu- 
ment, that  a  member  of  parliament  was  best  quali- 
fied to  discharge  the  duty  of  a  great  office,  from 
his  knowledge  of  the  councils  of  his  country,  it  is 
doubtless  strangely  erroneous,  since  no  person  in 
such  a  situation  ought  to  act  without  the  express 
orders  of  the  assembly  he  obeys,  which  can  be  as 


^58  HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRB. 

wdl  signified  to  an  individual  who  does  not, 
as  to  one  who  does,  belong  to  it ;  and  if  he 
were  permitted  to  take  a  single  stqp,  out  of  Ua 
mere  unaathorized  conception  of  the  designs  of 
parliament  from  what  he  had  seen  passing  there» 
the  inevitable  consequence  would  bet  that,  under 
such  a  pretext,  he  would  promote  the  views  of 
the  particular  faction  to  which  he  belonged. 
Again,  as  to  obedience  being  more  easily  exacted 
from  a  member,  than  from  a  servant  regularly 
appointed,  from  his  aptitude  to  the  business,  the 
idea  is  no  less  groundless,  since  a  member  would 
naturally  act  in  conjunction  with  a  faction  within 
doors,  which  would  exert  all  its  influence  to  sup- 
port his  preceedings ;  and  it  would  be  a  matter 
of  difficulty  to  disgrace  him,  while  another  could 
receive  his  instructions  only  from  his  constituents, 
and  might  be  removed  without  a  breach  of  deli- 
cacy :  Nor  did  it  follow  that  men  of  sufficient 
rank  could  not  be  found  without  the  precincts  of 
both  houses.  But  it  is  strange,  indeed,  first,  that 
Mr.  Hume  should  have  relied  so  confidently  upon 
the  argument  founded  on  the  inexperience  of  the 
commanders,  which  the  two  houses  were  by  this 
new  arrangement  obliged  to  appoint,  since  the  re- 
sult so  immediately  and  decisively  belied  it ;  and, 
secondly,  that  be  should  have  conceived  it  so  es- 
sential that  the  great  military  commanders  should 
be  elected  from  members  of  parliament,  when  the 
reasoning  was  so  directly  refuted  by  the  expe- 
rience of  his  own  age ;  for  though  there  be  no 
law  against  the  appointment  of  members  in  either 


HXSTORT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  ^9 

house,  the  majority  of  those  in  greatest  command 
have  not  held  places  in  the  senate.  It  is  singular 
that  Whitelocke  himself,  in  the  course  of  four 
pages  from  the  transcript  of  his  speech,  mentions 
the  absolute  necessity  that  there  was  for  a  new 
arrangement  *. 

The  self-denying  ordinance  met  with  a  different 
reception  in  the  upper  house.  The  lords,  con- 
ceiving that  it  struck  particularly  at  their  privi- 
leges, since  those  only  of  the  commons  who  were 
returned  to  parliament  were  exempted,  while  their 
whole  body  were  thus  excluded ;  and,  unwilling  to 
offend  Essex,  Manchester,  and  others,  as  well  as 
anxious  to  continue  them  in  command,  purposely 
delayed  the  bill  in  spite  of  messages  from  the  com- 
mons, and  afler  a  conference,  finally,  on  the  15th 
of  January,  rejected  it.  This  gave  rise  to  the  first  New  mo- 
visible  breach  between  the  houses:  But,  in  thcanny. 
mean  time,  even  the  lords  were  sensible  that  some 
new  arrangement  was  absolutely  necessary ;  and 
as  the  commons  brought  in  an  ordinance  for  new- 
modelling  the  army  to  7OOO  horse  and  dragoons,  and 
14,000  foot,  in  all,  and  to  put  it  under  Sir  Thomas 
Fairfax  as  general,  and  Skippon  as  seijeant-major- 
general,  the  upper  house,  though  with  some  modifi- 
cations, passed  it  Essex  and  the  rest  having  at 
length  perceived,  that  though  they  might  retain  the 
name  of  commanders,  they  had  lost  the  power,  re- 
signed their  commissions  on  the  1st  of  April;  and 
the  commons  having  passed  and  transmitted  to  the 

*  Wliitelocke^  p.  193. 


560  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

lords  another  ordinance  to  the  same  effect^  though 
somewhat  modified,  as  the  self-denying  one,  it  was 
now  passed  by  the  upper  house. 

As  Cromwell  retained  a  command  in  the  army 
in  spite  of  the   ordinance,  the  whole  has  been 
ascribed  to  the  cunning  device  of  that  famous 
person  and  his  party.     But  the  self-denying  ordi- 
nance, as  it  was  accompanied  with  such  memora- 
ble effects,  has  been  the  subject  of  misrepresenta- 
tion ;  and  it  seldom  fails,  that  when  individuals 
rise  by  certain  conjunctures,  people  overlook  the 
progress  of  the  ascent,  and,  contemplating  the  last 
stage  only,  ascribe  to  early  deep  laid  poh'cy,  what 
had  been  of  later  growth.     That  it  was  the  ardent 
wish  of  Cromwell  and  of  his  party,  that  he  should 
obtain  a  military  command,  is  undoubted.     But 
that  this  was  the  object  of  the  new  model,  may 
well  be  questioned.     From  the  posture  of  afiairs, 
it  was  absolutely  necessary  to  adopt  some  speedy 
measure  to  defeat  the  designs  of  other  parties 
and  advance  their  own ;   and  though  the  new  mo- 
del of  the  army  might  not  elevate  Cromwell  as  a 
general,  it  promised,  under  Fairfax,  to  exalt  the 
party  of  which  Cromwell  was  now  at  the  head. 
He  had  formerly  urged  decisive  measures  which 
must  have  frustrated  his  hopes  of  holding  the  chief 
command;    and  as  an  active  leader  in   parlia- 
ment,  with    such    an  army   under    Fairfax,   he 
had  great  prospects.      But  it  never  could   have 
been  anticipated,  that  by  certain  conjunctures  a 
pretext  should  have  been  afforded  for  a  short  dis- 
pensation of  the  self-denying  ordinance  in  his  fa* 
vour ;  and  far  less  could  he,  if  his  party  were,  as 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  561 

is  allegedy  the  inferior  in  number,  expect  that  any 
pretext  would  have  been  suecessfuL  It  is  easy  to 
assert  that  the  majority  were  juggled;  but  it  is 
difficult  to  believe  that  men  of  their  penetration, 
assisted  by  the  Scottish  commissioners,  inveterate 
enemies  of  Cromwell,  should  have  been  so  readily 
the  dupes  of  a  project  to  which  they  had  such 
aversion.  Had  the  self-denying  ordinance,  and 
that  for  the  new  model  been  speedily  passed,  he 
never  could  have  had  a  pretext  for  continuing  in 
the  army.  It  was  only  on  the  S7th  of  February 
that  he  was  ordered  by  the  parliament,  which  he 
had  till  then  attended,  to  join  Sir  William  Waller, 
that  he  might  march  with  him  to  the  relief  of  Mel- 
combe,  and  the  places  adjacent,  as  well  as  prevent 
levies  and  recruits  there  by  the  king  * :  And  it 
was  his  eminent  services  at  this  juncture  which 
led  to  a  dispensation  in  his  favour  for  forty  days, 
as  matters  became  critical :  But  had  the  self-deny- 
ing ordinance,  and  that  for  the  new  model  been 
passed  as  soon  as  was  expected,  both  Waller  and 
Cromwell  must  have  been,  on  the  27th  of  February, 
out  of  command,  and  neither  could  have  been  sent 
on  the  employment.  On  the  11th  of  May,  both 
houses,  without  a  division,  granted  him,  as  being  then 
on  actual  service,  a  dispensation  from  the  ordinance 
for  forty  days,  and  the  battle  of  Naseby  occurred 
within  the  time  limited.  By  another  ordinance, 
they  also,  at  the  request  of  Fairfax  and  his  officers, 
on  the  eve  of  that  memorable  engagement,  ap- 

*  Journals. 
VOL.  III.  2  O 


S6&  UI8T0RT  OF  THE  BEITI8H  EMPIBEj 

pointed  him  lieutenant^eneral  of  the  hone  during 
the  pleasure  of  both  houses*    Nor  is  it  vonder- 
fiiL    All  had  the  utmost  confideDce  in  his  capacity 
finr  war,  wd  afEdrs  were  to  the  last  degree  criti- 
cal ^.    Thfij  who  wished  a  speedy  and  effectual 
terminatioR  to  hostilities^  and  dreaded  the  results 
of  a  great  engagement^  were  anxious  for  the  as- 
sistance of  such  a  genius.    His  enemies,  who  de- 
sired to  protract  the  sanguinary  struggle,  imagin- 
ed that  the  new  modelled  army,  commanded,  as 
they  alleged,  by  officers  without  experience,  fiv 
Skippon  was  the  only  old  soldier  retained,  would 
be  so  unsuccessful  as  to  cover  the  commanderB 
with  disgrace,  and  lead  to  the  recal  of  Essex ; 
and  as  they  were  eager  to  tarnish  the  fame  of 
CromweU,  and  thus  divest  him  of  influence,  we 
may  presume  that  they  were  not  averse  to  affi>rd 
hhtt  an  opportunity  to  lose  the  laurels  he  had  gain- 
ed*   On  the  other  hand^  if  the  new  model  were  iss- 
mediately  successful,  which  could  alone  overcome 
all  the  odium  that  attached  to  the  invidious  measure 
of  removing  the  old  commanders,    and  conse- 
quently prevent  a  recurrence  to  the  old  arrange- 
ment, the  army  could  speedily  be  put  upon  a  new 
footing,  since  the  self-denying  ordinance  only  sub- 
sisted during  the  war,  and  the  Scottish  army  still 
continued  in  England  as  a  check  upon  the  other. 
Besides,  little  was  apprehended  from  such  a  tem- 
porary and  subordinate  appointment  as  that  of 
Cromwell }    nor  could  any  one  have  predicted  the 

*  Jovrnalfl. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  563 

fatal  obstinacy  and  insidious  proceedings  of  the 
king,  which  really  gave  the  grand  turn  to  the 
course  of  events  *• 

The  rank  and  influence,  as  well  as  the  exploits  sir  Thomas 
of  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax,  pointed  him  out  for  the 
chief  command  under  the  new  model.  His  father. 
Lord  Fairfax,  who  held  a  Scottish  peerage,  had  a 
wide  influence  in  his  native  county  of  York,  which 
he  represented ;  and  in  the  beginning  of  this  par« 
liament  he  appears  to  have  been  a  member  of  the 
most  important  committees.  The  service  which 
he  rendtfed  against  the  Marquis  of  Newcastle  has 
been  already  related.  But  the  military  merit  of 
the  son  was  transcendent,  having  a  parallel  from 
none  but  Cromwell's  ;  and  as  he  had  not  a  seat  in 

•  Clarendon's  acoonnt  of  all  this  matter  has  been  abeady  so  exposed^ 
that  it  is  unnecessary  to  dwell  farther  upon  it;  but  Mollis  has  been 
esteemed  an  honourable  man,  and  therefore  we  may  make  a  remark 
on  his  statement  Some  of  Essa's  troops  mutinied,  and  he  allies 
that  Mr.  Solicitor  St.  John  wrote  a  letter  underhand  to  the  committee 
in  Hertfordshire  to  put  them  to  the  sword, — **  a  yillainy  never  to  be 
foigolten  nor  foigiTen :"  but  the  matter  rests  entirely  on  his  asser- 
tioii ;  and  kk  credibility  nay  be  tried.  He  alleges  that  Cromwell's 
nMn  also  mutinied,  crying  they  will  have  Cromwell  or  they  will  not 
stir ;  but  so  very  different  a  course  was  adapted  towards  them,  that  he 
must  be  sent  down,  and  they  have  their  wills.  Though  Cromwell 
had  pledged  himself  for  their  obedience,  when  the  other  party  argued 
that  the  new  model  would  fill  the  armies  wilb  discontent  and  mu- 
tiny :  and  that  this  was  the  pretext  under  which  he  was  sent  down. 
Mem.  p.  S 1,  ff  se^.  Now  the  Journals,  and  they  cannot  be  disputed, 
aflbrd  a  flat  contradiction  of  this,  as  they  prove  diat  he  was  sent  down 
OD  a  very  difficult  service.  The  testimony,  too,  in  letters  from  per- 
sons of  credit  to  the  parliament,  was  that  Essex's ''  were  the  most  un- 
ruly, and  that  none  appeared  so  full  and  well  armed,  and  civil  as  Col. 
Cromwdl*s."  Whitelocke,  p.  131.  This  is  confirmed  by  Rush.  vol.  vL 
p.  1(^18.  For  text  generally  see  p.  7,  f/  seq. 

2o2 


Faiifkz. 


564  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

parliameDt,  he  was  necessarily  the  object  of  choice. 
Writers  have  been  fond  of  paying  a  tribute  to  his 
heart  at  the  expense  of  his  understanding ;  but 
the  fact  appears  to  be,  that  he  himself  even  at  the 
time  encouraged  the  idea,  that  he  good  naturedly 
adopted  the  suggestions  of  others,  in  order*that, 
while  he  reaped  the  advantage,  he  might  shelter 
himself  from  the  odium  of  certain  transactions ; 
and  that  when  the  current  had  changed,  he  was 
particularly  anxious  to  seek  oblivion  of  particular 
branches  of  his  conduct,  under  the  impression  that 
he  was  the  senseless  dupe  of  designing  men.  In 
talents  for  war  he  perhaps  equalled  Cromwell ;  in 
activity,  deep  policy,  and  ascendency  over  the 
minds  of  men,  (which,  however,  Cromwell  vastly 
promoted  by  his  situation  in  parliament,)  he  was 
far  inferior ;  and  therefore,  in  process  of  time,  de- 
scended into  the  nominal  commander,  while  the 
real  power  centred  in  his  inferior  officer  *• 


•  Hdlb,  who  makes  Haslerig  A  gitMB  oowinl  ai  well  as  Ciomwell, 
and  uses  the  most  ranooroiis  langoage  Rgarding  othera,  says  of  Fair^ 
frxj "  for  a  oommander-in-cbief  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax  is  foond  oat ;  ooe, 
as  Sir  Arthur  Haaxhrig  uud,  as  if  he  had  been  hewed  out  of  the  block 
for  themj  fit  for  their  turns  to  do  whatever  they  will  haye  him,  with- 
out being  able  to  judge  whether  honourable  or  honest."  P.  34. 

The  ssme  writer  pronounces  the  keeping  in  of  CromweU  hoGn»- 
pocus ;  and  Hume  says^  that  the  independents,  though  the  minority, 
prevailed  by  art  and  cunning  over  the  presby terians :  but  the  fint 
ahould  have  recollected  the  charge  all  along  brought  against  the  psr- 
liament,  when  he  was  one  of  the  leading  men,  and  the  following  ex- 
posure of  the  absurd  charge  which  was  doubtless  composed  under  hit 
auspices,  may  be  a  sufficient  answer  both  to  him  and  Hume  on  the 
present  occasion.  ''We  must  suppose  that  there  are  about  ten  sns- 
now  in  parliam^t,  that  first  expelled  the  mi^or  and  better 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  5G5 

The  parliament  has  been  accused  of  ingratitude 
to  Essex,  for  depriving  him  of  the  command ;  but 
most  will  be  of  opinion  that,  as  L.  10,000  a  year  out 
of  the  sequestrated  lands  were  settled  upon  him 
for  his  services  ^,  he  was  rewarded  infinitely  beyond 
his  merits. 

During  the  summer  and  autumn,  Charles  had 

party  and  then  overcame  the  m^or  and  better  part  of  such  as  renudn 
behind :  Then  by  authority  of  parliament^  and  some  few  other  ana- 
baptists in  the  dty,  they  master  and  enslave  the  migor  and  better 
part  also  by  foro^  and  then  by  some  tumults  raised,  they  drive  the 
king  and  aU  his  popish,  prelatical,  courtly,  and  military  adherents 
fiom  the  dty :  Then  they  impose  taxes  upon  the  kingdom  for  the 
maintaining  of  divers  armies,  and  hereby  tyrannize  as  the  decemvirs 
didin  Rome,  in  spite  of  the  king,  in  spite  of  nobility,  in  spite  of 
fpentry,  in  spite  of  commonality,  in  spite  of  papists,  in  spite  of  their 
own  armies  ;  and  these  not  being  sufficiently  disconsonant  to  reason 
and  nature,  we  must  suppose  that  these  ten  anabaptists  have  been 
in  travail  with  this  design  almost  forty  yean :  before  Idng  James  began 
to  (^omply  with  prelates  and  papists,  and  before  prelates  and  papisti 
began  to  conspire  against  protestants  under  the  name  of  puritans, 
anabaptists  were  consulting  in  dose  junto  how  to  get  themselves 
chosen  of  a  parliament;  then  how  to  get  a  parliament  called;  then 
how  to  preserve  that  parliament  from  being  ever  dissolved;  then 
how  to  effect  all  these  miracles  by  such  means  ^as  'none  but  them- 
selves should  ever  be  able  to  comprehend.  Is  not  this  a  rare  subject 
for  our  great  wits  at  court,  to  work  into  proclamations  and  dedara- 
tions?  It  is  reported  that  the  Lord  Digby,  of  late,  being  at  Bfr. 
Knig^tly's  house  in  Northamptonshire,  in  a  parlour  there,  whilst  his 
soldiers  were  busily  seardiing,  and  plundering,  and  rifling  the  rooms, 
smote  his  hand  upon  the  table,  and  swore  that  that  was  the  table 
whereat  all  those  dvil  wars  had  been  plotted,  at  less!  a  dozen  years 
before.  It  should  seem  that  Mr.  Pym  had  sojourned  sometime  in 
that  house,  and  that  was  suffident  for  an  inference  that  the  nest  of 
anabaptists  had  been  there  too,  and  that  nest  had  studied  something 
which  ndther  our  king^s  cabinet  oounsellorB,  nor  the  juntos  of  Italy 
or  Spain  could  make  defeasible."  English  Pope,  p.  3S,  39. 
"  Whitelocke,  p.  181. 

«0  3 


566  HISTORY  OF  TH£  BE1T18H  EMPIRB. 

sent  two  messages  for  peace ;  but  as  ia  these  he 
would  not  acknowledge  the  two  houses  to  be  the 
parli«nent  of  England,  tbey  were  considered  in 
no  other  light  than  as  a  serious  mockery^  tending 
to  render  the  breach  more  irreconcilable,  and  yet 
satisfy  the  clamours  of  his  mongrel  parliament  and 
supporters,  with  an  appearance  of  desiring  a  termi- 
nation to  hostilities,  as  well  as  excite,  by  such  a 
shew  of  amity,  discontent  at  the  war  in  the  adhe- 
Piopotition  rents  of  the  opposite  party.    To  evince^  however, 
1^01^  fw  that  they  also  desired  peace,  the  two  houses  sent 
{M'opositions  to  him  by  the  Earl  of  Denbigh,  and 
Lord  Maynard,  from  the  peers;  Lord  Wenmao,  Mr. 
Fierpoint,  Mr.  Hollis,  and  Mr.  Whitelocke,  frona  the 
commons ;  while  Lord  Maitland,  Sir  Charles  £r- 
skine,  and  Mr.  Bartlay,  attended  for  Scotland.  The 
treatment  which  these  commissioners,  who  obtain- 
ed the  king^s  safe  conduct,  received  from  the  oppo- 
site party  was  such,  that  Lord  Maitland,  on  one  oo 
casion,  turned  pale,  imagining  that  they  should 
all  have  their  throats  cut ;  and  even  at  Oxford, 
Hollis  disarmed  one  officer,  and  Whitelocke  ano- 
ther, f(x  abusing  their  servants  ^  while  they  were 
themselves  obliged  to  submit  to  the  most  oppro- 
brious language  *•    Charles  himself,  however,  re- 
ceived them  more  graciously,  having  allowed  them 
to  kiss  his  hand  ;  but  when  they  delivered  the  pro- 
positions, and  informed  him  in  answer  to  his  ques- 
tions that  they  had  no  powers  beyond  them,  he, 
using  the  same  language  which  he  had  done  at  the 

*  Whitelocke,  p.  111*113. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  567 

treaty  of  Oxford,  told  them  that  a  letter-carrier 
might  have  performed  the  business  equally  well  *• 
He»  however,  resorted  to  his  old  method  of  sedue* 
tion  i  and,  having  obtained  a  private  interview  with 
Hollis  and  Whitelocke,  was  so  far  successful,  that 
they  both  appear,  even  by  Wbitelocke's  account,  to 
have  endeavoured  to  procure  his  favour  at  the  ex- 
pense of  their  duty  to  their  constituents  f.    He 
then,  having  prepared  his  answer,  returned  it  to 
the  commissioners  sealed,  and  yet  without  an  ad- 
dress }  and"  when  they  represented  against  this,  he 
replied,  <<  what  is  that  to  you,  who  are  but  to  carry 
what  I  send,  and  if  I  will  send  you  the  song  of  Ro- 
bin Hood  and  Little  John,  you  must  carry  it.'^  To 
which  they  only  said,  **  that  the  business  about 
which  they  came,  and  were  to  return  with  his  ma- 
jesty's answer,  was  of  somewhat  more  consequence 
than  that  song/'    His  conduct  in  other  respects 
was  no  less  haughty,  '<  which  was  wondered  at  in 
a  business  especially  of  this  importance,  and  where 
the  disobliging  the  commissioners  could  be  of  no 
advantage  to  the  king/'     A  debate  arose  amongst 
the  commissioners  whether  they  could,  consistent- 
ly with  their  duty  to  parliament,  carry  a  letter  with- 
out an  address ;  but,  after  some  debate,  they  i^;reed 
that  this  punctilio  should  not  preclude  a  prospect  of 

*  Wbitelocke^  p.  IIV 

t  Ibid«  p.  113,  114.  It  was  eeriuiily  etotmy  to  Qmi  duty 
to  Act  without  the  Imowledge  of  the  other  emua^mkften,  to  hsre  a 
private  interview  with  the  kingy  and  advise  him  in  ngaid  to  psopoa- 
tiona  that  ihould  proceed  from  him*  Whitdocke  wrote  MHshont  with 
his  own  hand,  though  he  disguised  his  writing;  aad  when  tfak  aAer- 
wards  was  made  by  Lord  Savile  a  ground  of  charge,  "  all  the  ex* 


568  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

peace  *.     In  consequence  of  the  letter,  the  parlia- 
ment sent  a  message  to  Prince  Rupert,  that  when 
hid  majesty  should,  according  to  the  desire  expres- 
sed in  his  letter,  ask  a  safe  conduct  from  the  two 
houses  of  parliament,  for  the  Duke  of  Richmond 
and  the  Earl  of  Southampton,  it  should  be  sent. 
This  brought  matters  to  a  predicament  particular- 
ly displeasing  to  Charles.  His  mongrel  parliament, 
and  even  his  ordinary  supporters  who  were  not  o£ 
the  select  junto,  whose  secret  counsels  he  so  greed- 
ily listen^  to,  were   clamorous  for  'peace,  and 
as  even  his  council  insisted   upon  his  acknow- 
ledging the  two  houses  to  be  the  parliament  of  En^r* 
land,  he  was  obliged  to  comply.    He,  however, 
satisfied  his  pride  by  an  entry  in  the  register,  that 
caUing  them  was   not  ackfumledging   them, — a 
quibble  which  strongly  savoured  of  the  casuistry 
tiiat  distinguished  his  reign,  and  which  has  yet 
found  an  advocate  in  the  historian  to  whom  we 
have  so  often  alluded  t.    The  safe  conduct  was 
granted  accordingly  $   and  the  monarch's  instruc* 


aminatioiis/'  sayB  Wbitdocke,  "  at  oominittees^  and  in  the  house  of 
commons,  could  not  get  it  out  of  us."  He  indeed  informs  us,  that 
there  was  no  breach  of  trust;  because  they  were  actuated  by  the  best 
of  motives,— a  desire  of  peace;  but  men  are  not  to  be  trusted  in 
their  own  story  on  such  occasions;  and  all  must  admit  that  it  looked 
ill.  Whitelocke's  property  was,  fortunately,  all  within  the  parlia^ 
mentary  quarters.    Clar.  vol.  iv.  p.  598. 

*  Whitelocke,  p.  115. 

t  Charles'  own  letters  in  King's  Cabinet  Opened,  Rush.  yoL  v.  p. 
94A,  et  seq,  Hume  says,  that  this  is  one  of  the  very  few  instances  from 
which  his  enemies  have  loaded  him  with  the  imputation  of  insin- 
cerity. But  we  have  sufficiently  proved  that  his  hypocrisy  and  per- 
fidy were  systematic. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  569 

tioDS  to  his  commissioners  were,  to  endeavour  to 
gain  the  independents  on  the  one  hand,  by  a  pro- 
mise of  protection  and  liberty  of  conscience  in  all 
things  indifferent,  and  a  farther  promise  of  great 
rewards  to  the  leading  men:  on  the  other,  to 
inflame  the  presbyterians  with  the  idea  that  the 
independents  meant  the  overthrow  of  kingly  go- 
vernment and  the  ruin  of  Scotland  ;  and  that 
consequently  their  best  chance  of  safety  was  in 
joining  with  him.  The  parliament  soon  per- 
ceived this  object,  and  took  measures  to  restrain 
it,  as  well  as  to  hasten  the  departure  of  the  two 
commissioners  from  the  metropolis,  the  instant 
their  business  was  finished  *. 

An  arrangement  having  been  made  for  a  treaty,  Tim^  of 
which  it  was  finally  resolved  should  be  held  at 
Uzbiidge,  as  most  consonant  to  the  dignity  of 
the  respective  parties,  commissioners  were  ap* 
pointed  by  both.  The  grand  points  were,  the 
militia  and  religion;  and  as  Charles  was  firmly 
resolved  not  to  concede  these,  and  knew  that 
they  would  not  be  renounced  by  the  opposite 
party,  he  carried  on  his  secret  designs  under  the 
conviction  that  the  treaty  would  be  abortive* 
His  only  prospect  of  a  result  which  he  would 
have  deemed  worthy  of  his  consideration,  arose 


*  C]araidon*8  State  Papera,  voL  ii  p.  180,  181.  Hist  toL  it. 
p.  570,  571.  King's  messages  far  peace,  4th  Jvdj,  and  8th  Sep- 
tember. Rush.  Tol.  y.  p.  687.  712,  as  to  other  matters.  Id.  p.  481, 
et  ieq.  Cob.  ParL  Hist.  vol.  iii  p.  274.  89S.  299.  309,  tt  seq.  318— 
390. 


^0  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  RMPIRE. 

from  the  idea  he  entertained  of  a  destructive  dis* 
sension  in  the  parliament,  that  would  restore  him 
fully  to  his  former  power.    As»  therefore,  there 
was  a  third  important  point,  the  breaking  off  of 
the  Irish  cessation,  and  continuing  the  war,  he 
gtrained  every  nerve  to  conclude  a  peace  with 
the  insurgents,  on  condition  of  their  engaging  to 
send  him  large  supplies  of  men  to  subdue  the 
people  of  England.    He  therefore,  in  his  letters, 
urges  the  Marquis  of  Ormonde  to  make  use  of 
the  n^ociation  as  an  argument  to  induce  the 
Irish  to  agree  to  his  terms,  which  were  iuUy  as 
liberal  as  he  durst  grant  at  present— a  rescinding 
of  Poining's  act,  by  which  the  dependency  of 
that  kingdom  upon  the  parliament  was  secured — 
the  full  toleration  of  their  religion,  &c.*-to  whidi 
he  added  a  promise  of  recalling  all  the  penal  sta** 
tutes  when  his  affiurs  in  England  were  settled. 
But,  knowing  well  that  Ormonde  was  not  diq>08ed 
to  go  the  lengths  he  desired,  he  granted  a  com* 
mission  to  Lord  Herbert,  afterwards  Earl  of  61a* 
morgan,  to  go  much  farther,  and,  in  short,  purchase 
the  assistance  of  that  people  at  almost  any  price. 
The  success  of  Montrose  inspired  him  wiUi  great 
hopes  from  that  quarter;  and   the  queen,  who 
bad  a  second  time  gone  abroad  to  obtain  supjrfiesi 
and  was  dreadfully  alarmed  at  the  treaty,  lest  her 
hudband  should  recede  firom  his  former  grounds, 
particularly  in  regard  to  the  militia,  declaring 
that  she  would  not  live  in  England  were  it  re- 
nounced, and  alleging  that  she  absolutely  requir- 


HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  571 

ed  a  guard  for  her  own  safety, — ^assured  him  of  a 
promise  from  the  Duke  of  Lorrain,  to  transport 
ten  thousand  men  into  England.  Cbailes,  in  his 
answers,  comforts  her  with  professions  of  steadi- 
ness, and  urges,  that  as  he  saw  no  prospect  of 
peace,  she  should  hasten  the  transporting  of  Lor- 
rain's  troops  by  Dutch  shipping.  With  such 
hopes  from  Ireland,  Scotland,  and  the  Continent, 
accompanied  with  a  perfect  conviction,  that 
whatever  happened,  his  person  and  regal  dignity 
would  be  safe,  it  could  not  be  expected  that  he 
would  make  any  concession  which  could  afford  a 
rational  prospect  of  security*. 

The  first  point  seriously  debated,  regarded  the 
militia ;  and  on  this  it  was  very  improbable  that 
any  agreement  should  ever  be  made.  The  par- 
liament proceeded  on  the  principle  that  by  con- 
ceding that  point,  it  had  no  longer  security  for 
the  salutary  laws  which  had  been  provided  during 
this  parliament,  or  even  for  the  personal  safety  of 
the  members}  and  Whitelocke  even  combated  Hyde 
upon  the  constitutional  principle,  that  the  sword 
was  by  law  vested  in  Uie  monarch,  maintaining 
that  Uie  law  had  not  determined  where  it  was 
lodged ;  but  that  it  dqwnded  equally  on  both  king 
and  parliament.  Matters,  it  must  be  confessed, 
had,  independently  of  the  present  struggle,  which 
superseded  ordinary  rules,  arrived  at  a  new  enu 


*  Rush.  voL  ▼.  p.  978,  et  seq.  Carte's  Letters,  vol.  L  p.  80,  81. 
Append*  to  liifi  life  of  Omioiide,  p»  6,  et  geq.  3d  voL  p.  379i  S87. 
Ckr.  Stftte  Papen,  ¥oL  u.  p^  186.    Buck's  Enqpiiry. 


572  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

In  former  times,  a  standing  army  was  unknown  : 
The  soldiers  were  the  people  that  were  bound  to 
military  service ;  and  as  it  was  unlikely  that  these 
should  turn  their  swords  against  their  own    bo* 
soms,  the  nomination  of  officers  was  safely    en- 
trusted to  the  prince,  who  acted  as  their  leader. 
But  now  that  he  might  embody  dissolute  troops^ 
which  depended  on  their  pay  for  subsistence,  and 
appoint  officers  fit  for  any  wickedness,  the  conse- 
quences might  be  deplorable.      This,   however, 
Charles  had  not  left  as  a  speculative  danger: 
His  government  had   brought  it  home  to  the 
breasts  of  his  subjects  in  characters  of  blood ; 
and,  after  such  a  terrible  lesson,  the  restoring  oF 
that  power  would  have  implied  the  most  mon- 
strous disregard  of  all  sound  policy.    It  was  vain 
to  argue  about  the  legal  right.    The  regal  power 
is  entrusted  for  the  general  good;   and  when  a 
monarch  violates  the   fundamental  principles  of 
that  constitution  which  he  is  appointed  and  sworn 
to  maintain,  he  necessarily  incurs  a  forfeiture  of 
his  right,  since  he  has  himself  destroyed  the  very 
ground  on  which  it  was  founded. 

On  the  king's  side  an  apparent  compromise,  that 
the  power  of  the  militia  should  be  vested  for  three 
years,  in  twenty  commissioners,  one  half  of  his  no- 
mination, the  other  of  the  parliament's,  and,  af> 
ter  that,  return  to  him,  was  proposed;  but  it 
was  evidently  meant  as  a  deception,  such  as 
could  not  escape  the  discernment  of  any  ordinary 
judgment.  The  commissioners  which  must  have 
been  nominated  under  this  arrangement  by  the 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  573 

king,  would  naturally  labour  to  appoint  officers 
agreeable  to  him ;  and  as  the  power  of  the  sword 
returned  in  three  years  to  the  king,  every  com- 
mander who  expected  promotion,  or  wished  to  con- 
tinue in  a  military  capacity,  would  despise  the 
parliamentary  commissioners,  and  sedulously  pro- 
mote his  majesty's  service.  But  the  ten  parlia- 
mentary commissioners  might  also  be  seduced,  par- 
ticularly as  the  royal  vengeance  might  soon  over- 
take an  inflexible  adherence  to  principle ;  while, 
should  their  integrity  be  unshaken,  and  a  differ- 
ence arise  between  them  and  those  for  the  king, 
who  was  to  be  umpire  between  them  ?  If  the  par- 
liament were  dissolved,  and  in  his  letters  to  the 
queen  during  the  treaty,  he  declares  that  he  would 
not  forget  to  put  a  short  period  to  it,  the  question 
is  easily  answered.  If  it  continued,  here  was  a  field 
for  fresh  contention,  and  the  king,  in  all  probabi- 
lity, would  by  secret  practices  accomplish  his  ob- 
ject. The  army  would  thus  be  at  his  devotion ; 
the  policy  from  which  he  had  been  partly  obliged 
to  recede  would  be  resumed  ;  the  bulwarks  of  li- 
berty, according  even  to  the  designs  imputed  to 
him  by  Clarendon,  would  be  overthrown  * ;  and 


*  If  Charles^  as  Clarendon  admits,  passed  acts  before  the  com- 
mencement of  the  war^  merely  because  be  thooght  that  he  had^  in  the 
alleged  want  of  freedom  in  the  houses^  a  pretext  for  holding  them  as 
having  been  null  and  void  from  the  beginning,  mulio  magiM  had  he 
such  a  plea,  when  calling  the  two  houses  a  parliament,  was  not  ac" 
knowUdging  them.  If  they  were  not  a  parliament  they  had  no  power 
to  treat ;  trgo,  an  agreement  with  them  being  a  transaction  with 
usurpers,  who  had  no  authority  to  act,  was  null.  Such,  we  may  safe- 
ly infer  from  the  one  case,  would  have  been  his  logic  in  the  other. 


574  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

then  the  popular  leaders  would  be  exposed  defence- 
less victims  of  arbitrary  power.  In  his  past  coo^ 
duct  men  had  an  earnest  of  the  future.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  parliament  proposed  that  the  mili- 
tia should  be  conceded  to  it,  and  vested  in  com- 
missioners either  for  three  years  afler  the  firm  es- 
taUishment  of  peace,  or  for  seven  years  certain 
from  the  date  of  the  agreement,  and  then  be  set- 
tled by  bill.  This  was,  of  course,  refused  by  the 
king. 

In  regard  to  religion,  the  parliament  insisted 
that  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant  should  be 
taken  throughout  the  kingdom,  and  even  by 
Charles  himself;  that  the  bill  for  the  utter  aboli- 
tion of  episcopacy,  deans,  and  chapters,  should  be 
passed  by  him,  and  the  lands  sequestrated  for 
other  uses ;  that  the  directory  of  worship  which 
had  been  recommended  by  the  assembly  of  divines, 
and  approved  of  by  both  houses,  should  be  rati« 
fied;  and  that  the  presbyterian  church  govern- 
ment, as  it  should  be  afterwards  fully  modified  by 
parliament,  with  the  assistance  of  the  assembly, 
should  be  established.  Neither  Charles  nor  his 
advisers,  unless  perhaps  we  should  except  Hyde, 
regarded  the  form  of  church  government  in  any 
other  light  than  as  a  civil  engine ;  and,  as  this  was 
fully  perceived  by  the  oppo^te  party  •,  his  propo- 

*  The  king*8  principles  have  already  been  sufficiently  establish- 
edy  but  see  in  addition^  MSS.  Brit  Mus.  Ayscough^  4161,  a  letter 
frcwn  Charles  to  the  queen,  17th  October,  1646,  in  whidi  he  justi- 
fies himself  for  refusing  his  consent  to  the  presbyterian  government 
entirely  on  the  principle  of  policy ;   for  that  religion  was  not  the 


HISTORY   OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  5T5 

sals  to  limit  the  powers  of  the  prelates,  by  prevent- 
iDg  them  from  exercising  any  act  of  jurisdiction 
or  ordination^  without  the  consent  and  counsel  of 


gromid  of  diflsension  on  either  ride :  That  00  great  a  power  of  the 
Cfown  onee  giren  awaj  could  not  be  recovered;  and  that  he  woold 
not  eonaent  to  a  religion  which  Justified  rebel^n.  No.  87  is  an<* 
o^er  to  the  same  e^ct^  with  this  addition*  that  he  oonridered  the 
episcopal  government  of  more  importance  to  his  autiioritj  than  eren 
ihe  militia.  See  also  No.  88^  and  Clar.  State  Papers^  vol.  ii.  p.  5^07,  et 
teq,  With  r^ard  to  the  opinion  entertained  of  his  oonsdentioas  ad- 
herence to  episcopacy^  see  Baillie'B  Letters,  t<^  ii.  p;  224,  et  geq. 
**  No  oaths,**  says  he,  **  did  ever  penmade  me  that  episcopacy  was 
ever  adhered  to  on  any  consdence,"  &c. 

At  the  treaty  of  Uxbridge,  Dr.  Stewart,  on  the  king's  part,  spoke 
very  learnedly  against  die  preshyterian  government,  maintaining  that 
e^^seopaey  was  jftre  dhino  ;  and  Mr.  Henderson  and  Mr.  Marshal  as 
stontly  argued  that  the  preshyterian  was  jure  divino,  when  the  Mar<« 
qnis  of  Hertford  spoke  to  this  effect :  **  My  Lords,  here  is  mudi  said 
concerning  drarch  government  in  the  general :  the  reverend  doctors 
on  the  k]Bg*s  part  affirm  that  episcopacy  is  jure  divino  ;  the  reverend 
ministers  of  the  other  part  affirm  that  preshytery  iajure  divino :  for  my 
part,  I  diink  that  neither  the  one  nor  the  other,  nor  any  government 
whatsoever,  iajmre  divino,  and  I  desire  we  may  leave  this  argument, 
and  pioeeed  to  dehate  upon  the  particular  proposals.** — *'  The  Earl  of 
Pemhroke  was  of  the  same  judgment,  and  many  of  the  commission- 
ers herides  were  willing  to  pass  this  over,  and  to  come  to  particulars." 
Whitdocke,  p.  198.  The  feelings  of  the  mongrel  parliament  are 
evident  from  their  desire  to  renew  the  treaty  against  the  royal  wish, 
&cw  See  ako  in  regard  to  the  council,  Clar.  Life,  v^.  i.  p.  47— 
99,  et  »eq.  80—128,  et  ieq,  89 — 175,  178 ;  see  also  State  Papers,  vtA. 
ii.  p.  994»  et  teq.  The  v^ole  of  Mr.  Hume*s  statements  on  ibis  head 
are  therefore  erroneous.  He  alleges  that  Charles  was  actuated  hy  con- 
adcnoe;  though,  in  a  note  at  the  end  of  voL  vi.  he  is  ohliged  to  con- 
fess, that  a  letter  published  hy  Mr.  M'AuIy  proves  that  he  was  actuated 
hy  policy,  hut  then  it  was  sound  policy,  though,  he  says,  partly  ground- 
ed on  principle.  His  text  is  founded  entirely  upon  the  unfortunate 
piety  of  Charks:  hut  here  a  high  tribute  must  be  paid  to  his  good 
sense,  for  being  guided  by  political  motives.  Was  it  good  sense  to  kin- 
dle dissension  in  three  kingdoms,  by  his  silly,  arbitrary,  and  into- 
lerant innovations  } 


576  HISTORY  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE. 

the  prelates,  who  should  be  chosen  by  the  clergy 
of  each  diocese*  out  of  the  learnedest  and  gravest 
ministers  of  that  diocese  ;  by  obliging  the  bishops 

**  It  is  jemBAMe/'  mjb  Mr.  Hume,  in  rdaiion  to  the  petitkm 
from  Oke  dtisens  of  London  against  episcopacy,  in  the  bciginnii^  c»f 
the  parliament,  "  that,  among  the  many  ecclesiastical  abuses  there 
complained  of,  an  allowance  given  by  the  licensers  of  books,  to  pub- 
lish a  translation  of  Ovid's  Art  of  Love,  is  not  forgotten  by  these 
rustic  censors."    The  argument  of  Lord  Digby  against  the  petition 
was,  that  the  abuses  in  the  ecclesiastical  system  should  be  reformed  ; 
but  that  the  existence  of  such  evils  was  not  a  reason  for  oyertuming 
that  species  of  government  itself.   If,  however,  the  ecclesiastical  go- 
vernment was  to  be  regarded,  as  it  undoubtedly  ought  to  have  been, 
as  a  mare  political  arrangement  for  the  support  of  the  Christian  re- 
ligion in  purity,  was  it  at  all  extraordinary  that  men  who  had  sufiered 
so  much  by  its  having  been  perverted  into  an  engine  of  arbitrary 
power  in  church  and  state,  and  perceived  that  the  monarch  was  still 
inclined  to  use  it  as  such,  should  haje  desired  a  different  establlah- 
ment,  such  as  they  beheld  in  other  countries,  and  from  which  thej 
apprehended  no  bad  consequences  ?  But  what  is  all  this,  it  may  be 
aaked,  to  their  rage  against  a  translation  of  Ovid's  Art  of  Love? 
Xow,  all  who  are  acquainted  with  the  writings  of  that  age,  must  al- 
low that  many  of  them  were  abominably  licentious;  and  we  may 
well  believe  that  this  transktion  of  Ovid's  ''  Fits  of  Love,"  which  I 
conceive  comprehended  the  amours,  which  are  the  worst,  as  well  as 
the  art  of  love,  would  not  have  been  selected  as  an  example  of  the 
HoentiousnesB  of  the  press,  had  it  not  been  amongst  the  most  detesta- 
ble.   Every  scholar  must  grant,  that,  in  the  original,  they  are  so 
profligate,  that  were  a  poet  in  our  times  to  indulge  in  such  a  vein, 
he  would  most  properly  be  deemed  a  very  fit  subject  for  the  pillory. 
But  it  may  be  said,  what  is  all  this  to  the  bishops  ?  Are  they  re- 
sponsible for  all  profane  and  wicked  productions.^  Now,  mark  the 
art  of  Mr.  Hume.    Instead  of  representing  a  matter  under  all  the 
drcnmsiances  of  the  age  out  of  which  it  emeiged,  he  renders  it  ludi- 
crous by  narrating  it  according  to  the  posture  of  affiurs  in  his  own 
time.    No  man  could  be  silly  enough  to  dream  of  implicating  the 
{delates  now  in  the  licentious  productions  that  the  press  may  teem 
with.    But  what  was  the  situation  of  things  then  }   Hume  talks  of 
the  censors  of  the  press  having  licensed  the  works  :  But  he  forgets  to 
inform  his  readers,  that  the  prelates  were  themselves  the  censors ; 


HISTORY  OP  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  577 

to  reside  in  their  dioceses,  and  preach  every  Sun- 
day ;  by  prohibiting  them  from  ordaining  minis- 
ters without  the  approbation  and  consent  of  the  ma- 
jority of  presbyters;  by  allowing  a  competent  pro- 
vision out  of  the  impropriations  to  such  vicarages 
as  belonged  to  bishops,  deans,  and  chapters,  besides 
raising  s^l 00,000  out  of  their  estates,  towards  dis- 
charging the  public  debts,  &c. — were  regarded  as 
a  cunning  device  to  retain  that  species  of  govern- 
ment, that,  in  imitation  of  his  father's  conduct  in 
Scotland,  and  according  to  the  principles  manifest- 
ed by  himself,  he  might,  on  the  first  opportunity, 
restore  the  spiritual  tyranny  which  had  so  ground 
his  kingdoms  *. 

Had  the  points  regarding  the  militia,  religion, 
and  Ireland,  been  conceded,  the  other  points  in- 
sisted on  by  the  parliament,  which  regarded  the 
punishment  of  delinquents,  and  the  abolition  of 
the  court  of  wards,  might  easily  have  been  set* 
tied :  But  as  no  point  was  yielded,  the  treaty  was 
broken  off.  In  the  exceptions  from  pardon  were  spe- 


and  that,  while  they  refused  a  licence  even  to  such  old  booka  as 
Fox's  Martyrs,  JewePs  Works,  nay  to  the  Practice  of  Piety  itsdf, 
which  had  run  through  from  thirty  to  forty  editions,  they  pampered 
the  gross  taste  of  certain  classes,  by  licensing  the  abominable  produc- 
tions alluded  to.  Was  not  this  shameful?  Had  these  works  stolen 
surreptitiously  into  the  world ;  and  the  prelates  merdy  been  accused 
of  want  of  vigilance,  an  apology  for  them  must  have  been  readily 
received  by  every  liberal  mind ;  but  the  very  act  of  licensing  such 
productions,  justly  brought  odium  on  them ;  and  we  must  therefore 
aDow  that  the  dtiiens  were  right  in  complaining  of  this  amongst 
other  iHranches  of  their  misconduct. 
*  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  84. 

VOL.  UI.  2  P 


578  HI9T0&Y  OF  THE  BAITI8H  EMPIRE. 

cially  included  forty  of  his  English  adherents,  and 
nineteen  of  his  Scottish,  with  all  such  of  the  latter 
kingdom  as  had  concurred  in  the  votes  at  Ox- 
ford against  that  country,  or  been  concerned  in 
the  late  rebellions  there.     In  addition  to  this, 
they  insisted  that  all  judges,  lawyers,  bishops,  &c. 
who  had  deserted  the  parliament,  should  be  ren- 
dered for  ever  incapable  of  exercising  their  func* 
tions,  and  a  third  part  of  their  estates  be  forfeited 
to  the  public  for  payment  of  the  national  debts : 
while  a  tenth  part  of  those  of  all  other  delin- 
quents, whose  prepay  exceeded  £200  in  value, 
or  if  soldiers,  one  hundred,   should  likewise   be 
forfeited. 
2^22  ^      The  treaty,  after  twenty  days,  the  time  limited, 
was  broken  off  by  the  parliament ;  and  just  before 
the  exfMration  of  the  term,  Charles  writes  to  his 
consort,  that  she  needed  not  doubt  of  the  issue  of 
the  treaty;   <*  for  my  commissioners,*'    says  be, 
'*  are  so  well  chosen,  though  I  say  it,  that  they 
will  neither  be  threatened  nor  disputed  from  the 
grounds  I  have  given  them,  which,  upon  my  word, 
is  according  to  the  little  note  thou  rememberest;  and 
in  this  not  only  their  obedience  but  their  judg- 
ments concur/^    When  the  treaty  was  ended,  be 
desires  her  to  promise  in  his  name  a  repeal  of  all 
the  penal  statutes  against  Catholics,  in  order  to 
obtain  assistance  from  abroad;  and  in  another 
letter  he  writes  thus  of  his  mongrel  parliament, 
which  be  prorogued.    "  Why  1 1  told  thee  last  week 
concerning  a  good   parting  with  our  lords  and 
commons  here,  was  on  Monday  handsomely  per* 


HISTOET  OF  THB  BRITISH  BMPXU.  ^8 

formed :  Nofw,  if  I  do  any  thing  unhandsome  at 
disadwmtag^ous  to  mysey  or  Jriends,  in  order  to  4 
treaty i  it  will  be  merely  my  ownfatdt;  for  I  corifM^ 
mhen  I  unrote  thee  last  I  upas  in  fear  to  have  been 
pressed  to  make  some  overtures  to  renew  the  treafy^ 
(knowing  there  were  great  labourite  to  that  p^r- 
pose^J  but  I  now  promise  thee  that  if  it  be  renewed^ 
(wliich  I  believe  U  will  not  withotU  some  eminent  good 
success  on  my  side  J  it  shaU  be  to  my  honour  and.ad^ 
vantage f  I  being  now  freed  J^om  the  place  qf  bas^ 
and  mutinous  motionSf  ((hat  is  to  say  our  mongrd 
parliament  here, J  as  qfthe  chief  camerSf  for  whom  I 
may  justly  expect  to  be  chidden  by  thee  for  havi- 
ing  sufiered  thee  to  be  vexed  by  them^  Wilmot 
being  ahready  there,  Percy  on  his  way,  and  Sns^ 
sex  within  few  days  j^taking  his  journey  to  thee ; 
but  I  know  thou  carest  not  for  a  little  trouble  to 
free  me  from  inconveniences;  yet  I  must  tell 
thee,  that  if  I  knew  not  the  steadiness  of  thy  love 
to  me,  I  might  reasonably  s^prehend  that  their 
repair  to  thee  would  rather  prove  a  perfect  change 
than  an  end  of  their  villanies*?"  Thus  the  very 
individuals  whom  the  parliament  proposed  to'pun- 
ish,  and  on  whose  account  Charles  affected  to 


*  For  an  acooust  of  the  tmty  of  Uzbiid^e  cad  seUtive  matter, 
see  Rush.  toL  v.  chap.  xix.  p.  841,  et  seq,  Clar.  toL  iL  p.  574. 
et  seq.  State  Papers,  yoL  iL  p.  186.  Whitelocke,  p.  125,  et  »eq* 
Append,  to  Evel7n*s  Mem.  p.  82,  et  seq.  By  the  way,  the  ignonmee 
of  some  editors  is  exemplified  here.  The  editor,  not  knowing  tha^ 
according  to  the  style  of  that  age,  the  year  hegan  on  the  25th  of 
March,  places  these  documents  anterior  to  the  transactions  of  summer 
1644.  hecause  they  are  dated  in  January  and  February  Sd,  1644* 
Append,  to  Carte's  Ormonde,  p.  5,  et  teq, 

3p2 


680  HISTOET  OF  THB  BBITI6H  EMPIKE. 

be  influenced  against  the  treaty,  only  incurred 
his  resentment  by  urging  him  to  accommoda- 
tion. 
Xjuankia      During  this  treaty.  Laud  was  condemned  by 
ordinance,  after  a  long  trial,  to  lose  his  head,  and 
suffered  on  Tower   HilL    The  sentence  was  so 
fkr  mitigated,  that  he  was  permitted  to  dispose 
of  his  property  by  will,  and  his  body  was  allowed 
burial.     He  had /or  long  been  allowed  to  lie  for- 
gotten; but  the  Scots,  in  conjunction  with  the 
Presbyterian  party,  and  particularly  Prynn,  renew- 
ed the  prosecution  after  their  second  entrance 
into  England.     The  miseries  they  had  endured* 
inspired  them  with  resentment:    The  obstinacy 
of  the  king,  and  the  impudent  productions  of  the 
ex-bishop  of  Ross  made  them  long  for  an  exam- 
ple.   The  character  and    delinquencies   of  this 
archbishop  have  been  sufficiently  depicted;   and 
the  argument  in  Strafforde's  case  applies  to  his; 
but  it  must  be  owned  that  it  was  hard  for  him  to 
be  brought  to  the  block  by  a  sect  that  was  fired 
with  all  his  intolerance.     He  died  firmly;   yet, 
by  alleging  that  he  had  always  been  a  friend  to 
parliaments,  he  tarnished  the  character  of  his  last 
moments  by  such  a  display  of  the  insincerity  wh}ch 
had  characterized  him  through  life.  * 

*  Hume's  note  at  the  end  of  ?ol.  vii.  upon  the  death  of  Laud» 
if  as  uucandid  as  it  is  possible  to  conoeive:  In  the  face  of  all  evi- 
denoej  even  Laud*s  own^  and  the  strongest  facts,  he  asserts,  without 
pretending  to  support  his  assertion  by  any  authority,  that  Laud 
only  suspended  ministers  for  nonconformity,  who  '^  accepted  of  be? 


HISTORT  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  581 

nefioes,  yet  lefiised  to  obaenre  the  ceremonies  which  they  previoaaly 
knew  to  be  eigoined  by  Uw.  He  nerer  reftiaed  them  sepante  places 
of  worship^  becanse  they  themselves  would  have  esteemed  it  impious 
to  demand  them^  and  no  less  impious  to  allow  them."  After  this  he 
might  assert  any  thing ;  and  the  flagrancy  of  the  assertion  must  abso- 
lutdj  astonish  any  one  who  reads  eyen  thelii.  chapter  of  his  own  his- 
tory. 

By  the  way>  Laud  in  his  prayer^  after  denying  that  he  was  guilty 
of  treason^  says,  ''but  otherwise  my  sins  are  very  great"  Now, 
might  not  Mr.  Hume  have  made  the  same  inference  inm  this, 
which  every  Christian  will  allow  to  have  been  becoming,  that  he  did 
from  the  passage  in  Cromwell's  Letter  ?  Rush.  voL  v.  p.  817,  et  seq. 
See  Frynn's  account  of  his  trial.  Laud's  own  Troubles,  and  Heylin's 
Life  of  him.  Whitelocke,  p.  75,  et  teq.  Clar.  vd.  iv.  p.  578,  et  seq. 
For  an  account  of  Maxwell,  ex-bishop  of  Ross's  writings,  and  the  rage 
which  these  and  Charles's  declarations  excited  against  the  episcopal 
divines,  see  Baillie,  voL  ii.  p.  39,  40,  58. 


2pS 


NOTE  TO  VOLUME  THIRD. 


The  exammatum  tfColonei  Owing,  taken  June  19,  1641. 

To  the  first  Interrogatory.~-He  saith,  that  in  Z^eni  last,  (as  he  re- 
members,) about  the  middle  of  it.  Sir  John  Suckling  came  to  him  on 
Sunday  morning,  as  he  was  in  his  bed ;  and  this  examinate  conceiving 
he  had  come  to  him  about  some  businesse  of  money  that  was  betweene 
them ;  and  thereupon  falling  upon  that  discourse.  Sir  John  Suckling 
told  him  he  was  then  come  about  another  businesse,  which  was 
to  acquaint  him,  that  there  was  a  purpose  of  bringing  the  army  to 
London,  and  that  my  Lord  of  Newcastle  was  to  be  generale,  and  hee^ 
this  examinate,  lieutenant-generale,  if  he  would  accept  of  it.  And  fur- 
ther said,  that  hee  should  hear  more  of  this  business  at  court :  to 
which  this  examinate  answered  only  this.  Well  then  I  will  goe  to  the 
court ;  which  was  all  that  passed  between  them  at  that  time,  to  the 
best  of  this  examinate*s  remembrance. 

To  the  second, — He  cannot  depose. 

To  the  third* — He  saith,  that  as  he  was  coming  in  his  coach  in  the 
stteet,  out  of  the  Covent  Garden  into  Saint  Martin's  Lane,  he  met  there 
Master  Henry  Jermyn,  who  was  likewise  in  a  coach ;  and  seeing  this 
*  examinate,  sent  his  footman  to  him,  desiring  him  to  follow  him,  be- 
cause he  would  speake  with  him ;  which  this  examinate  did :  and 
Master  Jermyn  going  a  little  further  alighted,  and  went  into  a  house, 
(to  which  house,  as  this  examinate  was  but  yesterday  informed.  Sir 
Jckm  Suckling  did  then  usually  resort,)  and  thither  this  examinate 
followed  him,  and  coming  after  him  to  the  top  of  the  stayres,  M.  Jer- 
myn said  to  him^  He  had  Bomewhat  to  say  to  him  concerning  the  ar- 


584  NOTES. 

iny^  but  that  thiB  was  no  fit  place  to  speak  of  it^  and  desired  him  to 
meet  him  that  evening  at  the  ooart,  on  the  queen's  side^  which  this  ez- 
aminate  accordingly  did ;  and  meeting  Master  Jermyn  in  the  qneen's 
drawing  chamber,  he  was  there  told  by  him.  That  the  queen  would 
speak  with  him,  and  thereupon  Master  Jermyn  brought  him  into  the 
queen's  bed-chamber.    But  before  this  examinate  could  enter  into 
any  discourse  with  the  queen,  the  king  came  in,  and  then  this  exami- 
nate did  withdraw,  and  went  away  for  that  time ;  but  returned  again 
the  same  night,  and  met  Master  Jermyn  again  on  the  queen's  side, 
who  told  him  that  he  must  necessarily  meet  with  some  officers  of  the 
army,  to  heare  some  propositions  concerning  the  army.    The  next 
day,  being  Monday,  this  examinate  came  again  to  the  court  in  the 
afternoon,  and  went  into  the  queen's  drawing-chamber,  where  her 
mi^jesty  then  was,  who  was  pleased  to  tell  him  that  the  king  would 
speak  with  him,  and  bade  him  repaire  to  the  room  within  the  gallery, 
into  which  room  the  king  soon  after  came ;  and  his  mfgesty  asked 
him  if  he  was  engaged  in  any  cabals  concerning  the  army :  to  which 
he  answered.  That  hee  was  not :  Whereupon  his  migestie  replyed,  I 
command  you  then  to  joyne  yourselfe  with  Percy,  and  some  others 
whom  you  will  find  with  him.   And  his  nugestie  likewise  said,  I  have 
a  desire  to  put  my  army  into  a  good  posture,  and  am  advised  unto  it 
by  my  lord  of  Bristol :  which  was  the  effect  of  what  passed  between 
the  king  and  this  examinate  at  that  time.    This  examinate  meeting 
afterwards  with  Master  Jermyn^  Master  Jermyn  told  him  that  they 
were  to  meet  that  evening  at  nine  of  the  docke  with  Master  Percy, 
and  some  others  at  Master  Perdes  chambers ;  and  accordin^y  Master 
Jermyn  and  he  went  thither  together,  and  there  found  Master  Percy 
himselfe.  Master  Wilmot,  Master  Asbumhamf  Master  Pottard,  Master 
Onealy  ahd  Sir  John  Bariley ;  Master  Percy  then,  in  the  first  place, 
tendered  an  oath  to  this  examinate  and  Master  Jermyn,  the  rest  say- 
ing they  had  taken  that  oath  already.    This  oath  was  prepared  in 
writing,  and  was  to  this  effect.  That  they  should  neither  directly  nor 
indirectly  disclose  any  thing  of  thai  which  should  be  then  said  unto  them, 
nor  think  themselves  ahsolvedfrom  the  secrecy  enjoyned  by  this  oath,  by 
any  other  oath  which  should  be  afterwards  taken  by  them.    They  having 
taken  the  oath.  Master  Percy  declared.  That  they  were  resolved  not 
to  admit  of  any  body  else  into  their  councils :  and  Master  Jermyn  and 
this  examinate  moved,  that  Sir  John  Suckling  might  be  received 
amongst  them ;  which  being  opposed  by  the  rest,  after  some  debate, 
it  was  laid  aside:  and  some  speach  there  wasof  Sir  JoAn  Suckling  his 
being  employed  in  the  armie ;  but  how  it  was  agreed  upon  this  exami- 
nate doth  not  remember. 


NOT£S.  585 

After  this.  Master  Percy  nuule  his  propositions,  which  he  read  out 
of  a  paper,  which  were  to  this  effect, — That  the  army  should  present- 
ly be  put  into  a  posture  to  serve  the  king,  and  then  should  send  up  a 
declaration  to  the  parliament  of  these  particulars,  viz.  That  nothing 
should  be  done  in  parliament  contrary  to  any  former  act  of  parliament, 
which  was  explained.  That  bishops  should  be  mayntained  in  their 
votes  and  functions,  and  the  king's  revenue  be  established.  From 
these  propositions,  none  of  Master  Perdes  company  did  declare  them- 
sdves  to  dissent  Then  came  into  considerarion,  if  the  army  should 
not  immediately  be  brought  to  London,  which,  as  this  examinate  re- 
members, was  first  propoiuded  by  Master  Jermyn;  and  also  the 
making  sure  of  the  Tower.  These  things  this  examinate  did  urge, 
to  show  the  vanity  and  danger  of  the  other  propositions,  without  un- 
dertaking this.  In  the  oondusion,  this  examinate  did  protest  against 
his  having  any  thing  to  do  in  either  designe ;  for  the  proof  of  which 
he  appeals  to  the  consciences  of  them  that  were  present,  and  so  part- 
ed with  them.  About  this  businesse,  this  examinate  saith,  that  they 
had  two  meetings,  and  cannot  distinguish  what  passed  at  the  one,  and 
what  at  the  other :  but  the  result  of  all  was  as  he  formerly  declared ; 
further  then  which  he  cannot  depose. 

To  the  fourth  inter.— He  can  say  no  more  than  he  hath  already  said. 

To  the  fifth  inter. ^Ht  8aith,That  the  very  day  that  Sir  John  Suck- 
ling first  moved  this  unto  him,  he  gave  some  touch  of  it  to  my  Lord 
Dungarvan,  and  the  day  after  the  second  meeting  at  Master  Percies 
chamber,  he  discovered  it  to  my  Lord  of  Newport,  and  desired  him  to 
bring  him  to  some  other  Lords,  such  as  might  be  likeliest  to  prevent 
all  mischief;  and,  accordingly,  the  next  day  my  Lord  of  Newport 
brought  him  to  my  Lord  of  Bedford,  my  Lord  Sdy,  and  my  Lord 
Mandevil,  to  whom  he  imjiarted  Uie  mayn  of  the  businesse,  but  not 
the  particulars  in  regard  of  his  oath,  and  desired  them  to  make  use  of 
it  as  they  should  see  cause,  for  the  safety  of  the  commonwealth,  but 
not  to  produce  him,  nor  name  any  person,  except  there  were  a  neces- 
sity for  it.  He  further  saith,  that  he  did,  at  the  same  time,  make  a 
protestation  unto  those  Lords  of  his  fidelity  unto  the  commonwealth, 
and  of  his  readinesse  to  run  all  hazards  for  it 

Georox  Gobino. 


566  KOT£S. 


UaUer  Perdet  LeU^r  mriUem  lo  the  Earl  qf  NofthunAerland, 

June  U,  1641. 

Wfait  with  mj  own  iimooeiicy,  and  the  Tkle&oe  I  hear  it  againK 
me,  1  Bad  myself  much  diatiacted*  I  will  not  ask  your  eouiiBell,  be- 
canae  it  may  bring  pr^udiee  upon  yon,  but  I  wiU,  with  all  fidtfafiil- 
Dfiae  and  truth,  teU  you  what  my  part  hath  bin,  that  at  leaat  I  may 
be  deared  by  you,  whataocrer  becomea  of  me. 

When  there  waa  50,000  pound  deiigned  by  the  parliament  for  the 
EHf^iflh  army,  there  waa,  aa  I  take  it,  a  aodden  demand  made  by  the 
fieoa,  at  the  same  time,  of  95,000  pound,  'of  which  there  waa  but 
15^000  pound  ready.    ThiB  ihej  prened  with  ao  much  neceasity,  aa 
the  parbameat,  after  an  order  made,  did  think  it  fit  for  them  to  de- 
duet  10,000  pound  out  of  the  fifty  formerly  granted,  upoo  which  the 
BokUerB  in  our  bouse  were  more  tcandaliacd,  amoogat  which  I  was 
one ;  and  sitting  by  Wilmot  and  Asbumham,  Wilmot  stood  up  and 
told  them,  if  such  papers  as  that  of  the  Soota  would  proeore  moneya* 
he  doubted  not  but  Uie  ofioera  of  the  EnglUh  army  might  eaally  do 
the  like ;  but  the  first  order  was  reversed,  notwithstanding,  and  the 
10,000  given  to  the  Seota.    This  waa  the  eauae  of  many  dnoouraea  of 
dialike  amongst  us,  and  came  to  ibh  purpoee,  that  they  were  diaobliged 
by  the  parliament,  and  not  by  the  king^  This  being  said  often  one  to 
another,  we  did  reaohre,  that  ia,  Wilmot,  Asbundiam,  PoUaid,  Oneale, 
and  myself,  to  make  aome  expreaalon  of  serving  the  king  in  all  things 
he  would  command  us,  that  were  honourable  for  him  and  us,  being 
Ukewise  agreeable  to  the  fundamental!  lawea  of  the  kingdome,  that  so 
farre  we  should  live  and  die  with  him.    Thia  waa  agreed  upon  by  us, 
not  having  any  oommunicatiott  with  oihera,  ihat  I  am  eoupled  now 
withall ;  and  farther,  by  their  joynt  consent  I  waa  to  tdl  baa  mi^jesty 
thua  much  from  them ;  but  withall  I  was  to  order  the  matter  so,  aa 
that  the  king  might  apprehend  this  as  a  great  service  done  unto  him 
at  this  time,  when  his  affidrs  were  in  so  ill  a  condition ;  and  they  were 
most  eonfideot  that  they  could  engage  the  whole  army  thus  far ;  but 
farther,  they  would  undertake  nothing,  because  they  would  neither 
infringe  the  liberties  of  the  subject  or  destroy  the  laws,  to  which 
I  and  every  one  consented ;  and,  having  their  sence,  I  drew  the  heada 
up  in  a  paper,  to  which  they  all  approved  when  I  read  it ;  and  then 
we  did  by  an  oath  promise  to  one  another  to  be  constant  and  secret  in 
aU  this,  and  did  all  of  us  take  that  oath  together.   Well,  Sirs,  I  muat 


NOTBS.  587 


now  be  infonned  what  your  p«rticiilar  desires  are^  that  so  I  may  be 
Ae  better  able  to  eerre  ywi,  wbich  liiey  wen  j^lciised  to  do ;  and  I  did 
ireryfidthAinyservethemtliereinjaafaraal  eould.  This  is  the  tnitb, 
and  an  the  tnith>  upon  my  souL  In  particular  diseonrsafi  after  that, 
tre  did  fall  upon  the  petitioning  the  king  and  parliament  for  money, 
thei«  being  so  great  aireares  doe  to  us,  and  so  much  delayesmade  in 
the  procuring  of  them ;  but  that  ivas  never  done. 
The  preserring  of  bishops*  ftinctions  and  votes. 
The  not-disbanding  of  the  Irish  army  until  the  Seats  fimt  disband-* 
edtoo. 

The  endeaTonring  to  settle  his  revenue  to  ^t  proportion  it  was 
formerly ;  and  it  was  resolved  by  us  all,  if  the  king  should  require 
our  assistanoe  in  these  things,  Uiat,  as  fkr  aa  we  could,  we  ini^t 
contribute  thoreunto  without  breaking  the  lawsof  the  kingdom ;  and, 
in  case  the  king  should  deny  these  things  being  put  to  them,  we 
would  not  fly  ftom  him* 

All  these  persons  did  act  and  concurre  in  this  as  well  as  I.  Thia 
being  an  imparted  to  the  king  by  me  from  them,  I  perceived  he  had 
bin  treated  with  by  others  concerning  some  thing  of  our  army,  which 
i&A  not  agree  with  what  we  proposed,  but  endined  a  way  more  hi^ 
and  sharp,  not  having  limits  diher  of  Honour  or  Law.  I  told  the 
kii^  he  might  be  |deaaed  to  consider  with  himaelf  whidl  way  it  was 
flt  for  him  to  hearken  unto,  l^or  us^  we  were  resolved  not  to  depart 
from  our  grounds,  and  if  he  employed  others  We  should  not  be  dis»i 
pleased  whosoever  they  were :  but  the  pcrtieulan  ef  thenr  deaigne, 
or  the  persons,  we  deafared  not  to  know,  thoi^  it  wasno  hard  matter 
to  goesse  at  them ;  in  the  end,  I  believe,  the  daagen  of  the  one,  and 
the  justice  of  the  other  made  the  king  teU  me  he  would  leave  aU 
thoughts  of  other  propositions  but  ours,  as  things  not  practicable,  but 
desired  notwithstanding  that  G^^Wn^  and  Jermyn,  who  were  acquaints 
ed  with  the  other  proceeditigB,  should  be  a^tted  amongst  us.  I 
told  him  I  thoitghf  the  other  gendemen  would  never  consent  to  it, 
but  I  wbtdd  propose  it ;  idiidi  I  did,  and  we  were  aU  much  against 
it;  butthekingdidpreSBeitsemueh,aaat  the  last  it  was  consented 
unto,  and  Gcring  and  Jermyn  came  to  my  ehaMber,  there  I  was  w^ 
pointed  to  teU  them,  after  they  had  s^eme  to  secrecy  what  we  had 
proposed,  which  I  did ;  but  before  I  go  on  to  the  debait  of  the  ways 
I  must  tel  you,  Afr.  Jermyn  and  Goring  were  very  earnest  Suckling 
should  be  admitted,  which  we  did  aU  decline;  and  I  was  desired  by 
an  our  men  to  be  resolute  in  it,  which  I  was,  and  gave  many  reasons  ; 
whereupon  I  remember  Master  Goring  made  answer  he  was  so  en- 
gaged with  Suckling  he  could  not  go  or  do  any  thing  without  him. 


588  NOTES. 

Yet  in  the  end,  ao  that  we  would  net  oppoee  SuckUng  his  being  em- 
ployed in  the  army,  that  for  his  meeting  with  us  they  were  contented 
to  paaae  it  by.    Then  we  took  up  again,  the  ways  were  proposed 
which  took  a  great  debait,  and  theirs,  (I  will  say,)  differed  finnn  ours 
in  Tiolenoe  and  hei^t,  which  we  all  protested  against  and  parted, 
disagreeing  totally ;  yet  remitting  it  to  be  ipoken  of  by  me  and  Jermyn 
to  the  long,  which  we  both  did.    And  the  king,  constant  to  his  former 
resolution,  told  him  that  all  those  ways  were  vain  and  foolish,  sad 
would  think  of  them  no  more.    I  omitted  one  thing  of  Master  Gor- 
ing, he  desiTed  to  know  how  the  chief  commanders  were  to  be  dis- 
posed of,  for  if  he  had  not  a  condition  worthy  of  him,  hee  would  not 
go  along  with  us ;  we  made  answer  that  nobody  had  thought  of  that, 
we  intending,  if  we  were  sent  down,  to  go  all  in  the  same  capacity 
wee  were  in ;  he  did  not  like  that  by  no  means,  and  upon  that  did 
work  so  by  M.  ChuUey  that  there  was  a  Letter  sent  by  some  of  the 
commanders  to  make  him  Lieutenant-General,  and  when  he  had  or- 
dered this  matter  at  London,  and  M.  Chidley  had  his  instructioiis, 
then  did  he  go  to  Portsmouth  pretending  to  be  absent  when  this  was 
a  woridng ;  we  all  desired  my  Lord  of  Essex,  or  my  Lord  of  Holland, 
and  they  (if  there  were  a  Generall)  Newcastle.    They  were  pleased 
to  give  out  a  report  I  should  be  general  of  the  horse ;  but  I  protest 
neither  to  the  king  or  any  one  else  did  I  ever  so  much  as  think  of 
it ;  my  Lord  of  Holland  was  made  GeneraU,  and  ao  all  things  were 
laid  aside ;  and  this  is  the  truth,  and  all  the  truth  I  know  of  all  these 
proceedings ;  and  this  I  do  and  will  protest  upon  my  faith  ;  and 
WUmot,  Jslmmham,  and  Oneal,  have,  at  several  times,  confessed  and 
sworn,  I  never  said  any  thing  in  this  bisinesse,  they  did  not  every  one 
agree  unto  and  would  justifie.    This  relation  I  send  you  rather  to 
inform  you  of  the  truth  of  the  matter,  that  you  may  know  the  better 
how  to  do  me  good ;  but  I  should  think  myself  very  unhappy  to  be 
made  a  betrayer  of  any  body ;  what  concerned  the  Tower  or  any 
thiiig  else  I  never  meddled  withall,  nor  never  spoke  with  Goring  bat 
that  night  before  them  all ;  and  I  said  nothing  but  what  was  consent- 
ed unto  by  all  my  party.    I  never  spoke  one  word  to  SuckUng,  Car- 
narvon,  Ikmenant,  or  other  creature ;  mee  thinks  if  my  friends  and 
kindred  knew  the  truth  and  justice  of  this  matter,  it  were  no  hard 
matter  to  serve  me  in  some  measure. 


NOTES*  589 

Die  Mabtis^  10  Maii,  1641. 
The  OMminalion  qfCaplam  James  Chndlegh. 

To  the  Jirst  interrogatory  and  to  the  second-^^Tlda  deponent  saith, 
Uuit  about  March  and  April  last  hee  was  at  Burrowbridge,  where 
diyers  officers  and  commanders  of  the  army  met^  to  whom  he  used 
some  speeches  concerning  the  parliament ;  that  hee  saw  no  probabili- 
ty that  the  army  would  be  suddenly  paid  by  the  parL  be<ause  they 
had  promised  so  much  to  the  long  and  to  the  Scots,  as  well  as  to  the 
army ;  but  that  the  king  did  commiserate  their  case  and  said,  tliat  if 
they  would  be  fatthftd  to  him,  he  would  pawn  his  jewels  rather  then 
diey  should  be  unpaid  ;  and  saith  fiirther,  that  he  knows  of  such  a 
letter  sent  by  the  army  to  my  Lord  of  Northumberland,  to  be  shewed 
to  the  parliament,  and  that  he  told  them  at  *  that  meeting,  that  the 
parliament  was  much  displeased  with  that  letter ;  and  that  those  who 
subscribed  it  should  be  sent  for  up,  particularly  that  my  Lord  of  Es- 
sex and  my  Lord  of  Newport,  had  expressed  much  dislike  of  that  let- 
ter, and  of  them  who  had  sent  it,  and  said  that  they  had  forfeited 
their  necks.  Which  he  had  from  Sir  John  Suckling,  Master  Dave- 
nant,  and  (as  he  conceives)  from  Seijeant-Major  Willis ;  and  this  he 
declared  to  those  officers,  as  giving  them  an  account  of  his  journey, 
and  the  service  in  which  they  had  employed  him. 

To  the  third^He  saith  he  hath  answered  before. 

To  thefourth-^TYiMX  Seijeant-m^jor  Willis  told  him  upon  the  way, 
as  they  were  in  their  journey  down  into  the  north,  that  Colonell  Go- 
ring was  a  brave  gentleman,  and  fit  to  command  the  army,  and  that 
the  king  had  a  good  inclination  to  him,  that  he  should  be  lieutenant- 
general  ;  and  saith  further,  that  before  he  came  out  of  London,  Sir 
John  Suckling  had  likewise  highly  commended  him,  and  said  he  was 
fitter  to  command  in  chiefe,  thaq  any  man  hee  knew,  and  that  the 
army  was  not  now  considerable,  being  without  a  head,  and  indeed 
was  but  a  party  (Colonell  Goring  being  away)  whp  commanded  a 
brigado,  and  that  they  did  undiso-eetly  to  shew  their  teeth  except 
they  could  bite ;  which  the  said  Sir  John  Suckling  wished  him  to 
declare  unto  the  army,  saying  he  could  not  do  a  better  service  to  the 
officers  who  had  employed  him,  than  to  let  them  know  it ;  whereupon 
he  did  acquaint  them  with  it  accordingly. 

To  thefiflh-^TY^X  Sir  John  Suckling  brought  him  into  some  roome 
of  the  queen's  side  at  Whitehall,  where  Master  Jermyn  and  he  had 
private  conference  together,  and  often  times  looked  towards  this  dc- 


590  NOTES. 

ponent  Sir  Jc^n  Sudding  afterwuds  told  bim,  ihaC  the  king  would 
be  pleiuKd  if  the  wy  wooU  reoei? e  Colonell  Goriifg  to  be  their 
lieutenant-generall,  and  said  that  M.  Henry  Jermynn  said  bo. 

To  the  surtk^Thai  Mr.  Davanant  told  him,  that  things  were  not 
here  as  they  were  apprehended  in  the  army,  for  that  the  parliama&t 
was  so  well  a£KK:ted  to  the  Scotfl^  as  that  there  was  no  litdihood  the 
anny  should  have  satisfaction  so  soon  as  they  expected  it 

To  the  teventhr^ThtX  when  bee  brought  the  letter  ixom  the  aroiy, 
bee  met  with  Master  Davenanty  who  told  him  it  was  a  matter  of 
greater  consequence  than  be  imagued,  and  thereupon  brought  turn  to 
Master  Henry  Jennyn,  and  Master  Jermyn  told  him  bee  heard  bee 
brought  such  a  letter,  and  asked  to  see  a  copy  of  it,  which  the  deponoBt 
did  shew  unto  him,  and  Master  Jermyn  aaked  if  he  might  not  abew  it 
to  the  queen,  and  ofiered  to  bring  this  deponent  to  her^  which  bee  ex^ 
cused  himedfe  of,  lest  bee  should  have  anticipated  my  Ixnd  GeneraU 
from  shewing  the  letter  first  himselfe. 

To  the  eighth^ThBl  after  he  had  brought  up  that  letter,  he  etaid 
some  eight  or  nine  days  in  London,  before  he  returned  down  to  the 
army. 

To  the  fiafO^^Tbat  Seijeant-major  Willis  told  bim  most  of  the 
noble  gentlemen  of  England  would  shew  themseWes  for  the  army ; 
ai»d  that  the  French  that  were  about  London  would  receive  command- 
ers from  them,  to  join  with  them ;  and,  besides,  that  there  would  a 
thousand  horse  likewise  be  raised  to  come  to  thdr  aasiHtance,  which 
horse  at  last  he  confessed  were  to  be  found  by  the  clergy. 

To  the  tentho^ThsLt  Sexjeant-m%jor  Willis  said  moreoyer,  that  the 
army  would  be  very  well  kept  together,  for  that  the  ptince  was  to  be 
brought  thither,  which  would  confirm  their  affections ;  which  this 
deponent  did  declare  at  Burrowbridge  unto  the  officers,  and  doth  be* 
lieve  Willis  did  the  like;  and  Willis  told  them  also,  that  if  my  Lord 
of  Newcastle  was  thdr  generall,  he  would  feast  them  in  Nottii^ham* 
shire,  and  would  not  use  them  roughly,  but  they  should  be  governed 
by  a  council  of  war. 

To  the  eleventh — That  both  Seijeant-migor  Willis  and  this  depo- 
nent did  persuade  the  officers  at  that  meeting  to  write  a  letter  to  Co- 
lonell Gknringt  which  was  to  let  bim  know  that  they  would  heartily 
embrace  him  to  be  their  lieutenant-general,  if  it  was  his  nu^estie*s 
pleasure  to  send  him  down,  which  letter  was  subscribed  by  Cokmeil 
Fielding  and  Colonell  Vavasour,  and  divers  others  ;  and  was  by  him 
brought  to  London  upon  Monday,  whese,  not  finding  Colonell  Goring» 
be  delivered  it  to  Sir  John  Suckling,  who  carried  it  to  the  kii^,  and 
afterwards  brought  him  to  kiss  the  king  and  queen's  hands;  and 


soT&s.  591 

witblnAdij  or  two  retnmed  the  Jetler  to  him  agaiiiey  whieh  letter 
this  deponent,  the  Saturdaj  •ftcar«  cmied  down  hinuelle  to  ColoneU 
Croring  to  PortBnondi. 

To  the  tweiftA^ThU  there  was  likewise  ft  letter  written  to  Mftster 
Bndymion  Fortov  uogned  by  Colonell  WOliam  VaTaaour,  «nd  Go- 
Jcncil  FieldiBgy  which  was  to  this  elfeet»  to  desire  him  to  inform  hb 
nu0e8tie»  that  the  army  was  y«j  fiuithfiill  to  him«  and  no  doubt  need 
be  made  by  his  m^iestie  eaneeniiiig  their  proceedings*  This  letter 
tiir  John  Suckling  would  not  have  to  be  deliir«Kd>  but  took  it  him- 
ael^  for  that  he  said  Maiter  Porter  knew  nothing  of  the  kiss's  in- 
tentions. 

To  the  fiurteenik^Th2.t  when  he  came  to  Portsmouth^  Colondl 
Goring  shewed  him  the  strength  of  that  place^  and  told  him  that  if 
there  should  be  any  mutiny  in  London^  the  queen  meant  to  come 
down  thither  for  her  safety^  and  that  she  had  sent  him  down  money 
to  fortify  it. 

To  ihejifteenth — That  what  he  learned  from  Seijeant-mijor  Wil- 
lisy  hee  got  from  him  by  degrees^  as  he  urged  it  from  him  by  way  of 
diseourse ;  and  that  Willis,  Sir  John  Suckling,  and  Mr.  Davenant, 
did  all  of  them  give  him  great  charge  to  keep  things  secret^  and  to  be 
very  carefull  to  whom  he  commimicated  any  thing,  which  he  accoid-i 
iQgly  oboerred;  Cbr  he  dealt  with  the  officers  there  seyerally. 

JaXBS  CHUDLEiaX. 

This  examination  taken  in  thepnaeiieeof  lis,  Essex,  Wakwickb, 

P.  HOWAKD,  W.  HOWABS. 


DiB  MabtiSj  16  Jfait. 
The  Seeomd  Exammation  of  Captaine  Chudleigh  1641. 

To  iht  ihifijf»fr9t<f^ThA%  at  the  meeting  at  Burrowbridge,  he  de- 
daied  unto  the  offioers  something  out  of  a  paper  which  he  read,  and 
told  them  that  he  had  leoeiyed  it  from  Mi.  Jermyn^  and  that  Mr. 
Jcnnyn  had  leeetved  it  from  the  king.  And  hee  said  likewise,  that 
some  others  about  the  king  were  acquainted  with  it,  and  named  Mr. 
£ndymioii  Porter,  to  whom  he  thought  the  kii^  had  dedared  in  this 
business. 

To  iki  tkki^fiurik^Tlmt  Mr.  Jermyn  asked  him  if  hee  thought 

4 


59S  NOT£S. 

the  anny  wofuld  stick  to  their  officers,  in  case  the  king  and  parliament 
ahould  not  agree^  or  words  to  that  efiect. 

He  saith  further,  that  he  had  set  downeall  those  things  in  writin^^ 
which  hee  declared  to  the  officers  at  Bnrrowbzidge>  and  thought  to 
have  sent  it  down  to  them ;  but  upon  better  consideration  he  went 
himselfey  and  read  it  to  them  out  of  that  paper,  but  sererally,  and  not 
to  them  all  together :  And  particularly,  that  he  had  read  it  to  Lieo- 
tenant-Colonell  Ballard,  and  to  lieutenant-Colonell  Lunaford :  that 
he  did  not  acquaint  them  all  with  it,  and  the  reason  why  he  did  not^ 
was  because  he  oonoeiTed  some  were  of  more  judgment  than  others, 
and  fitter  to  be  trusted  with  matters  of  secrecie. 

Jakes  Chudlkioh. 

Essex,  Warwicke,  W.  Say  and  Seal,  Howard, 


The  Examination  of  Thomas  Ballard,  LieutenanUColonett  to  the 
Lord  Grandison^  taken  May  18,  164?1. 

To  the  nineteenth — That  he  did  meet  at  Burrowbridge,  being  sent 
to  by  Captain  Chidley,  and  none  other ;  but  he  found  there  Seijeant- 
migor  Willis,  and  divers  other  officers  of  the  army.  This  was  some 
time  in  April  last,  as  he  remembereth. 

To  the  twentiethr^ThsLt  Mr.  Chidley  did  propound  to  him  certaine 
propositions,  which,  as  he  affirmed,  hee  did  receive  from  Mr.  Henry 
Jermyn,  and  from  another  great  man  which  he  might  not  name. 
Captaine  Chidley  further  said,  that  Mr.  Jermyn  told  him  that  he  re- 
ceived those  propositions  from  the  king ;  but  Chidley  told  him  fur* 
ther,  that  when  he  kissed  the  king's  hand,  his  migestie  said  nothing 
to  him  of  any  such  propositions.  The  first  proposition  was,  that  he 
should  not  acquaint  either  Sir  Jacob  Ashley,  or  Sir  John  Conyers, 
with  any  tiling  of  this  designe.  The  second,  tiiat  if  tiiere  were  occa- 
sion, the  army  should  remove  tiieir  quarters  into  Nottinghamshire, 
where  the  Prince  and  the  Earls  of  Newcastle  shotdd  meet  them  with 
a  tiiousand  horse,  and  all  the  Frendi  that  were  in  London  should  bee 
mounted,  and  likewise  meet  them.  These  pnypoaitions  were  resd  by 
Captain  Chidley  out  of  a  paper  which  he  said  hee  had  written  him* 
self,  thinking  to  have  sent  them  downe ;  but  upon  better  considera- 
tion, he  brought  them  down  himselfe :  That  they  likewise  should 
desire  that  Colonell  Goring  should  be  the  lieutenant  generall  to  the 


NOTES.  593 

anny.  There  was  likewise  offered  a  paper  to  this  efl^t,  as  he  was 
then  told,  that  if  the  king  would  send  Colonell  Goring  to  he  lieute- 
nant-generall,  they  would  accept  of  him ;  which  paper  he,  this  exa- 
minaty  refused  to  read,  or  set  his  hand  to  it,  hut  hieard  that  divers 
others  signed  it  He  further  saith,  that  there  was  no  other  paper 
propounded  to  him  to  he  signed,  nor  to  any  other  to  his  knowledge. 
He  further  saith,  that  this  was  not  deHvered  to  the  officers  in  puh* 
lique,  but  severally. 

He  likewise  saith,  that  presently  after,  Colonell  Vavasor  said  pub« 
lidy,  that  hee  never  consented  to  these  propositions  in  his  heart,  and 
dedred  that  there  might  be  a  meeting  immediately,  whereupon  they 
agreed  upon  a  meeting  at  York  the  Wednesday  following;  at  which 
meeting  they  generally  concluded  not  to  interesse  themsdves  in  any  of 
those  designes  that  had  been  pn^unded  to  them  by  Captaine  Chid- 
ley  ;  and  they  presently  writ  by  the  post  to  Captaine  Chidley  to  Lon- 
don, that  if  hee  had  not  delivered  the  paper,  he  should  prepare  to  de- 
liver it. 

Thomas  Ballabd. 


The  Examnaikm  tfCapiam  Legg,  taken  May  the  IStk,  1641. 

To  the  nineteenth  Interrogatory. — ^He  saith,  that  hee  heard  of  a 
meeting  at  Burrowbridge,  but  was  not  there  present,  but  was  present 
at  another  meeting  at  York,  not  long  after,  where  he  was  told  that 
the  king  was  not  well  aatisfied  with  the  uSeddooa  of  the  officers  U» 
his  service ;  and  therefore  it  was  thought  fit  to  make  a  dedaration  of 
their  readinesse  to  serve  his  mijestie ;  which  dedaration  was  accord- 
ingly drawn,  but  not  finding  any  great  cause  for  it,  it  was  after  tome. 
He  fiirther  saith,  that  the  ni^t  before  the  meeting  at  Burrowbridge^ 
he  spoke  with  Captain  Chidley  at  York,  who  perswaded  him  to  go  to 
Burrowbridge,  where  he  had  propositions  to  impart  to  the  army ;  but 
this  examinat,  reftising  to  goe,  he  would  not  acquaint  him  with  them 
at  that  time ;  but  told  them  that  divers  lords  and  officers  of  the  army 
were  fallen  off  from  the  king,  namely,  the  Earle  of  Essex,  the  Earle 
of  Newport,  Commissary  Willmott,  Colonell  Ashburton,  and  others, 
which  this  examinate  so  much  disliked,  that  they  forbore  any  further 

discourse. 

Will.  Lcgg. 


;  •  /« 


VOL.  III.  2  Q 


r 


504  NOTES* 

Tk4  Examinaiion  tfColondl  Favasor^  taken  ^h  ofMey,  16€1. 

Thai  at  tlie  meedng  at  Bmrowliridge,  Seijeaiit-niajor  Willla  and 
Captaine  CtadUy,  or  one  of  them,  told  the  officers  thae>  that  the 
paiiiainent  had  taken  great  ,ofl^oe  at  the  letter  which  they  had  writ- 
ten «p  to  lay  Lord  of  NorthiuBherland;  and  that  those  who  had  sub* 
scribed  it  should  be  questioned,  and  that  there  was  small  hopes  of 
money  from  the  parliament  for  the  present. 

That  the  king  would  take  it  very  wettof  he  might  receite  assurance 
frm  them  that  they  would  accq»t  of  Colondl  Goring  for  their  liente- 
nam-genersU,  and  wished  that  the  army  were  united. 

When  the  kiQg  had  this  aanuance  from  them^  there  should  come  a 
gnerall  that  wirayd  bring  them  mtmey:  this  they  said  they  had  good 
ewnmlaskm  to  deliw  onto  tbenij  having  received  it  from  Mr.  Henry 
Jeimyn^.and  Sir  John  Suokling:  He  likewise  saith,  Ci^taine  Chidley 
spake  it  with  more  confidence,  and  Seijeant-mi^Qr  Willis  rather  as 
having  heard  it  from  others :  He  further  saitfa,  there  was  a  letter 
written  to  Colonell  Goring,  for  to  let  him  know  if  the  kinge  would 
send  him  downe  with  a  oonmiission  to  be  lientenant-generallj  they 
would  willingly  reoeiye  him,  and  this  letter  was  proposed  unto  them 
by  Captaine  Chidley  and  Seijeant^migor  Willis.  There  was  another 
letter  written  to  Mi»ter  Endimum  Porter,  which,  as  he  remembm, 
was  to  let  him  know,  that  though  the  army  was  now  commanded  by 
Ur  Jacob  Ashley,  yet  if  liiat  it  were  hk  nMJestie's  pleasure  to  appoint 
Colonell  G«ring  to  be  Ikutenant-gmarall,  they  weie  confident  the 
army  would  receive  him  the  better,  bang  only  subscribed  by  Cdondl 
Fielding  and  himselfe.  And  further  saidi,  that  he  heares  thia  letter 
waa  never  deliverod,  £ar  that  Sir  Jchn  Suckling  told  Master  Chidley 
timt  Master  Porter  waa  a  stranger  to  the  businesse. 

COLONEX.L  VATASOn. 

This  examination  taken  before  us, 

Makdsville,  Howard,  Pb.  Whartok. 


CHARLES  R. 


Colonell  Gobxno — ^These  are  to  command  yon  to  provide  with 
all  speed. a  ship  for  this  bearer,  to  csrry  him  to  IHepe  or  Cakus,  at 
any  other  portof  J^nmce,  that  the  vrindemay  begoodfor;  andif  diere 
be  any  of  my  ships  or  pinnances  ready  to  goe  forth,  you  shall  omi- 


< 


MOTES.  59S 

mand  the  captain  or  master  of  guch  ahip  or  pinnanee  to  receiye  fci«^ 
and  his  serrants^  and  carry  him  into  France^  for  winch  this  shall  hea 
warrant  to  the  captain  or  master  yon  may  employ,  and  hereof  yon  nor 
they  are  not  to  faile,  as  you  or  they  will  answer  the  contrary,  at  yoor 
perills. 

Giyen  at  Whitehall,  this  14th  of  May,  1641.  To  oar  tmsty 
and  well  heloyed  Servimt,  Gspsos  €roaiNo,  Goyenurar  of 
Portsmouth. 


T7te  Examination  of  Captain  WSliam  Legrg,  taken  upon  oatk  h^ 
fore  the  Lords  Committees,  upon  Saturday  the  SOth  of  October ^ 
1641. 

To  ikeFirstIiderrogaionf,''^^8iih,  that  hee  doth  know  Master  Daniel 
Oneale,  who  was  seijeant-migor  to  Sir  John  Comers ;  hut  doth  not 
certainly  rememher  the  precise  time  of  his  going  from  the  army  to 
London,  nor  of  his  return  hack,  hat  heleeves  he  returned  ahout  June 
and  July. 

To  /AeiWn/A^— That  he  was  at  Torke  when  the  said  Master  Oneale 
returned  thither  from  London,  and  can  say  no  more  to  this  ninth  in** 
teiTOgatory. 

To  the  TVfiM.— That  there  was  a  petition  prepared  to  he  delivered  to 
die  parliament  from  the  army,  which  consisted  of  many  partiealars,  as 
to  show  how  much  they  safl&red  ftr  want  of  martiall  law,  and  for 
want  of  pay,  and  hecaose  their  principal  officers  were  not  amongpt 
them ;  and  they  did  likewise  aet  forth  |n  it,  that,  as  the  wisdome  of 
the  king  did  cooperate  with  the  parliament,  so  they  did  hope  the  par^- 
liament  would  doe  something  concerning  the  king's  reyenue ;  hut  saith 
hee  doth  not  rememher  what  the  particular  was  which  was  desired  ; 
and  further,  that  they  heard  of  great  tumults  ahout  London,  and 
therefore  o^red  themsdyes  to  serye  the  king  and  parliament  with  the 
last  drop  of  their  hloods.  Hee  saith  that  this  petition  was  approyod 
of  hy  all  the  officers  that  saw  it,  but  was  laid  aside  till  fruther  consi- 
deration should  he  had  of  the  manner  of  the  ddiyery ;  that  himself 
was  afterwards  sent  for  to  London,  hy  ovdor  of  the  House  of  Cora« 

2q2 


59G  NOTES* 

nftmsi  and  was  examined;  and,  aflter  his  exMnination,  when  he  ssir 
there  was  no  further  use  to  bee  made  of  that  petition  he  burnt  it. 

He  further  saitfa,  that  he  staid  in  this  town  some  five  or  six  days, 
and  was  with  the  king,  and  had  some  i^wech  with  his  migesty  about 
a  petition  to  come  from  the  anny,  and  gate  him  an  acoompt  of  the 
petition  that  was  formerly  burnt,  and  there  he  received  another  peti- 
tion to  the  same  eflfect  with  the  other,  but  handsomelier  written,  upon 
which  there  was  a  direction  indorsed,  to  this  purpose :  This  petition 
win  not  offend ;  yet  let  it  not  be  shown  to  any  but  Sir  Jacob  Ashley. 

He  further  saith,  there  was  no  nsme  to  this  direction,  but  only  two 
letters ;  but  what  those  letters  were  he  will  not  say,  nor  cannot  sweare 
who  writ  those  two  letters,  because  he  did  not  see  them  written. 

He  saith  that  he  did  deliver  the  same  paper  with  a  direction  to  Sir 
^Taoob  Ashley,  and  told  him  withall,  here  is  a  paper  with  a  dkection, 
you  know  the  hand,  keepe  it  secret,  I  have  shewed  it  to  nobody ;  if 
there  be  no  occasion  to  use  it^  you  may  bume  it ;— and  saith  he  spake 
no  more  of  it  to  him  till  after  my  Lord  of  Holland's  coming  down  to 
be  general!,  and  then  he  spake  to  him  to  bume  it. 

WitLiAM  Lego. 


Tht  ExambuUion  of  Sir  Jacob  AMey,  taken  before  the  Lordt 
Comrnittees,  this  iwenty^ninth  of  October,  l641. 

To  the  First  Interrogatonf^^^He  saith  that  he  hath  knowneSe^eant- 
m^jor  Daniel  Oneale  very  long,  and  that  he  was  long  absent  from  the 
arttiy  the  last  summer,  but  knows  not  at  what  time  he  did  retume,  nor 
knoWe*  no^  how  long  it  was  that  he  stayed  in  the  army  before  his  go- 
ing to  the  Low  Countries,  but  thinks  it  to  be  about  three  weekes. 

To  the  SeconeL'^'He  saith.  That  Mr.  Oneale  told  himi  after  hisooming 
downe  last,  that  things  being  not  so  well  betwixt  the  king  and  parlia* 
ment,  hee  thov^ht  a  petition  from  the  army  might  doe  very  much 
good,  and  asked  him,  if  a  draught  of  such  a  petition  were  brought  unto 
him,  whether  he  would  set  his  hand  unto  it,  the  particulars  which  he 
desired  to  have  the  army  received  in,  were  the  want  of  martial  law, 
want  of  pay,  and  for  words  spoken  in  the  house  of  parliament  9^;ain8t 
the  army,  as  that  the  city  was  disaflfected  to  the  king's  army,  and 
would  rather  pay  the  Scots  than  them. 


NOT£S.  £97 

To  the  7%ini— He  cannot  answer. 

To  the  /VmrM— He  cannot  answer. 

To  the  Fifth-^He  sailli  that  lie  received  a  letter  by  the  hands  of 
Captain  htgg,  the  tenoar  whereof^  as  fiure  as  he  rememben,  was  to 
this  effect,  the  ktter  being  written  in  two  sides  of  paper,  and  some- 
what more :  First,  That  divers  things  were  pressed  by  psrties  to  infuse 
into  the  parliament  things  to  the  king's  disadvantage,  and  that  divers 
tumidts  and  disorders  wete  neere  the  parliament,  to  the  disservioe  of 
the  king.  Divers  other  particulars  were  contained  in  this  letter  ;  and, 
in  the  dose  of  this  letter,  it  was  recommended  to  this  examinate  that 
he  should  get  the  hands  of  the  officers  of  the  aimy  to  such  a  dedanw 
lion,  to  be  sent  to  the  parliament,  and  that  this  would  be  acceptable  to 
the  king.  Hee  further  saith,  he  knowes  not  of  whoee  hand-writing  it 
svas,  nor  who  delivered  it  to  Captain  L^gg* 

7V>  <A«  iSd^fniA.— He  saith  that  Mr.  Oneale  telling  him  of  the  dislikes 
which  werebetweene  the  king  and  the  parliament,  and  of  those  things 
which  were  dime  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  king,  Uiey  must  fight  with 
the  Scots  first,  and  beat  them,  before  they  could  move  southward ; 
and  that  done,  they  must  spoyle  the  country  all  along  as  they  goe  ; 
and  when  ihey  doe  come  to  I^ndon,  they  would  find  resistance  by  the 
parliament,  and  the  Soots  might  rally  and  follow  them ;  to  which 
Onealereplyed,  what  if  the  Scots  would  be  made  neutrall?  Thiseza^ 
minate  then  said,  that  the  Soots  would  lay  him  by  the  heeles,  if  he 
chould  come  to  move  such  a  thing ;  for  that  they  would  never  break 
with  the  psrliament. 

Presently  replyed,  I  wondred  that  counsdls  should  be  ao  laid  as 
had  been  spoken  of,  of  the  marrhing  of  the  army  to  the  south. 

To  the  Eighth  Interrogatory.'^He  further  sayes,  that  there  was,  at 
the  end  of  the  letter,  a  direction  to  this  effect :  Captain  William  Lqpg, 
I  command  yon  that  you  show  this  letter  to  none  but  Jacob  Ashley^ 
Above  this  direction  woe  set  these  two  letters,  C.  R. 

Jacob  AsBLBVt 


•f/         '    »..» 


The  Examinaium  of  Sir  John  Comers,  taken  ttpyn  oath  before 
the  Lords  Commiiiees,  upon  Friday  the  29lh  of  (ktober,  1641. 

To  the  First  Interrogatory. — He  saith,  that  he  knowes  very  wdl  Masr 
pet  Daniel  Oneale,  who  was  Serjeant-miyor  to  his  regiment;  that  thf 

Sq3 


5QS  NOTES. 

add  Onetk  came  up  to  London  about  November  laBt>  and  retonied  to 
the  aim jT  about  midsoauner. 

n  the  SecamL-^ThMl  Oneale,  after  his  retam  to  the  anny  in  smn- 
mer^  apake  twice  unto  tfaia  esamkiate  of  a  petition  to  be  sent  from  the 
amy  to  the  parliament^  aad  told  him  that,  because  they  did  not  know 
if  himadife  would  cooaent  unto  it,  they  would  first  petition  him  that 
he  would  approve  of  it^  hut  that  as  yet  there  were  but  few  hands  to 
that  petitioo,  which  wia  to  be  geefened  to  him,  and  therefore  would 
oolahowithhn. 

To  <lbe  JPW4&— Thaltlheaaid  Oneafe  uaed  persnaaiona  to  ihia  ezA- 
Bdaate  that  be  would  aerve  the  king ;  that,  if  be  did  not,  he  ahould  be 
left  alone,  and  would  but  ruinehtmadf;  lor  that  all  the  troopa  under 
bim  were  diat  way  endined:  That,  therefore,  he  ahould  adhere  to 
the  long,  and  goe  thoae  ways  that  the  king  would  have  him,  or  words 
lothatelEKt 

TotheFiftlL^ThaihBmw  a  paper  containing  aomedirectimis  tea 
declaratifln  le  be  anbeoibed  unto  by  the  offieera  of  the  army,  wMek 
paper  waa  in  Sir  Jacob  Aihley'a  hand;  he  aaith  it  waa  long,  ocmtainii^ 
two  aidea  of  a  aheet  of  papery  or  thereabout;  ihe  effisct  whereof  wn 
iomelhing  concerning  martia]!  law  and  better  payment  for  ihe  army,  to- 
gether with  aome  other  particulara  ;  that  it  waa  to  be  directed  to  the 
parliament;  and  that  there  were  two  letters,  vis.  C.R.,  at  the  end: 
That  he  doth  not  know  who  brought  it  unto  Sr  Jacob  Aahley,  but  that 
both  of  them  weve  very  much  troubled  at  it.  He  aaith  fsurther,  that 
there  waa  a  direction  at  the  end  of  the  vrriting  that  nobody  ahould  see 
it  but  Sir  Jacob  Ashley;  and  the  two  lettera  C.  R.  were,  as  he  remem- 
bers, to  that  direction,  but  whether  before  or  after  that  direction  he 
efimotafliime. 

To  ihe  SevenikF^That  be  never  heard  Maaler  Oneale  himself  speak 
of  his  going  to  Niweoitk,  but  that  he  heard  it  from  others;  and,  at 
he  takes  it,  from  his  wife,  the  Lady  Corners ;  and  that,  whosoever  it 
vn#  told  bim  so;,  tald  him  withall  that  Oneale  himselfe  said  so. 


Th»  Second  Examination  of  Sir  John  Comers,  taken  befm  the 
Lorde  Cammiiiees,  upon  Saturday  ike  SOlA  of  October. 

To  the  Fourth  Interrogatory  .^ThtLt  Master  Oneale  said  to  him,  that 
if  be,  thia  examinant,  had  been  well  known  to  the  king,  the  king 
3 


NOTES,  599 

would  have  written  to  him,  and  therefore  he  conceived  this  exuninant 
■bould  doe  well  to  write  unto  the  king ;  to  wluch  he  replyed,  that  he 
oould  not  serve  the  king  in  that  point ;  and  therefore  he  thought  it 
would  be  of  no  use  to  trouble  the  king  with  his  letters. 

To  the  Ft/M.— That  the  paper  menticmed  in  his  fonner  examination 
to  h^ve  been  seen  by  him  in  8ir  Jacob  Aahley's  hind,  contained  direc- 
tMNU  £6r  a  petition  to  be  preaentect  to  the  king  and  parliament,  in 
which  wasaelauaetotbisdRcts  That  whereas  all  Men  oog^t  to  gEve 
God  thankea  f<ir  patting  it  into  the  king^a  heart  to  eondesccnd  to  die 
desirea  of  the  pailiameDt,  not  onlj  to  delivar  np  nnto  them  many  of 
his  servants  and  otfaen,  who  were  mere  nnto  him,  to  be  at  their  dia- 
poaing,  but  also  to  doe  mnny  things,  i^ch  none  of  his  aneeatora 
woold  have  consented  unto,  aa  giving  w$j  to  the  trienniail  parliament, 
and  granting  many  other  thiBgs  for  the  good  of  hia  sul^fecta;  yet, 
aotwithatanding  some  torbolent  fltmitB,  Imit  by  mde  and  tnmnltnoiia 
mechaiwffJr  penona,  aeemed  not  to  be  satisfied,  b«t  wnidd  have  the  to* 
tallsnbvenaanaf  thegovemmfDiflf  theatate;  that  therefiire  te  av« 
my,  which  waa  ao  ordeily  governed,  notwithstanding  they  had  no 
martiall  law,  and  ffl  payment,  and  but  few  officers,  being  of  eo  good 
comportment,  mid^t  be  called  op  to  uttcnd  the  person  of  the  king  and 
parliament,  for  their  sseority.  This  esaminant  ftirther  saith,  that 
there  vrere  mtfny  other  passages  In  this  petition,  which  bee  doth  not 
now  remember,  only  that  there  waa  aome  exprnvion  of  a  desire  that 
both  armies  should  be  disbsnded  f or  the  ease  of  the  kingdome  ;  and 
likewise  a  direction  to  pcocoie  as  many  of  the  officers  hands  aa  could 
begotten. 

To  the  SevaUL^thMt  he  remembers  well  that  it  waa  not  his  wife, 
bat  8u:  Jacob  Ashley,  that  said  to  him  thoae  wada:  Oneale  goes;,  or 
daeOneale,saithhe,vrillgoetoNewcaatle;  bat  whidi  of  the  aayings 
it  was,  he  doth  not  well  remember,  but  saith  he  replyed  to  it  that 
Oneale  said  nothing  to  him  of  that. 

This  examinant  further  saith,  that  bee  took  occaaion  upon  these 
passages  from  (/Neal,  to  oommsnd  him  and  Sir  John  Bartlet,  and  all 
other  officers,  to  repair  to  their  quarters,  to  be  ready  to  perfect  their 
^opounts  with  the  country  against  the  time  they  should  be  called  fer. 

Jo.  COKIIM* 


600  MOTES. 


The  ExommaiuM  of  Sir  Fodk€  Hunks,  taken  before  the  lords 
Commiiieti,  npom  Fridajf^  October  29,  1641. 


3b  ike  First  Interrogatary.'-^He  aaitfa.  That  he  doth  well  knofw 
Blaster  Dniel  O'Nesk,  who  waa  Seijeaiit-iiugor  to  Sir  John^Coniets: 
That  he  went  fiom  the  aimy  to  London  about  the  time  that  tiie 
king  oame  oat  of  the  North  to  the  parliament;  and  that  he  retained 
againe  to  the  army,  aboat  that  time,  when  Commiaiarie  Wihnot  and 
other  loaldiera  were  committed  by  the  parliament. 

To  the  5koML— That  the  said  O'Neale  perawaded  him>  this  eza* 
minanty  to  take  part  with  the  king,  or  something  to  that  purpose  ; 
and  that  thereupon  thia  examinant  acquainted  the  lieatenant-general 
with  it,  and  presently  repaired  to  his  own  quarter,  to  keep  the  aonl- 
diers  in  order,  wbae  he  staid  not  above  two  or  three  dayes,  till  he 
heard  that  CNesle  waa  fled.  Hee  further  saith,  that  0*Nealedealt 
with  him  to  have  the  troopes  move ;  to  which  hereplyed,  that  he  had 
leeeived  no  such  direction  fiom  his  superiours,  nor  ftom  the  king : 
And  that  then  he  offered  him  a  paper,  and  presKd  him  to  sign  it; 
whereupon  hee,  this  examinant,  asked  if  the  generall,  or  lieutenant- 
genersH,  had  signed  it ;  to  which  CNesle  angering  they  had  not,  hee 
said  that  he  would  not  be  so  unmannerly  as  to  sign  any  thing  befonp 
Ihem,  and  rcAised  to  reade  it.  He  saith  likewise,  that  Captaine 
Armstrong  was  present  at  the  same  time,  and  that  0*Nesle  ofibed  it 
to  him,  who  looking  upon  the  examinant,  this  examinant  did  shake 
his  head  at  him,  to  make  a  sign  that  he  should  not  doe  it,  and  withall 
went  out  of  the  roome  ;  and  Armstrong  afterwards  refused  it,  giving 
this  reason,  that  he  woul4  not  signe  it  when  his  ookmell  had  refused 
it,  which  he  told  this  examinan^ 

3b  lAe  T^trd.— Hee  ssith.  That  0*Neale  told  him  he  had  very  good 
authority  for  what  he  did  |  but  did  pot  tell  him  from  whom. 

3b  the  ^evefiM.-*That  Mr.  O'Neale  told  him  he  was  to  goe  to  the 
Scottish  ariny,  but  ssith  he  doth  not  know  for  what  end  and  purppee 
he  would  goe  thither;  for  that  this  examinant  shunned  to  have  any 
thix^  more  to  doe  with  him. 

FouLK  Hunks. 


N0T8S.  601 


Tie  Examinatim  tf  Sir  Wiliiam  Baffim^  Uenienmii  of  ike 

Towerf  taken  ike  second  4^  June. 


To  the  First  Inierrogatoryj^He  nith^  he  was  commanded  to  re* 
odve  Captaine  BOlingsley  into  the  Tower  with  100  men,  for  aecnxing 
of  the  piaoe,  and  that  he  was  told  they  should  be  under  bis  corn* 
mand. 

To  the  Second  Interrogaiory^^'Re  saith.  The  Earl  of  Stnflbid  told 
him  it  would  be  dangeroos  in  case  he  shoold  refuse  to  let  them  in.  ' 
Tothe  74M^<*He referreth himselfe to  the  former  depoeitioBs of 
the  itaee  women  ^aken  before  the  Constable  and  himselfe:  And  iur* 
ther  sfiith.  That  the  Earl  of  Straffind  himse]£ei,  after  he  had  expoetUf- 
lated  with  him  for  holding  Mr.  fiUngsby  at  the  Tower  gate ;  and 
after  telling  the  said  earle  he  had  reason  so  to  doe,  in  legud  of  what 
the  women  had  deposed,  by  winch  it  appeared  there  waa  an  escape 
intended  by  his  lordahip ;  himselfe  admowledged  he  had  named  the 
word  escape  twice  or  thrice  in  his  d&Bconrse  with  Mr.  Slingpby^  but 
that  hee  meant  it  should  be  by  ^  hingfs  authorityi  to  remove  him 
out  of  the  Tower  to  some  other  castle;  and  he  did  aske  Mr.  Slingsby 
where  his  brother  was  and  the  ship. 

To  theJPourth  /altfrrojgfo^ory.— This  ezaminant  saith.  The  Earl  of 
S^raffinrd  sent  for  him  some  three  or  foure  daycs  before  his  death,  and 
did  strive  to  perswade  him  that  he  might  make  an  escape,  and  said, 
for  wifhopt  your  conniTanoe  I  know  it  cannot  bee ;  and  if  you  will 
consent  theieunto,  I  will  inake  you  to  have  80,000  pounds  paid  you, 
besides  a  good  marriage  for  your  so|me.  To  which  this  examinant 
replyed,  he  was  so  farpr  from  copcmring  with  his  lordsh^,  as  that  his 
honour  would  not  fuflfer  \im  to  oonniye  at  his  escqpe;  and  withall 
itold  him,  he  was  not  to  be  moved  tp  hearken  thereunto. 

W.  BAtFOUB. 

Ex.  in  presence  of  us,  Essex,  Waawxckb,  L.  Whaitov,  Max* 


(OS  HOTSS. 

JisMet  Waditnorlh  Ua  ai  the  Half  Moone  in  Queen's  Street,  at 
Cackees  Hmue,  a  Jagner  Unare  Officers  tie,  tMek  is  the  next 

dOOTm 

CdL  Limawt,  Die  Mortis,  4.  Maii,  1641. 

C^»t.  Kist. 


He  nith  that  one  ancient  Knot  told  him  serenU  times  the  laet 
yetk,  A«t  Sir  Jolin  Budding  was  raising  of  oflkers  for  three  rcgi« 
ments  fo Ftatagall;  and  sutfa^  that  he  this examinant  was  at  the 
Poftqgitt  irthiMiiimtt^a  <m  Sunday  last,  and  then  the  ambaasadoor 
tald  him  tfart  faaloiew  not  Sir  John  Sucicling,  nor  any  thing  at  all  of 
SjgJdpiSnrlrihu^aiMdngrf  men  for  Portugall ;  and  theambaasa* 
fltwi  liiiaaiilfli  had  no  oMualarion  to  treat  for  any  men  tiU  ha  heard 
out  QE  ran^pub 


Tuesday,  the  llth  of  May,  1641. 
The  Ejtaminatum  efjahn  LmgoH. 

iUa  waa  n^  Easier  ate  last,  and  eefenll  times  dnee^  tnmhled  hy 
CaptasB  BUUmgdtif  to  enter  into  an  expedition  fbr  Portv^  wi&  Sir 
John  Suckling.  Asudi  when  this  examinant  told  him  that  he  was  his 
nuQasty's  senant^  and  eooM  not  goe  without  leave^  Captaine  BilHng- 
iley  hid  him  take  no  care,  for  ^t  he  should  have  leare  procoted  ;  and 
further  dasixed  him  to  get  as  many  canoneers  as  he  could. 

Thiaaiammant  doubting  whether  they  were  reall  in  that  designe, 
repahed  to  the  Portugall  ambassadoor^s,  and  there  undentood  fimn 
hia  saoetary  tibat  hee  was  willing  to  hare  men,  but  tbey  knew  nei« 
ther  Sir  JoAa  Suckling  nor  Captaine  BiUingsley;  neither  had  they 
ftom  them  any  cammiafion  to  raise  men. 

Hee  likewise  saith,  that  Captain  BiUingsley  did  after  sollicite  this 
examinant  to  oome  to  Sir  John  Suckling;  and  that  upon  Sunday 
was  se'ennight  last,  &  John  SuckUng  and  Captaine  BiUingsley, 
with  many  other  officers,  repaired  unto  his  house  in  the  aftemoone, 
and  there  staid  two  hours  at  least;  the  examinant  not  coming  in, 
they  left  a  note  hee  shonlc^  be  with  them  that  night  at  Sparagus 


NOTES. 


603 


Guden  at  supper ;  whereof  this  examinaiit  fidling,  Captaine  BiUing- 
alcy  cdmei  again  to  his  honse  on  Monday  mornings  and  not  finding 
him  there,  left  woid  that  he  mast  needs  oome  to  ike  Covent  Gar- 
den^ to  Sir  John  SvekUngs  lodgings  which  accordingly  h^  did ;  but 
not  finding  him  there,  the  same  day  he  was  with  CapUine  Bmings-* 
ley  at  the  Dog  Tarem  in  Weitminster,  at  which  time  he  did  farther 
appoint  this  examinant  upon  Wednesday,  to  promise  Sir  John  Suck" 
Jm^  a  meeting  at  the  Dolphin,  hi  Gray's-Inn  Lane,  about  nine  of  the 
jdodc  in  the  fixrenoone,  where,  the  same  day,  csme  some  thifty  mora, 
which  were  appointed  by  Sir  John  Suckling  and  Captaine  BiUingdty; 
but  neither  Sur  John  SuckUng  or  BiUing$ley  came,  only  there  came 
one  and  gave  them  money,  and  so  dismist  them  for  the  present. 

This  examinant  further  saidi.  That  Captaine  BtUingsleif  having 
notice  that  he  had  some  store  of  arms  of  his  owne,  told  him  Sir  John 
Suckling  would  buy  them  all  if  he  pleased  to  sell  them. 

Captsiue  BiUingslcy  likewlbe  told  this  examinant,  that  Sur  John 
SuckUng  had  funushed  himselfe  for  money,  and  all  the  company. 

John  Lanyon. 


Quarto  die  Mali,  1641. 

EUsuibeik  Nutt,  wife  of  William  Nutt  of  Tower  Street,  Londm, 
merdiant,  and  Anne  Bardsey  of  Tower  Street,  aforesaid,  widow,  say, 
that  they  being  desirous  to  see  the  £arl  of  Strafibrd,  came  to  Anne 
VyncTf  wife  of  Thomas  Vyner,  derk  to  the  lieutenant  of  the  Tower, 
whose  lodging  being  near  to  the  king's  gallery,  where  the  said  etfle 
useth  to  walkci  carried  them  to  a  back  doore  of  the  said  gallery,  die 
said  earl  with  one  other  being  then  walking.  And  they  three  being 
then  there,  and  peeping  through  the  key-hole,  and  other  places  of  the 
doore,  to  see  the  said  earle,  did  heare  him  and  the  said  other  party 
conferring  about  an  escape  as  they  conceived,  saying,  that  it  must  be 
done  when  all  was  still,  and  asked  the  said  party  where  his  bretheit^ 
ship  was,  who  said  she  was  gone  below  in  the  river;  and  heard  them 
say,  that  they  three  might  be  there  in  twelve  houres,  and  doubted 
not  to  escape,  if  something  which  was  said  oonoeming  the  lieutenant 
of  the  Tower  were  done ;  but  what  that  was,  as  also  where  Uiey 
might  be  in  twelve  houres,  they  could  not  heare,  by  reason  tha^when 
they  walked  further  off  they  could  not  perfectly  heare.  And  the  said 
Mrs.  Nutt  and  Mrs.  Bardsey  say,  that  they  heard  the  said  carle 


6(H  NOTES. 

then  lay,  that  if  this  fort  could  be  lafdy  guarded  or  aeeured  ftp- 
three  or  foure  moDetfas,  there  would  come  ayde  enough ;  and  direra 
other  wocda  tendiqg  to  the  pmpoaes  aforesaid^  which  they  cannot  now 


And  further,  all  of  them  say,  that  they  heard  the  said  earle  three 
times  mention  an  escip^  sayings  that  if  any  thing  had  been  don^  his 
mi\{eatie  might  ssfely  have  sent  for  him ;  but  now  there  was  nothing 
to  be  thought  on  but  an  escape  ;  and  hesrd  the  said  other  partie  tell- 
ing his  lordship,  that  the  outward  gates  were  now  as  surely  guarded 
as  those  within.  To  whom  the  said  esrle  said,  the  easier  our  escape 
that  way,  pmnting  to  the  east,  if  the  said  party  and  some  othera 
should  obey  the  directions  of  the  said  earl :  But  what  those  were  they 
know  not ;  but  heard  the  said  party  answer,  they  would  do  any  thing 
his  lordahin  shonld  command. 

Anke  Vykkr. 
'  Anne  Baedsey. 

Signumf 
£liz.  £.  N.  KuTT. 

These  depodtions  are  presented  as  they  were  published  by  the  par- 
liament, along  with  "  the  declaration  or  remonstrance  of  the  lords  and 
commons  in  parliament  assembled.  May  19,  1648.'*  I  haye  taken 
themftom  Husband's  Collection,  1643. 

In  a  prerious  declaration  presented  to  Charles  at  Newmarket^  th^ 
lords  and  commons,  in  stating  Uieir  causey  of  jealousy,  use  this  lap- 
guage :  "  The  manifold  attempts  to  provoke  your  majestie's  late  army, 
and  the  army  of  the  Scots,  and  to  raise  a  faction  in  the  city  of  Lon- 
don, and  other  parts  of  the  kingdom:  That  those  who  have  bcei)  aci« 
on  in  those  businesses  have  had  their  dependence  and  enoo\uagement 
from  the  court ;  witnesse  the  treason  whereof  Master  Jermyn  and 
others  stand  accused,  who  was  transported  beyond  sea  by  warrant 
under  jrour  mi^estie's  hand,  after  your  migesty  had  laid  a  strict  com- 
mand upon  all  your  servants  that  none  of  them  should  depart  the 
court.*'  Id>  p.  98. 

To  this  Charles  answers  thus :  "  For  Master  Jermyn,  it  is  well 
known  that  he  was  gone  from  Whitehall  before  we  received  the  desir^ 
of  both  houses  for  the  restraint  of  our  servants,  neither  returned  hee 
thither,  or  passed  over  by  any  warrant  granted  by  us  tificr  that  iimeJ^ 
Id.  p.  108.  The  warrant  the  reader  will  find  amongst  the  depositions 
fbove,  in  p.  594-5. 

T)ie  lords  and  commons  reply  thus:  '^  We  dop  not  affirme  that  las 


NOTES.  605 

liuje8tie*8  warrant  was  gnnted  for  the  passage  of  Master  Jeatinyn,  affi 
ter  the  desiTe  of  hoth  houses  for  restraint  of  his  servants,  but  only  that 
he  did  passe  over  after  that  restraint  by  virtue  of  such  a  u>arrant*  We 
know  the  warrant  beares  date  the  day  before  our  desire,  yet  it  seemei 
strange  to  those  who  know  how  great  respect  and  power  Mr,  Jermine  had 
in  court,  thai  hee  should  begin  his  Journey  in  such  haste,  and  m  appardl 
so  unfit  for  travaiUe  as  a  black  sattin  suit  asid  white  boots,  ifgoittg  away 
were  designed  the  day  before'*  Id.  p*  900* 

These  depositions,  &c.  sufficiently,  prove  the  dsngerons  nature  of 
the  conspiracy;  and  yet  it  is  evident  that  the  witnesses  £d  not,  in 
their  anxiety  to  save  their  credit  at  court,  give  quite  an  accurate  ae» 
count  of  the  particukrs.  Had  their  depositions  heen  liahle  to  ques* 
tion  hy  the  king,  he,  as  having  heen  grossly  slandered,  had  a  direct 
interest  in  the  punishment  of  his  defamers,  and  ought  never  to  have 
trusted  the  witnesses  more ;  yet  most  of  them  were  all  along  treated 
by  him  as  his  most  confidential  servants.  L^sg  was  designated  honest 
Will  Legg.  The  object  of  the  king  was  to  screen  them  all  from  pun- 
ishment ;  and  when  he  found  his  expectations  of  accomplishing  his 
purpose  so  far  frustrated  by  parliament,  he  vowed  vengeance  against 
that  assembly.  "  I  hope,**  says  he,  in  an  apostyle  to  a  letter  from  Ni- 
cholas, informing  him  of  the  apprehension,  &c.  of  Sir  John  Berkeley 
and  Capt  O'Neale,  **  I  hope  some  day  they  may  repent  their  seve« 
rities.**  Note.  The  letters  were  returned  with  these  apostyles  or  di« 
rections.  Append,  to  Evelyn's  Mem.  Correspondence  between  K. 
Charles  I.  and  Sir  Edward  Nicholas,  p.  26.  See  also  p.  7,  8, 9,  10^ 
in  proof  of  his  extreme  desire  to  screen  the  individuals  implicated. 

Clarendon,  who  pretends  that  there  was  only  one  petition  ever  pre- 
pared, and  gives  what  he  is  pleased  to  call  a  copy  of  the  original,  in 
another  place  informs  us,  that  Chudleigh  ''  being  then  a  very  young 
man,  and  of  a  stirring  spirit,  and  desirous  of  a  name,  had  expt  cased 
much  zeal  to  the  king's  service,  and  been  busy  in  inclining  the  army 
to  engage  in  such  petitions  and  undertakings  as  were  not  gracious  to  the 
parliament.  But,  when  that  discovery  was  made  by  Mr.  Goring,  as 
is  before  remembered,  and  a  committee  appointed  to  framine  the 
combination,  tliis  gentleman,  wrought  upon  by  hopes  orjears,  in  his  ex* 
amination,  said  much  that  was  dissdvantageous  to  the  court,  and  there- 
fore bringing  no  other  testimony  with  him  to  Oxford  but  of  his  own 
conscience,  he  received  nothing  like  countenance  there.**  Ibid,  vol*  iiL 
p.  872.  What  Charles  and  his  advisers  expected  of  this  witness,  may 
be  inferred  from  his  treatment  of  Northumberland,  because  he  would 
not  perjure  himself  to  save  Strojfforde.    Clarendon  eulogises  the  gene- 


606 


NOTES. 


oricy  of  Chudldfl^'t  temper.  lb.  The  noble  hittorim,  too^  in  after- 
wards giTing  an  acoonnt  of  Daniel  O'Neill  who  had  been  a  courtier 
Tory  early,  had  receiTed  the  best  education,  to  which  he  joined  the 
BMit  ittiinnating  addren,  and  had  a  competent  fortune,  says,  in  xek^ 
lion  tothearmy^plot,  ''that  when  the  parliament  grew  too  imperious, 
ha  entered  very  ftankly  into  those  new  designs  which  were  contrived 
al  eonrt,  with  less  einumspe€ium  than  both  the  season  and  the  weight 
of  ibe  afflur  required.  And  in  this  combination,  in  which  men  were 
most  concaved  for  themselves,  <  and  to  receive  good  recompense  for  the 
adventures  they  made,  he  had  either  been  promised,  or  at  least  en- 
eeoraged  by  the  queen  to  hope  to  be  made  groom  of  the  bedchamber, 
when  a  vacancy  should  happen.*'  VoL  iv.  p.  610-11.  Is  not  this  a 
Ibll  admission  of  what  he  elsewhere  so  confidently  denies  ?  See  also 
Supplement  to  Sute  Papers,  character  of  Sir  John  Berkeley  (called 
Barney  in  the  depositiens,)  voL  iii.  p.  74. 

The  following  passage  from  Clarendon's  Life  by  himsdf,  whidiii 
Mfeired  to  by  us,  may  properly  be  given  here.    "  After  the  king 
same  to  Oxford  with  his  army,  his  migesty  one  day  speaking  with  the 
Lord  Falkland  very  graciously  concerning  Mr.  Hyde,  said  he  had 
■och  a  peculiar  style,  that  he  could  know  any  thing  written  by  bun 
if  it  were  brought  to  him  by  a  stranger,  amongst  a  multitude  of  writ- 
ings by  other  men.    The  Lord  Falkland  answered,  he  doubted  his 
migesty  could  hardly  do  that,  because  he  himself,  who  had  so  long 
eonversation  and  friendship  with  him,  was  often  deceived,  and  often 
met  with  things  written  by  him,  of  which  he  could  never  have  sus- 
pected him,  upon  the  variety  of  aiguments.  To  which  the  king  repli- 
ed, he  would  lay  him  an  angtl,  that,  let  the  aigument  be  what  it  would, 
he  ahould  never  bring  him  a  sheet  of  paper  (for  he  would  not  under- 
take to  judge  of  less)  of  his  writing,  but  he  would  discover  it  to  be  lus. 
The  Lord  Falkand  tdd  him  it  should  be  a  wager  ;  but  neither  the 
one  nor  the  other  ever  mentioned  it  to  Mr.  Hyde.    Some  days  sfter, 
the  Lord  Fidkland  brought  several  pa<^£t8,  which  he  had  then  re* 
eeived  ftcm  London,  to  the  king,  before  he  had  op^ed  them,  as  be 
used  to  do;  and  after  he  had  r^d  his  several  letters  of  intdBgenoe, 
he  took  out  the  prints  of  diumak,  and  speeches,  snd  the  like,  which 
were  every  dsy  printed  at  London,  and  as  constantly  sent  to  Oxford! 
And  amongst  the  rest,  there  were  two  speeches,  the  one  made  by  Ae 
Lord  Pembroke  for  an  accommodation,  and  the  other  by  the  Lord 
Brooke  against  it,  and  for  the  carrying  on  the  war  with  more  vigour, 
and  utterly  to  root  out  the  courtiers,  whidi  were  the  king's  party.— 
The  king  was  very  much  pleased  with  reading  the  speeches,  and  tM 


NOTES.  607 

he  did  not  think  that  Pemhroke  could  speak  bo  long  together,  though 
every  wcml  he  said  was  so  much  his  own,  that  nohody  else  could  nudce 
it.  And  so,  after  he  had  pleased  himself  with  reading  the  speeches 
over  again,  and  then  passed  to  other  papers,  the  Lord  Falkland  whis* 
pered  in  his  ear,  (for  there  were  other  persons  hy,)  desiring  him  he 
would  pay  him  the  angel,  which  his  migesty  in  the  instant  apprehend- 
ing, hlufihed,  and  put  his  hand  in  his  pocket,  and  gave  him  an  angel, 
saying,  he  had  never  paid  a  wager  more  willingly:  And  was  very 
merry  upon  it,  and  would  often  call  upon  Mr.  Hyde  for  a  speech  or  a 
letter,  which  he  very  often  prepared  upon  several  occasions;  and  the 
king  always  commanded  them  to  he  printed.  And  he  was  often  wont 
to  say,  many  years  after,  that  he  would  he  very  glad  he  could  make  a 
collection  of  all  those  papers  which  he  had  written  occasionally  at  that 
time,  which  he  could  never  do,  though  he  got  many  of  them/'— Life, 
voL  i.  p.  69,  70.  136,  137. 

Surely  such  an  individual  ought  to  he  regarded  as  a  very  snspicioua 
authority  for  statements  in  a  history  which  he  undertook,  as  himadf 
informs  us,  at  the  express  desire  of  the  king,  "  and  for  hii  vindication^ 
Hist.  voL  iv.  p.  697.  See  also  Life,  vol.  i.  p.  103—902.  But  his  nu« 
merous  contradictions,  and  palpahle  mis-statements,  which  we  expose 
throughout  our  work,  set  his  veracity  as  an  historian  at  rest. 

Madam  de  Motteville,  who  informs  us  that  she  had  her  informa- 
tion from  the  queen  herself,  (Tome  i.  p.  951.)  gives  an  account  of 
the  army-plot,  as  having  heen  carried  on  at  the  desire  of  the  king  and 
queen,  and  heen  meritorious  in  itself.  Id.  p.  959,  et  seq.  She  justly 
ascribes  the  disclosure  by  Goring  to  his  disappointment  in  the  com- 
mand. 


END  OF  VOLUME  THISI>. 


Bdtalniish,  IISS. 


ERRATA. 


VOL.  III. 


Pj«eS2.  line  19. /ft  idea  f«ii  idcaL 

94.  fir  rojral  odMnet  opened,  Ac  m  a  TCfexenee»  re^d  Ludlow,  fd.  t. 

100.  fine  17.  ddefMt 

106.  fine  80.^  Loid  Goiing  read  Colonel*  «m  of  Loid  GoiiBg. 

126.  note,  fine  t.fir  aXieet  read  ooOite^ 

line  3, 4  rertiiy  die  pnnctnadon  tlnis,  *<uiged  byhim  tfaen^  need,** 
Ac 
137.  fine  IS.  ybr  Queen  Mny,  iboiild,  read  Qneen  Mery,  D^y  ilioald. 
165.  Jiole,  line  7.  ^  piin^ee  read  prinee. 
173.  line  19.  fir  diould  entiiely,  iced  lAi^  ehoold  cntiicly. 
174b  line  80.  fir  bill  in  fiiTonr  of,  reoioonunieoflli  la 
311*  nole,  line  98.  dele  nai. 
386.  fine  80.  J^  Cheitcr  read  Cliiclierter. 
398*  line  8.  fir  fmmun  read  eiyportai. 
411*  nole^  Ibio  4»  fir  math  read  weeltli. 
440.  line  17.  fir  wie  read  wen. 
44S.  line  8.  in  punctuation,  make  a  eomma  ate  nm* 
456.  fine  80.  >br  Chalice  he  fMi  him  Chailca. 
496.  line  80.^  ^pomtmenti  read  appointment. 
499.  nole^  fine  IOl  fir  fkonr  read  rigour. 
548L  fine  9.  dele  JEoL 
493.  note,  fine  17.  >^  diflfenk  f«ail  diffincnt. 


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