Skip to main content

Full text of "A history of the Christian Church, tr. by C.E. Blumenthal and C.P. Wing"

See other formats


This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project 

to make the world's books discoverable online. 

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject 

to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 

are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover. 

Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the 

publisher to a library and finally to you. 

Usage guidelines 

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the 
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing tliis resource, we liave taken steps to 
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying. 
We also ask that you: 

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for 
personal, non-commercial purposes. 

+ Refrain fivm automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attributionTht GoogXt "watermark" you see on each file is essential for in forming people about this project and helping them find 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of 
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liabili^ can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers 
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web 

at |http: //books .google .com/I 









Sranslatt^ ftm t\t Stbtnt^ an)) muc^ m:^tak)i (&ttmti, ^Wmif 






TJUUCm 09 IRE mn PltESBTmiAS CHUSCH IX fiAatiar.Bj tESHgnTML. 



//^, /. JcT. 




This translation was undertaken because its authors knew of no 
work in English which precisely corresponded with it. The his- 
tories of Milner, Waddington, Milman, Stebbing, Hardwicke 
and Robertson, and the translations of Mosheim, Neander, Dol- 
linger, Thiersch and Schaff, have severally specific merits with 
reference to the objects of their composition ; but many of them 
Rie incomplete as general histories, most of them were written 
so as to give undue prominence to some single aspect of the 
characters and events of which they treat, and all of them are too 
large to be used either as manuals for the scholar, as text-books 
for the instructor, or as compendiums for the general reader. 
8ume attempts to supply the deficiency by Palmer, Timpson, 
Foulkes, Hinds, Goodrich and Ruter, have met with no very 
general acceptance. A miniature representation of a vast mass 
(►f facts, in which each personage and event shall appear in their 
individual freshness and relative proportions, requires for its exe- 
cution peculiar talents and rare opportunities. The Grermans 
appear to possess these in a greater degree than any other people. 
Their learned men highly appreciate the value of such manuals, 
and their literature abounds in them. One of these, by Dr. 
Gieseler, has been translated, and is almost invaluable. But its 
text is a mere epitome of results, and bears no proportion to the 
vast materials in the notes ; and the narrative awakens no in- 
terest. It would be diflScult to find a graphic picture, or an ex- 

iv translator's prbface. 

pression of feeling in the whole work. Even the posthumous 
volume which has been promised, will leave the history incomplete. 
The delay which has taken place in the appearance of this 
work has aflforded many opportunities of learning how much this 
deficiency was appreciated by competent scholars in England and 
America. From the letters we have received, and from public 
journals, we might present many testimonies, not only that such 
a work was needed, but that nothing in the literature of the 
present day was so likely to supply the deficiency as a transla- 
tion of the work we had announced. The style of our author is 
especially adapted to the Anglo-Saxon mind ; his astonishing 
power of condensed expression, — his aesthetic, if not religious sym- 
pathies, with every variety of intellectual and moral greatness, — 
his skilful daguerreotypes of characters by means of the trans- 
mitted light of contemporary language, — the delicate irony and 
genial humor which pervade his descriptions, — the picturesque 
liveliness with which a single character or incident brings out 
the manners and spirit of an age, — the precision with which 
his scientific arrangement is preserved, the critical judgment 
with which the minutest results of recent investigations are in- 
. troduced, — and the graceful proportion and animation with which 
the whole stands out before us, render his history attractive to 
all kinds of readers. He throws away every name or event which 
has no historical utility or organic life ; he appreciates an heroic 
spirit wherever it appears, and each period is estimated as nearly 
as possible in its own light. His is not merely a history of the 
hierarchy, of the nobility, or of great men, but of the Church, 
His descriptions, therefore, embrace especially traits of common 
life, the progress of the arts, and indications of advancement in 
social freedom. If liis theological opinions do not quite coincide 
with our own, he seldom, at least in this work, obtrudes theui 
upon our attehtion. His object seems to have been to maintain 
historical accuracy, rather than to exhibit his own opinions ; and 
if sometimes our favorite characters, or views, do not appear in 
the light in which we have usually contemplated them, his uni- 
form impartiality and intelligence make us suspect our earlier 
judgments. None but those who observe the stmcture rather 
than the particular dogmatic expressions of this work, will be 

tranblator's preface. V 

likely to detect the antbor^s peculiar views, and such readers can 
afford to give them whatever consideration they deserve. A strik- 
ing comparison has been drawn between him and a living English 
historian and essayist, but the reference can be only to the live- 
liness and brilliancy of his historical scenes, and not to the mi- 
nute space in which the picture of more than eighteen centuries 
is presented. 

As soon as we had determined to translate the work, the 
author was informed of our intention, and we publish his reply 
to our communication. Unforeseen difiSculties, however, delayed 
the publication of our work, and when more than a hundred 
pages had been stereotyped, we received a copy of the seventh 
edition, with numerous corrections and additions. We have cer- 
tainly no reason to regret such an occurrence, although it im- 
posed on us the necessity of recalling and rewriting a large 
portion of our manuscript. We submitted, however, with cheer- 
fulness to the necessity, since we are now able to present an 
edition in which some errors have been corrected, the results of 
recent research, especially with respect to the second and third 
centuries, have been incorporated, and the eventful history of the 
last seven years has been added. In an Appendix, we present • 
every thing of importance added by the author in the part which 
had been already struck off. But as we were obliged in this first 
part to retain the numbers of the sections used in the sixth 
edition, and subsequently to adopt those used in the seventh, 
some confusion has necessarily been created. Should a new 
edition be called for, we hope not only to remove this defect, but 
to adapt the work to an American position. The section on 
America (§ 462) has been already, with the author's concur- 
rence, rewritten and enlarged. Considerable pains have also 
been taken to adapt the references and authorities to the present 
state of English literature, and some references to German trans- 
lations of English and French works have been omitted, but 
every addition is indicated by brackets. We are well aware that 
our work has many faults after all our revisions and efforts to 
correct them, but, like the author, we see no end to the labor 
which might be bestowed on that which is, by its nature, neces- 
sarily imperfect. Dr. Hase has given a large part of his atten- 

vi translator's preface. 

tion to the original history for more than twenty years. He was 
bora in the year 1800 at Steinbach. In 1823, he was a private 
instructor in Theology at Tubingen ; in 1829, he was elected a 
Professor of Philosophy in Leipsic ; and in 1830, he became a 
Professor of Theology in Jena, where he still continues. His 
other works are : The Old Pastor's Testament, Tub. 1824 ; The 
Murder of Justice, a Vow of the Church, Lps. 1826 ; A Manual 
of Evang. Dogmatik, Lps. 1826, 4th and much enlarged edit., 
Lps. 1850 ; Gnosis, Lps. 1827-29, 3 vols. ; Hutterus Kedivivus, 
or Dogmatik of the Evang. Luth. Church, Lps. 1829, 7 ed. in 
1848 (a work whose purely historical account involved him in 
a controversy with Kohr, the great champion of Kationalism, 
and led to a series of polemical works on that subject) ; The 
Life of Christ, Lps. 1829, 4th imp. edit. 1854 ; Libri Symbolici 
Ecclesiae Evangelicae sive Concordia, of which the 3d ed. ap- 
peared in Lps. 1846 ; The Two Archbishops, (referring to the 
difficulties in the dioceses of Cologne and Posen,) Lps. 1839 ; 
The Good Old Law of the Church, two academical discourses, 
2d ed. Lps. 1847 ; The Evang. Prot. Church of the German 
Empire, on Ecclesiastical Law, 2d ed. Lps. 1852 ; The Modern 
Prophets, three Lectures on the Maid of Orleans, Savonarola, 
and the Kingdom of the Anabaptists, Lps. 1851. He has also 
recently been engaged in the publication of Didot's new edition 
of Stephanus' Thesaurus Grecae Linguae, of which the seventh 
part has just appeared. 


To Prof. C. E. Blumenthcd and Rev, C. P. Wing :— 

Dear Sirs : — Between him who incorporates in a book the results 
of his most serious and profound mental labors, and those who from a 
cordial preference endeavor to introduce and interpret it to a foreign 
nation, must naturally spring up such an intimate intellectual sympathy, 
tnat it would seem surprising for them, if contemporaries, to remain 
strangers to each other. I, therefore, hail with grateful feelings the 
kind letter you haye sent me across the ocean, and in imagination grasp 
the hand of fraternal fellowship extended to me from the land of 
WiUiam Penn. 

You have doubtless already discovered that no ordinary obstacles 
were to be surmounted before a good translation of my Church History 
could be made, as my object was to compress the most perfect picture 
of the religious life developed in the Church into the smallest frame ; 
and hence I was compelled to be very parsimonious in the use of words, 
and to refer to the original authorities for many things plain to the 
learned, but obscure to the learner. A French translation, once at- 
tempted, split upon this rook. I hope, however, that in a sister lan- 
guage, so essentially Germanic as the English, these difficulties may be 
more easily overcome, and such a confidence is encouraged by the fact, 
that in a Danish translation they have been completely vanquished. 

If I remember correctly, an attempt to translate my work was onoe 
made in England, but was abandoned on account of its supposed incon- 
sistency with the views of the Established Church. You have doubtless 
considered how far this objection should prevail with reference to the 
Church of your country, if the numerous and varied communities Which 
have pitched their tents under the banner of the stars and stripes may 


viii author's letter to the translators. 

be truly spoken of as a single Cbupch. I trust, however, that among 
those who study history from a higher position than that of a party, an 
assimilation of yiews will gradually prevail respecting the silent opin- 
ions and facts which lie behind us in the past. I have at least honestly 
aimed to recognize in its proper light every element in any way drawn 
around our common Lord. I have thus endeavored to approach as 
nearly as possible that exalted position from which the history of his 
Church will be regarded by Christ himself, not merely as the Judge of 
quick and dead, but as the faithful Shepherd seeking the lost lamb. 

May my poor book, therefore, be dressed once more in a language 
spoken on every ocean and coast, and so come back to me from a world 
to which, as to another holy land, hosts of peaceful crusaders are an- 
nually pouring to plant anew their hopes, and to realize their long- 
cherished ideals in subsequent generations. The brief notice of the 
Church in the United States you propose to substitute for my section 
on that subject, will doubtless better adapt the work to your country. 
Whenever the universal interest of the Church was the topic, I have 
myself given more space to the Church of my fathers. I have no 
doubt that the alliance commenced between German and American the- 
ology will prove a blessing to both. Both nations have certainly a 
great mission assigned them in ecclesiastical history, which each must 
accomplish in its own peculiar manner. 

The sixth edition made its appearance just before the storm which 
has since broken over central Europe. Pius IX., haviDg been driven 
from his beautiful Babylon by an insurrection which he could not allay 
by kindness, has been restored by republican France, to substitute a 
government of priests and Jesuits for a Roman Republic. The French 
clergy have also hastily concluded to send up the petition " Domine, 
salvam fao rempublicam," as long as a democratic republic can be main- 
tained in France. In Germany, our national Assembly at Frankfort 
not only proclaimed the gospel of liberty for the Church, and the fun- 
damental rights of the German nation, but going beyond the people 
whom they professed to regard as their model, they threatened to di- 
vest the state of all Christian or religious character. The more con- 
siderate of our nation sent forth their warnings against such a rupture 
with all historical traditions, and painful political events have since 
shown that the immediate object of the Protestant German Church 
should be much more cautious and consonant with the national spirit 
This object unquestionably is, to give to the Church the administration 
of its own affairs, in alliance with a state under which the right of 
citisenship shall depend upon no creed, and the gospel of Christ shall 
h^ proclaimed as the highest principle of right 

author's letter to the translators. ix 

In the Catholic Church, the independence of the state secured to 
the hierarchy by the revolution, was made subservient to such an enor- 
mous increase of its powers, that the freedom of the inferior clergy and 
of the congregations is seriously endangered. What was called Ger- 
man Catholicism, has shown, as the more sagacious perceived from the 
commencement, that it lacked the religious energy necessary to effect a 
reform in the Christian Church. Since it has ceased to be harassed by 
political obstructions it has dwindled into an insignificant sect. But in 
the contest between a merely prescriptive Christianity, and the pro- 
gressive spirit of modem improvement, many a severe conflict must 
doubtless yet take place, before Christ in this respect also will manifest 
himself as the Mediator. 

Karl Hasb. 

Jkna, May 7^ 1850. 


In oomposing the following work, my intention was to present a text- 
book to the public, and to accomplish this, I resolved to devote to it all 
the severe labor and concentration of effort which such an object requires. 
But I was aware that however the general outline might be condensed, the 
living freshness which we find in the original monuments and documents 
of each historical period, should be preserved unimpaired. Instead, 
therefore, of endeavoring, like most of those who have prepared such 
works, to present only that which is general aud indefinite, I have con- 
tinuallj aimed to hold up that which in each age possessed most of in- 
dividual and distinct character : and when it became indispensable that 
some general grand features ^ould be rendered prominent, I have 
sought to make these so suggestive of the particular facts, that recollec- 
tions of the most minute circumstances should throng the mind of the 
instructor. In this way, the attention will be aroused while in the pro- 
cess of preparation, and the memory will be strengthened in its recollec- 
tions, since whatever is characteristic awakens sympathy, and fastens 
itself in the memory. In this respect, it may be said that what belongs 
to a good text-book, is also an essential part of every historical repre- 
sentation. In every century many noble spirits have found their prin- 
cipal delight, and expended all their energies, in investigating subjects 
connected with ecclesiastical history. And yet for a long time the com- 
position of ecclesiastical history seems by no means to have retained the 
eminent relative position which it held in former days. Without refer- 
ring to historians of an earlier period, where have we any works upon 
Church History whose excellence as historical compositions can be com- 
pared with those ,pf Maohiavel, Hume, and John Mailer ? Even 
among the most recent ecclesiastical histories, that df Spittler is the 
only work which can stand the test of a critical examination by the con- 
temporary literary world ; but its Christian character is so obviously 
one-sided, that every one perceives that in this respect it is far inferior 


to ihat of Neander. In thus expressiDg my general design, my Object 
u to show what has been my aim, however far I have oome short of at- 
taining it In these remarks, however, I have had very little reference 
to the mere literary style ; for, with respect to this, we in Germany 
generally need, and actually receive, much allowance for the dry form 
of a compendium. I rather refer to such a careful study of original 
authorities that the objects and events assume the living freshness of 
reality, and to a complete intellectual apprehension of the facts. I have 
also bestowed some attention upon a peculiar department of history, 
which, though it has in former times been noticed by all genuine eoole* 
siastical historians, never became prominent until the appearance of the 
venerable Neander's History of the Christian Religion^ I do not, how- 
ever, by any means expect that my present work will receive very de- 
cided favor from those who, in a peculiar sense, belong to the school of 
Neander, since it was certainly not so much my special object to search 
out what was spiritual and devotional among the people, as it was al- 
ways to seize upon what was characteristic of the popular religioiL In 
the greatness and completeness of such a representation, there must of 
course always be much adapted to inspire devotional feelings, and, ac- 
cordingly, I have constantly felt that I was writing the history of the 
actual kingdom of G-od on earth. But as men have often turned 
that which was really sublime into a caricature, many individual points 
must necessarily be far enough from edifying. 

There are some subjects not usually introduced into an ecclesiastical 
history, to which I have awarded a right to a position there, because 
they had their origin in the Church. Indeed, in most of the larger 
Church Histories, nearly all of them have had a certain kind of con- 
sideration already bestowed upon them. Such is, e. g., the treatment 
which Schroeckh has given to the subject of Christian art, although the 
style in which he has written must be confessed to have been singularly 
awkward. In his Encyclopedia, Rosenkranz has also assigned a due 
degree of importance to the subject of ecclesiastical architecture. On 
the other hand, I have omitted many things ordinarily mentioned even 
in the smallest eompendiums. I have, however, so little disposition to 
offer an apology for this, that I am rather inclined to reproach myself 
that, especially on the subject of Patristies, I so far yielded to usage 
that I allowed many topics to retain their ordinary position, which 
certainly have no right to a place in history. On various occasions it 
has recently been asserted that ecclesiastical history ought, at least in 
a course of academical instruction, to throw out a portion of its ballast 
And yet we can hardly think that a proper remedy for our difficulties 
would be £6und in the plan proposed by Tittmann, according to which 


our future histories must be confined to an account of the promulgation 
of Christianity, and of the internal constitution of the Church. For, it 
most readily be perceived, that no true representation of the actual 
oondition of the Church could ever be made by one who confined him- 
self to such arbitrary restrictions. If, indeed, an ecclesiastical history 
should attempt merely to present a connected account of all theological 
literature, it would go beyond its peculiar province, and become an en- 
oyclopedia of theological knowledge. No particular event connected 
with theological science ever needs to be noticed, except when it becomes 
important as a prominent circumstance belonging to the age, and may 
properly be regarded as characteristic of the times. We cannot, how- 
ever, entirely dispense with some account of the received doctrines of 
the Church. Although a separate history of these is of the highest im- 
portance to the interests of theological science, the ecclesiastical his- 
torian cannot on that account omit all reference to the subject ; for how 
ooold the ecclesiastical movements of the fourth, fifth and sixth centuries 
be adequately described without noticing the various forms and processes 
through which the doctrinal views of the Church, and its different sects, 
then passed, and by which the character of those great movements was 
determined ? Indeed, how could a clear representation be given of any 
period of the Church, unless it included some account of the system of 
faith which animates and sustains the whole. There is, in reality, only 
a formal distinction between the history of doctrines as a special science, 
and as an element in the general hbtory of the Church ; for, aside from 
the difference in the outward extent with which the subject is necessarily 
treated, they only refer to the different poles of the same axis, — the 
former presenting the doctrine rather as an idea unfolding its own self, 
and the latter exhibiting it in its relation to surrounding events. But 
the principal method by which ecclesiastical history was to be simplified, 
was by discarding a mass of useless material Nothing is a part of 
history which has not at some period possessed actual life, and con- 
sequently become immortal, by exhibiting in itself a true refraction of 
the Christian spirit ; for, as God is only the God of the living, so history , 
is not a record of that which is lifeless and dead, but of that which has 
a perpetual life. We have, however, hitherto dragged along a vast 
multitude of these still-born trifles. Of what benefit can it be, at least 
for students, to have it in their power to repeat the names of all those 
persons who have been only remotely connected with the different events 
mentioned in history ,^-of Synods which decided upon nothiog, of popes • 
who never governed, and of authors who wrote nothing of importance. 
A veneration for the names of these silent personages, of whom nothiug 
is recorded but the year of their death, has induced many even of our 


greatest ecclesiastical historians to fill whole pages of their works with 
the useless catalogue. Should any one think that it is the business of 
the instructor to quicken these dry bones by giving an account of their 
works, he certainly has very little idea of the range of topics embraced 
in the academic lecture ; and I appeal to the experience of any one who 
has ever gone through with the text-book of Staudlin or of Muenscher, 
and inquire whether he has found it possible to animate the masses 
found in them; or if he has been successful in this, whether he has 
found any advantages worth the trouble? I have endeavored, as far as 
possible, to avoid such useless verbiage in the text, for, although a man- 
ual should be expected to require much explanation from the living 
teacher, it should also possess some character of its own. By adopting 
this plan, opportunity has been acquired for a more extensive notice of 
those matters which were really important, and it will sometimes be 
found that I have given to spch topics as much space as they ordinarily 
receive in larger works. It is possible, indeed, that a degree of dispro- 
portion may be discovered between the attention bestowed upon different 
individual subjects ; but it was never intended that the most diffuse por- 
tions should take the place of the oral lecture, but rather excite the 
reader to examine more thoroughly into the minutest particulars. The 
principle on which this has been done may be found expressed in the 
third section of the work. The academic instruction will at least assist 
the student in gaining a complete view of an age, if it only presents that 
age most thoroughly in the lives of its individual men ; and it is pre- 
cisely by such a concrete representation of exalted particular agents 
that the most distinct impression is produced upon the memory. 
Shakspeare says, in one of his prologues, *' I pray you, Iook upon the 
broil of a few players as if it were a real battle 1 '' In like manner, the 
historian may request his readers to regard the intellectual chiefs and 
representatives of a particular period as the age itself. Such a course 
is not one which I have myself originally discovered, but it is the 
necessary result of the multiplication of those admirable biographies of 
which Neander has given us such eminent specimens, and to the compo- 
sition of which his example has so much contributed. 

The reader will sometimes meet with very peculiar expressions, such 
as no one would reasonably have expected from my own pen. The ex- 
perienced reader of history will readily perceive that these are quotations 
vfhich I have taken as a kind of catch-words from the original authori- 
ties. I might frequently have designated them as such by some mark, 
but they are generally so interwoven and imperceptibly blended with 
my own words, that if I had attempted to distinguish the words of other 


authors from my own, my history would have had almost the aspect of 
mosaic work. 

Although I have never concealed mj own opinions, I have generally 
preferred to let the facts of the narrative speak for themselves. I was 
also far more anxious to show why any particular event came to pass, 
and how it was regarded when it took place, than to indulge in those 
pedantic reflections, in which men every where atteiifpt to act as judges. 
And yet even with respect to secular matters, I have never shrunk from 
calling every thing by its right name. In the very darkest times, those 
who occupied positions purely ecclesiastical, were allowed freely to call 
that unchristian which was really so. But probably most persons will 
think that when judging of things inconsistent with true religion, I have 
used the full liberty which naturally belongs to my position and my 
character more frequently on the side of leniency than of severity. I 
have no doubt, however, that in both i;pspects I have given ample 
grounds for offence to those who apply to other ages the standard of intelli- 
gence and improvement to which their own has attained, or who judge 
them by the contracted rules of piety which they have adopted; in 
whose eyes Catharine of Siena was merely '^ a silly kind of woman,'' and 
Julius II. '^ il novum monstrum ; " and who say of Cardinal Hildebrand, 
that, '^ the scoundrel even pretended to work miracles ; " or who, on the 
other side, relate that the word of the cross was ecclesiastically abolished 
in Weimar in the year 1833. But judicious men will not fail to recog- 
nise the same disposition in all the apparent changes of opinion which 
have taken place. They can regard the same words as seasonable, and 
indicative of an exalted mind, when used by Gregory YII., which are 
nothing but the helpless lamentations of a feeble old age when they ap- 
pear in a Bull of Gregory XYI. With regard to the bright side of the 
mediaeval hierarchy, and the dark side of the Reformation, I do not 
suppose I need, in a purely theological circle of readers, to guard against 
misconstructions with a solicitude like that which Van Raumer recently 
exhibited, when writing for the more general body of the people. I 
might, indeed, allege that the Reformation was so pure, and so exalted 
in its nature, that it needs no concealment of its darker passages ; but 
even if this were untrue, I should nevertheless withhold nothing from 
the light. Something may be exacted from those for whom the present 
work is intended ; for, though they may be young, they should be trained 
to take independent and comprehensive views of history. I have, there- 
fore, in every instance expressed the whole truth so far as I have myself 
known it. The only sections in which I have allowed any restrictions 
were those which contain notices of doctrinal history. Among students 
with whom I am acquainted, it is always a rule to attend lectures upon 


Eoolesiastioal History before those upon Didactic Theology ; and it ap- 
pears to me right that this should always be the case. I have^ there- 
fore, in some instances sacrificed something of the profundity of a 
scientific inyestigation, that I might address myself more intelligibly to 
the popular mind. 

I have also taken some liberty in the general arrangement. No one 
oonyersant with the subject would require thatr each historical period 
should be accommodated to the same immutable framework. Who 
would think of bringing the apostolic Church into the same frame which 
has been found so appropriate to the age of the Reformation ? And if 
« some exceptions must be conceded by those who are most zealous in be- 
half of an invariable system, we shall not hesitate to abandon this phan- 
tom of uniform periods, Neither have I thought it necessary when no 
change had taken place in some particular state of affairs, in all instances 
to announce in a formal manner, that such was the fact, or to introduce 
the most unimportant details as I should have felt obliged to do, if I 
had had just so many spaces to fill in each period. If an event appears not 
to have possessed much influence until a period after that in which it 
had its commencement, it will be mentioned only in thai in which it be- 
came fully developed. In all cases, I have recognized no other law than 
that which requires that each age should be so presented that the clear- 
est view of it may be obtained, and most firmly fixed in the memory. 
In some instances, especially in modem history, I was doubtful what 
arrangement would be best adapted to my purpose. In such cases, my 
final decision was determined by a very slight preponderance of reasons 
in its favor, and I shall not, therefore, be surprised if others should come 
to a different conclusion. If, however, they actually consider all the ad- 
vantages and results of each method, they will at least appreciate the 
motives by which I was directed in my selection. 

A selected literature is the only thing, in itself of no importance, 
which is yet essential to a text-book. Where it has been possible, I 
have distinguished between original authorities and revised editions. 
I have referred to particular passages at the bottom of the page, not 
often as proof-passages, but merely as significant and distinct expres- 
sions of the age in which they were written, and to be communicated 
verbally by the lecturer himself. The small number of them will cer- 
tainly not be imputed .to my indolence by those who are aware how 
easily such citations are now to be obtained, and how trifling an evidence 
they are of genuine study. They will be found most abundant in the 
present work with reference to recent times (though without regard to 
the views of the contemporary writers), because it was then more diffi- 
cult to refer to general original authorities, or to revised editions of them. 


It is, indeed, possible, that if I had waited ten years longer, I could 
have established some of my positions with more circumspection. But 
if I had done so, I might at that time have had neither the opportunity 
nor the inclination to write such a work as is needed for a text-book ; 
and as I shall be just as able then to make any improvements within my 
power upon the present work, I hope my friends will kindly accept 
what I now have to present them, although from the nature of such a 
work the writer is likely to console himself at its close with the hope 
that he will at some future day be able to improve and perfect it. 

JxNA, Jicension Day^ 188i. 


This Church History has been every where so kindly appreciated and 
noticed, that I have nothing but my thanks to offer, as I present to the 
public another edition. With regard to the division into periods, and 
some minor details, I have recently had occasion to explain my views 
to a considerable extent in the second number of my polemic treatises. 

Jena, March 9th, 1886. 


I CERTAINLY havo reasou to rejoice in the reception with which this 
book has been favored, as it ha^ been circulated far beyond the sphere 
for which it was originally intended. Such a result is especially pleas- 
ing, as it indicates that the interest recently awakened in ecclesiastical 
and kindred subjects is not confined to matters pertaining exclusively 
to the present generation, but that men are anxious to become thoroughly 
acquainted with the condition of things in earlier times, and to become 
animated by the rich life of the Church during its whole past existence. 
But while this is true, literature itself certainly gains but little by this 
rapid succession of new editions, and it has really been a source of vex- 
ation to me that I was obliged to allow so fine an opportunity to pass 
without contributing more to the perfection of this work. The improve- 
ments introduced have generally been in matters of no great importance, 
and even where some considerable changes have been made, they have 
not been the result of any comprehensive investigations of my own, but 


rather of the labors of others. Thus, the section which relates to 
Sayonarola has received some accession to its materials from the re- 
searches pnrsned for a while in Florence, by my former beloved col- 
league Meier^ and the history of the Popes since the Reformation has 
gained something from the ingenious examinations and careful extracts 
from original documents lately made by Ranke, Although the brevity 
of a text-book has not allowed frequent references to the German 
Mythology of Grimm, this work has afforded me much valuable assist- 
ance when attempting to gain a complete view of the history of the 
Germanic Church. 

Prof. Krabbe, in the Literary Advertiser (1837. N. 10-12.), besides 
giving a detail of individual facts, which is instructive to any one, and 
is especially worthy of my particular thanks, ha^ passed a judgment 
upon the spirit of my book, by comparing it with Neander's Church 
History as a standard. In this respect, we Germans are a very strange 
people. If any one has succeeded in accomplishing any thing excellent 
in his own peculiar way, we always think that if another attempts any 
thing in the same department, he must set about it in precisely the 
same style. But the very fact that this particular kind of historical 
writing has had for its representative and cultivator one so eminently 
endowed as Neander confessedly is, renders it comparatively needless 
that others should enter the same field, and unlikely that any should 
^ual him. We can only hope that he may have health sufficient, and 
life long enough, to complete his great work. If, however, it is thought 
that a text-book in his style is desirable. Dr. Guerike has certainly 
made the most diligent use of his pages, and should it bo objected that 
Guerike's orthodoxy is extreme, Neander himself has trained up a num- 
ber of clever pupils, of whom more than one is competent to write a 
text-book. I have received in my own way much advantage from 
Neander, but my original constitution is so different from his, and my 
mind has passed through a process of development so very different, 
that I should have gained but little, whatever efforts I had made to 
imitate him. No one should expect to gather grapes of thorns, though 
possibly roses might be found upon them. 

The judgment of the Hegelian school has been expressed in a review 
by Prof. Hasse, in the Annual Register of Scientific Criticism 
(1836. N. 66-68.). The liberal spirit of true science, and the friendly 
disposition of the writer, cannot be mistaken in the piece, in spite of 
the severe terms in which that judgment is expressed. He has, how- 
ever, done me some injustice when he asserts that I attempted in my 
remarks respecting general and indefinite expressions in my first preface, 
to escape from the universal principles of philosophical thought. I 



only intended there to speak against thpse indefinite phrases which are 
so common in our ordinary text-books, as, e, g., the very example which 
I then adduced, where whole pages are filled with names distinguished 
only by a cross and a date, which give to them the appearance of a 
Moravian cemetery, rather than of an abundant and varied individual 
life. Against the objection that I indulged too much in the description 
of minute details, which might be urged more correctly against historical 
representations, I will not reply that it certainly requires more labor 
to collect such minor particulars from the original authorities than it 
does to make general reflections upon the events, for I am well aware 
that my worthy opponent would contend for the former as a part of his 
own plan, and that he really would require such an earnest investigation 
of facts, as cannot be performed without a severe exercise of thought. 
But this earnest inquiry into the origin and nature of things, I have in 
no instance avoided. With regard to the general principles contained 
in the facts of history ^ it will be found that the summaries prefixed to 
the periods contain nothing else, and that the subsequent details of 
particular and distinct events may really be regarded as a more ex- 
.tended illustration of them. But his account of my method of procedure 
in this matter is not altogether correct. He says; '^The author, e, g,y 
instead of giving us the true origin of monasticism, presents us with a 
description of St Anthony; and even of him, we have merely a series 
of peculiar traits of character expressed in the most pithy style.'' And 
yet just before the section alluded to, a complete general view of the 
origin and spirit of that whole theory of religious life out of which 
necessarily proceeded a style of living, of which that of the anchorets 
was an extreme form, had been presented (now ^ 64.), and in the next 
period, when that which properly may be called the monastic life came 
before us, a similar general representation of the true object and spirit 
of this style of life is given (now ^ 134.). The reviewer proceeds: 
'' We are then presented in a similar style with a portraiture of Cyprian 
(now ^ 84.), as the representative of the whole ecclesiastical life of his 
age, and a characteristic incident in the life of Leo the Great is given 
as a specimen of the mode in which the Roman bishops drew into their 
own hands the administration of the government of the whole Church " 
But in the first instance here mentioned, the account of Cyprian was 
preceded by a history of the process by which the legal relations of the 
Church had been formed, and by some notice of the general character- 
istics of the ecclesiastical life ; and in the other case, all the antecedent 
principles had already been mentioned by means of which the Roman 
see had gained a consciousness of its future destiny. Cyprian and Leo 
are described to a greater extent than others, because they were re- 


garded as the natural representatives of this peculiar phase of the eccle- 
siastical life. Mj ohject was in this way to bring the abstract principles 
which I had laid down into a concrete representation by means of these 
important individual characters, inasmuch as I had certainly supposed 
this to be the proper method in which history should be written. I 
suppose I must submit when our critic condescends to impute every 
thing which he approves in thb history to what he calls ^' the happy 
tact of the writer, which enables him to discover things as it were by 
instinct or divination," because he did not find them proceeding from 
Hegelian principles, and they were not embellished with the well-known 
formulae of his own school. I am not, indeed, one of those who strive 
to affect ignorance of those results of the Hegelian philosophy which 
have had so general an influence upon the history of our world. But 
with respect to historical writing, Marheineke's History of the Reforma- 
tion has put the question beyond all doubt, that a man can be an emi- 
nent historian, and at the same time a friend of the Hegelian philosophy ; 
and yet there are already some symptoms that a zealous Hegelian may 
pretty thoroughly ruin the history which he attempts to write. Indeed, 
there can be no doubt that if a history of the Church were written, even 
by a writer as profound as Daub himself, on the principles and method 
lately recommended by him in the Journal for Speculative Theology, it 
would turn out to be utterly unreadable to most of our race. At any 
rate, we may console ourselves with the recollection, that since the time 
of Thucydides there have been some writers who, by a happy tact, or 
by divination, have been able to produce something like tolerable his- 
tories, although it does not appear that they were guided by Hegelian 
principles, or used Hegelian formulae. 

It has been pleasant to me to find that some learned men of the 
Catholic Church have recognized my honest intention to be uniformly 
just toward their Church, and to declare the whole truth in every case. 
It would hardly be candid in the different parties generally to expect 
from each other more than such acknowledgments of good will, since it 
mast necessarily be a condition of their different ecclesiastical positions 
that the same events should have a different aspect in the view of each, 
and that one should always fiild something of which it disapproves in 
the accounts of the other. But it is no small gain when both are con- 
vinced of each other's good will. I refer particularly to a criticism by 
Prof Hefeky in the Quarterly Journal of Tubingen, (1836, N. 4.) He 
is entirely correct when he says, that what I have written in ^ 333, 
where it is said, *' the idols were burned," was not intended to express 
my own view. Nor is it precisely meant as an expression of what 
Zwingle himself believed on the subject It is rather the view and the 


language of the whole generation in that vicinity from which this de- 
struction of the images proceeded ; and although the expression is rather 
rude, it was selected as the briefest by which the motives of the actors 
could be made known. In the passage in which Amsdorf's installation 
as Bishop of Naumburg (now ^ 337), is mentioned, I am better agreed 
with the honored Reviewer than he seems to have suspected. For when 
it is there said, '* The elector could not resist the temptation to provide 
an apostolic bishop for that see,'' it is not merely intended that such 
was the purpose of the elector and his counsellors, and such the reason 
by which they satisfied their own consciences in this proceeding, but a 
slight touch of irony is blended with the whole, and is indicated in the 
expression, that the elector could not resist such a temptation^ since the 
apostolic character of this bishop, in the opinion of the court, consisted 
principally in the fact, that the new incumbent would draw but a small 
salary, and consequently the electoral treasury would be enriched by 
the ample revenues of the bishopric. I confess, too, that I can see very 
little of a more apostolic character in our Lutheran lealot Amsdorf 
than in the mild and learned Julius von Pflug. But whatever one may 
think with regard to these points, the whole proceeding was in violation 
of long established rights. Althoagh a little surprised that he should 
have called the style of my work enigmaticaly I was happy to find that 
this Reviewer fully appreciated the view which I had expressed with 
regard to the relation of a text-book to the oral lecture. It would 
seem, however, fVom the historical examples which he adduces, that he 
at least suoceeded in completely understanding my meaning when I re- 
marked, that the subjects which are more generally treated, and barely 
hinted at, in the text-book, are founded upon distinct historical views, 
and are so presented as to invite the instructor, who is well informed 
on the minute details, to communicate and enlarge upon them. The 
style required for this I should not call enigmatic, merely because 
those who have not become familar with the original authorities of the 
history may find something not properly obscure, but to be passed over 
more superficially than other subjects, and without a complete exhaus- 
tion of it9 contents. A germ, or a bud, cannot, indeed, be fully seen 
until it has become expanded in the flower ; but whoever sees the bud, 
has before him not merely an enigma, but what is already an intelligible 
reality. This is very much like the comparison which the Reviewer 
made between the Florentine and the Roman schools of painting, to 
illustrate the distinction between Catholic history and my own, or the 
ordinary orthodox hbtories of the Church. Every well-educated person 
will readily perceive the import, and the striking nature of this com- 
parijM>n. But any one fiunilar with the peeoliariiies of the two schools, 


and has a vivid conception of their productions, will appreciate the 
profound truth, and the extensive applicability of this ingenious com- 

JsNA, June 4eA, 1887. 


During the years which have elapsed while the previous editions have 
been given to the public, I have had time and inclination enough not 
only more thoroughly to investigate many particulars (though I must 
not withhold my heartiest thanks from those who have assisted me), but 
also to revise the whole, without, however, changing the essential char- 
acter of the book. The object for which it was originally intended 
would allow of no augmentation of its size. The vastness of its subject 
rendered all attempts to render the contents themselves more perfect in 
their relations and in their distinctness an absolutely interminable 
task. But on this anniversary of the morning on which, seven years 
ago, the first preface of this work was written, I am painfully oppressed 
by the recollection, that a large part of the most vigorous and most 
tranquil portion of my life has been spent in efforts to improve a work 
of such a limited extent ; and I cannot venture upon any further prom- 
ises with regard to future efforts in this matter. 

Jena, Ascension Day^ 1841. 


The ten years to which I alluded at the close of the preface to the 
first edition have now passed, and it is certain that in an animated in- 
tercourse with the age in which I live, many of the positions I first as- 
sumed have either been more carefully verified, or have been Changed. 
Either in the German, or in a foreign language, this work has found its 
way through the hands of the youth into the quiet residences of many 
pastors, and even into palaces. Thus, under the divine blessing, may 
it proceed onward in its course, producing in the Church a sound 
consciousness of her historical development until it shall have fulfilled 
its mission. 

Jkna, Jan, 1«<, 1844. 



Whatever is new in this edition will be found principallj in those 
portions relating to the most ancient and the most modern times. 
Most of what I have added to the former has been occasioned bj the 
researches of the new school of Tubingen. These were not altogether 
unknown to me during the composition of the original work, but in con- 
sequence of the works of Baur, Paulus and Schwegler, with reference to 
the period immediately after the apostles, they now appear in more per- 
fect relations. I was in no danger of maintaining an obstinate resistance 
to the fundamental principles of their historical scheme, to avoid the 
necessity of taking back my former assertions on the same subject, for, 
in the first edition, I had maintained that a primary form of ecclesi- 
astical orthodoxy was Ebionism, although afterwards, in consequence of 
the progress of other views, this was regarded as a heresy. The very 
earliest theological treatise which I published, as long ago as 1824, and 
which was quoted by Dr. Schwegler himself, was written to show that 
the Epistle to the Hebrews belonged to an Ebionite party. And yet I 
have never been convinced that the struggle between the Jewish and the 
Pauline parties continued as late as a century after the death of the 
apostles, and in countries beyond the limits of Palestine, and constituted 
the great moving principle of the history and literatiire of that century. 
It did not belong to a mere text-book to discuss the ingenious arguments 
which Dr. von Baur has brpught forward, but my present revision has 
certainly gone quite far enough into this matter, and my history of this 
oldest period of Church history seems almost every where like a quiet 
conference with the Tubingen school, by adopting or controverting whose 
positions it has been much benefited. I was, of course, unable to make 
use at that time of the new edition (4 ed. 1847.) of Neauder's history 
of the apostolic Church. The abundant materials which the last four 
years have afforded, were easily added, like new annual rings and shoots, 
to the old trunk of the most modem history. 

I ha^e, for this once, spared myself the disagreeable task of reading 
the proof sheets for the correction of typographical errors, but an un- 
pleasant mistake has caught my eye in note b, under ^ 8, where my 
diligent proof-reader, even in opposition to grammatical propriety, has 
allowed ab orbe condita to stand as in the preceding edition. 

In quoting from the Fathers, and from some other authors, I was 
sometimes obliged to give the page, and I therefore here mention the 
editions to which I referred : Athanasii 0pp. Par. 1627. Clemen tis 
Alex. 0pp. ed. Potter. Oxon. 1715. Cypriani 0pp. ed. Fell. Amst. 


1713. Epiphanii 0pp. ed. Petav. Par. 1622. Hieronymi 0pp. ed. 
Martianay, when that of Vallarsi is not expressly mentioned. Justini 
0pp. ed. Otto. Jen. 1842s. Leon M. 0pp. edd. Ballerini. Origenis 
0pp. ed. Delarae. — Gerson. ed. Da Pin. Antu. 1706. Guicciardini. 
Van. 1583-4. Mattheus Paris. Par. 1644. Melancth. Epp. in the 
Corpus Reformatorum ed. Bretschneider. Platina. 1664. Dutch edition. 
Trithemi Annales Hirsang. S. Galli. 1690. « 

In the notes to the latest modern history, the abbreviations A. K. 
Z. mean the (Darmstadt) Allegemeine Kirchen-Zeitung ; Ev. K. Z. 
mean Evangelische KirchenZeituug ; Brl. A. K. Z. mean Berliner 
Allgemeine- Kirchen-Zeitung ; A. Z. mean Augsburger AUgemeine 
Zeitung ; L. A. Z., or D. A. Z., mean Leipziger, afterwards Deutsche 
Allgemeine Zeitung. It may be that some public documents which had 
been published in the religious, are quoted from the political journals, 
because I had first met with them in the latter, but it is certainly very 
desirable for future historical purposes, that our religious periojicals 
should collect in a more perfect manner than they have done the original 
documents, especially of foreign Churches. This will become especially 
important, if the Acta historico-ecclesiastica, which poor Eheinwald com- 
menced, should never be continued. 

Jeka, Mrst Sunday in Advent, 1847. 


Although I had supposed that I had before neglected nothing, the re- 
vision of this work for a new impression has given occasion for so many 
improvements, or at least alterations, that the immensity of the affair 
has once more forced itself upon my attention. Hence the necessity, 
to my present annoyance, of a much enlarged edition. I might very 
properly excuse myself by saying, as Pascal did, in one of his Provin- 
cial Letters, that I have no time to make it briefer. An author oughty 
indeed, always to take time for a book, since generally he is under no 
necessity of publishing prematurely. But the publication of a new 
edition is sometimes beyond his control. When, last Spring, I re-com- 
menced my lectures upon Church History, a sufficient number of copies 
of this text-book were not to be obtained ; I was therefore obliged to 
supply my pupils with the separate sheets as they came from the press^ 
and to finish the preparation within a limited time. 


I have been acoustomed generally to correct the last proof-sheets 
with my own hands, but on the present occasion I spared myself the un- 
pleasant task of reading to find typographical errors ; and I committed 
to my students the work of diligently watching for these marks of 
human frailty. Their keen young eyes have discovered some mistakes 
of this kind ; and not to mention those which are unimportant, and are 
easily seen and corrected, I will only notice that instead of Eugenius 
VI. f on p. 279, Eugenius lY., should be inserted; and instead of 1835, 

in the third line from the bottom of p. 405, 1853 should be printed. 

• ••••••• 

Where quotations are made from the Fathers, and some other 
writers, and frequently the precise number of the page must be men- 
tioned, I have referred to the following editions : Cypriani 0pp. od. 
Fell. Amst. 1713. Epiphauii 0pp. ed. Petav. Par. 1622. Hieronymi 
0pp. ed. Martianay, where Yillarsi is not expressly mentioned. Justini 
Oppu ed. Otto, Jen. 1847s. Leon. M. 0pp. ed. Ballerinii. Origenis 
0pp. ed. Delarue. — Gerson, ed. Du Pin. Antu. 1706. Guicciardini ; 
Yen. 1583-4. Mattheus Paris; Par. 1644. Melancth. Epp. in the 
Corpus Reformatorum. Platina 1664. Dutch edit. Trethemii Annales 
Hirsaug. S. Galli. 1690. Sleidan. Argent. 1555. Sarpi 1699-4. 
Seckendorf. Fraucof. 1688.. Ranke, deutsche Gesch. 3. ed. 

While the work was passing through the press, and after those 
sections to which they referred had been printed, many important works 
have appeared, which might have had an influence upon my statements. 
I will not mention them here, for after a few months such a list would 
be as imperfect as before. The author of a monograph must be ex- 
pected, of course, to understand his subject better than others ; but he 
who writes a general history, must learn from many, and be corrected 
by almost all. 

Jkna, Feb. mhy 1854. 




1. llie Church and the World, 

2. Idea of Church History, 

8. Proper Province of Church History, 

4. Relation to the General History of Religion, • 

6. Mode of Treating Church History, 

6. Value of Church History, 

7. Sources, .... 

8. Auxiliary Sciences, . . • 

9. BiYision .... 




10. Polemical Church History, 

11. French Ecclesiastical Historians, . 

12. Protestant Scientific Church History, 

IS. Writers of the German Catholic Church, . 






14. General View and Original Authorities, . . . 




L Classio Hjeathxnisii. 

15. Popular Life among the Greeks, .... 

16. limits of Grecian Refinement, . . , 

17. The Religion of the Greeks, .... 
1,8. Relation of Philosophy to the Popular Rdigion, 

. * 

• * 



19. Rome as a Republic, 

20. Dccliiie of Greece, 

21. Elevation and Decline of Rome, . 

22. Decline of the Popular Religion, 


25. The Religious Life of the People, . 
24. The Dispersed Jews, . 

26. Hellenism, .... 

26. The Three Sects, 

27. The Samaritans, . 

28. Proselytes, 


29. The First Pentecost, 

80. Fortune of the Chiiri.-h of Jerusalem, 

31. Jewish Christianity, 

82. Samaritan Christians and Sects, 

88. Paul, .... 

84. Pet«r, ..... 

86. Position of Parties in the time of Paul, , 

86. John, ..... 

87. Parties in the Time of John. 

88. Traditions Respecting the Apostles, . 

89. Apostolical Fatners of the First Century, 

40. Political Overthrow of Judaism, 

41. The Roman Civil Power, . 

42. Constitution of the Local Churches, . 
48. Ecclesiastical Life, 

44. Mode of Worship, 

45. Doctrines of the Church, . 


. 17 


. 18 







46. The Jews, /....... 

47. The Roman People and Empire, ..... 

48. Conduct of the Individual Emperors of the Second and Third Centuries, 

49. Internal History of Paganism, ..... 

50. New-Platonism, ....... 

51. Literary Controversies of Christianity, .... 

52. The Christian Apologists, ...... 

58. Religion of Barbarous Nations, ..... 

54. Spread of Christianity, ...... 

55. Tne Last Persecution, ...... 

56. The Martyrs, ........ 


57. Original Documents on Ecclesiastical Law, 

58. The Clergy and the Laity, ...... 

59. Bishops, ........ 

60. Synods, ...•••.. 

61. Metropolitans, ....... 



62. The Tnree Great Bishops, 
68. The Catholic Church and its Branoheay . 





64 Christian Morals, ...... 

65. St. Anthony, ...... 

66. Ecclesiastical Discipline, . . . . . 

67. The Montaniats, ..... 

68. The Novatians, ...... 

69. Holy Seasons, and the Controversy about Easter, 

70. Sacred Places, and their Decoration, 

7 1. Sacred Services, ..... 





72. Sources from which the Church derived its System of Faith, 

73. Apostolic Fathers of the Second Century. Oont fi^)m g 8Q, 

74. Ecclesiastical Literature and Heresy, 

75. Ebiouism. Cont from § 35, . 

76. I. Gnosticism, ..... 

77. II. Syrian Gnostics, .... 

78. in. Hellenistic Gnostics, .... 

79. IV. Gnostics, in an especial sense Christian, . 

80. V. Judaizing Gnostics, .... 

81. VL Influence of Gnosticism upon the Church, 

82. Manichaeism, ..... 

83. Historico-Ecclesiastieal Theology, 

84. Thascius Caecilianus Cyprianus, . 

85. L The School of Alexandria, . 

86. II. Characteristics of the Alexandrian Theology, 

87. IIL Influence of Origen, 

88. Appendix to the Literary History, 

89. Apocryphal Literature, 

90. Subordinationistfi and Monarchians, 



91. General View, . . . . . 



02. Original Authorities, ...... 



93. Constantine and his Sons, . • . . . . 

94. Julianus Apostata, ...... 

95. The Fall of Paganism, . . ... 

96. Ma^aalians and Hypaistarians, .... 

97. Christianity under the Persians, ..... 
98 Abyssinia and the Diaspora, ..... 
99. Mohammed, ....... 

100. Victories of Islam, . . .... 


101. Conflicts and Sources of the Ecclesiastical Life, . 


. 108 

. 106 

. 107 

. 108 





L Thx Abian CONTBOyicBST. 

102. The Synod of Nicaea. Cont from § 90, . 

108. Athanasius and Arius, ...... 

104. Minor Controversies, ...... 

106. The Synod of Constantinople and the Holy Trinity, 

106. Ecclesiastical Literature, ..... 

IL Tub Obigkmstic Contboykbsy. 

107. SynesiuB, Epiphanins, and Hicronymus, .... 

108. Cnrysostom, ....... 

ni Tax Pelagian Comtboyxbst. 

109. Pelagianism and Augustinism, ..... 

110. Augustinus, ....... 

111. Victory of Augostinism, ...... 

112. Semipelagianiam, ...... 


118. The Neetorian Controversy, . . • 

114 The Entychian Controversy, . 

lift. The Monophysites, .... 

116. Jostinian, ..... 

117. The Edict of Peace and the Monophysite Church, 

118. The Monothelite Controversy, 

119. Ecclesiastical Literature, .... 


120. Legislation and Books of Law, 

121. The Roman Empire, .... 

122. Power of the Emperor over the Church, . . 
128. Power of the Church over the State, 
124. Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, 
126. Church Property, .... 

126. The Congregation and the Clergy, 

127. The Patriarchs. .... 

128. The Roman Bishopric hefore Leo, 

129. Leo the Great, . . . ^ • 
180l The Papacy after Leo. Gregory the Great, 
181. General Councils and the Catholic Church, . 







. 134 

. 137 

. 188 

. 140 

. 142 

. 144 



182. Religious Spirit of the People and Ecclesiastical Piscipline^ 

188. Celibacy and Moral Condition of the Clergy, 

184w Monastic Life in the East, ..... 

186. Hermits. Simeon Stvlites, .... 

186. Monasticism in the West Benedictines, . 

187. Veneration for Saints, ..... 

188. Public Worship, ...... 

189. Ecclesiastical Architecture and Works oi Art, 

140. Iconoclastic Controversy, ..... 



141. General View, 

142. The Donatists, . 
148. Audians, MassalianB, 
144 Priscilianus, 

146. Protesting Ecclesiastical Teachers, 
146. History of the Paulioiana, g I, 





147. Original Authorities, ... . . 


148. Religion of the Germans, 

149. Religion of the Northern German Nations, 

100. Ariaiiism, .... 

101. Victory of Catholicism, 
1 52. British and Anglo-Saxon Church, 
153 Irruption of Islam in the West, . 

154. Germany, Bonifacius, . 

155. llie Saxons, .... 

156. Overthrow of German Paganism, 


157. Original Records of the Canon Law, 

158. Relation of the Church to the State, . 
169. Property of the Church and the Clergy, . 

160. Ecclesiastical Power of the Pope, 

161. Secular Power of the Pope, .... 

162. Charles the Great, ..... 


163. Religious Spirit of the People, .... 

164. Ecclesiastical Discipline, .... 

165. Morals of the Clergy and Canonical Life, • • 

166. Public Worship, ..... 


167. Preservation of Literature, 

168. Scientific Education under the Carolingians, . 

169. Adoptionists, . . . ^ . 



































































170. General View and Authorities, . . 



171. rJeneral View, ..... 

172. Donation of Constantine in the Ninth Century, 

173. Pseudo-Isidore, ..... 

174. The Female Pope Joanna, 

175. Nicholas I., 858-867, and Hadrian II, 867-872, 

176. Formosus, 891-896. Stephen VL, 897, 

177. Pornocracy, ..... 

178. The Popes under the Othos. . 

179. The Papacy until the Synod of Sutri, 

180. The Popes under Ilildebrand, 1048-1073, 




181. Gregory VII., April 22, 1073-May 26, 1086, 

182. Gregory's Successors, 1086-1099, 

188. llie Crusades. Conquest of Jerusalem, . 

184w Paschal IL, 1099-1118, 

186. Calixtus II.. 1119-1124. Concordat of Worms, 

186. Arnold of Brescia, and Bernard of Clairvaux, 

187. The Crusade of St Bernard, 

188. Frederic I Barbarossa, 1152-1190, . 
189 Thomas Becket, .... 

190. The Crusade against Salaheddin, 

191. Henry VL 

192. Innocent III, Jan. 8, 1198-July 16, 1216, 



198. Gratian and his Predecessors, 

194. The Church and the SUte, 

195. Ecclesiastical Power of the Papacy, 

196. The Cardinals, .... 

197. The Bishops, and the Bishops' Chapters, . 

198. Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, 

199. Property of the Church, . 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 



200. The Religious Spirit of the People, 

201. Manners of the Clergy, 

202. Church Discipline, 
208. Public Worship, 

204. Monastic life, .... 

205. The Congregation of Clugny, . 

206. Minor Orders of the Seventh Century, . 

207. The Cistercians and St Bernard, 

208. Praemonstrants and Carmelites, . 

209. The Trinitarians, 

210. The Humiliates, .... 

211. Establishment of the Orders of Knighthood, 

. 219 

. 222 

. 226 

. 227 

. 229 

. 231 



212. Scientific Education of the Ninth Century, . 

218. First Eucharistio Controversy, .... 

214. Gottschalk. Cont from § 12... 

216. Literary Interest during? the Tenth Century, under the Othos, 

216. Academical Studies in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries, 

217. The Second Eucharistic Controversy, 

218. Scholasticism. First Period, .... 

219. Mysticism. First Period, ..... 

220. Abelard, 1079-April 21, 1142, 

221. The Sacred Scriptures, ..... 

222. Commencement of a National Literature in the Twelfth Century, 



228. The Holy Ansgar, 801-865, ...... 

224. Germanic Nations of the North, ..... 

226. The Slavic Nations, . • . 

226. Tlie Hungarians, . . . 

227. The Finns, Livonians, and Esthonians, ..... 






228. The Catharists, ..... 

229. Peter of Bruys and Henry. Tanchelm and Eon, 

230. The Waldenses, . * . 

231. llie Albigeiisian War, ..... 


232. Extension of the Church, .... 

233. The Roman Empire and tlie Church, 

234. Photius, ...... 

285. Division of the Church, ..... 

236. State of Science, ..... 

237. Paulicians. § 2. Cont from § 140, 




238. General View and Hifltorical Writers, 





Frederic 11. , 

Overthrow of the House of Hohenstaufen, . 

St. Louis, ...... 

Termination of the Crusades, .... 

Rudolph of Hapsburg, 1273-1291. Sicilian Vespers, 

The Hermit in the Papal Chair, July 5-Dec. 13, 1294, 

Boniface VIIL, Dec. 24, 1294-Oct 11. 1303, 

Commencement of the Babylonian Exile, 

Louis of Bavaria, 1314-1347. .loanna L of Naples, 

Close of the Babylonian Exile, 

The Schism, ..... 

C^juncil of Pisa, March 25-Aug. 7, 1409, 

Council of Constance, Nov. 5, 1414-April 22, 1418, 

Martin V., Nov. 11, 1417-Feb. 20, 1431, 

Council of Basle, 1431-1443 (1449), 

The Popes until the End of the Fifteenth Century, . 

Alexander VL, Aug. 2, 1492-Aug. 18, 1503, 

Julius H-, Nov. 1, 1603-Feb. 21, 1513, 

Leo X, March 11, 1513-1617 (1521), 


Corpus Juris Canonici, .... 

The State and the Church, .... 

Ecclesiastical Power of the Papacy, 

Ecclesiastical Assemblies, .... 

The National Churches, .... 

The Bishops and their Jurisdiction, . 

The Inquisition, ..... 


The Two Groat Mendicant Orders, 

Public Worship, ..... 

Flourishing Period of the Iniitiitive Arts in the Church, 

Worship of the Saintd, .... 

Miracles and Magic, .... 

Church Discipline and InduTgences, . 

Flagollants and Dancei-s, .... 









272. Morals of the Clergy, ....... 814 

278. Religious Character of the People, ..... 816 

274. Survey of the Monastic Life, . . . . . .816 

276. More iudependent Associations, . . . . . .817 

276. The Templars and the Knights of St John, . . . . 818 


277. Scholasticism. Second Period, ...... 820 

278. Scholasticism. Third Period, ...... 821 

279. Mysticism- Second Period, ...... 822 

280. Excesses and Compromises, ...... 824 

281. The so-called Revival of literature, ..... 826 

282. John Reuchlin, 1466-1522, ...... 829 

288. Desiderius Erasmus, 1466-1686, ...... 88o 

284. The Holy Scriptures, . . . . . . .881 

286. The Doctrine of the Church, . . . . . .882 

286. Ethics and Casuistry, ....... 883 


287. Apologetics. Islam. Judaism, ...... 885 

288. Prussia. Lithuania. Lapland, ..... 88C 

289. Prester John and the Mongols, ...... 387 

29a The New World, ....... 838 


291. General View, ....... 8S8 

I. Hostile Pabtos. 

292. The Stedingers and the Heretical Ghibellines, . . 8ao 
298. Fraternity of the Free Spirit, ...... 84<» 

294. Order of the Apostles, . . . . . . 84 1 

296. Termination of the Earlier Sects, . . . . • .812 

IL REFoaac 

296. Reformation in the Head and Members, .... 848 

297. John Wycliffe, 1824-Dec. 81, 1381, . . . . .846 

298. John Huss and the Hussites, ...... 847 

299. The Bohemian and Moravian Brethren, ..... 860 

800. Learned Precursors of the Reformation in Germany, . . 851 

801. Jerome Savonarola, ....... 862 


802. Arsenius, ........ 854 

808. The Light of God and Philosophy, . . . . .354 

804. Attempts at Union. Cont from % 286, .... 355 

806. End oi the Greek Empire, ...... 806 



S06. General View, ........ 858 

807. Original Authorities and Literary History, .... 869 




I. Establishment of the Lutheran Church till 1532. 

Luther's Youth, ...... 

The Ninety-Five Theses, .... 

Interference of the Pope, ..... 

Amicable Negotiations, .... 

Deputation at Leipsio, June 27-July, 16, 1619, . 

Melancthon. General Affairs, 

Appeal to the Christian Nobility of the German Nation, 

Babylonian Captivity and Christian Freedom, 

The Fire-Signal, ...... 

Political Relations till 1621, .... 

Diet at Worms, 1621, ..... 

The Wartburg, and the Tumult at Wittenberg, 1621, 1622, 

System of Doctrines and the Scriptures, . 

Diet at Nuremberg, 1522, 1523, 

Introduction of the Reformation, .... 

Commencement of the Division in Germany, 1524-1526, 

The King and the Theologian, 

Peasant** War, 1524, 1526, .... 

Erasmus and Luther. Cont from 8 285, . . . 

Luther's Domestic Life, and his Colleagues, . 

Religious Liberty and the Protestation, . 

Synod of Homburg, 1526. Saxon Church Visitation, 1527-1529 

Tne Diet of Augsburg, 1530, 

League of Smalkald and Peace of Nuremberg, 

IL Establishment of the Reformed Church umtil 1581 

332. Youth and Doctrine of Zwingle, . 
833. Introduction of the Reformation, 
334. Division of the Swiss Confederacy, 
835. The Sacramentarian Controversy, 

. 861 

. 363 

. 365 

. 867 

. 869 

. 871 

. 878 

. 874 

. 877 
. 877 
. 879 

. 881 

. 883 




836. Articles of Smalkald, ...... 

837. Progress and Political Power of the Reformation, . , 
888. Negotiations for Peace and Preparations for War, 

839. Ludier's Death and Public Character, 

840. The Smalkaldic War, 1646-7, ..... 

841. The Interim, ....... 

842. Maurice, 1552, ....... 

848. Religious Peace, Sept 25, 1656, .... 



844. The Concordium of Wittenbei'g. Cont from § 338, 

845. Italian Switzerland, ...... 

846. John Calvin, July 10, 1509-May 27, 1564, 





347. The Antinomian and Osiandrian Controversies, 

348. Lutherans and Philippista. General Affairs, 
849. The Synergistic Controversy, . 

350. Crypto-Calvinism. Cont finom § 844, 

851. Efforts at Concord, .... 

852. Reaction of Saxon Calvinism, 

858. Spirit and Result of the Doctrinal Controversy, 

402 • 










n. Calvinism. 

864. German Reformed Church, 

866. The Netherlands, ..... 

366. Tlie Synod of Dort, Nov. 13, 1618-end of May, 1619, 




857. Tlie United Austrian States until 1609, 
368. Sweden, .... 

359. Denmark with Norway and Iceland, . 

360. Poland, Livonia, and Koorland, . 


L Great Brttain and IssLAinx 

861. Establishment of the Anglican Church, 

362. Origin of the Puritans and Independents, 

368. Scotland, ...... 

864. Great Britain under the Stuarts, . 



866. Tlie Night of St Bartholomew, 

866. The Edict of Nantes, 

867. Spain and Italy, 



868. General Relations of the Reformation, 

869. Anabaptists as Fanatics, . . . . 

870. Anabaptists as an Orderly Community. CoUegiants, 

871. Antitrinitarians, . . . . . 

872. Socinians, ...... 

878. Caspar Schwenckfdd, of Ossing. Sebastian Franck, 



874 Protestantism as a Principle, ...... 

376. Morals, ........ 

876. Law, ......... 

877. The Clergy, and Church Property, ..... 

878. Public Worship and Art, . ... 

879. Humanistic Education and Holy Scriptures. Cont from § 284, 

880. Philosophy and Theosophy. Mysticism and Practical Christianity, 


881. The Popes in the Age of the Reformation, till 1686, . 

882. Ignatius de Loyola, 1491-1656, . 
388. Development of Jesuitism, 
384. The Council of Trent, Dec 13, 1646-Dec 14, 1668, 

885. Sixtus v., April 27, 1685-Aug 27, 1690, 

886. Popes of the Seventeenth Century, 
387. Law and Political Relations, .... 

888. Great Change in the Character of Catholicism, . 

889. Fraternities for Instruction and Charity, 

890. The Fine Art*, ..... 

891. Tlie Sacred Scriptures. Cont from §§ 286, 386, 

892. Laws respecting Doctrines and Internal Theological Controversies, 
898. Efforts at Reconciliation, and Controversies with the Protestauta, 

894. The Propaganda, ....... 

895. The East Indies, ...... 


. 452 

. 454 

. 456 

. 460 

. 464 

. 466 

. 470 





896. Japan, . . . . 

897. China, .... 

898. West Indies. Cont from § 290, . 


899. Occasions, .... 

400. The Bohemian War. Cont from § 367, . 

401. The Gennan War, 

402. The Peace of Westphalia, . 


403. Connections with Protestants, 

404. The Rnssian Church, 

405. The Abyssinians and Maronites, 






406. General View, ........ 


407. German Orthodoxy, 

408. George Calixtus, 1586-1666, . ./ 

409. Pietism. Spener, 1685-1705, . 

410. Philosophical Influences. Cartesius to Wolf, 

411. Peaceable Movements in Theology, 

412. Law and Legal Views in the German Church, 

413. Legal Relations to the Catholic Church, 

414. Attempts at Union, 
416. The English Revolution. Cont. from § 364, 

41 6. Freethinkers or Deists, 

417. The Quakers, .... 

418. The United Brethren. Zinzendorf, 1700-1760, 
119. The Methodists. Wesley, 1703-1791. Whitefield, 1714-1770, 

420. The Church of the New Jerusalem. Swedenborg, 1688-1772, 

421. Minor Fanatical Parties, ..... 

422. Spread of Christianity, . . 


423. The Papacy, ........ 

424. The Gallican Church, ... . . 


426. L Port-Royal, ........ 

426. IL The Constitution Uuigenitus, ..... 

427. Mysticism, Quietism, and Pious Humor, . . . . 

428. Newly Established Orders, ..... 

429. Spread of Christianity. Cont from § 394ss , . 


L Mattebs Preliminary to tue Revolution. 

430. French Philosophy. Cont from § 416, .... 

431. Clement XIU (1768-69) and the Jesuits, .... 





621 • 




432. Clement XIV. (1769-74) and the Jesuits, . . . . 

488. Pius VI. (1774-99) and his Age until 1789, . 

II. French Reyolutiox. 

484. The National Assembly (ConstJtuante), 1789-1791, 

435. The Legislative Assembly and National Convention, 1791-1795, 

486. Theophilanthropists, 1796-1802, . . . . . 

487. The Roman Republic. Cont from § 488, 

ILL TuE Era op Napoleox. 

438. Pius VIL and the Re-establishment of the Gallioan Church, 

439. Dispute between the Emperor and the Pope, 

440. Overthrow of the Ecclesiastical German Constitution, . 






441. The Age of Enlightenment Cont from 8S 416, 480, . . 587 

442. Christian Reaction. I^russian Religious Edict, .... 539 
448. Revolution in German Literature, ..... 541 
444 Reformation of Philosophy in Germany, . . • • . 548 

445. Rationalism and Supematuralism, . . • • 544 

446. The Ecclesiastical Party in Germany, ..... 545 

447. Small Fanatical Parties, ...... 546 

448. Civil Relations of Protestants under Catholic Govemmenta Cont from 

§413, 547 


449. Development of Protestantism, .... 

450. The Philosophy' of the Absolute, and its Ramifications, . 

451. Orthodox Pietism and its Extremes, .... 
462. Undecided Controversies between Old and New Protestantism, 
458. Prussia, the Union and the Agenda till 1840. Cont from § 414, 
454. Lutheranism as a Sect under Frederic William III., 
4.>5. Legal Views and Legal Relations in German Countries, 

456. The Prussian National Church and its Branches since 1840, 

457. Combinations, ....... 

458. The Scriptures. Cont from §§ 879, 411, . 

459. Calvinism as a Sect, ...... 

460. Division of the Church in Scotland and in the Pays de Vaud, 

461. Tlie Anglican Church and the Dissenters, 

462. Ecclesiastical Affairs in the North American Republic, . 
468 Legal Condition with respect to Catholic Governments, 

464. Old and New Sects, ..... 

465. Missionary and Bible Societies, .... 

466. Spread of Christianity, ....<. 



467. Re-establishment of the Roman Hierarchy. Cont from § 489, . 617 

468. The Popes before the Last, ...... 619 

469. Pius IX (June 16, 1846) and It^ly, 620 

47a Tlie Gallican Church, . . . . . . .624 

471. Spain. Portugal South America, ..... 629 

472. Belgium and Holland, ....... 633 

478. Restoration of the German Church, ..... 635 

474. Tlie Ecclesiastical Controversy in Prussian Germany, . . . 636 

475. The German Church since 1848| ..... 640 

476. Switzerland, ........ 645 

477. Ireland and England, ....... 649 

478. Forms of Catholicism, ..... . 652 



479. German Catholicism, .... 

480. Mystics and Wonder- Workers, 

481. Orders, ..... 

482. Spread of Christianity. Cont from §§ 894, 429, . 




483. Catholic and Protestant Influences, 

484. Russia. Cont from § 404, 

485. Greece and Turkey, . 



486. Catholicism and Protestantism, . . . . . .671 

487. The Fine Arts. Cont from §§ 378, 390, .... 674 

488. Emancipation and Conversion of the Jews, . . . .675 

489. Abolition of Slavery, ....... 677 

490. St. Simonism and Socialism, ...... 679 

491. The Holy Alliance, ....... 681 

Appendix, ......... 688 


C. SagtUariuM, Introd. in Hist Eec Jen. T. L 1694. YoL IL ftA. Ji A. Sehmid, 1718. 4 F. 
Walch^ Orosds&tze d. xur KHlst nGthlgen Yf^beraitongBlehren u. BQcberkenntn. 65tt ed S. 1771 
C. W. Fl&ifge, EinL in d. Stodiom a. in d. Litentnr d. BeL n. KOeach. Outt 1801. {J. O. Dow- 
Un{/, Introd. to the Crit Stady of Eoa Hist Lond. 1883. %. J. Jortin^ Bemarks on Eco. Hist Lond. 
1948k 2 toLb. & W. BatMt College Lectt on £o& Hist Lond. 1845. & G, Campbell, Lectt on Soc. 
Hist Lond. 1884. &) 


jT. p. JkOtegarUn, fL Stud. Plan n. Darst d. Allg. EQesdi. B6tsL 1824 UUmann, Q. SteQnng 
dfls KHiat in unsrer Zeit (Stud. a. Krit 1828. p. 667aL) J. A, ffi TlUmann^ 0. BehandL d. 
KOesch. Toix anf Unlr. (Illgen's Zeitscbr. 1882. toL L st 2.) Daub, d. Form. d. Dogmen jl 
KHlst (Zeitscbr. t SpelEnL Th. 1886. yoL L H. 1) MdMer, EinU In. d. KQesch. (Hist FoL BL t 
d. Kath. DeatsebL 1888. toL IY. H. 1-a n. Qeaanun. Schrr. vol XL) 

§ 1. The Church and the World. 

The Church was originally founded by the Spirit which proceeded from 
Jeena, and was intended to embrace in its communion all the religions life 
derived from Him, or in connection with Hun. All Churches and SecU com- 
prehended in this spiritnal community, are only different manifestations of 
the same Spirit. The Ohnrch stands in contrast with the World, when the 
latter is regarded as including all forms of life which are merely natural, and 
not of a religious character. Especially does it thus stand contrasted with the 
State, viewed as the political organization of the people. This contrast, how* 
ever, is only in particular relations, since the State is also a divine institution, 
and the world was created by Grod and is intended to be gradually pervaded 
by the Church. Indeed, the Church, in its character of the earthly kingdom 
of God, can never be fully set forth, except in intimate connection with the 

§ 2. Idea of Church History, 

[P. Sehiif. A YlBdieation of tbe Idea of Hist Deyelopment, Philad. 184& 12. 8e« also his Hist 
of Apoet Cbnrcb, New York, 186&] 

The Church is always in a progressive state ; i. tf., it is striving to be a per- 
petual manifestation of the life of Christ in humanity. In other words, it is 
always aiming to exhibit his life more and more perfectly, and on a more ex- 




teDsive scale, sometimes in conflict, and sometimes in connection with the 
world. Church history is a representation of the Church in this progressive 
state, by an exhibition of the facts which have occurred in its course. In its 
scientific form, it is the combination of all those individual elements which 
have had any influence upon its composition, since it is, 1) critically^ an im- 
partial, honest, and strict inquiry into facts, and into the extent of the confi- 
dence which can be reposed in their proofs, so that where certainty cannot be 
attained, a knowledge of this extent in its different degrees may determine 
the scientific character of the narrative ; 2) geneticaUy^ a statement of the 
facts in connection with their causes, taking care, however, that no explana- 
tions are given inconsistent with the proper nature of the idea developed in 
the events, or with the peculiar character of the active agents in them ; 
8) theologically^ an estimation of the facts in their precise relation to the reli- 
gious spirit, allowing no preconceived opinions to determine what has actu- 
ally occurred but only to assist in understanding them as we find them. The 
correct manner of narration, or the historical styU^ is that which the student 
naturally adopts when he has acquired a true conception of the events, and 
then fully expresses this in living freshness and reality. 

§ 8. Proper Province of Church History, 

Within the appropriate department of Church History lie all facts which 
either proceed directly from the common Christian spirit, or indirectly are 
dependent upon the opposition or co-operation of the world. Some of these 
belong necessarily to the history, and are essential points of development by 
which the Christian spirit must be represented ; but others are only carefully 
selected representatives of the age in which they occur, or peculiar manifes- 
tations of the Christian spirit in some important individuals. 

§ 4. Relation to the General History of Religion, 

Hist gr6n6rale des odrdmonies, xnoenn et coutiiines rel. de tons les penp1e^ repr^nt^es par figures 
desrincM de la main de & Picard, aveo des explicat hist (Atnst 17288a. 7 Tola.) Par. 17418a. 
8 vols. J. Mtsiner6, Allg. Krlt Gosch. d. Bellgrionen. Ilann. 18068. S Th. E, V. WeiiUr, Ideen z. 
Gesch. d. Entw. d. KeL GL MQnch, 1S0S-1S15. 8 Th. B^nj, Corutani, do la Beliglon, considcroc dana 
sa source, sea formes et sea d^vcloppemcna, Par. 1824s8. 2 Th. Ubera. m. Anm. t. Petri BrL 18246. 

The object of a general history of religion, of which Church history is 
only a single department, is the development of the religious spirit of man- 
kind in all the forms in which it has appeared. But the religious peculiari- 
ties of unevangelized nations are only to be introduced into Church history, 
when they are in some way involved in the aifairs of Christendom (general- 
ly, at first, in conflict with it), or when they occasion some new relations in 
it. For, as the Law was adapted to lead the Jew and Philosophy the Greek 
to Christy the same result might be produced among other nations by their 
confidence in their own gods. Accordingly, as Christianity Is a religion for 
the whole human race, and is therefore the ultimate point and perfection of 
all other religions, Church History should be the central point of all histo- 
ries of religion, and should gradually incorporate within itself their collected 


§ 6. Mode of Treating Church History. 

The Christian spirit, in the development of its infinite natnre, and while 
gradnflUj appropriating all human things to its use, is destined and is com- 
petent to be the religions spirit of man. This result, however, will be ac- 
complished by means accordant with its own peculiar law. As the organs by 
which it operates are necessarily free individuals and nations, free even for 
error and sin, the original principles of the historical movement must neces- 
sarily assume an endless diversity of form in the lives of individuals. Hence, 
the historical .judgment, as it is expressed in the representation of the events, 
must seize upon all these as points of development which find their own ar- 
rangement, and have each an appropriate influence. It is not, however, in- 
dispensable to the impartiality of the historian, that he should appear to love 
nothing and to hate nothing. It is only needful, first of all, that he should nev- 
er place the actual facts in false positions, on account of either preferences or 
aversions, and then, that he should recognize those conditions under which 
others have perhaps necessarily formed opinions and sentiments different 
from his own. Indeed, a Church History, in which the author exhibited no 
distinct ecclesiastical character, and did not imprint this with clearness upon 
his work, would be of very little value to the Church. 

§ 6. Value of Church HUtory, 

Gristb€U^ de 11. EccL Utllitate, Jen. 1776i F. A. Bdths, t. Einfl. de& KlrchenbiBt 8tad. anf d. 
BildoDg del Oem&tbs n. d. Leben. Lp& ISIO. i. T. A. Clarisu^ Or. de Socletatls Cbr. Hist ad In- 
ftmn. Bftcrorom antlstttem accommodate tradenda. Gron. 1824. 

The absolute value of Church History springs from the fact, that it is an 
expression of the self-consciousness of the Church with respect to its com- 
plete development. From this is derived its practical necessity. Whoever 
wishes independently to direct any portion of the Church, must participate 
in this self-consciousness, or he will neither understand its present position, 
nor be able to foresee and wisely affect its future course. In this is involved 
its utility for controversial and spiritual purposes, or for the assistance of oth- 
er sciences. It must, however, be remembered, that when the value and 
object of Church history are too exclusively kept in view, its scientific char- 
acter is much endangered. 

§ 7. Sources, 

F. WalcK, Erlt Nacbr. t. d. Qnellen d. KHist (Lpz. 177a) OGtt 1778. 

Our certainty with regard to facts must depend upon the sources: 1. Ac- 
cording to the degree of their proximity to the particular events mentioned : 
a) Original documents and monuments^ which prove a fact, inasmuch as they 
constitute an element in it. V) Accounts by eye-witnesses or contemporaries. 
e) Historical writers^ who draw directly from sources now lost. The more 
remote these authorities are from the events narrated, the more is their credi- 
bility liable to criticism. 2. According to the form in which they exist : a) 
Writings^ pablic and private, without a uniform preference for the for- 



mer. (a) It is often very difficult to prove that a witness was either able or will- 
ing to declare the whole truth, since his ability is often affected by his preju- 
dices, and his willingness by his party spirit. 5) Monuments^ not only works of 
art, but living communities, e) Traditiom^ among which legends, being 
merely the work of the hierarchy, prove only what were the views of the 
age in which they originated, or were completed ; and popular stories serve 
to establish an historical probability in proportion as they are widespread, and 
conformed to circumstances which have been otherwise historically authenti- 
cated, ij)) A thorough investigation of sources is indispensable only to the 
historical \vriter. (c) 

§ 8. Auxiliary Sciences, 

The auxiliary sciences usually mentioned, such as Ecclesiastical Philolo- 
gy, (a) Chronology, (b) Diplomatics, (c) Geography and Statbtics, (d) are espe- 
daUy necessary only to the ecclesiastical historian. But General History, 

a) (a) 8. OoncHiomm hotb et unpllBsiina collectio, ear. «/. Dom, Mantt^ Flor. et Yea. 175988. 81 
Tolft. folio. Canones App. et OoncilL Saeo. 4-7. rec ZT. T. Bruna^ Ber. lS89flw S Th. (BibL Eccl P. I.) ; 
[Landon*a Manual of Councils, comprising tb« aubstanco of tlie most remarkable and important ca- 
Bona, Land. 1S46. 1 roL 12ma] (fi) Ballarinm Roman. Luxemb. 1727. 19 Tb. f ; Bnllaram amplisa. 
ColL op. C. Cocqudin€9^ Bom. 178988. 2S vols, t ; Bullarlam magnum Bom. (1768-1880) op. Andr. 
Avocati Barharini^ Bom. 18858flb 8 Th. t ; Bom. Bullarium, a Ansz&ge d. MerkwCLrdlgBten BuIIen, 
fibers, m. Bemerk. v. EUeMchmidt, Keuat 1S311 2 vols.; Sammlung aller Concordato, v. S. 
Minch^ Lpz. 1S8011 2 vols, (y) Codex liturgicus EccL Universao, ill J. A. Au^manus^ Bom. 
174988L 18 Th. 4. (8) Codex regularum Monaat cd. Lucas UoUUniut, Bom. 1661. 8 Tb. 4. aux. J/l 
Brockify Aug. Yind. 1759. 6 Th. C (f) Maxima Bibliotheca vett Patrom, Lngd. 1677881 28 Th. t; 
Bibl vett Patrum, op. And, GttUandii, Yen. 176588. 14 Th. f. ; oomp. FabricU BibL gracca ITamb. 
(170688. 14 Tb.) ed. IfarlesM, 17908& 12 Th. 4 ; Schoenemann, BibL hist literaria Patmm Lat Lpz. 
179288. 2 Th. (till 1475): J. O. Walcfi, BibL patristica, Jen. IHO. ed. DanM^ 1884; B<mUr, BibL d. 
Kirchenvdter, Lpz. 1776881 10 vols.; AugutH^ Chrestomathia patristica, Lps. 1S12. 2 Th. ; J. O. V. 
Engelhardi, Lit Leits. z. Yorles. 0. d. Patrlstlk. Erl. 1828; J. N. Locherer, Lehrb. d. Patrologte, 
llainz, 1S87 ; J. A. Mdhler, PatroL a Christ LlterargMoh. edit by Betthmayr, Ratisb. 184a 1 voL ; 
[Ubi of the Fathers of the H. Cath. Church before the Division, TransL bj EngL Clergymen, Oxfl 
1880. 26 vols, a] (() SUie$ du Pin, Bibliothdque dee auteurs ecclesiastiqnea (Par. 16S6fla. 47 Th.) 
Amst 169088. 19 Th. 4. and BibL des auteurs 86par68 do la communion de T^glise Bom. Par. 171881 
8 Th. ; comp. Richard Simon, Critique de la BibL de Mr. dn Pin, Par. 1780. 4 Th. ; Caw, 8cripto- 
mm EocL literaria (Lond. 1689) ed. 8 Oxon. 1740bb. 2 Th. f ; J: ^. Fabrieii, BibL EooL Hamb. 1718. 
t J^tud. BibL Latina mediae et inflmae aetaU^ Uamb. 1784m. 6 Th. aux Manti, Palav. 1751 8 Th. 
4; llist Litt^ralre de U France, par des rellg. B6n6dicUn8 de & Maur, Par. 1788aa. 20 Tb. 4; •/: i& 
Awemani, BibL orientalls, Bom. 1719S& 4 Th. f Bubm, Orundr. d. Chr. Lit (tni 16th cent), 
M&nst 1828, 2 vols, h) Acta Sanctorum quotquot toto orbe coluntnr, edd. Jo. BoUandus aUlqae, 
Antv. 1648-1791 68 Th. t oomp. De proeocutione operis BoUandiani, Namur, 1888; Bonner Zelt- 
schr. t PhiL u. Kath. Th. H. 17 dc 20 ; Vogel, Ocech. o. Wikrdigung d. Legende (Illgen's Hist TheoL 
Abhh. 1824 voL III. p. 140aBw). c) SchUiermach«r, DarstelL des TheoL Studimus, 2 c<L $ 19011 
[Brief Outline of the Study of TheoL Ac. Trimslatcd by TTm. Farrer, yrith Beminia. of S. Edinb. 
1S50. 8. S 181] 

a) J. O. SuiofH, TheflaTiras eocL e patribns graecis, Amst (1682) 1T28. 2 vols. f. ; C. du Frtms, 
Oloesarium mediae et inflmae grvedtada, Logd. 1688. 9 vols, f ; Sffusd, Q\om. mediae et InC latlnita- 
tis, Par. 1783881 6 vols. I and others; {Adthtng) Oloaei manuale ad Scriptt mediae et inC latinitatis, 
Hal. 17728S. 6 Th.; Glossaries of the Germanic and Romanic Languages; [(?. C. Lewis, Essay on 
the Origin and Formation of the Bom. Langg. Oxford, 1840. 8w] h) Aerae: ab urbe oondlta, Seleud- 
daram, BUspanica, Diocletlana sive maityrum, Constantinopolitana, indictlonum, Dionysiana, comp^ 
L'Art de v6rifler lee dates les faita historiquea, par un rellg. B^nMictln, Par. 1760. 8 v<^ 4. nouv. ed. 
par Vitou d6 & Alois, Par. ISlSs. 28 Th. ; Z. JdOer, Lehrb. d. ChronoL BrL 1881 ; E. BHnck- 
meter, Prakt Handbnch d. Ilist ChronoL Lpz. 1840 ; [R Nicolas, The Chron. of Hist 2 ed. Lond. 
184a 1 voL 8; J, Haydn, Diet of Dates to All AgM and Nations, Lond. 1846; J5foir*« Chron. and 


the history of Jnrispmdenoe, and the history of Philosophy and of Litera- 
ture, are all of great importance as preparatory sciences to Church History, 
since they present, in a complete form, snhjects whicli, on account of their 
individual connection with the Ghurch^ are touched upon hut slightly in 
Church history, and cannot he thoroughly understood except in their com- 
plete relations. 

§ 9. Divuion, 

As every thing in a progressive state must he regarded in an order of suc- 
oession, all history is necessarily arranged according to time. But individual 
groups of things, similar in nature, and connected together hy causes of a 
more definite character than mere temporal contiguity, are often found spring- 
ing up in the same periods. Hence, the arrangement according to time^ must 
be modified hy another according to the mlject. The division according to 
periods aims to assign some definite limits for the scientific view. This math- 
ematical division hy arhitrary intersections is the more inadmissihle, when 
the lines which are drawn pass through some event which constitutes an 
epoch, and produces a thorough transformation of the Church. The essential 
developments of the Christian spirit which have hitherto heen made, are 
Catholicism and Protestantism ; and the principal organs by which it has 
acted, have heen the Greco-Roman and the Germanic national spirit. Accord- 
ingly, the history of the Church is naturally divided into Three Ages^ and each 
of these into Two Period*. I. Ancient Church nietonj^ until the establishment 
of the holy Roman empire among the Germanic nations, 800 : Greco-Roman 
civilization in the ascendant, but gradually declining, partly on account of its 
own weakness, and partly because lost in the German nationality. The Fir%t 
Period extends to the victory of the Church under Constantine, 312 ; Estab- 
lishment of the Church, and development of Catholicism in the midst of tri- 
umphant conflicts and sufferings. The Second Period exhibits the Church, on 
the one hand, as the established Church of the empire, attending to tlie com- 
pletion and establishment of her faith, and on the other, striving to allay the 
storm of national migrations. H. Mediated Church Ilistory^ until the Re- 
formation, 1517 : sway of Romano-Germanic Catholicism. The Third Pe- 
riod extends to the time when the papal despotism attains its greatest ascend- 
ency, under Innocent III., 1216 : victory of the papacy over all opposition. 
The Fourth Period presents us with the gradual decline of Catholicism, and 
some tokens of a coming reformation. III. Modern Church History until the 

Hl^ Tab1«s; new ed. and oont to the present time, Lend. 1850. 8 ; Oxford^ Chron. Tables of An. de 
Mod. HIat eont to 1889. OxC 1889. t and HaU^9 New Analyaia of Chron. it Oeo^ new ed. oor. and 
Impi Lond. 18801 4 Tola. 8; HatiheiVi Chron. Yiew. New York. 1845] ; F, Piper, Eirchenrochnunjir, 
BerL1841. 4; [S. F. JantU^ Chron. Introd. to Chnrch Hist New York. 1850.8; J. K RidJU, 
Eeelea. Chron. Lond. 1810. &] c) J. MabilUm, do re diplomatfoa, ed. 3. Par. 1709. t ; Schonemann, 
YoIUtand. System d. Allg. Dlplomatlk. Hamb. 1601. 2 vola. ; [Diplomatica, as the Germans tiM tliu 
word, la the Seionoe whioh treats of diplomat, 4. g. Bulla, Briefti, Charters, Patents, Ac] d) Carofl 
a & Fttitla, Oeograpbia sacra (Par. 1041. t) Amst 1701. 1 ; F. SpanAemii, Qeogr. sacra et occ (0pp. 
Logd. ITOL 1 Th. C) ; J, E. T. Wilttch, Ilandb. d. KlrchL Oeogr. a. Btatist bis zn anAing d. 16 Jabrh. 
BrL 1846. 8 toIs. ; A. W. MTtlUr, Hferographie, Geach. d. K. in Landcharten, Elberf. 1&22&S 2 Th. £ ; 
J.RT. Watseh, Atlaa saoer s. eoel Goth. 1848. t ; St&ndlin, KlrchL Googr. a. Statiatik. Tub. 1S04. 
8 Th. ; </. Wifffftrt, Kirvhl. Statistik. Uamb. 1842a. 8 vols. 


present time : conflict of Protestantism with Catholicism. The Fifth Period 
extends to the peace of Westphalia, 1648 : partial victory of Protestantism, 
and the new determination of Catholicism. The Sixth Period shows ns the 
conflict hetween ecclesiastical usages and religious independence. The prin- 
cipal articles of the arrangement according to subjects are : 1) The territo- 
rial extension of the Church ; (a) 2) The constitution of the Church, and its 
relation to the State ; {p) 8) The development of the Christian spirit, with 
respect to doctrine and science ; (c) 4) The popular life of the Church, {d) 
and the system of public worship, {e) But this mechanical framework is 
formed only very gradually. That relation is always to be made most promi- 
nent which is really predominant in each age. Some elements, as, e. g,^ the 
Papacy (/) and the Monastic Orders, (g) appear as independent groups only 
in a few periods. After the Reformation, the separate Churches form essen- 
tial distinctions. Every Period, then, must form an arrangement out of its 
own materials, under the direction of no other law than that which requires 
a vivid picture of each age, derived from all its ecclesiastical relations. 

a) J. A. FabriciuSj fialutaris lux. ev. toti orbi exorions, b. notitia propagatoram chr. sacrornm. 
Qamb. 1781. 4; P. C, Gnitiantu^ \n. e. Gesch. H. Urspr. n. Fortpflanz. d. Cbiistenth. In Earopa, 
Tab. 176698. 2 Tb. ; TT: Brotim, Ubt of the Propag: of Cbii!»t among Ileatben since tbo Udorm. 
Lond. 1S14. 2 vols. ; C. O. BLumkardt, Vrs. e. Allg. MlflslonegeDcb. Bas. 1S2S. 8 Th. : J. Wiggerit, 
Oeecb. d. Kvong. Miss. lS4Sa, 2 vols. ; [C. T. Blutnhardt^ CbristiaD Mls^lonSt Tract Soc Lond. \'<Vi. 
18; J. 0. ChouUs, Orig. and Hist of Mlsslims, Boston. ISSS. 2 vols. 4; //t/t>, IIIsU of Chr. MI&&loiif>, 
from tho KeC to tbe Present Time. Edinb. 1S42. 12] b) Petnu de Ifarca, Dss. de conconlla sacer- 
dotil et Imperii s. de. libertatibos Eccl Gallic. 1. VIIL ed. St, BaUuiun, Par. 1668. f. ; J. //. Bofhmrr, 
Lpa. 170S. t;0. J. Hanck, Gcj^rb. d. Kirclil Gesell«chaftsverfass. Uann. 1S08!W. 5 vols. ; C. Riffd^ 
Gescb. I)ar»t d. Verb. zw. K. a. Stoat Mainz. 1S86. 1 Th. (till JustinUn I.) ; Thamassini, Vetus ct 
nova Eccl. dl^cipllna circa beneficia. Luc 172sS. 8 Tb. f. ; XicAeriL, Hist- Cone, generalfnm. Colon. ICSO. 
«Tb. 4; F. Wdlch^ Entxr. e. vollst Hist d. KVcts. Lpt 1769; Slavdenmaier, Gesch. d. BLschofi- 
wablen. TQb. 1830: J. Ant. u. Ai*g. Tkeiner, Die EioMlir. d. erzwang. Ebelosigk. d. Qeistl. Altenb. 
1828. (new Ut 1S4S.) 8 vola. c) C. W, Flugge, Gescb. d. TbeoL Wb«en»ch. (till the Bef.) llal. KPCaa. 
8 vok ; K. F. Stdudlin, Ges-b, d. TheoL Wiss. seit Vorbreltung der alton Llteratnr. Gr>tt ISia t 
2 voUk : F. Walch, Yollst Hist d. Ketxereien (till the image controv.) Lpz. 1762s8. 11 vol& ; D. Ptta- 
viu*^ Opus de theol. dogmatibas (Par. 1644fis. 4 vols, f.) ed. 7%. AUthinut {CUricua), Antv. (Ainst) 
1700. 6 Tb. C ; If. Kl«^, Lebrb. d. DGescb. Mainz. 188788. 2 vols.; W. Munacher, Handb. d. DOesch. 
(UIl 1604.) Marb. 179788. 4 vols. ed. 8 voU I.-III. lS17s.; Ibid. Lebrb. d. DGesch. (1811- 
1819.) m. Belegen u. d. Quellen von D. p. Colin. Cam. 1882m. 1^2 HQlfte, 1 Abtb. FortiE- v. Neu- 
decker, 2 Abtb. 1S8S; AugwiU Lebrb. d. DGescb. Lpz. (180& 1811. 18(20.) 1885; Banmgarten Cm- 
•^ Lebrb. d. DGescb. Jen. 1882; 2 Abtb. n. Comp. d. DQeseb. Lpz. 1S40-46. 2 Th.\ J. G. V. 
JTfi^tfMareft, DGescb. Neust 1S39. 2 vols.; F. K. Meier, Lebrb. d. DGescb. Gfe.%. 1S40; K. li. 
Ilagenbachy Lebrb. d. DGescb. Lpz. 1S40-41. 2 Tb.; F. CK Banr, Lebrb. d. DGescb. Stuttg. 
1847; Th. Kli^oth, Elnl. In d. DGescb. Parcbim. 1S89 ; [A Transhitlon of tbe Doctrinal Hlatory of 
Mueneeher^ bas been published by Dr. Murdoch. New Haven. 1880. 12 : A Transl.ntion of Hagen- 
baeh'a Doct Hist by C. W. Buck, was published In Clarke's Ed. For. Tbeol. Lib. 1846. 2 vols. 12.J 
d) AcU Sanctorum ($ 7 nt b.) Staudlin, Gescb. der Bittenlebre Jesn. Gutt 1799. 1828. (till 1299.) 4 
vols. n. Gescb. d. Cbr. Moral a. d. WicderanlL d. Wise. Gott 1808; J. G. MkUer^ Reliquien alter 
Zeiten. Lpz. 18088s. 4 vols. ; Neander^ Denkwilrdigkelten ans der Gescb. dee (Jbristentb. .und 
Cbri»tl. Lcbens. Brl. (1S2S8S.) 18258. 8 vols. 0) E. Marteif^ de antiqnia Eccl. ritibua, ed. & Antv. 
1786si<. 4 Tb. £ ; A. A. Pettioeia, do Cbr. EocL primaA, mediae et novisa. politia. (Neapi 1777. Yen. 
1782. 8 Tb.) edd. Pitter et Sraun. Col. 1629-8a 8 Th. revised by Binterim. Mainz. 1825sa. 7 Th. 
in 17 vols.; I/Kherer^ Lebil). d. Cbr. ArcbiioL FrankC 1882; J. Bingham^ Origines & antiquitates 
ecc. ex. Angl. (Antiquities of tiie Church, [Lond. new ed. 1846. 2 voK] and otber^) lit red* OriM- 
chovius. Hal. (172488.) 175289. 11 Tb. 4; F. J7. BMnwald, KircbL Arcb. BrL 1880; Augiisti, 
Handb. d. Cbr. Arch. Au»ng, a. d. DenkwOrdigkk. (18178& 12 vols.) Lpx. 1886s. 8 vols. ; C. C. F. 
Siegel, Handb. d. QiristL AlUicrtbQmer, In Alpbab. Ordn. Lpz. 183688. 4 vols. ; W. Bohnter, Cbr. 
Kircbl. Altbertbumswlss. Bro&L 1886-9. 2 voliw ; [J. R Riddle, Man. of Cbr. Autb. Lond. 1886. 8; L, 
Coleman, Autt of tbe Cbr. Church, transl. and comp. fh»n AugwAL And. 1841. &] 



Stdudlin, Qoseb. a. Litentur d. EGcsch. edit hy Hemsen. Hann. 1827. [K B. SagehlKicK, 
EnexkL u. Methodologie der TheoL Win. 8 ed. p. 224 Lpz. 1851. 8.] 

§ 10. Polemical Church History, 

A general Chnrch History could not be reasonably expected, until the 
Chnrch was sufficiently extended to embrace a large family of nations. It 
was not, in &ct, written nntil the Ohnrch had become divided and the newly 
organized party felt the necessity of connecting itself with antiquity, and of dis- 
turbing the historical basis of the Oatholic Church. Such was the object of 
Matthias Flatus Ulyricus^ when he edited the Magdeburg Centuries, (a) in 
which was enlisted all the Protestant learning of the age. It was distin- 
guished for its familiarity with original authorities, for its frequent citations, 
for a criticism which paid no deference to earlier writers on the same subject, 
and for its passionate style of controversy. For more than a century after- 
wards, nothing was published but text-books formed from the materials sup- 
plied by the Centuries, and written in the same spirit. In the Reformed 
Churches, the elementary studies of literary men were turned principally to 
individual portions of the general subject to refute some particular assertions 
of the Catholic writers. J. H. Hottinger was anxious to compose for his 
Church a work (&) of a partisan character like that of the Centuries, but his 
History, except in whatever relates to the Oriental and Helvetic Churches, 
indicates a limited knowledge of original authorities, and is mingled with 
much irrelevant matter. Spanheiin's Church History (c) presents a very rigid 
investigation of historical questions, but it was principally aimed against 
Baronius. The Catholic Church soon perceived that very little advantage 
was to be gained by merely contending against the Centuries, and that it 
must supplant that work by another of a superior character. Intrusted with 
such a task, CcRsar Baronius wrote his Annals (cT), in which were incorporated 
vast treasures of original documents, selected with a keen sagacity and zeal 

f) E. S, Cyprian^ t. Uraprnng n. Wacbsthum d. Papsth. Goth. 1719. and often. Frk£ 1788 ; A. 
Bower^ Hist of the Popes to 175a (cont hy S. IT. Coft, 8 vols. 8vo. Pbilad. I&IO) ; F. Walch^ £ntw. e. 
Vollst Illst d. Papste. Lpx. (175e.) 1768 ; L. T. SpiUer, Oescb. d. Papstth. edit by GurlUt u. Paulus. 
Hdlh. 182ft; •;: A. Ltorenie^ Gesch. d. Pupste, a. d. Fr. Lpz. 1828. 2 vols. ; C. J. Wieher, Papstth. n. 
Papsie. Stottg. 1884. 2 Th. [J. Ranhe^ Hist of the Popes, transl. by Mr$. Aiutin. 8 vols. 8vo. Lond. 
l&IO. and by W. JT. KtUy. Pbilad. 1848. 8 ; D« Cormenin, Hist of the Popes. Pbilad. 1845. 1 vol 8.] 

9) R, Bb9piniani de moDachls L VL (Tig. 1588. IGOa) Gen. 1699. f. ; A. D. AUeaerrae, Ascetlcon 
s. Origg. rei Monast (Par. Ift74. 4.) rec Gluck, Hal. 1782 ; U, Uelyoiy Hist dcs Ordres Monast]qae^ 
Par. (17148*. 8 Th.) 182988. 10 Th. 4; Gulnc. 1840. 6 Th.; Ubor. Lpx. 17588s. 8 Tb. revised by 
Cmme. Pragm. Gesch. d. Monchsord. Lpt 177488. 10 vols. ; {€. J. Wehef) Die Miincberei. Stuttg. 
lS199u 8 vols. ; K MUnch, Oescb. d. M5nchtb. (a collection of materialR) Stnttg. 182a 2 vols. ; [8. P. 
Day, Monastic Institotions, their Grig. Prog. Nat and Tendency. Lond. 2 ed. 12mo. 1846 ; G. Emtt- 
Uanne, Hist of Monast Grden^ Lond. 1693. a] 

o) Eoclefiiasticm Historia, Integram Ecclesiae Cb. Ideam complectens, congcsta per aliquot stndio- 
Boa et plos vlroe in nrbe Magdeborgica. Ba^ 1559-74. 18 centuries, t ; New ed. by BaumgarUn and 
SemUr NOmb, 1757-65. broken off with the 6tb vol. b) Historla Eccl. N. T. Tig. 1651-67. 9 vols, 
tm end of 16th eent the 9th vol. by J. J, JTotUnger^ the son. c) Summa Histori.i6 eccl. (Lugd. 
168IM4.) Lpx. 10981 4. [His work is abridged and transl with additions by G. Wi-ight Lond. 6to. 
1829.] d) Annakb ccdeafawUd a a n. ad a. 119a Bom. 1588-1607. 12 Th. t and often. 



in behalf of the Roman supremacy, fh)m the archives of the Vatican. The 
errors and partialities of the Cardinal were encountered by the critical labors 
of the Franciscan Fagi^ in which were exhibited a learned love of truth and 
a Galilean attachment to liberty, (e) In Italy numerouB continuations and 
abridgments of the Annals were produced, in the same spirit which the orig- 
inal author had displayed, but not with equal talent. The continuation by 
Raynaldus [till 1565] is the only work, which, in its abundance of materials, 
can be regarded as nearly a rival of that which precedes it.(/) A similar hon- 
or was sought by Sachnrelli^ (g) in opposition to the later historians of the 
Protestant Church, and in the composition of his work he possessed similar 
external advantages, but he displays hardly equal diligence in the use of them 
except in his earliest volumes. 

§ 11. French Eeclesiastieal ffistarians. 

Catholic writers of history are always restrained by a certain prescribed mode 
of treating their subject, but, within the limits required by this, those who be- 
longed to the French school attained a scientific character. The peculiar quali- 
ties exhibited by them were the result not merely of the independent spirit and 
position of the Gallican Church, but of the influence of an age in which the 
learned classes redeemed from obscurity immense collections of materials. Such 
was the spirit in which wrote the Dominican NatalU Alexander [Noel], always 
learned, dry, and scholastic ; {a) Fleury^ the hermit in the midst of a court, 
devotional, gentle, versatile and copious. (1>) Bosmet^ whose History of the 
World is written in an ecclesiastical spirit, with logical eloquence, and an ap- 
parent insight into the ways of Providence, which implies that the clever 
Bishop of Meaux must have been as familiar with the court of the Most Iligh, 
as he was with that of his sovereign ; {c) and finally the Jansenist (Sebastian 
le Nain de) Tilleinont^ whose Memoirs are a conscientious and ample collec- 
tion of the more ancient original authorities, {d) 

§ 12, ProUHant Scientific Church Hiitory, 

Instead of regarding history as a mere instrument in the hands of eccle- 
nastical disputants, CalixtuSy in a series of monographs, pointed out the sci- 
entific advantages of an unbiassed investigation of facts ; and Arnold was en- 

«) Crttica htstArioo-cfaronologica in Annates BaroniL Anty. (Qonev.) 170& 1727. 4 Th. £ /) An- 
nales eccl 18-21 Th. Horn. l(m-1X. Colon. 1698m. ; the whole collection bj Baroniiu, Pagl, Kay- 
naldiu, etc cur. MarutL La& 178i^u59. 88 Th. t [The Annales EocL are to be continaed bj Aui/. 
Theiner, from 1572 till now ; 8 toIiw have appeared in IS&a. Some. 1858. £] g) Hiatoria eocL Som. 
17n-Mw 26 Th. 4. (till 118S.) 

a) Selecta Historlae eccl. capita et in loca ^nsdem Insignia dl«. hintorioae, chron. et dogm. Par. 
1876-S6. 24 Th. (1ft contaries). I.ator editlona: Hist ccel. Yet et N. T. ed. ManH. Luc. 178S. Th. 
t ; Bassano. 177a 9 Th. f 2*) Uist eccleeiastiqae. Par. li»l-1720. 20 Th. 4. and often (till 1414.) 
transl. into the Lat ItaL and Oerm. continnod, without suitable qualifications for the work, by 
Jsan Claud Fabre. Par. 172«-40. 20 Th. 4. and by Alex. La Croiae. Par. 177ft-7a ft Th. [The work 
of Fleury Is in part transl. into Eng. in 6 vols. 4. and is in coune of pubL by J. IT. yeoman. Oxon. 
1848.] e) DIscoars sur rilistoire unlverselle depuls le oommenoemont dn monde Jnsqu'4 Tempire da 
Charles Magne; [Par. 184ft. 18moi and in 2 mag. ytAa. 8. transl by Mch. Spencer. Lond. 1780. &] 
d) M^moires pour ser^ir k i'llist eccl. dos six pr6inlen sltelea, Justiflte par lea dtationa des aatean 
orlginauz. Par. 189888. 1ft Th. 4. and often. 


oooraged by his Pietum, and a strong predilection for sach studies, to search 
eagerly for traces of the Ohristian life In those persons who had in each cen- 
tury been r^ected by the Ohnroh. (a) The liberal tendency of the former, and 
the pioos spirit of the hitter writer, were equally opposed to the established 
Ohnrch of their day. Weumann^s gentle love of tmth, made him strive to re* 
condle both these tendencies in his selection of important events, (h) Mo^ 
theim, conscious of historical talents, with a power of combination always 
bold, and sometimes extravagant, and an acquaintance with men in various 
and friendly relations, is universally acknowledged to have been a master of 
ecclesiastical historical writing. ((?) Next to him, Cramer was distingubhed for 
his accurate delineation and careful investigation of the dogmatic history of 
the middle ages, (d) while Semler^ with no attractions of style, and no per- 
ception of the peculiar condition of earlier times, but with a lofty indepen- 
dence, was always plunging anew into the trackless abyss of ancient sources, (e) 
In the position thus acquired, but with a more believing spirit, Schrockh has 
written a Ohurch History, which, after it ceased to be a tedious Reader, as it 
seemed to be in the earlier volumes, and rose to the dignity of a scientific 
work, is equally trustworthy with respect to its materials, and ample in its 
details. The last volumes were added by Tzsehimer^ with a fresher energy, 
and more decided sentiments. (/) Writers of a liberal tendency followed the 
path marked out by Semler. SpittUr gave to Church History a more anima- 
ted and secular aspect, and at the same time traced more perfectly its con- 
nections with General History, (g) Henlce treated it rather as if it were a 
history of religious errors, and a court before which was to be arraigned all 
kinds of spiritual despotism. When writing of events subsequent to the Re- 
formation, his work is especially valuable for its accurate regard for even un- 
important matters ; but it is often lifeless, and tinged with the strongest pre- 
judices of his age. (A) As soon as the opposition to the ecclesiastical spirit 
of earlier times had become developed into a well-defined subjectivity, a 
hi^er scientific character was supposed to be attained by the affectation of 
extreme indifference. Schmidt collected materials exclusively from the 
sources. {%) Engelhardt gives us a clear, calm, and frigid account of the na- 

a) Unpavtbeyisebe Klrohen- u. Eetxer-Hlst (FrU 10O9& t 1729. 4 Th. 4) Bchaffh. 1740H. 8 
Tta. t h) Introdoetio in memonbilla eccL nuudme Saeculornm primornm et novlsslinoniin (Tub. 1718. 
8 Tok.) Hal 1740. 8 Tola. 4. c) nia prinefpal complete work ia, InstltnUonmn Hist ecct. antlqaae 
et reeenttorlN L lY. Helmst (17QS. 4.) 1764 4; Ubem n. venn. ▼. J. v. Einem. Lpi. 1768-78. 9 voUl 
and bj J. R. SchUff^ Uellbr. (1 4e 8 toIh 1770a) 17868& 7 vola. ; comp. Liicks, Narratio de J. "U 
Moabemlo. Outt 1887. 4; [TranaL into Eng. wltb notes, hyJ. Murdoch, New York. 8 vela. 8vo. 8 
«d. 134L and by A, MeLaine^ with notea, and often reprinted; his Commcntarll de reb. Chr. ante 
Oonat ban been reoentlj traasL into Engl bj Dr. MurdockJ] d) Bowu^Ca EinL In d. Oeaeb. d. 
W^t o. BeL ftbera. init Abbandl. Term. n. fortgea. t. OrafMr. Lpi. (174888.) 175786. 8 Tolai 
4) HIatoriae eod. soleeta capita. HaL 1767n. 8 Tb. ; Yenraebe e. fruchtbi Ansa. d. KGescb. HaL 
177aBa. 8 Th. ; Yen. GbriatL Jahrb. HaL 1788. 8 Tol8. /) ChristL KOeach. (till the Keibrm.) Lpx. 
1768-1808. 86 Th. 8 ed. 1-18 Tolaw in8-1803 ; KOeech. since the Bef. Lpx. 1804-10. 10 Tb. g) Grand- 
ilflB der Geeeb. d. Chrlatl. Kirche. Gdtt 1782. 6 ed. cont till the present time by O, «/. Planck^ 
GtML 1812 ; in SpUtter't works. Stuttg. 1827. toL II. h) Allg. Gescb. d. Chr. Kircbe nach d. Zelt- 
folga. Braonachw. 1788-161& 8 Tola. ed. of Ist as 8d toIs. 4 ed. of 8d A; 4th Tola, and 2 ed. of Otb 
4 6cb Tola. ; the laat ed. of Tola. !». 6s. after a eareftU roTialon (so as cTen to lose many of ita origi- 
nal peeaMarttlee), edited and oont (7th St Sth to1&) hjj:& VaUr, The Hiat since tbe Befbrm. toUl 
S-8L Vaisr hm also oompriaad in 1 Th. (1828.) and pnbllsbed as Th. 9. Handb. d. Chr. KGesoh. 



ked facts, and he often descends to the minnteet partionhurs. (I-) The publi- 
cation of the original authorities, which had been cautiously commenced with 
a profusion of literary treasures by Dam^ (l) was continued by Oieuler^ with 
much judgment m his selections and in his critical remarks, and a running 
commentary upon his citations, (m) Sometimes Tables, and well digested ex- 
tracts, are useful in giving a general view of the whole field, (n) Stdudlin*s 
Text-Book is a convenient collection of general facts, with a few traces of 
the Kantian philosophy. Narhe's was compiled with diligence, and not with- 
out elegance, but it is without accuracy or character. Augu9t€$ is a rapid 
and convenient survey of the whole subject, especially of that part which 
relates to the Reformation. RehnCi is an extended table of contents, espe- 
cially with respect to the secular department of ecclesiastical history. 
Lange'i is a return to the Protestant controversial style of writing, but with 
a laxer faith in the authority of the Bible and of human reason itself, {o) 
The attempt which Marheineehe made to construct a philosophical system of 
Church History was abandoned at an early stage of the work, but it was full 
of promise, (p) The decidedly pietUtic tendency was for a long time repre- 
sented only by Milner^ whose object was entirely practical and devotional 
and did not lead him to study the sources, (g) until Neander gave it a scien- 
tific character, by referring to the original authorities, developing its doc- 
trines in an intelligent manner, and giving prominence to the long-neglected 
representations of the Christian life. Though afifectionately attached to the 
Church, he was tolerant toward all who opposed it on merely doctrinal 
grounds, and clothed all his descriptions with an ample devotional drapery.(r) 
In these respects, as well as in others, the Church History of Gueriche is only 
a dependent abstract of his work, characterized by the same Christian sin- 
cerity, but with a zeal so ardent for strict Lutheranism, that it finally became 
little more than a severe lecture upon the apostasies of more recent times. (») 
In the Reformed Church, Jaech Bcunage still pursued the plan of repelling Bos- 
Buet^s reproaches, by fastening them upon his opponent's own Church ; but 
he has imitated too closely the models which he had chosen from the French 

OiMS. 1801-80. 6 Th. 2 ed. 1-4 Th. 1S25-S7. (tlU Innocent IIL) cont by F. W. Rsttberg, 7 Th. GiesB. 
ISai k) Handb. d. KGMcb. ErL 18888. 4 Tola. I) Lebrbi d. KGesch. Jena. 181S-8«. 9 vola. ; 
KorxgeH Zusaoimenst d. KOesch. Jena. 1824. m) Lehrb. d. KQesch. Bonn. 1824-40. 2 vola. and 
8 TolflL ; 1 Abth. (Ull 164a) 4 od. of lat toL ; 1 A 2 Abtb. 1&I4& 8 ed. of 2d vol ; 1 dc 2 Abtb. 
ISSlB.; [transL In 8 vola. by & Davidson, Edinb. 1846-68.] n) VaUr, Syncbron. Tabellen d. 
KOeach. HaL (1808.) oont by J. C ThUo, 6 ed. Hal. 188a £ ; T«tans HaldL, Hist eccL YI. prlorom 
Saee. tynoptice enarraU. Havn. 1880; Medli aevl (604-858.) P. 1. 1882. A\ J. T, L. Daw, Klrcben- 
hiat Tab. Jena. 188a t ; C Wahl^ KOesch. in Blldern, fur Stndlrende n. Candidaten. Meiasen. 
1840. t ; (AmoseDients) 2^ Langs, Tab. d. E-. o. DGeecb. Jena. 1341. 4 ; J. M. Schroeckh, Hist re* 
Uglonls et cccL Cbriat Her. 1777. ed. 7. cor. MarMnecke, 1S28 ; J. G. C. Schmidt, Lehrb. d. KGescb. 
Glasa. (180a ISOa) 182& o) Sidudlin, UniTeraalgeach. der Cbr. Kircbe. Uan. 1S07. ft. verb. n. fortgea. 
A. T. F. A. Holthauten, 1888; F. A, Natb€, Ck)Dip. Uiat Ecol. ac aacroram Christ Lfia. 1S82 ; Au- 
IfuttH, Hist ecc Epitome. Lpz. 1884; F. Rthm, Gmndr. d. Geech. d. Kircbe, mit bee. R&cksw ant d. 
YerflMflL dera. Harb. 1885 ; Lobeg. Langs, Lehrb. d. Chr. RGescb. znr Vertheid. Befest n. Fort- 
btld. d. Prot Kircbe. Lpz. 1846. p) Univeraal-Kirchenhljit d. Christenth. Erlang. 1806. 1 Tb. 
q) [Hist of the (^orch of Christ Lond. 6 vols. 8vo. 1824. 4 vols, a 1884. with a continuation by J. 
BooU. Lond. 1S26. 4 vola. 12; Pbllad. 2 vola. 12. 1845.] r) Allg. Geech. d. Chr. Bel n. K. bis auf 
Bonl&s YIIL 10 vola. Hamb. 1846; [Gen. Hist of the Ohr. EeL and Church, trausL by J. Torrty, 
4 Toll. 8va Beaton. 1847-l^t] «) Handb. d. KGeech. HaL (1888-46^ 8 vola.) 8 vola.; Abrisa d. 


literature of his time. (/) VenemcC% Charch History is simply an excellent 
ooUection of original aathorities. {u) A few compendiums contain all the re- 
salts of the studies in ecclesiastical history, so far as these had been attained 
when they were respectively written. That of Royaard especially was writ- 
ten with remarkable accuracy and care, (r) Schleiermacher, in his oral com- 
monications, endeavored to effect a union of the liberal and pietistic tenden- 
cies, and has executed in a rather fragmentary manner, a plan, in which, the 
ordinary materials being presupposed, is represented the intensive and exten- 
sive development of the new principle of divine life which emanated from 
Christ. Of) Ni4idner has contributed, in addition to this, a work which is 
something between a text-book and a manual, presenting not merely a dry col- 
lection of thoughts, but an abundance of elementary views of individual 
subjects, (f) Among the histories adapted to popular use, {y) may be men- 
tioned the work of Ofrdrer^ which was at first designed to be a history for 
the German people ; but it finally became an ample representation of the 
subject, and generally depended for its materials upon the best authorities. 
The strongly marked peculiarity of this work, sometimes in a paradoxical 
manner, but frequently with much good sense, breaks through the devotional 
phrases even of his authorities, (z) 

§ 13. WriterB of the German Catholic Church. 

It was not until Joseph II. attempted to draw away the German Church 
from its connection with Rome, that an independent and liberal, but rather 
rash and contracted interest in the ecclesiastical affairs of previous times, 
began to be cultivated in Germany. In the commencement of this movement, 
BoykOj in his rough style, neglected nothing which could injure the hier- 
archy, (a) Dannenmayr^ with more caution, and more general views, pre- 
pared a text-book for the Austrian schools, (b) and R, WolfBi&Di forth what de- 
serves to be called a satire rather than a history, (c) A movement of a higher 
order received its original impulse from the Protestant Church. Stolherg^ 
with the zeal, the unction, and the unconditional faith of a proselyte, but 
with a benevolent and glowing spirit, has presented the more benign aspect 
of Catholicism, while writing and singing the History of the Jewish people, 

EQesch. Hal. 1842. Hiatoire de Peglise depuis Jcsns Chr. Rotterd. 1600; [Par. 1725. 2 vola. 4] 
tt) InatltaUonee Htst eccl. V. et N. Logd. ITTTsa. 7 Th. 4. UU IftOO. v) J. A. Turretini, Hist EooL 
comp. mque ad. a. 1700. Gen. 1784. ed. et continuavtt J. Simonla, Hal. 1750 ; Uobera. a. fortgefk T. 
Tmner. KonigMb. 1759 ; P. K Jahlon*ki, Institt Hist christ FrcC ad Y. 17588& 2 Th. ed. & 
emend. K A. Schulze. 1788s. Tb. IIL ; Historiam Saec 18. add. Stotch. 1767; emend. Schidbedan»f 
17S6; W. MiMcher, Lehrb. d. KOescb. Marb. 1804; 2d ed. by WachUr, 1815; 8d ed. hj Beckham, 
1826 ; P. UofgUde de Groot, Institt Hist ecc Gronov. 1S85 ; Jl J. Poj/aarda^ Comp, Hist eca 
chr. Tn^. ad. Bh. 1840-6. 2 Fasc. it) Gcsch. d. Chr. Kirche, edit by BonneU. Brl. 1810 ; (Worlu^ 
Abth. L Tol. II.) cr) Gesch. d. Chr. Klrche, Lehrbnch. Lpz. 1846. y) Especially : C. Judd, Gesch. 
d. Chr. Klrche. BrL 1S38 ; ff. Thiele, Karze Gesch. d. Chr. Kirche. Zur. 1S40 ; Atb.JBaur, d. KGesch. 
in gedriingter Uberslcht Weim. 1846 ; Heribert liau, Allg. Gesch. d. Chr. Kirche (deutschkath.). 
FQr das deatscho Volk. FrkC 1846. e) Allg. EQescb. Stnttg. 1841-44. 8 vols. (UU tbe commence- 
ment of the lllh cent) 

a) Synop»is Hist Bel. et EccL Cbr. methodo systematica adambrata. Prag. 17S5. Einl m d. Cbr. 
BeL n. KGesch. Prag. 1788881 2d (modified) ed. 1790. Chr. Bel. a. EGesch. (but one Per.) Pr. 
1739-9& 4 Tola, b) Institt Hist Eccl Vien. (1788.) 1806. 2 Th. Thread of the narraUre after Dan- 
neam. (Collegienbeft) 2 ed. BottweiL 1826-a 4 Th. c) Oesoh. d. ChristL BaL a. Kirche. ZQr. 1792. 



and of the ancient Ohuroh. A continuation of his history by another hand 
was merely a labored effort to attain the same style, (d) With the same gen« 
eral views, bnt with more accuracy and science, Katerhamp wrote a history, 
in which he has exhibited a more profound acquaintance witli the original au- 
thorities in his representations of the particular characters and circumstances 
of the Church, {e) The liberal school, which now sought to acconmiodate 
matters as much as possible with the hierarchy, was represented by Bitter^ (/) 
and in the extensive and popular work of Locherer^ (g) in many respects like 
that of Schroeckh. The narrative of Butten^tock is carefully limited to a 
mere statement of facts, (h) In other places the various parties were in di- 
rect hostility to each other. The hierarchical method of writing history was 
defended with keen wit by Hortig^ the continuation of whose work by DdU 
linger^ is written in a less animated, but in a more serious strain. In his re- 
vised edition the latter has promised a great work, in which those fables of 
the hierarchy which are altogether untenable, are to be given up as indififer- 
ent, but every position capable of any defence is to be maintiuned with all 
the weapons which a learned ingenuity can supply. Ilis text-book contains 
merely the external facts of history. {%) On the other hand Reichlin-Meld^g 
has composed a prolix, declamatory, and flippant libel upon ecclesiastical an- 
tiquity, and of course fell out with his own Church, {k) AUog again pre- 
sents a specimen of a rather clumsy but spirited attempt to transfer a Protes- 
tant form to a Catholic position, {I) and Annegam has compiled just such an 
artless, rude, and tiresome History of the Church, as was common in Ger- 
many before the time of Joseph IL, and as may even now be seen in many 
an obscure seminary, (m) 

S Th. d)F.L.rf. Stolb^rg, Oesch. d. Rel J. C. namb. 1806-1818. Id Tb. (tUl 1480.) 2 ed. of 1. 9 Tb. 
1810. Index by MoriU, YieD. u. Hamb. 1S3.\ 2 Th. oont by F. R, «. K$rn. Mentz. 1825-1^46. 16-42 
Th. Index by 8nMMn. Mentz. 18S1 «) KOe^ch. Muntter. 1S19-S0. 4 Th. (till 107a) /) Handb. d. 
KOeflch. £lb«rg. Bonn. 1826-85^ 8 vola. 1838. 2 ed of 1 & 2 voliw g) Gesch. d. Chr. RoL a. Kirohe. 
Raventb. 1824^8. 8 Th. (till 107a) A) Institt Hlstoriao EooL N. T. Ylen. 1882-84. 8 Th. (tUl 1517.) 
<) llandb. d. Chr. KOesch. v. Ifortiff, beend. t. DoUinger. Landah. 182a 2 Th. Newly revised by 
mUinger (Gesch. d. Chr. K.) Lambh. 18338. 1 vol. 1. 2 Abth. (in part Ull IdSO.) By the saoio. 
Liehrb. d. KGeftch. Kegonsb. 183898. 2 vola [./. J. Ig. IXUlnger^ Hiat of the Charch. Trans, by 
Ed. Oox. Lond. 4 vola. 6va] k) Gesch. dea Chrlstenth. Frcib. 18S0a. 1 Th. In 2 AbUi. (till 1824.) 
I) Universal-gosoh. d. Chr. Kirche. Mainz. (1841. 1818.) 1S44. m) Gesch. d. Chr. KIrcho. MunsL 18129. 
8 vols. (X)nip. Jen. L. Z. 1844. N. 1448s. [Eng. Gen. Eccl. Histt arc. Wtn. Palmer, C-onipend. Eccl 
Hist 5 ed. Oxford. 1844. O. Waddington^ IL of the Church to the Ret Lond. 188a 2 vols. A cont 
through the Re£ Lond. 1888. 2 vols. B. J. PrUsOey, Gen. H. of the Chr. Chordi. Lond. 1808. ft voU. 
a Jomm' H. of the Chr. Charch to the 17th centary. Lond. 18da 2 vols, a if. BuUer^ H. of the Chr, 
Chnrch. New York, a C. A. Goodrich^ Church Uist Burlington. 1S80. a H Stsbbing^ IL of tbo Chr. 
Cbaroh (a ConU of MiloerX 8 vola Lond. 1842.] 




• •* 

g 14. General View and Original Authorities. 

L 1) AH eoclesUstlcal writers of this time. Fragments of those works which have been lost In : 
Grdbe^ Splellegfam Patmm et Haer«tioomm Saec L II. et IIL Oxon. (Ift98.) 1700. 1714w 8 toIs. Bauth, 
Beliqaiae taerae, a. aactomm fere deperdltorum L et IL Saeo. Fragmenta. [Edit altera. Oxon. 1847t 
4 toIsl] S) Fragments of IhgMippi Owofitrfifuira r&p iKKktiauiffTtK&p irpd^tofp in Bouthf toL 
L p. 187flBk SuultU 4KK\7iffMtmK^ iffropUu Ed. Val4siu*. Par. 1669. £ K Zimmermann^ Frcf. 
1822. ii P. 4. Ifeiniehen. Lpx. 1927s. 8 Tb. 4 Burton, Oxon. 1883. 8 Tola. [A new transl. with LlAs 
of Eos. Lond. 1842. 8.] 8) Ituinartt Acta primornm martynim, ed. 2. Amst 1718. f rep. Oalura^ 
Aug. y. 1802. 8 vols. 4) Paesagee fh>m writers not Christian : Josephns, Snetonloa, Tadtos, PUninai 
Dio Oasaia^ Scriptoros Hist Angustae, etc. explained in NaiK Lardner; Collection of the Jewish 
and Heathen tesOmonlee of the Christian religion. Lond. 17648B. 4 vols. 4 II. TUUmont (% 11. nt d.) 
(XtHH Hist eoc. dnoram priorom Saec Amst 1718. 4 iTosAemlide rebus Chrlstlanonim ante Const 
CommentariL Helmst 1758. 4 [transL by Yidal, 2 vols. 8. Lond. 18ia] SemUri Obe& quibns Hist 
Chrlatiaa. mostratar osqae ad Const HaL 1784 11 W, MiUman^ Hist of Christianity firom the Birth 
of Christ to the extinction of Paganism in the Boman Empire. Lond. 1840. 8 vols, [with notes by 
Murdock. 8to. New Tork. Kaye, Eccles. Hist of 2 and 8 Centt 8vo. 1826. 2 vols. & Binds, Hist 
of the Bise and early Prog, of Christianity. 2 toIs. Sva Lond. W, B. Taylor, The Hist of Christian- 
ity, from its Promnlg. to its legal eetab. in the Bom. Empire. 12ma Lond. 1844 E. Burton, Leetorea 
npon the Hist of the Chr. Charch from the Ascen. of J. Christ to the oonversion of Const 4 ed. 12m0i 
Lond. 1840. Robert Millar, Hist of the Propsg. of Christ Lond. 2 vols. 8va 1781. 8 ed. Wm. Caw, 
Lives of Fathers of the first four ages of the Charch. Lond. 2 vols, fol 1688-87. new ed. by H. Cary, 
lS4a 8 vols. & If. Cave, Prim. Chr. or Bel of the Ano. Christians, ed. by Giry. Oxf 1840. 8. Philip 
Schaff, H. of the Apostolic Church, transL by E. D. Teomane. New York. 1858. 8. vol. L Samuel 
EUiot, Hist of the Early Christians. Lond. 1858. J. C Robertson, Hist of the Christian Church to the 
Pontif. of Oreg. the Great Lond. 1S53. 8.] 

In the history of the world, Classio Heathenism appears as a single form 
of human life, on the development of which, its time was fulfilled ; and Ju- 
daism appears as a great prophetic system accomplished hy Christianity. The 
Jewish veil, under which the latter made its appearance, was removed by 
Paul, and when the Gh)spel had been proclaimed in aU parts of the Roman 


empire, the forms of Greek and Roman civilization became incorporated in 
the Charch. Bat in the mean time a prodigious struggle was commenced by 
the general spirit of antiquity. The Church, not so much by intellectual 
weapons, as by its labors and sacrifices, was so completely victorious, that at 
the end of this period the Roman empire was under the necessity of either 
becoming Christian, or of being utterly subverted. During this struggle, with 
no aid from the State, and with no external interference, the Church devel- 
oped its appropriate Constitution. With the exception of individual in- 
stances of extravagance or timidity, its morals and its discipline were of the 
strictest kind, and the private life of its members was serious and heavenly. 
The religious feelings of the people, excited by Grecian philosophy, and strug- 
gling with subtle foreign elements, now sought to attain definite and fixed 
forms of thought. The Period may be naturally divided into two sections, 
the first containing the historical conditions under which Christianity was 
introduced, and the history of the Apostolic Church, until the death of the 
last of the Apostles, near the close of the first century, and the other embra- 
cing the formation of the Catholic Church. The Acts of the Apostles, by 
Luie^ are the commencement of a Church History, limited by the personal 
knowledge, position, and object of the writer. It presents us with the actual 
establishment of the Church in its two principal departments — among the 
Jews by Peter, and among the Greeks by Paul, (a) The authentic epistles of 
these apostles are the most trustworthy monuments of the Apostolic Church. 
Hegeaippus^ about the middle of the second century, committed to writing 
every thing he thought worthy of preservation in the Apostolic traditions, {b) 
The first proper history of the Church (till 324) was written by Eiisebias of 
Cac^rea^ under the impression which the great revolutions of his age pro- 
duced upon his mind. Though he was affected by the prejudices, he possessed 
also the advantages of his position, and while he probably omitted some things, 
we have no evidence that he has stated what is untrue, (e) 

a) Schneckenberger tL <L Zveck d App. Oesch. Bern. 1841. h) Euwb. II. ecc II. 28. IIL 16. 19. 
lY. 7& 11. 22. Compi IH^ron. caUL c. 22. SchultkMi^ Hegcfl. princepe aactor reram Cbr. Tnr. 1S92. 
c) With regard to bts authorities and credibility: MoeUer, Hafh. ISld. (Archiv. f. KGesch. vol IIL 
at 1.) Dftnz^ Jen. 1S15. P. I. Kestner Ooett 1817. 4. ReuUrddhl^ Lond. Qoth. 1S28. JlUngtra, Tn^. 
ad. Rh. 1S88. Jachmanny in Itlgons Zeltschr. 1839. U. 2. F, C. Baur^ comparatur Eva. Historlae ece. 
parens com parente Hlstorlamm Herodoto. Tub. 1884 4. 



I. Glassio Heathenism. 

Crmuer^ Sfmbolik n. Mjthologle d. alten Yulker, bea^ d. Oriechen, I^m. a. Dannst (ISlOea.) 1819m. 
Th. ; Baur^ Symb. u. Mjth. a die Natorrel. d. Altorth. Stuitg. 1S25 ; Ldbecky Aglaopiiazniis s. de 
Theol myfticM Oraeeornm eaoslB. B«gloin. 1S29. 2 Th. ; O. JHulUr^ Prolegomena za e. wiaa. MytboL 
Gdtt 182& [Intmd. to a SdenUflc Syat of Myth, tranal by J. Uitch. Lond. 1844. 8] ; P. win lAm^ 
Iwg Bntweer^ Hist de la civilisation morale et reL dos Grecs. Groen. 1883-48. 8 Th.; JTeffOt PhiL 
d. BeL BrL 188a voL 2. p. 148as. Phil. d. Gcscb. BrL 1387. p. 282ss. ; P. F. Stuhr, die Eel. Systeme 
d. Hellenen in ihrer gescb. Entw. Brl. 1888 ; Jf. W. EeffUr^ d. Bel. d. Grlecben a. Burner, Brandeub. 
184Si [ W, Smith, Diet of Gr. A Bom. Myth. Lond. 1844-49. 8 volfli B. T. Dwight, Gr. & Bom. Myth. 
New York. 1849. 12] ;—Ber0. Ootutant, du Polyth6lsmo romaln. Par. 1888. 2 Th. ; Ifartung, d. BeL d. 
Burner. ErL 188& 2 vobi ; Ch. WaU, de reL Bom. antiquiss. Tub. 1845. 4. P. l.—Tholuck, U. d. Weseo 
a. sita Einfl. d. Heldentb. (Neandor's Denkwiirdigk, vol. L modified in the 2d ed.) [A. Tholuek, 
Nature de Moral InlL of Heathenism, transL by B. Emerson, in Biblical Bep. ft>r 1882. and in Chu>ke*s 
BIbl Gab. vol 28. Edinb. 1841] ; Im. yUasch, CL d. Beligionsbegr. d. Alten. (Stnd. n. Krit 1828. 
ToL L H. 8b.) ;— /*. Jacob*, a d. Erxiehung d. Hellenen z. Sittlichk. (Verm. Schrr. Lpz. 1829. P. IIL) 
Heldentb. a. Chrlstentb. (Lpz. 1887. Th. VI.) ; K. Gruneisen, (L d. SiUUcbe d. bild. Eunst b. d. 
Oriech. Lpi. 1888. (Illg. Zeltschr. vol IIL st 2.) [J. Si John, Manners, Castt Arts, &c of Ano. Gr. 
Lond. 1842. 8 vols. 8; H, ffase, PabL A PriT. Life of the An. G^eek^ transl from Gemo. Lond. 1888. 
8 ; W. A. Seeker, Gallas, or Bom. Scenes of the time of Angostns, illost the manners and custt of 
the Bomans, transL fVom the Germ, by F. Metca^e. Lond. 1844. 8. On the State of Man before Chris- 
tianity. Lond. 184a 12.] 

§ 15. Popular Life among the Greeks, 

The original oiyilization which had prevailed m some portions of the 
East had finally hecome torpid within limits immntahly fixed hy the com- 
bined inflaence of caste and despotism. Bat under the delightful sky of bean- 
tifol Greece, the purely earthly life of man, in the midst of efforts to attain 
social freedom, and triumphant struggles against the monarch of the Eastern 
world (after 490, b. o.), became developed in its fairest natural perfection. 
Borne on by youthful energies and a noble spirit of refinement, directed by 
a clear understanding and a wise moderation, it received still higher lustre 
and distinctness from a state of art which gave utterance to what is beyond 
expression, and proclaimed the reconciliation of the spirit with outward na- 
ture. Even when it presented nature in its utmost nakedness, it preserved a 
chaste moderation, and when it portrayed the darker aspects of our earthly 
existence, it always made liberty and beauty triumphant. Grecian manners 
and science were carried by travelling expeditions and colonies to the shores 
of Asia Minor, Sicily, and Southern Italy, and finally, by means of Alexan- 
der's conquests (after 884), Grecian civilization became established over all 
the Eastern shores of the Mediterranean. 

§ 16. Limits of Grecian Refinement 

Man was regarded only as a citizen, and all virtues had relation to the 
glory of his native land. The free action of the citizen was founded upon 
an order of slaves. A part of the women were confined within the narrow 
limits of domestic life, and another purchased a participation in manly plea- 



Bures and more attractive refinements, with a proportionate loss of womanly 
dignity and domestic happiness. The political power of the several States 
was developed and consumed in factions contests and civil wars. Even in 
the brightest days of Greece, civilization had to contend with remnants of 
ancient barbarism and its bloody crimes. 

§ 1 7. The Religion of the Oreele. 

The celestial world, in which the Greeks believed, was only an ideal 
transcript of their ordinary life, embellished by the hand and for the par- 
poses of art. Even the &ncifal relation of sex, which they ascribed to their 
deities, though borrowed from oriental aUegoriea, was so modified by the 
poetic imaginations of the Greeks, as only to rofiect and justify, as in a mir- 
ror, the playful spirit of the people. This, however, exerted no very cor- 
rupting influence upon a people whose matrimonial life was guarded by usages 
and laws, and whose vigorous energies were controlled by the gymnasiom, 
and a predominant taste for the beautiful. But every thing great or beanti- 
fhl in common life, was adorned and consecrated by some connection with 
the gods of their country. It was for this reason that, although the people 
were sincerely attached to their deities, and their religious services were joy- 
ous festivals embellished with all that art could contribute, they could e^joy 
the keen wit of the poet when he ridiculed the weaknesses of the gods, no 
less than when he laughed at those of the sovereign people of Athens. The 
religion of the Ilellenes was necessarily a deification not so much of nature 
in its mysterious depths, as of the spirit in its various manifestations. 
The real Deity revealed to them was beauty. The piety best conformed to 
the national character was so far from rising above the earth, that it never 
went even beyond their native land. The mysteries could of course transmit 
no doctrine of religion inconsistent with this spirit of the popular faith. 
They were simply celebrations of the festivals of the ancient gods. They 
served not only to preserve the memory of the old and fallen deities of na- 
ture, but to create a presentiment of a supreme Deity, who, at some future 
period, would extend his sovereignty over the universe. The point at which 
the HeUenic theology found its termination and constructed an altar to the 
Unknown God, was where it submitted to an absolute necessity, ruling over 
gods and men. 

§ 18. Relation of Philosophy to the Popular Religion, 
Socrates (409-899) brought back Philosophy from its attempts to ex- 
plain the universe by ingenious fancies, to its appropriate Grecian object, 
which was, to render the mind conscious of its nature, and thus to become 
the supremo rule of life for a freebom man. In doing so, however, he was 
aware that as a citizen of a moral community he was liable to come into 
conflict with Athenian usages. From the position which he had attained, 
Plato (428-848) and Aristotle (384-822) sought to discover the ultimate prin- 
ciple of all knowledge and being. Both recognized a spiritual and indepen- 
dent author of the universe, and both appreciated the supreme importance of 
the intellectual and moral life. Aristotle, commencing with sensible pheno- 


mena, and proceeding by successive steps of reasoning to general laws, may 
bo regarded as the most perfect specimen of a healthy intellectnal educa- 
tion among the Greeks. If Plato, on the one hand, by the matter as well as 
the form of his speculations, shows that the highest point of Grecian life con- 
sisted in adorning the present existence by moral excellence and beanty, on 
the other, he fhr transcends this, and stands like a prophet, incomprehensible 
by his own age, on account of his earnest consciousness of sinfulness, and 
his absolute exaltation of the eternal above the temporal.* Those who un- 
dertook the further development of Philosophy, attached themselves once 
more to the purely practical tendency of Socrates, and to the various parties 
already springing up among his disciples. They, however, seized upon only 
disconnected elements of Grecian life. Epicurus (842-271) laid hold of 
pleasure alone, to which virtue was subservient as a noceesary means, and 
Zeno^ his contemporary, selected power, with which virtue is herself satisfied. 
The former regarded the universe as the sport of chance, and the latter be- 
lieved it animated by a divine omnipresent soul. In opposition to the views 
of these teachers, and especially to those of Plato, there arose in the midst 
of the Academy itself, a party under Areesilatts (316-241) and Oameades (214- 
129), which advocated a system of overwrought logic, teaching that man was 
never designed to know the truth with certainty, and that consequently his 
only peace was to be found in dealing with probabilities, and in the conscious- 
ness of this universal uncertainty. Philosophy, in all its forms, had passed 
beyond the limits of Polytheism. The Socratic school, however, regarded the 
popular faith as a mode of conceiving truth indispensable to a people bound 
in the fetters of sensuality. Its disciples therefore, without hesitation, 
adopted the usages and modes of expression prevalent around them. The 
way in which Epicurus maintained the existence of the gods was in fact an 
adroit denial of it, but, satisfied with having freed his followers from all fear 
of the gods, he was wise enough to warn them of the danger of contending 
with public opinion. Stoical Pantheism allowed that the deities existed 
merely as names and allegories for the various manifestations of the universal 
life, but ^he deportment of the sages toward them was proud and independent. 
The later Academy maintained that the existence or non-existence of the 
gods was equally probable, and its adherents thought it safest to honor them 
with the ordinary forms of worship. While therefore Philosophy was not 
Erectly hostile to the idolatry which had prevailed -from ancient times, the 
educated portion of the nation were elevated by it above the popular faith. 

: § 19. £ome as a Republic, 

The Roman people had sprung up in the midst of violence, they had been 
kept together by a rigid discipline, and they had to attain maturity in the 
battle-field, contending first for their existence, and then for their greatness. 
At an early period, the opinion began to prevail, and soon became a predomi- 

• C. Aekermann, das ChrlsU. Im PUto a. in d. plat Pbil. Hamb. 1885; F. C. Baur, d. ChitiU. d. 
PlatoDlsm. o. Sokr. n. ChristiUL TQb. 1887 ; [Plato contra Atbeoo, or Platonic Theology, by T. LewU. 
New York. 184S. ^ Pomi, life, Works, Opiniona) ^kc of Plato. Portland. &] 



nnnt popular sentiment, that they were destined to attain universal dominion. 
All the virtues which constitute the true basis of civil and domestic pros- 
perity were practised with simplicity and purity. But the keen enjoyment 
of life, natural to youth, became passionate only in individual instances, for 
we find among them no general refinement, or cultivation of the elegant arts. 
Keligion was wholly under the control of the State, and its sacred rites 
were for a long time only in the hands of the Patricians. Its serious cere- 
monies pervaded every relation, both of the family and the State. While, 
therefore, it was regarded as indispensable to society, it was in reality only a 
respectful reverence for a superior power, recognized in the highest degree by 
the boldest and mightiest minds. 

§ 20. Detline of Greece. 

During the strifes of contending factions, political power had become 
despotic, in the hands sometimes of the nobles, and sometimes of the popu- 
lace. The consequence was that Greece was distracted by internal divisions, 
and became subject, first to the Macedonians, and then, with these masters, 
(146) to the Romans. The virtues of the people, which had been founded 
upon their relation to their native country, could not, of course, survive the 
loss of their independence. The individuality of character, which had be- 
fore so nobly distinguished them, now degenerated into selfishness ; art be- 
came subservient to the grossest sensuality, and it now became evident, in 
the midst of public misfortunes, that a life consumed in the mere embellish- 
ment of an earthly existence must be totally unsatisfactory. Yet so abundant 
was the inheritance of art and science bequeathed to them by their ances- 
tors, that their private life was for a long time enriched by its stores, and 
Greece gave laws to its conquerors. 

§ 21. Blemtion and Decline of Rome, 

When Augustus, in his testament, advised the Roman people never to 
snrpass the limits which nature had assigned to them, as the permanent bul- 
warks of the Empire, all nations inhabiting the coasts of the Mediferranean 
had already submitted to the migesty of the Roman power, and all nationali- 
ties had been broken up by the stern unity of the Empire. As tlie Romans 
had conquered the civilized world, they now resolved to participate in its ad- 
vantages, by enjoying not only its coarse sensual pleasures, but its intellectual 
treasures. But Grecian civilization was so far in advance of them, that it 
could not be conquered without calling forth creative powers in tlie con- 
querors. By the subjugation and government of so many provinces, such an 
inequality in power and possessions was introduced, that universal freedom 
was no longer tolerable, and the popular character became so degraded, that 
in spite of republican forms, no one thought of combining public freedom 
with the monarchy. The will of the prince was acknowledged to be the su- 
preme law, but the supreme power was actually in the army. Accordingly, 
the successors of Augustus, while they knew tliat they were masters of the 
world, knew quite as well that they could never call one day their own. 
They therefore either stupified themselves in the wildest eiyoyment of the 


prcsont moment, or sought safety in a reign of terror. Tlie wretchedness of 
the Roman populace, and the exhausted condition of the provinces, were in 
desperate and frightful contrast with an affluence which strove with shame- 
less ingenuity to wrest from nature more enjoyment than she was able to 
give or endure. And yet for centuries after the old Roman virtues had been 
lost, there remained a noble national spirit, the valor of the legions, and in 
private life, the supremacy of the law. 

§ 22. Decline of the Popular Religion. 

The Greek religion was adapted only to such as were in the eiyoyment of 
prosperity. To those who were struggling with misfortune, it offered neither 
consolation nor strength, and the gods themselves had apparently deserted 
the cities from which they were now invited by the conquerors. The deifi- 
cation of Roman despots threw scandal on the gods, and revealed the secret 
of their origin. The explanation of the Greek myths undermined also the 
veneration which had before been felt for Roman ceremonies.* Philosophy 
no longer hesitated to mock a religious worship already abandoned by its 
deities. The Roman statesmen, it is true, thought it necessary to maintain a 
religion of whose nullity they were persuaded, because it seemed to be the 
very foundation of their State. When, however, a people are governed by a 
falsehood, the fact cannot long be concealed from them. The human mind, 
ordinarily dissatisfied with infidelity, and especially impatient with it in 
seasons of peculiar difficulty, now sought for the peace it had lost in all 
kinds of barbarous forms of worship. In the midst, too, of those frequent 
changes of fortune to which despotic governments are subject, it made an 
effort to obtain a knowledge and a control of the dark future, by means of 
magical arts. Unbelief and superstition were thus boldly and distinctly ar- 
rayed by the side of each other. When the peculiar spirit of each nation 
had been destroyed, a popular religion could no longer be generally upheld, 
and the gods were all united in the Roman Pantheon. Philosophy, however, 
had neither the inclination nor the power to found a new religion. 

II. Judaism. 

F^av. Jo9fphi Opp. ed. Haterlcamp^ Amst. 1726. 2 Th. f. ; Small ed. by OherthOr, Wurtzb. 17S2sb. 

5 TJi. tnil In the 1 Abth. of the Bib!, sacra. Lpa. 182658. 5 Th. [Transl. Into Eng. by W. JTMtfton, & 
od. by ilT S'fbbinff. 8vo. Lond. 1941. and a n«w Transl. by R. Tntil^ with notes, Ksmv^ Ac. and 
•d. by I. Taykir, Lond. is New York. 1847.] F. C, MtUr^ Judaica s. vetcrum Bcrr. profbnomm de 
reb Ja<L fhizmni. Jen. 1S32; Vtlrinya^ de Synogoga vet (Franeq. 1096.) I^ucop. 1720. 4 ; [Vltrlnga's 
Synag. A the Chnrch, transl. by Bernard^ Svo. Lond.] X D. Jfieha^is^ mos. Recht. Frkf. 1775fl& 

6 Th. (TranaL Into V.nt^ by A. Smith, 4 vola 8to. Lond. 1814]; J. J. /Tow, Gesch. d. Israel, Zar. 
27«tV«. 18 Th.; /><« Wette^ Lehrb. d. hebr. ArcbAol. nebst Grandr. d. hebr. Gesch. Lpa. (1814.) 1880; 
J. M. J"^ allg. Gesch. d. Isr. BrI. 1832. 2 vols. ; \Joii£* Hist of the Jews, ft-om the Maccabees to the 
|Tre<M:nt day, transl. from Germ, by J. 11. ITopklnM^ 1848. New York ;] If. Leo^ Vorles. IL d. Ge«h. d. 
jnd- 9(aat4. BrI. 1823. retracted fn hts Lehrb. d. Fniversalgesch. ed. 2. vol. L p. 663m. comp. Stnd. u. 
Krit 138a vol I, p. 137SS.: Berthsau, zar Gewb. d. Isr. GGtt 1842: ff. Ewald, Gesch. d. Volkea 
.^arael b. Clirlstoa. Gott 13438s. 8 vols. ; J. Saleador, Hist des Institutions de Molse et du people 
bcbr. Par. 1629. 8 vols. [This work was answered by M. Dupln^ the elder, In " Jesus devant Caiphe 

* L. JTrahner^ Qmndllnlen z. Gesch. d. Yerfiills d. rum. BtaatareL HaL 1887. 4. 


•t PilAte," Par. 1S29. 8] ; Gramberg, krlt Qesch. d. R. Ideen d. A. T. Ba 1S208. 2 Th.; Vatke, d 
BeL d. A. T. BrI. 1585. 1 Th ; <S: Z. Stsinheim, d. Offenb. n. d. Lehrbegr. d. Synag. Frk£ 1B85. 1 vol. 
A. F. Gfrbrer^ d. Jahrb. des Ilellea. Stnttg. 1S88. 9 Abtb.— ATfio&e/, d. Propbetlsmas d. Hebr. Breal. 
1687. 2 vols. : KdHer^ die Proph. d. A. u. X. T. Lps. 1888 ; [ff. IT. MUman, Hist of tho Jews, from 
the B. of Christ to the Abol. of Paganism In the Bom. Emp. with notes by Murdock. 8 vols. New 
York. 1831 ; J. JiatiMgt^ Hist of the Jews from Jesns Christ to the pr. time, being a cont of Jose- 
phus, transl. by T. Taylor^ Lond. 170S. t ; D, Sitau^»^ He1on*B Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, A Picture 
of Judaism In the Cent before Christ, transL fh>m the Qerm. Lond. 1824 2 vols. 8.] 

§ 28. The Religious Life of the People, 

Jehovah was worshipped as the only living and Most High God. His 
government, by agents, in direct communication with himself, collectively 
called the Theocracy, was regarded as the only legitimate authority. By his 
law the spirit was wrested from its hold upon the natural world, and his 
people were separated from all other nations. When the popular life had 
attained full maturity during tho period between Samuel and the Exile [1156- 
588, B. 0.), a flourishing kind of sacred poetry, with no great refinement of 
art, became developed, and the manners and morals of the people, though 
rude, were generally strict. The people, however, were always inclined to 
apostatize and adopt the sensual and idolatrous worship of nature, prevalent 
among the neighboring nations. The state, distracted by the struggle of 
the hierarchy with the monarchy, became divided (after 975) into the king- 
doms of Judah and Israel, and at last fell a prey to foreign enemies. It was 
not until after the Exile, that the spirit of the people corresponded with that 
of their law, and then the benefits of such a result, and the complete execu- 
tion of their political system, were limited by the dominion of the Persians, 
the Greeks, and the Romans, who, without intermission, succeeded one an- 
other. A similar religious improvement was founded upon the Sacred Scrip- 
tures, the type and mirror of the popular life. In the midst of the calamities 
of the Exile, a stronger faith in a future state of existence was awakened, in 
connection with the explanation of moral evil by demoniac agency. But a 
natural result of the importance which the hierarchy consequently gave to 
the outward ritual of the law, was soon experienced in the extreme valuation 
of these observances, without reference to their spiritual import. The origi- 
nal contradiction involved in the idea they generally entertained of a God, 
who was the sole Lord of the Universe, and yet revealed himself as the Grod 
of only a single nation, became increasingly prominent, as the world became 
more generally known. Their belief also in the exclusive partiality of God 
for themselves as a people, in connection with the continual oppression they 
experienced from their foreign masters, produced a bitter feeling toward 
every thing foreign, and a hatred of the whole human race. It was during 
this decline, and as the precise result of it, that the predominant religions cha- 
racter of the nation was formed. Its ftmdamental element was an obstinate 
nationality, and a bold determination to sacrifice every thing for its preeenra- 
tion. This, in connection with their internal dissensions and moral debase- 
ment, could lead to nothing but a tragical result, when opposed to the over- 
whelming power of the Romans. But a series of prophets had at one time 
been produced by the Theocracy, in connection with a spiritual tendency 
among the people, which had taught them to solve all the cpntradictions of 


tlio present time, by believing contemplations of the future. These Messianic 
prophecies therefore lived on in the hearts of the people, consoling, hot at the 
fsame time ensnaring them with the strong expectation that Judaism was des- 
tined to become nniversal. 

§ 24. The dispersed Jetc* (cV biafrrropa). 

Retnond^ Gneh. d. Aosbrelt d. Judeoth. v. Cyras bis a. d. Unterg. d. JQd. Staats. Lpz. 1T89 ; Grooi, 
4e mlgntlonlbas Hebrr. «ztrm patrlam ante Ilieraa. a Rom. deletam. Oron. 1817. 4 ; Lsvyuohn^ d« 
Jbdaeornm sob Caeaailbas eoaditlone et de Icgiboa eos spectantibtUL Lugd. 1828. 4 

According to the laws of war then prevalent, Jewish colonies were trans- 
ferred to other lands, in the train of the various conquerors of Palestine. 
Individual Jews also wandered into the same countries, for the sake of gain. 
In the time of Christ, therefore, Jewish communities, subject to great vicissi- 
tadeB of fortune, were to be found in every part of the Koman Empire. 
With their characteristic shrewdness, and their inde&tigable industry, they 
had acquired wealth by commerce, and by wealth, independence and privi- 
leges. They lived according to the law of their fathers, and paid homage to 
the hierarchy at Jerusalem, as their highest human authority. In conse- 
quenee of their temple tribute (didpaxfui), their offerings, and their pilgrim- 
ages, immense wealth flowed into Jerusalem from every part of the world, 
and became an instrument of great power in the hands of the priesthood, and 
A temptation to Roman rapacity and corruption. 

§ 25. Hellenism. 

C G. L, Gr—tmann, Qnaestt Pblloiu»i>. L De Theologlae Phil, fontlbos et anetorit II. De 
A<{yy PhlL Lpa. 1829; Gfrdrer^ Phllo a. d. alex. Theoeopble, a ▼. ElnlL d. JQd. igfpt Scbnle a. d. 
N. T. Stottg. 1881. 2 Abtb. (new Utle, 1885); A. F. Dahtu, gescb. Dant d. J&d. alex. R«l. PhfL 
HaL 1867. 2 Abtb. eomp. Baur, In d. Jahrb. t wiss. Kritik. 188S. pi 787-92; J. a L. Oeorffii, Q. d. 
neowtea G«9»DflL te Aaffosa. d. Alex. ReL PblL (IIlgens'2eitschr. 1889. H. 8. 4) ; [J. Bryant, Seutt 
«r PbU. Jod. on the Word of Qod. Camb. 1797. 8]. 

Although the Jews who resided in countries pervaded by Grecian culture 
seldom gave op their national attachments and spirit, they were unavoidably 
mneh affected by the intercourse and science of those around them. Such 
was the origin of the Hellenism, which, in Alexandria, then the great mart 
of trade even in science, gave birth to the first philosophy of revelation. 
This has been transmitted to subsequent times, principally by the writings of 
Philo. (a) The contradictory elements of which it was composed were : an 
onconditional faith in the divine revelation contained in the Mosaic law, and 
an eqnal confidence in the truth of the Platonic philosophy. These conflict- 
ing principles were subjectively harmonized by the adoption of the opinions 
that the Greek philosophy was derived from the Scriptures, and that the di- 
Tine mind in the Scriptures was to be discovered by the allegorical method of 
interpretation. Its fundamental principle was : such an extreme refinement 
of the idea of God, that every distinct attribute of his nature disappeared. 

a) PhUonU Oppi ed. Mangey. Lond. 1742. 2 Tb. f. Tbe greater part of tbls Is used In an ed. cnr. 
^fkigkr. Ell (178808.) 1820. 6 Tb. ; Small ed. embradn; tbe remainder, dlacoveriKl by A, Mqjo^ A 
Auehsr^ In 2 Abth. of tbe BlbL Patrum. Lpa. 1828aa, 6 Tb. ; Creuter^ z. Krit d. Scbrr. d. Pbllo. 
(Stud. n. Krtt 1831. H. 1) ; Groattmann, de PhiL operam contlnua lerie et ord. cliron. Lpai 1841. 4 


and all connection between him and the world ceased. It was therefore sup- 
posed that certain intermediate beings (\6yos and.Xoyot) proceeded from God — 
fanciful creatures, which can scarcely be called personal existences, nor yet 
mere extensions of the divine essence. These gave existence to Matter, which 
was not divine, but was formed according to the archetypes of their own 
ideal world, and was animated by the divine breath. Even man, so far as 
his earthly nature is concerned, is fallen matter, with God concealed from his 
▼iew. But that which was originally divine in him, must be liberated by 
struggles and self-denioh), until he finds his true life during some favored mo- 
ments even in this world, in the blessed contemplation of the Deity. This 
divine philosophy was reduced to practice by the Therapeutaey who lived in 
separate huts, chiefly in the Mareotis, near Alexandria, abstaining from oil 
pleasures, cares, and toils of an earthly life, and entirely devoted to the con- 
templation and praise of the divine nature, (b) 

g 26. The Tliree SceU. 

Trium tciiptorum illastrlain (Dru«iit Scaligeri^ Serarif) de tribus Jad.neornm sectis fjninpm^ 
ed. THglandim. De1phi& 1703. 2 Th. 4; /». Beer^ OescU Lehren u. Mclnungen aller ret Sccton d. 
Jud. BrQnn. 18228. 2 vols. ; Sc-hn^ckenhurger^ die Pharisiier, Kel. Pliilosophrn o. Asketfker? (Beitr. 
t. ElnL in> N. T. Stuttg. 1882. N. 7.) GroMmann, De Philos. Sadducaeor. Lptk 1986. IL De fra|^ 
mentta 8«dd. exeg. 1887. IIL Do etata Sadd. literario» morall et politico. lS8dt 4, 

The most distinct forms of Judaism in Palestine, after the time of the 
Maccabees, were represented in three regularly organized sects. The Phari- 
aeeSy i. e. the Separated, were representatives of the rigid hierarchy, and of 
modem Judaism with all its faults and virtues. The most austere portion of 
this sect adhered to the authority of Rabbi Shamrnaij and a milder party to 
that of Hillel, In the latter party, a tendency toward Hellenism was practi- 
cable, and Gamaliel is said to have participated in it. The Sadducees, whose 
name signifies the Righteous, and who constituted in fact the wealthy and 
aristocratic portions of society, maintained the older Hebraism, the intellectual 
liberty of which, in a corrupt and yet 8])eculative period, was easily perverted 
so as to encourage licentiousness and unbelief. The disputes which these sects 
carried on with each other became sometimes so violent that the govemmont 
was disturbed on account of them. The Bssenes, i. e. Healing Ones, or 
Saints, were those who had become dissatisfied with the world, and in ditfer- 
ent degrees of their order, according to the rigidity of their asceticism, with- 
drew from all public life, to live in extreme solitude on the western coast of 
the Dead Sea. Their doctrine, so far as it has been made known, indicated 
some aflBnity with the Alexandrian philosophy, as it converged evidently to- 
ward a theory of angel hierarchy. Their moral system and habits were simi- 
lar to those of the Therapeutae, although they adhered more decidedly to the 
Hebrew prophecies. Their mode of life was communistic, and their time was < 
wholly occupied in prayer and labor. Although they condemned the private 
possession of wealth, individuals might possess some property as a fief, from 

I) Tbe orig. evidence in Tarions forms in Phllu, and inany erroneoas »tateinent8 with nepect 
to them in Eunfbius, IL £cc IL 17; Bdltrmann, gesch. Nachrichten a. d. Alterthnme iL £»i«r 
n. Therspeutcn. Brl. 1921; J. Salter^ de Easenis et Thorapeatia, Yrat. 1820; G/rdrer, Abth. S. fi 
S90««w ; Ddhnty vol. I. p. iSOas. 


the common stock. They never visited the Temple, because bloody sacrifices 
were offered in it, but they sent to it their sacred gifts. 

§ 27. The Samaritans. 

Besides the Jewl»h aooroes of » partisan character, ccmsalt The Samar. Pentatench, even in the 
Arable translation, and John iv. 5-48 : iJSiffert) Pg. de temp, schismatis ecc. Judaeoe inter, et Sa- 
morr. obortl. Beglom. 188a i. comp. Qase's Leben Jera. pw 108a [Neander*s Life of Christ p. ISOra. ; 
n*ngatenh«rg^ On the Pentateach, toI. L pi TOss.; if. Stuart^ Essaf on Sam. Pent & Lit in Bib. 
Bcpoa. 1831 P. 4 p. 6SL Jk Easaya on the Old Test Andover, 1845. 8 ; KitUft Joomal of Sac. Lit 
JaljT, 1898. p. 898.] 

From its first establishment, the kingdom of Israel was always character- 
ized by a great laxity of religions faith, a dislike to the Levitical priesthood, 
and a fondness for the idolatrous worship of the surrounding nations. Hav- 
ing been conquered by the Assyrians (722), the small remnant allowed to re- 
main in the country soon became nearly amalgamated with the heathen colo- 
nists introduced among them. And yet the inhabitants of Samaria, the 
fruitful hill country between Judaea and Galilee, offered to assist the returning 
Jews in rebuilding the Temple of Zion. This proposal being rejected. Just 
before Alexander's triumphant march through their country, they received 
through Manassehf the exiled brother of the Jewish high priest, and the fa- 
vor of the Persian monarch, not only a copy of the Pentateuch, but permis- 
sion to build a temple to Jehovah on Mount Gerizim. In spite of all their 
foreign mixtures, both of sentiments and of blood, the Samaritans were espe- 
cially attached to the ancient Hebraism, and carried out its moral and intel- 
lectual tendencies. They shared in the political fortunes of Judaea, and were 
animated by a similar hatred to the Romans, but the State possessed very little 
power, on account of the still greater mutual hatred of the Jews and Sa- 

§ 28. Proselytes. 

The contempt which a people without refinement in art or science, enter- 
tained for every thing foreign, was of course met by the Greeks and Eo- 
mans with a similar contempt (a) And yet the strength of religious faith 
among the Jews, the worship of one Grod, and the veneration for the myste- 
rious rites and shrines of the temple of Jehovah, were peculiarly imposing. 
Modem Jnddsm, too, was naturally inclined to conquest. Hence from the 
general inclination toward foreign religions, and from the dissatisfaction felt 
with respect to the social relations of the Empire, many, especially women, 
laborers, and slaves, felt attracted by the hopes held out to them by the 
Jews. Some became proselytes of righteousness to Judaism, and many re- 
nounced idolatry by obeying what were called the Noachian precepts, and 
thus, according to the decision of the milder teachers of the law, became 
proselytes of the Oate^ i. e. friends of the Jewish nation, and sharers in many 
of its hopes, without being subject to the yoke of the law, without adopting 
the narrow prejudices of the Jews, and without expecting justification by 
their extem^Q services. Others pleased or silenced their consciences by the 

a) TaeiL Hist V. 5 ; Minueii Fa. OcUvias c la 


practice of Jewish ceremonies, and allowed themselves to be beguiled by 
Jewish conjurers, (h) 


Lud. Capeili Hist ap. lllattnU, Oenev. 1084 4 ed. Fahriciiis, Lpa. 1691 ; J. F. BuddH, Eoc. 
tp. Jen. 1789; J. J. Hett^ Gesch. u. Schrr. d. AprwteL Zarch. 1788. 4 ed. 18208S. 8 Th. ; F. LUcke^ 
Ck>m. de Eoe. Apost. Ooett 1818. 4; J. G. Ptanck^ Oeech. d. Cbrtetenth. In d. PMiode ar. ElnAihr- 
ang. Gott 1818; Th. II. A. Neander [lllst of the Planting and Training of the Christian Charela 
by the Apoetlea, TransL by J. E. Ryland. Phil. 1 vol. 1844] : F, CK Baur, Paaln^ Stattg. 1845: A. 
SdiM^Ur^ das nachapost Zeitalt in d. Hauptmomonten sr. Eutwickl. TQb. 1846. 2 toIs. ; eomp. K. 
XtiUr, iL Cbr. Urchr. n. Unchr. in Schwegler's Jahrb. 1S44. Joni \ (W. O. JHetMn^ d. Urchiistentb. 
eine Beleaeht der. y. d. Sebole d. Hrn. Dr. v. Bavr^ iL d. Apost Zeita. an^fpettellten Vermathangcn. 
HaL 1846 ;) [JT. R. Eagenbach^ F. C Baur, and J. P. Langt^ have each pablished Histories of the 
Primitive and Apoetollo Chnrcb, in Genn. ; G. Benson^ Hist of Uie First Planting of Christianity, 
Lond. 1756. 8 vols. A\ F. W. P. Oreentcood, Lives of the Twelve Apostles, &o. Bost 1846. 12; L. 
Coleman, Anc. Christianity exemplified. Philad. 1858. 8 vols. 8; IT. W. J. ITiierteh, Hist of the 
Chr. Chorob, vol L Apostolic Age, TransL by T. CarlyU, Lond. 1852.] 

§ 29. Tlie First Pevteeost. 

I. Act9^ 2. 1-41 ; II. Herder, Gabe d. Spraeben. Rig. 1794; Ammon, de novis llngals. ErL 1808; 
Hate, Zor Gesch. d. ersten Cbr. PflngstH ; {Winer*» Zeitsebr. t Wiss. TbeoL 1827. H. 8;) Bleet, fL 
d. Gabe des y\<&(rffais \a\up. (Stud. n. Krit 1829. vol. IL H. 1 ; comp. Olehaueen, vo). II. H. 8; 
BepL Y. Bleek, 1880. vol L H. 1. pw 45-64 ; OUhaueen, ibid. p. 64-66l) Baw, Abb. In d. T&b. Zelt- 
schr. t TbeoL 1880. H. 2; Bdumlein, Abb. in the Stndien d. Wartemb. Gei9tlicb. 1884. H. 8; 
Schneekenburger, in bis Beitr. zar Einl. in'b N. T. N. & Billroth; [Expos, of the Epp. of Paul to 
the Cor. (in Edinb. BibL Cabinet, No. 21. 28) on 1 Cor. xlv.]; Z>. Schvle, d. Geisteegaben d. errten 
Christen, insbea d. sogen. Gabe d. Spr. BresL 1886; Baur, Krit Uebvrs. (Stad. n. Krit 1888, pi 618Bit.) 
Seinecke, Sprachgabe d. ersten Christen. Lpz. 1842. 

As the founder of a new popular religion, and as the Messiah and Son of 
Grod, who must fulfil all the longings of the j)eople, and the prophecies of the 
Scriptures, Jesus had awakened a spirit which in independent spirituality was 
to rise above every thing earthly, unite men in love, by regeneration, with 
the Father of all, and regardless of all national distinctions, bring them un- 
der one great bond of brotherhood in the kingdom of God. A few faithful 
disciples, on whom exclusively this Spirit had before rested, waited in close 
fellowship at Jerusalem for the promised manifestation of this Spirit. Early 
in the morning of the feast of Pentecost, soon after the Kesurrection (about 
88), on the occurrence of a remarkable natural phenomenon, they felt con- 
scious of an extraordinary inspiration, which they regarded as a shedding 
forth of the divine Spirit upon their hearts, from without and above them- 
selves. This internal influence manifested itself to others principally by an 
animated and copious style of speaking — a speahing with tongues^ which, ac- 
cording to Luke, was generally regarded as a decisive evidence that Chris- 
tianity had arrived at its completion, (a) Such phenomena were regarded in 
the primitive Church as the gift of the Spirit, bestowed without reference to 
the ordinary state of the heart, and were indeed frequently abused so as to 
become subservient to vanity, (b) Such was the fact until far into the second 

l) Jwoen, Sat YL 648. Benee. de supentt (in AxtgwA. de Civ. Del VL 11); Joeephi Antiqq. 
VIII. 2. 6. XVIII. 8. 5. 

a) Acts 10, 46s. 19, 6. oomp. 8. Ifien h) 1 Oor. 14 


oentmy, (e) and even to a still later period, in seasons and congregations 
in which powerftil excitements prevailed. At this feast of Pentecost, accord- 
ing to the rather ohecnre aooonnt of Lnke, a discourse was delivered in seve- 
ral foreign languages. A power to do this, however, was not regarded in 
the apostolic Church as the ordinary attendant of this gracious gift ; we have 
no account of its repetition, and it is of importance only as indicating that 
Ghristianity was destined to hecome universal. But the great fact which 
then took place, was the revelation of the new spirit, through which the 
Church was visibly and publicly to be established. 

§ 80. Fortune of the Church of Jeruealem, 

The rage of the people had been appeased by the death of Jesus ; and 
when the recollection of his benevolent deeds revived, the feeling began to 
prevail throughout the city, that they had imbrued their hands in the blood 
of an innocent man, and possibly in that of their own Messiah. When, there- 
fore, his timid disciples suddenly announced with great earnestness and con- 
fidence that he had risen from the dead, thousands, by baptism, professed 
themselves his disciples, and the popular favor was turned toward them. 
Alarmed at this, and divided in their own counsels (since many of the Phari- 
sees, out of hatred to the Sadducees, were willing that the gospel, which pro- 
claimed a resurrection, should prevail), the Sanhedrim were irresolute, and 
adopted no efficient measures, while the apostles were full of courage, will- 
ing to suffer shame for Christ, and determined to obey God rather than men. 
Still, no sooner had those friendly to their cause become connected with 
them, than the Galileans^ or Natareans^ became, as before, a much-hated 
sect. A party zealous for the law were allowed to stone Stephen (about 86), 
and Herod Agrippa looked upon it as a popular measure to persecute the 
Christians. James^ the brother of John, was beheaded, and Peter escaped 
the same fate only by mysterious aid (44). (a) But when, on the sudden 
death of Herod Agrippa, (h) all Palestine became a Roman province, the con- 
gregation was allowed to become tranquilly established and enlarged. When 
most of the disciples fled, on the persecution after the death of Stephen, the 
apostles remained at Jerusalem. There stood together those pillars of the 
Church, Peter, James, and John, even as late as near the middle of the cen- 
tury. After that, James the Just, the brother of our Lord, is mentioned as 
the principal leader among the Christian Jews, although all authentic ac- 
oonnts agree in ascribing to him a high degree of circumspection and mod- 
eration even in his Judaism, (c) To Judge from the epistle beying his name, 
he must have been a pious and earnest teacher, especially in his admonitions 
in fsLYor of morality, but with no prominent characteristics peculiar to Chris- 
tianity, (d) By Jewish Christians he has since been honored as a kind of na- 
tional saint ; and although the disciple of Jesus is not very prominent in his 
rigid discipline, and in the remote occasion of his death, this was only to 

c) Inen, V. «, 

a) Act* C, &>-T, 00 ; 12, 1-19. h) Acts 12, dOaa. eomp. Jo§epM Antlqq. XIX. T, 2. e) Oal. 2, 9, 
Mmpk Aettl^ 18m. d) Liter. Reriew, In TheiU, Gomm. in Ep. Jao. pu 2Ss8. ; F, ff, Kem^ Char- 
0. Ursproog d. Br. Jak. (from fba Tflb. Zeltaehr.) Tab. 188& 


prove himself moro perfectly a Christian hero when he was called actually 
to die. (e) The plain testimony of history declares, that the High Priest Anah 
nus^ a Sadducee, availing himself of the interregnum which took place after 
the death of the procurator Felix, had James, and a few others, stoned to 
death, as transgressors of the Mosaic law (63). (/) 

§ 31. Jewish Christianity, 

D. van Hei/Ht^ D& de Judaeo-Christiftnistno ^asqae vl et efflcacltate, qa«n czsernit In rem Chr. 
8aec L Lugd. B. 1S2S. comp. % 85. 

The dispersion of the congregation after the death of Stephen was the 
commencement of its propagation in other regions. The knowledge of Christ 
was prohably carried by pilgrims from Jerusalem into all parts of the Ro- 
man empire, and yet but a small part of the Jewish population actually be- 
came Christian. The principal seat of Christian Judaism among the dis- 
persed portion of the nation was at Antioch^ where the name of Christian 
was first api)lied to the Church by those who were not its members. 
The Jewish law was observed with the utmost strictness. Cliristianity was 
regarded as a perfected Judaism, whose hopes were already in part, or soon 
to be completely ftilfilled. It was only with this understanding that it could 
have gained general acceptance in Palestine. The Pharisees were inclined to 
receive, and zealously to advocate it, so far as the doctrine of the resurrec- 
tion of Jesus was concerned ; and the Essenes were favorable to its religious 
spirituality. The assertion, that a Jewish Christianity of an Essene com- 
plexion sprung up at an early period, by an accession of a considerable num- 
ber of Essenes to the Church, is rendered probable by partial affinities be- 
tween the two systems, and certain by witnesses after the middle of the se- 
cond century. But as the gospel was proclaimed principally in public assem- 
blies, and as conversions from a community so rigidly secluded must have 
been extremely difficult, we can hardly suppose that such an accession could 
have taken place in any large numbers, till after the dispersion of the Essene 
settlements, and the desolation of the Jewish country. Besides, it does not 
appear that Christianity, in its earliest form, possessed any prominent traits 
of an Essene character. As it was believed to be intended for all men, those 
who looked upon it through an old Hebrew medium, must have regarded the 
reception of the law as a necessary part of the process. According to Luke*s 
account (Acts x. 11-18), Peter could be indnced to baptize a proselyte of the 
gate, and could justify himself for the act before his brethren, in no other 
way tliian by the assurance of a divine revelation. But as the Church could 
not tft that time conveniently separate its blessings, the more rigid Jewish 
Christians demanded that baptized proselytes should afterwards be circum- 

§ 32. Samaritan Christians and Sects, 

The first decisive instance in which Christianity broke over the pro- 
per limits of the Jewish nation, was that in which the gospel was car- 
ried to Samaria. The seed which Jesus, regardless of the popular hatred, 

e) Suteb. n. ecG. IL 1. 88. /) Jostphi, Antiqq. XX. 9, 1. 

CHAP. IL APOST. CHUECn. { 82. SIMON. % 83. PAUL. 27 

had sown in Sychem, was harvested by the apostles, (a) The Samaritans, 
however, were at tliat time too much taken up with the claims of certain 
founders of new religions in their own midst, strange phantoms of the truth, 
to be much interested in a Messiah from Judea. Dotitheus^ professing to be 
the prophet promised in the likeness of Moses (Dent. 18, 18), had appeared 
among them with a severe exaggeration of the letter of the law, and had 
finally starved himself in a cave. (//) Simon Magus obtained many adherents 
in Samaria, and perhaps also some in Rome. According to his own assertion, 
or at least that of his followers, he was an incarnation of the Spirit which 
had created the world, to deliver the soul of the world, in bondage to the 
earthly powers, by whom it had been confined in a woman, and at that time 
in his own wife, Helena. With the deliverance of this world-soul, all be- 
lievers were also to be released from their imprisonment. He was, however, 
anxious to purchase the Holy Ghost from the apostles, and trembled before 
their malediction, (r) In some accounts, he appears degraded to a mere pan- 
der to lewdness^, {cT) and in popular traditions he became the representative of all 
magical arts aud their fortunes during his day, in contrast with the triumph- 
ant simplicity of pious faith, (e) Menander also aspired to the honor of be- 
ing a Messiah, and a divine incarnation, with power to make his followers 
immorUd. (/) The influence of each of these three impostors was continued 
through some minor sects until some time in the sixth century. They were 
often confounded, by those who were not well informed on the subject, with 
tlie followers of Christ ; and perhaps some of them, like Simon himself, at 
one time, from worldly policy, may have passed themselves off as such. It 
18 possible, too, that they may sometimes have really claimed to be Chris- 
tians, in uocordanoe with a doctrine by which all religions were mingled to- 
gether, and the same God was said to have revealed himself to the Samari- 
tans as the Father, to the Jews as the Son, and to the Gentiles as the Spirit 

§88. Paul, 

J. Paarson^ Aniudes PauL Hal. 1718. [Lond. 16Sa 4 transL into Eng. by Williams^ Cambr. 
1884L t2.] W. Paley, Horae PanL or the Troth of the Scriptural Hist of Paul erince(L [With a 
■DppL bj E. BiUy. Load. 1840. Illnatrated by Tate. Lond. 1887. PabL in New York. 1848. In 
work& Oambr. (aiass.) 1880.] J. T. llemMn, der Ap. P. Outt 1880 ; K. Schroder^ der Ap. P. Lps. 
1S80HL 6 vols. ; TholucJt^ LebeoHumstAnde, Character u. Spracbe d. P. ; (Stud, a Krlt 1885. H. 2. 
and Verm. Scbrr. yoL IL p. 8*2«.) [Life and Cbar. of Paal, tranal. fh)m the Oerm. of A. Tho- 
iMdfc, and pubL in the Edinb. BibL Cabinet, vol. 83.] U. A. SchoU, Erurtr. einiger Cbronol. Pnnkte 
in d. Leben^escb. d. P. Jena. 1832 : «/: /^. Wurm^ \L d. Zeitbest im Lebon d. P. ; (Tub. Zeitschr. f. 
TbeoL ISSa H. 1) ;— Z. UeUri, Kntw. d. P. Lcbrbcgr. Zur. 1824. edl 5. 1884. A. F. Dahne, Entw. 
d. P. Lebrbegr. Hal 1885;— itour, Paulas (p. 24.) 

The development of Obristianity as a spiritnal religion for the, whole 
world, was accomplished principally by the agency of Sanl, called after the 
Boman form Paul. The idea of its liberation from Judaism did not, indeed, 
originate with him, for certain Hellenists from Cypms had before preached 

a) Ada % 5-17; John 4, 35-3a h) OHff. de princ. IV, 17. (vol. L p. 178) In Jo. torn. 18. (vol. IV. 
p. 287); Epiphan. 0pp., vol. L p. 80. c) Acta 8, 9-24; Jtistin. ApoL L c. 26, 66; Tryph. c. 120; 
(Simoni Deo Sancto. Senioni Banco Deo Fidlo;) Ireiu L 20. Extracts fh>m both Ettseh. II. eca lit 
1& Epiph. Haer. 21. d) Jotephi^ Antlqq. XX, 7. 2. e) Amob. II, 12; Clement^ UomlL II, 298S. ; 
Seoognitt I, 72. If, 78a. ; comp. Tar gum Jeruahalemi^ ad Nam. 81, 8; Sueton. Vita Neron. c. IS. 
/) JutUni, ApoL L c 26; EpipK Haer. 22. 


the gospel to the Greeks in Antioch, (a) and Stephen did not deny the charge, 
that Jesns had come to destroy the temple, and to change the ceremonial 
law. (h) But it was reserved for Paul successfully to justify and triumph- 
antly to carry out this idea. He helonged to the trihe of Benjamin, was a 
Roman citizen bom at Tarsus the capital of Cilicia, had been educated for a 
learned Pharisee in the school of Gamaliel at Jerusalem, and was by occupa- 
tion a tentmaker. The traces of a Greek education, which his writings 
sometimes exhibit, may be ascribed either to the school in which he had been 
educated, or to his subsequent pursuits and associations. With a character 
not only great but exalted, able and energetic in worldly things, though Aill 
of longings after those which are heavenly, he placed himself, in defence of 
the law of his fathers, at the head of those who persecuted the followers of 
Christ. Stephen fell before his eyes, and Gamaliel warned the rulers that 
they should not contend against God. But while journeying to Damascus, to 
persecute those Christians whom he might find there (probably 86), he and 
bis companions were suddenly struck to the earth by fire from heaven. 
Christ now revealed himself to his spirit as the Saviour of the world, and he 
could no longer resist the mighty power of truth, (c) His rich natural en- 
dowments were now illuminated by the gracious influences of the Holy 
Spirit, his former self was cast off, and Christ alone lived within him. After 
a residence of three years in Arabia and Damascus, he fled from the latter 
city to Jerusalem (89), that he might form an acquaintance with Peter. He 
was soon after invited by Barnabas from Tarsus, to assist in the work of the 
gospel at Antioch. When both had conveyed provisions fV*om that congrega- 
tion to Jerusalem, for the relief of the brethren there (44), they were sent 
on a missionary tour to Cyprus, and some provinces of Asia Minor. They 
commenced their labors by preaching in the synagogues ; (d) but as they 
were generally treated with contempt, and often with much abuse by the 
Jews, while they were generally &vored by proselytes, they soon began to 
form independent churches, composed principally of Greeks. These they re- 
garded, adbording to the custom at Antioch, as not bound to observe the cere- 
monial law, and it was even rumored that Paul had gone so far as to prevent 
the Jews from circumcising their children. He himself, however, conformed 
to the ritual of the law, at least as far as appeared expedient to prevent all 
unnecessary ofience to his brethren ; and accordingly, in Christian liberty, he 
was a Greek with Greeks and a Jew with Jews. But at Antioch, some from 
Jerusalem maintained that circumcision was indbpensable to salvation. In 
consequence of the division created by this party, Paul and Barnabas under- 
took a journey to Jerusalem (about 60), where, after hearing what God had 
already accomplished by their means in carrying the gospel to the heathen, 
the three apostles of Jewish Christianity extended to them the hand of fel- 
lowship. A charter of privileges was then agreed upon, which was imme- 

d) Actt 11, 8(X-89. b) Ads «, ISs. e) Gal 1, 15«. ; 1 Oor. 9, 1 ; 15. 8; Aett 9, 1-99; 99, 8-16 ; 
98,9-18; Ammon,6e repcntin« Bauli oonvenione, ErL 1798 (0pp. theoL p. laa.); GreUing, Htst 
PsyohoL Yen. Q. d. pi 'tzl. Ueberg. d. P. (Henke*s Mas. 1800. vol. III. p. 99a) Stratus, Streltsohrr. 
H. 1. p. 61««. ; oomp. R Bengel, ObM. do P. ad rem Cbr. oonven. 9 P. (0pp. ITamb. 1884) \—C. G, 
SlicMsr, de itDno, qao P. ad taora ohr. ooov^rto* mt, Lpa^ 1898. (f) Conip. Rom, 1, 16; 9, 9aai 


diately sent forth in a solemn edict to all Gentile Christians, forhidding any 
yoke to be imposed upon them, except a few observances like those which 
were required of proselytes. This proceeding could not be reconciled with 
the original covenant (Gal. 2, Iss.) without considerable ingenuity of rea- 
soning, and was not very consistent with the course which Paul sometimes 
pursued, but it was a well-intended scheme to harmonize those conflicting 
tendencies which were just springing up in the Church, and of which tradi- 
tion gives us an account (Acts 15). (e) It was not until Paul, fully believing 
himself called of God to be the apostle to the Gentiles, had extensively pro- 
pagated the Church among the Greeks, that it became practically indepen- 
dent of the pr^'udices which prevailed in Palestine. During his two long 
Journeys, and his protracted residences in Ephesus and Corinth, he established 
numerous churches in the several cities of Asia Minor, Macedonia, and 
Achaia, encountering far greater difficulties (2 Cor. 11, 20ss.) than are men- 
tioned in the Acts of the Apostles. Hated equally by Jews and by Jewish 
Christians, with many presentiments of his approaching death, he went, 
about Pentecost in the year 58, to Jerusalem. There, abandoned if not be- 
trayed by Christians, he was delivered from the hands of the exasperated 
mob in the temple by the Koman guards. For two years he was kept in 
bonds as a Roman citizen, by the procurator Felix in Cesarea ; and when 
Festns came into the same office, as the successor of Felix, in consequence of 
bis appeal to the emperor he was sent late in the year 60 to Home. After 
a stormy voyage, he was kept in slight confinement in that city, and during 
two years he labored in behalf of the great object of his life, not only with 
those around him, but by means of epistles and friends with those at a dis- 
tance. It is hardly possible that he could have survived the persecution under 
Kero, but he was probably beheaded at Rome (64). That he was liberated, 
and that he then for the first time visited the utmost limits of Western 
Europe ,(/) and finally ended his life during a second imprisonment in Rome, 
appears more like a learned conjecture than an ancient tradition, (j/) His 
epistles abound in rabbinical explanations, in arguments stated in the form of 
bold and complex syllogisms, in evidences of a highly wrought intelligence 
in connection with a profound spirit glowing with benevolence, and in waves 
of thought which appear to struggle with and break upon one another. His 
style was concise and often difficult, but he always had the right word for 
every variety of condition, sometimes powerfully convincing or threatening, 
and at other times carrying all along with him by his cordial expressions of 
affection. A nature like his may have ascribed some things to a divine reve- 
lation through visions, which were the result of intelligent reflection, and 
which may have been influenced by his peculiar physical temperament, (fi) 

€) Schnsckskburger^ Apostelgescb. p. Tlss.; Schwegler^ DacbapostoL ZetUlt toI. I. pw 11688.; 
eomp. IfMnder, [Hist of Plant and Train. &c B. IIL Cb. 4. p. 76a8. 8 ed. Pbilad. 1844. a] 
/) Clem. RotiK Epw L ad Gorintb. c 5. g) EuMb. H. ecc II, 23 ;—«/'. P. MyntAer^ de nltimia annis 
muneris api a P. geatL Havn. 1815 \ J.T.L, Darvs^ de loco Eosebii, qui do altera P. captivitate aglt, 
Jen. 1816u 4;—£. F. R. Wolf^ de alt P. captiv. dss. II. Lpa. 1819s. ; Baur^ die Sogen. Pastoralbr. d 
Psnl. Stnttg. 1885. p.e888; comp. TQb. Zcitschr. 1888. IT. 8. | 4888.; Stud. n. Krtt 1841. IT. 1. 
A) The viaiona related by Luke in tbe Acts of tbe Apoatlea, and tbe allosiona to similar tbings in gen- 
nl In tbe Clementinea, are conflrmed in 2 Cor. 12, 1-9. 


His doctrines are essentially the same with those of Jesns, so far as they pro- 
ceed from the acknowledgment that Jesus was the Messiah, and are the views 
of a profoundly religious mind, affected by similar rational prei)08sessioiis. 
They were, however, at the same time, independently founded upon his own 
peculiar life and conflicts. In the first, he had experienced the remarkable 
contrast between a period of enmity to Christ, and another in which Christ 
had become his only life. This private experience he regarded as a specimen 
of the life of mankind fallen from God by sin, and reconciled to God by 
Christ, and hence his evangelical instructions were specially directed to the 
awakening of the consciousness of sinfalness. His conflicts had been princi- 
pally directed to the liberation of the Christian spirit from the Jewish law. 
He therefore maintained, that if our whole salvation must come from Christ, 
the law is not necessary to salvation. The connection between these princi- 
ples was made out by showing, that as man has not fulfilled the law, the 
works of the law can only lead to condemnation, and salvation can be ob- 
tained only by a complete surrender of the heart to Christ ; /. e. by faith 
alone, not by a descent from Abraham, not by the merit of our own works, 
but wholly from the free grace of God, Paul acknowledged that the old 
covenant was divine, but he contended that it was completed by the new 
covenant of God with man by Christ, so that now it had become an abroga- 
ted institution. In his estimation, Christ was the substance of all religion, 
and the sole ruler of the world. The advent of X>hrist to our world was the 
lofty central point of all human history, from which he looked back upon the 
preliminary revelation which had been given to Jews and Gentiles, and per- 
verted by them both, and forward to the final triumph of the kingdom of 
God, when all opposition shall be overcome, and Christ himself shall with- 
draw, that God may be all in all. 

§ 84. Peter, 

Mayerhnf^ EInl. In d. Petrin. Schrr. ITamb. 1885; comp. K. Ha9€^ Leben JestL p. 112s. \A, 
Le^ LU(B (if the Ap. Peter. Lond. 1852. 12.] 

The practical energy which Peter possessed, and on which our Lord him- 
self appears to have founded considerable expectations, made him the princi- 
pal representative at least of the external affairs of the Church, as long as he 
tarried at Jerusalem (until about 60). At a later period, when at Antioch, 
principally from regard to particular persons, he relapsed to the exclusively 
national view of Christianity, he was decidedly opposed by Paul (Gal. 2, 
lis.), who advocated a gospel free for all mankind. In an apostle so prone 
to extremes, such an act, which almost seems like a second denial of his 
Lord, is no more incredible on the ground that he had before not only toler- 
ated, but even been the first to defend Gentile Christianity, than it was in 
Barnabas. But his former relation to Paul appears never to have been ftilly 
restored, for the first epistle which bears his name contains no conclusive 
evidence of this, and in the memory of the next generation, Peter and Paul 
were at the head of opposite parties in the Church. According to testimony 
derived from times after the middle of the second century, mingled, indeed, 
with many errors, legends and party statements, but proving what must have 


been the opinion of the Roman Chnrch, Peter snffcred crucifixion at Rome 
(about 67). (n) Jerome is the first who informs us (catal. c. 1), that he at 
one time resided at Antioch, and afterwards was for twenty-five years Bishop 
of Rome. Although satisfactory evidence from the history of Paul proves 
that he could not have resided for so long a time at Rome, and even older 
traditions show that he could have sustained no particular office in the church 
of that place, since they mention, in different orders of succession, Linus, 
Anacletoa, and Clement, as the first bishops of Rome ; (h) it is nevertheless 
certain, that wherever Peter was, his personal influence would always give 
him the first position, unless Paul had been by his side. His character is well 
reflected in the legend of his flight, from which he was recalled by some 
pungent reproof from the lips of Ohrist himself, and in that of his crucifixion 
with his head downwards, (e) 

§ 86. Position of Parties in the Time of Paul, 

In its progress amoug the heathen, the gospel necessarily appealed entire- 
ly to the general religious spirit which the apostle to the Gentiles recognized 
even among them, {n) since, with the exception of a few myths which might 
serve as types of Christ, and some prophetic announcement, made by the 
Platonic philosophy with which the apostles were unacquainted, it found no 
promises handed down from the fathers, and only the most obscure expecta- 
tions. Even after Christianity had torn itself entirely away from the Mosaic 
law, in consequence of its own origin as well as of that of its principal 
teachers, the Jewish element was still prominent in the phrases, doctrines, di- 
yine worship, and polity of the Church, and it was not remodelled until it 
gradually became affected by Grecian modes of thought. Jewish and Gen- 
tile Christianity existed side by side, either mutually recognizing or exclud- 
ing one another. The former was sustained by the influence of those who 
had been called the pillars among the apostles, and possessed an external sup- 
port in the necessities of the poor saints at Jerusalem, (h) An internal basis 
was also supplied, by the concession, that it was a duty which national if not 
religions piety required, for a Jew to adhere firmly to the law. Each of these 
forms of Christianity, however, must finally have felt, that its own rights de- 
pended upon the rejection of the other. It was therefore always urged to 
adopt the exclusive policy, which was at first precipitated by certain zealots 
among the Jewish Christians, perhaps through a refusal of social intercourse, 
or posnbly by the uneasiness created in the minds of some Gentile Chris- 

a) DtonyHut Corinth, and Caju« Rom. in EuMb. IT. ecc. IT, 25; (The doabtfUl testimony of Pa- 
plia. fb. II, 19;) Iren. Ill, 1. 8; Tet'ttd. c Mara. IV. 5 ;—S. ran Til, de Petro Romac martfre, non 
pontifleai, L. B. 1710. 4; J. O. IltrbtA, in d. TQb. Qnartalsckr. 1820. H. 4. p. &675n. : on the other 
bajHl, Fr. Spitnhefnii, Da. do Acta prufectione Petri in nrbem Romam. (0pp. ML<«€ell. Lugd B. 1708. 
Th. II. P. 881n.); Riur^ In d. Tub. Zoltsohr. 1831. IT. 4; C F. t. Ammon, Forth, d. Chr. z. Welt- 
wl Lpt 1840. ToL IV. p. 819» b) EtiAeh. 11. ecc. Ill, 2; Rujtni, Praef. ad Recogn. I»etri; even 
tb« CatnloguM lAberiantUi, aboat 854. On the other hand, the mont recent Cath. assertion : DSl- 
Unger, KOesch. vol. I. Abth. 1. p. 6S%; Windischmann, Vindlclae Petrinao, Ratisb. 1S86; 
SUnglHn, In d. TQb. Qnartal«cbr. 1840. H. 28.; comp. Baur, z. Literatnr 4. Petms-Sa^ In his 
Paidin, p. 67188. e) EnMh, H. ecc. Ill, 1; Uleron. catal. c. 1. On the other hand: TertiU, d« 
r. c ML [Art in Kitto*i Journal of Bibl. Lit vol V.] 

a) Bom. 1, 19 ; Acts 17, 22-29. b) Gal. 2, 10 ; 1 Cor. 18, las. 


tians with respect to the law. (c) If, therefore, Paul himself spoke somewhat 
equivocally of the exorhitant respect paid to the apostles of Jewish Ohris- 
tianity (2 Cor. 12, 11. Gal. 2, 6), his apostleship, which was referred to by 
every opponent as destitute of all external proof of a divine call, would be 
barely tolerated by the more liberal portion of the Jewish Ohristians, and by 
the more intolerant portion would be positively rejected. Jewish Christian- 
ity was certainly in the ascendant in Palestine, and there, until the violent 
measures used by Hadrian, no bishops at Jerusalem were chosen except from 
among the circumcision, with a decided preference for the acquaintance or 
kindred of Jesus according to the flesh, (d) In like manner, in the circle of 
Paulas influence. Gentile Christianity alone could have been predominant ; 
and in proof of this, an undeniable document exists in the epistle to the Ro- 
mans, in which the principal idea is the overwhelming superiority of the 
number of Gentiles in the Church. It is not, however, probable, that after 
Paul had been removed, and the destruction of the holy city seemed like a 
divine judgment against Judaism, any churches composed of persons bom 
and educated as Greeks or Romans would be persuaded to observe the Jew- 
ish law, although attempts were not wanting even long after the conmience- 
ment of the second century to form associations, and exclude members on 
this ground. Accordingly, when we find that Hegesippus called the Church, 
which had existed prior to the death of the apostles, a pure virgin, and on 
his way to Rome found what he called the true doctrine with the bishops, we 
conclude that he must have belonged to that class of Jewish Christians, which, 
after the example of the prophets, and of our Lord himself, was not op- 
posed to a Gentile Christianity, (e) The church at Corinth, soon after its or- 
ganization, presents a picture of the parties formed especially on these con- 
flicting views. One party, which assumed the name of Peter^ may have re- 
garded at least some parts of the Mosaic law as still in force, while another, 
called after the name of Faul^ looked upon the doctrines advocated by him 
as exclusively Christian. A third party could flnd true Christianity nowhere 
80 well presented^ as in the method of instruction adopted by the learned 
Alexandrian, Apolloa. A fourth, if it was not a mere branch of the Petrine 
party, mdntained that Paul had never enjoyed the apostolic privilege of a 
direct intercourse with Christ, and appropriated to itself exclusively the name 
of Christy because it r^ected all apostolic traditions, and relied entirely upon 
its immediate union with Chrbt. (/) Paul did indeed defend his apostolical 
authority against these various parties, by whom the unity of the Corinthian 
Church was not destroyed, but he did so only on the ground that he had re- 
ceived it from Christ himself. He did not deny, that every church had a 
right to use, for its own edification, the various gifts of its religious teachers, 
but he warned them that every thing which was not built upon Christ was 
perishable. He insisted that the Christian was a new man, after the image 

c) C. Buobt de abrog. legls Mob. ex Petri, Jml et Jo. itemqne Eoc ab ilsdem coDStitntanun 
Bententia. Monte- A^lbano, 1342 ; O, X, ScharUng^ de Paolo ^luqixe adTenariia, Haun. 1886. d) Svtub, 
H. ecc. IT, 5 ; Stdp. ^. H. aacr. II, 81. 

e) £ufieb. H. ecc III, 83. IT, 22. /) 1 Cor. 1, llsa. oomp. 2 Cor. 10, 7 ;—Baur^ fl. d. Chri»> 
taspartei In d. Cor. Qemeinde (T&b. Zeltacbr. 1881. P. 4. comp. 1886. p. 4), a. Paolua, p. 860ml ; 
J>an. Schenkely de Ecc Corintfala primaeva fkcUonlbiu torbata, Baa. 1888; J)r. J. B. Goidkom^ d. 


of God, and was no longer a Greek, or a Jew, or a Barbarian, bnt Christ was all 
in alL (g) A new tendency, having its origin among Jewish Christians, made 
its 2^)pearance at Colosse, which promised its votaries a mysterious kind of 
knowledge, and a power over the spiritual world, on condition that certain 
unnatural austerities were undergone, (h) On the other hand, Paul main- 
tained, that the highest wisdom was to be found in the simple gospel of 
Ohrist, and that a Christian had a rational freedom allowed him with respect 
to earthly things. 

§ 86. John, 

rtete, Yen. e. YoIlBt Einl. in d. Offienb. Job. u. in d. apokal. Lit Bonn. 1882. n. Com. vl Q Et. 
Job. Bonn. ed. 8. 1S40l toL L Elnleitang ; BaumgarUn-Crtudus, Theol. Ausl. d. Job. Schr. Jen. 
1848. ToL L Einldtang;— JT. Frammann^ d. Ja Lebrbegr. Li>9. 1889 : K. R. Kdsdtn^ Lebrbegr. d. 
£t. XL d. Briefe Jo. BrL 1848;— (?. C.J. LutzeWerger^ d. KircbL Tradition 0. d. A[k Juh. in ihrer 
Onindloeigkitt Lpa. 1840; Baur, tL d. Composition a. d. Cbarakter d. Job. £v. {Mler's Jalirb. 1844 
P. 1. St.); £ ZeUsr, A. fiaMern Zeigniase 0. Dasein u. Unpr. d. 4 Ev. {Thid. 1845. P. A);— J. A. IT. 
Ebrard^ de Ev. Job. a. dia neneate Hypotbene iL s. Entateb. Z&r. 1840;— ir Grimnk, Job. in Eracb. 
a. Oraber'a Encykl sect IL vol XXII. ; comp. Jfate^ Leben Jesu. p. 60s. 112a. [A. HUgenfeld^ d. 
Er. a. d. Brieft Jo. nacb ibr. Lebrbegr. dargeat Ilalle. 1S49.] 

As far back as the recollection of the churches in Anterior Asia extended, 
John appears as the central point of interest to all the congregations of Asia 
Minor, and moving in the same scene of action which had previously been 
under the care of Paul at Ephesus. He is represented as indignantly con- 
tending ag(unst erroneous teachers, whether of the Jewish or Gentile parties, 
or as reclaiming by love those that were lost^ and binding all together in uni- 
ty, (fl) He is said, by the legends, to have been miraculously delivered from 
martyrdom at Home, (b) A residence in Patmos, which, according to his own 
narration (Rev. 1, 9), must have occurred in the time of Galba, was changed 
by popular rumor in the Church, into a banishment under Domitian. All 
traditions, however, agree in declaring, that he attained an age in which the 
heart alone remains vigorous, {c) and that he finaUy fell asleep in the midst 
of his disciples, in the reign of Trigan. His life and death were vividly re- 
flected in many legendary accounts, the earliest of which were noticed by 
himself in his gospel (John 21, 22s.) (il) Even in the middle of the centn- 
ry, he was the third among the leaders of the Jewish Christians. The book 
cH Revelations, whose authenticity is pretty well confirmed, which is evi- 
dently conformed to Jewish types and imagery, and must have been com- 
posed prior to the destruction of Jerusalem, manifestly corresponds to such 
a pontlon. In that book, the chosen first-fruits around the throne of the 
Lamb belonged ezcluavely to the twelve tribes, but beyond these were an 
innumerable company from among the Gentiles, with palms and white robes, 
priildiDg also the Lamb that had been slain, (e) The natural progress of a 
thoughtftd man, as it is evident the author of the fourth gospel was, and as 

Cbrlataipsrt (Illgan*S Zeitsohr. 1840. P. 2); Ddhfu, die Cbrlatuapart Ual. 1641; T, F. Knietcet>, 
Eea Cor. Tetoat dtaaenstonaa Oedan. 1842. 4 cf) 1 Cor. 8 ; CoL 8, lOa. K) CoL 2 '.—Schiuckmihur' 
0«r, fi. d. Irrlebrer ta Col (anbaog z. 8cbr. a. d. Proaelytentaofe. BrL 1828. n. Beitr. z. Einl. N. 14) ; 
BkeinwalA, de paaadodoctorib. Coloaa. Yeron. Bben. 1884. 4 

a) ^«M&. H. aoa Y« 24 III, 28. b) TertuL de praescr. 0. 86. c) HUron. in Ep. ad Oal. 6. d) Au^ 
ffwtUne^ de Trin. TI, 89; PMudo-UippolyL de conaommat mundi (Hipp. 0pp. e<L Fabr. Append. 
pw 14) ; oomp. FabrieU^ Cod. Apoc. Tb. II. p. 088. a) Bw. 7, 4-10. comp. Jo. 4, 22. 



one so specially beloved of the Lord mnst have been, daring a period exten- 
sive as that of an ordinary generation, and spent among churches which had 
eigoyed Greek cnltare and the labors of Panl, will snfficiently acconnt for 
any apparent discrepancies, or tokens of advancement, which one may notice 
in passing from the Revelations to the Gospel and the first epistle of John. 
In these later prodactions, the same spiritual and comprehensive views of 
Christianity prevail, which are so manifest in the epistles of Paul, but they 
seem to indicate that the mental conflicts of the writer had passed away. 
This gospel, moreover, seems to appeal not so much to a spirit conscious of 
sin, (md specially feeling its need of salvation, as to something exalted in the 
existing nature of man, and its aspirations after perfection. Christianity, 
therefore, appears there to consist not so much in mere faith in the mercy of 
God through Christ, as more immediately in love, and in the union of the 
divine and human in the heart, which was complete in Christ, and is de- 
signed for our race. The incarnate Logos is a borrowed symbol of this uni- 
ty, partially indicated before in the epistles of Paul, (/) but presented in the 
gospel in a dogmatic form. It there appears as a celestial being not belong- 
ing to our race, but taking the place of beloved man, although, in conse- 
quence of personal recollections of Jesus, it is pervaded by historical facts of 
the most perfect human character. The love which John inculcated, is pow- 
erful enough to conquer death, and penetrate through all obstacles up to God. 
The most flourishing form of Christianity, in past or future times, is here 
partially presented. It consists in a life, even on earth, of tranquil, unbro- 
ken, and everlasting rest in God, in which all apparent schism between the 
present and the future, the human and the divine, has been overcome. 

§ 87. Parties in the Time of John. 

The same subjects which were destined to agitate the Church in ftiture 
ages, began already to be discassed among opposing parties. The various 
views and sects which had formerly prevailed among the Jews, were certain- 
ly carried forward in the very commencement, so as to produce similar vari- 
eties among Jewish Christians. Even the different conceptions which were 
then entertained of Jesus, had their origin in the national expectations of 
the Jews respecting their Messiah. But as every account we have of them 
belongs to a later age, it may be that the first power of Christian love, com- 
bined with the external influence of Gentile Christians, was then sufficient to 
hold together even opposing elements. The feehngs of bitterness which, ac- 
cording to the prominent recollections of the Church in the next century, the 
apostle John entertained toward Cerinthusy were too peculiar to have been 
awakened by the existence oiT any thing in the latter of a merely Jewish 

f) The paM^e in 1 Cor. 8, d 15, 47. cannot bo explained away ; hence the more distinct and prominent 
references to a Son of Ood who existed before the world, and created it, which are found in the Epp. to 
the Cola^tflans, Epbesians and Philippians, form no ground for suspecting the genuinenesa of those 
writings. Although all views not merely accidental mnst have their appropriate time of develop- 
ment, the Jewish notions of the Meielah and the Alexandrian doctrine of the Logos were so pre- 
a4Juste<1 to one another, that they might ttuily be supposed to have been all combined together 
in a single night 


cliaracter. (a) On tlie supposition that this Cerinthos taught, as lie is said, 
especially in Roman and Alexandrian accounts, to have done, that a millen- 
nial kingdom of the most sensnons nature was to be expected, that the ob- 
servance of the law was indispensable to salvation, and that the origin of 
Jesus was merely human, (b) such views were at that time by no means un- 
common. If, as Ironaeus declares, he regarded the Creator of the world as 
an inferior being, so that the Most High God was not revealed until he ap- 
peared through Christ as a superior being, in connection with the man 
Jesus, from the time of the baptism till the crucifixion, (r) he must, like John 
himself, have meant that the law was only intended for the development of 
the kingdom, and that the sensuous glory of that kingdom was merely alle- 
goricaL (d) In conformity with his Alexandrian education, he regarded the 
Creator of the world as an intermediate divine being, in the service of the 
supreme celestial Deity, (e) Those who looked upon matter as essentially 
evil, in accordance with a doctrine springing from an overwrought Platon- 
ism, or from Hindoo speculations, and certainly prevalent in Alexandria, must 
bAve been offended at the idea of a revelation of Deity through sensible ob- 
jects. Accordingly, the various forms of Docetism agreed in declaring, that 
every thing corporeal in Christ was only in appearance, and for the manifes- 
tation of the Spirit, and that his life was merely a continual Theophany. It 
was against the subtilizing process which this view rendered necessary with 
respect to the evangelical history, that testimony was borne probably even in 
the epistles of John, and certainly in those which bear the name of Igna- 
tius. (/) The Nieolaitans^ whose name was doubtless symbolical, and founded 
upon traditional recollections, were merely the first representatives of a large 
class of thinkers in subsequent times, who abused the spiritual superiority of 
Christianity to all corporeal objects, to give countenance to the Greek frivol- 
ity with respect to the relations of the sexes, {g) 

% 88. Traditions respecting the Apostles. 

The stories which have been related with regard to a division of the 
world by lot among the apostles, of the composition of a creed in Jerusalem 
at the time of their separation twelve years after the Ascension, of their 
oelibaoy or continence, and of their martyrdom, belong to the legends of the 
fourth and fifth centuries. According to earlier traditions, which, however, 
present no individuality of character, Thomas went to Parthia, Andrew to 
Scythia, («) Bartholomew to India, Qi) and Philip died at Hierapolis, in Phry- 
gia. In one of the most copious, a story is told, and highly embellished, of 
a mission of Thuddeus to Abgarus, prince of Edessa, in consequence of an 
earlier correspondence between Jesus and that prince, (c) 

a) Iritn. Ill, S;—8ehmidt^ Cerinth e. Jndals. Christ. In a Bibl. f. Krltik. n. Ex. vol L p. ISlas.; 
Paulus, nist Cer. (Introd. in N. T. cap. Beloctlora. Jen. 1799); comp. Bdur^ Cbr. Gnods. T&b. 1885. 
p. 117. 40888. b) Eu9eb. H. ecc III, 2S ; Bpiph. haer. 2a c) Iren. I, 26. d) Iren, V, S3, e) The- 
odortt HacreL fkbb. II, 8; Iren. I, 26. /) 1 tAo. 1, 1-8 ; 4, 2& ; 2 Jo. 7; Ignatius ad Ephea. c. 7. 18. 
■d Sroyrn. c 1-8 ;—A. H. Niemeytr^ de Docetis. IlaL 192& 4. g) Rev. 2, 6. 1488. ; 2 Pet. 2, 15 ; Jud. 11, 
yuror rhv \a6¥f C9 3?lba , oomp. Iren. I, 26 ; Clem. Strom. IL p. 4908. ; IIL p. 9229L \—Miin- 
§eker, Yermuth. fl'd. Nlkolalten (Oablcr'8 Journ. t Theol. Lit. 1608. voL V. p. 1788.); Etcald^ in 
ApoeaL Jo. p. 110 ; Gfrbrer^ GiMcb. d. Urehr. I, 2. p. 402s«. 

a) Eu^eh. H. eoe. Ill, 1. h) Ibid. V, la c) Ibid. I, 18; K. Uase, Leben J«8a. p. llai 


§ 39. Apostolical Fathers of the First Century. 

Patrnm qui temporibns apostolonim flornerant, 0pp. ed. Ooteleriutu Pir. 1672. rep. ClericHt^ 
AmsL (1698.) 1724 2 Th. f ; Patrnm appi 0pp. ed. RwHa^ Lond. 1796. 2 Th. ; Patniin app. Opp. ed. 
m/de. Tub. (18$9. 184a) 1847. {A. ButUr, Lives of the Fatben, Martyrs, dc«. Lond. 1888. 2 Tola. 8; 
JE BickergtetK, The Chr. Fathers of the First and Second Centariea. Lond. 1845. 12 ; Ahp. Wak^^ 
Ap. Fathers. Lond. 1817. 8.]— /r«yn«, Jimiu^tivan GiUe^ Commentt de Patrnm qip. doctrina mo- 
rali. Lngd. 1838. 4. [ffUffer/M, d. Erforschnngen 1L d. Scbrr. Ap. Titer. Berl. 1854. a] 

When the contemporaries and disciples of the apostles left behind them 
any writings, they were distinguished by the ancient Chnrch as apostolic 
fathers. The genuineness of their writings cannot be perfectly maintained, 
especially against the suspicion of having been revised in later times. They 
resemble the writings of the apostles not so much in their distinct and intel- 
lectual peculiarities, as in their general conception of Christianity, without 
doctrinal precision or references to Grecian learning. The epistle of Bama- 
has treats of the relation of Christianity to Judaism, in the manner of the 
epistle to the Hebrews, with an allusion to the temple of Jerusalem as if it 
were already destroyed. In spite of the powerful historical proofe we pos- 
sess of the genuineness of the epistle, the insipid spirit and the stupid arbi- 
trariness of its allegorical explanations, continually suggest doubts whether it 
could be the production of a man once regarded as the equal of Paul, (a) 
The epistle of Clemens Romanus (Phil. 4, 3) to the Corinthians, was intend- 
ed to effect a reconciliation between the parties which had been organized 
among them. It inculcates the doctrine of justification by faith, but, in the 
spirit of Paul, it exhorts all to adorn themselves also with good works. The se- 
cond epistle which bears the name of the same writer, is generally of a devo- 
tional character, but it is a mere fragment, and of a very doubtftil authenticity. 
The Shepherd of ffermas is a strenuous exhortation to morality, enforced by 
the prospect of the second advent of Christ. It is in the form of direct rev- 
elations from God, and visions of angels. In the manner of Jewish Chris- 
tians, it displays great confidence in the holiness of good works, but contains 
evidence that baptism had already taken the place of circumcision. The in- 
dividual whose composition it professes to be, is unknown, but the general 
use made of it in the churches of the second century, for devotional reading, 
indicates that he must have been an apostolical personage, (b) 

§ 40. Political Overthrow of Judaism, 
Jo-phi de bello Jnd. L TIL; TwsiU, HIsL Y, 1-18. 

The obstinacy of the Jewish nation may have required unusual severity 
on the part of the Romans, but the extreme violence of the procurator (7e»- 

o) In favor of its genuineness : E. BmkOt de Epistolae qnae Bam. tribnitor, authentia. Jen. 1827 ; 
JRdrdam, de aath. Ep. B. Hafh. 1828 ; Hatterkom can Bysewyk^ de B. Ambem. 1885. On the 
other side: UUmann^ in d. Stad. a. Krit 182& P. 2 ; Zug. in d. Zeitscbr. t d. Erzblsth. Freyb. P. 
98b ; /r</Wd, d. Sendschr. d. Ap. B nntersocht, Qbersetxtn. erkliirt Tub. 1840 ;~2>. Sehenka (Stud, 
u. Krlt 1887. EL 8.) contends for the interpolation of c. 7-12. 15. 16. by some Therapeutic Jewish 
Christians; EeberUt in d. Stud. d. GeistL WOrtemb. 1846. P. 1. Chap. 16 seems to refer to the 
Temple of Aella Capitolina. h) Bom. 16^ 14 'O rroiyAiv, Pastor. Lai translation and Greek Frsg- 
ments \-~QraU, Disqq. in Pastorem Ilermaek P. L Bonn. 1820. 4 ; Jaehmann^ d. Hltte dea Hermafc 
Kunigsb. 188B. 


Biui FhrvM (after 64), could find no palliation except in the insurrections to 
which he had driven the people. Thej had entered upon the war (66), not 
so much in the hope of victory, as in despair of all earthly peace. Legions 
had fallen in the mountains of Judea, when Vespasian (after 67), and after 
his elevation to the imperial throne, the Cassar Titus (70), arrayed the whole 
power of the empire against Jerusalem. The Christian churches, remember- 
ing the prophecy which Jesus had left them, abandoned their native land, 
and betook themselves to Pella, on the other side of Jordan. Though famine 
and civil war raged in Jeruaalem, every offer of mercy connected with the 
condition of renewed servitude was scornfully rejected, and the holy city 
was at last destroyed in a sublime death-struggle against the whole power of 
the Boman world. 

§ 41. The Soman Civil Power. 

[T. Arnold^ Later Bonun Commonwealth. New York. 1846. 8 toU 8.] 

It was the policy of the Boman government to permit all nations under 
its yoke to retain their own gods, but some very ancient laws, forbidding any 
Boman citizen to worship divinities not recognized by the State, and any 
conqnered nation to propagate their religion in other parts of the Empire, 
were still In existence, (a) Hence, the more Ohristianity disconnected itself 
from Judaism, the more it lost the right of toleration conceded to every 
national religion, and by its efforts to make spiritual conquests it became ob- 
noxious to the laws. In the time of the Caesars, however, so strong were 
the indinations of the people toward foreign religions, and so numerous the 
admissions of foreigners to the rights of citizenship, that these laws had be- 
come nearly obsolete, and could be restored to their authority only by special 
acts of power, (h) There is no other authority for believing that Tiberius 
ever adopted Christ as one of his household gods, but the legends of the 
second century, (c) Under Claudius^ Christians were expelled from Borne (58) 
merely as Jews, {d) Nero (64) transferred to the Christians the guilt of his own 
incendiary conduct, and caused all who could be found in the city to be put 
to death, for although they were generally regarded as innocent of the crime 
imputed to them, they were condemned as enemies of the human race, {e) 
Under Domitian (81-9G) the charge of Christianity was used as a pretext, by 
which persons might be convicted of a kind of high treason, that so their 
property might be confiscated, and themselves banished or executed. Flatius 
Clemens^ a man of consular dignity, and belonging to the imperial family, was 
pot to death, and his wife Domitilla was banished to an island, according to 
Boman accounts for contempt of the gods, and giving themselves up to Jew- 
ish practices, but according to Christian views as martyrs for the truth. (/) 
Some persons arraigned betbre the emperor, on account of their connection, 
by birth, with Jesus, were dismissed without molestation, as harmless peos- 

a) Cieero de leglb. II, 8. h) Fr. Walch^ do Romanorum In tolerandli divorsls reltsrionibns dfH* 
dpllna puUiciL (Nov. Commcntt Boo. Beg. Ooett 1788. vol. III.) o) Tertul. Apolof^'t c. fi. 21. 
Id bvor oi it; Braun^ de Tiberii Cbrlstam In deorum namenun referendi conMlio, Bonn. 1S84. 
d) SutUm. Claud, c. 26; Ammon, Pg. In Suet Claud, c. 25. Erl. 19ia 4 e) ThcUi .\nn. XV, 44* 
^iMCon. Nero, 0. 16^ /) SuOon. Dona. c. 15; i>to Cawius (Epit XIpbllini), LXVII« 14; Eanett. 


ants, ig) Kerta (96-98) forbade that any one should be accused for being a 
Christian. In the midst of these persecutions, Christians made no resistance 
farther than individually to assert their innocence, and then silently reagn 
themselves to their fate. (A) Near the close of the first century churches 
were to be found in all the principal cities of the Eastern empire, but in the 
West there are no distinct traces of them, out of Italy. The first converts 
were principally slaves, laborers, and women, but so numerous were they, 
that even then it is said, the temples of Asia Minor were deserted, and flesh 
which had been offered to idols could find no sale. 

§ 42. Constitution of the Local Churches, 

C M. PfiMff, de originlb. juris ecc. Tub. 1719. e<l 4. Ulm. 1759. 4. {Greiling) UrverC d. »p«st 
Chiistengem. Halbnt 1819; £rei9chnfiderf die Veil z. Zl d. App. reprMflentaliv-dcmokr. a ariiito- 
krmtlBch? (A. K. Zeitwig. 1S38. N. KiS:^ u. Kirchl. \to\\L Zeitfragen. Lpz. 1S17. p. ^\s».)\ R. Rothe, 
die Anfunge d. cbr. K. u. Ihrcr Yert Witt 1887. 1 vol : A. PeUrsen, die Idee. d. cbr. K. Lpz. 1S89- 
46. 8Th.; [J.E. Riddle, Manual of Cbr. Antt Lon«l l^K 8; J. R WUion, Prim. Gov. of Cbr. 
Churches. ThllatL 1888. 12; A. A'eatuler, Planting A, Training; transl. from Germ, bj J. £. Ryland. 
Philad. 1844w 8. JL Coleman, The Ai>ostol. & Prim. Church, &c, PhllaiL 1S45. 12; A. Btimen, Id- 
qalry into the Orli?. ic Gov. of Ap. Church. Philad. 1848. 12 ; R. Whntely, The Kingdom of Cbrbt 
New Torlc. 1842. \%\ J. L. Mokhelm, Commcntt on the AfTuIrs ot Christians before Const transl. 
fhran Germ, by Vldal. Lend. 1818. 8 vols. 8: J. Bingham^ Ori^ines Ecck'5la^ticae, transl. from Lat. 
Lend. 1S52. 8 vols. 8; P. King, Const of Prim. Church, I^nd. 1719. 8; W. Sciater, Orig. Draught of 
Prim. Church. Lond. 1727. 8; X. Banga^ Orig. Church of Christ New York. 1S5J7. 2 ed. &] 

The separate existence of the Christian Church was effected quite as much 
by the daily religious assemblies of the disciples at Jerusalem, as by their 
partial exclusion from the synagogues. The Twelce Apostles at first regarded 
themselves as a perfected or exclusive College for the establishment of Chris- 
tianity in the world. They had been the special companions of the Lord, 
and were now the principal vouchers for the evangelical traditions. They 
therefore exercised an undisputed authority over the Church, shared however 
in a short time with others, who became distinguished for their spiritual gifts 
as apostles and founders of churches. Next to them in rank were the Evan" 
gelists, a class of traveUing preachers, sometimes also called, in the more ex- 
tensive sense of the term, apostles. The Prophetic was the gift granted to 
many persons at that time, by which they were enabled to speak in an in- 
spired, enraptured manner of discourse. In the case of Agabas, however, 
we have a specimen of a class of soothsayers who only faintly resembled an- 
other, then for ever gone, {a) The actual officers of the local churches were 
chosen as circumstances called for them, after the model of the s^niagogue. 
Elders (irptafiimpoiy ^''?h?) ''^cre appointed to preside, and preserve order in 
the church, and Deacons (dtaicoi/ot), to take charge of the poor, and to assist 
in every effort for the common good, (b) The Elders were sometimes caUed 
by the unassuming name of Oterseers (iiria-Konoi)^ an appellation more con- 
sonant with Grecian customs, and first adopted in Grecian congregations. 

Chron. II. ad Olymp. 218 ; Hieron. ep. 86. (aL 27.) ct Phil. 4, 22. ff) I^u^eb. Hist. ecc. Ill, !& h) On 
the other hand : Kettner, die Agape o. d. geheime Woltband der Christen von Kleme&s in Bomi 
enter Domitian gestiflet Jena. 1819. 

a) AcU 11, 2a 21, 10& h) Acts 6, 1-10. 


Both titles were as yet used indiscriminately^ althongb in consequence of the 
personal influence of some who presided in the churches, especially of Jeru- 
salem, the way may have been prepared even then, for the distinction which 
became so decided and general in the first ten years of the next century, (e) 
The officers of each church were chosen by the people, or with the consent 
of the people were installed over them by those who organized them into a 
church. Although the office of a public teacher must have seemed most im- 
portant, and the necessity of well qualified instructors must have been 
urgent, (d) it does not appear that any persons were at first set apart, exclu- 
sively for that duty, («) and every thing like a hierarchy was excluded by 
the universal acknowledgment that all believers were members of a general 
priesthood. (/) It was looked upon as a matter of conscience, that all civil 
salts should be settled by arbitrators selected from the church itself. (^) After 
the excitement of the first establishment of the church had subsided, women 
once more returned to a silent submission to the word of God, and to the 
performance of their proper duties in the domestic circle. But in addition 
to the Deaeonenes^ who were employed in charitable offices among the women, 
there were* probably, even then, some female presbyters or widows^ for the 
supervision and instruction of the younger persons of their own sex. (h) 
Every one who applied for admission to the Ohurch was immediately re- 
ceived, but those who were subsequently found guilty of gross offences were 
excluded by the action of the congregation. In the management of its pub- 
lic affairs each congregation was an independent society, but by spiritual fel- 
lowship, and the influence of distinguished travelling teachers, all the con- 
gregations were so connected together, as collectively to form one great king- 
dom of God, of which even in the time of Paul, Jerusalem was regarded as 
the centre. The supreme law was love, and the sovereign power was exer- 
cised by the Holy Ghost. 

§ 48. EcclesuMtical Life, 

Arnold^ erate Liebe d. L wahre Abbildang d. ereten Christen. Frnkf. 169<S. £ «& oft ; Stick f I et 
Bogenhard, Biga oommontt de moroU primAevorom Cbristianorum conditlone, Xcost ad 0. lS2d. 

As the Church at Jerusalem grew up out of the original company of the 
apostles, the common fund which had existed in the latter, suggested the 
bold thought of a community of gooda Although such a project was much 
fiusilitated by the enthusiastic brotherly love then prevalent, and an expecta- 
tion that all existing relations were soon to be overthrown, it was never com- 
pletely carried out, and this congregation was soon in need of the charities 
of Christians in foreign countries, (a) A hypocritical vanity which occurred 
in a form not very uncommon in religious circles, was visited with a terrible 

c) dc »d Attic VII, 11; Acta 20, 17. 23; Phil, 1, 1; 1 Pet. 6, Is.; Ofwi. Jiom. ad Cor. 
c 42. 44; Etrmae Past L 2. A\~-BU>nd€ly Apologia pro eententia Hier. de Episc. Amst 1616. 4; 
GdbUr, de Episoopta primae ecc Jen. 1805. 4. d) Acts 6, 2 ;— /. Tim. 8, 2. 6, IT; // Tim. 2. 24 

e) FarMger^ Da. de munerib. ecc tempore A pp. Lpa. 1776. 4; Gabler, examlnatur Forbl- 
geri sent de Proeb. Jen. 1812. 4. 2 Pgg. /) I. Pet. 2, 9. 5, 8, cf. Rom. 12» 1. g) J. Oor. 6, 1-& 
cC Matt 18, ISea. A) Acta 2. 17. 21, 9.— Rom. 16, 1.-7% 2, 8; /. Tim. 6, 9; Cone. Laod. can. 11 ; 
(JTaiMi, Th. IL p. 666;.— ira««, Streitechrr. P. 2, p. 858a. 

a) AeU 4, 82hl cC IS, 18.— JfoaAtfim, de vera natnra oommanionis bonorum in Ecc. Hier. (Daa. 


divine retribntion. (h) The ordinary mode of life in each congregation pre- 
sented many points of comparison with that which existed among the 
Eseenes. (c) Christians regarded themselves, in contrast with the world, as 
the consecrated people of God. Every intellectual faculty, according to its 
peculiar nature, was enlisted in the service of the kingdom of Gk)d, and when 
exalted by the common spirit of the Church, was looked upon as a gracious 
gift of the Holy Ghost. Hence, while there were many gifts, there was but 
one Spirit. The most remarkable of these gifts was the power of miracu- 
lously healing the sick, at first more especially exercised by Peter, but after- 
wards supposed to be a permanent possession of the Church. The Holy 
Ghost was regarded as the common spirit of the whole Church, proceeding 
directly from Christ, awakening and appropriating to its use the sacred en- 
thusiasm of each individual. The external manifestations of this spirit were 
sometimes genuine exhibitions of divine power, but were sometimes con- 
founded with the fanatical irruptions of a high religious excitement, and in 
all cases were regarded as fulfilments of a prophetic metaphor of Messianic 
prophecy, (d) The sincere piety which generally prevailed, however, did not 
always prevent the pride which flatters itself on account of its external ser- 
vices, nor did the extraordinary brotherly love which the great body of 
Christians exhibited, entirely suppress some manifestations of envy and party 
spirit. When persecution was expected, it was not uncommon for some 
among the Jewish Christians to save themselves by apostacy, and among the 
Gentile portion of the Church sins were sometimes committed which were 
regarded as unpardonable, (e) Even when Christian morality had been in- 
fluenced by Jewish views of personal purity, it had much to contend with in 
the sensuality of the Greeks. Fastings and abstinences, which had been re- 
garded from a period of great antiquity, as conducive to a pious disposition, 
together with some festivals, were very soon introduced into the Christian 
Church. Paul, it is true, rejected them when any attempted to enforce them 
as a matter of legal obligation, or of personal merit, but he looked upon vir- 
ginity as a very desirable condition, and expressed an inferior regard for the 
married state. (/) No change was required in the social relations of life, but 
they were exalted by higher motives and principles. (^) All hope of an 
earthly theocracy was apparently destroyed by the death of Jesus, but Chris- 
tians generally believed that Christ was to return to the world a second time, 
and many indulged the hope that they would live to witness his advent. This 
faith gave birth to the boldest expectations, partaking generally of a sensuous 
character, and while it seemed a national necessity, and a religious consola- 
tion to the Jewish, it was a source of anxiety and perplexity to the Grecian 
congregations, (h) 

§ 44. Mode of Worship, 

The devotional exercises of the Christian assemblies, like those of the 
Jewish synagogues, consisted principally of prayers, singing of hymns, and 

ad It ecc Alton. 1743. Tb. IL) I) Acts S, 1-11. e) Comp. Ofrbrm', Geacb. d Urchr. IIL p. SSSh. 
d) Acts 2, 16-18; /. Cor. 13, 4. 14, Iss. e) Utb. «, 4aa. 10, 25a8.~/. Jo. fi, 1«. /) /. Oor. 7, 1«. 88m. 
g) Ei>. ad Philemon, h) After the Apocalypse, MaUh. 18, 28 ; /. Oor, 15, 62 ; Phil 4» 6 ; Btlb, 10, 87 ; 
/. c^. 8, 18; Jam^ 6, 8 ; /. Pet 4, 6.—//. Thet$. 8. 


sacred disconrses, founded upon portions of the Old Testament. Apostolio 
epistles were read in the congregation, to which they had been originally di- 
rected, bnt after a single reading they were generally laid aside. Every one 
who had the power and the inclination to speak in public, was allowed to do 
80 with freedom. Baptism as an initiatory rite was performed simply in the 
name of Jesns. (a) The love-feast, in which were combined the ordinary 
meal and the religions service of the primitive Christians, was originally cele- 
brated in Jerusalem every day. At its condui^on the broken bread and the 
consecrated cup was passed around to every one at the table, (b) In the Jew- 
ish Christian congregations the Jewish Sabbath and festivals were observed. 
Paul denied that any one was bound by positive law to show a preference of 
one sacred day above another, (e) Only in congregations composed princi- 
pally of Greeks, oould the members be Induced to observe Sunday in oom- 
memoradon of our Lord^s resurrection, (d) and among them no interest could 
be awakened in those Jewish festivals, which were not connected with some 
event of the Christian history, to give them additional importance. It is, 
however, not easy to explain why even Paul and John should have discon- 
tinoed in such congregations the eating of the paschal kmb, according to the 
usage of their forefinthers. (e) 

i 45. Doctrines of the Church, 

No public sentiment upon definite articles of Christian faith had yet been 
formed, bnt in addition to those generally received maxims of piety, which 
in some instances had been handed down from the lips of Jesus, and in others 
had been gradually developed in the course of free discussion, the whole sys- 
tem of Jewish faith passed over into the Christian Church, and was received 
as divine. The only condition of admission to the Church, was a promise to 
live a new life, and an acknowledgment of Jesus as the Messiah. In this ac- 
knowledgment free scope was given to all those views of the nature of the 
Keisiah, which prevailed among the people, from a simple recognition of him 
as the Son of David, and a man filled with the Spirit of God, to a belief in 
him as an angel, and an impersonation of some one of the attributes of 
Jehovah. In the view of the Greeks the Messianic ofiSoe had no special sig- 
nificance, and Christ was to them simply the Lord, and the Son of God. As 
fur as the reception of the doctrine of the Holy Ghost may be regarded as an 
indication of the development of Christianity at this period, the views of the 
Church may be inferred from the baptismal formula, which was a simple ex- 
prearion of faith in the divine Father, Son, and Spirit (Matth. 28, 19). This 
whole transaction was a thoroughly practical matter, and admitted of a great 
variety of views. 

a) Act» 8, 88. 8, 18. 10, 48 ; Rom, 8, 8. b)J,T.F. Drtseher^ de vett ChrirtlADoram Agapia. Ofeas. 
18S1 e) OaL 4, 9m. ; a>2L i, 16; Bom, 14, 5; oomp. / Oor, 5, 6st. ; Comp. Jattin. a Tryph. c 10, 
11 d) ^<3te 20, 7; /. Cor. 18, 3; Rev. 1, 10; Bamab. c 15.— C'. C. L. Franke, de die! domlnioi 
•pad vett Christ Mlebratione, HtL 1826; (Commtt teL ed. VoU>eding. 1S16. Tb. L P. I.) e) Acta 
tfl^fin; ^uMft. H. eoe. y, 24. 





LactanthiM^ de mortlb. persecutorum, ed. Bavldri^ TraJ. ad. Bh. 1698. and often. [This work 
is transl by Bp. Snrnft. Lend. 1718. 8.]— C KortKoU, de peraeqaatlonib. eoc piimaeyae (Jen. 1660), 
Kllon. 16S9. 4; Transl into Germ. ; Beschr. d. 10 grossen Yerfolgg. Hamb. 1698; Gibbon^ Dedlne 
and Fall of tlie Koni. Emp. I»nd. 17766S. 6 vola. 4, and often. [With notea bj MUman and 
Gui*(tt. New York. 1S4S. 4 vula. 8.] Transl. into Ocrm. by Wenk^ and others. Lps. 178868. 10 vob.; 
the 16th chap. rof>pecting the prop, of Chr. by natural cansea, transL by A. F. «. Walterstem, Ilamb. 
178S; G. A. Ottiander, Ausbreit d. Chrlstenth. (Sti&udlin's n. Tzschlmer's Arch, vol 4. sect 2); /T. 
G. 7k«cA<m«r, dcr Fall des Ilcidenth. Lps. 1829. 1 voL ; A. Beugnot^ Hist de U destmctlon du pa- 
ganismo en Occident Tor. 1S8& 2 vols. {A. NiUchl^ d. Entsteh. der Altkath. K. Bonn. 1850.] 

§ 46. The Jem. 
Zunz^ die Gottesdienstl Yortr. d. Jad. hist entwickelt BrL 1832. comp. ( 40. 

Uninstructcd by the past, and nnhnmbled by defeats, the Jews contended 
against their fate (after 115), and from Western Africa to Asia Minor, insarrec- 
tions rolled over the land, always to be quelled in Jewish blood. That he 
might not be compelled to pnt the whole nation to death, Hadrian resolved 
to destroy its nationality. The people were forbidden to observe their Sab- 
baths, and circumcision was punished as a crime probably as emasculation, {a) 
and on the ruins of Jerusalem a city consecrated to Jupiter was built, and in 
honor of that divinity and of the emperor was called Aelia Capitolina, 
When reduced to extremity, the nation was called to arms (182) by Bar 
Coehha^ L e, the Son of a Star, (h) who professed to be the promised Messiah^ 
and was acknowledged to be such by the distinguished Rabbi Akiba. He 
succeeded in conquering Jerusalem, and in consequence of his heroic but 
sanguinary exploits, Palestine became once more free. But after all the hor- 
rors and vicissitudes of a three years' war, Julius Seterus got possession, by 
storm, of Bethar^ the last fortress of this Messiah's kingdom. The impostor 
himself fell in the battle. The whole of Palestine had become a desert 
Every Jew was forbidden, under penalty of death, to set foot within the holy 
city. Those Christians who remained in Palestine suffered much during this 
struggle, not only from the Romans, by whom they were frequently treated 
as Jews, but still more from the followers of the false Messiah, because they 
refused to follow him in his efforts to save their conmion country, (r) These 
national misfortunes were regarded by the Jews as divine judgments for their 
indifference to the law of their fathers, and had no influence in diminishing 
their assurance of future success. Schools of learning were established, to 
serve as spiritual courts, and centres of influence for the nation in its general 
dispersion. Genuine Babhinism was formed on the ruins of the older sects 

a) SpaHlanU Hadr. a 14. conap. Digeti. XLVIIL Ut 8. fir. 11 ; Nor. Jost 142. e. 1. h) Num. 
24, 17. After his failure he was called: K2'«ti3 "13 , fillus mendaolL c) I. Dio Com. LXVIII, 
82; LXIX, 12s8.; Eweb. II. ecc IV, 2. 6; Ju^tini, Ap. L c 81.— IL Deyling, Aeliae Capu Oil- 
gines et Uist Lps. 1743 ; M&nUr. der JGd. Kricg nnter Tn^KCi n. Iladr. Altona a. Lpa 1821. 


at Tiberias^ in the school of Hillel, in which the Mosaic law, in its utmost 
extent, though partially acconunodated to the times, was taught hj a class 
of teachers permanently set apart to this work. The traditions of the scrihes 
here reduced to writing {Mithnay ahout 220), with explanations (Gemara^ in 
the 4th cent.), constituted, in subsequent times, the principal book for in- 
struction and religious law (Talmud), A still greater influence was after- 
wards acquired by the schools on the Euphrates, in which the Babylonian 
Talmud was composed of the same general materials (430 till 621), and be- 
came more generally esteemed, on the ground that it was a more distinct 
form of modem Judaism. The Jews, who were the sources of all the calum- 
nies heaped upon Christ and the Church, knew very well how to excite the 
same hatred against the Christians of which they were themselves the vie- 
tims. (d) The feelings of Christians with respect to the Jews still remained 
of a contradictory character. In a dialogue of Justin^ in which the author 
replies to the objections of a candid Jew against the vocation of Jesus, and 
the transitory nature of the divine law, the position is assumed, that the Mo- 
saic precepts and institutions were only prefigurations and symbols either of 
what Christ did, or of what happened to him and his followers, (e) It was 
even then asserted, that Christianity had been rejected by the people among 
whom it originated, and that the few who had embraced it were by no means 
the most faithful and consistent Christians. (/) The proo£i adduced by 
Cyprian are a collection of pertinent and impertinent passages of Scripture, 
to show that the Jews were to be cast off, and that all the prophecies either 
had been or would be fulfilled by Christ. (^) 

§ 47. ne Roman People and Empire, 

KifHhoU, PagBDiu obtrecUtor, Kilon. 1693. A\J.J. Jlulderici, Q«Dtlli8 obtr«etator, Tlgnr. 1744; 
Pap$t, do culpa Christianor. in roxatt motis a Bom. ErL 1789. 8 Pgg. 4 ; N&nter, die Cbristin &n 
hetdnischen Hause Tor Constantin, Kopenh. 182S. 

From the time of Trajan, the Roman people had been accustomed in a 
tumultuous manner to demand that Christians should be put to death. This 
proceeded originally from persons who either derived their support from some 
connection with idolatry, or found their principal honor or pleasure in the 
cultivation of pagan literature. But internally decayed, as heathenism then 
was, it could never have awakened such a powerful opposition, and, in the 
course of the struggle, have won for itself once more a high degree of attach- 
ment, merely by appeals in behalf of the old idolatry. The whole common 
feeling of the ancient world, and the chief glory of the present life, was as- 
sailed by Christianity, and the people saw nothing proposed in return but a 
severe and cheerless system of virtue, in which the world was rendered a 
desert, that an uncertain heaven might be won. The hatred thus awakened 
endeavored to jostify itself by suspicions. The spiritual worship of an in- 
visible God was denounced as atheism ; participation in the sacred body of 

d) JutUn. c. Trypb. o. Ite. ; TnrM. ad nation. I, 14 «) AtcUoyor irphs Tpv<pwya 'IovScuok 
Ed. Jdtb, Lond. 1719; 0pp. recJ. a T. Otto, Jen. 1S428. Th. IL ;— Jrfin«cA<r, an Dial a Trjrph. 
Jnatino mete adacribatar? (Oommentt tbeol. ed. Bosenmaeller, Lpa. 1S20. Tb. L P. 2, p. 18481.) 
/) JuBtinif ApoL L e. 58. g) TesUmoniomm adv. Jadaeoa, L IIL 

44 ANCIENT CnUBCH HI8T0BT. PER. L DIY. II. A. D. 100-31& 

Christ was represented as a Thyestean feast ; the privacy of the Christian 
semblies was looked upon as a doak for conspiracy, and for secret crimes ; 
and the fraternal fellowship which generally prevailed among Christians, was 
suspected as the result and the occasion of unnatural lasciviousness. The re- 
proaches heaped upon each other by the Church and the various Christiaa 
sects, (a) and the confessions wrung by torture from heathen slaves, with re- 
spect to their Christian masters, (h) appeared to confirm the suspicions of 
those who were anxious to find evidences of guilt. The public misfortunea 
in which that age abounded, were all regarded as divine judgments for the 
dishonor done to the offended gods. But to persons of distinction, and to 
those who had been educated in the spirit of the times, Christianity appeared 
to be a dark superstition of an infatuated rabble. The magistrates were, in- 
deed, frequently induced to persecute Christians, by the clamors of the mul- 
titude, and by their own passions ; but the true reason for it was to be found 
in motives of state policy. Christians looked upon it as dangerous to take 
the oath of allegiance which the soldiers were obliged to receive, or to per- 
form the duties of any public or civil office, (r) although many overcame 
their religious scruples from a regard to personal advantages or feelings of 
duty. Although they generally submitted to every outrage infiicted upon 
them by the magistrates, whom they regarded as appointed by God, their 
vast number and mutual fellowship rendered them formidable to the civil 
authorities. Indeed, this consciousness of their own power, and their con* 
viction that the empire was destined to a speedy overthrow were so openly 
expressed, (d) that their assurances of fidelity and loyalty appeared quite sus- 
picious. At all events, the State was torn by dissensions, and as long as 
any hope remained of overcoming Christians by terror, sanguinary measures 
were looked upon as likely to result in good. The fate of Christians was, it 
is true, determined by the imperial edicts in every part of the empire, but it 
was rendered mild or severe according to the popular sentiment in each pro- 
vince and the personal feelings of the local magistrate. 

§ 48. Conduct of the Individual Emperors during (he Second and Third Cen^ 


Franc Balduini, Commtr. ad edlota vett prince Rom. de Chrtstianls, HaL ITST. 4 ; C. J>. A, 
Martini^ PeneeatioDeB Chrlstianoram sub Impp. Rom. Roetoch. 1802b. 8 Comm. 4; Sdmmatm 
fr. ManMQg^ die Verfolgungen d. enten obriaa Kirche. Vlen. ISSl ; O. & Xdpt^, de atatn at ooodit. 
CbriAtianoram aub Impp. Rom. altariua port Chr. &b6C Bar. 1628. 

1. A noble race of emperors, in whom the Greek and Roman spirit waa 
once more revived, were, in the old Roman style, either indifferent or severe 
in their treatment of Christianity. A rescript of Tn^An (98-117), in reply 
to some inquiries of Plinius (about 110) respecting the conduct to be pursued 
towards Christians, directed that they should not be sought after by the civil 
authorities, but that all legally arraigned by accusers before the courts, were 

a) Tartal. da jejun. a IT ; OUm. Strom. IIL p. 511 ; JTiMak H. aoa I V, T. h) Euseb. II. aoa VI, 
1. c) Tertul de oor. c 11; Apologet o. 88; de Palllo, o. 5; BtHnart, Aote Martjr. od. 2. p. 2Ma 
<f) Tfrtul, Apolofret c. 8T. Tba Apocalj-pae of John, and maoy tbinga In tbe Sibylline botik^ bad 
already announced tbeae. 


either to be pardoned if thej denied the charge or repented, or ^ven over 
to death if they continued obstinate. He however allowed, that no uniform 
mle conld be prescribed in this matter. So many of them in Bithynia and 
Pontns were induced to inyoke the gods, to anathematize Christ, and to honor 
the statue of the emperor with offerings of wine and incense, that Pliny in- 
dulged the hope that, by a skilftd combination of mildness and severity, he 
would soon be able to put an end to this superstition, (a) The aged Symeon^ 
the son of Cleopas, and the successor of James at Jerusalem, being accused 
before Atticua, the governor of the city, of being a Oliristian, and of the 
fiunily of David, was crucified (107), (b) and Ignativs^ Bishop of Antioch, 
alter a personal audience with the emperor, was torn to pieces by lions in 
the Odiseum, for tiie amusement of the Boman people (116). (e) About 
this time, the people began at their festivals, or in time of public calamity, 
to demand the blood of Ohristians. Hadrian (117-188) and Antoninus Pitts 
(ldS-161) therefore checked these tumultuous proceedings, by directing that 
the strict forms of law belonging to the usual trials should be observed, (d) 
The stoical repugnance which Marcus Aurelius (161-180) felt toward the en- 
thusiasm of the Christians, induced him to allow the popular hatred in south- 
ern Gaul and Asia Minor to have its fhll career of blood, {e) Polycarpy 
]^8hop of Smyrna, the kst living relic of Apostolic days, died (169) at the 
stake, because he refused to curse the Lord whom he had faithfully served 
for 86 years. (/) The miracle of the Legio /ulminatrix (174) was either not 
important enough, or not sufficiently authenticated, to turn the philosophic 
emperor from his course, (g) 2. Until some time in the middle of the third 
oentury, the emperors were either indifferent or favorable to Christianity ; 
but as the ancient laws still remained unrepealed, its adherents were depend- 
ent npom the caprice of the municipal governors. The wanton cruelty of 
Commodus (180-192) was softened to mildness with respect to Christians, 
by the influence of his paramour Marcia^ and yet Apollonius was put to 
death, principally, however, on account of his eloquent apology for Christian- 
ity before the Senate. His accuser was executed at an earlier period, per- 
haps as his slave. (A) Septimius Severus (192-211) merely prohibited the 
furtiier propagation of Christianity, (t) The enmity which GaracaUa 
(211-217) bore toward the whole human race, amounted only to indifference 
wHh respect to the Church. (Jc) The effeminate pleasure which Heliogabalus 
(218-222) took in oriental systems of religion, operated favorably in behalf 
of Christianity. {T) With a nobler appreciation of its spiritual nature, Aleo 

a) FUnii, Epp. X. p. 96e. (al 97s.); TertuL Apologet c. 2; Euaeb. TL. ecc. Ill, \Z\— Hater- 
taat, Yeitheldlgiing der Plln. Briefe a. d. Cbrlsten, G5tt 178a h) Eu§d>. H. oca III, 82, oomp. 11. 
iAer Heg8slppti& c) EuMb, H. eoc. Ill, 26 ; Acta martyril Ignat in Buinart, p. Sas. d) Jwtini^ 
ApoL L c 68; Btf^n, H. eco. lY, 9; EitMb. H. ecc. IV, 26; comp. S^xxrtiani^ Hadr. a 22. On the 
flpnriotumees of the Edlctnm od CkHnmano Aslae in Euaeb. IT, 18, and JmL L c consolt Uaffnery 
de fidicto Aatonini pro Christ Argent 1781. 4. «) Marcut Atir, irphs iavT6w XI, 8 ; Euseh. H. 
«ML Y, 1-a. /) Ecdesiae SntTmensls de xnartyrio Polycorpi Ep. EnoycL in Eu§eb. H. ecc IV, 15. 
A fbHar reoenaioci In Suiiutrty p. 81s& g) TertiU, Apologet c 6 ; Eueeb. H. eoa Y, 6. For the 
▼towB eBtertalned by heathen, see Dio Com. Epit XiphlUni LXXI, 8; Suidas^ verb. ^lovXiavhs, 
JM. OaptMin. Mare. Anr. c 24 A) Eweb. H. eoc. Y, 21 ; ffi^ron. eatal. c. 42. SpaHiatU, Se- 

'. & 17. oompi TertuL ad BcapoL c 4. k) Tertxd, ad ScapnL & 4 Q Lantprid, Heliog; c. & 


ander Setenis (222-285) placed tho statue of Christ among his household 
gods, and practically recognized the Christian congregation at Rome as a 
civil corporation. His mother, Jnlia Mammaea, while at Antioch, took de- 
light in the learning of Origen. (m) In the view of Maximinua the Thracian 
(285-288), the murderer of Alexander, such favor was a sufficient reason for 
persecuting him who had received it Among those who followed him in 
rapid succession in the imperial throne, Philip the Arabian (244-249) was so 
favorable to Christianity, that the report became almost universal, that he 
was himself a Christian, (n) 8. The Church finally became so powerful, 
that it became necessary either to acknowledge its legality, or to persecute it 
with all the power of the empire. Decius (249-251) raised the first general 
persecution, by requiring the magistrates to institute inquisitorial proceed- 
ings. Those who sustained office in the Church directly met death, or if 
they fled, they purchased life with the loss of property and home. (<?) To 
this distressing period, popular tradition has assigned the commencement of 
the slumber of the seven children of Ephesus, who did not awake until the 
time of Theodosius II. (447), and were then astonished to find the persecuted 
sign of the cross ruling over the imperial city and the world, {p) Galltu 
(251-263) was prevented only by the pohtical commotions of his reign from 
completing the sanguinary work of his predecessor. Valerianus (258-260), 
after a brief period of favor toward the Church, sought systematically to de- 
stroy it by exterminating its officers, {q) But Gallienus (260-268) gave peace 
to the whole Church, by an edict in which he recognized it as a civil corpo- 
ration, (r) Avrelianus (270-275), who at one time had consented to act as an 
umpire between contending bishops, determined afterwards, from heathenish 
scruples, to persecute the Christians. His death was effected by a military 
conspiracy before the execution of his purpose, (s) and during a long period of 
rest, the government appeared to have abandoned for ever the unequal con- 
test of mere force in opposition to spiritual principles. 

§ 49. Internal History of Paganism 

After the middle of the first century, in consequence of intercourse with 
the east, and of the pressure of internal elements, the intellectual world made 
considerable progress. On the one hand, with a high-wrought religious fer- 
vor, it overpassed the proper limits of heathenism, and connected itself some- 
times with a particular phase of Platonism, and sometimes with the pure 
and self-denying mode of life which tradition assigned to the Pythagorean 
system. On the other hand, when it was only partially aroused, it carried 
the spiritual element into the world of sense, that it might obtain a control 
over the latter by magical arts, and penetrate the mysteries of the world of 
spirits. We therefore find, in the very midst of great moral corruption, 
and the dissolution of all social and natural ties, initiations into wonderful 

vn) Lamprid. Alex. 8ever. c 89. 49. comp. 28. 48. 45; Eu9eh. H. ecc VI, 21. 88. n) Ew^h. H. ee& 
VI, 84; nUron. Chron. ad ann. 248. o) Euteb. H. ecc VI, 40-tt; CypHan^ de la(Mti^ and bis epia* 
ties written at this time ; Ladani, de mortib. e. 4. j>) Ortgor. Turon^ de gloria Mart Par. 1640. 
pL 215e.; RHneccim de 7 donnlentib. Lps. 1702. Banctor. 7 dormientlam Hist Bom. 1742L 4 
q) Eu4eb. H. ecc VII, lOii ; Cipriani Ep. 82. r) Eunb. H. ecc VII, 18. •) Eu90b. H. eoa 
YII, 80; Laetant de mortib. c «. 


mysteries, a capricious confidence in miracles, extreme self-denials, and san- 
goinarj expiations, (a) In the attempted union of Polytheism and Mono- 
theism, the gods were regarded only as different names of the one Gbd, or as 
the organs through which he revealed himself to his creatures. Even the 
Stoa, by the influence of EpieUtus (about 100), received a character which 
no longer sought virtue in perpetual struggles, but in patient endurance. 
The literature of that period, generally a forced after-growth of a mighty 
nature then extinct, gradually developed the characteristics of credulity and 
guperstition. Even as early as the time of Plutarch (60-120), with aJl his 
enthunasm for the exalted models of antiquity, his writings abound in much 
-which is fantastic. Aelian (about 222) is full of pious legends about the 
manifestations of the Deity in nature and in common life. The spirit of the 
age is well reflected in the animated but extravagant writings of the African 
rhetorician Apuleitta (about 170), in which are sensual thoughts side by side 
with pious fanaticism, and satires upon superstition mingled with supersti- 
tious dreamings. (b) This tendency, when it first came in contact with 
Christianity, appropriated to itself many Christian elements, merely that it 
might become a better match for its opponent. The real Apollanius of 7V~ 
ana (8796) travelled about in the character of a reformer of heathenism, 
striving to give to it the character of unlimited faith which we have de- 
seribed) and deceived many by the strange revelations which he probably ac- 
oomplished by some magnetic clairvoyance, so that he became honored as a 
prophet, and sometimes even as God. But in a rhetorical work, in which 
Philo9tratu$ (about 280) professed to give his life, and attempted to present 
him before the world as the Christ of heathenism, he became the ideal of a holy 
sage wonderftilly honored by the gods, {c) On the other hand, there were 
some who attempted to represent the mighty world-spirit of the ancient 
Greek philosophy, but they uniformly found, that while aiming to personate 
such a character in one respect, they were inconsistent with it in another. 

§ 50. New Platonism, 

L PIMni^ Opp. omnU; PorphyriilSbet de ylUPIotlnl, ed. Oremer, Oxon. 1836. 8 vola 4; 
Tlop^vpiov pt\o<r6^ov vphs MopK^AAoy, invcnit notlsqae ill Ang. Mqfu*^ Medlol 1816.— IL 
Among the HIstt of Phil especially, Tennmnann^ vol Y L [His Manual is tnoBl Oxf. 1882. &] 
BUUr^ ToL IT. [tnnsL by Morriaon, Oxfl 1888. 4 vols. 8; Henry's Hist, of Phil 2 vols. N. Y. 1841.] 
Cremer^ Preptmtio ad Plotini lib. de palcbritad. Heidelb. 1814; comp. Stud. u. Krit 1S34. P. 2. p. 
BSTaft.; /mm. FichU^ de Phil. noTae Platonicae orlglne, Berl. 1818; F. BoutertMk^ Phlloeophorum 
Alexaadr. to Noo-PIatonlooram reoensio, (Commentt Soc. Bcient Goett 1828. Tb. Y.) ; C. Stein- 
Kart, de dialeeticA Plotini ratione, Numb, et Hal 1829; Ejwtd, MeleteinaU Plotiniana, Hal 1S40. 4; 
J^ Vogi, Heo-PL a. CbriBtenth. Berl 1886. 1 Th. {Levofy Biogr. Hist of Phil Lond. 4 vols. 18mo. 

The tendency of Paganism on the side of faith, and the attempt to com- 
bine in one system all the sources of truth, reached its utmost limit in what 

a) P. B. JPUUr^ de bierarcbla et studio vitae asceticae In sacris et mysteriis Oraecc Romano- 
nuoqae latentib. Havn. 1808, transl into Germ, in the Neacn Bibl d. schonen Wiss. vol LXX. 
I) Sekiou^r^ Gesch. d. alten Welt a. ibrer Cnltur. vol III. Abth. 8 (1S81.) p. 188ss. 196s& c) Ff^ivii 
HdUMtraU quae supersant, ed. Kayeer^ Tur. 1844&. 2 Tb. [The two first books relating to the life 
«f ApolL Tyan. transL into £n^ by C. Blount, fol Lond. 1680.] Baur^ Apoll v. Tyana u. Chris- 


was called New Platonism. This sjetem had its origin in the disoonrses of 
AmmoniuB Saceas^ of Alexandria, near the commencement of the third c«i- 
tnry, hut is presented in its most attractive form in the Enneades of Plotinui 
(205-270), and Was best represented hy JarMkhm in the fourth, and by Pr#- 
clus in the fifth century. The masters of this school were regarded as seen 
and saints, who had broken the bonds of a life of sense, and even on earth 
were honored with the privUege of an immediate intuition of the Deity. 
What Philo had undertaken, they now completed, though in a wider sense, 
in behalf of paganism. While New-PIatonism took part in the higher discus- 
sions and conclusions of philosophy, it nevertheless stood opposed to all phi- 
losophy, since it did not profess to rest upon careftd inquiries into the eternal 
laws of the spirit, but claimed to be a revelation from God. Thus exalting 
itself above all such investigations, it became the poetry as well as the reli- 
gion of philosophy. It attached itself more especially to the system of Plato, 
and professed to be an explanation and a development of his views, but it 
aimed to bring together the fundamental principles of all philosophical 
schools, and the ideas which constitute the basis of all popular religionai 
Even Christianity, therefore, was acknowledged by those who advocated this 
system, but only as it originally came from the inspired soul of its founder. 
It did not at first originate in a spirit hostile to Christianity, and it is even 
doubtful to what extent Ammonius and Porphyry were at one time connect- 
ed with the Church. It is, however, certain, that it was profoundly affected 
by the peculiarities of Christianity, even while it was struggling with that 
system, during the third century, for the empire of the world.* The divinity 
which it presents is exalted above all human apprehension, and was called 
simply the Self-sufiicient One {ro cV). From his overfiowing fulness proceed- 
ed the Divine Intelligence, and from this the World-Soul, by which the mate- 
rial universe is pervaded with divine life. Evil is only that which is imper- 
fect, and is the most distant reflection of Deity upon matter. The human 
soul which had been produced by the Divine Intelligence, fell, in consequence 
of its lon^ng after earthly things, from its original divine life to its present 
temporal existence. It therefore belongs to the sensual as well as to tho 
intellectual world. But the souls of the good and wise, even in this world, 
are in their happiest moments reunited with the Deity, and death is to such 
a complete restoration to their home. From a pious veneration for an an- 
cestry far back in antiquity, the Grecian gods especially were regarded as 
the personal manifestations of the divine life in nature. Some of them were 
celestial beings, and some ruled here on earth. These earthly powers were 
the national gods Oxcptieot, edydpKat), subordinate to the Deity, and exalted 
above all passion. The myths were therefore, of course, to be explmned al- 
legorically. The arts of Divination and Magic were justified on the ground 
of the necessary connection of all phenomena by virtue of the unity of the 
world-principle. While, therefore, New-Platonism was a new power, it was 

• EuMh, H. ecc. YI, 19, and Pnep. evang. XI, 19; Soorat H. eoc. Ill, ^—Motheim^ de studio 
Etbnicor. Christianoe imiUmdi (Das. ad Hist eco. Alton. 1738) ; UUmanny Einflass d. Cbrtstantb. 
anf Porphyr. (Stad. a. Krit 1832. H. %.)^Keil, de eansis alien! Platonicor. rec. a rel chr. animi Lpi. 
1785. i. (0pp. ed. Goldhom. Lpa. 1821. toL 1.) 


Devertbcless a reformation of the old faith. Thougli it extended itself over 
the whole Roman empire, it embraced within itself contradictory elements, 
and could maintain its existence only long enough to witness and embellish 
the downfall of heathenism. 

§ 51. Literary Contratersm of Christianity, 

DeOatu C. G. Baumgarien-Cruaitu^ de scriptoribos 8ae& II. qai novain reL Impngnarant, tcI 
Impugnasae credantur. Misn. 1345. 4. 

It was not until the age of the Antoninos that Christianity appeared im- 
portant enough to be the object of literary discussion, or sought to defend 
itself by literary weapons. The last discourse in which Fronto made an 
attack upon Christians, appears to have been merely a legal defence of the 
proceedings against them under Marcus Anrelius. There can be no doubt 
that the negative spirit exhibited in the writings of Lucian exerted a favorable 
influence upon Christianity, since his mockeries, like a death-warning, com- 
pletely undermined all confidence in the ancient gods ; but he has occasionally 
derided the Christians also as fanatical simpletons, even while he involuntarily 
supplies evidence in favor of their brotherly love, and fortitude in death, (a) 
A genuine discourse of CeJsus^ written during the persecution under Marcus 
Anrelius, has been preserved in the extracts of Origen. (^) The author was 
an intelligent man, but full of pride and contempt for Christianity. While 
endeavoring to throw suspicion upon its origin and opposing the Church of 
his ow^n times, he frequently confounds it with the vagaries of its different 
sects, and collects nearly every thing which Judaism with its unfulfilled ideas 
of the Messiah and its calumnious traditions, together with all that pagan 
refinement with its philosophy, especially the Platonic, could produce against 
it. We have also a Dialogue written by Minucim Felix (§ 52), in which 
Caeeilivs brings forward the arguments generally urged by the heathen of 
that period against Christianity. In behalf of the Olympic deities, it was al- 
leged that history showed that the gods had protected and avenged their 
worshippers ; that miracles had been wrought, and predictions by divination 
had been announced by their votaries, and that a Supreme Deity had always 
been worshipped in connection w^ith many gods. Against Christianity was 
urged ; its foreign and barbarous origin, to which all that was national must 
be sacrificed, and its recent origin, to which all that was established must 
give way ; all that was true or good in Christianity belonged still more an- 
ciently to Philosophy, so that the only novelty which it possessed was a most 
repulsive outward form ; its sacred Scriptures were of doubtful origin, and 
frequently had been altered ; Jesus was said to have been the ofi&pring of 
adultery, instructed by magicians in Egypt, and surrounded only by wretched 
fishermen and abandoned publicans, to have died in the expression of unman- 

a) 'AAc^aySpos ^ i/'cvSJ/iorrxT, c.25.8-<; TltplrrislifptyplvovrtKtvrriSf c 11-16; *AAt}^r 
ItrroplOf I, 22. 30. II, 4. 11. — A. Eich^adii, Pg. Lacianns nom scripUfl suIb a^Jnvare religionem 
elirtot Toluerit? Jen. 1820. 4; A". O. Jacobs Cbaracteristik Luclans. Ilamb. 1S32; Kikhr^ Luc. ft 
crlmioe librornm sacr. Irrisoram llberatnr. P. I. Orimae, 1844. 4 h) *AAt}i^f K6yoi.—Feng6r^ de 
Oebo, Epicurea Havn. 1828 ; C R. Jachmann^ de Celso disserait et fragmenU libri c Cbristianoa 
eoQeglt Regiom. ISSd. A\ F.A. Philippic de Celai philoeopbondi genere. BeroL 1886; Sindemann^ 



ly sorrows, and finally to have given no proof of his resurrection except what 
was derived from his own followers. Against Christians it was urged : that 
they had deified a publicly executed malefactor ; that they demanded a blind 
faith ; that they invited to their society those who were sinners and criminals, 
while in the heathen mysteries, none were initiated but those who were pure 
in heart ; that the various Christian sects were intolerant towards each oth- 
er ; that they were remarkably unfortunate ; and finally, that if they were not 
secret criminals, they shunned publicity, and were enemies to the eternal 
city of Rome. The opposition which the New-Platonic school made to Chris- 
tianity, may be considered as represented by Porphyry (28ft-805). (c) From 
all that can be learned by means of a few rather inconsiderable remains, he 
appears to have applied his censures principally to the difficult portions of 
the Old Testament, and the deceptive character of the allegorical method of 
interpreting them, to the composition of the prophecies of Daniel after the 
events to which they relate had taken place, to the contradiction implied in 
the abolition of the divine law by one who came from God, to the disagree- 
ment between Peter and Paul, to the death of Ananias, and to the misfortune 
of Jesus, in being so misunderstood by a company of pitiable fanatics. Hiero- 
eles (about 800) contrasted the life of ApoUonius with that of Jesus, though 
in the latter ho seems to have mingled incidents in the history of other Mes- 
siahs of whom he had heard. He was an orator concerned in stirring up the 
persecution under Diocletian, and had permitted Christians to be put to 
death, and Christian virgins to be violated, (d) All the controversial writ- 
ings of that period, so far as they were opposed to Christianity, were subse- 
quently destroyed by the pious barbarism of the Christian emperors, (e) 

§ 62. TTie Christian Apologists. 

L Apologg. Christ 0pp. (e<L Pntdentlvs Jfaranus.) Par. 1742. t 

II. Fahriciu^ delectna argamentorum et syllabus scrlptoram, qui veritatom rel. chr. assememnt 
Hamb. 1725. 4; T^9chim$r^ Oewh. d. Apologetik. Lpa. 1805; only 1 toI.; CUttuett, Apologetae £c- 
ole»iae chr. ante Theodosianl, Platonis cjosqne philusophiae arbitrL Ilafh. 1817; G. H. ^nan Senden 
Oesch. (L ApologeUk. XJebeni (from the Datch PraeC dated 1831) v. W. Quack u. B. Binder. Stnttg. 
1846. 1 Th. 

'When the emperor Hadrian was at Athens (about 180) two defences of 
Christianity were presented to him, one by the philosopher Aristides^ and 
another by the Bishop Quadratus, The latter boasted that there were some 
among his acquaintance who had been healed, and indeed some who had 
been raised from the dead by Jesus, (a) The most flourishing period of 
apologetic writings was during the sway of the Antonines, when the Church 
was quite as much under the influence of Ifope, as of fear with respect to its 
external condition, and when every opinion was allowed to be publicly ex- 
pressed. The Apologies of Justin Martyr^ (b) written at Flavia Neapolis 

fL Cel& u. B. Schr. (Illgen's Zeitachr. 1842. P. 2.) c) Karcb Xpiffriayciv A^yot.— Fragments may 
beftmnd in IMHenii Ds. de vita et serlptis Porph. Rom. 1680; (FabrMi BIbl. Or. Th. lY. p. 
2078A.) [Select Works of Porph. transL by Taylor. Lond. 1828. 8.] d) A^ot 9cAaA^;^e4r irp^t 
Xpia-Ttarovs. Fragments in the polemical writings of Kuub. contra HierocL liber.— £acfa«i& de 
mortib. c 16. e) Codae JutUn. L L tit 1. const 8w 

a) £u4eb. H. eoa IV, 8. comp. Uieron, cataL c. 198l V) Apologia I. et II. ed. ThaUmann, Lpt. 
1755; 0pp. ree. OUo. Th. l.—Arendt, Krit Unten. IL d. Schrr. Just (Tab. Qnartalsobr. 1884. 


under a sense of nnjust oppression, are yalnablo rather for the spirit, than for 
the talent or caution displayed in them. Even after he had become an evan- 
gelist, he still retained his philosopher's cloak, and having wandered through 
all the existing schools of philosophy, ho had fonnd peace at last in the gos- 
pel of Christ. Although he disparages Greek learning by maintaining that 
it had been borrowed from Hebrew sources, he acknowledged that what was 
a perfect light in Christianity may have been essentially the same with the 
dim revelations of the divine Spirit in the Grecian systems. In this way he 
fonnd a point of accommodation by which he could unite both systems to- 
gether. Occupying essentially the same ground with that which had been 
taken by the apostle Paul, he seems either totally unconscious of the fact, or 
to have regarded it with the prejudices of a Jewish Christian, (r) The only 
answer which the philosophical emperor, and perhaps also the cynical phi- 
losopher Crescens, who was attacked in the second Apology, condescended 
to give, was the execution of the Christian philosopher at Rome (161-8). (d) 
His disciple Tatianvs from Assyria, wrote intelligently, but with passionate 
errors respecting Greek customs and philosophy, (e) The author of the epis- 
tle to DicgnetnB shows that he had enjoyed a Greek education, and that he 
was animated by a Christianity which was entirely a now religion. (/) Athe- 
nagoroAf by mild and judicious appeals to Marcus Anrelius, attempted to 
prove that Christians were innocent of the crimes imputed to them and were 
worthy of the imperial favor, (j/) Melito^ Bishop of Sardis, especially skilled 
in the literature of the Old Testament^ a eunuch fbr the kingdom of heav- 
en's sake, and esteemed by his people as a prophet full of the Holy Ghost, 
songht justice from the same prince in behalf of a philosophy which had in- 
deed originated among barbarians, but had risen under Augustus as a propi- 
tious star for the Boman empire, and had advanced simultaneously with 
it. (K) The three books of Theophilus of Antioch (170-180), addressed to 
Antolycus, contain a carefully written but narrowly conceived defence of the 
Christian party ; (/) and the mockeries heaped upon the philosophers of that 
period by Hermias^ present a superficial but witty caricature of the paradoxi- 
eal questions which engrossed their attention. (Jc) The Octavius, a colloquy 
written by the African rhetorician and Roman advocate, Minucius Felix, in 
the style of Cicero, is a clear and concise statement of the real questions gen- 

f SSMIm.); C SetnUcK, J. d. Mfirt Brsl. 1S40b. 2 vols.; Otto^ de Jn»t. Mart Kfiptls et dnctrina. Jen. 
ISil; /: a BoU, Q. d. Yerh&ltDlss der beiden ApoL (lllgen's Zeitachr. 1S4S. P. 8). [Art in Kitto's 
Jonnud of Bibl. Lit vol. V.] c) Comp. howevor, Otto, in IllgenV Z«itschr. 1S41. P. 2. 1S42. P. 2. 
lS4a P. 1. d) C. Semiwh, u. d. Tode^. Just (Stud. u. Krit 1885. P. 4) ; A. Stieren, fi. d. T«xle»j. 
Jnrt. (nigen'6 Zeitachr. 1S42. P. 1,) «) A<{70f Tpbf "EAAijvat. ed. Worth, Oxon. 1700.— JZ A. 
DanMy Tatltn der Apologet Hal. 1887. /) *Ziri<rroX.^ xph$ Ai6yviiTov. ed. Bohl, in Opp. Patrnm 
Ml. Ber. 182(L P. L; Otto^ In Opp. Just Th. II.— C D. a Orotuhfim, Comm. de Epist ad DIo^. 
Lp& 1SSS. 4; Otto, de Epist ad Diogn. Justin! nomen prae se fercnto. Jen. 1844. ff) nptafifla 
«-rp2 Xpitrrtaymtf. ed. Lindner. Longro»L lTtA.—Clari69f^ de Athenagorae %i(a, scriptia, doctr. 
LofiL 1819. 4L [Athenagoraa, tranaL into Eng. with notes by Humphreys. Lond. 1714. 8.] A) Ao- 
oordinff to the Fragments in Eu9eb. H. ece. IV, 2d, comp. V, 24 ; Ilieron. cataL c 24 ; Piper, Mo- 
litoi (Stnd. a. Krit 188& P. 1.) i) Utpl rris rw XpttrriayAy wlerrws, t± J. C Wolf, Ilsmk 
17S4; UeberiL mit Aam. r. Thtencmmiin. Ipi. 1881 V) Auunpfths r&p f^v ^iXotri^v. ed. 


erally discussed in his day. (0 TertuUian^ especially in his Apologeticus, not 
only demonstrated the perfect right of the Church to civil protection, hut in- 
veighed with hitter eloquence against the vile amouis of the ancient gods in 
the shape of fishes, birds, and beasts. Origen^ whose philosophical views 
were fundamentally similar to those of his opponent, with an untiring indus- 
try met all the objections which Celsus had urged, and while doing so, pre- 
sented a doctrinal defence of Cliristianity, with very little ciire or success in 
the discussion of the political question. These works of Origen and Tertul- 
lian indicate that their authors fully believed that Christianity had already 
reached a point which rendered its future progress inevitable. Arnohias of 
Sicca endeavored, in a controversial work (about 808), to obtain the confi- 
dence of the Christians, whom he had before persecuted ; and though it con- 
tained many needless speculations, it defended also the more profound doc- 
trines of the Church, and exposed the errors of heathenism with much 
rhetorical skill, (w) The object of the apologists was : 1) To answer the ob- 
jections made against Christians. They met the charge of atheism by point- 
ing to the well-known piety of Christians and showing the true nature of a 
spiritual worship. To the imputation of unnatural crimes they opposed the 
strictness of their morality, and in refutation of the charge of treason, they 
appealed to the submission shown by Christians in time of persecution, and 
to the prayers which they offered up in behalf of the emperor. Tlie suffer- 
ings of Christians were ascribed to demoniac agency ; the death of the mar- 
tyrs was shown to be no real evil ; the representation of a Deity enduring 
sufferings but glorified even in death, they proved was not unknown even in 
Grecian mythology ; public calamities were attributed to the divine displeasure 
on account of the persecution of Christians ; and although they did not con- 
cede that the recent introduction of a religion was a proper argument against 
its truth, they traced the radical principles of Christianity back to a time be- 
fore Moses and Abraham — ^a period prior to the existence of any of the Gre- 
cian systems of philosophy. 2) To contend against the Hellenistic systems. 
By appeals to facts and to reason, they showed the utter insufiSciency and the 
immorality of polytheism ; tliey objected to the spiritual explanations given 
of the myths as uncandid ; and while they acknowledged all that was true 
and consistent with the gospel in philosophy, they proved that this was quite 
unsatisfactory as the basis of a national religion. 8) To prove the truth and 
divine authority of Christianity. Among the arguments used for this pur- 
pose, were, the moral power and divine wisdom exhibited even by poor and 
uneducated people, the religious peace conferred by Christianity, its perfect 
reasonableness and its rapid and irresistible progress, the triumph with which 
the martyrs met their fate, and the historical proofs of divine assistance. 

Dommerich. IlaL 1764. t) Ed. Lindner. Longosal (1760) 1778; Uebere. m. Anm. v. JRuMicurm, 
Hamb. 1824 4; Neu brsg. erklart u. ubi-ra. v. Lubkert. Lps. 1886 ; Ad fidem cod. Rt>gii et Brnx. rec. 
JSJuard. d« MuraUo, pracfatus est Orflti. Tur. 1886.—//: Meier, Comm. de Mln. FeL Tur. ISM.— 
Doubtful whether It was written In the age of the Antoninea, or after Tertullian. Probably in tbo 
former, m) Disputationes adv. gentos. L VII. e<l J. C Orelli^ Lps. 1816 ; Additamentum. Lps. 
1817 : ox nova cod. Paris collat roc. G. F. Hildehrand^ Hal. 1844 ; Uebers. u. eriiut ▼. J?. A. V, 
SMnard. Landah. 1842.— P. K. Mayer^ de ratione et ai^gumento apologeUcl ArnoblanL Uavd. ISlSi 


Among the lost, a superior place was gllren to fulfilled prophecies, bat next 
to them stood the miracles which had been wrought by Jesus and his fol- 
lowers in the different periods of the Church. 

§ 58. Religion of Barbarous Nation», 

Roman power and Greek culture had either broken up, renovated, or 
adopted into the Roman Pantheon the religions of all conquered nations. In 
the East, ever since the time of the Grecian conquests, nothing remained in 
^#if7, with the exception of the established local worship of some fovorite 
gods, but a sensuous glow of devotion, or occasionally in Egypt a gloomy, 
pensive and mysterious form. In Western Europe, the religion of the Celtic 
nations was evidently declining. In Gaul^ the Druuls^ as priests, judges, 
sages, and physicians, had monopolized all intellectual pursuits, and estab- 
lished a powerful hierarchy. In contrast with them existed a nobility, whose 
sole occupation was war. To these two classes the common people gradual- 
ly became completely enslaved. But when the common people sunk into 
this state of insignificance, the priesthood lost their principal support in op- 
position to the nobility, and it was on account of the discord which prevailed 
between these states, that the Romans were invited into their country. 
Cssar came, and saw, and conquered. The national religion was then re- 
stricted within certain limits by the Roman law. Augustus required that no 
Roman citizen should take any part in its rites, and Claudius finnlly prohib- 
ited all human sacrifices. It was not, however, so much by the direct power 
of their conquerors that the Druids were overthrown, as by the new social 
relations -then introduced. As early as near the close of the first century, 
the Order of the Druids was an independent and learned association, and the 
old popular faith was mingled with the Roman mythology, {a) In Britain^ the 
power of the Druids, which was continually exerted to arouse the people to 
renewed efforts for freedom, could only be destroyed by violence (G2). Un- 
der the conciliatory administration of Agricola, Roman habits and arts of 
life acquired ascendency even to the foot of the Highlands, (h) Hence, no 
province of the empire opposed Christianity with any remarkable or long- 
oontinued energy, and the West presented but little more resistance to its 
progress than had been awakened in its own eastern home. 

§ 64. Spread of Christ ianity, 

Near the middle of the second century, the gospel had, in the East, 
passed beyond the limits of the Roman empire. In Edessa especially it 
gained possession of the throne, and a few churches were collected in Par- 
thia, Persia, and India. Proceeding from Rome, it obtained an established 
position in Carthage and in the western provinces of Africa. In Western 

a) Cae$ar,' de bello gall I, 81. VI, 12-16.— •;: G. FHck, de DnildK ed. A. FHck, nm, 1744. 4; 
DucioK^ M6nL 8iir lea Drnidea (Mem. de Tacad. des Insoript Th. XIX.) ; Mone^ Gcsch. d. Heldcnth. 
1m nurdl. Eur. Lps. tt Darmrt. 18229. vol. II. p. 858-426. h) E, Davie*, Celtic Researches on Um 
Origin and Traditions of the Ancient Britons. Lend. 1804. [Id^m. Eites of the BriHsh Dmlda. Ix>nd. ; 
G. niggint. The Celtic Dmids. Lond. 1927. 4.] Tdamf, lHst of the Druids, with wMlllons by 
JTwddUtiUm, Montrose, 1914; Mone, vol. II. p. 426-M8. [Litt^^Wa Rcl. Mag. vol. II. 1829. pp. 81-40. 
119-122. 400-606; Inddants of the ApoetoUo Age in Britain. Lond. 1841 IS.] 


Europe it pressed onward to Spain ai|i even gained some possessions in Bri- 
tain. Flourishing churches from Asia Minor were planted in Lyons, Vienne, 
and Paris, from which Christianity was extended to barbarous nations whose 
language had never been reduced to writing, (^i) Near the close of the third 
century, churches were established in Armenia, and a few bislioprics were 
formed on the Rhine and in Britain. The manner in which religion was pro- 
pagated was, commencing generally with the large cities, it was carried for- 
ward not so much by organized missions as by ordinary social intercourse. 
It had become powerful as a popular element, prevailing most among the 
lower classes, but by means of slaves and women it had penetrated, as early 
as near the end of the second century, every order of society. Abont that 
time the Apologists speak of the number of Christians with skilful and en- 
thusiastic declamation ; (//) and though even in the commencement of the 
fourth century they were far from being a majority of the population, their 
intimate fellowship and zeal gave them a predominant influence in society. 
The barbarous Jewish origin and the strict and self-denying morality of the% 
religion, the suspicion of ])o]itical disaffection under which they rested, and 
their simple, lowly character at first, were powerful difficulties in the way 
of its propagation. But to be weighed against these, as secondary causes of 
its victory, must be noticed the advantage which it enjoyed on account of 
the unity of the Eoman empire and the general prevalence of Greek cul- 
ture, its miraculous powers, and the benefits which it offered to the poor, the 
sick, travellers, and those who were in any way destitute. Even the perse- 
cutions through which it passed were beneficial, since they were severe 
enough to arouse in its followers an heroic courage, and in those who observed 
them an admiring wonder, and yet were not protracted or general enough to 
destroy the Church. Next to the vital decline of heathenism, however, the 
essential reason of its success was the real truth and power of Christianity 
presenting itself in the happiest of all forms — a religion adapted to the masses 
of the people. 

§ 55. The LaH Perseeutian, 

ladanl de mortib. e. 7-ia Euseb. H. ecc YIIL IX. 

In the enjoyment of forty years of peace Christianity had time to per- 
fect its victories. It was then that Bioeletmn (284-305) by his protracted 
course of real success, was induced to hope he might restore the empire to 
its former glory. He regarded the restoration of the established religion to 
its former ascendency as a primary condition on which such a result de- 
pended. His son-in-law the Caesar Galeriun, in consequence of his low dis- 
positi6n and heathenish superstition, became the instrument of a party in the 
court, which demanded the subversion of Christianity as indispensable to the 
stability of their power. The heathen government, conscious that it was 
sinking in its proper cliaracter before the spiritual power of the Churoh, com- 
menced another struggle, on the issue of which was staked its life or death. 
Galerius first removed all Christians from his army (298). Diocletian stiD 

a) Irw, III, 1 I) Tertitl. Apdogettcoflk c 87. e. Jod. & T. 


shrank from the contest, for he well knew it would be terrible. UnaUy, 
when counsel had been sought fVom gods and men, the destruction of the 
Church of Nicomedia (Feb. 28, 303) proclaimed that the persecution of the 
Christians had commenced. The imperial edict which immediately followed 
that event, commanded that all Christian temples should be destroyed, and 
the books belonging to them burned ; that all civil officers professing Chris- 
tianity should forfeit their dignities ; that Christian citizens should be deprived 
of their civil privileges, and that even slaves who avowed faith in Christ 
should lose all prospect of freedom, (a) The indignation such a proceeding 
provoked against the emperor, and the real or imaginary perils which now 
threatened him, required that the whole power of the empire should be ar- 
rayed against the Christians. After two other edicts had been put forth, each 
more rigorous than that which preceded it, a fourth (804) required that all 
Christians should be compelled to offer sacrifice by every practicable means, (h) 
The persecution raged in nearly every part of the empire. The spirit of the 
Church was divided by the most heroic courage and base cowardice. Monu* 
ments were erected in honor of the emperor, implying that he had utterly 
abolished the name of Christian. But in Gaul, Spain, and Britain, the suf- 
ferings of the Christians were much mitigated by the conduct of the Caesar 
C(nutantius Chlortts. His son, Constantine (after 306), inherited his father's 
spirit in a still higher degree. In the East, Galerius, tired of the useless effu- 
sion of blood, on his deathbed (311) suspended the progress of the persecu- 
tion, (e) but it was immediately renewed in Ana by Maximinus. When Con- 
stantine, however, had overthrown Maxentius, he, in conjunction with Lici- 
nius, the Augustus of Eastern Europe, was induced by his regard for Chris- 
tians to proclaim (312) a universal toleration for all religions, (d) 

§ 50. T/if M,trti/rs, 

There are commonly reckoned ten |)ersecntion'-\ ;is tlint nnmber is conve- 
nient for popular recollection, and accordant with certain allegorical rela- 
tions, (a) but some of them scarcely deserve the name. Those who were 
disposed to fly from the danger usually found the way of escape unobstructed ; 
when any actually suffered they were generally those whose lives were re- 
garded as of no value, those whose death appeared needful, on account of 
tiieir superior guilt, as a warning to others, and those who occupied promi- 
nent stations in the Church, or slaves. Accordingly, even in the time of 
Origen, the number of those who liad died as martyrs was very small, and 
easily reckoned, (h) We read of a blind fury, in the times of Dec ius and Dio- 
cletian, which no longer regarded individuals, but vented itself in the sacrifice 
of whole masses of people at once ; but in general, the first notices we have 
respecting it are in the exaggerated accounts which have come down to us in 

a) Lact c. IS. Eu9tib. Till, 2. h) BuMi>. de martyribos Palaest c. 8. 

«) Laet c M. Fuseb. YIII, 17. 

d) Its contents mnj be inferred from the edict of 818 : LacL e. 48. Eoaeb. X, fi. 

a) Apoc 17, 12m. Exod. 7b0. 

b) Qrig. c. Ce1& IIL (Th. L p. 452.) Yet eompi Iren. IV, 88, i.^DodtcOl^ do peaeltate maitTram. 
In hti Vm. Cjprianleia. On the other hand, Ruinarti PtmI ad Acta martymm. 


legends. Thas we find that eleven thousand virgins are said to have perished 
with St, Ursula. The most credible evidence on which tliis story was built, 
consists in a false construction of an ancient manuscript, and a revelation from 
heaven to a company of monks first in the year 11 G8, which ])ointed out 
their bones. The story of the massacre of the Theban legion (2G8) appears 
in a fluctuating state even in the sixth century, (c) The executions generally 
took place in strict conformity with the demands of the penal law, but when 
the feelings of the populace were especially embittered, or when it seemed 
desirable to terrify survivors, the most dreadful illegal torments were de- 
vised, {d) Many saved themselves by denying Christ, and offering sacrifice 
to the gods (thurificati, sacrificati), some by bribing the magistrates to grant 
them certificates that they had sacrificed (libellatici), and others by surren- 
dering the sacred books (traditores). But so great was the Joy of the Conn 
/essora and the Martyrs, that they were sometimes reproved by judicious 
pastors for pressing too eagerly forward to death. The virtues of Greek and 
Roman antiquity were revived, as the people surrendered tliemselves that 
they might obtain a home beyond the skies, (e) The power of faith was 
triumphant even over the feelings of our common nature, and over the shud- 
dering horror which persons of a delicate habit and of refinement are apt to 
feel on such occasions. Even children took pleasure in death, and noble 
maidens endured what was far worse. (/) Although many encountered 
death cheerfully, because they preferred it to the disgrace which must have 
been the lot of the apostate and the traitor, and because they longed for the 
honor and glory which the martyrs attained even on earth in the admiration 
of their friends and expected immediately after in Paradise, there was be- 
yond all this a genuine delight in following Jesus, which gave to the Churdi 
a consciousness that it was invincible. 


J. n. Bdhm«r^ Entwickl d. KStaats d. ereten 8 Jfthrh. Ilal (1716) 1733. W. K. L ZUgler^ Vm e. 
pn^. Qesch. d. kirchl Oesellschaftaformen In d. erston 6 Jalirh. LpA. 1799. Jfofder, die Einh. in d. 
K. o. d. Princip. d. Kath. 1m Oeisto d. KYerf. d. 8 orsten Jalirh. T&b. 1S25. //<ri«^, de Jure ec» 
Coinintr. hist Lps. 1S3S. V.L J. If. M. Ernetti, KStaat d 8 ereten Jahrh. XQrnb. 1S30. W. SuA- 
mer^ die eoclalcn Verb. d. K. alter Zeit (Alterthumsw. vol. I.) BresL 1336. JT. Rothe^ die AnfSng* 
d. K. u. Ihrer Verf. Witt 1837. vol. L {RiddU» Manual of Cliristlan AntlquIUea, Lond. BinghanCs 
Origlnes Ecdesiasticae, Lond. 1S45. L, CoUman, Primitive Cbristianity EzompUaed, Pbilad. 1853. 

§ 57. Original Documents on Ecclesiastical Law. 

The usages and laws which prevailed in particular provinces were not es- 
sentially different from each other, since the general relations of society were 

c) Vita RonumL (Acta Sanctor. Feb. Th. III. p. T40.) Trilh^mii Ann. Hire. Th. I. p. 4.10. G. Ifa- 
ffmt Reimcbmnik d. Stadt Colin. Edited by GrooU, Coll 1834 Comp. Rheinwald's Rep. ISSfi. vol. 
IX. p. 201s&— Z>M Bourdiev^ i«ur le martTte de la legion th6b6enno. Amst 1705. 12. Jo». d'UU^ d6- 
fense de la verity de la legion tb6boenne. Par. 1741. 12.— Seapeeting Massa Candida ; in Prudent 
Hymn. 18«. aec TUlftnont, Tb. IV. p. 175ea. 

d) Saffittariiu de mart excruciatib. Frofl et Lps. (1678) 1CD6. 4 f) Suteb. H. ecc. V, 1. 
/) Lad. Inatt V, la 


every where the same, and a continual intercourse was carried on between 
the several parts of the empire. They may bo learned partly from the wri- 
ting!) of the contemporaneous fathers, in which individual facts are referred 
to, and partly from later enactments, which, without hesitation, refer to primi- 
tive usage. The ApoBtolical Constitutions which bear the name of Clemens 
Bomann^v, in the first six books contain the oldest usages and laws prevalent 
among the Jewish Christians of the Oriental Church of the third century. 
In the fourth century, when the seventh and eighth books were added, this 
work received some interpolations with respect to ecclesiastical usages, though 
not in the sense charged by the Arians. As a collection they have never at- 
tained any legal authority, (a) The Apostolical Canons are a compilation 
gradnally formed of the constitutions and enactments of Synods during the 
fourth oentnry, and therefore are supposed to embrace the traditions respect- 
ing law, which had come down from the Apostles. The Roman Church hav- 
ing once rejected this collection as a whole, decided (after 500) to receive the 
first fifty canons, (h) John Scholasticus (middle of the 6th century) found all 
the eighty-five canons already in the books of laws used in the Greek Church, (e) 
Xo proof therefore in favor of a regular system of legal relations in the 
ehurches of the second and third centuries can be drawn merely from this 
collection, because it bears the apostolic name. 

§ 58. The Clergy and the Laity, 

The ofiBces of the Church at this period presented very little to excite the 
cupidity of ordinary men, and even the honor attending them was counter- 
balanced by the dangers. And yet it seemed desirable to increase the venera- 
tion which necessarily attends the virtues and a faithful performance of offi- 
cial duty in the Church, by mysterious forms of ordination, by connecting 
tbem through various associations with the Old Testament priesthood, and 
by external tokens of peculiar sanctity. The result was, that even in the 
•eoond century the priests (icXJjpor, ordo) were represented as the official me- 
diators between Christ and the congregation (}.a6s^ plebs). To speak in the 
church, and to administer holy rites, were conceded to be the special prero- 
gatives of the clergy, although learned laymen were sometimes heard in the 
pablic assembly, with the consent of tlie bishop, {a) In all things relatmg 
to the business of the congregation, the principal care and authority devolved 
opon the clergy, But this power was generally exercised mildly and with a 
true regard for the pablic good, since those who possessed it could use no ex- 
ternal means of coercion, and the clergy, being generally without fixed sala- 

<0 Aiarcryal rmv ay. *Air(Hrr6\vy, prlnUnl in Cotelerias' Edit of the Patres Ai>p. Th. I. p. 199, 
[/Wtetn htf pobL A D«w edit of th« Ap. Conttt Lpi^ 1S54. 12.]->0. Krabbe, Q. Ur$iprung u. Inhalt 
itr qinat Conitltt Hamb. 1S29. J. S. v. Drey^ neue Untem. Q. d. ConsUtt u. Kanones der App. 

^) GHoHi^ D«er»tain i. 491 {OrtUtan : c. & D. XV. 1 04.) DionyHi Praeftitloi {Man^i. Th. L p. &) 

^) Kor^ff 4icK\ii^iaiirriKo\ rity ay. *ATo<rr6\wy, printed in most of the ecdee. collections of laws 
nd la CotfUHus, I. p. 487.— Jf R RegmhrecKt, de canonib. App. Yrat 1828. Krabhe de cod. 
•BQonm, qai App. nomine drcamferantar. Qott 1820. 4. 

a) EH»gh, If. •oe. YI, 19. Con^ app. Till, 82. oomp. Cone. Oitih. IV. a. 419. can. 98. {MantU 
Tk IIL p^ 999.) iO&ne, CartK an. 89& can. 82. In Landon'a Manual of ConndlA.] 


lies, were dependent upon the voluntary contribntions of the people. (5) 
Their autliortty was often mnch straitened by the inflaence of the oonfessora, 
and the idea wns not yet romoved of a priesthood embracing all tme Chris- 
tians, (e) The congregation still possessed the undisputed, though often the 
violated right, to decide upon the exclusion and the restoration of its own 
members, to confirm the choice of its presbyters, to be heard upon every im- 
portant matter, and to elect its own bishop. This last mentioned public pri- 
vilege, near the close of the third century, was much curtailed by the inter- 
ference of the clergy who presided over the congregation, and of the neigh- 
boring bishops, ((t) As many presbyters were elected as appeared necessary 
at the time, until in each congregation such a number was gradually settled 
upon as its circumstances seemed to require. In Ae African churches the 
Elders (seniores) do not seem to have been devoted to the business of in- 
struction, nor to have belonged to the clerical order. Their office did not 
then imply a clearly recognized distinction between lay and clerical presby- 
ters, and they were probably relics of the original equality of the clergy and 
all (rod^s people in the primitive Church, when all the presbyters were not 
fitted for the work of instruction and private members of the Church were 
not excluded from it. (e) Beacons were not regarded as belonging to the 
proper priesthood (sacerdotium), but as ecclesiastical servants (ministree). As 
the number seven originally connected with the deacon^s office was not will- 
ingly exceeded, the larger churches in the third century were supplied with 
sub-deacons. To the appropriate duties of the deacon's office were added li- 
turgical exercises, and sometimes also preaching. As they were elected by 
the bishop alone, they were sometimes through his influence exalted above 
the presbyters. The inferior services pertaining to the Church were per- 
formed by laymen, from whom were gradually formed four gradations of a 
semi-clergy, called Ostiarii, Lectores, Exorcistae, and AcoluthL The clergy 
became more and more separated from all secular employments, but as they 
were generally obliged to pass through the inferior offices, they obtained a 
practical education, and many of them in the catechetical schools of the 
Church or in the philosophical schools of the heathen, acquired considerable 
learning. The rule that no one should be advanced to the higher stations in 
the Church until he had performed for a certain period the functions of each 
inferior office, was frequently dispensed with by the favor of the bishop or 
of the people, and laymen and even catechumens were sometimes inmie- 
diately elevated to the episcopal office. 

h) ZiegUr, die Eink&nfte des Cleriu in d. enten 8 Jabrh. (Henke's N. Mag. toL IV. p, lias.) 

c) Tren. IV, 20. Tertuk de bapt c 17. Exhort ad caat o. 7. Oriff. in Jo. torn. 1, & (Tb. IV. p. &) 
de orat c. 2a 

d) Cypr. Ep. 81. J fl. Ep. 69. { L— iFuw6. H. ecc VI, 4S.~-Cypr. Ep. 6. $ 6.—Cypr. Ep. 6& ( & 
Ep.68. (6. 

e) Catcini Inst. IV, 8, S. Corrected bj TitHnga^ de syn. yet II, 2. 


§ 59. Bishops. 

Wahnis Uf—aUni (Sitlnuuif) Da. d« Eplsoopb et Presbb. c Petavum. L. B. 1641. 2>. Blondd^ 
ApoL pro sententU Uier. de Episc et Prr. AmBt 1616. 4^ On the other side: H. nanvmotid^ Das. 4. 
quibua Eptacopetaa Jura ex Sc S. et antlquitate adstruuntar. Lond. 1651. 4.—LiU'te^ Ece. app. p. 
106RK.— A^M, (L d. Urspr. d. btoch. Oewalt (Ill^n'a Zeitachr. 1S82. vol. IL aect 2.)—Rothe die Anfl d. 
ehr. Klrcbe. p. 171m. On tbe other aide: Baur 0. d. Urspr. des Eplaoopata. (T&b. Zeltschr. 1S83. P. 
8.) Comp. S 42. note c. [Jamiesottf Cyprianna laotinioa. Lond. 1705.] 

In the Epistles which bear the name of Ignatius^ the episcopate is repre- 
sented OS the divinely appointed pillar which sustains the whole ecclesiastical 
fabric, and yet much needing the writer^s most earnest commendations. So 
general and so thorongh a change as that which in any view of the case it 
must have passed through after the middle of the second century, could then 
have been effected by Ifo personal influence, nor by general consent, but only 
by the concurrent power of circumstance.*?. Wherever there was more one presbyter, some individual on account of his personal influence 
would be called to preside, or all would do so in rotation. When diflferent 
portions of the larger congregations met, as they sometimes did, in different 
places of worship at the same time, each congregation would naturally be 
anxious to preserve as much as possible its existing unity, in spite of its acci- 
dental separation. This was accomplished by retaining a common oonnec- 
tion with the presbyter who had previously presided over them. But by 
this means his jurisdiction became much enlarged and strengthened. The 
name Overseer was especially applied to the peculiar office which such a 
presbyter filled, (a) As soon as this name became thus appropriated to de- 
signate a superior dignity in the larger cities, those presbyters who stood 
alone in the smaller towns would naturally prefer the original Greek appella- 
tion which was common to them all. Hence Irenaens continued to use 
both names interchangeably, and this memento of the original equality of 
presbyters and bishops remained firmly in the Church for a long time after 
new relations entirely inconsistent with it had become established, (b) At 
the same time also those Elders of the former age who had been distingaished 
for their personal character were always spoken of under the name of Bish- 
ops. The complete realization of the Episcopate may be seen in the Epistles 
of Cyprian. The Bishop, as the successor of the apostles, there appears as 
the representative of his Church, and at the same time to the Church itself 
he is the vicar of Christ; he is espoused to the local congregation, and also 
to the general Church ; he is responsible to God alone, and yet is an indi- 
vidual organ of the whole episcopate, (e) He possessed supreme power in 
the Church, and yet in important matters was to do nothing without the 
counsel of his presbyters, {d) All ordinations proceeded from him. At first 

a) In Jnatin (ApoL L o. 66l) atUl called irofMirrAr. 

5) JTienm. ad Tit I, 7. Ep. lol. (al. 66.) ad Eyaogelam. AmbroHaifst. (ffUariut Diae.) ad Eph. 
IT, II. ad L Tim. Ill, 10. CAryatL Horn, in PblL 1, 1. (Tb. XL p. 195.) Both paasagea of Jerome 
In Oratian : c. 6. D. XCV. and 24. D. XCIIL [alao in OUaeUr Ecc. Ilbt toI L p. 106. note 2.] Bat 
Urban IL in (Jane. BmuterU. can. 1. {MantL Th. XX p. TSS.) can be appealed to on tbla aabjcct 
ctHj when the context la dlaregarded. 

c) Cypr. OraUo ad Cone. Garth, (p. 448.) Ep. 72. { a ad Btepban. Epi 67. $ & De nnitato Ecc c 4. 

(f) Citpr. de aleator c. 1. Ep. 69. S 7. Ep. & $ 5. Ep. 23. 1 2. comp. Chne. Carthtig. IV. a. 419. can. 
U,9&. (JTanei, Th. IIL p. 951) 


he was himself ordained hy the imposition of the hands of the presbyters, 
but afterwards by the neighboring bishops. Every translation of a bishop 
appeared of doubtful propriety, although it was often necessarily conceded to 
the demands of ambition and of higher powers, as well as to the common 
welfare. Many of the bishops of the country congregations (xo>p(ni<rKonoi) 
continued from the very commencement of their existence dependent upon 
those bishoprics in the city from which they sprung, and others originally 
independent gradually submitted to the influence of the neighboring city 
bishop. In Africa alone no distinction between the names ever appears. The 
bishops of the larger cities in like manner became exalted in power and au- 
thority above the others. But all bishops possessed the right of perfect 
equality among themselves since their prerogatives depended not upon the 
transitory possessions of this world, but upon the common investiture which 
they had all received from Christ. 

§ 60. Synods. 

ZiegUr^ pragm. Dant dee Urepmngs d. Synoden a. d. Anabildung d. STnodalveiC (Henke^e N. 
Mag. vul. L p. 125e8. 

Ever since the latter part of the second century a number of assemblies, 
composed of bishops residing near each other, had been held to obtain the 
highest possible authority for a decision of the controversies which had 
sprung up. (a) But in the commencement of the third century the provin- 
cial synods, at first in Greece, (6) and soon afterwards in the whole Eastern 
world, became the formal basis of an ecclesiastical constitution, as the su- 
preme courts of legislation, administration and jurisdiction. Tlieir meetings 
were held either annually or semi-annually, and every bishop in the province 
had a seat and a voice in them, and as exceptions to the rule, even presbyters 
and confessors. The bishops were heard not as ropresentativea of their 
churches but in their own name, in consequence of a right received from the 
Holy Ghost, (c) The meetings however were public, and the people who 
were present made their infiuence felt. The possession of infallibility was 
never thought of, and their decisions had no authority beyond their respec- 
tive provinces, {d) The ecclesiastical provinces which in this way appear as 
communities, to which all individual bishops were amenable, generally cor- 
responded with the provinces of the empire. 

§ 61. Metropolitans, 

The natural presidents of the ecclesiastical provinces were the bishops 
of the principal cities (/xi^rpoTrdXcir). The grounds on which their pre-emi- 
nence was founded were generally the apostolical origin of their churches, 
the wealth of their congregations, and their frequent opportunities of a&tist- 
ing those who resided in the provinces. The Metropolitans therefore, as the 
first among their equals, soon obtained the right of convening and conduct- 

a) EuMb. H. ©cc. V. 16. 2a ^) Tertul de J^an. c 18. 

c) Cypr. Ep. M. § ft. Coinp Cane, Arelat. a. 814. (JTaful, Th. II. p. 489.) 

d) (VP'-.Sp-l^f 2.Ep-&i|fi.Ep.79.|a 


ing the proceedings of the Synods, and of confirming and ordaining the pro- 
vincial bishops. Bat it was only in the East that this Metropolitan system 
was completely carried oat. The Bishop of Carthage sometimes claimed the 
right of a Metropolitan over the chnrches in Mauritania and Numidia, where 
there was no great city naturally possessing the right of precedence, but the 
presidency in their synods was always given to the oldest bishop (Senex). 

§ 62. The Three Great Bishops. 

The same causes which produced the elevation of the metropolitans, op* 
erated in a still higher degree to give the largest metropolitan diocese to the 
bishops of the three principal cities of the empire, liome^ Alexandria^ and 
Antioeh, Rome obtafled Middle and Lower Italy with uncertain limits, 
and by means of a colony of bishops sent into Southern Gaul (about 250) an 
indefinite influence was secured in the affairs of that region, (a) Alexandria 
obtained possession of Egypt, and Antioch of Syria. The successor of St. 
Peter received an honorable rank above all other bishops, on account of the 
majesty of the eternal city, and the vast and skilfully used wealth at his dis- 
posal even when Laurentius could present to the avaricious magistrate the 
poor of the city as the treasure of the Roman Church, {b) Roman bishops 
of that period have since been canonized, who were great only in their 
deaths. No extraordinary individuals were concerned in laying the founda- 
tions of her subsequent empire. The first presage of its future position was 
ifibrded in two attempts which it made to impose its usages upon other 
churches. These were sternly repelled by the Asiatic and African bishops, (c) 
The thought of a Bishop of bishops was first advanced in favor of James, 
about the middle of the second century, by a Jewish party in Rome, and was 
regarded in Africa as equivalent to an ecclesiastical tyranny, {d) The first 
voluntary recognition of Roman authority in matters of faith, was occa- 
sioned by the report that the apostolical traditions had been preserved with 
especial purity in the West, {e) Cyprian saw in the pre-eminence of Peter a 
symbol of the unity of the Church. (/) Even when Marcellinus ofiered in- 
cen£e to the gods (302), the very infirmity of a Roman bishop has been made 

a) Cypr. Ep. 67. comp. Gregor. Turon* IL Francor. I, 2S. 

h) The prooft are collected by TilUmont Th. IV. p. 41. c) | 69. 84 

d) Epi CUftutMs id Jac in ClenL Hornil. (P. app. e<1. Goteler. Th. I. p. 605). Cypr. In Cone Car- 
titto^ {RvutK, Beliq. Bac III. pw 91) oonfl Tcrtul. de padic c. 1. 

«> Iren. Ill, 8, 2 : ** A<1 banc Ecclesiam propter potiorem (potcntlorero) prlnclpalitatcm nccesM 
tf\ omnem convenfre Ecclesiam, boc est eos qal sunt nndique fldelcs, in qua semper ab hi% qui sunt 
oadlqiie, coDaervata est ea qnae est ab Apostolis traditio. (Uphs raxnj)v iKK\riaiav iih. r^y 
\miB9mripa» opx^'' hyirfia\ iruo-oy ffvfifiaiudv r^v iKKKtiiriaVy rovr* iari robs vayrax^^fv 
vicrwSf iv ^ a«l w»k twv iratrrax^^^y ffvm'tr'fjprjrcu 17 airh ruv *A.iroar6\<i>tf Tapd^oais.) 
C<ymp TertuL de praescr. c. 86. 208.— (7 W«a&acA, de potentloro Eccl. Rom. principalitate. Jen. 1778. 
(0pp. ed. GaUer^ Th. II. p 186fia.). Paulus in the Sophronizon. 1819. P. 8. On the other side : AVf- 
ietiamp^ CL d. Prlmat Manst 1820. p. SOss. Jioakavany, de primata R. Pontif. Aug. Y. 1534. p. 
Vim.—'Jkier§ch, in d. Stud. a. Krit 1S42. P. 2. oomp. Keander^ [Church Hist vol. I. pp. 20.'j-205.] 

/) De unit Ecc. c 8. Here, even in Uie genuine text, and often in the epistles (52. 55), he ac- 
biotrledges "Eome aa the eocUtia principcUU, without, however, conceding to it a supremacy in- 
couistent with the parity of all bishops (Ep. 71). Antirom. interpretation of Matt 16, IS. in Orig. 
ti ML torn. 18. 1 10a. 14 


to wear such an aspect in popular reports, as to promote the glory of the Ro- 
man see. (<g) 

§ 63. The Catholic Chvrch and its Variotu Branches. 

The internal and essential nnity of the Church as the kingdom of God on 
earth, suggested tlie idea of an external unity also. The effort to attain this 
was much favored by the political unity of the whole civilized world. The 
religious consciousness which prevailed in the Christian Church with more or 
less distinctness, when assailed by theological or moral elements inconsistent 
with itself, was accustomed to appeal to the apostolical traditions which re- 
mained in the churches founded by the apostles. From this sprung up the 
Great or Catholic Churchy (a) in distinction from th* heretics who defended 
these foreign elements, and who were disunited among themselves. By the 
former term was meant the great body in which all the congregations found* 
ed by the apostles, and such as were connected with them, had hitherto felt 
conscious of a unity through faith and love, and which was the only source 
of true Christianity, of grace, and of salvation. The first hint of this repre- 
sentation was given by Ignatius, but it was further developed by Irenaena, 
and was completed by Cyprian, {h) This unity was realized in many transao- 
tions in which the bishops and churches held intercourse with each other. 
But without detracting from it, a Church of the Fast and a Church of 
the West began to be distinguished from each other with respect to lan- 
guage, customs, and theological tendencies. Peculiar usages, in fact, some- 
times became permanent even in different parts of the same metropolitan 
diocese, especially in those ecclesiastical provinces whose boundaries corre- 
spond with old national limits. Accordingly, in addition to the dioceses 
of the three great bishops, the first outlines of national churches were formed 
in correspondence with local attachments and interests. Thus the African 
Churchy connected with Rome by feelings of fVee mutual sympathy, and ex- 
hibiting its peculiar spirit in the writings of Tertullian, sprung up, and com- 
pleted an appropriate code of laws after the middle of the third century, in 
the provincial synods of Carthage, (r) Thus, also, the Armenian Church was 
originated, on which Gregory (he Enlightcner^ who by his family connec- 
tions had been deeply involved in the political disorders of his country, and 
when Christianity triumphed had been brought out of a long night of im- 
prisonment to be made a metropolitan (302), so deeply imprinted his own 
spirit, that for a long time the superior bishop or Catholicus was selected 
from his family. (</) 

0) /larduin. Acta Concill. vol I. p. 217m. Baron^ ad a. 802. N. SSssl 

o) The former term may be found in Celsus {Orig. c Cels. Y. 59) and ConstUt app. 11. 25, and 
the latter occurs In IgnaL ad Smym. c. 8. and in the Epistle- to the Church of Smyrna respecting the 
death of Polycarp, in Euaeb. II. ecc. IV, 15. 

^) ('UP''- ^^ unltate Ecc. especially c 4, 5, 21. Ep. 47. { 2. 

r) SchflMratffi^ Ecc afHc sub primatn Carthag. Par. 1679. 4 M. Leydicker^ Hist Eccl alHc, 
Utn\J. 1694. 4. MorceUl Afrtca christ Brix. 1816. 8 Th. MSnter, Prlmordia Ecc. afric. Uafii. 1S29. 4. 

(T) AgatkangeU (revised), Acte 8. Qregor. (Acta Sanctor. 8ept Th. YIII. p. 821iss.) Motts 
Choronennin (about 440), Hist Armen. I. IIL ed. WhUtton. Lond. 1786. 4. Mai. Samueljan^ Be- 
kehr. Armcn. durch den h. Greg. Ill Wien. \^m.— Saint Martin^ Mt^motres snr TArmdnie. Par. 
ISia 2 Th. CAamic'A, Ulstory of Armenia, tiansL by AndalL Calcutta. 1827. 8 Th. 



§ 64. Christian Morals. 

Those gifts which the Spirit of God had bestowed as first-fruits in the 
early periods of the Church, had now been expended, although Irenaens tes- 
tifies that the power of prophesying, of speaking with tongues, of healing 
diseases, and even of raising the dead, remained in his time. Neither of 
these, however, were common, except that method of healing the sick which 
consisted in the expulsion of demons, (a) Abstinence from blood and from 
things strangled may have been occasioned by the decree of the apostles, as 
it obtained prevalence with the writings of Luke, (b) The private life of 
Christians was regulated by principles directly opposed not only to the sen- 
SQons, but to the intellectual pleasures of heathenism, (c) In their estimation, 
the earth was a vale of tears, and the predominant feeling of the noblest 
nunds was an ardent longing for their home in another world. Joy in death 
and love toward his brethren continued still to be the distinguishing badge 
of a follower of Christ, (d) This spirit became peculiarly powerful in times 
of persecntion, but in the longer periods of tranquillity, envy and strife, oov- 
etoosness and love of pleasure gained the ascendency. The more earnest of 
the public teachers, therefore, regarded the persecutions in the reigns of De- 
diiB and Diocletian as divine judgments to arouse a slumbering Church, (e) 
A pions abandonment even of the innocent enjoyments of the world 
(iiaicrffris) became a prevalent characteristic of the times, but among some 
individoals in the Church it was regarded as the ultimate object of all gene- 
ral effort. Although marriage had been exalted by Christianity to its true 
q;>iritual meaning, (/) vows of perpetual chastity were looked upon as mer- 
itorious, (g) and many virgins (o-vveiVaicroi, sorores) undertook the often un- 
fortunate, and therefore gradually discountenanced task, of exhibiting the 
IK>wer of a holy will as brides of the Lord in most intimate companionship 
with the clergy, {h) These vows were not absolutely irrevocable, but the re- 
cantation of them was threatened with the severest penances. An entrance 
into the marriage state after consecration as a Deacon, was regarded as of 
doubtful propriety, and was limited by special restrictions. (0 In the ex- 
treme West, one Synod had already forbidden the clergy to enter the mar- 
riage state, and even the lower clergy were prohibited all connubial inter- 
course during seasons of public duty. (X) On the other hand, all attempts to 

a) Trem, IT, 57. Y, 6. {Eu*eb. H. eoc V, 7.) Tertul ad ScapaL c 8. Apolog. a 28. OHg. c CeK 
I, T. VII, 4 (Th. I. p. M5. 16ML) 

h) TtrM. Apok^ e. 9. Only tbo Greek Church however has actually adhered to it 

e) EL O. Tertul. de Bpectacniia, c. 28. de cultn femm. II. ^.—Hefelet iL d. Kigorism d. alten Chris- 
tro (Tfih. Qnartalflchr. 1S41. P. 8.) 

d) Minuc FeL c 8. Euseb. H. mc YII, 22. 

4) Oypr. de Inpa. (Oppi AmsteL 700. p. 68.) Eiueb. H. eco. YIII, 1. 

/) TtUiL ad uxor. II, %. comp. OHo. In Num. hooL 6 (Th. II. pw 289.) 

g) For heathen testimony, Galen In Abul/eda, U\st Anteislam. ed. FlMsoher. p. 109. 

h) The first trace oocnzs as early as In Hermas Tastor IIL Bim. ft, 11.— Cf^pr. £p. 83. (kmc 
Afiteyr. e. 19. Nic c Z. 

<) Cbnatltt. app. YL 17. <7onc Ancyr. c. la UTtoeaet. c. 1. 

k) Cone, IlUb^rU. (805-809.) c 8& comp. c. 65. 


impose a rigid system of asceticism as a matter of universal obligation, were 
discountenanced by the Church. In consequence of this, the Church frequent- 
ly came into collision with the various classes of Encratites^ some of whom 
rejected the use of wine even in the Lord's Supper {IbponapaoTarai, aquarii.) 

§ 65. St. Anthony, 

Athana*iiu, Vita S. Antonii. (Th. II. p. 45<)fi8.) Scmom. H. eoc. I. la Jlieron. caUL c SS. Oth- 
er things: Tillemonl, Th. TIL p. lOlaa. [//. Ri^ner^ The Fathers of the Desert. New York. 
1850. 2 vote. 12.] 

The more rigid ascetics in Egypt lived as hermits, although, during the 
third century, most of them continued near their own homes. Ellas and 
John were their predecessors, and the Therapeutae their countrymen. A 
complete withdrawal from the world seemed the necessary consequence of 
the rupture between Christianity and the world. This philosophical mode of 
life received its permanent form through the influence of Anthony, When 
a mere youth, he had become independent and wealthy by the early death of 
his parents. On one occasion he stepped into the temple, and heard read 
from the gospels the word of the Lord to the rich young man. Tliis, like the 
voic« of God to him personally, decided his future course of life. Ho dis- 
tributed his goods among the i)Oor (about 270), and betook himself first to a 
tomb, and then to a dilapidated castle in the mountain, there to wage a fear- 
ful conflict with himself under the idea of an encounter with Satan. The 
visible form in which his adversary assailed him, was sometimes tliat of a 
beautiful woman, and at other times that of wild beasts and monsters. His 
friends, who brought him bread once in six months, heard his wild shrieks, or 
found him powerless and prostrate on the ground. The report of a persecu- 
tion of the Christians (311) allured him from his solitude. The Alexandri- 
ans gazed upon this man of the desert with amazement. In the very courts of 
justice, he encouraged the confessors and waited upon the prisoners, but found 
not a martyr^s death. From that time his fame spread abroad, the desert 
became peopled with his disciples, whom he directed to engage in prayer, 
and manual labor for their own support and for the relief of the poor. He 
himself would watch through many nights in succession ; bread and salt was 
his only food, and of this he partook only once in three days, ashamed that 
an immortal spirit should need even that. He was without human learning, 
but endowed with eminent natural abilities, and in the service of the Xing 
of kings was exalted above the fear, as he was afterwards above the favor of 
earthly monarchs. His word healed the sick and cast out devils. "When his 
prayers were answered, as they not unfrequently were, he boasted not of hifl 
power, nor did he murmur when they were unheard, but in both cases he 
gave praise to God. No angry person went from his presence unreconciled 
with his adversary, and no mourner uncomforted. He seemed to have been 
provided by God to be a physician in bodily and spiritual things for the 
whole land of Egypt. In the blissful enjoyment of this earthly poverty, it 
was revealed to him that there .was one man more perfect than himself. 
Since the Decian persecution, Paul of Thebes had resided in a cave of the 
desert, with a single palm-tree to give him provision, shelter, and clothing. 


Ninety years had passed away since tidings of him had reached a human ear. 
Anthony visited him in season to witness his death (340).'^ In the evening 
of his life, and annoyed hy the honors and interruptione of men, Anthony 
withdrew still further into the desert, where he cultivated the fruit needful 
for his food, and presenting himself only occasionally among men, to contend 
for the true fedth, or to protect the oppressed. He finally attained the age 
of a hundred and ^vq years, when he expired (866). Ilis glory sprung 
from no hooks, worldly wisdom, or work of art, but only from his piety ; and 
he departed childless indeed, hut the father of an innumerable spiritual family. 

§ 66. Ecclesiastical Discipline. 

L Ttrtul, de poenitentia. Cifpr, de lapsis. Eppi eanonicM Dionysii AUaoandrini (about 262), 
Orefforii Tkaumatwffi^ P^ri AletMndrini (8(i6X Canones Cone. lUSberitani, 

IL 7b&. jyannsr^ de catecbomeDls aotlqnae Eoe. FrancoH 1688. — lo. Morini^ Commentr. hist de 
dIadpllDa in admlnistr. sacram poenltentJae XIIL primls 8a«c Par. 1651. Antv. 1681. Yen. 1702. t 
FiHagSt Bcitr. a. Oeech. d. TbeoL n. BeL 179& toL IL 

Candidates for admission to the Ohurch (Karrjxovfj^voi) were first careful- 
ly instructed, and rigidly examined in all the studies of the several stages of 
their education. They were then admitted by baptism and confirmation to 
all the rights and privileges of a Christian citizen. Such a process was re- 
garded as important, because real goodness of heart and a good character were 
then of &r greater value than numbers. A high degree of public morality 
was upheld by a rigid discipline. Only public scandals, or offences voluntari- 
ly confessed, were subjected to its penalties. All who appeared unworthy of 
Christian fellowship on account of adultery, murder, or apostasy from Chris- 
tianity, were immediately excommunicated. These could be restored to their 
former position in the Church only after a series of penances adjusted to the 
nature of the offence by the various codes of discipline, and sometimes pro- 
tracted to the end of Ufe. The power of a disturbed conscience, and the 
terrors of an exclusion from the Church, in which alone salvation was 
thought to be attainable, induced many to undergo the most fearful penances. 
At that time, few could perceive a distinction between an abandonment by 
God and an exclusion from his Church. The power to relax the severity of 
the penitential laws in particular instances, was indispensable in times of per- 
secution, on account of the multitude of those who fell away and subsequent- 
ly returned with sorrow. It was usually exercised by the churches and the 
bishops with scrupulous restrictions, but by the confessors and martyrs with 
80 much indiscretion, that the discipline of the Church was in danger of be- 
coming ineffectual. In general the principle was conceded, that every actu- 
al penitent, at least in the hour of death, should be admitted to reconciliation 
for ail his offences. As a mere outward form in connection with excommu- 
nication, particular bishops or synods withdrew ecclesiastical fellowship 
from whole churches or parties, on account of what was regarded as un- 
christian sentiments. 

* Bisron, Tlta Paali Eremitaa. Instanoea more like that of the Bhoemaker at Alexandria, in 
FMm JPair. P. IL | lit eomp. Apologia Oonf, Aug. p. 286, 


§ 67. The MontanUts, 

L JBfuseb. H. eco. Y, 8. 14-19. Kplphan, haer. 48& Kindred matten, and » treatment of tiia 
subject which goce much beyond ordinary views of it in all the writings of TertuUian^ IL G. 
Wlemsdor/^ de Montanistla. Gedani. 1751. 4. F. MUnter^ Effata et orac Montanistar. Ham. 1829. 
C. M. Kirckner^ de Montantst Ds. L Jen. 1832. F. C. A. SchitegUr^ d. Montanlsmns, n. d. 
Kirehe des 2 Jahrh. TQb. 1841. See also his Nachapoet Zeltalt vol. II. p. 2599& 

In an excitement which originated in Phrygia, and extended over all the 
churches of Asia Minor, not only the rigor of ecclesiastical morals and disci- 
pline, hot the extraordinary zeal which prevailed in the apostolic Church, 
was revived and even exceeded. It was there maintained, that the life of a 
true Christian was a continual self-denial, that he should find pleasure in 
nothing hut God and a martyr^s death, and that all earthly delights, even 
those which science affords, are sinful. Murder, lewdness, and apostasy sub- 
jected those who were guilty of them to a hopeless exclusion from the 
Church. No church was regarded as genuine which would not carry out 
this rigid system of morals, or which allowed of second marriages, and re- 
admitted those who had once been excluded as offenders. Such churches 
they denominated carnal (the ^vxtxo/), superior to which stood the Church 
of the Spirit (the iri^rv/iarifeoO) since the Spirit was to be looked for in the 
Church, and not exclusively in the assembly of the bishops. An ecstasy 
which proceeded ftom within themselves, or a divine frenzy, they looked 
upon as the most exalted condition in which a Christian could be found. A 
prophet in this state was far superior to a bishop. The peculiar form of 
apostolic Christianity exhibited in the Apocalypse, while struggling with 
Gnosticism, and pressing forward after a still higher development of reli^on, 
might possibly have become gradually perverted into this Montanwn^ but its 
assertion respecting higher revelations of truth to be expected in the Church, 
indicates a consciousness of innovation. Montanva of Mysia is designated by 
some contemporary writers at a diftance ftom him, as the author of this 
movement. He had probably been a priest of Cybele, and was at this time 
attended by two prophetic women. With the imaginative, enthusiastic spirit 
which characterized his fellow-countrymen, he announced himself as the in- 
dividual in whom the promised Paraclete had completely revealed himself, 
that the Church might be carried forward to its perfection just before the 
introduction of the millennial kingdom. The heavenly Jerusalem, the me- 
tropolis of that kingdom, was to descend to earth at Pepuza. The Montanists 
(o2 Karh <^pvyasy Pepuziaui) were expelled fh>m the Church by the Asiatic 
bishops (about 170), not, however, without great hesitation, since their new 
prophecies were not absolutely inconsistent with the doctrines of the Church 
of that period, and it was therefore difficult to determine whether they were 
of divine or demoniac origin. In Asia, they continued to exist under an ec- 
clesiastical constitution of their own, until some time in the sixth century. 
In the West, their moral principles obtained an influence which seemed 
almost a complete victory. What Montanus had announced in a fanatical 
spirit, Tertullian, with his polished and liberal views, presented to the appre- 
hensions of men with a kind of twilight distinctness. All that either of 
these men did was boldly to complete what nearly the whole Church of that 


age was striTing for, and merely to demand of every one what was admired 
in individnal saints, but which, if it had generally prevailed, wonld either 
have destroyed the Ohnrch or the natare of man. 

§ 68. The NoDatians. 

Cypr. Epjx 41-52. EuMb. H. ecc VI, 43-45. VIII, 8. Oono. yic can. «. Cod. Theod, XVL 
tH & lex. S. Soorat H. eco. I, la IV, 28. V, 21. 

In Opposition to Cornelius^ the newly elected bishop, Koratian^ his pres- 
byter, violently opposed the readmission of those who had once fallen. This 
man was a philosopher who had embraced Christianity in the midst of sickness 
and severe spiritnal conflicts, and after his conversion had become an ascetic, 
and a prndent advocate of the £uth generally embraced in the Church.* By 
his own party, strengthened by some persons from the African Church, he 
was elected a rival bishop (251). The Novations excluded from the Church 
all those who had been guilty of deadly sins, and taught, that while 
soch should be exhorted to repentance and hope of the divine mercy, 
no prospect fihould be held out to them that they would ever be readmitted 
to a Church which should consist only of saints and purified persons {Ka^apoi), 
They withdrew all fellowship from the Catholic Church, and re-baptized all 
who came from it to them. Their party was sometimes treated with re- 
elect, generally with forbearance, and by the emperor himself, at Nicaea, 
with good-humored raillery, but it was overwhelmed by the authority of the 
Gatholic Church. Its adherents continued without a visible organization for 
some centuries, though in Phrygia they were sometimes confounded with the 
Montanists. In other countries also a similar uncertainty with respect to 
the true idea of the Church, and strict discipline, produced similar divisions, 
but all these necessarily ceased when heathenism was overthrown, and mild- 
er views gained the ascendency. 

§ 69. Holy Seasons^ and the Controversy about Baster, 

Mfotpinianus^ Feste chrtot (Tlgnr. 1598.) Geuev. 1674. AuffuHi, die Feste der «Iten Chritten. 
Lpn 1S17-9QL 8 Tola. UUnumn^ Zosainmenst des chr. Festcyclus mit vorchiistl Festen. Appendix 
to Cre*uMr''9 Symbolik. vuL IV. separately printed from the third ed. Darmst 1S43. Staudfnmaier^ 
d. GelM d. Chrtetenth. in d. heil. Zeiten, HandL n. d. heil. Kanst Matnz. (U^.) 1888. 2 voIr. 

The three hours of the day observed by the Jews as seasons for prayer, 
were recommended to those whose secular employments were likely to with- 
draw their thoughts from God, as an excellent moans of I'eminding them of 
their duty. The dawn of the day, and in times of persecution the night, 
was preferred for public assemblies. That they might give special solemnity 
to their higher festivals, the preceding night was made a part of them 
(vigilia). In determining what days should be observed as holy, they paid 
attention to the critical seasons of Joy or grief which occurred in the course 
of our Saviour^B life. Wednesday^ and especially Frid^iy (dies stationum, 
/eria quarta et sexta), were consecrated as partial fast-days (till 8 p. m.) in 
eonmiemoration of his sufferings. The Roman Church regarded Saturday as 

« De Trtnitate, OppL ed. Jacikton, Lond. 1728L {OaUand, Th. lY.) Cknnp. ITirnvn. eaUL c. 7a 


a fast-day, in direct opposition to those who regarded it as a Sabbath. Sun^ 
day remained a joyful festival, in which all fasting and worldly business was 
avoided as mnch as possible, but the original commandment of tlie Deca- 
logne respecting the Sabbath was not then applied to that day. {a) A sea- 
son of fasting of greater or less lengtli in different places (afterwards called 
Quadrigesima), was observed just before the passover. In Asia Minor, the 
paschal supper was eaten as a type of Christ^s sacrifice on the night of the 
fourteenth day of the month Kisan. But in other parts of the Chorch, the 
Jewish festival was altogether set aside. The Resurrection of onr Lord was 
celebrated on the Sunday after the full moon in the spring, and the day of 
his death on the Friday preceding. When Polycarp visited Home (about 
160), this difference in reckoning was discussed, though without injury to 
Christian unity. But the Roman bishop Victor threatened to withdraw ec- 
clesiastical fellowship from the Asiatic bishops, on acconnt of their course in 
this matter (196). Public opinion was in favor of the usage in the Roouin 
Church with respect to this festival, but the violent measures pursued by the 
Roman bishop were decidedly condemned by all distinguished teachers, (fi) 
The fifty days which immediately followed Easter (Pentecost), formed a sea- 
son of festivity for the commemoration of the glorification of Christ, and the 
last day of that period was kept as the proper Pentecost ^ in honor of the effu- 
sion of the Holy Spirit. According to the oldest authorities, heretics were 
baptized on the Feait of the Epiphany^ w^hich was celebrated in conformity 
with the views of the heretics, in commemoration of the Manifestation 
(JnK^vfia) of the Messiah. In this festival the Church had reference to the 
revelation of Christ in the flesh, and hence in the oriental churches, after the 
close of the third century, the sixth of January appears to have been ob- 
served in the double sense of a baptismal and a birth-day festival, (c) Some 
churches annually celebrated the days on which the martyrdom of some of 
their number took place, as if they were birth-days (natalia), when Assem- 
blies were held around their graves ; and abont the close of the third centu- 
ry some amusements were allowed on such occasions. Instead of the heathen 
festivities formerly enjoyed, (d) As these martyrs were looked upon as the best 
representatives of Jesus Christ on earth, the relation of the Church to them 
was that of an affectionate fellowship. Even then we find some indications 
of a confidence in their power to aid men either in the present life or at the 
final judgment. In accordance with the ancient doctrine of the saving efiS- 
cacy of an expiatory death, a degree of influence was ascribed to their death 
as well as to that of Jesus. («) 

a) F. LiebHrut, d. Tag d. Herrn. BcrL 1887. F. W. Ji&cksr^ t. Tage d. Herrn. ErL 1S89. 

I) Emeb. H. eoc Y, 88-26. Yita Constant III, 18. Socrat H. eec Y, 21. Chionioon pMcb. ed. 
Dt^fresne, Par. 1683. Add. N. li.—Neand€r, 0. Yeraulass. u. Beschaffenh. d. &It PasaahstrelUgkelten. 
(KHist Archiv. 182& St 2.) R^Uberg, d. Paachastreit (Illgen's Zeitschr. 1882. B. IL St 2.) Giateler 
in d. Stud. a. Krit 1883. P. 4 

c) Cl&ment Strom. L p. 407b. eom^ Ca»Hani Collat X, ^.—Jahlonsky^ de orlg. festi natiY. 
Chrlsti, Da. L S 7. (Opp. Th. IIL p. 838fl&) Gieteler in d. HalL Lit Z. 1828. p. 88«. 

d) Greg. Thaumaturgi 0pp. ed. Vom. Mog. 1604 p. 812. coznp. Attguat Ep. 29. § 9. ad 

«) Fp. BccL Smynu {Su$*b. H. eoc lY, 16.) CVp^** d« I*P^ c- 1^* i"^ ^^) Orig, exhort ad 
mart c.60. 


§ 70. Sacred Places and their Deccration, 

CUtmpini, Tett nMnnmenta. Rome. 1748. 8 Tola. £ JaeuUi cbr. anUqultatam speclmina. Rome. 
179S. 4. MUtnier^ Sinnbilder a. KonstTont d. alton Chrtsteo, Alton. 1S2S. 2 puts. 4. OHknMnen^ ▼. 
d. Unecb«n n. Orilnzeo d. KiiDSthanee in d. ersten 8 Jabrh. (Knnstblatt 1881. N. SSaa.) [Jfir«. Jam^ 
•on, Sacred and Lcgendarj Art Lend. 1848L 3 Yola. & Lord Lindsay^ Sketches of the Hiat of Chris- 
UMMi Art Load. 1S47. 8 vula. &] 

The halk in which the Christians were accostomed to assemble, were fur- 
nished for public speaking with an elevated platform, and for the administra- 
tion of the Lord^s Snpper with a table which, near the end of the second 
eentnrj, was called an altar. Chnrches began to be constructed after the 
dose of the third century, and during the reign of Diocletian some were 
built of considerable size. When the people very generally adopted the sen- 
timent, that God was present in some peculiar sense in the house of worship, 
their more intelligent public teachers reminded them that the world was his 
temple, (a) Christians were fond of holding their religious assemblies over 
the graves of the dead, and sometimes they even descended into the vaults 
of the catacombs to find a place for prayer. Such places, however, at least 
in Rome, were never fitted to accommodate their larger assemblies, (h) The 
imitative arts had flourished principally in the service of the ancient gods, 
and hence the same hatred which had prevailed against them among the 
Jews, was continued in the Christian Church. None but heathen who re- 
vered Jesus, as eitiier a sage or a Son of God, or heretics, who mingled to- 
gether pagan and Christian principles, ever possessed images of him. In 
place of these, however, and with the direct object of excluding heathen 
images, were introduced various Christian emblems, sach as the cross, the 
good shepherd, the ram and the lambs, the fisherman and the fishes (IX9YS), 
the ship, the dove, the palm, the lyre, the phoenix, and the cock and anchor. 
At first, these were used only in private dwellings, but gradually they were 
introduced as ornaments of tombs, and as works of art in fresco or mosaic, 
to decorate their churches. But even as late as the fourth century, they 
were censured as innovations, (c) 

§ 71. Sacred Services. 

The worship of the Temple described in the Old Testament, was the 
model to which was conformed as much as possible the public services of the 
Christian assemblies. In compliance with the spirit of the times, though it 
was originally a matter of necessity, the Lord's Supper was administered near 
the dose of the second century as a Christian mystery, with the view of in- 
vesting it with an increased sanctity by its seclusion and secresy. By this 
means, a mysterious character was imparted to a number of the usages and 

a) Tertmi. de orat e. 84. 

b) Comp. nUron, In Ezocb. o. 40. After the works of BoHo^ Arringhi, BUdetti^ and BattaH, 
%ttRo9lMt Boms Katakomben. (Bescbretbnng der Btadt Rom, von Ptakt^r^ Butnt^n^ and oth. 
Stott^ ISSOsa. vol L pi». 854-416.) C F. BelUrmann, Q. d. filtesten cbr. BegrftbnlsMtfitten u. be«. 
d. Katakomben zn Neapel m. lliren Wandegemfihlden. Ilamb. 1889. 4 [C. Maitland^ The Church 
ia tba Cataoomba, or a Description of the Prim. Chorch of Rome, new ed. Lond. 1S50. 8.] 

e) Oonc JUib&Hl can. 8flu Epiphan, Ep. ad Ja Hleroa. (voL IL pb 817.) 


forms of the Church, (a) The LoTd^% Supper was celebrated at the close of 
every solemn assembly, but the much-abused and more infrequent Lotc-Feast 
was generally held apart from the public services, and in the evening. The 
bread and the wine were in some instances regarded as the symbols of the 
body and blood of Christ, and in others as pervaded by the Logos. This 
sacred ordinance was supposed to be a thank-offering, and to have some spe- 
ciftl influence upon the resurrection of the body. The consecrated bread was 
sent to those who were absent, or taken home for subsequent use, and sometimes 
bottles of the wine, labelled with some pious toasts, were even placed on the 
coffins of the dead, {h) Origen found Infant Baptitm an old ancestral usage 
in the region where he resided, but others advised that, as a matter of poli- 
cy, the baptism of even adults should be deferred as long as possible (pro- 
crastinatio). (r) The solemn act by which the worship of the gods was ab- 
jured, taken in connection with the Jewish notion of the expulsion of demons, 
gave occasion to the practice of uniting Exorcism with the ordinance of bap- 
tism. The principle that baptism was to bo administered but once to the 
same person, was universally acknowledged. But the African, and even 
some of the Asiatic churches, baptized those who came to them from any of 
the heretical sects, because they denied the Christian character of baptism 
when administered among those sects. The Roman Church, however, re- 
cognized the validity of all baptisms in which the subject formed a fuH pur- 
pose to enter into fellowship with Christ, (d) Those catechumens who suf- 
fered martyrdom before baptism, were looked upon as haptized in blood. 
The reception or addition of a name in baptism, had reference to apostolic 
example, and a cycle of Christian names, of Jewish or heathen origin, was in 
this way formed. Sponsors (dvdboxoi. sponsores) were introduced in the ad- 
ministration of baptism, that they might be sureties for the good intentions 
of adult candidates, and for the future education of infants, and as witnesses in 
all cases. The seasons in which baptism was ordinarily administered, were 
Easter, Pentecost, and Epiphany. During the performance of the rite, the 
candidates were clothed in white garments (vestis alba). Tlie imposition of 
hands for the communication of the Holy Ghost (xftpoSfo-ta), was originally 
connected with and immediately followed by the rite of baptism. But when, 
in the West, the imparting of the gift of the Spirit was looked upon as the pre- 
rogative of the bishops, the ceremony of contirmation was performed as a dis- 
tinct rite. The intention of those who were about to enter the marriage rela^ 
tiofi^ was previously made known to the assembled congregation. The betrothed 
parties, after partaking of the Lord^s Supper, received the benediction of the 
priest. There was much contention between the respective advocates of the 

a) These were not called disciplina arcani antil after the Reformation, and in the Oatholie Charch 
they were then referred as apoetoUo to religioos doctrines. Controversial writings of SeheUtrate 
and T&tiUel. IGTSss. C. Frommann^ de disc. arc. Jen. 1S83. B. Rotht^ d« di£C ara Heid^lk ISIl. 
comp. OrossmantL, de Judaeor. disc, arc Lpa. 18888. 2 P. 4. 

b) EtM«biM jRomantu (MabiUonX de cnltn aanctoram ignotor. Par. 1688. (ed. 2. 1705.) i. Beacbr. 
d. Stadt Horn. vol. I. p. 40088. BelUrmann^ p. 60a. 

c) Orig. in Rom. Y, 9. (vol IV. p. 566.) On the other band : TnfmL de bapt c. la 

d) TaHnk de bapL o. lA. Cypr, Epp. 60-75. Cone. Garth. III. {Oypr, Opp. pw IfiSaa.)— (Mar- 
cbetU) Eaercitazioni Ciprianlcbe droa U battesluo degU eretloi. Boxna. 1787. 


Jewish and the Roman law, regarding what ought to be considered legal im- 
pedimenti to marriage. The different moral principles of the parties, and the 
precepts of the Old Testament^ were looked upon as valid objections to all 
intermarriages with the heathen, (e) Divorces were seldom recognized bj the 
Chnrch for any other cause than adnltery. All who had died in the Lord 
were committed to the grave with ecclesiastical solemnities. The mode of 
bnrial was generaUj conformed to the usages of the ancient Jews, or to oth- 
er customs not InconsiBtent with the habits of the ancient Romans. On an- 
niversaries of the decease of beloved friends, alms were distributed in their 
name among the poor, or gifts were presented in their behalf at the altar, by 
which means their names continued to be remembered and mentioned in the 
prayers of the Church. 



§ 72. Sources from which the Church derived its System of Faith. 

The books of the Old Testament were at first the only books which the 
Church regarded as sacred. Although Paulas views respecting them avoided 
an extremes, public opinion generally agreed with him, and the clergy 
did not hesitate to appeal to them as authority for what they wished to 
prove. Melito visited Palestine for the express purpose of ascertaining what 
books belonged to the canon of the Old Testament, and finally settled upon 
those recognized by the Jews of that region. To these, Origen subsequent- 
ly added the book of the Maccabees, (a) and as the Alexandrian version 
(LXX.) was in general use in the Greek congregations, all the books em- 
braced in it (since the time of Jerome, so far as not contained in the original 
Hebrew, called the Apocrypha of the Old Testament) were esteemed as of 
nearly equal authority. But the necessity of the case, and a consciousness 
that Christianity had much peculiar to itself, produced during the second cen- 
tury, from the writings of its founders, a body of Sacred Scriptures exclu- 
uvely its own. Justin made use of an indefinite multitude of apostolic me- 
moirs, among which we find mentioned a gospel of the Hebrews, (b) The 
nnity of the Church, however, rendered it indispensable that there should be 
an agreement in all its parts respecting the canon of its Holy Scriptures. 
Mareion was probably not merely the first witness, but in accordance with 
his peculiar views of the nature of Christianity, the first author of such a 
canon. He testifies to one gospel and the ten epistles of Paul, but those who, 
in a short time, were opposed to him, mention four gospels, the Acts of the 
Apostles, thirteen epistles of Paul, one epistle of Peter, and one of John. 
Respecting the remaining portions of the New Testament, the views of the 

tf) TertuL do monog. c. 7. 11. Cypr. de lapsiB. c d. 

a) EuMib. H. ecc. IV, 2fi. OHg. in P& 1. (voL II. p. 529.) 

h) Wlnsr^ JoBt EvY. cfto. osam ftiisM oetenditnr. Lpa. 1819. 4. On the other band : Crsdner^ 
Btitr. I. EinL in d. BibL Schrr. toL I. p. Hies. Comp. Bindemann in d. Stud n. Krit 1S48. P. 2. 
Franek in d. Btnd. d. G«iatUehk. Wortemb. 1846. P. 1. 


Chnrch were not then qnite settled, (e) In deciding whether any book was 
canonical, they were determined on the one hand by the apostolic character 
of the anthor, and on the other by the Christian popular character of the 
book itself. In conformity with the views of the Jews respecting the Old 
Testament, the writings of the Neto Testament were regarded as inspired by 
the Holy Ghost, bnt this inspiration was looked upon only as the higfaesi 
state of religions fervor. The Holy Scriptures, in the ordinary language of 
the people, were made the basis of all public devotional exercises, and aD 
were frequently urged to peruse them in private ; but copies of them were 
very expensive, and only a few among the people were capable of reading 
them, {d) In opposition to worldly wisdom, and the esoteric doctrines of the 
heretics, the Church appealed to the literal meaning of the sacred writ- 
ings, {e) But the only way in which it seemed possible satisfactorily to con- 
ftite heretics, was by appealing to Tradition^ (/) by which was meant the 
doctrines of the Church orally communicated by the apostles to the first 
bishops, and propagated by them in an unadulterated form among their suc- 
cessors. It was, in fact, an abstract of every thing which the Christian con- 
sciousness of each age had uttered through public opinion, against views 
inconsistent with it. As a summary of these traditionary doctrines, the Apo%' 
tM Creed {g) was gradually formed out of the confessions of faith used in 
baptism. As these were intended to be opposed to the heretical opinions of 
the day, this creed possessed a tolerably uniform character, though some of 
its particular expressions were still undetermined. The Rule of Faith to 
which some ecclesiastical fathers alluded, was only a free amplification of this 
creed, adapted to the wants of the period in which it was composed, (fi) In 
this way a scale was in practice formed, according to which tradition was 
placed in a station superior to that of the Scriptures as a rule of interpreta- 
tion and a necessary complement to the system of faith ; and the Creed was 
looked upon as superior to tradition, on the ground of its being an author- 
ized abstract of it ; but in principle all three were regarded as equally safe 
and necessarily harmonious sources of Christian truth. 

§ 78. Apostolic Fathers of the Second Century. Contfrom § 89. 

A few Asiatic bishops who had beheld the face of the apostle John, were 
numbered among the apostolic Fathers. Their writings belong to a period 
anterior to the cultivation of Greek literature and the principal contest with 
heathenism, and they had access only to particular books of the New Testa- 
ment. The Seven Epistles of Ignatius^ written while their author was on 
his journey to his place of martyrdom, have been altered, certainly in their 

c) J. Kirchhofer^ Qaellensamml. z. Oeeeh. x. neatest Cftn. bis Hieron. Zftr. 1841. 

d) F. Walchy T. Oebrauch d. H. Scbr. in d. eraten 4 Jabrb. Lpi. 1799. (On the other band : 
LeaHng^ SftmmtL Scbrr. BerL 1340. vol. XL p. Miss.) L. v. Em^ AoszGge (L d. notbw. a. nQtzI. Bibel- 
les. a. d. KV. Lpe. (1808.) 181<L See also Lis Chryoost a SUmmen der KV. £ Blbellea. Darmst. 18S1 

e) Iren. I, 8. 1. Ill, 2. TertiU. de resurrect cam. c 8. 

/) Iren. Ill, 8s. TertnL de prescript c 18-37. de o(m>na o. 8. 

g) Ri^flni Expoeltio in Sfrob. Ap^—Sir Peter King^ Hist Symb. of the Ape Creed. Lond. 1708. a 
A) Iren, 1, 10. Tertul. d. virgg. vel. c 1. De praesor. c 18. Adv. Prax. c. 8. Orig, de prlno. 
Prooem. { Abb.— A. /AiAn, BibL d. S/mb. n. OBegeln d. Ap. Kath. Kirche. BreaL 1848. 


more extended, and probably in their most abridged form. But oven the 
kUer more authentic portions, thongh regarded as a fabrication of the mid- 
dle of the second century, give ns an authentic representation of the high- 
wrought feelings of a martyr, and of a general desire to secure the Christian 
uiity of the congregations to which they were addressed, by bringing them 
together under the jurisdiction of the bishop. Its general characteristics 
are, a ^irit formed under the combined influence of Paul and John, a prac- 
tiesl opposition to the system of the Docetae, and a conception of Christian- 
ty as something wholly internal, and independent of historical evidence, (a) 
The recently discovered Syriao version of his epistles, and especially of his 
epistle to tlie Ephesians, presents us with a much more concise, but a no less 
hierarchieal text (b) The epistle of Polycarp to the church of Philippi, 
written soon after the martyrdom of Ignatius, with reference to that event 
and to various circumstances connected with that church, is a modest and 
iplritiial w(n'k, which refers to Paul, and in some passages reminds us of the 
&8t epistle of John, (e) Papias (d. about 168), bishop of Hierapolis, in his 
iooount of the &ots in the life of our Saviour, has recorded those things 
which be had learned from the lips of such as had had intercourse with the 
qiostleB. Having been in early youth a pupil of John, he took a peculiar plea- 
sore in the living word ; and it was only when he was judged by an age 
whose spirit had become essentially different, that he was accused of pos- 
rassing a very contracted mind, {d) 

§ 74. Eecle^iastieal Literature and Heresy, 

J. G. RoaenmiuUer^ de chr. TbeoL orig. Lpe. 178& Marheinecke^ Ursprnng u. EntwickL d. 

Ortbod. - j|~> ' In d. eisten 8 Jahrh. (Daub. a. Crenzer, Studlen. 1S08. vol III.) B. J. UHqw^ 

bit. Dant d. IlirMen il d. Ortbod. Hauptrlcht v. SUndp. d. Kath. aa& Bonn. 188T. Ist vol 

The solo object of the gospel was to awaken and to satisfy the religious 
ipirit of man, by an exhibition of a true religious spirit. But when it came 
tmong a people highly educated in science, and was pressed by opponents, 
this spirit was obliged to seek for a more definite consciousness of its princi- 
ples. Its opponents consisted principally of those who attempted to form 

a) PUy^. Epi e. 18. Irtn, V, 28. OHg. In Luc Iloro. 6. (voL HI. p. 98S.) Eu%tib. II. eoo. Ill, 
81 M. J. Woohtr^ die Br. d. b. Ign. ttbera n. erklort T&b. 1329.— lA Daliaem, de acriptts, quae Bub 
Dton. et Ignatil nomm. circnmferantur. Oon. 16Sd. i.—Baur, tn d. T&b. Zeitschr. 1SH8. P. 3. p. 14S68. 
/. K CJC Schmidt, d. doppelte Rec. d. Br. d. Ign. (Henke's Mag. vol. III. p. 91 ss. abbreviated In bli 
KGeach. Tli. L p. «KK) G. C. NsU, Vera. 0. d. Br. d. Ign. an Polyk. (Stud. u. Krit. 1SS5. P. 4.)— 
£ M0Ur, d. dopp. Bee. d. Br. d. Ign. (Stud. u. Krit 1888. P. %y-J. rmrson, Vlndioiae Epp. S. Ign. 
aec /. Votni, Epp. CaoUbr. 1872. 4 {CoUUr. PP. app. Th. IL P. II. p. 23<fe«.) Jioth^, Anfango d. 
Kifche. vol L pw 713mi Uuther In Illgen'a Zeitachr. 1841. P. 4.— CA. D&«Urdltck, quae de Ignalla- 
aaram epp. aatbentia, dncrnmque textunm ratlone bucusque prolatae aunt cententiae enarrantur. 

I) The aodent Sjrlac Tersion of the epistles of 8. Ign. to S. Polyc. tbe Epbeslans and Bomans, 
eullected from tbe wriUngs of Sevema of Antlocb, Timotb. of Alexandria, and otbers. by William 
Curttim, Lond. 184Bl 

e) Irtm, III, & XuMib. H. ace. Ill, 8S. Y, Sa WocKsr, Br. d. apost Yftter Clem. u. Polyc. Cibert. 
■L Com. T&bu 1830. Beasona in Opposition to ita Genuineness : SchtcegU^, Nacbapost Zetta. vol 

tf) Soyl^p Kvptaic^ ^{^Tiyo'if. Lost except an inconsiderable fhigment Tren. Y, 83. Stueb. 
&eec III, as. oomp. 86u Chroo. ad Olymp. 290. Grabe, Spidl Patr. P. IL p. S4aB. M&nter, Fragmm. 
Ptt. graae. Halta. 178& tuc L p. IHml Oomp. iTatc, BlbL d. bail Oescb. voL L p. 897as. 


such a historical embodiment of its nature as would afford no room for the 
religion of the spirit, and of those who aimed at saoh a speculative refine^ 
ment as threatened to destroy every historical element in Christianity. The 
former proceeded from the schools of Judaism, and the latter from those of 
heathenism. Tlie principles which finally obtained the asoendenoy, and for 
that reason only became those of the Catholic Church, moved on with oon- 
scions security between both these extremes, although theological science was 
at different periods attracted more to the one side than to the other. Chria- 
tionity was at first regarded as embracing so wide a range, that Justin did 
not hesitate (Ap. I. c. 46.) to consider Socrates, and all those who had lived 
up to the light of reason, as Christians. But the more the Church, during 
its severe conflicts, became conscious of its true nature, the more decidedly 
was every thing opposed to it separated from it as a Hereay^ i. e, as what 
ought to have been and claimed to be Christian, and yet really was not. In 
this way it may have happened, that instead of an unchristian party, only a 
vanquished minority was sometimes excluded. The literature of this period 
was sophistical, and neither creative in its essential character, nor attractive 
in its style. The energy of faith which theological science then exhibited, 
was sufficient to supply the place of both these qualities, but oould not call 
them into existence. 

§ 75. Ehionism, ConU from § 35. 

GieneUr^ Naz. u. Ebion. (Stuudlin's u. Tzscliirner's Arch. vol. IV. Part 2.) I£a»e, IL d. EmpfSng- 
er d. Br. an d. Hebracr. (Winer's u. Engelh. Joum. vol. IL P. 3.) L. Lange^ B«itrr. z. Ut. KGeseb. 
Lps. 1926. vol. \.—JUntr and Ikhicegler (before § 20.) On the other hand : A. SohlUmann^ die 
Clementincn nebst den verwandten Bchrlften o. der Eblonitlsmus. Ilamb. ISiL 

As the whole power and development of the Church was established 
among nations subject to Greek refinement and civilization, the Jewish por- 
tion of the Christian community, in its seclusion, began to be regarded as a 
mere sect, and the old name of NazareneSy by which Christians in Palestine 
had been distinguished, as well as that of Ebionites^ (a) which was probably 
quite as ancient, and had been applied to the congregations at Jerusalem and 
Pella, became simply designations of particular sects. Justin (h) made a dis- 
tinction between those Jewish Christians who were satisfied with their own 
observance of the Mosaic law, and those who demanded that converts tram 
heathenism should observe the same law as a necessary condition of salva- 
tion. The former he recognized as brethren, though even at that early pe- 
riod such a recognition had ceased to be universal among his fellow-Chris- 
tians ; but the latter he looked upon as incapable of salvation. Origen (e) 
found a type of the Ebionites in the blind man who prayed to the son of Da- 
vid, Eusebius (d) looked upon them as persons who were deluded, but not 
wholly estranged from Christ, and Epiphanius was the first to pour upon them 
the vials of that wrath which all heresies provoked from him. Even at this 
early period, however, there were not many Jewish Christians beyond the 
borders of Syria and Palestine. It is not impossible that a congregation at 

a) Bpiphan. haer. 80, 17. On the other band : TertuL de praescr. a 88. 

I) Q. l>7pb. a 47. e) In llottb. torn. 16. (Tb. IIL p. 7888a.) (Q H. eoe. Ill, S7. 


Borne was the only one composed exclusively of them. Bat many even of 
these had renounced circmncision and all that was essential to their pontion, 
and retained nothing bat an empty protest against the apostolic authority of 
PAoI. Attempts at an accommodation with this party on the side of the 
great Church, would not therefore seem probable, nor have we any accounts 
of such attempts from contemporary writers. Even the Christianity of Paul 
had an acknowledged basis in the Jewish system, and not only were some 
fragments of the Mosaic law unintentionally preserved in the habits and 
customs especially of the churches of Asia Minor, but others were restored in 
order to promote certain hierarchical ends. The second epistle of Peter, and 
the union of the names of Peter and Paul in the watchword used at Rome, may 
have been occasioned by those Jewish Christians who needed such a recon- 
dUation with the general Church, (e) Irenaeus was the first who reckoned 
the Ebionites indiscriminately among heretics. Their doctrine respecting 
Jesus was the same with that taught by Cerinthus ; they adhered to the Mo- 
saic law, used only one gospel, which was that according to Matthew, and 
rejected the authority of Paul as an apostate. (/) Origen and Eusebius dis- 
tinguish between two different classes of Ebionites, which were agreed in 
their opposition to the progressive creed of the Church, but differed from 
each other in their Jewish representations of the Messiah. The one regard- 
ed Christ as the son of Mary and Joseph ; the other looked upon him as bom 
of the virgin through the Holy Ghost, and acknowledged him to be a super- 
human, but not a divine being. (<f) Jerome was the first who appropriated 
the name of Nazarenes exclusively to that party which held to the higher 
view of the nature of Christ, and were most tolerant toward the Gentile 
Christians, and he declares that they were united together in the most de- 
lightful fraternal affection, (h) When he wrote, they still maintained their 
synagogues, in which were found Elders and Overseers ; but in the seventh 
century they had completely dwindled away, unable to maintain their posi- 
tion between the parties then contending for supremacy, and to both of 
which they professed adherence. 

§ 76. I. Gnosticism. 

L Iren. ady. baeresee^ TertuL de praescriptloDibns haereticornm. Epiph. adr. haeroaes, and 
7%eodorett baeretioorum fabb. articlea relating to the mibject. All the ecclesiastical writers of this 
period, especially Clement and Origen in particnlar passages. — PMir.wt, wpos rohs ytfutrriKovt. 
CEnnead. IL lib. 9.) ed. G. IT. Heigl Ratisb. 1882. Comp. Stud, xl Krit 1834. P. 2. 

II. Maetuet^ Dsa. pre viae to his edit of Irenaeus. Moehemii de rob. Christ ante Const p. 88868. 
[traoalAted into English by R. & VidaL Lond. 1818. 2 vols. 8. and by Dr, Murdoch. New York. 
1350.] (JrfifUtfr,) Vers. Xl d. kirchL Alterth&mer d. Onostiker. Ansb. 1790. E. A. Lewald^ de doctr. 

gnosticm. Heidelb. 1818. Neander^ genet Entw. d. gnoat Systeme. BrL 1818. See also his Uist of 


e) Schwegler^ nachapost Zeita. vol I. p. 490ss. 

^) I, 8S. (The difficulty of the passage is to be removed not by correction, bat by panctnation) : 
Conaentiunt quidem raundnm a Deo fihctoro, ea aatem, quae sunt erga Dominom, non similiter: at 
Geslnthas et Carpocrates opinantar. 

g) Orig. c. Ceta. V, 61. 65. Euatib. H. eco. Ill, 27. 

h) In JesaL VIII, 9. 18. XXIX, 20. XXXL 686. comp. Ep. ad Aug. 112. (al. 89.) Epiph. haer. 
S9, 7!«. On the other hand: AttgutL c. Faost XIX, 1& with reference to the Nazarenea says: 
In ea perversitate manseront, ut et gentes oogtrent jadainra. 


the Cbr. R«L [Torrey's Trand. toL L ppi 866-476.] Zfidbtf, 0. d. Onost Sjstoine n. was neaflrlieli 
dafOr gethan 1st (Tbeol. Zeitscbr. Brl 1819. vol L sect 2.) Gieuler^ Church Hist [Davidson'a 
TransL Edlnb. 1846. vol L f ^] uid in Halle Lit Zelt 1828. X. 104n>. J. Matter, Hist crlt da 
gnoettcisme. Par. (1828.) lS4a 2 Th. J. J. Schmidt, 0. d. Yerwandtsch. d. gnost theoa. Lehnui m. 
d. ReltgiuDftsystamen d. Orients, tots, des Boddbaism. Lpa. 1828. (Cumpi Gie«eUr in d. Stnd. a. Krit 
168a vol I. p. 87dM.) MohUr, Vers. IL d. Urspr. d. Gnostic. T&b. 1381. 4 Baur, d. cbristl. Onosli 
in gescbicbtL Entw. T&b. 1S85. and Stud n. Krit 1687. P. & Baumgarten-CniHut, Comp. d. 
DOescb. ToL I. p. 8l8& Ritter, Ge«ch. d. chr. Phil Hamb. 1841. vol. L p. 10988. [K. Burton, Inq. 
into the Heresies of the Apoet Age. Bampt Loctt Ox£ 1S29. An Epitome of the Hist of PhO. 
transL fh>in the French by C. 8. Henry. New TorlL 1841. 2 vols. 12. Per. IIL % 1. Tennemann^% 
Manual of the II. of PbiL transL bjr A. Johntan. Oxt 1882. 6. J. P. PoUer, in Kitto*s Cycl of BibL 
Lit art Gnosticism. J, D. Maurice, Hist of Philosophy, during the first six oeDtnriea Lond. 1854,] 

No sooner had Oriental become mingled with Hellenistic, and especiallj 
with Platonic speculations, than the old problem of speculative philosophy 
respecting the derivation of the finite ftom the infinite, became, in conse- 
quence of the profound consciousness which the age then possessed of its in- 
ternal distractions and longings, the object of an extensively ramified system. 
The name Gfw»i$ was applied to an extraordinary insight into divine things, 
beyond the system of faith which the people commonly received on author- 
ity. The commencement of Gnosticism may be discovered even in the time 
of the apostles, (a) but its influence never became sufficiently developed to 
appear dangerous, until since the reign of Tr^an. (h) Its usual fundamental 
principles were : a God with no connection whatever with our world, and a 
matter entirely underived from and independent of the Deity ; a revelation of 
the unknown deity by means of an intermediate divine being, whose contact 
with matter gave existence to our world, and all its series of events ; a re- 
demption of whatever is divine but confined in the material world, in conse- 
quence of the personal interference of a divine being in the affairs of the 
world. Wherever the peculiar principles of Gnosticism gained the ascend- 
ency, the intermediate divine being became individualized in a descending 
series of celestial natures (aiuvc r), (e) from the lowest class of which proceeded 
the Creator of the world (firjfuovpyoi)^ and from the highest the Redeemer. 
Gnosticism, like New-Platonism, was obliged to enter deeply into the popu- 
lar religion of that period, and to become a philosophy of the three great 
forms of religions then in conflict. It even went still further, and aimed to 
become a particular form of religion itself. Its oriental element was derived 
from Persia, and was a dreamy blending of sense and allegory. Simon and 
Cerinthus had already shown how it could be brought into alliance with Ju- 
daism, but where no feelings of piety prevented, its advocates very naturally 
recognized their Demiurge in the representations of Jehovah in tlie Old Tes- 
tament. On becoming involved in the powerful movements of Christianity, 
its principles were in some measure accommodated to those of the gospel, 
and never, indeed, found full development until it became connected with 

a) I 82. 87. jet oomp. C C. TiUmann, de vestlgiis Onosticor. in N. T. fimstra qoacaitis. Lpf. 177& 
[transL and pobL In Contrlbb. to For. TheoL Lit New York. 1827. 8.] J. Horn, Bibl. Gnosisw Hann. 
1805.— PawZtM, die drey Lehrbriefb ▼. Jo. Hetdelb. 1629. Baur, die sogen. Pastoralbrr. d. Ap. Pan- 
Ina. Stuttg. 1^5. On the other hand: Jf. Baumgarten, di» Aecthelt d. Pastoralbrr. vertbeidigt 
BerL 1887. 

b) HegeMpp. in Etueb. H. eoa III, 82. IT, 22. CUm, Strom. YII, 17. (p. 89a) 
e) In aoourdanc* with the system of Aristotle, de ooelo I, 9. 


that faith. In the God of the Christian system, its votaries recognized their 
own perfect God, in Ghrbt their redeeming Aeon, in the Christianity which 
he really preached their secret traditions, and in the faith proclaimed hy the 
Church, the natural mode of representation in which these became adapted 
to the popular mind. Its ethical system, in which the greatest contempt for 
the world was expressed, harmom'zed with the most rigid requirements of the 
Church, and only a few of its parties were so demoralized as to justify licen- 
tiousness, on the ground of an exaltation above the terreetrial law of the 
Demiurge. The founders of the different Gnostic parties have been made 
known to us in history, but we are nowhere informed of him who originated 
the great system common to them all. The predominance of the Oriental, 
the Hellenistio, the Christian, or the Jewish element, presents us with a con- 
venient principle in accordance with which these Gnostic systems may natu- 
rally be classified. 

§ 77, II. Syrian Gnoaties, 

1) Satuminus, who lived at Antioch in the time of Trajan, taught that 
there was opposed to the good Deity (rrar^p Syv<o(rros) a wild, tempestuous 
kingdom of evil, under the dominion of Satan. From the former emanated 
the ^iritual world of Aeons. At its lower confines were placed the seven 
phinetary spirits (rfyycXot KoatioKparopti), Far away from their divine source, 
but battling with the kingdom of darkness, these formed the world of sense, 
and made man according to their obscure recollections of the image of God. 
But the work which they had thus formed, helplessly collapsed, and could 
not stand erect until the unknown Father, pitying them, sent into it a spark 
of divine life. In opposition to this new race, Satan formed another after his 
own image. To redeem the more exalted race from the power of Satan and 
of the planetary spirits, one of the highest Aeons {yovi\ as Christ, assumed 
the semblance of a body. That men may be redeemed, they must, on their 
part, abstain fVom every thing which brings them under the power of matter. 
The followers of Satuminus, for this reason, abstained from marriage, and 
many of them even from fiesh. (a) After a brief period, nothing is known 
respecting them. 2) The DUciplea of John^ in the second century, looked 
upon John the Baptist as the true Messiah, though others regarded him as an 
angel in human form. Among the Simonians, he was supposed to have been 
the teacher of Simon. Though nothing was known of the Nazoraeans (Men- 
daeans, Zabians) until they were discovered by missionaries in Persia in the 
seventeenth century, their peculiar Johannic system of Gnosticism could only 
have originated when a particular party professed adherence to John, and 
when Gnosticism was in its forming state. They believed in a kingdom of 
darkness as well as of light, in a formation of the world and a struggle 
with the powers of darkness by an ambiguous intermediate being (Fetahil) ; 
that Judaism was the work of gloomy planetary spirits ; that the redeeming 
Aeon appeared to John, and that Jesus was a false prophet, anointed by the 
planetary spirits. Baptism they regarded as an act of consecration to be an- 
nually repeated, and daily ablations were practised as a religious duty. (J>) 

a) Jren. 1, 84 Eptph. baer. sa 

») L Aek 18» SB. 19, S-7. OUmeiU. B«cogn. 1, 54 60. and HomiL II, S8bb. Mieron, in Aggeum. 


§ 78. m. Hellmutu Gnotties. 

1) Basilides^ who lived at Alexandria in the time of Hadrian, belleyed 
that from the ineffiible Ood (dcor apprfroi) proceeded certain images of him- 
self according to the numeral relations of astronomy. The first of these 
were seven celestial powers (dvvafictr), who, with the being from whom they 
sprang, constituted the first spiritual kingdom {ovpav6i). From this, in a 
gradnally descending series, proceeded three hundred and sixty-four other 
spiritual kingdoms. The mystical watchword Abraxas^ represents the God 
revealed in these three hundred and sixty-five spiritual kingdoms, in distinc- 
tion from him who is the Ineffable, (a) The seven angels belonging to the 
lowest of these spiritual kingdoms, the first among whom is the Grod of the 
Jews (Spx<op\ created this world out of matter, and bestowed upon the hu- 
man race inhabiting it all earthly endowments, together with all the spirit- 
ual powers which they themselves possessed. To effect the deliverance of 
this spiritual power from its bondage to matter, the first-begotten celestial 
power (vovs) united himself with Jesus at his baptism. Though this Jesus 
was a perfect man, he needed an expiation for his own sake, and it was he 
alone who suffered and died. The Archon was from the first only an uncon- 
scious agent of divine providence, and he no sooner discovers, from the words 
of Jesus, the actual design of God, than he submitted himself to it with de- 
vout reverence. An entrance into the kingdom of the Redeemer, is effected 
by a spiritual surrender of the soul to him (niarts), and is by no means in- 
compatible with a denial of him who was cracified. The Basilideans^ who 
existed late in the fourth century, appear only to have embraced this doc- 
trine of spiritual freedom in a still more decided form, and to have claimed 
an elevation above all positive religious rites. Q>) 2) Valentine^ who went 
from Alexandria to Rome about 140, and died in Gyprus about 160, has 
given us a most ingenious representation of Platonic ideas, in his fancifrd 
scheme of the universe. In the depths of the Great Urst Gause 03v3or, 
irpon-oTcdp), existed Self-consciousness (Jlwoia) and Silence (aiyrj). This con- 
cealed God reveals himself in three series of Aeons, in the names of the In- 
effable, in certain images of God, and in the original types of all spiritual 
life, which emanate from him in pairs ((rvfvyot), and, in contrast with empty 
chaos (Kivatfia), collectively represent the fulness of the revealed divine life 
(nkrjpuifia). Every thing in the Pleroma has its individual properties assigned 
to it by Measure and Limitation (opos). But Sophia, the Aeon most remote 
frt>m the great Original, languished on account of its passionate longings to 

0. 1. Part 6.—IffnaUi a Je9u narratlo originls, litanm et erroram Chrlstlanoniiii B. Jo«nni& Bom. 
1652. Codex Kazanens, liber Adaml appellatoi, syrlaoe transorfptiu, let reddltua a Mai. Norberg, 
Ltind. 1S15B. 8 vol& 4.— II. Tyeh»eny in the Deatsoh. Mns. 1784. toL IL p. 414. (?M0nt'iM, Art Zft- 
bier, in the prooflibeets of the Encyelop. 1817. X. E. Burckhardt^ les Nazordenfl oa Mandai-Jahfa. 
Btrasb. 1840. 

a) BMermann^ die Oemmen der Alten mit d. Abrazas-Bilde. BerL 1817aB. P. 8. Gieul€r, in d. 
Btnd. u. Krlt 1880. P. 2. p. 408a8. 

h) The original la scattered tbroughoat Clement's Btromm. and in the ZtlavKoXia dyaroAun) 
ascribed to him. The flgorative and fknd/hl side and its degenerate state in Irtn, I, ai, daa. II, Itf* 
9. Epiph.\ma.%L 


be rennited with its Source. This THsdom, the Aehcmot\ (e) agitated bj the 
intensity of its desires and wandering awaj from the Pleroma, communica- 
ted life to matter and gave birth to the Deminrge. The latter formed the 
world out of chaos in such a way that the divine idea, though correctly, is 
iDAdeqnately and feebly represented in its actoal scenes and events. To re- 
store harmony to the Fleroma, a new emanation of a pair of Aeons (Xpitrrof 
and Jlyfvfia Syiov) takes place, and from all the Aeons proceeded the Aeon 
Jemis (Smt^p), by whom the universe was to be properly formed and re- 
deemed. It was by this Jesus that the Demiurge was unconsciously inspired, 
80 as gradually to form the world according to the type of the divine Plero- 
ma. Hence the Demiurge was often astonished at his own work, and his 
oreatnree shrunk from and adored those very things which the higher spirit 
created in them. For although heathenism was the kingdom of matter and 
Judaism of the Demiurge, individuals were raised up by the Soter in both, 
who, under the excitement of divine powers, and but half understood by 
themselves or their age, pointed forward to the future. Conscious of the un- 
satisfactory nature of his present system, the Deminrge, under the impression 
that he was himself the supreme Deity, and under the influence of an obscure 
presentiment, promised his beloved people that he would send them a Messiah. 
This Messiah he furnished, according to his ability, with psychical powers. 
At the baptism of this Messiah, the Soter became united with him. Miracles 
and prophecies were needful to induce psychical men to confide in the psychi- 
cal Messiah, but the simple power of truth was sufficient to collect all men 
of a pneumatic nature around the true Saviour. The end of the world is to 
be a still higher restoration (airo/caraoracrtr)) ^or then the Soter will introduce 
the Achamoth as his bride, together with all pneumatic Ohristians, into the 
Fleroma, the Demiurge, in peace and joy as the friend of the bridegroom, 
will rule in the midst of all psychical Ohristians on the confines of the Fle- 
roma, and all matter will return to its original nothingness. The Valentinian 
was the most influential of all the Gnostic parties, and with various modifica- 
tions, continued in existence, especially in Rome, until some time in the 
fourth century, (d) It is said that the school of Ftolemaeus, (e) a flourishing 
branch of the same party, represented the Aeons, which Valentine had in 
fitct only described as the forms by which the Deity was developed, more 
definitely as real persons. (/) In his epistle to Flora, (jf) (of whose unity and 
Gnostic genuineness we need not yet despair), (h) he attempts to vindicate 
the creation, and the Testament of the Demiurge, who is regarded as a be- 
ing of mere justice, from either of the extremes by which they had been as- 
cribed to the supreme God or to the Devil. "With an evident attempt to 
bring his views into nearer correspondence with the Catholic system, he ac- 
cordingly finds in this fact a reason for a partial abolition and a partial pre- 

* " V 

d) They are the principal subject of Irenaena. Some particalars may be found in Clement Ta^ 
tul adv. Valentinianoa. Epiph. haer. 81. MUnter, Odae gnosUcae, thebalce et laL Hafta. 1812. 

«) fren. praef. ad lib. I. j 2. /) Tertul. adv. VaL c 4. g) Commonlcated by Epiph, baur. 88. 

A) A. Stiertn^ de Ptolemael ad Floram ep. P. L Jen. 1848. On the other hand, in apology : K 
Romd, in tb« Append, to the 9d roL of the 2d edit of Neand«^ Hist of the Chr. BeL 


serration of the Mosaic law in consequence of its fulfilment by Christ 
8) The Ophites^ whose origin may perhaps be discovered in a Jewish sect 
living in Egypt before the time of Christ, professed to believe that the Son 
of man was an emanation from the Original Source of all existence, and that 
from both of these proceeded the Mother of life (nvfifia &yiov). This being 
having espoused the former original type of mankind, gave birth to Sophia 
and Christ, i. e. the principle of Creation and of Redemption. When Sophia, 
the imperfect, adventitious of&pring of this connection, aspired to be like 
God, she was hurled into the great abyss, and there gave birth to Jaldabaoth, 
i, e, the Son of Chaos, (i) the Creator of the world and the God of the Jews. 
With the assistance of his planetary spirits, the latter now made, after his 
own image, man, whom he indued with life and invested with authority to 
rule over divine things in his spirit But by this very act he had divested 
himself of hb most important power, and soon saw with dismay that his 
creature had become superior to himself. To prevent man at least from at- 
taining the consciousness of divinity, he commanded the latter not to eat of 
the tree of knowledge, and then, filled with wrath, threw himself into the 
abyss, where he produced another image, the Serpent-Spirit {d<f>i6fiop<l}os)» 
But Sophia, now delivered from her faUen state in consequence of the birth 
of the Creator, sought once more to attract to herself and to purify the spirit- 
ual power in the world. She availed herself of the enmity of the Serpent- 
Spirit against its parent, to induce man to transgress the commandment 
which had been given him. According to this, what is related in the Jewish 
books as a Fall, was in fact a transition to a higher mental state. In great 
wratli the Creator now threw men down to the lowest material world, and 
harassed them with all the temptations and pains incident to matter. Indi- 
vidual persons endowed with high intellectual powers, are raised up by So- 
phia, but she struggles in vain to break the bonds which confine men, until 
the Aeon Christ unites himself with the psychical Messiah, and in conse- 
quence of the Creator's enmity, was crucified. Finally, Sophia, with all her 
spiritual followers among men, will be received back into the Pleroma, and 
the God of the Jews, gradually deprived of all his spiritual powers, will be 
swallowed up in the empty abyss of matter. The Serpent, who had been 
the means of man's first exaltation and therefore had been cursed by the 
Creator, was, in accordance with his two natures, both honored and feared. 
One Ophitic party went so far in their hostility to the Jews, that they paid 
honor to the most abandoned characters mentioned in sacred history as their 
highest examples, and were therefore called Cainites, Others, on account 
of their disapprobation of such extravagance, were called Sethites. The pe- 
nal code of Justinian shows that the Ophites were not extinct even in the 
sixth century, (i) 

4) Carpoerates and his son Bpiphanes, Platonists of Alexandria and con- 
temporaries with Valentine, described the Primal Being as the great Unity 
{Movds) toward which all finite things are striving to return. But the 

k) Iren. 1, 80. Orig. c Cels. YI, Mas. FpipK hMr. ffl.—MMMm, Oeflch. d Sehlangenlinider. 
(Yen. e. uopMib. KetMrgwch. Helmst 1748. 1748. 4) O. R. F, JhOdnm', de Ophltlfli Bint 1881 4 DOCTRHfES. | 7a VALENTIN! AKS. |7». MARCION. 81 

eftrthly spirits (ayyfXoi Koa-fionotoi) who have fallen away from this unity 
are continually obstructing this effort by religious enactments, the most per- 
feet specimen of which is the Jewish law. A few wise men like Plato and 
Pythagoras, by means of some reminiscences of a lost state of blessedness, 
have sunk back into the divine unity. The same was true of Jesus, who 
overthrew the Jewish law. His image was therefore honored by the side of 
the statues of other great sages, in the temple of the deified youth Epiphanes, 
in the island of Cephalonia. The justification advocated by Oarpocrates is 
not to be attained by works, but by love and faith, i. e. by a complete sur- 
render to the attraction of the great Unity, in the presence of which aU 
self-interest, and even all separate existence must disappear. In this state 
the mind is exalted above all need of precepts or moral rules. (Q 

§ 79. IV. Gnostics^ in an especial sense^ Christian, 

1) Tr€n, I, 27. TeriuL adr. Mareloa. L V. ^idXoyos irtpX rrtt fit bthv hp^s irfffTfwf, 
(4Ui cent) ed. WfUUn. Ba& 1674. 4 & Orlg. 0pp. Th. L p. SOSss. EpipK baer. 42. Emig. (ftth cent) 
Dant d. marc SysL A. d. Armen. ▼. Keumann. (Zeltochr. f. hist Theol. lS84w vol. IV. Sect 1.)— 
A. Bahn^ Antfthesea Harcionl.<s Hber deperdltas, qnoad fieri potnit restltatos. Reglom. 182a— ZTaAn, 
d« gDod llardonls antinomL Regiom. 1880a. 2 P. 4 Rhode, Prolegg. ad. quaest de £v. Apostoloqne 
>iarc denao inaUtnendam. Vrat 1884. P. L 

2) /rm. I, 28. Clem. Strom. IIL p^ 547s. 558. EpipK baer. 4«. 

8) Eumib. IL ccc IV» 80. Praep. Ev. VI, 10. EpipK ha«jr. tA,—Augtutin. baer. 85.— i*! Strunz, 
nbL Bard, et Bardeaaniatar. Vlt 1710. 4 I/ahn^ Bard, gnosdcua Byroram primus bymnologna. LpA. 
1819. C. Kuehner, Bard, numina astralia. Hildborgh. 1S88. 

1) Mareion made his appearance at Rome as early as before 139, (a) filled 
with exalted views of the glory of Christianity, and fresh from a contest 
with the remnants of Judaism in the churches of Asia Minor. He had been 
excommunicated (h) by his own father, the bishop of Sinope, perhaps in con- 
sequence of the conflict of his youthful passion with an inexorable ecclesias- 
tical discipline. He availed himself of a connection with Oerdo, a Syrian 
Gnostic^ to form a theoretical system, in which a strong contrast was pre- 
sented between the law and the gospel, and between the period before, and 
that after Christ. He made a distinction between three great powers (apxat), 
viz., the holy original Being (3ros dyaHos), the righteous Creator (drjfiiovpyos 
dijcacof), and the material world (vKr/) with its wicked ruler (7roi^/>dr, dcdjSoXor.) 
The celestial relations of these principles to each other were not carried out 
in his theory. With the limited power in his possession, the Demiurge 
created a world like himself, and from its inhabitants the Jewish nation were 
selected as the objects of his peculiar favor. To them he gave a law, by 
which Justification was to be obtained by works alone, and in connection with 
them maintained an impotent struggle with the empire of evil. Prompted 
by infinite love to man the good God then had compassion, and by the spirit- 
ual manifestation of Christ revealed his own nature, which had before been 
entirely concealed. All this occurred on a sudden, and with no preparation. 

CUrrK Stroa "*^ p. 511s«. /r«k I, 25. Euseb. II. ecc IV, l.—OewnUuty de Inscrlptione Phoc* 
aido-Graeca in Cyrew^lca nnper reperta ad Carpocratianomm haeresin portincnte. Ilal. 1825. 4 As 
to tbeir spnriousness comp. Kopp. Ep. criL (Stad. u. KrlL 1883. P. 2.) Gesenim In d. Hall. L. Z. 1885. 
pk 4ISi.—FtUdn^^ do Carpocratianla. (lUgensS Denk-scbr. d. bist tbcol. Oescllficb. Lpa. 1824 p. 180ea.) 

a) Jiut ApoL I. a U, h) EpipK baer. 42. 28. 


82 AXCIENT CnURCn HISTOKT. per. L DIV. IL a. D. 100-812. 

Those who believe in Christy and from a voluntary love to God live a holy life, 
shall receive perfect blessedness in his celestial kingdom, while all others be- 
long to the kingdom of the Demiurge, and by his righteous sentence, accord- 
ing to their works, shall find a limited degree of blessedness or perdition. 
That the ages before might be placed on an equal footing with those after 
Christ, our Lord was supposed, during his sojourn in the world of the dead, 
to have offered salvation to the heathen and to all who had been lost under 
the Old Testament, on condition that they would believe on him ; while all 
the truly pious of the ancient dispensation, like the people of that nation on 
earth, were so habituated to the administration of the Demiurge, that they 
were kept back from faith in him. (e) Marcion thought he found evidence 
of the character of the Creator from the condition of the world, from the 
sensuous nature of the whole representation given of Jehovah in the Old 
Testament, and from the obvious distinction between the real Christ and the 
Mcasiah held forth in prophecy. He professed to form his scheme of Chris- 
tianity upon a literal interpretation of the sacred Scriptures, and he would 
acknowledge nothing as Scripture except a collection of the epistles of Paul 
(6 dirofrrdXoi) and a gospel of our Lord similar to that of Luke. Ecclesiasti- 
cal tradition since the time of IrenaeuB, accuses Marcion of having expunged 
from his text of even these sacred writings whatever was supposed to be 
inconsistent with his theological views, (d) but on the other hand it concedes 
that he suffered enough to remain to render those Scriptures irreconcilable 
with his system, without the most violent process of interpretation. The 
question therefore has necessarily been raised, whether he did not use an older 
gospel tlian any which we now have, and one of which Luke's is only a re- 
vision ? (e) It must however be confessed that the authorities in favor of the 
superior originality of Marcion^s gospel are as yet, when taken in detail, of 
very doubtful validity, and that those ecclesiastical fathers who assert that 
he, in like manner, corrupted the epistles of Paul, (/) in forming such an opinion 
must certainly have had the authentic documents before them. Besides, if 
Marcion in his extravagant view of the dissension at Antioch (Gal. 2, lias.) 
could look upon the other apostles as Jewish perverters of the gospel of 
Christ, he may have felt justified by omissions, or by explanations, in Chris- 
tianizing, according to his view of the phrase, every gospel belonging to the 
Scriptures, inasmuch as no documents in the possession of the Apostolio 
Church, without some alteration, would correspond with his ultra-Panline 
notions. His ethical doctrines constituted a vigorous system of asceticism 
which he enforced by his own example, and if any one felt unable to comply 
with its requisitions, the alternative was to remain a catechumen, (g) He 

c) Trtn. I, 27. 8. 

d) A. Tfahn, d. £v. Marc In 8. unpr. GestalL Kunlgsb. 1828. {lldlo. God. apocr. Th. I. p. 4018&) 
E^u»d. de canone Mare. lb. 1824 — CK K Becker^ Examen crlt de rSvaog. de Maro. Strasb. 1887. 
P. L 4. 

«) Rit^H'JiI, d. £y. Marc u. d. kan. Ev. des Lac. TQb. 184«. Baur in Zellers tbeoL Jahrb. 184& P. 4 

/) On the utber band : Llijler^ Marcfonem PauU Epp. et Lucae Ev. adalterasse dabitainr. Tn^ et 

Yiadr. 17^ (CommtL theol ed. VeUhuaen Ac Th. I. p. ISOas,) ScAriling^ do Marc Paullnaram Epp. 

emendatore. Tub. 1795. 4 Against Tertnllian^s aasertlon that Marcion omitted tbe chief doctrine* in 

Col 1, 15-17. we certainly have no other alternative than to soppoee that that fktber invented them. 

g) JIi9r. ad Gal. 8, 8. Epiph. 42, 4 Comp. Tertuk de praescr. 41. 


rejected all mysteries, and allowed women to administer baptism. Ilis life 
was spent in efforts to establish a congregation of those whom he was accns- 
tomed to call his companions in hatred and in persecution. The Marcionites 
continaed as an ecclesiastically organized party until some time in the sixth 
centnry. Many divisions however existed among them, since the speculadve 
tenets which he left in an incomplete form were perfected in various ways 
by additions from the different Gnostic systems, and many among the Gnos- 
tics endeavored to get nearer to the Ohurch by joining their communion. 

2) Tatian also seems to have found no way to justify his gloomy views 
of the world, but by a dualistio theory. His Demiurge Jehovah had obscure 
impressions by which he became conscious of a dependence upon the ori^- 
nal source of light. He gave offence to his brethren of the Ohurch by main- 
taining that Adam must have been finally lost. He prescribed a system of 
abstinence as the best means of disengaging ourselves trora the world, after 
the example of our Saviour. A party of Encratites, calling itself by the 
name of Tatian, or by that of his pupil, Severus, existed as late as in the 
fourth century. 

8) Bardeaanes (Bar daizon), who resided at Edessa (about 170), would 
seem from his place of residence, as well as from some of his Gnostic formu- 
lae, which strongly remind us of Valentine, to have properly belonged to the 
number of the Syrian Gnostics. But the story of his change of faith at an 
earlier or later period is not as well authenticated as the general opinion that 
he was not prevented by his Gnosticism from denouncing in a very practical 
manner certain extravagances of the Gnostic schools, from asserting man's 
internal freedom in opposition to all necessary control of fate, (A) and from 
being a strenuous defender of Christianity, and a distinguished instructor of 
the Syrian Churches. 

§ 80. V. Judaizing Gnostics, Comp. § 85. 75. 

Credne^\ (L Eesicr n. Eblonltcn. (Wlncre Zeitachr. f. wlaa. Theol. 1827. P. 2s.) Idem. <He Ett. d. 
Jadenchr. (B«itrr. z. ElnL In d. bibl. Schrr. Hal. 1S32. Vol I. p. 20898.) ScJinedtenburger, Q. e. dber- 
•ehaen Punkt la d. L. d. Ebion. v. d. Person Josu. (Tub. Zeitschr. 1880. P. L p. 114s8.) Bnur^ d. 
EbioolUr. orig. et doctr. ad EsRcnis reiKtenda. Tub. 1881. 4 Idem, in d. T&b. Zeitschr. 1881. P. 4. 
1836. P. & 1S88. P. 8. & cUr. Qno&iA. p. SOOas. Schliemann ({ 75.) Comp. Baur In Zcller'stbeol Jabrb. 
18U. P. 8. Schicegler^ nachap. Zeita. vol. I. p. 86888. [A. BUgenfeld^ krit Untcrs. G. d. Evv. Just d. 
Oem. nom. n. MardoDS. Ualle. 1850. a] 

In the Clementine Homilies an attempt is made to reconcile the Ebionite 
form of Christianity with that maintained by Paul, by showing that Judaism 
and Christianity were essentially alike. These Homilies were written in a 
lively and impressive style, and profess to present us with the doctrinal 
and polemical discourses of the apostle Peter, addressed principally to Simon 
Magus, but interwoven with the romantic history of Clement, the ostensible 
author, {a) The doctrine inculcated in them respecting God, is rigidly mono- 
tlieistic, but all created existences are developed in contrasted forms, which 

A) UtpX unapfitirris. Fragments in Orelli^ de &ta Tnr. 1824. p. 20286. 

a) T3t KXrifiiyria, three prologues and nineteen (originally twenty) Ilomilfes. In CoUl^r. P. appc 
Th. L p. 097ia. Comp. D. v. Cdtln^ Clementina in Ersch. o. Gmbers EncycL YoL XYIIL p. 868iL 


however arc not absolute, and in tbcir eartMj state are related as male and 
female (crvCvylai.) The Original Being has made a division of the world, and 
assigned it to two principles which proceeded from himself. To one of the^^e 
called Satan, he has committed the present dispensation of things, and to 
Christ (also called a-o<^id, nv€vfia &yiov, vVis SKoj)) the fatare beyond it, al- 
though Satan even now, as an avenging power, advances the cause of good- 
ness, and the world has never been destitute of some men of the future age. 
Moreover Christ became incarnate in Adam, and revealed the primitive re- 
ligion which had been corrupted by Satan through the woman. To restore 
it, Christ, whose influence pervades all human affairs, appears again in the 
persons of the patriarchs and Moses, changing merely his form with the 
name. The revelations thus given, however, were much obscured by the Old 
Testament prophets, who having been bom of women (Matth. 11, 11.), pro- 
claimed partial error. Once more Christ appeared in the person of Jesus, to 
re-establish the primitive religion and make it universal. Of course the 
genuine religion of Moses which had been perpetuated as an esoteric doc- 
trine, and genuine Christianity, could not be opposed to each other. To es- 
cape from the power of Satan^s kingdom, men must live an ascetic life, and 
receive from the earth nothing but the bare necessaries of existence. The 
use of flesh and wine was prohibited, but marriage was recommended. The 
Homilies were composed or revised about the middle of the second century, 
at Rome, with the view of reconciling Jewish Christianity, then declining in 
that city, with the general Church, by means of an Essenic-Gnostic theory, 
and of vindicating that form of Christianity, not only from the Gnostic ha- 
tred of the Jews, but from the prophetic system of Montanism. While Peter 
is exalted as the true apostle to the Grentiles, the careful silence which they 
maintain with respect to Paul, renders it probable that in the person of Si- 
mon Magus, not only Marcion bat Paul himself may be aimed at in some re- 
proaches which would admit of such a reference, (b) They presuppose the 
existence of a sacerdotal system, of a chair of St. Peter at Rome, and of a 
patriarchate of James at Jerusalem. The adaptation of the Homilies to the 
promotion of ecclesiastical interests probably occasioned a revision of them, 
to make them conform to the views of the Catholics, and to meet the altera- 
tions which the heretics were supposed to have previously made in one of 
the sacred books, (c) It is impossible now to determine whether the Homi- 
lies were the literary composition of a single individual, or contain an expres- 
sion of a distinct form of Ebionism then in Rome. But the Ebionites whom 
Epiphanius describes (d) as existing in his times, with their synagogues in the 

h) Horn. XVn, 19. II, 17. Even In the Epistle of Peter prefixed as a Prologue : rtriy rSov awi 
idy&y rh 8t* 4nov ySfiifiow ixtHoKlfiairay K^ipvyfiOj rod ix^P^^ kvbp^rrov avopiSy riya iral 
(f>\vap6liri irpoffriKdfifyot liiliacrKaXiay. Bnt in opposition to this reference first proposed by 
Bsnr, comp. NUdner^ KOesch. p. 242. 

o) Preserved in the Trans, of Rafinos: EL dementis Recognitiones {kvKyvJKrtit of the first 
quarter of the third cent) cd. Colder. Th. L p^ 485s8. R O. Gendorf, Lps. 1S8S. The original Title 
perhaps also of the Homilies was irep^oSoi (ir/>a|eis) Tltrpov or KAtj/icrror. The latest revision 
and compilation of the psendo^Iementine writings: wtpl rSov irpd^twy iiritriiunciy re rod Uirpov 
iniTOfi^t ed. CcMer, Th. L p. 749as. d) Hacr. 80. comp^ 19, 1. 


ancient abodes of the Essenes, and in Oyprns, maintained the same principles 
respecting the division of the worlds the varioos transmigrations of the prin- 
ciple which they call Christ, with the semi-Gnostic pecnliarity, according to 
which this principle had no connection with the son of Mary and Joseph 
until his baptism, the corruption of the Old Testament by a series of spnrions 
propbetsi, and the necessity of a similar asceticism. Although they still re- 
quired circnmcision and the observance of the Jewish Sabbath, while the 
Homilies demanded only baptism, their national separation does not neces- 
sarily imply that they did not tolerate Gentile Ohristians, and even the Homi- 
lies allow a special pre-eminence to circumcised believers, (e) The only thing 
indicating the ancient grudge felt by Jewish Christians, appears in their idle 
legend respecting Paul. (/) The gospel commonly received by the Ebionites 
was used both among them and in the Homilies, and many things indicate that 
the work of Clement, with regard to the travels of Peter, which they pos- 
aeesed, was of a kindred origin with that of the Homilies. Epiphanius 
thought that this phase of Ebionism, which he looked upon as best exhibited 
in the persons of Ebion and Elzai, originated in the time of Tr^an, from a 
eombination of the Ebionites with the Elkesaites and Sampsaeans. He says 
the Elkesaites sprung originally from a branch of the Essenes (^OvarjuoC)^ and 
according to their own explanation, their name was given them because they 
bctieved that the divine power was concealed in the bodies of its human sub- 
jects, (g) The name of Sampsaeans was given because those who were so 
caUed turned their faces in prayer, not toward Jerusalem, but toward the 
rising sun. (h) The Elkesaites are mentioned by Origen as a Jewish sect, 
even in his time, (i) The ascetic system of the Ebionites, taken in connection 
with the fact that they believed that the mission of Christ was merely to 
abolish the sacrifices, has very much the appearance of I^ssenism. But if at 
an early period they extravagantiy extolled celibacy, (k) their subsequent en- 
oonragement of early marriages shows that those views of life which ordina- 
rily previuled among the Jews had finally gained the ascendency over rigid 
Easeniam. The independent position however which the latter maintained 
with respect to the Old Testament, gave it a much better prospect of con- 
Cinnance as a Jewish system, than that which ordinarily was received among 
the Jews. 

§ 81. YI. Influence of Gn&sticUm vpon the Church, 

It was principally through the influence of the Gnostics, that the arts and 
fioienees were introduced into the Church, that the Church itself became con- 
scious of its true character, that the Jewish clement in Christianity was re- 
pressed, and that its vast importance in the affairs of the world, and of God^s 
kingdom, became appreciated. It is, however, difficult to estimate their 

tf) In the CorUMtatlo prefixed. (CotOsr. Th. L p. 60&) /) Epiph, b«er. 80, IS. 

g) Haer, If, 2: 8td rh I^X. (b*^!! or ^K) KoXovff^ai ivyafitw^ Sa2 (*^9?) 'f^fft^vfifi^yov. — 
R^dep^nning, Q. d. Urspr. d. Elkeaftiten. (Append. 1. to his Origen. Vol. IL {RiUchl^ in Niedner*8 
Zeitaebrift for Bept 1808.] 

A) Hfter. 08,8: Sa/uif^aioi ipfirivM^oyrai 'H\iaKol (trom^TyO\ 
f) In Easeb. H. eo& VI, 88. k) EpipK baar. 80, % 


number or their inflnence. 'We do not often find evidence that in any par- 
ticular locality their number was suporiot to that of the orthodox, and yet 
some of them were to be found in almost every place, and in animation and 
spirit their writers excelled those of the Church. The minds of the Greeks 
were attracted by their striking opposition to Judaism, the intellect of all 
men was gratified by their promise of a dominion over matter and their inde- 
pendent development in the direction of a perfect knowledge, the fancy was 
stimulated by the boldness of their heaven-storming systems and by the op- 
portunity of contributing something without much trouble to the formation 
of them, and even the Church could not but admire the contempt which 
they inculcated for the world. But the teachers of the Catholic Church were 
impressed with the conviction that it was essential to the very nature of 
Christianity that it should be a religion for the people, that all true religion 
was something more than a speculation, and that piety itself required that 
the revelation which God had made in Judaism and in Christianity, and indeed 
in all human history, should be one in its principles. They therefore placed 
themselves in direct hostility to the exorbitant pretensions and the allure- 
ments of the Gnostics. The arbitrary forms which the fancies of the Gnos- 
tics had constructed, could not long resist this united opposition, especially 
when the additional power of the New Platonists was brought against them. 
Even in the third century Goosticism had lost all creative energy, in the 
fourth it was completely powerless, and in the sixth only a few vestiges of it 

§ 82. Manuhaeism, 

L 1) An accoantA given in the Greek Church refer back to: Archelai (Btokop of Cteear, tAxfot 
27S.) Acta dispatationis cam Manete. {Zacagni^ CoIL monameDt vet Eccl. gr. et lat Bom. 1698. 4. 
and Jfansl Th. L p. 1129sa.) The Oriental acconnta, later indeed, bat derived from OTiginal ancient 
documents, are in : Iferbeloi, BIbL oriental Par. 169T. t art. Man! & Sltv. (U Sncy^ Momolrea snr di- 
verses antiquitea de la Pene. Par. 1798. 4. p. 4280. Fragments of Mani's writings, especially £pist(*Ia 
fundamenti, in : Fdbricii Bibl. gr. Th. Y. p. 2S4fls. 2) Titus BostrentU (about 860), Korii Mavixaibfy. 
{Oanitii Lection, ed. Basnag. Th. I.) Epiph. baer. 66. Augustinus : Contra Epi Manichaei. C Forta- 
natnm, C. Adimantom, C. Faustnm L 88. De actts c Felice Man. 1. 2. De nature boni. (Th. TIIL) De 
gen. c. Man. De'morlb. £cc oath, et morih. Man. (Th. L) 

II. Beauwbre^ Hist de Manich6e et da Manlch^isme. Amst ITSisa. 2 vols. i. A. A. Georgii Al> 
phabetum Thlbetannm. Bom. 1762. 4. Reichlin-Meldegg. Tlieol. d. Manes. Frk£ 1825. A. V. de Weg^ 
nsm^ Manichaeor. indulgentiae c brcvi Manichaeismi adumbrat Lps. 1827. GUttteter^ &. Bcicblin> 
Moldegg, Wegnem de Neonder. (Stad. u. Krlt 182S. P. 8.) Baur, d. man. BSyst T&b. 1881. (Compw 
Schncckenburger in d. Stud. n. Krlt ISSa P. & and ZlngerU in d. Tab. Quartalschr. IMl. p. 574bs.) 
F, C. Tr«eh»el^ IL Eanon, Kritik u. Exeg. d. Manich. Bern. 1882. 

The reli^ous oonfiicts which took place on the confines of the Eastern 
world finally gave birth to Manichacism. The history of its origin is founded 
upon traditions and uncertain documents. On the re-establishment of the 
Persian empire (after 227) under the Sassanides, the Magusaean sect, which 
had defended the doctrine of absolute Dualism, and various foreign systems 
were driven from the kingdom. Mani^ a Magian of this sect, having dis- 
covered many points of agreement between the doctrines of Mithraism, of Bud- 
daism, of Gnostic Christianity, and the principles of his own paternal faith, 
beheved himself called to combine these popular religions, especially Parsism 
and Christianity, into one universal religion. He presented himself before 


the Ghristiaiis as the Paraclete and an apostle of Christ. Rejected hy them 
and persecnted hy the Magians, he is said to have heen flayed alive under 
Baharam (272-6). — Manichaeism, as it existed in the fourth and fifth centu- 
ries, accounted for all events which have taken place in the world on dualistic 
principles. God in his kingdom of light, and the Demon with his kingdom 
of darkness, were directly opposed to each other — good and evil heing in 
their nature identical with light and darkness. After long internal conflicts 
among themselves, the different powers of the demoniac kingdom became 
united in their opposition to the kingdom of light. The primitive man, who 
was the first-bom of God, and who, in connection with the four pure elements 
contended for the kingdom of light, was overthrown, and was afterwards de- 
livered, but a portion of his light was wrested from him and borne down to 
the abodes of darkness. God then brought into existence through the agency 
of the Mother of life ({av nvtvfia^ the present universe, tliat it might be a 
new receptacle of this lost light. The vital power of this universe is the 
fight retained in the bonds of darkness. Two new heavenly powers, Christ 
and the Holy Ghost, then proceeded from Gbd, that they might redeem it 
from its imprisonment. The first is the Sun and Moon, and the other is the 
Air, which attract toward themselves all the powers of light in the earth. 
To retain these in his possession, the Demon formed man after the image of 
the primitive man, combining in him as in a microcosm the clearest light 
with his own darkness. From him descended the race of man, into whose 
souls the light penetrated. But although they were endowed with an inhe- 
rent liberty to continue as they were, in spite of the necessity of evil in na- 
ture, they soon fell under the temptations of matter and the illusions of the 
Demon (Judaism and Heathenism). Christ himself then appeared on earth, 
and merely endured the semblance of suffering, and is regarded in this system 
ts the type of all imprisoned light (Jesus passibilis). By his doctrine and his 
attractive power he commenced the process of liberating the light from its 
bondage, but even the apostles misinterpreted his instructions by giving them 
a Jewish sense. The Scriptures possessed by the Church have been partially 
corrupted by the Demon, and partially composed by unknown writers. 
Ifani came to reveal tlie secret relations of the universe, and to secure the 
means of human freedom. Complete truth can therefore be found nowhere 
except in his writings. In the end there will be a complete separation be- 
tween the light and the darkness, when the powers of darkness will have be- 
come conscious of their inability to contend with the light, and will resume 
their strife with each other. The Manichacons assumed the name of a Church, 
whidi possessed a hierarchical form of government, and consisted of two 
great classes. The first was composed of the perfect (electi, perfecti), who 
alone possessed a knowledge of the mysteries ; and the second was made up 
of the Catechumens (auditores), who were instructed principally in mythical 
allegories relating to the philosophy of religion and of nature, and were al- 
lowed to hope for pardon for their participation in the business and pleasures 
o( life, in consequence of the intercessions of the perfect, for none but the 
perfect undertook the duties of self-mortification (signaculum sinus, oris et 
nanuaX ai^d were sustained by the others principally on olives. Their pecu- 


liar views of nature demanded that baptism should be performed in ml, aad 
in some oongregationB they gave oooasion to an abominable mingling of tbs 
elements in the Lord's Sapper. The forms of worshi[> praclised ■■ 
Auditors were simple, Sunday wos observed as a day of fasting:,* 
anniTersary of Uani's death waa celebrated as tbe great foatival n' 
name of the Feast of the pnlpit (/S^fo). The Manichaeiin^ were 
oreasing in nnmber in the foorth centnry, and were then sc^atlcn-d 
part of the Oriental world, and in Africa, Sicily, and Ituly. Mam 
of noble minda were attracted by the promise which tlieir svsteiu ) 
tliat it could solve all mysteriea, and exalt man above ilie varloii 
which then distracted the world. Even then, however, th.y v 
with fira and sword by the heathen emperors, on the grouttil of tlie* 
Porsian sect. For this reason, as well aa on aocanot of tboir debivM' 
oormpt indifference, by a pretended exaltation above all oiitvviti d tb 
sank in the sixth oentnry beneatli the eqnal hatred of the Magiui 
bishops. Still we find some vestiges of a secret and solitary Mt.. 
even in the Uiddle Ages. 

S 88. HUIorko-Eedttlaitical Thtotogy, 
The ecclesiastical lileratnro of the second centnry wns pi 
tional character, and partly con^tcd of conlrovcrsuil writings bj 
and Gnostics. Especially in the conflicts with the latter, a C 
gy was formed, in which an attempt was made to hold f^t tl 
sis of Christianity as the common property of all, and to npprohet 
tiosl relations in a scientiflc manner, Hence all philosophy v 
declined, and tme Christianity was thought to consist whuljj in 
traditions and doonmenta, and those obvions tmths whloli en 
comprehended by the people. The representatives of this tendency i 
Irenaeoa and TertulUon, who also indolged in the expectation of a mOlannial 
kingdom nigh at hand, (a) Irenaeia was a disciple, and perhaps also a oom- 
panion of Polycarp, during the Journey of that martyr to Home, and was a 
bishop of Lyons (177-202). He was a perspicnons, jndicious, and philosopb- 
ioally edooated instructor, with youthful recollections reaching baolf to apos- 
tolic times, and now came forward as tiie opponent of the Gnoetic speonla- 
tions. Ae hia writings were regarded almost in the light of foreign prodoc- 
tions in the country where he resided, they soon became littie known, and 
were at an early period lost, (b) The only literature which the Latin Chnrch 
possessed, oonusted entirely of translations, until the appearauoe of Qaintns 
Scptimins Florens TtrtvUianvt, lie was at first a heathen rhetorician, and 
an advocate in Rome (abont 190), but afterwards a presbyter in Carthage, 
his native city (d. 220), His character waa severe, gloomy and fiery, but by 
great exertions he achieved for Christianity, In the Panic-Latin dialect, a 
literature in which an animated rhetoric, a sonnd and vivid conception of tha 

a) Im V. as. Ten^l. idj. Mtro. Ill, S8. 

I) Wltb thi i-Kvpllon of ■ rew spiitlH ud fri(iDCPh notlibig mnMlm bnl bli D bonti ■■■littt 
Uu On»U«, (Xi-rx"! «<■' i'aTpawii ttii ^tnSariiioa yviatui, \a u old Lulu tnuulttloii. tb* 
t« Book ud ■ ttv ftagmcnii In the otlglDil. 0pp. ad. ffmKA Oiod. 1T01. tla—utl, P«r. ITIA Vn. 


Idoal, profbimd feelings, and legal intelligence contended for the snpremaoj. 
He placed a high estimate upon that consciousness of God which he contend- 
ed might be found in the depths of every soul, but he was fond of contrasting 
with proud irony the foolishness of the gospel with the worldly wisdom of 
his ccmtemporaries, and the incredibility of the divine miracles with the or- 
dinary understanding of the world, (c) His writings are partly controver- 
flial, and in these he exhibits the utmost confidence in the catholic views, in 
<^yposition to those of Pagans, Jews, and Heretics, and partly devotional. 
They are, however, so written, that the devotional element constantly ap- 
pears in the former, and the polemic in the latter, in behalf of a strict mord- 
itj and discipline, (d) The Montanistic views are perceptible in them all, 
but they become prominent and hostile to the Romish Church in proportion 
to the degree in which the latter withdrew its countenance from Montanism, 
for the Roman Church, rather than Tertullian, experienced a change of sen- 
timent on that subject, (e) And yet the western portion of the Church con- 
tinned so tolerant toward Montanism, that some female martyrs adhering to 
that system in the African Church have always continued to be acknowledged 
as saints, (/) and Tertullian finally became so prominent, that he is regarded 
AS the actual type of the Latin theology. That theology was then dbindined 
to any philosophical theories respecting divine things, and was entirely occu- 
pied with questions relating to the condition of the Church, and matters in- 
dispensable to salvation. 

§ 84. Thtueius Caecilianvs Cyprianua, 

L Opp. Cipriani ed RlgaHitu. Pftr. 1S4& t FeU. Oxt 1692. C ed. 8. addlUe »ant Das. Cjpr. 
J>94wlH, (Oz£ 1684.) Amst 1700. f. Baloz. Par. 1726. t Goldhom. Lpa. 1888& 2 P. YIU Cypr. per 
^gmiium^ ejas Di*ooDiim (Cypr. 0pp.) Among the aetli xnartTril the two older bot^nnlng, Cma 
Cjf€. and Imper. Yaleriana— IL Pearwn^ Annales CyprfanicI before Fell's edit IT. F. ScAmiedm', 
IL Qypr. Behr. ▼. d. Elnb. d. Klrohe. Lpii 1822. F. W. ReUberg^ Cypr. nacb i. Leben n. Wlrkeo. 

The Church of his times is well represented in the life of Cyprian. Hav- 
ing enjoyed as a rhetorician, and perhaps also as an advocate in Carthage, all 
the pleasures of heathenism, he became impressed with a consciousness of the 
vanity of his life, and sought deliverance in the Church (246). Although, in 
the excitement of a new birth by baptism, he had sold his possessions, and 
distribnted them among the poor, a sufficient amount of real estate and reve- 

1781 2 P. f I* IIL c 1-4. In graecnm term, restituta \na H. G. J. Thiersch. (Stud. n. Krlt 1842. 
P. 2.) Iren. fVa|rmin. anecdota ed. C. M. P/aff, Hag. Com. 1716. (Bynt d«. Btnttg. 172a) Oomp. 
gua«^. IL eec V, 4aL 20. 26.-/7: Dodwell, Das. In Ir. Ox. 1689. Mawuet, Dss. praeviae In Ir. Ubroa. 
A. SUeren, de Ir. adr. baereMS operto fontlbua, Indole, doctr. et dignltate. Oott 1S36. 4. Idem, Iren. 
fa Ersch. u. Oniber'k EncycL p. IL vol. XXIIL J. M. Prat, Hist de 8. Iren^e. Lyon et Par. 1848. 

e) Apologet c 17. De poenitent c. 1. De vlrgg. yel c. 1. Do resurr. c 8. C. Mara I, 10b.— Do 
came Cb. e. S. De praeacript c. 7. Adv. Hermog. o. 8. 

tf) Opp. ed. RiffolUwi. Par. (1685. 1641.) 1664. t Semler et SchlUi. Hal 1770s«. 6 Tb. Leopold, 
Lpc 1889^ 4 P.— il. Neander, AntignoaUcaa, Qelst dea Tert a. ElnL In dess. Scbrr. BerL 1820. 
(Han. L. Zw 1S2S. N. 271m.) [Antlgnoatloua, ibd. tranal. by J. E. Ryland. Lond. 1851. vol II, 8.] 

«) Tertul adv. Prazean. a 1. De vligg. vel. c. Ifc De pndio. a 1. Comp. Hieron. cataL c 68.— i^ 
G. a^ant^ TertoL omnia in roonUnlsmo acrlpta vlderL Ylt 1788w 4 J. A. IfdauU^ <1« ▼«» aetato 
•eriptur. Tert Hal. (1757.) 1768. (Opp. Fase. IIL Hal. 1S17 ) 

/) VaUtiuB, AcU BS. Perpetnae et FeUclt Par. 1664. 


nnes remained in his possession to enable him to perform splendid acts of be- 
neficence in the accomplishment of his plans. He enjoyed the instmctioiifl, 
bnt his heart never became imbned with the profound sentiments of Tertol- 
lian, and his zeal was wholly expended in the administration of the affairs 
of the Church. All his writings were drawn forth by passing events, and 
by their simple and ardent eloquence they exerted a considerable influence 
on those events. The leading thought in all his writings is, that the Church, 
being one in Christ, should be governed as a single kingdom by the bishops 
appointed by Christ. He refused the bishopric of Carthage to which he had 
been elected, until, in spite of an opposing party of presbyters, he recognized 
in the tumultuous expressions of the popular will the mandate of God (248). 
His plans for the enforcement of ecclesiastical discipline were suddenly inter- 
rupted by the persecution under Decius. He fled (250), but from his place 
of refuge he continued arbitrarily to govern his church by means of rescripts 
and vicars, and apologized for the little attention he paid to the counsel of 
his co-presbyters and the will of the people, by referring to the necessitieB 
of the times. A great multitude of those who had fallen in time of persecu- 
tion afterwards begged that they might be readmitted to the Church. 
Cyprian at first refused to do this with extreme Montanistio severity. But 
the power of pardon in such cases was generally conceded to the confessors, 
who in the present instance exercised it without regard to his views. A 
power thus abused he refused to acknowledge. The hostile presbyters, led 
on by Felicissimui^ whom they had ordained a deacon, now stirred up the 
offended confessors and those who had formerly relapsed, until an insurrec- 
tion against his authority was efiected. They represented that it ill became 
one who had himself fled like a hireling, to exalt himself above those who, in 
times of persecution, had exhibited some signs of human infirmity, and least 
of all those who had then heroically maintained their constancy. They de- 
posed Cyprian, and chose Fortunatus, one of their own number, in his place. 
Cyprian apologized for his flight, by pleading that he was led to it by a divine 
revelation, and declared that every one who resisted his authority was a 
rebel against Christ. After Easter, in the year 251, he returned to his 
charge, and at a synod of the African bishops represented his own cause as 
the common cause of the episcopacy. With this view, the synod put down 
the opposition of the presbyters. With respect to those who had relapsed, 
he obtained a moderate decision, which ei\joined that they should not be 
given over to despair, nor admitted to pardon, except in immediate danger 
of death, or after a long and thorough repentance. Accordingly, when a 
pestilence was prevalent, and during the incursions of the barbarians, he 
freely administered to them consolation and assistance. The intimate con- 
nection which he had ordinarily maintained with the Roman Church, and 
which had been strengthened by a common interest in opposition to the No- 
vatians, was interrupted (after 253) by the controversy respecting the bap- 
tism of heretics. In opposition to the Roman bishop, Cyprian contended, 
that truth was to be ascertained, not by an appeal to usage, but to reason ; 
that each bishop was equal in authority to every other ; that the laws of no 
province were a uniform model for those of another, and that a diversity of 


usages was not inconsistent with the general unity of the Church. Stephen 
refused to receive the African messengers whom he sent to Home. Cyprian 
appealed to the Asiatic bishops, in whose name Firmilian^ bishop of Caesa- 
rea, wrote an epistle fuU of bitter derision of the arrogant pretensions of 
the Roman bishop. In a synod convened at Carthage, the African bishops 
unanimously protested against Rome (§ 71). While these things were tran- 
spiring, Valerian published his edict against the Christians. Cyprian had 
now become too conspicuous to find safety in another flight. Having ac- 
knowledged himself a Christian and a bishop, he was banished by the pro- 
consul to Curbi, but he was afterwards permitted to return to his garden at 
Carthage. After a year's respite, sentence of death was pronounced against 
him as an enemy to the Roman gods, and the chief of a criminal association. 
He was accordingly beheaded on the fourteenth of Sept. 258. No obstruc- 
tion, however, was offered to his admiring friends, as they performed the 
last offices of affection to him in his death, and as they did honor to his life- 
lees remains. 

§ 85. I. The School of Alexandria. 

E. E. F. Gu€rik0, de schoU qaa« Alexandrlae floruit, catoebetlca. Hal 18248. 2 P. C F. G. 
OauMacK, de scbola, quae Alex, floroit, cat Stettin. 1826. P. L ootnp. Matter^ de Tdcole d'Alexan- 
drkL Par. (lS2a) 1810. 2 Th. SttUr, Geach. do chriatl. Pbll. vol. L p.42l8ii. [Epitome of the Ilist 
•r PbiL transl. from the French by C, 8. JJunry. yoL L pp. 207-220. ITeander, Hiet of the Chr. 
SeL tniid. by J. Torrey. toL L pp. 52(M)67.] 

About the middle of the second century arose in Alexandria an ecclesias- 
tieal school, under the superintendence of the bishop, after the model of the 
Khools of philosophy. Sooner or later, it was unavoidable that the science 
and literature of Greece should become enlisted in the service of the cause 
of Christ, (a) This had already been unintentionally commenced by the 
Apologists, but it was now consummated from a direct purpose and prefer- 
ence in the Alexandrian school. Among those who presided over this school, 
was Pantaenus (about 180), previously a Stoic, and since immortalized by 
bis pupils, (h) Titus Flavins Clemens^ probably fh)m Athens, did not embrace 
Christianity until mature years, and after exhausting all the advantages of 
Greek and Christian culture, he professed to have found in Pantaenus a cor- 
rect interpreter of the Scriptures. He first became the assistant and then 
the successor of his chosen teacher in the management of the school (about 
191-202), until just before the persecution under Severus, when he betook 
himself to the house of one of his pupils. The last trace we have of him 
was at Jerusalem, in the year 211. In a work which he divided into three 
parts, according to the successive steps of Conversion, Discipline, and Free 
longfat, he has collected in a motley form, principally from the trea- 
lores of Grecian wisdom, whatever is favorable to Christianity, contended 
against every thing hos^e to the gospel in Gnosticism, determined with 

a) {S(m€€raiH) Le Platontame d^Toil^. Colog. (Amaterd.) ITOa Mothem, de tnrbata per reo. Pla- 
te. Eec Helmat 1729. On the other hand : BaltuSy defense des S. P6rca, accnsds de Platonlstne. 
ht. 1711. 4 Eeil de doctoribaa vet £co. cnlpa oormptae per Plat sententiaa Theoli^lae llberandiaw 
IfL ITMoL 22 Cmmt 4. (0pp. ed. Ooldhom. Lp& 1821. Tb. IL) 

I) JTMab. H. eec Y, 10. 


much liberality and moderation many controversial questions in ecclesiastioal 
ethics, and in an animated and snggestive form has ventured only to hint at 
his peculiar views, (c) Origen^ bom at Alexandria (185), was the son of 
Leonides, whose martyrdom (202) he was prevented from sharing by the 
gentle violence of his mother, who controlled his passions, and educated him 
with pious care. With a soaring spirit, a firm character, and an iron dili- 
gence (^Adapidvnor, XaXfccn-fpor), he soon made himself master of the Alex- 
andrian learning, and a scribe well instructed unto the kingdom of heaven. 
The youth of eighteen years was raised to the dignity of President of the 
School, and continued to live in poverty, refusing all compensation from his 
pupils, and practising the utmost abstemiousness. Before he renounced his 
early views of the literal interpretation of the Scriptures, in a moment of 
bold enthusiasm, he yielded a literal obedience to one of their supposed re- 
quirements, {d) His superior development appears to have received as much 
assistance from the lectures of Ammonius Saccas {e) as from the writings of 
Clement. The instruction of the children of his scliool he committed to an 
assistant, while he conducted the more advanced pupils through the whole 
range of Grecian studies, to the intellectual comprehension of the Scriptures, 
and to the philosophy of Christianity. His irregular ordination as a presby- 
ter at Caesarea (228), afforded a pretext for the manifestation of the aver- 
sion which his bishop, Demetrius^ entertained toward him, and he was ac- 
cordingly thrust out of the Church (281). This episcopal violence, however, 
was respected only by those who took no interest in scientific investiga- 
tions. Origen continued to live sometimes in learned leisure at Caesarea, 
and sometimes in foreign countries on business connected with the Church. 
He died at Tyre (254), having previously confessed his faith with unshaken 
constancy during the Decian persecution. By his employment of the Alex- 
andrian Philology in the criticism and interpretation of the Scriptures, he 
became the acknowledged master of a scientific method of scriptural investi- 
gation, by the grammatical as well as the allegorical style of explanation. 
His work on the Principles, is the first attempt to comprise the principles of 
Christianity in a single scientific work. Only a part of his writings have 

c) A^TOf irporpc TTiK^f wpht "EWrjyas, UauZay^^^* "Hrpttfiarus. Homily : Tls 6 fft^^ 
fitrot vKoiffios ; ed. (7. Begaar^ Tn^. 1610. More candid and bolder are the Gloaeea npon tba 
Bcrlptnres, 6irorinrfitf(rctf, which are lost with the exception of a crippled explanation of tha Cath. 
Eplstlee, under the titie of Adambrationa. Perhaps, also, the in r&¥ wpof^TiriK&y iKKoyai 
belonged to this work. HymnasinC. Salvatorom, ed. F. Piper^ Oott 1S85. 0pp. ed. SyJhurg^ 
Heidelb. li»2. f and often. PoUer, Ox. 1716. 1 Yen. 1767. 2 Th. f Pocket edition in the 8d part of 
the BlbL aacra, ed. R. Klolt, Lp«L 1881-S4. 4 Th.^Ho/stede ds Groct^ de Clem. 6. do vl, qnani PhiL 
gr. inpr. platonica habnit ad Clem, informandam. Oron. 1826w CGUtty Clem, in Erech. u. Gruber^ 
Eneyd. vol XVIIL p. isa. 2>aMfi«, de yvweu^ Clem, et de vestigits neoplatonicae pbil. In ea ob- 
▼Ua. Lps. IflSl. F. R. EyUrt, Oem. al& Pbil. d. Dichter. Lps. 1682. Baur, Chr. Onoeia. p. 002ia. 
Kling, Bedeutang dee Clem, t d. Entat d. ohr. Theol. (Stud. u. Krit 1S41. P. 4.) [Art Clem, (n W. 
Bmith*8 Diet of Blog. and Mythol. New York. 1862. 2 vols.] 

d) Matt. 19, 12. oomp. 6, 29a. EMth. II. ooo. VI, 8. oomp. 2ft. Orig. in Matth. tom. 16. (Th. IlL p. 
(1618&) comp. SohniUer, OHg. 1L d. Orundlehren d. Olanbenswiia. StuUf. 1886. pi XXXIIIsai On 
the other hand: Engtlhnrdt, in d. Stud. n. Krit 1888. P. 1. p. 167sa. 

e) n. A. JMgl, der Bericht d. Porphyr. ft. Orig. Uegonab. 1886. Redepennlng^ App. 9. to toL I. 
Z. KrUg^r, 0. daa Verb. d. Orig. in Amm. 9aoe. (Illgen's Zeitachr. 184a P. 1.) 


come down to modem times, some of them in a Latin translation by Evjlnus^ 
and others in extracts by the orthodox writers of his age. (/) Clement 
reached Christianity through philosophy, Origen reached philosophy through 
Christianity. The former proceeded in the style of an eclectic philosopher, 
in whose conception of a complete gnostic the Stoical ideal predominated, 
with its calm tranquillity derived not from the hnman but from the divine 
^>irit ; the latter showed a more decided predilection for Plato. Both grasped 
alter a knowledge which should comprehend the universe, but their efforts 
were characterized more by a literary fondness for philosophy, than by philo- 
sophical depth, as they developed the religious ideas involved in the facts of 
Christianity, smoothed away the difficulties which must attend a one-sided 
and purely historical conception of it, and elevated it above the extremes of 
Judaism and of Gnosticism, even though its truths were received in a limited 
form. Taken together, their doctrines constituted one comprehensive whole, 
whose form was a philosophy of Christianity, whose substance was the free- 
dom of the mind in its everlasting activity, and whose source was the Deity 

8 86. II. Characteristics of the Alexandrian Theology. 

1. Philosophy was to the Greek what the law was to the Jew, an in- 
structor showing the need of Christ, and proposing a proper pattern of 
righteousness. God has revealed his true nature in appropriate methods, 
through the Logos to all nations, (a) The highest revelation he has ever 
made of himself is in Christianity, by means of which many a retired vil- 
lage has become an Athens. The position of the faith of the common people 
is that in which a merely historical Christianity is received on the authority 
of others (n-tWis), but the higher position of the perfect Christian is that in 
which truth is contemplated with a free insight, and a full consent of the 
mind (ywo-if). The doctrines of the Gnosis were described as those secret 
traditions which originally proceeded from Christ, but they were in fact the 
free scientific speculations respecting well established ecclesiastical tradi- 
tions, (b) The Scriptures were looked upon as the result of divine inspira- 
tion, though in different degrees, and it was thought that every part of them 
should receive a signification worthy of God. Where such a meaning was 
not supplied by the mere words, the hidden sense was developed from the 

/) 1) For the restonitlon of the Septnaglnt Bcvlslon of the tf:xt of tho O. T. and \ta translations: 
ri i^avXa, Hexaplor. qiue raperaant ed. B. de Mon^auQoru Par. 1718. 3 Th. f C. F. Rihrdi^ 
IfiL ITtts. 2 Tb. 2) Schollao arifi«n&<rtt$j commentaries r6fxot^ and practical expositIon^ 6fii\tai 
ca most of the sacred books, only a few less Important parts of which are preserved in Ruflnus and Je- 
nne. 8) Tltpl ipx&^t ^ ^^* ^'^^ ^ ^^^ ^ ^^^ ^^^ greater part of the 4th vol. are extant in the Greek, 
tke raoaioder Is in Rafla's Lit version, ed. K B. Redepenning. Lp«. 18S8. 4) Kar^ KcAirou. — 
Oppi ed. C et r. V. Dtlarus, Par. 1T38<«. 4 Th. f LommatzMch, Ber. 1881-44 17 Th.— //m^iw*, 
Ortwiiana, prefixed to bis edit, of the Commentaries, (Par. 1679.) and In the 4th vol. of the edit of 
MarM. G. ThomaHu*^ Orig. Nnmb. 1987. K R. Rfdfj)enning, Grig. Lcben a Lchre. Bonn. 
19I1-4l 2 pts. [Article from the British Quart. Bev. in Eclectic Mog. of January, 1S46. pp. Sl-101.] 
a) Clem. Strom. L p. 281. VL pi 761. On the other side : V. p. 620. VL p. 757. 
ft) iTMiider, de fldei gnoseotqae Idea seo. Clem. Ileidlb. 1811. 

94 ANCIENT Cni'KCn HISTORY. PER. L DIV. IL A. D. 100-812. 

letter by means of allegorical interpretations, (e) 2. God is limited only by 
bis own will, and is inscrutable to bis creatures, yet bo bas revealed bimselr 
not only by means of tbe Logos, wbicb be voluntarily and from all eternity 
sent fortb, and wbicb is at tbe same time Qod. and tbe all pervading reason, 
but also by means of tbe Holy Spirit, tbe personal source of all sanctification. 
Botb of tbose are developments of tbe divine essence, and altbougb essentially 
subordinate to tbe absolute Deity, tbey constitute a unity with bim. By the 
agency of tbe Logos, who must therefore have existed before it, God 
created tbe world of spirits, all of whom were originally equal in dignity and 
power, but as God is eternally active, tbe series of worlds by which be is 
developed can have neither beginning nor end. 8. The spirit alone is worthy 
of confidence, matter is tbe form in which evil is manifested, and yet it is tbe 
vessel in which tbe spirit must be purified. Each world-sphere is adapted to 
that peculiar state of tbe spirits inhabiting it, which bas been produced by 
tbe exercise of their moral freedom. Even the present condition of man 
must have been produced by something voluntarily done, involving him in 
guilt. The Fall of man spoken of by Moses, is an allegorical representation 
of a fall anterior to man's present earthly existence, in wbicb he is doing 
penance for what be then did, and passing through a process of purification. 
Moral freedom continues an inalienable attribute of fallen man, unimpaired 
even in death.. 4. The Logos, that ho might fnlly reveal himself in Christ 
assumed an ethereal body, by means of a human soul (^xi)- '^^ P^^ o^ 
Christianity being tbe same with that of the moral universe in general, of 
course embraces all intellectual beings in all worlds. To those who are in an 
inferior stage of moral improvement, Christianity is a redemption, but to 
those who are perfect it is a free fellowship, (d) 6. There is to be no resur- 
rection of tbe flesh, but a development of higher organs, (e) not an earthly 
but a celestial kingdom of Christy not an everlasting punishment in bell, but 
on the other hand every thing which has fallen from Gk>d shall at some period 
be restored to its original source (airoKaTairraais rav Trdjrrav). 

§ 87. III. Influence of Origen, 

The doctrines of the Church were defended by Origen in a variety of 
ways. It was through his influence that the expectation which then prevaUed 
with respect to a near approach of Christ's second advent, and a millennial 
kingdom, began to be regarded as heretical, or at least fanatical. For centu- 
ries his influence upon the whole Church was powerful, by means of bis writ- 
ings and a circle of followers which gathered around him, and formed a 
seminary of eminent teachers and bishops for tbe Church. He was himself, 
however, well aware that his doctrines were not suitable for the common 
mind, and his views of Christian science allowed him intentionally so to write 
that bis language was unintelligible, and even conveyed error, to all but the 

c) J. A. EmMtl, de Grig. interpretationlB gnunm. anctore. (0pp. crit Lngd. 1704 p. 288s8l) (X JZL 
Hagenhach, Obss. ctrca dig. methodam interpret S. So. Bui 182S. Ck)mpu (/TifneQ in Winen kxlt 
Joarn. 1825. vol. IIL part 4. 

d) Oriff. in Jo. torn. I. (Th. IV. p. 22.) e) Orig, 0pp. Th. L p Ste. 


initiated, (a) His ideal tendency to go beyond historical traditions and those 
pocnliarities which so strongly contrasted with what was common in the 
Church, were sare, sooner or later, to call forth opp^tion. The first objec- 
tions urged against him were of the vagnest character, and generally of a per- 
sonal natnro, or founded on gross exaggerations. Methadiu^^ Bishop of Tyre 
(d. 811X finally attacked his doctrines respecting the development of worlds, 
the resurrection and the freedom of the will, {b) Ilis disciples made every 
eflbrt to vindicate the honor and orthodoxy of their illustrious master. The 
orthodoxy of some of his views was shown by comparing them with the in- 
definite creeds of that day, and others were excused on the ground that they 
were advanced only as hypotheses. Even when in prison the learned Pam' 
phUua of Caesarea wrote an apology, which was afterwards sealed, as it were, 
with his own blood (809), and was completed by Evulius, (c) Among Lis 
Immediate pupils, IHonyHus, his successor in the office of instructor after 288) 
and Bishop of Alexandria after 248, has represented especially the depart- 
ment of ecclesiastical learning, with great zeal for the Church, but with much 
fiberality with respect to genuine science, (d) and O^regoriuSj after 244, Bishop 
of Neo-Caesarea, and sumamed Thaumaturgui by the orthodox of subsequent 
timas, represented Origen^s practical ascetic tendency, (e) 

§ 88. Appendix to the Literary History, 

A pions v^eration for Christian antiquity has usually preserved with 
much care the names of some writers who are not fairly entitled to a place 
hi history by their character or influence. Athenagoras^ according to some 
imcertain accounts, the predecessor of Pantacnus in Alexandria, wrote with 
eonsiderable philosophical talent a defence of the doctrine of tlio resurreo- 
tion (about 180). (a) Julius Afrieanus, a presbyter at Nicopolis (Emmaus) and 
t fiiend of Origen, though more advanced in age (d. about 232), was a learned 
annalist, and by some extant letters appears to have been a judicious critic of 
the Scriptures, (b) Hippolytus^ a bishop, and a contemporary of Origen, was 
nid by Eusebius and Jerome to have left valuable writings in explanation of 
the Scriptures, and in refutation of heretics, (c) The titles and fragments of 

a) Orig. t. Oela. Ill, T9. Stromm. YL in ffieron. ApoL L adv. Rnf. o. 18. 
h) n«p( &»a4rr<£<rc«fff, vcpl r&r yfrrirAvt wtpl avrt^uvtrlov. Fragm. in Epiph. hacr. 61 
PM. eod. tH, S8S. comp. Soemt H. eec YI, la. 

e) ApologlM pro Ori^ 111). YL Greek Frag, in Phot ood. 118. Tho first book is in Rnfln's trans- 

<) Fngmeats: Bom. 1797. t OaUand, Bibl PP. Tb. III. p. 48l8a 

«) Elf 'a^Tfirriw vpoa^wirririKha koI wayriyvptKhs \6yos. 'EiricrroA^ KuKoiiK'fi. Ills life 
by OrifDrhia Vjm. from narratiTOS aapplied by his grandmother. 0pp. c. vita ed. G. Votshu^ Mog. 
IIM. 4 Fr^rroents of bis writings In Anff. Mali N. Coll Th. YII. P. I. p. ITOss. Comp. £u6eb. U. 

•) Titpl hmffrdffttts rw ptKp&Wt ed. Redienberg^ Lpa. 1685. 

I) Upcvaypwpmv w4rrt ewovida'fAaTcu ^E-rioT. wtpl r^s xarii iZovo'dyyuy ivroplas 
vilttcD to Origen, with the reply of the latter,— *Eiri(rr. wphs *Apt<rrfliriVt a harmony of the ge- 
utk^ of JcMUL iioutht Bellq. aacr. toL IL 

e) ItMb. H. eeo. YI, SO, iS, 41 HUran, caUl c. 61. PkoL ood. 121. EUd^etu in Anemani BlbL 
«twLULP. L 


his works are thought by many to indicate an oriental character, and a de- 
gree of edacation somewhere between that of Origen and that of Irenaeus. {d) 
But his statue, found in the Ager Veranus^ near Home (1551), with the Eas- 
ter cycle engraved upon his cathedra and a catalogue of his writings^ imply 
that he must have resided in the vicinity of Rome, and that the Portua Ro- 
manus mentioned as his bishopric, must have been the port near Ostia. (e) 
Yet, as Prudentius had sung the martyrdom of a highly esteemed Novatian 
presbyter, who, in view of death, returned to the Catholic Church, and after 
his execution near the mouths of the Tiber, had been conveyed to the Roman 
catacombs, (/) and in the time of that poet had been honored with a mag- 
nificent martyrium, and a great annual festival at Rome, the discoverers of 
this statue came to the conclusion that the martyr was the same person as the 
ecclesiastical writer, (g) Later martyrologies, however, indicate that the mar- 
tyr came to Rome from Antioch, where a lively interest existed in favor of 
Novatianism. (h) Lactantivs Firmianus, an Italian preceptor to the prince 
Crispus, in whose misfortunes he was probably involved (d. about 830), com- 
menced, during his residence as a rhetorician at Nicomedia, in the midst of 
the last persecution, his treatise on the nature and achievements of Chris- 
tianity, in contrast with those of Heathenism. In this work he has shed all 
the rhetorical splendor of his age upon the gospel, and has acquired the ap- 
pellation of a Christian Cicero. His belief in a principle of evil appointed 
by God, and of equal rank with Christ, and in a millennial kingdom, may be 
regarded as a lingering shadow of the preceding century, (i) 

§ 89. Apocryphal Literature. 

Among the Jews, the heathen, and the Christians of this period, it was 
thought that the truth might, without impropriety, be defended by means of 
what was untrue. The lives of their heroes and saints especially might be 
embellished as much as they pleased, and the credit of such compositions 
might be aided by attaching to them some celebrated name. In this way was 
produced, within the Church as well as beyond its pale an apocryphal litera- 
ture, composed partially of harmless fictions and popular legends, and partially 

d) HippoL Opp. ed. Fabricios. Hamb. 17166flw 8 volflb t 

e) E. J. Kimmel, dc Ilip. vita et 8cripti& P. I. Jen. 1S89. L. F. W. Seinecke^ Leben n. Schir. d. 
Hipp. (Illgen*s Zeitflchr. 1342. P. 8.) On the other side: C. G. JlaeneU, de Uipp. Oott ISSa 4. M 
Bishop of Boatra. 

/) Porlsteph. hym. 11. 

g) According to Winkdmann^ Werke, cd. hj VLejet & Schnlzc, toI XVII. p. 834 the at^oe be- 
longed to the time of Alex. Scverus — certainly too early— according to PUiUifr^ in d. Beacreib. d. 
Stadt Bom. by Platner, Bansen, & otb. toI 2. p. 829. the latest period vras that of the 6th cent [See 
BunterCt Hipp. & his Age. Lond. 1S58. C Wbrdsworth^ H. & the Church of Kome, 4. Lond. 1858. and 
articles in the Jan'y Nos. of the Edinb. & English Beviewa for lvS58.] 

h) The combined evidence thus obtained may be seen In GieaeUr^ [Eccles. Hist transl. by Da* 
vid^oriy Edinb. vol. I. p. 249. note 9.] 

i) Institationam div. 1. YII. De mortibns perseoutomm. De ira DcL De opiflcio Dei, vel de forma- 
tlonehomini& Opp. ed. B&nemann, Lps. 1789. Lebrun el LengUi Dxtfretnoyy Par. 1748. 2 Th. 4 
O. F. FritMche^ Lps. 1842.--1 2 T.—F. O. Ph. Amnion^ Lact opiniones de rel. in systema redacCae, 
d8& IL Erl. 1820. //. J. Spyker^ do prctio Institationibos Lact tiibaondo. Lngd. 1S26. L, IfaiMtn&eht, 
£tndes Bur Lact Strassb. 1887. 


of intentional forgeries, (a) Writings of the former kind have been so tho- 
ronghlj revised by the Gnostics and Manichacans, that their origin and pri- 
marj design can no longer be determined with any certainty, and even their 
dogmatic character is for the most part indeterminate and contradictory. In 
this respect they are a fair exemplification of the age which gave them birth. 
Even in those rare instances in which the deception was discovered and cen- 
tared by the Church, as in the case of the Acts of Paul and Theckla, written 
under the impnlse of a warm affection for Pan], and an almost poetical sen- 
timent in behalf of the daty of self-sacrifice, the work remained for a long 
time in circulation among the Ohnrches. (b) 1) Among those called Acts of 
the ApoBtUt may be noticed a cycle of histories pretending to give an account 
of the miracles wrought by the apostles, collected and revised so as to favor 
the interests of Manichaeism, by some one under the name of Leucius Cha^ 
rinys, (e) 2) Jewish imitations of earlier prophetic visions were sometimes 
used by Chri^fitlans with their own interpretation, and sometimes counterfeited 
hy Jewish Christians, to show the completion of the Messianic prophecies by 
ftcts taken from the life of Jesus, (d) 8) Some lost prophecies, ascribed to 
H}f4ta*pe^ an ancient Persian seer, gave to the Asiatic Christians a prophet 
of the Messiah, from their own native region, {e) 4) The Syhilline Oracles 
were written by many different authors in the course of several centuries, {f) 
The oldest of them were composed by heathen and Jewish writers to sub- 
serve their own peculiar, views, and- in many instances probably as a poetical 
amosement. But the principal part of them consisting of reproaches against 
heathenism, and predictions of its approaching overthrow, were written by 
Christians, probably not so mucli to oppose and alarm their enemies, as to en- 
oourage their friends. By those apologists, however, who were conversant 
with pagan literature, they were made use of as divinely inspired writings. 

a) Jren, t, 2&— J/b<A«im, de caosfs suppceltt libror. inter Cbrist (Das. ad H. ecc pert Th. 

k) Tertul. de bapt e. 17. Acta S. Paall et Theeklae, ed. Orctbe^ Splcileg. Th. I. p. Sim. [Apoer. 

c) T«r 'Aw0(rr6kt»w %fpi6iou Pbot ood. 114 Acta 8. Tboowct, 9(L J. 0. Thilo, Lpe. 1828w 
ipokr. EvT. &. Leben Jesu. p. 18s. 

i) FabriHut, Codex paeodcplgr. V. T. ed. 3. Hatnb. 1712a. 2 Th.— The book of Enoch the Pro- 

pbct. tran. fh>m an Ethioplc M9. by R. Laurenee^Oxi. (1S21.) 18^ A. O. Hoffman^ das Buch He- 

Mckla Ueben. mit Gommentar. Jena. 1888-& 2 Abth. [Lond. Christ Observer, (in Littoll's Rel. Mag. 

Ittl.) Book of Enoch. M. Stuart, in BibL Uepoe. for Jan. 1840. pp. 86-ld6.]-£zrae L lY. (Fabric Th. 

llTtn.^ Verelo Aethioplca, lat angllceqae reddltaa Ji. Laurence, Oxf. 1820.— Ai Hia^^Kai rHv 

SvSfca Uarpiapx^^* ^ Grahf, Spicil. Th. L p. 145sft. Corop. C. I. XiUsck^ de testam. XII. Pair. 

^ ISld 4 — Ascensio {iyafiariK6y) Isalae vatis, oposc apnd. Acthiopas compertam, c. vers, lat 

■BflleuiaqQe ed. R. Laurence, Oxon. 1819. GiewUr, retos translstio lat vlsionls Jcsalae ed. praef. 

AMtis iH Qott 1888. 4 compu Nituch to d. Bind. a. Krit 1830. P. 2. LOck^ Einl. z. Apok. p. 12."^ 

Offwr^ (}e«cb. d. Urcbr. vol L 1. p^ 6Se«. 

«) Fr. Watek, de Hfstaspe. (Comm. 8oc Reg. Oott Th. I. p. Sss.) 

/) SlbjIHnorQm Oracalonim L VIIL ed. Servatius Oallaeus, Anist 16S9. 4 On tliis, see also L 
A-XIV. in An^M Maji Serlptorani vett nova oollectia Rom. 1828. 4 Th. III. p. Z.—BUek, Tl Entst. 
^ZottinmensL d. Sib. Orak. (TheoL Zeitschr. BrL 1S19. P. 1. 2.) {David BlondtU, Treatise of the 
^Ui Lond. 16«1. C] 

98 A^XIENT CnUECII niSTOET. PER. I. DIV. ir. A. D. 100-«12. 

§ 90. Sulfordifiationists and Moruirchians, 

I. AH acconnts of tho Monarcliians are derived from the party boetile to and finally viciorfons 
over tbem, as e. g. TeriuUlan, who hated them as opponents of Montantsm : Epiphanhm and 7%«o> 
dorei^ who regarded them with the prejadfces of the Athanasian party; and Euaeliusy the mort fm- 
partial* but not Dnaffecte<l by the spirit and views of the age. 

IL Martini^ Pragm. Gcsch. d. dogma v. d. Ooith. Ch. In d. ersten 4 •Tahrh. Rost. ISOO. vol. I. 
St'hUUrmachfr^ 0. d. Gegens. zw. d. Sabell. n. Athan. VorsL v. d. TrlnltAt (Theol. Zt-ltwhr. Brl. 1S22. 
P. 8. p. 295SS.) Jfeinichent de Alogls, Theodotlanls, Artemonitls. Lpe. 1S20. L, Lange^ Gesch. n. 
Lehrbegr. d. Unltarler vor d. Nlc. Synode. (Beltr. z. KGesch. vol. II.) Liiz. 1881. /c/^ni. Abb. in 
Illgen's Zcltschr. 1882. vol. IL Pt 2. p. ITpa) 188a vol. III. Pt 1. p. Cftss. PL 2. p. ITSss. Com|i. 
GieteUr In d. Stnd. u. KrlL 1888. P. 4. p. 121.'te. B(mr, d. chr. Ix^hre v. d. DrclHnlgkolt n. Mensch- 
werd. In geech. Entw. Tub. 1841. Tb. L p. 18288. O. A. MHer^ d. Lehro ▼. d. Trln. In hl$t Eotw. 
Hamb. u. 0. 1S44. vol 1. p. 740a. 

Tho whole effort made hy the Church of this period to rise above the 
religion of mere feeling to tlie possession of clear ideas, was now concen- 
trated in the inquiry, Who was Christ ? The answer of the Jews, declaring 
that he was the Son of God, reminded the Greeks of the sons of deities in 
their mythology, {a) As, however, the doctrine of the divine unity was 
considered indispensable, and as Christians could not feel that the essential 
glory of Christ was adequately expressed, when it was said in Jewish phrase, 
that he was anointed and filled with the Holy Ghost, the attention of all was 
turned to tho philosophic theory of the Logan^ regarded as tliat by which 
God contemplated his own nature, and revealed himself in the universe as 
far as it is an image of the divine lifel Two parties sprung up after the 
middle of the second century, neither of which hesitated to call Christ, in a 
Ilellenistic sense, not only a Son of God, but God himself. One of these be- 
lieved that the Logos had an existence before our world, and was an exact 
image of the Deity, but a subordinate person. The popular expression with 
respect to the generation of this Logos, must have been understood as im- 
plying either with the Gnostics, that it was an emanation from the divine 
essence, or with the Alexandrians, that it was an eternal procession from it 
by an exercise of the divine will. According to this view, the Holy Spirit 
was regarded as an actual person, but one so subordinate and so little regard- 
ed, that many who looked upon the Son as a person, held that the Spirit 
was merely a power of God, or a mode of his operation. This relation of 
the divine economy has been denominated, since the time of Tertullian, the 
Trinity. The other party, either from its regard to the doctrine of the divine 
unity (fxovapxia\ held that Christ was a mere man, but bom of the virgin by 
the power of the divine Spirit, and exalted to be the Lord of the whole 
Church, or from a regard to Christ's dignity, believed that he was a revela- 
tion and manifestation of God on eartti. (h) Those who held to this last 
view, wore, by their opponents, culled Patripassiani, Justin informs us, 
that even in his day it was not regarded as inconsistent with Christianity to 
hold that Christ was a mere man, and Tertullian reluctantly testifies, that in 
his vicinity this was the common sentiment, (c) The first kind of Monarch- 

a) Ju8tin. Apol. L c. 21. a Tryph. c. 69. Comp. PUnii Ep. X, 96. 

V) Athenag. Legat c. 10. In Justin, c. Trjrph. c. 12S. The distinction between the two Undi 
of Monarchlanlsm : OtHg. In Jo. torn. 2, 2. 

c) Juntin. c. Tryph. c 4S. TertuL adv. Prax. c. 8. 


ianism has always, since that time, been rejected as often as it has made its 
appearance, inasmuch as no one would then presume to think of Christ in 
less exalted terms than those in which the Gnostic heretics represented him. 
But eren where no such a rejection took place, it naturally followed that no 
one had any great timidity in denying a mere man. On the other hand, the 
Mooarchians of the second class were regarded in many parts of the Church 
as orthodox, and were not generally very seriously opposed, until an assault 
was made upon them by persons at a distance, which was repelled by 
an appeal to apostolical traditions, and to the Holy Scriptures. But the 
Snbordinationists, whose views were more conformable to those of the com- 
mon people, gradually gained upon public sentiment, and by various means 
at the command of the hierarchy, utterly destroyed even the second kind of 
Monarchianism, which had been rendered suspicious by the ease with which 
it was confounded with the first. By ingenious references to reason and 
revelation, the views of the triumphant party respecting the Logos were 
made to correspond with the philosophy of that period. 

1) Epiphanius speaks of a party in Asia Minor (about 170) whom he wit- 
tily calls Alogi^ because they rejected the doctrine of the Logos and the gos- 
pd by John, together with the doctrine of the Millennium and the book of 
Bevdationa. They were probably the same persons as those mentioned by 
Irenaeus as having rejected the gospel by John, and the idea of the pro- 
phetic gifts of the Spirit. It is evident that they were opposed to the Mon- 
tanista, bat we are left in doubt whether they took offence at the word Lo- 
gos merely as a learned expression, or whether they were really Monarchians, 
as they were regarded by Epiphanius. {d) 2) Fraxeas^ distinguished as a 
eonfessor in the time of Marcus Aurelius, and sent from Asia Minor to 
Rome to induce the churches in the latter city to refuse all fellowship 
with the Montanists, taught without molestation the second kind of Mo- 
aarchianism, respecting the incarnation of one divine Spirit in Christ. In 
Outhoge, however, he was accused of heresy by Tertullian. (^) But The^ 
•i/>tu9^ the Tanner, who came about the same time from Byzantium to Rome, 
md began to propagate the first kind of Monarchianism, was driven from 
the Church by Victor^ Bishop of Rome. His party was distinguished for 
secular learning, made use of the Scriptures as of a merely human produc- 
tion, and was at one time powerful enough to elevate one of their own num- 
ber to the See of Rome itself. It was not long, however, before their bishop 
WIS attacked by persons sent by God, or by episcopal influence, and com- 
piled to abdicate. From this party proceeded another Theodotns, a money- 
Vroker, who became the head of the Melchizedecians^ who are said to have 
honored Melchizedek as a heavenly Redeemer, superior to the earthly. Ar^ 
ffln<m was also excluded fVom the Church of Rome, for maintaining that the 
established doctrine of the Church had always been, that the Redeemer was 
BO more than a man, and that this had never been perverted or changed untH 

(0 Epiph. baer. 51. 54. 8. Jren, III, 11. comp. Euth. 11. ecc. YII, 25.— iT. MerM, bist krit 
AifUir. d. Streltlgk. d. Aloger. fi. d. Apok. FrkC n. Lpa. 17S2. 
Teriid «dT. PnzMo. 


the time of Zepbyrinus, who then occopied the episcopal chair (201-218). (/) 
8) NbetvH, of Smyrna, and probably a presbyter in Ephesus, was excluded 
(aboQt 280) from his church as a Patripassian. That he should have repelled 
this accusation in such decided terms, is only to be explained on the ground 
that he held to the second kind of Monarchianism. (g) To this also, BeryU 
2t/«, of Bostra, professed adherence. He denied that our Saviour had any 
personal existence prior to the incarnation, or that there was in Christ a di- 
vine nature distinct from that of the Father. He, however, conceded that 
the Godhead of the Father dwelt in the person of Jesus. Under the instruc- 
tion of Origen, he finally renounced these views, and embraced another sys- 
tem of faith. (Ji) SahelUus^ a presbyter of Ptolemais (250-260), expressed 
the same doctrine in terms still nearer those commonly used in the Church. 
According to him, the Father, the Son, and the Spirit, were only the differ- 
ent forms in which the supreme Unity, which unfolds itself in human affairs 
as a Triad, reveals himself to men. In the Pentapolis, his doctrine was re- 
garded as orthodox, until Dionysim^ of Alexandria, brought against him the 
prelatical authority, and the stores of learning. But when the latter, in the 
course of the controversy, carried the doctrine of Origen so far as to assert 
that the Logos was created by the Father, was unequal to him in nature, and 
began to exist in time, I>iony$iu8^ Bishop of Rome, maintained against him 
a doctrine which the Alexandrian bishop would not have denied, that the 
Son had an eternal existence in the Father. (0 4) Paul of Samosata, afler 
260 Bishop of Antioch, appears to have effected a union of the two kinds of 
Monarchianism, although the first was decidedly predominant in his system. 
He maintained that Jesus, as a man, was begotten by the Holy Ghost, and 
that the divine Logos which then began personally to exist, had a peculiar 
connection with him. The Syrian bishops were violently opposed to their 
Metropolitan, conspired against him at three different Synods, and at An* 
tioch, in the year 269, proclaimed his deposition. Their enmity seems to 
have been much excited by his political position and worldly honors, (k) and 
it was not until the year 272, when the imperial power co-operated with 
them, that their act of deposition was carried into effect. The fall of this 
powerf\d bishop decided the fate of the Monarchians, who are henceforth 
mentioned only as isolated individuals, and as heretics already condemned 
(Sabelliani, Samosateniani.) In the public acts of this Synod, the Sabellian 
form of expression, according to which the Son is of a nature similar to that 
of the Father (6fioov<nos r^ frarpi), was also condemned, (l) 

/) Teriul do praescr. append, c 68. JSum^, H. ec& Y, 2a EpipK- bacr. &4 OS. Theodord. 
Haeret fkbl). II« 4as. 

g) nippolyt. (IS r^r aXptfftv No^ov riroj. (Ed. Fabric. Th. II. p. Cm.) SpipK haer. BT. 
TheodoraL III, & 

A) Eiueb. IL ecc YI, 88. comp. 20. JTUron, cataL o. 60. comp. Ori{j. 0pp. Th. lY. pi S9&— 
UUmann^ de Beryllo Boetreno. Ilamb. 1885. 4. comp. Stud. a. Krit 1836. P. 4 p. lOTSss. 

Suseb. H. ecc YII, 6. Athana«. £p. de sententia DlonyslL (Th. L p. 51dsflw) GaUandii Bib. 
PP. Th. III. p. 495. vol. XIY. App. p. 118. Battil Ep. 210. Epiph, haer. 62. ThtodoreL II, 9. 
[SchUiermacher^ trand. by M. Stuart, in BlbL Repos. vol Y. p. 265-85& VI. p. 1-80.] 

*) EuUb. U. eoc VII, 27-^. EpipK haer. 65. A. M<^i N. Coll. Th- VII. P. 1. ^ 68. 2»»b8.— 
EhrlicK, de orroriboa Paoli Sam. Lpa. 1745. 4. J. R JSchtoab, de P. Sam. vita atqne doetr. 
Herbip. 1889. 

t) AlKofiOi. d« synod. Arim. et Stieao. & 48. (Th. L p. 917.) ffUar, d« Bynod. & 86b 



§ 91. General View, 

Heatbenism was now destroyed and Christianity became the religion of 
the State. The effort to attain a more perfect intelleotnal apprehension of 
the doctrinea of the Ohristian system, produced a great agitation both of the 
Church and of the empire. The Church and the State exerted a reciprocal 
and mutnaDy perrading influence upon each other, and by blending together 
the politieal and dogmatic interest, an unfavorable result was produced in 
both. The rights of the congregations wore still enforced in almost all in- 
itanoci by popular insurrections and intrigues at court. The unity of tlie 
Chnroh was carried out by sacrificing the independence of its several parts, 
tud the whole became subject to the two great bu^hops residing at old and 
new Rome. The power of the monks nearly equalled that of the clergy. 
Grecian and Christian usages and morals were blended together, and mu- 
tislly corrapted one another. From the midst of these doctrinal conflicts, 
and from the fanaticism of the Desert, a class of characters was produced, in 
wMeh the Holy Ghost allowed the spirit of the times to attain, on a grand 
mle, the end for which it indefinitely longed. At the close of this struggle, 
the State was distracted by another relating to images. Christianity gave a 
inal ^ry, an internal life and a consolation in misfortune to the Roman 
•mplref bat eould not prevent its overthrow. A now and simple faith ob- 
tdned a victory over Christianity by means of the sword, and closed against 
it its own native East. Greece alone continued Roman, and gradually sunk 
with its Church into a long apparent death. The German nations broke 
into the Western Empire, but soon bowed themselves before the croes, and 
gtrre to the Church a new life. The period naturally falls into two divisions 
cf nearly equal length : the Church of the Roman empire, to which the ad- 
jacent cnriental countries belong, and the Church among the Germanic na- 
tions, to which the Roman bishopric, from the time of Stephen II., was 


I 92. Original Authorities, 

I) Am6. (I li.) Ets rhy $low Kvwarturrlyov. L IV. Vita Constant, et FanesyrtcnB, ed. /TWn- 
UUi. L|«. 188a HUtoriae eee. EoaeblL 1. IX Bnflno interprete ao IL fpsios RuJIni, «<!. Cacci- 
*i Bom. 1741c 9 Tta. 4. Ulatoria eoa Soriptoret graacl, a notis VaUsii ed. O, Reading, Cantahr. 
KNl t Tk. £ yio&pkonu CkOlUaut, UicKne, laropia, ed. Fronton U Due, Par. ICSO. 2 Tb. f 


2) SiUpicii Seteriy Hist sacnK ed. Hqfmeitter^ Tip. 170a (Oppi cd. Hleron, n Prato^ Veron. 1741fc 
2 Th. f. TlacrxcUfoy s. Chronicon paschale, <kL (7ar. d u Frenne Dom, du Cange. P*r. IftSS. £ ZtKf. 
DiN^foi:/^ Bonn. 1S82. 2 Tb. Thtoj)hane9 Confeitior^ Xpovtyypa^ioL, c mAlsJroari et Cbmb^Jltiu 
Par. 165.\ Yen. 1729. f. 8) Ammianut MareeUinua, Reram geet L XXXI. cd. Emetti. Lpa. 1773w 
1885. Zonimus, iaropia via, ed. ReiUmeier. Lps. 1764. /tTt. Bekker, Bonn. 1S37. [Tbe Greek 
Ecclea. Histories by Eoseb. Tbeod. Socrat Sozoin. and Evagrius, bave beeo newlj translated and pnb- 
lisbed, witb lives of tbe aatbors, in 6 vols. 8va Lond. 1842-6.] 

Most of the public original documents are contained in the acts of conn- 
cils and tbe imperial codes. Eutebivs was influenced in tbe bistory of bis 
own times at least by gratitude, {a) His Ecclesiastical History was freely 
translated, and continued to tbe time of tbe translator by Itvjinxts (395). (bi) 
Among tbe Greeks it was continued by tbe advocate, Socrates SchoJastieus 
(806-489), and Hermias Sozorneuva (828-428). The former was a candid and 
plain writer ; the latter was full of monastic notions, and wrote in a florid 
style. Both were completed by Theodorelvs, bishop of Cyrus, with a great 
abundance of theological learning (325-427). (c) All of these were com- 
posed in the spirit of tbe ascendant party in the Church. The Ecclesiastical 
History of Philost^yrgius (300-426), is a panegyric upon the Tanquished par- 
ty, and is preserved only in tbe extracts made by Photius. Etagrius^ a dis- 
tinguished advocato of Antioch, continued tbe history of tbe Catholic Church 
(481-^94) with special attention to political circumstances, and an extreme 
passion for orthodoxy. Extracts from Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret, 
are preserved in a manuscript work of Theodorua Lector^ and fragments of 
bis continuation of Socrates (until 618) have been preserved by Kioepborus. 
Tbe history of Nicephorus CallUtius (which at first consisted of twenty-three 
books, and reached to the year 911, but now consists of only eighteen books, 
extending to the year 610), was compiled in the fourteenth century from 
older historical writings and original documents in the church of St. Sophia. 
It was written in an elegant style, and its sentiments are honestly expressed, 
but it is characterized by servility and superstition. Sulpicius Sec&nta^ at 
first a lawyer, and afterwards a presbyter in Gaul, wrote a concise simimaiy 
of universal history (until 400) with a strong ecclesiastical spirit, but it is 
important only for what relates to bis own times, and to events occurring in 
bis own vicinity. The Easter- Chronicle (written until 864, under Constan- 
tius, but with later additions until 628, under Ileraclius) is principally a cal- 
culation of tbe passovers from the beginning of the world, but it is enlivened 
by a chronicle in which many singular documents and accounts are communi- 
cated in a simple style, and in an ecclesiastical spirit. Tkeophanes Confessor 
^yrote a continuation of an older chronicle down to bis own time (285-818X 
and with much learning made use of original documents which would other- 
wise bave been lost. His work is pervaded by the spirit of a monk and of 
a martyr to bis zeal for image worship. Among the last of the heathen his- 
torians, Ammianus Marcellimis^ in those portions of bis history of the em- 
pire which are extant (libb. 14-81. 858-878), has recorded the ecclesiastical 
events of that period with the impartiality and sound common sense of a sol- 

d) Socrat II. ecc 1, 1. 

b) F. J. Kimmelj de Rof., Eua. intcrprete L II. Qer. 1888. 

c) F. A. JToUhausin, de fontibQ^ qulbos Socr. Soz. et Tbeod. osl sont Qoett 189Sc 4 


dier, and Zo$imuA, a court officer under Theodosius II., has described (in de- 
tail 2&1-410) with minute art the dark shades in the character of the Chris- 
tian emperors. 


J. G. Bitfmann, niii» supentltionis pagaoML Yit 1788. i, S. T, JNkdiger, de statu paganomm 
Mb. Imp. ebrist post Const Ynt 182& BeugnoL (before $ 4t) 

§ 98. Canstantine and his Sons, 

L Wbaterer relates to them In Etueb. and Zo9lmus.—lL Martini^ d. £1nf&hr. d. cbr. BeL als 
BlaataeL dnrch Constant Manch. ISia i. Matuo, Leben Const BresL 1817. Ki*t, do conimata- 
tkMM, qnam Const aactore socletas cbr. sublit Tn\). ad Bh. 1818. 4 {Hug) Denkscbr. s. Ehrcnrett 
Coast (Zeltscbr. t d. Oelstllcbk. d. Erzb. Freybarg. 1829. P. 8.) Arendt, Q. Const u. s. Yorb. z. 
Cfaristentb. (T&b. Qnartabcbr. 1884. P. a) [Euub, PamphUus, Life of Const in 4 books. Nev 
LoDd. 1845^ 8.] 

As fast as he conld wisely do so, and by all the means which an absolate 
monarch can bring to bear npon his faYorite plans, Constantine gradually be- 
stowed upon the Church security, wealth, privileges, and every thing which 
oonld make it attractive. By the arts of state policy, the contest be- 
tween the rulers of the Eastern and Western division of the empire had 
been identified with that between the ancient gods and the crucified Re- 
deemer. No sooner had this been decided by the complete destruction of 
Lkinius (828), than Canstantine openly expressed a desire to see the whole 
Roman world once more united in one common religion. He, however, free- 
ly acknowledged the right of all those who desired, to persevere in their ad- 
herence to the obsolete superstition. Only a few temples in the East were 
deq»oiled, that their ornaments might be used to adorn the new Christian 
Rome ; some others were destroyed on account of the immoralities practised 
in them, (a) and a law against sacrifices (/;) was probably directed merely 
against such immoralities, or was never executed. The emperor still re- 
mained Pont if ex MaximuSj and some of his enactments indicate that he hon- 
ored^ or at least feared the magical arts of the old paganism, (c) Political 
interests seemed imperatively to require that ChristiaiHty should be estab- 
Bshed as the religion of the State, that those religious questions which were 
then producing innumerable divisions might bo decided. That Constantine, 
bowerer, acted in these measures from a sincere attachment to Christianity, 
k evident from what he did before the chivalrous emperor had degenerated 
mto the tyrant, and from his interest in those ecclesiastical matters with 
which the mere policy of the ruler could have had no connection. The 
Kme sign which had originally given him the victory (Labarum, 812), (d) 
bad also conducted him to universal dominion, and he therefore regarded 
lumseif as the favorite of Heaven, called to secure an equal dominion for the 

a) AiMfr. YiU Const II, 6&-60. 

h) According to a reference wbicb Constans made to It (e) and Euwb. Vita Const II, 45. 
e) Coostit de hanupldnae nso. a. 821. L. 1. Cod. Theod. de pagan. (XVI, 10.) Zoaim. lU 29. 
d) Eu90b. YIU Const I, 27-81. Laetant de mortib. c 44. Soaom. I, a Rujtn, I, 9. Comp. 
Uaarii, FtnegjT, Const c li.—ireinich&n^ Excarai L ad Yltam Const 


orosB of Christ. And yet he was not restrained from desecrating that very 
oroas by hands deeply imbraed in blood, in the blood of his own son (826). 
That he remained among the catechumens, and never received baptism nntil 
the year in which he died (887), is accounted for by a reference to a super- 
stitions opinion then prevalent among many Christians. Not only has the 
Church from gratitude conferred upon him the title of the Great, but even 
heathenism has given him a place among its divinities. While acquiring and 
maintaining his authority, he won many battles, formed a system of govern- 
ment which acted with all the regularity of an artificial machine, built a 
metropolis for the world in a position the most admirable of any on earth, 
and lived to experience and to deserve many misfortunes. In one respect he 
was certainly great or fortunate, for when seated in the highest position then 
attainable, he seems to have understood what the necesedties of his age re- 
quired. His sons followed out and even extended the political system and 
favorite plans he had bequeathed to them. The temples were closed, and 
those who should venture to sacrifice were threatened with death, (e) In 
Rome alone an asylum for the ancestral gods was allowed to remain, as a 
special favor solemnly conceded to the m^esty of the Roman people. (/) 

§ 94. Juliantu Apoatata, 

L Juliani 0pp. (Miaopogon, Caeearea, Oratlonea, £ppw) et CyrilU Alea. e. Jnlian. L X cd. ^^pam- 
hwi. Lpa. 160«. 2 Tb. £ Jul. Epp. Aceednnt flragm. breTiora, ed. Heeler, Mof. 1898. Tlie aeriea of 
Christian lampoons begins with Grtgorii Jfa*. in Julian, apost invectivae daae. The pagan pane- 
gyrics with Lihaniut^ especially with his Oratio parentalis. A true and fair aeeonnt In Ammian, 
Marc, XXL-XXV» a 

II. //. P. a Ifenk^, de TheoL Jul. Helmst 1777. i. (0pp. 1802. ^ dOSss.) A. Keander, JnL XL s. 
Zeitaltor. Lpa. 1812. (ScMoMer's Rec in d. Jen. L. Z. Jan. 1818. p. 1218«l) Idem, [H. of the Chr. 
ReL and Church. toI. II. pp. 86-<17.] C If. van Ilencerden^ de Jul. rel. chr. hoste eodemqne Tin- 
dice. Lugd. 1827. O. F. Wiggert, Jul. d. Abtr. (Elgen's Zeltschr. 1S87. vol VII. p. 1.) II. Sehube^ 
de phll. et morib. Jul. Btrals 1889. 4 V. 8i Tevffiel^ de Jul Imp. christianlsmi eontemtore et oior*i 
Tub. 1644. [A short acoonnt of the Life of JuL the Ap. Lond. 1689. 19. Life of Jul Lend. 1688. & 
Two Orations of J. transL Lond. 1798. 8.] 

Julian had heen educated for the Christian priesthood, hut he had learned 
to regard Christianity as a tissue of suhtle formulas, and as a religion of sla« 
very. The victory it had acquired over the religion of his ancestors he as- 
cribed to the violent measures of him who had heen the murderer of his 
father^s family. By an acquaintance with the poets of antiquity and the 
philosophers of heathenism, which he had acquired in secret, he found what 
seemed to him a higher life. Having attained the throne by a bold use of 
favorable circumstances (8G1), he looked upon himself as destined by the 
gods to bring back the delightftil times of antiquity. His religious views 
were of the New-Platonic school, and in his restoration of paganism, he in- 
tended to ingraft upon it all the excellencies of Christianity. Christians 
were removed fh>m civil offices, condemned to rebuild the temples which had 
been destroyed, and excluded from all professorships in which the national 

e) Constantis Lex adr. aacrit a. 841. L. IL Cod, Thsod. de pagan. (XVI, la) OmeftinfM Bcaer. 
ad Taurum. a. 808. ibid. L. 4. 

/) L. 8. Cod. Tfisod, de pagan. (XYI, 10.) 


Bteratnre was taag^t. (a) Even the claims of jnstice were coDoeded in inch 
a wj at to &vor his hostile design ; all sects were tolerated, all banished 
Uahopa were reoaned, and the Jews were invited to rebuild their sanctnary. 
Those who had remained heathen now began to lift np their heads, and the 
6Ttr Tenal moltitade retnmed to their deserted temples. These very efforts, 
howerer, merely showed how well Constantine had understood the age in 
which he lived. The ridicule and hatred of the Christians Julian met with the 
weapons of a philosopher rather than with those of a universal ruler. In 
his oontroversies with the Galileans, he endeavored especially to show that 
they were condemned by their own sacred books when they deified a de- 
Jew, complied with the new custom of honoring other deceased per- 
and renounced Judaism, (b) The virtues he exhibited in his official duties 
procured peace and esteem even from those who personally disliked him, and 
those difiTerenoes which existed between him and his people did not make 
him 8 tyrant. The more beautiful traits of the Greek national spirit could 
DoC be developed in him, but he was nevertheless a hero and a philosopher 
on the throne, and a pioos and virtuous man in private life. Even his de- 
clamatory vanity was connected with his high regard for the free judgment 
of his people. After a busy reign of twenty months as sole emperor, and 
liter a restless but fhxitless life, he fell while yet a youth in a battle with the 
Ptesiaiis (863). Though he passed away like a fljdng doud, he was, with the 
•loeption of Athanasius, the greatest man of his century. 

§ 95. Fall of Paganiiin. 

After Julian, the empire was governed by Ohristian emperors, but hea- 

tbeidsm continued undisturbed in its civil relations until the reign of Theo- 

Imus I. This monarch having conquered the Gotha and suppressed the 

beretica, felt bound also to persecute the pagans (381). It was at this time 

dao that Gratianus had the altar.of Victory removed from the hall of the 

Boman senate. It was in vain that Symmachus, in the name of the senators, 

implored that an altar with which the early and happy recollections of so 

many venerable fathers were connected, and already so dear even to the ten- 

dcrast youth, might be spared. In vain did he plead in the name of the 

eternal city itself, that in the present uncertain condition of things, the usages 

cf their ancestors might be respected, and a religion under which they had 

eoDquered the world might not be exterminated, (a) In the exercise of his 

power as sole ruler (892), Theodosius prpclaimed every form of idolatry a 

crime, and every attempt to learn the secrets of the future by animal sacri- 

fioea, high treason. (5) Those enthusiastic teachers who relied wholly upon 

tbe q)iritual power of the gospel to overcome all its opponents, were out- 

unnbered by the zealots who urged the emperor, as a matter of conscience, 

«)/ULE|ii 4flL Ammian. Marc XXII, 10. OroHi, Illit YII, 80. The mtoundentanding In 
^^m. V, ia Soerai. III« 13. Theodoret Hlat eoo. Ill, 8. 
>)lfvfila # J fVMU, IMfeoM da piiguiiane pw I'Emp. JaliAn. B«r. 1764 ed. & 1TS9. 
•< Sfmmaeki L X Kp. «1. (Ed. /VirMM, Neoet. Nem. 1628.) 
^)L 11 Cod. Th0Od. de pagan. (XYI, \(i,)^atv^fk4n, da Theododl M. in rem cbr. moritU. 


to destroy paganism by fire and sword. The popnlaoe were excited by tIo- 
lent monks to rise against the temples. It was to no purpose that Libanitu 
eloquently interceded for those edifices which he had jnst assisted Julian to 
embellish, (r) A few of the more beaatifhl ancient temples were saved, to be 
converted into churches. When the mysterious Serapion at Alexandria was 
destroyed, and the statue of the god was broken to pieoes, the Egyptians 
expected, according to an ancient prophecy, that the world would sink back 
into its original chaos, (d) Philosophy sought consolation in magical arts, 
and hopes were entertained that the power of Christianity was destined to 
extinction during the year 899. (e) The heathen orades withheld their re- 
sponses, and the Sibylline books were consumed in the flames. Before the 
middle of the fifth century, idolatry was completely exterminated in every 
part of the Eastern empire. In the West, where the continual incursions 
of the barbarians rendered the emperor's authority less effective, it was found 
impossible wholly to put down the worship of the gods, to whose vengeance 
the devastation of the empire was ascribed. Hence, after Rome had been 
plundered by the barbarians, Augustine (426) and Oronus (417) found it ne- 
cessary, by labored apologies, to prove that Christianity was not responsible 
for the calamities of the times, the former taking the ground that the whole 
history of the world was only a development of the kingdom of Christ, con- 
ditioned by the opposition of men. (/) The great multitude indeed followed 
where fortune and power led the way, but Augustine found by experience, 
as Libanius had intimated, that it was easier to exclude the gods from the 
temples, than from the hearts of the people, and that Jesus was not often 
sought for from disinterested motives, (g) Heathenism maintained its ground 
only here and there in some remote districts (paganismus, 868), where it was 
protected by the rustic simplicity and honesty of its votaries, in particular 
indi\iduals or families of an exalted character, and in the schools of philoso- 
phy. A few philosophers fell a sacrifice to the frantic zeal of the Christian 
populace. The learned and amiable Hypatia^ who presided over the New- 
Platonic school of Alexandria, was horribly murdered in a church, not with- 
out guilt on the part of Cyril the bishop. (A) Heathenism, however, from 
its very nature, could never attain ascendency by its martyrdoms. Ju§» 
tinian L destroyed its last intellectual hold, by abolishing the schools of phi- 
losophy, and he annihilated even those secret vestiges of it in Rome which 
had become concealed under an indifference to all external forms of wor- 
ship, {i) Photius alone preferred a voluntary baptism of blood in defence 

c) Drat ad Tbeodos. {nt\p rwv Upcov. 0pp. ed. Beiske, Tb. II. More complete: Noyos 8. Pa- 
tratn Qraec Saec lY. delectaa, rec Z. de Sinner. Par. 1848. 

d) Ri/^ni, n. eoo. II, 22-8a Hocrat Y, 16. 

«) Sotom. YI, 8S. Augu*Hn, de Civ. Dei. XYIII, 68. 

f) Augtui. de Civitate Del L XXIL c oomment Jo. L. Vivis et Coquaei^ Hamb. 166S. STh. 
J. van Goms, de Aug. Apoli^eta sec. IL de Cir. Del Amst 183S. Pauli OroHi ady. Paganna bti- 
toriar. L. YII. (Ilonnceda moodi, Moeetltia) rec Siff. Baverkamp^ Lugd. 1788b 4 Th, de Mommer, 
de Oroe. vita ejusqae Uist. Iibri& Ber. 1844 

0) Uban. 0pp. vol II. p. 177. Attg. Serm. 82. in £v. Jo. tr. 25, 10. A) Soorat. YII, lQi-*-ir«rfi«- 
dorf, de Hyp. phlloeopba Dsa. lY. Yit 174a 4. Miknch^ Hjpatia. (Yerm. Scbriften. Ladwigsb. 
1828. vol. I.) 

i) Procopil^ Hist arcana c. 11. Theophan, Chronogr. ad ann. 522. Comp. Agathku Hiit II, 8QL 


of freedom, to a constrained baptism in behalf of Christianity ; and the 
Mainotte$^ in their mountain homes, defended at the same time their own 
fiberties and the ancient gods of Spart^ So many religions phrases and fes- 
tiyals connected with idolatry were preserved at Home, that it may more 
properly be said to have been incorporated into the life of the Church than 
abolished. The last adherents of the ancient faith were fonnd in the seventh 
oentnry, inhabiting some remote valleys of the Italian islands. 

§ 96. Massalians and Ilypaiaiarians. 

L Epiph, loner. 80. CtfrilL AUat. de adoratione in spirltu et verit L III. (Par. Th. I. p. 92.) 
Grtifor. Xas. Orat. XVIII. f 5. (0pp. p. 888.) Greffor. A>m. adv. Eanom. 1. II. (Th. II. p. 440.) 

IL UUmann, de HfpsisUriifl. Ueidelb. 1828. 4. On the other side: Boekmer^ de Uype. Praefii- 
tm ert Neaodcr. BeroL 18S4. together with various replloe. 

Many persons had no confidence in the ancient gods, who nevertheless 
had no faith in Christ. These were indifferent about what might be the re- 
iult of the great struggle for religion, or without professing adherence to any 
particolar Deity, they contented themselves with the most general forms of 
|»ety. The more sincere portion of this class longed for some religions fel- 
lowahip, and therefore associated themselves together. Accordingly, the 
MamaUan9 of Syria and Palestine (Euchites, Enphemites, ^toaf^tU, and in 
Africa Coelicolae), conceded, indeed, that there might be many gods, but 
ictually worshipped, in their splendidly illuminated oratories, at morning 
tnd evening twilight, only One universal Ruler. The Hypsistarians {vyltiaT<^ 
Uf vpocKvpovyrts) of Cappadocia can be reckoned in the same class with 
them, only on the ground that both were worshippers of but one God, for 
tlieir peculiar sentiments respecting the eating of meats and the Sabbath in- 
dicate that they must have been a kind of proselytes of the gate. That they 
e?er had any connection with Parsism, is very doubtful. The indifierence 
of the former class and these latter sects of the fourth century must have 
disappeared, after a few generations, before the internal and external power 
of Christianity. 

§ 97. Christianity under the Persians, 

Christianity made no very great progress in Persia, on account of the 
newly awakened national spirit, the volatile character of the people, and the 
nptfficial knowledge then possessed by Christians of the Persian system of 
fdigion. In the fourth century, however, Christian congregations existed 
in every part of that country under the Metropolitan of Seleucia. But in 
ooQseqnence of the hatred felt against them by the priestly caste, who were 
boond together by the closest bonds, and some suspicions of a political na- 
ture awakened against them, they became victims of a persecution, after 848, 
which raged almost without interruption for a whole century, and nearly an- 
nihilated the Church, (a) No parties bearing the. name of Christian could 
^ an asylum there, except those which had been expelled from the Roman 
ttipire. Cho9roe4t IL conquered Jerusalem (614) and put to death all Chris- 
^ whom he fonnd in Palestine. Jleradius restored the holy city to free- 

•)fM06. VIU Const IV, »-ia Somm. II, 9-14 8ocr. VII, 19-21. TheodoreU V, 88. Acto 
Ibi^ Orient et Oodd. tA&K Atmnanvt, Boxn. 174S. t P. L 


dom, and triamphantly reinstated the cross in its former glory (621-628). 
Armenia fell at last beneath the power of the Persians (429), bat its Chri** 
tianity was more heroically defended |han its freedom, (b) 

§ 98. Ahymnia and the Dia$pora, 

The preservation of two yonng men belonging to the murdered crew of a 
Grecian vessel, was the occasion of the conversion of the Abyssinians. One 
of these, named Frumentius, obtained inflnence at conrt, received episcopal 
ordination from the hands of Athanasins (827), and lived to see the whole 
nation professing the Christian faith, (a) Oosmaa, the Indian traveller, fonnd 
(before 535) Christian congregations at three different points along the coast 
of the Eagt Indies. Thomas was honored by them as their apostle, but they 
mnst have been originally composed of mercantile colonies from Persia, {h) 
The existence of a chnrch at Chnmdan, in China (after 686), with all that is 
related of it, is proved only by a record discovered by the Jesuits, (e) Ara- 
bia was furnished with an apostle with many rich gifts by the Emperor Con- 
stantius. But wherever Christianity became prevalent in that country, it 
was violently assailed by the Jews. Whole nomadic tribes received baptism 
at once from the hermits of the desert, but probably without much inquiry 
into the nature of Christianity, or further practice of its precepts. 

§ 99. Mohammed, 

L Tb« Koran : anb. et Uit ed. Maraecim. PaUv. 1698. £ Petanb. 1787. 4. FltigtL, L^ml (18S1) 
1841. 4 Ahul/eda^ (14th cent) Iltot anteUUmlca, arab. et lat ed. FUUcher, Lpei 1881. Derita 
Mahamedia, arab. et lat ed. Oagnier, Oxon. 1728. f. (The 1st Part of Abnlfeda's Ann. MoalemH 
anb. et lat ed. BeUke^ Ilavn. 17898a. 5 Th. 4.) Comp. J. r. Hammer in the Wiener Jabrb. 188& 
▼oL 68. Janoary, Ac [The Koran; transL from the Arab, into EngL by O. SaU. Lond. 1889. 1841 
S Tola. 8. Belectiona from the K. with an interwoven oomm. transL ttam the Arab, with notee, etc. 
by JST. W. Lans. Load. 1844. &] 

IL J. Gaffni^, U vie de Mah. Amst 1789. S Th. G. Buth, Life of Mob. New York. 1882. 1% 
{W. Irring^ Mob. and bia Bocceflaors. New York. 1853. 2 voIil & & OckUy, Hist of the Saraoem, 
comprising tlie Uvea of M. and hia snooessora, &c 4 ed. Lond. 1847. 8. A. Sprenger^ Life of Mob. 
Allahabad. 12.]— ^arc/n cU ToMy, Doctrine et devoirs de la rel. musulmane. Par. 1828. Ch. Fot-- 
gter, Mahometanisme unveiled. Lond. 1629. 2 vols. & Dettinger, z. TheoL dee Korans. (TQb. Zelt- 
echr. 1881. P. 2.) J. t>. Hammer- Pur gtUiU, Mob. d. Prophet Lpa. 1887. Comp. Umbreit, in d. 
Stad. 0. Krit 1841. P. 1. O. Weil, Mob. de Proph. Stuttg. 184& [ W. H. Xwle, The Moham. Sys- 
tem of Theology. Lond. 1823. 8.]— 7VcA««fi, quatenos M. aliamm relL sectatores toleraveritf 
(Cmmtt Soc. Goett Class. Hist Th. XV. p. 152ss.) Mdhler, Verb, in welchem nach d. Koran J. CL 
xn M. steht (T&b. Quartalschr. 1880. P. 1.) A. Geiger, was hat M. ans dem Jodenth. aaf^nommanf 
Bonn. 1888. C. F. Geroct, Cbristologle d. Koran. Hamb. 1889. [IT. Pridmua^ Nature of Impoatart 
in the Life of M. Lond. 8va H. Martyn^ Controv. Tracts on Chr. and MahommedanisoL ed. & 
Lee. Lond. 1824 ^ J. R White, Comparison of Moham. and Chr. Bampton Lectt Lond. Sw W. T. 
Thompton, Pract Phil, of the Mohammedans, transL from the Per. of Jany MuK Aedad, Lond. 
1889. a Art in BUtto's Jonmal of BibL Lit vol L] 

The Arabians were a free, warlike, and imaj^native people, sub«sting 

h) Elieaeue, Htatory of Vartan, transl. by Veumann. Lond. 188a 4 p. 12sa. Saint MarUtk 
(I 68. note d.) Th. L p. SOftasi Th. IL p. 472sa. 

a) Rti/tn. I, 9,^JoH Ludoljt Hist Aethiopica. Fro£ 1881. t III, S. and Cmtr. ad H. Aeth. IK 
1891. t p. 588aa. 

h) Coemas, Toiroyptupia xp^aricufiK'h. iMm^faueon^ Colleetio nova PP. graaa Par. 17(Hk £ Th, 
IL) L. IIL p. 173. L XL p. 886. comp^ PhUoetcrg. Ill, 14, 

c) KiroheH China illustrata. Bum. 1687. f. p. 4imk 


iqKm their flocks, and with only a few oommercial towns. With no literary 
oaltiTatlon, they took great delight in a poetic language. From the most 
ancient times, the Caaha at Mecca, originally consecrated to the worship of 
the one God, had heen the national sanctuary, bnt more recently each tribe had 
posMssed a deity for itself. Judaism, Christianity, and Parsism, had severally 
fimnd entrance into Arabia, and it was not nncommon for them to be com- 
bined or exchanged the one for the other. Mohamjned (b. 571) belonged to 
the race of Ishmael, the tribe of the Eoreish, and the family of Hashem, 
whose bosiness it was by inheritance to take charge of the Caaba. He was 
originally a merchant and a herdsman, of a qniet temperament, with very 
Bttle indication of his fntnre character, though frequently lost in religious 
rsTeries. All at once he began (611) to proclaim : ^^ There is no God but 
God, and Mohammed is his prophet.'' On this fundamental principle was 
eoDStmcted a system of faith and morals, which combined together the four 
forms of religion prevalent among his people. Mohammed was acquainted 
with these only as he had found them in his intercourse with men — Judaism 
ia its Talmudic, and the life of Jesus in its apocryphal form. His professed 
elject was to re-establish the religion of Abraham, the great ancestor of his 
aition ; and as he regarded Judaism and Christianity as divine revelations, 
he in the Koran honored their founders with legends of their miracles. His 
opinion respecting what he called tlie later corruptions of these systems, be- 
eune gradually more intolerant, and was aggravated with respect to the 
Jews by motives of personal hatred. It became still more developed, as he 
advanced beyond the idea of a national toward that of a universal religion — 
IB Idam^ without which there was no salvation. His system of religious 
etibics demanded stated seasons and forms of prayer, fastings and ablutions, 
alfl^giTing, a pilgrimage to Mecca, an earnest contention for the faith, and a 
wiDingness to die in its behalf. A confidence in the doctrine of an absolute 
Iiredestination, raised the courage of a brave people by inducing them joy- 
foHy to surrender themselves to the will of the Almighty. He prohibited 
Im followers the use of wine, but indemnified them by an unrestrained 
«Dowanoe of sexual pleasures. The prospect of sensual enjoyments in an- 
tUier world gave the finishing stroke to this system, and adapted it solely to 
Bum's sensuous and intellectual nature. He then presented it to his fellow- 
men with all the peremptoriness of a direct revelation from heaven, and in 
lU the fSmcifVil richness of the popular poetry. Few in his native city were 
disposed to put confidence in his messages, and he was even obliged to escape 
tlM swords of his fellow-citizens by flying (July 15th, 622, Hedschra) to Me- 
fina. By bold predatory expeditions from this place, he conquered a part 
of Arabia, and the remaining portion was convinced by his success that he 
Vtt indeed an apostle of God. His personal appearance was remarkably pre- 
ponenng ; he was eloquent, enthusiastic in piety, as well as artful in policy, 
lobold in his measures that he even resorted to assassination to effect them, 
T^ ordinarily just and magnanimous enough to be esteemed by an adoring 
P^ple as a messenger fi*om God. In his private life he was faithful, sincere, 
nd temperate, though addicted to women. When first called of God to his 
v<>k, he could neither read nor write ; his travels could have given no great 


information, and most of what he knew he had acquired at Mecca, to which 
pilgrims resorted from the whole oriental world. He professed to receive his 
revelations, as occasion called for them, from the lips of the angel Gahriel, 
in inspired language, though in the day of his prosperity they were not with- 
out a remarkable adaptation to his desires. They were preserved sometimes 
in popular tradition, and sometimes in detached manuscript fragments, until 
two years after his death, when they were collected as holy scriptures (Al- 
koran) by Ahuhehr, This prophet, poet, priest and king of Arabia, died (682) 
in the midst of his plans of conquest, from the effects of a slow poison given 
him to test his prophetic powers. 

§ 100. Victories of Islam, 

OeUner, des effeta de la rel. de Moh. pendant les trois prem. b16c1m. Pit. 1810. Hit Zna. dM 
Vert ▼. R D. M. FrkC 1810. J. J. Dmingtr, Mab. Rel nach ihrer EniwlckL n. ihrom EinfluML 
MOnch. 1888. 

To his successors the Caliphs^ Mohammed left the assurance that God had 
given them the world to be conquered for Islam. This system had even then, 
in its various sects, been developed in some splendid forms of life. The Ro- 
man empire had become debased by effeminacy, and the oriental Church was 
split up into factions. But a religious enthusiasm which has seized the 
sword, cannot be overcome, at least by ordinary armies, and Christianity had 
hitherto been far from cultivating the military virtues. The Arabians suc- 
cessively conquered Egypt and Syria before 640, Persia before C51, and the 
African provinces before 707. With extreme difficulty Constantinople with- 
stood the storm. The conditions on which the patriarch Sophronius had sur- 
rendered Jerusalem (687), were generally complied with by the Saracens, so 
far as they referred to the Christian population. Christians were tolerated 
in the exercise of their religion on the payment of a poll-tax, but many of 
them renounced their faith, and followed the fortune of their conquerora. 
Mohammed defended Jesus from the attempts of Christians to deify him, and, 
according to a prevalent tradition, Christ is at his second advent to become 
the last Caliph. The efforts of the Christian apologists were confined princi- 
pally to a defence of the divinity of Christ, and of the doctrine that God 
could not be the author of evil. The only reply of the Mussulmen was with 
their swords. 


§ 101. Conflicts ajid Sources of Ecclesiastical Life, 

As the various parties became developed within the Church, the latter 
was necessarily urged to a more precise determination of the essential arti- 
cles of its faith. The unity of the Church, which had been externally estab- 
lished, operated unfavorably to an unrestrained diversity of opinions. No 
sooner had the common external enemies of the Church been overcome, than 
its consciousness of essential unity became so obscured by the rancor of indi- 
vidual parties, that not only elements foreign to Chrisdanity, but some of 


the mere modes in which real Christianitj was received, wore rejected bj the 
Church. Indeed it was for a long time uncertain which of the parties in 
this contest would prove to be the Catholic Church. The passions of the 
people and of the government were enlisted in the conflict. The natural de- 
vdopment of the ecclesiastical spirit was determined by mechanical minori- 
ties and imperial decisions. The Oriental Church endeavored to fathom the 
mystery of the divine, while the Western attempted rather to explore the 
abyss of the human nature. The whole literature of the Church was in- 
vdved in these theological disputes, which became, especially in the East, 
central objects in the history not merely of the Church, but of the empire. 
Tradition and the Scriptures were as usual regarded as the standard of au- 
thority, but while individuals sought salvation only in the word of God, the 
firing voice and opinion of the Church became in practice more and more in- 
ihiential. Vineentius of Lirinum (d. about 450) proposed that the tradition 
which oonld plead in its behalf the established usage of the primitive Church 
and nniversal consent as the conditions of its proper organic progress, in op- 
position to all heretical innovations and ecclesiastical rigidity, should be 
ngarded as the warrant and the standard of the true faith, (a) Those por- 
tioDs of the sacred writings which had been subjects of suspicion at an early 
period, were still opposed by many in the time of Eusebius. (b) But the 
nity of the Church rendered it indispensable that all portions should 
be agreed respecting its sacred writings, and accordingly near the close of the 
loorih century the disputed books were almost universally received. We 
have, however, no well authenticated law on the subject of the canon, with 
the exception of a decree passed by an African synod, which seems to have 
been adopted in other countries as a part of the common law of the Church. 
Yarions translations were in use among the Latin portions of the Church ; 
one of these, the Itala^ used at Rome, was, at the request of the Bishop Da- 
iDisna, amended by Jerome^ and in connection with a version of the received 
text of the Old Testament, maintained its position and found acceptance in 
ipite of much opposition. 

L TuE Asian Controvebst. 

L 1> Rcapecting some fhigiiiQnts of the writings of AHm : Fabricii Bibl gr. Th. Y III p. 8(HK 
«p^ Epi ad Eoaebi. Nlcom. (in Epiph. haer. 69, 6. Theodoret, II. ecc. I, &.) £p. tu\ Alexandr. A 
fricin. from the 0cL\«ia (In Athan. d. Synod. Arim. et Selene 0pp. Tb. I. p. 885.^) PMU>at4irffiut 
({K.) FnemenU Arlanor. abont SSd. (Anff. Mn)i N. Coll Rom. 1S28. Th. III.) 2) Partaking the 
leatof a p«rtiaan character: AfkanaHvu, EumMus^ and Socrates. A partisan troatisc: EpipK. 
htcr. ». 7S. 73& 

IL Walek, HM. d. Ketzereien. vol. II. III. Dravasa, Storla critlca della vita di Aria Von. 1746. 
{Stork) Yen. e. Oeseh. d. Arianlsm. BrL 1733. Mohler^ Athan. d. Oroese u. d. Kirche seiner Zeit 
M^Bi Vm. « Tolst L. Lanff^. In Hlgens Zeltschr. 19S4». vol. IV. pt «. vol. V. pt 1.— Wets^r, Resti- 
Mo Tfne cbrooolofp. remm ex oontrov. ArJanls inde ab a. 825 osqne ad a. 850 exortarum. Frcf. 1827. 
^/. 6. Baur, d. chr. L. v. d. Dreieinigk. u. Menschw. Oottcs. Tub. 1841. Th. L p. 8068& G. A. 
^% L V. d. Trin. voL L pi. lS4aSw J. A. Domer^ Entwicklungsgesch. d. L. v. d. PcrH)n Chr. in d. 

■) Commonitorlam pro cath. fldei antiqaitato et aniversitate adv. pro&nas omnium hacr. novi- 
^ I>ni«o ed. HlBraoff. Yrat 1889. 
i)R.MCL III, a. VI, S5: SfioXoyo^fitra, irriKtySfitpa, y6^ 


enten 4 Jahrh. ISIS. Part IL [J. IT. yrtoman^ The ArUms of the 4th cent Lond. 1S8S. & J. TF^tt- 
aker^ H\tX. of Arianlsm disclosed. Lond. 1791. 8. W. Berrlmann^ Aa hist Account of controveniM 
on the Trinity, in 8 sonnons. Lend. 172.\] 

§102. The Synod of Xieaea. 826. Cant, from i 90. 

I. EuMfK V\Ul Const III, 6«. The Creed : TTieodoret, L 12. Socrat I, & Respecting its oom- 
position : Eiuteh, Caesar. Ep. sd Caenriensea. Atkanat, Ep. de decretis sjm. Nlc. Jk Ep. ad Afroa 
G^laHi Cyzioeni (about 476) 'X(>¥Ta'yfia rSav Karh, r^t^ iv Kiicaiq. aylaif <rv¥otov irpaxBtyrmw, 
{ManH Th. II. p. 750sa.) [Landon^ Manual of councils. Xicaea. pp. 480-33.] 

XL F. G. Ifntt^encamp^ Hist Arianae controv. ab initio usque ad syn. Nicacnam. Marb. 1SI& — 
Ittig. Hist Cone Nic. Lpe. 1712L A.—M&n»cher, Q. d. Sinn d. nic. Olaubensformel. (Ilenkes N. Mag. 
ToL VI. p. 88488.) EiMMchmidty d. Unfcblbark. d. Cone, zn Nicfia. Neust 1S80. [J. Kay^ Atban*- 
sius & the Council of Nice. Lond. 1S58. 8. W. A. Ifammond, Definitions of faith 4e oaaons of DIml 
of the 6 oecumenical councils, & eode of the nniver. Church, and apost oanonn Lond. 1848L Ne«r 
Tork. 1844. 12.] 

The contradiction involved in the idea of a Grod existing at the same time 
with another, or of a God pubordinate to another, was yet to be declared and 
overcome. Arius^ a presbyter of Alexandria, maintained that the Son was 
at some period created out of nothing by the divine will, that he was the 
first of all creatures, and the Creator of the world, that he was endowed with 
the highest natural gifts in the highest state of development, and that he wai 
not truly God, though he might be so called. Arius had been educated at 
Antioch, was eloquent in prose and verse, a skilfid logician, though not biased 
by any predominant intellectual tendency, and a rigid ascetic in his habits of 
life. Proceeding from the ground of the ordinary doctrine of the Church, 
he attempted to find some clear idea which should at once be consistent with 
Monotheism, and opposed to Sabellianism. His Bishop Alexander^ produced 
in opposition to his views (after 818) the other side of Origen's doctrine, ao- 
cording to which the Logos was from eternity begotten fi'om the essence of 
the Father, and was consequently equal to the Father. At a synod held at 
Alexandria (321), Arius was deposed and excommunicated. But the pe(^)le 
and many of the oriental bishops attached themselves to his party ; mAiij 
perhaps, like Eusebius of Nicomedia, not so much because they shared in hit 
sentiments, as because they looked upon them as harmless, and others, like 
Eusebias of Caesarea, because they regarded such subjects as lying beyond 
the bounds of human knowledge or of divine revelation. The emperor Con- 
itantine^ having made many fruitless efibrts to induce the parties to give up 
what then seemed to him a useless controversy, summoned a general assem- 
bly of bishops at Nicaea, principally for the settlement of this question* 
Hore than 250 bishops, almost exclusively from the East, came together. 
Both Arius and Alexander were in a minority, since most of the bishops 
dreaded in the former an exaggerated system of subordination, and in the 
latter a covert Sabellianism, or an open Tritheism. But Alexander's friemdfli 
through the influence of the court bishop, Jffosiui of Cord<kta^ induced the 
emperor to embrace their cause, and dictated the decision on matters of faith. 
The only embarrassment which they experienced arose A*om the readmess 
with which the Arians subscribed all their articles, until the expression as- 
serting that the Son was of the same essence with the Father (t^ varpi Sfiocv 
<rios) was proposed and Fleeted, and became henceforth the watchword of the 

CnAP. IL D0CTB1N£. f 102. ABIAKISM, NICA£A. f 108. ATHANASIU& 113 

new orthodoxy. Most of the opposing hishops, out of reverence for the 
imperial authority, or for the sake of peace, on finding that it could he inter- 
preted so as to harmonize with their views, gave in their suhscription to this 
creed. Arius was hanished to lUyria, and was accompanied hy only two 
Egyptian hishops. Three months afterwards, Eusehius of Nicomedia^ who 
bad promptly snhecrihed not only the creed hut the condemnation of Arius, 
was compelled to share his fate. The Emperor commanded that all the writ- 
ings of Arius should he humed ; all who would not surrender his works were 
threatened with death, and his followers were to he regarded as the enemies 
of Christianity. It was for this reason that the latter were sometimes called 

§ 103. Athananus and Arius, 

A controversy thus decided hy the mere authority of an incompetent and 
unstable sovereign was sure speedily to be renewed. Athancudus five months 
afterwards was made Metropolitan of Alexandria, and became the leader of 
tite Nicaean party, which even when a deacon he had completely governed at 
Hkaea. By his enemies he has been described as a tyrant ; by the emperors 
he was sometimes persecuted, sometimes honored, and always feared ; and by 
the Egyptians he was beloved as a friend of the people, and venerated as a 
wdL Daring twenty of the forty-six years which he spent in the episcopal 
office he was a fugitive for his life, or in banishment. His life was often pre- 
MTved through the fidelity of his friends, who were ready to die for him. The 
great object of his life was to contend for the divine dignity of Ohrist, and 
in this for all that was essential to Christianity, in opposition to a new hea- 
thenism, (a) The Arians regarded themselves as the special advocates of the 
dirine unity, and an intelligible form of thought. Constantine finally recurred 
to his earlier view of the uselessness of this controversy, and was satisfied 
with a creed drawn up by Arius in the most general terms (828). At a synod 
convened at Tyre (335) Athanosius was deposed and banished to Gaul. Arius 
died on the very day in which he went in solemn procession from the impe- 
rial palace to the church of the apostles (336), according to his enemies the 
Tiethn of a divine judgment, but according to his friends poisoned by magical 
tits, (b) Eusehius of Nicomedia^ after 338 Bishop of Con8tantino[)le, again 
hecame the leader of the party which had been the true minority at Nicuca, 
nd taught that the Logos was from eternity begotten of the substance of the 
Ftther, and was similar in nature {6yioiovai,oi) but subordinate to the Father. 
Ting party, then called the Eusehian^ and at a later period the Semiurian^ 
embraced those who had been known as Arians, and had the complete ascend- 
ency in the East, {e) but the West had been gained over by the personal 
energy and presence of Athanasius. An attempt was made to reconcile both 
portions of the imperial Church at a synod convened at Sardica (347), but so 

•) CoUeetlons fbr a blographj of Athanaslns may be found in the edit of his works by Mon^u- 
OM»nd in TUUnumt, Tb. YIII. MIMUr (b«f. % 102.) 

)) StaraL I, 8S. Soaotn, I, S9a. Honorable k trae ; A1hana9, £p. ad Scrap. (0pp. Th. I. p. 670sfl.) 

e) £ipc at the Sjmods of Antlocb, 841, and Ancjra, 85S. Athan. de 8}'nodi8 $ 22as. Soerat II, 

^ fyipk.hux.n. 



nnsQccessfhl was it that the two parties came to a complete rnptnre with each 
other, and the oriental held distinct sessions in the neighboring city of Philips 
popolis. Comtantius was compelled to restore Athanasins to the see of Alex- 
andria by a threat of war from his brother, bnt as soon as he became the 
sole ruler of the empire (358) he had the cathedral of Alexandria taken by 
storm, and endeavored also to eradicate the Nicaenn faith ft'om the Western 
portions of the Ohnrch. The occidental churches were compelled to condenm 
Athanasins and accept of a Semiarian creed at synods held at Arelate (858), 
at Mediolanum (855), and at Ariminum (859). After these triumphs a 
schism in the dominant party became developed subsequently tcnthe second 
synod of Sirmium (357), in the contentions between the Eusebians and the 
decided Arians. Among the leaders whose names they bore, Acacius^ Bishop 
of Caesarea endeavored at first to conceal this schism, by refusing to ac- 
knowledge any of the controverted articles, on the ground that they were 
unscriptural, (d) but Aetiiis and Eunomius^ in accordance with the assertion 
that the divine nature could be as easily understood as the human, carried 
out the views of Arius with greater acuteness and logical consistency, and 
denied that Christ possessed any divine nature (aM$fio(or, 'Ami/ioioi). {e) Afteit 
the death of Constantius (361) the Athanasian party attained once more its 
natural strength in the West. In the £ast Valens (364-78) was so fnrions 
agiunst it that ho spared not even the Semiarians. The result was that the 
latter adopted views much nearer those of the Athanasian party (after 866.) 
The struggles of these various parties were maintained quite as much by the 
weapons of court intrigue and insurrection as by proofs derived from the 
Scriptures, from tradition, and from logic. Synods were arrayed against 
synods, and force was opposed to force. Athanasins, whose last years had 
been spent in peace among his own people, died about 873, while the conflict 
was yet unabated. 

§ 104. Minor Controter$ies. 

1. MarceUtis^ Bishop of Ancyra, and a leader of the Nicaean party, repre- 
sented the Logos as the eternal wisdom of God, which became the only begotten 
Son of God first at the Incarnation, and after the day of judgment will onoe 
more become one with the Deity. Fhotinus^ Bishop of Sirmium, regarded the 
man Jesus as the Son of God, only as far as he was ordained to bring the di- 
vine kingdom to its complete realization, and as he was filled by the Spirit 
and was a power of God. The deposition of Marcellus (336) was regarded 
in the West as a martyrdom for the Athanasian cause. The doctrine of Pho- 
tinus was condemned by the Eusebians at Antieeh (after 845), and he was 
himself deposed at Sirmium (about 851), but even the Athanasian party 
hastened to relieve themselves of the reproach of his opinions by a r^eotion 
of them at the Synod of Mediolanum (847). (a) 

d) PMlostorff. IV, 12. Soerat II, 40. Sotom. IV, 88. 

0) PhiXontorg. HI, 16-17. EpipK baer. IfL—Philoelorg. VI, 1-4. VaUHut tA SoeraL Y, 10. 
Jfabricii Bibl. gr. Th. YIII. p. 2688&— C B, W. Klo9€j Qesch. o. Lehre des Eonom. Kiel 168a. 

a) Fragtnenta, esp. ircpl 6iroTayqt. Marcelllmiui ed. Jl, O. Rettberg^ OoeCt 1794. Agidml bkn: 
Ku9^. Ccus. Karh. Mopx^XAov and ircpl Trjs iKK\iiataffruais ^coX. (both after Mtutib, JH* 


2. The doctrine of the Holy Spirit from its very nature necessarily par- 
ticipated in the fortune of that of the Logos, bnt as no ecclesiastical party 
was formed with the special object of developing it, it remained in an indefi- 
nite state. When the Ensebians changed their ground, bat retained the 8e- 
miarian doctrine respecting the Spirit, Athananus perceived the necessity of 
midntaining his equality with the Son, and gave to those who opposed his views 
the appellation of (after 862) fighters agiunst the Holy Ghost (7rv€viiaT6fiaxoi) ; 
but when Macedonius of Constantinople became a leader of the Semiarians, 
they were called Macedonians, The views of the Church however still re- 
mained unsettled, and many learned men looked upon the Spirit as an opera- 
tioD of €k>d, others as a creature, others as God, while others still from defe- 
rence for the Scriptures, formed no conclusion on the subject, (b) 

8. The more distinctly the divine nature of Christ was recognized, the 
lets were men willing to regard the humanity in connection with it as pro- 
perly represented by a sensuousr nature. When therefore Apollinaris^ Bishop 
of Laodicea, a philosopher who had been classically educated, and was 
ttien a friend of Athanasius, distinctly proposed (after 862) the opinion which 
had extensively prevailed in the primitive Church, but which was then prin- 
dpaDy favored by the Arians, that the Logos connected himself only with a 
human body and an animal soul, with which he sustained the same relation 
as was ordinarily borne by the human spirit (vovr)) he met with opposition in 
many ways, (e) 

§ 105. The Synod of Constantinople and the Holy Trinity, 

The Emperor Theodositte /., who had been educated in the Nicaean creed, 
daring bis protracted and powerful reign triumphantly accomplished what 
had long been the consistent effort of the Church. He first proclaimed that 
Done but those who received the Nicaean creed should bear the name of 
Catholic Christians, and denounced their opponents as deluded and base here- 
ticB, who must ultimately endure the divine as they would speedily the im- 
perial indignation, (a) But when he entered Constantinople (880) he found 
Gregory of Ifazianzen^ the bishop of the Nicaean party, preaching in a con- 
Tcntide belonging to the suburbs of the city. This bishop he brought at the 
head of his legions into the Church of the Apostles, and drove the Arians out 
<€ all the churches of the East. To legalize these violent proceedings a coun- 
dl was called together atConetantinople (881.) {b) This second genend synod 

•▼. Vnr. Ua. t) CyHlU ITierot. Cat. XV, 27-88. For him : AtAaiu ApoL c Arian, f 21-«5. 
i: Epiph, bMT. 72—AtAan. do BynodL% { 268. Soerat 11,19. Ifleron. catal c. 107.— ATose, 
Qach. 0. Lehra d. lUre. n. Phot Uamb. 1S87. 

h) Ba$H, Ep. 118. Athan. : ad Pallad. (Th. L p. 952.) ad Serapioa. (Th. I. p. 166^8.) Fpipk. haer. 
*V Grtffor. JfoM. (8S0) Orat 87. Oomp. UUmann^ Greg. p. 878sa. 

«) FngoMots of ApolUnaris In : Gregor. JfyM. ; Theodortt haer. &bb. IV, 8. &, iMmtitts BijtanL 
^' ftm/La, AponoDarlatarum L IL (Oallandll BlbL Th. XII, p. 70688.) Principal work in oppcK^i- 
^: Or^ffor, Jfi/m. K6yQt iurrifprrriKhs wphs rk 'AwoWtyaplov. {OaUandii Bibl Th. 

•) L 1 Cod, ThMd, de fide cath. (XVI, 1.) 

h) MomH Th. IIL p. G818& Rii^tu II, 20. Soerat, Y, 6fi8. Thsodoret» Y, Ta^.—UUmann, Oregor. 


having been diminished by the withdrawal of the Macedonians, consisted of 
150 bishops chosen under the arbitrary dictation of the emperor. The Ni- 
caean creed was revised and clothed in such terms as had become established 
during the more recent controversies, and in this new form was confirme<l by 
them. The Eunomians, Macedonians and Apollinarians were condemned as 
heretics, (c) The Arians were tolerated in the West under Valentinian II., 
until TheodosiuB obtained their suppression as the price of his assistance 
against the usurper Maximus (888). With the fifth century they completely 
disappeared in all parts of the Roman empire. The synodal edicts of the vic- 
torious party declared that the Son and Spirit were co-equal with the Father 
in the divine Unity. In the tlieological discussions held from the time of 
Athanasius to that of Augustine, the views of all parties were gradually so 
accommodated and carried out, that the contents of the apostolic creed were 
exalted to the speculative idea of the Trinity consisting of three divine per- 
sons in the unity of the divine nature. In this form the doctrine was pro- 
claimed as a theological mystery. The article which declared that the Spirit 
proceeded also from the Son (filioquc), was generally adopted in the Western 
Church, and at a synod of Toledo (589) it was incorporated in the confession 
of faith. It was not very diflfercnt from what had been vaguely taught by 
the Greek ecclesiastical writers of the fourth century, but it did not awaken 
attention and opposition among the Greek churches as an interpolation in the 
Nicaean creed, until some time in the eighth century, (d) In the creed bear- 
ing the name of Athanasius, which has generally been received in the West 
since the seventh century, and has evident marks of the character of the Latin 
Church of the fifth century, the doctrine of the Trinity is expressly set forth, 
and its reception is made a condition of salvation, {e) 

§ 106. Ecclesiastical Literature, 

With the exception of the cloister and the desert the most celebrated 
sehool for the education of the teachers of the Church was at Athens, (a) 
A few of these might have taken a high rank among sophists and rhetoricians, 
but in consequence of the serious character of Christianity they became ec- 
clesiastical fathers. They regarded their classical attainments generally with 
mingled sentiments. The twilight of ancient poesy even then cast a lingering 
radiance over the Church. When Julian excluded all Christians from the 
schools of ancient literature, the two Apollinarii hastened to resolve the con- 
tents of the Scriptures into a series of epics, tragedies, and Platonic dia- 
logues, {b) Prudentius (d. about 405) in the evening of his political life, 
that he might do something for eternity, wrote some songs adapted to his 
times and to the conflicts and triumphs of the Church, but exhibiting less 

c) Suioeri Symb. Nioaeno-Gonst ezpoBitam. Tri^' ad Rh. 171& 4. 

d) Augustin. de Trin. lY, SO. Cone ToUi, symb. h can. 2. {yfanM Th. IX. p. 981.) EusA. 
de eoc. TbeoL III, 4. EpipK Ancor. § 9. (Th. IL p. 14>— JT O. WalcK, Uist controy. de prooeaia Sp. 
B. Jen. 1761. Ziegler, Geschichtsentw. t. dogma v. IL G. (Th<K>L Abh. Gott 179L toL L p. S04i8.) 

«) Waterland, Grit Uist of the Athan. creed. Camb. (1724.) 1723. 

a) Archly, t Oesch. by ScMosser 4* Berchi^ 183S. vol L p. 2178s. 

b) Soerat III, 1^ So&am, Y, 18. probably thence Xpiffr6t ird<rx«y« 


poetical than rhetorical character, (c) Two schools, sitDated the one at Alex- 
andria and the other at Antioch, were especially remarkahle for the different 
manner in which they treated the Scriptures. In the former prevailed an al- 
legorical system of interpretation and a hold spirit of speculation, hoth of 
which had heen exemplified in Origen, though his peculiarities were in some 
instances exchanged for what was common in the Church, and in others were 
abandoned. In the latter, the simple signification of the words vas more par- 
ticularly investigated, the circumstances of the original writers and speakers 
were hetter appreciated, the divine was more carefully distinguislied from 
the human, and a merely formal use was made of philosophy, and this more 
after the method of Aristotle, (d) I. From the Alexandrian school proceeded 
thoee who represented the theology of their century : Athanasius, a didactic 
rather than an exegetical writer, who ingeniously and enthusiastically reduced 
an Christianity to the simple doctrine of the divinity of Christ ; (e) and the 
three Cappadocians, Gregory of KysM (d. ahout 894), who, next to Origen, 
was most distinguished for his scientific profundity and originality, (/) his 
brother, Basil the Great^ Metropolitan of Caesarea (d. 379), equally zealous 
for science and monasticism, hut more remarkable for his talents in the ad- 
nunistration of ecclesiastical affairs, {g) and the abused friend of his youth, 
Gregory of Naziamin (6 3f oXoyor, d. 890), by inclination and fortune so tossed 
between the tranquillity of a contemplative life and the storms of ecclesiasti- 
cal government, that he had no satisfaction in either, neither a profound 
thinker nor a poet, hut according to the aspirations of his youth an orator, 
frequently pompous and dry, but laboring as powerfully for the triumph of 
orthodoxy as for genuine practical Christianity. (A) Next to those were Eu- 
iebiiu of Caesarea (d. 840), whose simple but not artless style was like that 
of one whose knowledge was abundant, who was fond of peace, and disin- 

e) Opp. ed. HeintiuM. AmsteL 1667. 12. Oellarius^ Hal. n(i3.—.Vid(Uldorp/, do Prud. et Theo- 
W^ Pnid. ISSSsB. 2 P. (lUgcns Zeitschr. 1832. toI IL part 2. Abb. &) For otber references see 
JKt«i'« Leben Jeso. p. SSw 

i) M^nUr^ d. Antloch. Scbale. (Stiadlins a. Tzwhlmcrs Arch. vol. I. P. 1.) 
«) lib writliifs were oeeai^oned by his circumstances. Ttiey were partly controversial in behalf 
flf Cbrlstlviltj', the Niceno faith and himself personally, and partly dnvotional for the promotion of 
smitftldsin. Opp. td. R d4 Montfnuc<m^ Par. 16S9sflL 8 Tti. t Giwttiniani, Patav. et Lps. 1777. 
iTh. 1 [HIa select treatises afainst the Arlans in two voI\ and his Historical Tracts In one vol. have 
been pabL in the " Lib. of the Fathers anterior to the division of the East & West" transl. by mcm- 
btnef the EogL Church. O.xon. ISdO.— His orations were transl. by Parker. Lond 1718. 8.] 

fS A^09 KarTix'n'''*f^f ^ fx^yas. Polemical writings against Eanomius & ApoIIinariss Homilies 
ft Aic«tic tracts. Opp. ed. JforelliuA, Par. 1615. 2 Th. Append, add. Gretser, Par. 16IS. Benedic- 
Um ed. (Par. 1780. Th. I.) interrupted by the Revolution. Lately found and relating to the Arians A 
3U«4 in A. Maji Sen. yett. ColL Bom. 1S84. Th. VIIL— .SL P. Ueyns, de Or. Nyssw Lugd. K 
1U3l 1 /. Supp. Greg. v. N. Leben u. Mcinungen. Lps. 1934. 

g) Apdnst Eunomlna, on the Holy Spirit, Homilies & Letters. Opp. ed. Fronto DucaeuM, Par. 
Wli JTh. £ Gamitr, Par. 1721s8. rep. L. de Sinner, Par. 1889at 8 Th.-J. E. FeUaer, de vita Hasw 
^raolBf. 192& AToM*, Baa. d. G. Strals. 1885. A. Jahniu*^ Baa. M plotinizans. Bern. 1833 4. Ani- 
>adrr. In Baa. opp. Bern. 1S49. Fasc L [On Solitude, transL by BarktdaU, Lond. 1675. 8. A Scl. 
fmt^trom BadL Lond. 1810. 9.] 

A> ApolofclM for his offlc'al errors, Eccles. discourses of all kinds, Epistle^ Poem\ Opp. ed. Morel- 
t'wc Pit. 1«0. « Th. t CUmencft^ Par. 177S. Th. I. CaUlaii, Par. 1940. 2 Th. t [His Panegyric on 
^(Mnbees is transL by Collier. Lond. 1716. B.]^UUmann^ Greg. v. Naz. DnrmsL 1825. [Transl. into 
^ by 0. V. Coac^ Lond. 1851.] 


dined to tlie new formulae of orthodoxy, {{) and the blind Didymus (d. 895), 
in spirit and in fact the last faithfnl follower of Origen. Qc) In the Latin 
Ohnrch were : Hilarius^ Bishop of Pcnctiers (PictaTium, d. 868), in his ac- 
tions, sufferings and writings, the Athanasios of the West ; (Q Amhro&ius, 
Archbishop of Milan (374-97), a zealous praefect eyen in the Church, for 
whose freedom and orthodoxy he contended, fearing the Lord of all more 
than the sovereign of this world, and more influential by his simplifying imi- 
tations of Greek models than by any thing original in his works, (rn) 11. Zu- 
eianus, a presbyter of Antioch, whose Scriptural learning acquired additional 
honor by his death (311), is generally regarded as the founder of the Antioch- 
ian school. Eusehius^ Bishop of Emisa (d. 860), whose classical attainments 
and eloquence were acknowledged even by his opponents, was a Semiarian 
only so for as he defended the indefinite terms of the primitive creed as more 
scriptural in doctrine than the later speculations, (n) Cyrilliu^ with various 
changes of fortune (850-86), was Bishop of Jerusalem and a Eusebian, but he 
obtained the honor of canonization in consequence of his acknowledgment of 
the Nieaean creed, though he never used it in his popular instructions, (p) 
Ephrem (d. at Edessa about 378) became the principal instructor of the Sy- 
rian Church (propheta Syrorum), by transplanting into it the Greek learn- 
ing, (p) JDiodorus, Bishop of Tarsus (878 — about 94), and Theodonis, Bishop 
of Mopsuestia (893-i28), both of whom had been at an earlier period pres- 
byters at Antioch, developed the peculiarities of their school in the most de- 

t) Tlatrro^av^ IffTopioy Chronicon ed. Iforua. Amst 1659w t completed firom the Armenian ; ed. 
by Aucher, Ven. 1818. 2 Th. 4. in Greek A Lat ed. A. MaJM. (Scrr. veterum. Col. Th. VIIL) Ilpoira* 
paaictv^ fvayy(\iK'fif 1- XV, cd. Vlg^rus, Par. 162a t ITeinieKen^ Lps. 18428. 2 Th. OaUford^ 
Oxon. 1843. 4 vols. *AT<{8ci{ir tvayy, I XX. (I.-X.) c n. Montacutii, Par. 1828. C (The parts de- 
fective in the 1st & liHh B. are completed in FahricH Deleetns ai|r. et sjllabus Mrlptt) CommenL 
on the Psnlms &, I&aiah. Comp. FahricH Bibl. Gr. Th. VII. p. 8866a. J. RiUer^ Eos. de dlvinltate a 
placita. Bon. 1828. 

k) L. de Spiritu S. in the transL of Jerome. (0pp. Th. IV. P. I.) L. adv. ManlchaeoSw (Comb*:fUii 
Auctuar. gr. I'P. Tli. II.) L. III. de Trinltate. (ed. MingareUi, Bonon. 1769. £) Exposltio YIL eanooi- 
caram £pp. ; the transL of which was procured by Cawiodoru^ through Epiphaniut ScholatL and 
the orig. text of whicl^ LQcke has partially restored by means of Matthaei's Scboliae : Quaeationea ao 
vindioiae Didymianae. GOtt 1629-82. 4 P. comp. Com. 0. Br. d. Job. p. 2999& D. «. CMn^ Did. to 
Ersch. u. Grub. £nc vol. XXIV. 

t) De Trinltate 1. XII. L. ad Ck>nstantinara. De synodls adv. Arlanoe. De synodts Arimtneasi at 
Seleucensi. Comment on Psalms dc Matth. Opp. ed. Bonedictt (Constant) Par. 169& Afq^W, Veron. 
1780. 2 Th. t OberthUr, Wire 1785sfl. 4 Th. A. Maji Scrr. veterum CoL Th. VL 

m) Hexaemeron. De oflicito 1. IIL De fide L V. De S. Spirita L III, 92. Episties. Opp. ed. B«i«- 
dictt Par. 1686-9^1 2 Th. t Gilbert, Lp& 18898. 2 V.—F. Bokringer, die K. a. ibreSSeogen o. KGesch. 
in Biograpbien. Zur. 1845. vol I. pt 8. [Ambrose's Christian 0£Bces have been transL by Homphrayi^ 
Lond. 1687. 4] 

n) riieron. cataL c. 91. comp. 119. Soorat. II, 9. Soaam, III, ^^Euseb. Opnscc (8 Discoorsea 
A exeget & dngni. foments) ed. Auffutti, Elbert 1829. Evidence that the Dteconrses belmig to a 
certain Kiiscb. of Alex, of the 4th or 6th cent A Information req;>ecting the genuine writings: 7%Ua. 
(L d. Schrr. d. Eus. v. Alex. n. des Eus. v. Em. Hal 1882. 

o) Catecheses (about 847.) Opp. rec Tbuttee, Par. 172a Ven. 1768s.— Cdtfn, Cyr. in Ersch. xl Gro- 
bers Encykl. vol. XXII. p. 1483& J. J, f>an VoUenhoven, de Cyr. Hier. catecbesib. AmaL 1887. [SL 
Cyril '« Lectures, 8 cd. In Lib. of the Fathers. See note e.] 

p) Comment on the O. T., Devotional treatises, Homilies, Hymns. Opp. td.J.& Afeman. Som. 
178238. 6 Th. f. Auserw. Schrr. uebcrs. v. P. Zingerl^ Insbr. 18808& 5 vols.— <Z a L&ngsrke: d« 
Ephroemo So. S. interprete. Hal. 1823. 4 Do Ephr. arte hermeneatica. Begiom. 1881. [Ji AtuUben, 
Lib. d. Eph. Syr. Lpa. 1868. 8.] 


cided fonn. The first was destitnte of olassioal edacation, and the last inter- 
preted the Old Testament withont an acqoaintanoe with the Hebrew ; bnt by 
his bold separation of the human element in the writings of inspired men, 
in oipposition to the common views of the Ohurch, he incurred the suspicion 
and finally the oondenmation of the Greek Ohorch, though in the more re- 
mote East he has always been honored as the Interpreter, (q) Arius was a 
pupil of Luoianus, and indeed most of the Eusebians were educated in the 
Antiochian school. But as even this school could not have sprung up with- 
out the influence of Origen, to whom the Arians no leas than tbo Athanasians 
ippealed, the opposition of the two schools was principally of a scientific 
diaracter, and produced no suspicion in the Church until the dose of the 
firarth century. It was a conflict between the allegorical and the historical 
method of interpretation, between ecclesiastical philosophy and ecclesiastical 
biblical theology. 

IT. Thb Obigenistio Gontbovbbst. 

§ 107. Synedus^ Epiphanius and Eieronymu%. 

Those doctrines which had been left undetermined by the Apostles' Creed 
tod the various ecclesiastical controversies, were freely agitated in many ways 
ts late as the close of the fourth oentury. (a) Synesius^ a faithful disciple of 
Hypatia, was made Bishop of Ptolemais (410*81), notwithstanding the reluc- 
tance with which he resigned the leisure of a private life, and his open avowal 
that his philosophical opinions were inconsistent with tlie popular faith, (b) 
In consequence, however, of the exclusive respect then paid to ecclesiastical 
orthodoxy and an ascetic life, a strong party was gradually formed in oppo- 
•itkm to OrigOD, or rather to the free theological investigation occasioned by 
the cultivation of Grecian learning. At the head of this party stood Epipha- 
fut/« of Palestine, the perfect model of a monkish saint. In the year 867 ho 
was mode Bishop of Constantia in the island of Cyprus, where he died in 
408. {e) In a not altogether pure narrative of events which he professes to have 
taken place in his day, and in his work against the heretics, he has brought a 
confused mass of historical knowledge into the service of a passionate but 
pioas zeaL {d) Having in these works placed Origen in the list of heretics, {e) 
he demanded of the leaders of the Alexandrian school in Palestine, John, 

i) Hltnm. eaUL e. 119. Bocrat YI, 8. A catalogne of the writings of DiodoniA (principally lost 
nytt): Amaiuini BibL orient Tb. IIL P. L p. 2S.—A. Mnjo: N. Coll. Rom. 1833. vol. YI. p. las. 
SpfeB. BoouD. Eom. 1840. Th. lY. p. 499bs. Tbeodori quae snpersunt omnia e^ A. F. a Wegn^rn^ 
TK L Ownmtr. in proph«tM YII. Ber. 1884.—/*. X. Si^eri, Thcod. Mop.^ VeteriA T. «(obrie interpre- 
tea fiadez. B«gloiii. 1827. 0. FridoL FritMche, de Tb. M. viU et scriptis. UaL 1880. 

a) Compu JTitron, prooem, in L XYIIL in Esaiam. 

() 0pp. cd. PetatiuM, Par. (1612) 1640. t C. Thilo, Ck>mmtr. In &yn. hymnnm IL v. 1-24. IlaL 
IStti [Select Pooma of Sfn. transl. by IT. S. Boyd. Lond. 1814. S]— Je/n. 77k Clausen, de Syn. 
PUIciopha Llbja« pentapi MetropoUta. Uarn. 1831. 

e) JBpipK hMT. 51, 80. 

^ IlcD^ior, adv. ba«reaea, prefixed to the 'AyicvpunSst de fido scrmo. 0pp. ed. Pctavias. Par. 
UAIHl £ Camp, ffisron, cataL c. lU SoeraL YI, 10. 18. Sotom. M, 82. YII. 27. VIII, 14s. 

<) Haer. 44. Of ft almUar character: (7. If. £, LommatMch, de origine et progressu hacrusLs Orl- 
mvm. Lpa. 1846L P. L 4 


Bishop of Jerusalem, Hieronymns, and Rnfinns, that they should snstain his 
opinion (894). Eieronymus (Jerome) of Stridon (about 831-420), after many 
conflicts in the world and in the desert, presided over a company of hermits 
and pions Roman ladies at Bethlehem. In a dream he was once jvermitted 
to choose whether he would become a Ciceronian or a Christian. He then 
abjured all worldly literature, though he never seems to have taken the vow 
in a very rigid sense. His spirit was active, his knowledge extensive, his 
policy worldly, and his enthusiasm intense for all that was then esteemed for 
sanctity. Though destitute of profound thought or feeling, he was the means 
of introducing Greek-ecclesiastical and Hebrew learning into the Western 
portion of the Church. In his exposition of the Scriptures, the Alexandrian 
tendency was predominant, but the Antiochian interpreters were consulted, 
and all kinds of sentiments are rapidly and cautiously, learnedly and conve- 
niently thrown together. (/) At one time Origen was extolled above all 
human authors, and the suspicions which many entertained respecting him 
were imputed to a malignant jealousy of his reputation, {g) but it was charac- 
teristic of a nature like that of Ilieronymus, afterwards to abandon him. 
This produced a rupture between Ilieronymus and Kufinus, in consequence 
of which their characters are utterly blackened in each other's writings. (A) 
Rvfinus withdrew to Aquileia (d. 410), where he endeavored to spread the 
fame of Origen in the West by translations from his works, and to save these 
from imputations of heresy by alterations of them, (i) 

§ 108. Chrysastom, 

I. 0pp. ed. A d0 Mon^auc<m ; Par. ITIS-^ 18 Th. f. rep. Par. 1884-^. 18 Tb. 4. Comp. Fabrictt 
Bibl. Th. YIIL p. 454AS. [Most of the Ilomillos on the N. T. aro trans]. & pobl. in the Lib. of the 
Fathprs, see $ 100, note «. His treatise on Compunction Is transl. h publ. by Ven^r. Lond. ITSS. 8L 
and that on the Prlcnthood, by Bunee, Lond. 1759. B.'\—PaU<idii Kpisc. Ilclenopollt Dial de Tlta 
Ja Chrys. ed. Bigot, Par. 1680. 4. and In Mon^aucon, Th. XIII. Socrat VI, 8-18. SoKom. VIII, 
7-20. Writings of Hieron. ^ Theophil. In IHer. 0pp. VaUaraty Th. I. Ep. 86aa. 

IL Stilting, de 8. Chrya (Acta Sanct Sept Th. IV. p. iOlss.) A. Ketmder, d. h. Joh. ChrysL «. 
d. Klrche bes. des Orientea In dossen Zeftn BrL (18218.) 18828& 2 toIs. [Joh. Chrys. & the Oriental 
Church In his times, fh>m the Germ, of Ncander, by StapMon^ Lond. 1588. 8.] Bokring«r, d. K. n. 
Ihre Zeogen. vol. L Abth. 8. [Art In Kitto's Journal of BibL Lit vol I.] 

Most of the Egyptian monks in their controversies with the followers of 
Origen residing among them, described God as a pure spirit, and could form 
no conception of Him who made man after his own image except in a hn- 

/) Coromentarie^ Literary history, Chronolo(;y, Histories of saints, Satires, EplsUes, &ol 0pp. ad. 
ErasmuM, Has. 15168a. » Th. f & oft Mttrtianay, Par. 1698s8. 6 Th. f. TdUarti, Ver. 1784ss. 11 Th. 
4 Yen. 176668. 11 Th. 4. [Sel Epp. of Jerome, transl Into Engl Lond. 1680. 4. Epistle to Nepotian 
transl Lond. 1715. 8.]— For him. Martlanay, la viode 8. Jerome. Par. 1706. 4 Stilting, de 8. Hler. 
(Acta Sanct Sept Tb. VIIL p. 4188s.) Against him: deriens, Quaestt Uieronymianae. Amst 1700. 
Of hJm : EngeUtofi, Uieron. llavn. 1797. D. v. C6Un, Hler. in Ersch. n. Qmb. Encykl Sect IL 

vol vni. 

g) Jlieron. 0pp. vol IV. Th. II. p. 68. 480.— Ep. 67. ad Theopli. 

h) Jlieron, E[)p. 8S-41. Rujin, Praet ad Orig. de princ & Apol S. Invectivamm In Iller. I IL 
nitron. Apol adv. KuC I IL dc (a rejoinder to Rnfln's lost answer) Responsio n Apol I III. 

Tf/rannii Rufini 0pp. ed. VaUarai, Ver. 1745. f. Th. I.— Mar. de RuhtU, Monument* Boo. 
Aqnil<^en8is. Argent 1740. £ pi SOss. h de Ru/lno. Yen. 17U. K. J, U. MamttUni, de Turannii Buf. 
fide ot rcl Patr. 1835. Cacciari Ac KimtneL ($ 92. note b.) 


man form (anthropomorphites). Theophilus^ the crafty and violent Bishop 
of Alexandria (885-412), who had heen an admirer of Origen, suddenly 
became convinced that he was a heretic in consequence of some offences 
received ft-om the followers of that teacher, and some throats from the An- 
thropomorphites, whose fanaticism he wished to render subservient to his 
purposes. He passed sentence of condemnation upon the memory of Origen 
(899), and was sustained in his decision by the Roman Church, (a) Those of 
the monks who favored Origen were much abused by him, but found a pro- 
tector In John, Bishop of Constantinople, called in subsequent ages Chryaos- 
(am. Contrary to the wishes of Theophilus, as well as his own, he was taken 
from Antioch, and (after 898) presided over the church at Constantinople. 
Theophilus was summoned by the Emperor to the capital, where, after be- 
eoming thoroughly acquainted with the state of affairs, he contrived to ob- 
tun the position of judge instead of defendant. Chrysastom, with sincere 
Christian earnestness, had carried out the intelligent method of Scriptural 
interpretation pursued in the school of Antioch, and the rhetorical principles 
of libanins, and had exemplified in his own life, as far as was possible for 
any man, the ideal of the priesthood, which in his youthful fervor ho had de- 
nribed. (b) His habits were strictly monastic, he was poor with respect to 
himself, but rich in his benefhctions to the poor, and mild in disposition, but 
terribly eloquent in opposition to all courtly extravagances. By the Empress 
Eodoxia and her dependants such a man was soon doomed to destruction. 
At the synod of 77ie Oah (408), after many confused and absurd accusations, 
Theophilos pronounced against him a sentence of deposition and banish- 
ment. The lamentations and threats of the people wore powerful enough to 
effect his speedy recall, but the Empress, like a modem Herodias, finally suc- 
ceeded in having him banished to Pontus. (404) Innocent I. pleaded his in- 
nocence in vain. (<;) Praising God for all that had taken place, he died in 
extreme distress (Sept. 14, 407). The body of the saint was brought back to 
Constantinople (488) in a triumphal procession, {d) The goodness of Chry- 
eostom was highly honored by an age which forgot and misunderstood the 
ip^did talents of Origen. 

III. The Pelagian Controvebsy. 

L 1) Tht polemical writings of Augu*tiM: 0pp. Tb. X. e<ld. BcnedictL JTieron. Epp. 48. ad 

CtatpbonUm. Dlall. adr. Peltgianm 1. III. (Th. IV. P. II.) Oroaii AiK)lopetIcus contra. Pel. Ao- 

coaat<tf th« eontroveray in Pa]e9tine. 415. (0pp. cd. Ilaverkamp, Lupd. 173vS. 4.) Jfurius Jferattor^ 

C«iiaMDitorla. 429. 431. (0pp. ed. BaluM. Par. 16S4.) 2) Frn^mente of Pelagim &, CoeUttius may 

W fiNDid in tbeM polemical writings, and some treatiaes of Pelnglus havo been prcwrved becaoso 

^ were mistaken tor works of Ifieronymns. Before the controversy : Expo^ltt, in Epp. Paullnaa 

iHlff. OpfK Th. V. pi 9iSm.) In the time of the controversy: Ep. ad Demetriadem (cd. Semler, Hal. 

^"1.) 4 UbelL fldei ad Innoe. I. (Hler. Opp. Th. V. p. IHm.) Fragmonfc^ of the iK)lem. treatises of 

JiHanmM of Eclanum in Aogustine & Mercator. 8) Original documents in Augugt, Opp. Th, X. 


IL G. J. VonH IS. de controversil^ qaas Pel. (^jasqae reliquiae movcrnnt Lugd. 1613. 4. auci cd. 

■^JToMiTh. III. p. 979881 

^) n«pl lepwtf^f L VL ed. ./: il. Bengel, Stuttg. 1729. Lw, Leipa. 1884. [transl. into Engl, by 
*«Mt Lood. 1739. 9.] Uebers. ▼. Haaselbach, Strals. 1820. v. Ritter. BrL 1821. 
«)Jraiu<Th.IILi».1099« d) SoeralYll^U. liiesph. XIY, 4S, 


Q, VoM, Amst 1655. 4 NoHtii H. PcUglana. Pat 167& C (Opix Yeron. 17S9L Th. L) Oamerii Dm, 
YII. qaibus Integra continetnr Polagianor. Uldt (lo bis edit of Morcator. Par. 167& Th. I.) O. F, 
WlggetK, pragui. DantelL des Aogustinlnnaa n. Pelagiantam. Bri. 1821. vol L HamU 1888. toL IL 
[An Hist Presentation of Aufaftintsm it Pel. from tbe Germ, of O. F. Wtg^en by O. B, EmsrtoiL 
Andover. 1S40. & Art in Cbrist Spect on Early H. of Thad. vol lY. p. S91ia for tba year 188ft. 
PrinocUm Tlieol. Essays, vol. L p. SOss. An able Hist of AugosUnism baa been written in French 
in Paris, by ^f. Poi^aloL] J. G. Voigt^ de thooria Angnstinlano, SemipoL et Sjmerglat Goett 1899. 
LenUen^ de Pelagianor. doctr. prinoipiia. Colon. 188& J. L, Jaeobi, d. Lehr* <L Pielagla& Lpc 184& 

§ 109. PelagianUm and Augttstinism. 

The freedom of man is identical with his dependence upon God, bat when 
we reflect upon the subject both these relations appear Yery different. In 
their controversies with the Montanists and Manichaeans the Ghreek fathers 
gave special prominence to the doctrine of hnman freedom. The Latin 
Church, which had been much affected by TertuUian's Montanistio qurit| 
gave greater prominence to the doctrine of man^s dependence, and its writersi 
without denying the innocence of children or the freedom of adults, demon* 
strated the necessity of diviue grace in opposition to human freedom, by 
proving that ever since Adam^s fall the nature of man has been oontmnally 
depraved. PeUigiu* and Coelettixu, pious monks, driven by the incursions of 
the barbarians from Britain (Bretogne ?), their native country, first to Rome 
(409), and afterwards to Africa (411), that they might promote the interests 
of morality, were especially zealous for the freedom of the will. In oppo- 
sition to the views then prevalent in Africa, they maintained that man's na- 
ture was not corrupted by the fall of Adam, and that even whore Christian- 
ity was not known men might render themselves by the power of their own 
wills proper subjects of divine grace. They acknowledged, however, that 
men received much assistance from the Church, where it could be obtained, 
and that those who were subjects of the kingdom of Christ participated in 
more exalted blessings. Augustine perceived that if this doctrine were o(»i* 
sistently carried out, men's confidence in redemption and in the Church, as 
indispensable to solvation, would be seriously endangered. In behalf of 
these, therefore, he maintained his theories of OrigincU Sin and Pred^stina* 
tion^ alleging that, " in consequence of Adam's fall man's nature has been 
burdened with an infinite guilt, and is incapable of good by its own power. 
By divine grace, therefore, without man's co-operation, and through the in- 
strumentality of the Church, a new life is imparted to some, while others are 
abandoned by divine justice to their own corruption, and from all eternity 
were ordained to condemnation." 

§ 110. Augustinut, 

L Opp. odd. Benedictini, Par. 1679-1 70a 11 Tb. t (reca& & app. CUricu^) Anto. 1700k li Th. £ 
(Yen. 1729sa. 12 Th. f. 17568a. 18 Tb. 4) Par. 188&-9. 11 Tb. i,—Potidiua, TiU Aug. & Indieolw Op*- 
rum (about 432) in the editt of bis work& Tbe life of Aog. by an anon, writer (ed. Cramer^ KIL ISH.) 
was compiled fh>m tbe Confessions Jc Poaaidlna. (7ennaJ<iM, de viria iUnstr. o. 88. 

II. C. Bindemann^ d. b. Ang. Brl 1S41. vol. I. Bdhringer^ d. K. n. Ihre Zengen. toL I. Abth. t, 
K. Branny, Monnika n. Angustin. Orcmma. 1846. [Angnstlne'a City of God, tranal. Lond. 1680. t 
Meditations by SUinhope, Lond. 1745. dc Confessions by WatU, Lond. 1681. 12. Ilia Confteslona, 8 fld. 
revised by Puney (Jc republisbcd In Boston, 1S42. 12.\ in vol. L Sermons in vola. 16 A 90, & Oom« 
nient on Ptialms in voli. 24 & 25, and on John in vol 26 of the Lib. o# the Fathers. See g 106^ note A 
P. Schaff, Life A Labors of St Aug. from tbe Oenn. by T. C. Porter. New York. 18M. 12.] 

Aurdius Augustinus was bom at Tagaste in Nnmidia, Nor. 18, 8M. Hifi dogtbese. s 107- auqustixe. 123 

mind had been deeply imbaed daring childhood with the principles of Ghris- 
tianitj, throngb the instructions of his mother Monica, Bnt when only a 
yonth of seventeen years he studied the Roman classics, and gave himself np 
to worldly pleasures. Cioero^s eloquent pleadings for the value of Phi- 
loaophy re-awakened his desire for something more certain and eternal. 
The Scriptnres were too simple for his glowing fancy. Seduced by the prom- 
ise of the Manichaeans that complete truth would be revealed to all whose 
ranon independently investigated its own depth?, he continued for nine years 
uider their instruction, when he became satisfied that he had been deceived, 
tnd doubted whether any truth could be known. But on his acquaintance 
with New-Platonism another life seemed open to his pursuit. As an in- 
Mmctor in eloquence he visited Rome in 888 and Milan in 885, still devoting 
himself to the enjoyment of sensual pleasures. Prompted by some rccolleo- 
tioDs of early childhood he was induced to listen to Ambrose simply as an 
ontcHT, that he might compare the Platonic wisdom with the gospeL Then 
oommenoed in his heart, principally through the influence of the writings of 
Plud, a severe struggle between the temporal and the eternal, the progress of 
wliieh was much assisted by the prayers and tears of his mother. In a sud- 
ioL transport of his feelings he became satisfied of his own miraculous con- 
fWilon, and on Easter^night, 887, he, with his natural son, was baptized by 
Ambrose. He immediately resigned his professorship of rhetoric and re- 
paired to his native city, where, with a company of devout associates, he lived 
in retirement from the world until he was ordained in Hippo Regius (Bona), 
ftfBt a presibyter (891), afterwards an assistant bishop (895). Then commenced 
Ui ecclesiastical life, and the AiVican churches were subsequently governed 
bj his intellectnal energies. His infiuence became predominant in every 
pirt of the West, and his fame had extended through the whole Church, 
when he was for three months besieged in his own city by the Vandals, and 
fied Angnst 28, 480, singing the Penitential Psalms. — His earlier writings 
treat of Rhetoric and Philosophy, and are for the most part lost. His theo- 
logical writings, consisting of devotional, doctrinal, and especially controver- 
i^ treatises, are diffuse, full of repetitions, artificial, and often insipid by 
nere plays upon words. His interpretations of Scripture exhibit no extensive 
knowledge of languages, or historical accuracy, {a) And yet all his works 
tre characterized by an exuberance of intellectual life, a profound knowledge 
of the human heart, and an all-controlling love to God breaking forth in the 
most impassioned forms of speech. He never shrunk from a thought, how- 
ever startling, and in his writings he has freely expressed the most liberal, as 
weQ as the most tremendous conceptions which ever rose in an inquiring 
^lirit, according to the exigencies of his train of reasoning. In his Confes- 
Mii (tbout 400), with the proud self-abasement of a saint, as it were in a 
amftifffi^ynal before God, he has freely described himself in his intellectual 
MksdaesB. Qi) His Retractations (about 429) contain indeed a severe criti- 

«) R K. Ganmm^ AngasUnQi 8. Scr. Interprea. Hafti. lS2a 

i) CoBfeviooam L XIIL praeC Neandsr^ Bor. 1S28. ed. Bruder, LpA. 1S37. Trand. as an excel- 
^ vmk. of dtTotion Into the variooa laDgnages of Europe. [Revised fh>m a fonner Engl. tranaL \>j 



cism on his writings by his own hand ; bat it is evident, also, that they were 
intended to recall or mitigate whatever in his earlier works was favorable to 
the Pelagians. In his writings against the Manichaeans he had given promi- 
nence to some sentiments favorable to the freedom and goodness of the hu- 
man wUl. In his controversy with the Donatists the idea every where pre- 
vailing is, that of a Church which is the only source of truth and certainty. 
In his own life there had been the most direct contrast between the opera- 
tions of sin and of grace, and his exalted piety took pleasure in uncondition- 
ally rejecting himself that he might live wholly upon Grod's grace in Christ 

§111. Victory of Auguitinism, 

The controversy commenced with personal reproaches against Coelestius, 
At a synod held at Carthage (412) he was expelled from the Church, when 
he betook himself to Ephesus, and was there ordained a presbyter. Pelagiu$ 
had previously gone to Palestine, where he was opposed by Eieronymtts on 
the ground of his being a follower of Origen. Augustine, at first, in a veiy 
respectful manner, by writing, and through Orosim^ his messenger, opened a 
controversy with him. At a synod convened at Dioapolis in Palestine (415), 
he was accused of maintaining that men could live without sin, but his con- 
demnation was prevented by JohUy Bishop of Jerusalem, The African 
Church, however, convinced by Augustine of the danger which threatened 
the cause of truth through him, condemned him at the Synods of Milete and 
Carthage (416), and was sustained in its decision by the concurrence of InfUh- 
cent I, Zonmue^ the successor of Innocent, entirely mistaking the impor- 
tance of this controversy, at first gave protection to the Pelagians (417), but 
afterwards, when the African Church and the imperial court demanded their 
condemnation, with a similar ignorance he denounced them in his Epistola 
tractatoria (418). Julianus of Eclanxtm and eighteen other bishops were de- 
posed and driven from Italy as Pelagians. These generally took refuge at 
Constantinople, where Nestorius, in accordance with the general spirit of the 
Oriental Church, received them. This gave occasion for a connection of their 
cause with that of the heresy of Nestorius, in consequence of which the Pe- 
lagians were condenmed with the Nestorians at the general Synod of Ephe- 
sus (481). 

§ 112. Semipelagianism, 

Jo. Gefi'ten^ Hist Semfpela^anlsmi Antlqntoslma (till 4M) Ooett 1820. 4. Wiggern^ AufOBdnli- 
mus XX. PelagUnismaa, toI. II. (till 029.) [Bee bcC g 109. Also an Eauy of ProC Wiffgert In Nled- 
ner'B ZeltBchr. for Jan. 1854.] 

The Greek Church had never taken any real interest in this controversy, 
and even at a later period it simply taught that human nature had been ren- 
dered infirm in consequence of Adam^s iall. But even in the Western 
churches the whole system of Angustinism had never been sincerely and 
openly accepted by the public mind. Augustine himself received informa- 
tion that an intermediate opinion had been propagated among the monks of 

K R Pu»€y, A publ. In the Lib. of the Fathers (sec $ 106, note e.) vol I. Oxf. 1840. A repobL 
ton. 1842.] DOGTBINE. S 112. bemipelaoianb. cassian. faubtus. 125 

XngHilift^ principally throagh the iaflaence of John Cassianus {a\ a disciple of 
the Desert and of ChrysoBtom. According to this view (afterwards called 
SemipelagianUm)^ the moral power of man has indeed been enfeebled, bat 
not destroyed, in consequence of Adams^ fall, and hence divine grace and Im- 
man freedom conspired together, and acted in concert with each other in the 
work of man's salvation. This doctrine, which conceded as much to the 
Church as to the free moral natnre of man, and without which there seemed 
to be no special advantage in a monastic life, obtained great favor. The 
Church, however, had too decidedly committed itself on the side of Angus- 
tine, the authority of this father was then too great, and the reasoning by 
which his doctrines were sustained was too irresistible, to permit a general 
and open departure from his principles. In the West, therefore, there was 
always an obscurity and instability of sentiment on this subject. In Gaul 
Semipelagianism was decidedly in the ascendant. Acting under the direc- 
tion of the Synod of Arelate (472), Faustus^ Bishop of Khegium, but pre- 
Tiomsly Abbot of Levins, drew up a Semipelagian confession, which was sub- 
Nribed by all the bishops at the Synod of Lyons (475). {h) From policy and 
a pious regard for Augustine, the sacred name of that father was not men- 
tioned, but this was only to assail with greater recklessness the character of 
btt followers. A sect of Predestinarians, distinctively so called, never ex- 
isted except in the ima^nations of their opponents, and an extreme defence 
of predestination professing to have been put forth at that time, is, if not a 
Jcsoitica], at least a Pelagian work, (e) In Africa and Home a tendency to 
Angnstiniam prevailed, and through Komish influence at the Synods of Arau- 
m (Orange) and Valentia (529) a decision was obtained in favor of the ex- 
dorive operation of divine grace, {d) although predestination, which must 
Bceessarily be inferred from this, was evidently evaded. As both parties 
therefore shnrnk from extreme views the controversy never produced an ac- 
tual schism in the Church, although sometimes a monk or a presbyter was op- 
prciBed by his bishop, now in the name of Augustine, and again in defence 
of human freedom. But just as Augustine has been regarded as a saint by 
the whole Church, Cassian and Faustus have always been honored as saints 
in tbdr own country. 

•) De ixutltntis coenobioram L XIL Collationes Patrum XX IV. De tncarn. ChrisU adr. Noator. 
I VILOpik ed. Alardus Gaaaeus, DuacL 161 6w 8 Th. auct AtrebatL 162S. f.— Wiggera, do Jo. Caas. 
HarfBcsM cmm. IIL Sost 1S24& 4. 

I) De gratia Dei et bamanao mentia liboro arbitrlo. (Bibl. PP. Lngd. Th. YIII.) Itanai Th. TIL 

c) b tba 8d toL of the Predeatlnatiu. Ed. Sirmond, Par. 164a A Gallandii Tb. X p. 8578B.— 
^VOfn, ToL IL pu 829aa. [yearuUr^ Hist vol II. p. 841ss.] 
i) M<md Tb. TllL p. Tllfis. [LaudotCa Man. of Cotmcils. p. 447.] 



I. Liherati (Arcbldiao. Carth. about 058) Brevlarium oaaM^ Nestorianoram et Entjohlan. Ed. 
Oamerius. Par. 1675. and in Mantd Th. IX. p. eS9m. {OOcuitu I. T) BreTlcolaa Hist Entyehian* 
Istarum a. geata do nomine AcacIL (J/afi«(, Th. VIL p. 106*^) LeonUu* BffanHnu9: de Metis 
actio 5-10. Contra Eutychianoa et Neatorian. {GaUandii Th. XXL p. 6218a. 658b8.)— IL Walok^ 
Ketzerhiet Th. V.-VIIL JSaur, L. t. d. Dreielnlgk. toI. I. p. eOSta. toL II. Domer, Entwiok- 
longs'reseh. d. L. t. d. Person Chr. Stnttg. 1689. p. OOaa. [JK. J. WUberforof^ On the Incamatkm of 
J. C. 2 ed. Lond. 1849. Philad. 1849. p. ISlsa.] 

§ 113. The Kestorian Controversy. 

L Orig. DocQinenta in ManH Th. lY. p. 567v. Th. Y. YIL p. S4lBa. JToHim Mereator^ d« 
haeresi Nest (0pp. vol. II.) Socrat YII, 2988. Evagr. I, 7ba. 

II. Jahlovtkij I>o Nestorianismo. Ber. 17M. 4. Ofngl^^ ft. d. Yerdammnng d. Neat (TftU 
Qnartalschr. 1S85. P. 2.)— /Sa/I(7, da Eatychianiamo ante Eutyoben. Wolfenk t72& 4. 

The doctrine of a divine nature in Christ had now forced its waj to a 
general acceptance, and that of his human nature had always been taken for 
granted ; but when men reflected upon the relation which these sustained 
toward each other, they were in danger of either asserting their unity so 
strictly that the human nature was wholly lost in the Deity, or, to secure the 
existence of the human nature, of maintaining its separation so rigidly 
that the unity of Christ^s person would be destroyed. The natural tendency 
of each school induced the Alexandrian to adopt the former, and the An- 
tiochian the latter extreme. Accordingly, when Nestorive^ originally a pres- 
byter at Antioch, but after 428 the Metropolitan of Ck>nstantinople, full of 
zeal for orthodoxy, and according to the customary language of his school, 
carefully distinguished in opposition to Apollinarb between the two natures 
of Christ (Mary being called xp^^^^^i^^^t i^^t 3(or($ieor, and the relation of the 
natures, awd^tia and iPoUrfait), so that the qualities (Ibivfiara) co-operated 
in the accomplishment of man's redemption, Cyril of Alexandria (412-444), 
the nephew, and in every respect the successor of Theophilus, advocated a 
union of natures ((pvaiKrf iviaan) so complete, that the peculiarities of eadi 
were predicable of the other. These opposite views, sustained respectively 
by the two great eastern bishoprics, and by the schools of Alexandria and 
Antioch, from their peculiar nature, aflTorded ample occasion for misunder- 
standings and unhappy inferences. Both parties were charged with having 
destroyed all faith in man's redemption ; Nestorius by his assertion of the 
doctrine of two independent natures, and Cyril by his denial of the human 
nature of Christ. Cyril succeeded in arraying the Roman Church against 
Nestorius, by connecting the controversy with the Pelagian. Nestorius was 
condemned at the Synods of Alexandria and Eome (480), and Cyril pub- 
lished his jioctrines in twelve Anathemas, to which Nestorius opposed twdve 
others, (a) A general assembly of the Church was convened by Theodoiius 
IL at Ephesus (431), in which Cyril and his bishops pronounced condemna- 
tion upon Nestorius before the Syrian and Greek bishops had arrived. On 
the arrival of these bishops they chose John of Antioch for their president, 
and deposed Cyril. The latter, however, well knew how to gain the fiivor 

a) JTofMi, Tb. lY. p. 1067bb. pc 109988. Mumieh^r, CdUn^ DGewb. toL L pi DOCTRINS. S 118^ 3!^^T0BIAN181L fll^ BUTYCHIANI81L 127 

of the emperor, and to produce dissension among the bishops of the opposite 
psrtj. He even became reconciled to John of Antioch, having finally con- 
tented to snbBcribe (488) the articles of faith which that prelate had induced 
his party to adopt at Ephesos, (h) in which the two natures of Christ were 
especially distinguished. In such a strife of mere intrigues, Kestorius, with 
his monastic learning and want of practical tact, was no match for his op- 
poDoitB. He was soon deserted by all parties, and died in wretchedness 
(aboot 440), with his character misunderstood and his doctrine misrepresent- 
ed. The only advocate of his opinions by which the conflict was continued, 
was the theological school of Edetaa^ a branch of the Antiochian, and this 
gradually withdrew to Persia. Under its influence, the Persian churches 
penerered in their opposition to the Synod of Ephesus, and undef the name 
of Chaldean Christiana, or Christiana of St, Thomas, as they were called in 
India, or Neatoriana, as they were called by their opponents, they became 
aumeroiiB, and carried far into Asia the principles of Christian beneficence 
md Grecian refinement. But even in the imperial Church, a disposition 
friendly to Neatorianism was continued, especially under the influence of 
Ihaa^ Bi8hq> of Edeesa (486-457), and the learned Theodoret. (e) 

§ 114. The Eutychian Controteray, 
Aeto In ManH Tb. YL TIL Evagr, I, 9«i II, 9. 

The controversy which had been thus violently and deceptively settled 
temed faintly still, with Alexandria and Palestine on the one side, and Con- 
tUnUinople and Asia on the other. When, therefore, Eutyehes, an archiman- 
drite of Constantinople, obstinate in his disposition, but well versed in the 
Beriptures, taught, in direct opposition to Nestorianism, that every thing hu- 
BtD in the nature of Christ was absorbed by his divinity, and became one 
Btture with it, Flatianus, Bishop of Constantinople, had him condemned at 
Aiynod of hia diocese (448). (a) Leo the Great approved of this decision in 
n epistle in which, though ho maintained that the two natures of Christ acted 
ii perfect harmony, he clearly distinguished between what was divine and 
ivliat was human in the life of Jesus, (h) Dioscurus of Alexandria ( 111 51), 
liio, in defending Eatyches, felt that he was equally defending his predecessor 
Gjril, succeeded at the general synod of EpJiesm (449), through the influ- 
nee of an excited populace, in justifying Eutyches and deposing Flavian. 
We are assured by the emperor Theodosius II., that the decision was obtained 
ia a perfectly legal manner, on tlie basis of the prior decrees of Ephesus and 
KietM. But on the sudden death of the emperor (450), the general feeling 
<f diipleasore at the violent proceedings of Dioscurus found a public ex- 
pMnoD. The empress Pulcheria and her husband Mareianvs convoked a 
Gciwral Council at Chalcedon (451), whose decision was secured by the mi'>de 

i) JbM< Th. IV. p. 878. oomp. 781& SOSsi. 

t)A9ttmaml De Byrto Nettorianii. (BlbL Orient Som. 172a £ Th. III. P. II.) Ehedjem L. 
*iqirilie<l«T«rit lldeL {A, Maji N. CoIL Th. 2L P. IL) [if. Grant, Hist, of the Nestori«xiii 
■*!«*. Itoa] 

^Tbe Aeto in tlM Aetto L id Oudoedon. ManH Th. YL p. M9a& [Land<m, p. 16788.] 

^)EMdFliTfmiiii. X«(m. Oppc edd. JSSdUdrtoi. Ep. S& 


in which it was constituted. Dioscuras was deposed, Eatjches was con* 
demned, not only Ibos and Theodoret, but even Cyril were declared or- 
thodox, and the doctrine of the Church was established on the basis of the 
Boman epistle : Two natures are without confusion but inseparably united in 
the one person of Christ The Synod of Ephesus has ever since been regard- 
ed as the Robber-Synod (avuodos Xi/orpix^). (c) 

§ 115. The Monaphy$ite8, The Content respecting Chalcedon. 

Acts in ManH Th. YII. p. 4S1-IX. p. 70a LeonUut Byu, de scctto liber, actio 6-10. and Contm 
Eutychianoe et Ne«tnrian. 1. IIL (Gallandiiy BibL Th. XII.) Writings and Fragments of the 
Party Leaders in A. Maji N. ColL ISSa Th. VIL P. L and SpiciL Bom. Th. III. X, Etagr. II, bm. 

The Alexandrians, who gave special prominence to the divine nature in 
Christ, and yet were unwilling to connect themselves with the Eutychian 
party, felt much aggrieved by the action of the Council of Chalcedon. They 
were called by their opponents JJonophysites, and these opponents were 
called by them Nestorians and Dyophysites. The controversy was at first 
conducted by insurrections of monks and of people, and in Palestine was 
attended with bloodshed, but in Alexandria and Antioch each party set up 
its rival bishops. The emperor Leo I. (457-474) sustained the decisions of 
Chalcedon, though with a judicious moderation. Peter Fullo (yva<f)fvs) hav- 
ing assumed the office of Bishop of Antioch, and introduced into the liturgy 
a Monophysite formula, which asserted that God had been crucified (thence 
called Theopaschites), was expelled by the emperor. In the revolutions 
which then took place so frequently in the imperial palace, ecclesiastical con- 
troversies were made subservient to political intrigues. When the emperor 
Zeno Isauricus was overthrown by Baniluem (476), the latter strengthened 
his party by gaining over the Monophysites, and published a circular in 
which he condemned the Synod of Chalcedon. (a) The insurrection in Con- 
stantinople by which Zeno was restored to his throne (477), was under the 
direction of the Catholic patriarch Aeaeius. The Monophysites, however, 
had exhibited so much power under the usurper, that the emperor, by the 
advice of the patriarch, endeavored to reconcile them by publisliing a creed 
called the Uenoticon (h) (482), in which the disputed articles were entirely 
avoided. Felix 11.^ the Roman bishop, placed himself at the head of those 
zealots who were opposed to this fellowship with the Monophysites, and 
excommunicated Acacius (484). But even the more rigid portion of the 
Monophysites in Egypt withdrew from their own patriarch, who had been 
so easily pacified (thence called 'Akc<^oi). Though both parties equally 
reviled the Uenoticon, it was the means of external peace in the Oriental 
Church, and Anastasitis (401-^18), who attempted to free the state from 
both parties, was equally hated, threatened and calumniated by both. Jmtm 
L (518-527) decided against the Monophysites and expelled their bishops, 
but in Egypt, where their cause was popular, he was politic enough not to 
assail them. In Alexandria, however, they fell out among themselves, for 

c) Leicaldy die sogen. Biubersynode. (Illgen's Zeitachr. toI YIII. P. 1.) [London, p. 8t& 11&] 
o) JSvoffr. Ill, 4. b) Ibid. Ill, 14 Btrger, Hanotica Orient Tit 1T98. 4. DOCTBINE. 1 116. 8EVEKIAN3. J 11«l JUSTINIAN L 129 

the Seteriatu^ so called from Severos their leader, the expelled Patriarch of 
Antioch, who was rather iDclined to confound the divine with the hnman 
nature, and acknowledged that the principal attribute of the latter was the 
eorrnptibility of the body of Christ (therefore reproached as *3apToXaTpat), 
were opposed to the Julianists (A(l)^apTodoKrJTai\ the followers of Julian of 
Ealieamasgus^ who taught that there was such an absorption of the human 
nature into the divinitj that nothing mortal remained, (c) 

§ 116. Justinian, 

Procopiua (d. about 552X espedallj bis military history, and bis bfst of the court : 'AvckSoto, 
mat areana, cd. OreOL Lpe. 1827. Contin. of the Imi). Illst 552-^9. by Affalhias^ cd. Kiebvhr. 
Ban. 19S8L (Corpoa Serr. Byzant P. IIL 1829-44. 

Justinian /., in the course of his long and frequently brilliant reign 
(527-565), by the successful weapons of his generals restored the Roman 
dominion in Africa and Italy to its former splendor. Dutiful toward the 
Church, temperate even to monastic strictness, covetous and yet prodigal, 
active in many departments of business, and untiring in his diligence, though 
moderate in natural talents, he was eager to acquire the reputation of a mas- 
ter in every kind of human knowledge. Even while burdened with the 
cares of bis despotic reign, he digested from the treasures of Roman juris- 
prudence a code of civil law which has been ever since the source of legal 
inence for all civilized nations. lie then attempted in like manner, as a 
theologian, to annihilate all heresies, reconcile all parties, and establish a 
trae system of orthodoxy for all future time. But while he loaded the 
Church with gifts, he increased the distractions of both Church and State by 
bia creeds, and efforts to establish uniformity. In all these he doubtless be- 
fieved that he was guided by his own sagacity, while he was really the mere 
tool of court divines and eunuchs. He was disposed to favor the Council 
o( Chalcedon, but Theodora well knew how to direct his edicts so that they 
generally were favorable to the Monophysites. This woman, having sharae- 
My spent her youthful beauty amid all the dissipations of Constantinople, 
▼•8 exalted, by the favor of the emperor, to be the sharer of his power over 
^ empire, and the sole mistress of himself. On the tlirone she was tyran- 
idcal, but her disposition was lofty and her morals were irreproachable. 
1. On finding that the diECUssions w^hich he had ordered between the Catho- 
Btt And the Monophysites were of no avail, (a) the emperor hoped to win 
the Utter by allowing them to use their formula asserting simply that one of 
the stcred Trinity was crucified (588). But while this only embittered the 
Mings of the Catholics, it was not enough for the Monophysites. Anfhi- 
ftw (585), the Monophysitic patriarch, who had been appointed through 
^^wdora's influence, was removed the next year by the Catholic party, and 
n^tTftff, who had been assisted in his attainment of the Roman see (588) 
^ the secret understanding that he would favor the Monophysites, found 

GUteler^ Monopbysitamm vett variac de Chr. persona opiniones inpr. ex Ipeomm effaUa reeend 
*^10Mtr. Oott 188Su 8a 2 P. 
•)CQQalio CathoUoor. c SeveriaDis a. 581. {Manti Tb. YIIL p^ 817v.) 



no difficulty in absolving himself fW>m his oath, (b) 2. The name of Origin 
was dear to a monastic party in the East, not so mnch for his scientific char- 
acter as for the relation of his system to the Monophysites. This party 
gained great influence at conrt by means of Theodorits Ascida^, Metropolitan 
of Cacsarea in Cappadooia. The Catholic party, however, found means 
through MennaSy the Patriarch of Constantinople, to procure from the empe- 
ror a condemnation of Origon. 8. Thcodorus soon revenged himself by con- 
vincing the emperor that the Monophysites would be reconciled to the 
Church by a sentence of condemnation upon Theodore of Mopsuestia^ the 
instructor of Nestorius, Theodoret of Cyrus and Ihas of Edessa^ tlie princi- 
pals of the Antiochian school. The errors of these teachers having been 
collected (about 644) into three chapters (tria capitula), were accordingly 
condemned by Justinian, {c) Though the Monophysites were much delighted 
with this act, they were on that ac<iount no more partial to the Council of 
Chalcedon. The Catholics, on the other hand, looked upon it as a direct 
assault upon that council. To quell these discussions, Justinian convoked 
the fifth (Ecumenical Council at Constantinople (558), which, in compliance 
with the imperial theology, condemned the three Antiochian teachers, (d) 
Vigilius^ who at first led the West in its opposition to this proceeding, lost 
the glory of his martyrdom by frequent vacillations and concessions. Pda- 
gius became his successor in consequence of his acknowledgment of the 
imperial synod (555). A large portion of the Western bishops now broke 
off connection -with Rome as well as Constantinople, and the liberty of the 
Church found some bold champions not only against the despotism of the 
emperor, but the pliant disposition of the Roman bishop, (e) 4. The last 
attempt of Justinian to draw over the Monophysites, was made when he had 
(564) the doctrine of the IncorrvptihiUty of Christ's body adopted as an 
article of the authorized creed. He had just commenced the work of ex- 
pelling those Catholic bishops who resisted him, when the Church was deliv- 
ered from the confusion produced by his zeal for the faith by his death. (/) 

§ 117. The Edict of Peace and the Monophysite Church, 

Xo sooner had Justin II. reach the throne, than he issued an edict 
(565), (n) in which he admonished all Christians to unite with him to pro- 
mote the glory of the Redeemer, and to contend no more about words and 
persons. Tlie apostolic Catholic Church, however, was at the same time 
assured that its present position would be maintained. Tlie arbitrary man- 
ner in which the imperial laws for the regulation of faith had for some time 
been enforced, rendered such a request from an emperor peculiarly grateftil 
to the public mind. The successors of Yigilius were now more zealous in 

h) Llberati Breviar. c S2. rigilii Epc ad Jiutin. {JfanH Th. IX p. 85.) ad MeBnam. 
{Ibid. p. as.) 

c) JtmUn, ad Mennam adr. Impiam Orig. {ManH Th. IX. p. 487v. eompc 895fl&) 

d) Acta in Manai Th. IX. p. 15788. 

e) Eap. Faeundu* Bfrmiatuntis (aboat 548) pro defensione trinm oapltt L XIL (Oppu ad. J[ 
aimwnd.V9i.\m9. OcUandiiTYi. yiL) 

f) Euigr, IV, 89-40. WaUX, Ketxergeach. toL X. p. 578a& 
a)X9agr,Y^i. A'ieepk. XYll,9S» DOCTHimS. {117. MONOPHY8ITE8. { 118- MONOTHBLITES. 131 

enfordng the ftothority of the fifth oecnmenioal council in the West, than 
he had formerly heen in opposing it It was not^ however, generally 
acknowledged until enhflequent centuries, when it was not opposed, hecause 
tiie auhjects in dispute were nearly forgotten. In the East, each party 
retained possession of all that it had obtained. In opposition to the Catholic 
patriareb of Alexandria, who was sustained entirely by the emperor's power, 
the Mbnophysites possessed a patriarch of their own (after 586), and consti- 
tated the Egyptian national Ohurch of the CopU^ with which was connected 
the Etbiopic Church, (h) The Armenians avaOed themselves of the occa- 
■on when the Henoticon was enacted, to renounce the authority of the S}niod 
of Chalcedon, and thus in the sixth century, when they were subject to the 
Fenian yoke, they entirely renounced all connection with the Church of the 
empire, (e) The apostolic zeal of Jacob Baradai (641-678) gave the Mono- 
phyatee of Syria and ^Mesopotamia a permanent ecclesiastical constitution, 
ind the name of Jacobites, (d) These disruptions from the imperial Catholic 
Church were gradually confirmed by the peculiar customs of the provinces 
where they took place, until by the conquests of Islam, to which they con- 
tributed, they- became irreparable. In the conquered provinces, the Catho- 
Kea, <m account of their connection with the empire (hence called Mekhit^ 
from T\^Xi\ were even more oppressed than the Monophysites, and their 
patriarch generally resided at Constantinople. 

§ 118. The Monothelite Controversy. 

L Orlf. 1>ocaroeiit«In JfrifMi Tb. X. pw 869-1 ISA. Th. XL p. 190-1023. Anastasll Bibliotheearfi (about 
fliV CoIIeetaBM d« U^ quae specUot ad Htst MonotheL ed. Strvmrndy Par. 1620. and GaUandii Th. 
XUL JTUMpkori (Patriarch of Constant d. 888), Breviarium Hist (602-769.) ed. Petavlus, Par. 1616. 

IL /*. OorUnyitiiy Hist baer. Monothelitarum. In hU Anctoar. PP. Par. 164& U, 8. 

While the emperor fferaelivs (after 622) was re-establishing the power 
of the empire in Syria and Armenia, he endeavored to reconcile the Mono- 
physites with the imperial Church, by conceding that although there were 
two natures in Christ, there was but one manifestation of will (cWpycca dcar- 
Vk^)- CyruAf who had been appointed by the emperor patriarch of Alex- 
tadria, succeeded by this expedient in gaining over the Severians of his 
fiooese (688). But when Sophronius^ a monk of Palestine, and after 684 Patri- 
u^ (rf Jerusalem, who happened then to be in Alexandria, excited a violent 
on^ositionto it, the emperor published a creed ("E/cSfo-cr, 688) (a) composed by 
S^ius^ Patriarch of Constantinople, and approved by Honorivs^ the Roman 
Uop,(() whioh aseumed that there was but one Christ and onevnW (tu 
^fu). In this he had more regard to the final adjustment of tlie contro- 
^wsT, than to the victory of the imperial party. But in such an age, a dis- 
pBto thus awakened was not easily set to rest. The Roman bishops after 

TaH-tddini Makrimii (d. 1441X Hist Coptorom obrUt arab. et Ut ed. WeUer. Solisb. 182& 
Jfiei I«7itira, Oriens In IT Patriarabatns digestn^ (Par. 1740. 8 Th. t) Th. II. p. SSTsk. 

^Sainl-MarUn^ JAkm. rar PArman. Th. I. pu 829flB. £ooL Anneniacae canones selectl. (ii. 
*(K5.CoILTh.XP. II.) 

') iMmani, BibL orient Th. IL LequUn L c Th. IL 


^BamorWEi^ ad Serginm. {Mcnui Th. XL pc 687. oomp. 079.) 


John IV, (689), with a stricter reference to the troe faith or the injury of 
their rivals than to the orthodoxy of their predecessors, placed tjieraselves at 
the head of the opposition to the Monothelites, and excluded the patriarch 
of Constantinople from the communion of the Church. A law {rvnot) (e) 
enacted by Constans II, (648) was intended to enforce peace by an arbitrary 
prohibition of the controversy. But Martin I, of Rome, at the first Synod 
of Lateran (649), condemned the Monothelites and both the imperial laws. 
He was consequently first imprisoned, then condemned at Constantinople for 
treason, and finally ho died in great distress, (d) To allay the strife which 
now threatened the precarious power of the empire in Italy, the emperor 
Constantine Pogonatus convoliod the sixth OQcnmenical synod at Constanti- 
nople (680). This assembly, under the influence of Agatho, the Roman 
bishop, besides condemning Honorius, (e) recognized in Christ consistently 
with the doctrine of two nature.**, and certain "passages of Scripture inter- 
preted so as to conform to it, two wills made one by the moral subordination 
of the human. The Monothelites, however, obtained one more transient 
victory in the Greek Church under Philip Bardanes (711-713). But after 
the elevation of Anastasius II, to the throne, they were generally rejected, 
and only a small remnant sustained themselves in the convent of St. Maro on 
Mount Lebanon, under a patriarch of their own. (/) 

§ 119. Ecclesiastical Literature. 

Chrysostom and Augustine were still peerless models for the churches in 
which their languages were respectively spoken. The energies of the Alex- 
andrian and Antiochian schools were exhausted in party strifes. Cyril (d. 
444), whose natural acuteness was under the guidance of his passions, ex- 
ceeded the characteristic limits of the Alexandrian spirit, {a) and Theodoret^ 
Bishop of Cyrvs (d. 457), the last of the Antiochian school, though a judi- 
cious expounder and a devout historian, could not escape the malediction of 
the Church. (&) The qualities of both schools appear to have been onoe 
more combined in the collection of the Epistles of Ind<yre of Pelusium (d. 
about 440), who, though a resident in Alexandria, was the friend of Chrysos- 
tom, and found among the monastic virtues liberty to be mild in science and 
fearless in his opposition to the powerful both in the world and in the 
Church, {c) The writings which assumed the name of Dionysius Areopagita^ 
indicate that the Athenian New-Platonism had become Christianized near 
the commencement of the sixth century, and they have ever since been the 
model of those dispositions which strive to die to themselves, and are wait- 

c) AfanH Th. X. p. 102»8. d) Manti Th. 3L p. 851& 

6) ManH Th. XI. p. 656. 622. 781. 

f) Lequien^ Orlens Chr. Th. IIL p. Isa. Walch, vol. IX. p. 474m. 

a) CommoDtaries, Polem. Treatises, Uomllios, and Letters. 0pp. ed. J. Av^erit Par. 168S. 7 Th. £ 
On Mattb., Hebrews, and 7 dogm. Essays io A. Maji Col. Th. YIIL 

&) Commentariea, History of the Church, Hist, of IIcreeieA, Lives of Saints, and Polem. Treat- 
iacs. 0pp. edd. Sirmond ct GamUr, Par. 1742-84. Th. £ SchuUe et NoeswU, HaL 1769-74. Th.— 
Richter, de Theor. £pp. Panllnar. interprete. Lps. 1822. 

c) Epp. 1. IV. cd. RiUerhwt, ITdlb. 1605. £ Epp. ineditae, ed. SchotL Anto. 1623. £ All together: 
Par. 1638. Yen. 1745. t—IT. A. Niemeyer^ de Isid. Pelosiotae vita, scriptia et doctr. HaL 182S. eompk 
Arch. £ KQesch. 1826. P. 8. pc 197bb. DOCTBINR S 119. PHILOPONITS. BOETHIUS. CASSIODOBUd. 133 

ing patiently for a complete nnion with the Deity, (d) The Aristotelian sys- 
tem of logio waa used in all theological controversies. JoJin Philoponvs 
(middle of the 6th century), the acnte expounder of Aristotle, and the inde- 
pendent Christian philosopher, hat an adherent of the Monophysites, declared 
Iiimself in the Greek Chnrch decidedly partial to this tendency, thongh not 
imfriendly to many doctrines of Platonism. He was accused of Tritheism, 
because the ideas entertained hy the Church on the suhject of the divine 
nature and personality were not satisfactory to him, and he took offence at 
the doctrine of the resurrection, which he descrihed as a new creation, since 
with the form he maintained that the matter of the hody was gone, (c) The 
Roman Church hecame acquainted with Aristotle through the labors of 
A» M. T. S^ Boetliiu9, In the writings which hear his name, Aristotelian 
formulae are used to defend the doctrines of the Incarnation and the Trinity. 
But in prison his mind had been raised above the fear of death by the conso- 
lations of a pious heathen philosophy. He died (524) in defence of the 
interests of his native land, and the Church has invested him with the glory 
of martyrdom. By birth, merit, and success he resembled the nobler Ro- 
mans of the Augustan age, and indeed he may be regarded as the last speci- 
men of the race. (/) The sciences which had been created by the peculiar 
character of the Greeks and the Romans, necessarily shared in the declining 
fortunes of those nations. The last signs of Uellenic refinement disappeared 
io the sixth century from every portion of the empire except Rome and Con- 
stantinople with the ravages of the Barbarians, of the Pestilence, and of the 
Cfhurch itself. A meagre collection of traditions was all that now remained, 
because it had been appropriated to her own use by the Church. Even 
Ounodorus (a consul and a monk, d. about 562) attempted to preserve only 
those fragments of science which he thought might be serviceable to the 
Charch. (^) Scriptural exegesis consisted entirely of such compilations from 
the treasures of former times as had been commenced in the East by Froco- 
piut Gazaeus (about 520), and in the West by Frimasius of Adrymetvm 
(about 550). (h) A system of doctrines had likewise been formed for the 

tf)nc/»2 T^t Upapx^f*-^- n€p2 T^s iKKKtciaarriKTii itpapx^cis- Tltpl dtlvy ovoixdrwy. Utpl 
MWTiK^f btoXoylaf. Epp. XII.— 0pp. ed. Corderius, (Antu. 16a4.) Par. 1644. 2 Tti. I Constantini, 
V«B.17S60w i Th. t Uebere. m. Abhh. v. Engelhardt^ Sulzb. 1S28.— J! Dalleua^ de scrlptis, quae sub 
If*, flt Dion. A. Domm. circamfer. Qen. 1660. 4. Engeihardt : De Dion. PIotinlzAnte. £rl. 1S20. De 
«%. icripUir. Araop. ErL 1822. A. Ilelffhrich^ d. chr. Mystik in ihrer EntwickL n. ihrcn Denkinalen. 
^ISH 2 ro\&.^BaumgarUn-CrvHu9^ do Dion. A. Jon. 1823. Bevised in 0pp. tbeul. Jen. 1836. 
P^ttSm. On the otber side: liittery Ocsch. d. chr. Pliil. vol. II. p. M9. 

•) Scipeetlcg bim : Jo. Damatc. de hai>re<>. c 88. Pbot. c. 21-23. K. 7S. Niceph, XVIII, 45-49. 
^^»^'By. de sectis, act b.~-Schar/enburg^ do Jo. Phil. Trithclsmi defensore. Lps. 176S. (Conini. 
ttfoled. VtUktt9en^ etc Th. I.) Trech«el, Jo. Pliil. (Stud. u. KrlU 1&85. P. 1.) 

/) Commentaries and translations of Aristotle — De duabus nat et una persona. Quod Trinitas 
'ttuasDens, etc — De consulatione pbilo«opbiae, ed. IM/recht, Curiae 1797. and often. Ucbers. v. 
fnHag, Rtipa. 1794.— Opp. ed. Rota^ Bas. 1570s.— (Gervaisc) Hist de Bouce. Par. 1715. 2 Tli. 
B«9%», Ceniora Bo£tbiL (Opoacc Th. VI. pi 148s8.)— f*. Iland^ Boeth. (Erscb. u. 6rubor*s EncykL 
v<^ XL p. S88M.) Ou9L Amr, de Boctbio. DarmsL 1841. 

9) Ds arUbns ao diaciplinis liberalinm titt Institutlo ad dir. lectiones. Ulst Eccledae tripartita. 
^«W Eppt— Oppt ed. Garet. Botbomag. 1679. Ven. 1729. 2 Th. t—Htdudlin, ft. Cassiod. (Archlv. f. 
KOweh. 182Si p. 25998. SSlsa.) 

*)/#'. & Auffu^Un, de catenli PP. graecia in N. T. Hal. 1762. (^NoeucHi Gommentt ad U 
«t HsL 181T. 


Latin Chnrch (i) fh)m sentences taken fh>m the more ancient fathers by Isido- 
ru8, Bishop of HispalU (d. 636), and another more complete, and on account 
of its application of Aristotelian formnlae more scientific, was compiled for 
the Greek Church by the monk John Damase^nvs (d. 754). The latter 
also collected togetlier the various decisions which had been given by the 
Ohurch in its earlier religious controversies, and thus settled these disputes 
for his Ghnrch for a thousand years after him. (k) A Roman catalogue of 
apocryphal and rejected works, which had been gradually enlarging from the 
time of Ilorraisdas (514-528), and had finally become essentially fixed about 
the middle of the sixth century, exhibits the contracted spirit as well as the 
state of criticism at that time, for even some of the more ancient fathers are 
rejected as apocryphal because they were inconsistent with some Roman 
assertions, or did not correspond with the later orthodoxy. (T) 


Bibliotlicca )uri8 can. vetori^ op. Guil et Ilenr. JuntfUi, Par. 1661. 2. Th. f. Sitittler, Geech. il. 
can- Rechts bis a. d. falsch. Iridor. Hal. 1T7S. (Works, ed. by Wdchter, Stuttg. 1927, vol. I.)— />/<mcl% 
Oescb. d. kirchl. Gesellschafts-Verf. vol. I. p. 276n. na»e^ de Jure ecc P. I. p. 828s. P. IL C 
Riffel, Gcsch. DanL d. Verb. zw. K. n. Staat Mainz. 1886. vol I. p. 11488. 

§ 120. Legislation and Books of Lau>, 

Ecclesiastical laws were enacted sometimes by synods and sometimes by 
the emperors. The first idea of general laws for the whole Church seems to 
have been derived from the General Councils, with whose decisions were 
soon united those of the inferior synods and the canonical institutes of a few 
fathers, which individual bishops had collected for their private direction, 
but which passed into general use. Such collections are first noticed in the 
Syuod of Chalcedon, where, however, they possessed no general authority. (<i) 
But even then it had become customary, at least in the Greek Church, to 
regard the canons of certain synods as possessing the authority of general 
laws. This agreement seems to have become complete in the sixth century, 
but it was not until the second canon of the Trullan Synod (Quinisexta 692) 
that the constituent parts of the Greek canon law which had long been in 
use, were recognized as legally binding, {h) The African Church at the 
Council of Carthage, 419, gave its sanction to a collection of its own domes- 
tic canons, {e) which was gradually accepted as a part of the general eccleai- 

t) Sententiarum & de summo bono L III. comp. % 167. note a. 

1c) ni77^ yvuKrfOii ■ a) ra ^iXo(ro^i«r(i, /3) ittpX alpcVcwv, y) tkioffii iiKpifi^s T^t opi^ 
Z6lov iriirrtooT. 0pp. ed. Mich. lAq^Un^ Par. 1712. 8. Th. C 

/) Threefold text in Manti Tb. YIII. p. ISSas. Since nincmar of Bheims it Is eommonly ^oted 
as Pccrctum Oola»it (494), tbns by Qratlan: e. 8. Dtot XV. comp. Oieaeler, KGesch. yoL L Abttu 
II. p. 8S8S. [Davidnoti'a transl. vol. II. p. 110. $ 114 note 2.] 

a) Kespccting collectiona called apostolic : See $ 67. oomp. J. W, BUkdL, Geach. Oea KlrcbeA- 
rechta. Gless. laia vol. L 

V) Acta and 102 canons : Manti Th. XI. p. 927-1008. 

c) JutteUi Bibl. Tb. I. 808bs. Manti Tb. III. p. 69388. 

OHAP. Ill GOHSTrrunoN. s isa theodobuh a justinian coDsa 135 

Mtical ]*w. Of the Roman Chnroh of the time of the Coancil of Chalcedon, 
we only know that in its collection the Nicaean canons were mingled with 
those of Sardica. The dvil laws, so far as they relate to ecclesiastical affiiirs, 
may generally be fomid under their appropriate titles in the two collections 
of imperial laws called Codex Theodonanus^ 438, and Codex Justinianeus^ 
684, and the Novels attached to each. The efforts of Justinian to give a 
scientific form to political and civil law, must have had a considerable infln-^ 
ence npon ecclesiastical law. John SeholiiHticui^ successively an advocate, a 
presbyter at Antioch, and the Patriarch of Constantinople (d. 578), arranged 
the canons which he found in the ordinary collections, together with the 
Beoond and third epistles of Basil relating to the canons, under fifty titles 
aooording to their subjects, (d) This digest, on account of its adaptation to 
general use, as well as the reputation of its author, soon became a standard 
aothority in the Greek Church. A collection of civil laws relating to the 
Church, prepared by this some John, contains extracts from the ten Novels 
ii Justinian, arranged under eighty-seven chapters, {e) Another collection, 
embracing the whole ecclesiastical legislation of Justinian, sometimes in full 
and sometimes abridged, together with an appendix containing the four 
Novels of Ileraclins, has been erroneously attributed to Theodore Balsamon, 
hot really belongs to the seventh century. (/) The practical wants of the 
Church called forth a work in which tlie civil laws relating to the Church 
(luftoc) were arranged in harmony with the ecclesiastical laws {Kav6¥fs\ and 
which has since been called the Komocanon, Under the fifty titles of the 
collection of canons by Scholasticus, the corresponding civil laws were intro- 
duced, and even these were principally derived from his book, {ff) The peni- 
tential laws were systematized, and their severity was accommodated to the 
mSdness of his age, and of his own disposition, by John the Fatter (i/?;(rrcvT^f), 
Patriarch of Constantinople (585-595). (A) The old code of the Roman 
Church, ij) called by Dionysius Trahslatio prisen, was gradually increased 
md strengthened in authority after the Council of Chalcedon, by translations 
from the Greek books of laws. The incompleteness and want of arrange- 
ment which characterized this work, induced Dionysius Exiguus, a Scythian 
iDd a Roman monk, to revise it, and to form a now code (498-514). (X) The 
first part contains a faithful translation of the principal articles of the Greek 
ijnodal laws, tlie canons of Sardica, and the African collection. The second 
ptrt contains all the decretals which could then be found at Rome, by eight 
popes, firom Siricius (d. 898) to Anastosius II. (d. 498). This Codex Dionysii 

i) /ntuai BlbL Tb. IL p. 499^402. 

^Imnymy^ rtap&y 9iard^t9ty. tJnprinted. 

f) Twr iucX. 9tard^*tnf ffv?i\oy/i, JuMeUi BibL Th. II. p. 1217-1478.—/*. /?. BUner, de 
(•OMttoBlbfiif caoonnm Ece. gnecM. Bor. 1827. 

iDJudelU BibL Th. II. p. 60»-672. 

A)'AKoXoud(a Ktd rd^it M 4^ofio\oyovfi4ywv. The exUtlng EcconMon foroiod from later 
ft^Him b in Morini Comm. hist de diflciplina in adininistr. Bacr. poenitcntiac. (Par. 1^1. f) Von. 

i7nLr.p. ei6M. 

i) In leon. Oppi Th. III. p. 4786& and ManH Th. TI. p. 1105s8. 

t) Ed. Fr. Pilhoeui, Par. 1«S7. t JutteUi BlbL Th. I. p. »78a. coixip. BulUrin. D». in Loocl 


was mnoh ftyored by the popes, and became a standard legal authority not 
only in the Roman Ghoroh, whose domestic laws were found in it, but in 
almost all the West Later decretals were therefore gradually appended to 
it. The book of laws for the Spanish Ohorch originated in the first half of 
the sixth century, and wto probably revised by Isidore of Hispnlis^ whose 
name it bears, but continual additions have been made to it since his time. (2) 
It contains in the first part not only the greater part of the Greek synodal 
laws, but the canons of the Spanish and GaUican councils, and in the second 
part, besides the decretals of the Dionysian code, a few letters from tbe 
popes to the Spanish and Galilean bishops. Other systematic compilations 
made during this period are of less importance. They are the Breviarivm 
of Fulgentiu8 Ferrandus, a deacon of Carthage (about 547), a work which 
had no dependence upon the Dionysian code, (w) and the Concordia of 
CrcsconitUy an African (about 600), which was an analysis of that code 
according to its contents, (n) 

§ 121. The Roman Empire, 

The cultivation of the fine arts had entirely ceased from the time of Oon- 
stontine, and no ornaments could be found for his new city and his trium- 
phal arch in the very forum of Kome, but by spoiling the ancient monuments. 
Nearly the whole intellectual energy of the age was enlisted in the service 
of the Church, so that the only science which seemed to flourish without 
ecclesiastical influence was jurisprudence. In consequence of the founding 
of Constantinople, the whole power of the empire was directed to the East, 
and after the division made by Theodosius (895) the East and the West re- 
mained permanently separated. But so perfectly had the various nations 
conquered by the Komans been made to feel as one people, that both these 
divisions regarded themselves as only different parts of the one great empire- 
While the Germanic nations stormed at the portals of the West, and even 
when they broke through them in the fifth century, the civil constitution and 
the habits of the people remained Roman under the long dominion of the 
Goths in Italy. The East was governed by a lifeless and rigid mechanism, 
the moving spring of which was at Constantinople. The extinction of the 
reigning families and the ascendency of the army, rendered abortive the fre- 
quent efforts to establisli a popular hereditary monarchy, but the want of this 
was in some degree supplied by the imperial nomination of colleagues and 
successors. But the m^esty of the Roman people and the confidence that 
they wore destined to universal dominion had been transferred to their rulers. 
In this form it wu3 now consecrated by the Church, and systematically de- 
fended by arguments supplied by jurisprudence. Amid all the agitations pro- 
duced by dynastic changes, this idea of an imperial government appointed by 
Grod for supreme dominion on earth became profoundly fixed in the hearts 
of the people. 

/) Collectlo canonnm Eccl UlttpanUe. Matrit 1808. t Epistolae decretales ao rescr. Rom. PoottH* 
cam. Mstr. 1821. f. (od. A. OoruMlm.) 

m) JuHtUi BibL Th. L p. 456m. n) JutUUi BlbL Tb. L Append, p. 886a. 


§ 122. Power of the Emperor oter the Church, 

The emperors, accustomed to exercise the power, not only of an absolute 
soTereign bat of a supreme pontiff, endeavored to sell their favor to the 
Church at the price of its ancient liberties. A decisive influence was gained 
hj them in the right of nominating the bishops, especially the metropolitan. 
The CSmroh on the other hand was anxious to compel all its members to ob- 
terre the well defined and slow process of a regular advancement from the 
inferior to the superior stations, and disapproved of all translations of a 
bishop from one diocese to another, as nothing less than spiritual adultery. 
The emperor frequently entertained the appeals of those who considered 
themselyea aggrieved by the bishops. A regular system of punishments was 
then appointed by the Ohnrch for all who should thus appeal from its deci- 
aons to the emperor, (a) The emperors called together the general councils 
ci the Church, presided in them through their envoys, and published their 
decrees as laws of the empire, (b) As none but the Catholic Church was en- 
titled to civil privileges, when different bishops were opposed to each other, 
the emperor himself was obliged to decide which of them belonged to the 
orthodox church. Hence many laws, even on matters of doctrine, were 
enacted by them, and those who obtained their ends by court favor en- 
ooorsged them in this and commended them for it. The imperial edicts were 
ibo pnblished by being read in the churches, (c) Many bishops who longed 
for the imperial favor were pliant tools in the hands of ambitious rulers, and 
the Italian clergy had some reason to suspect that a Greek bishop, for his 
own emolument, could be induced to grant, without fear or shame, any 
request which might be made of him. (d) The emperors, however, were fre- 
({oently the mere tools of an ecclesiastical party, and their laws for the regu- 
lation of doctrines, when not confirmed by the authority of the Church, sel- 
dom survived their authors. The freedom of the Church never wanted bold 
umI sDoceasfnl advocates, and though it was practically violated in every pos- 
«We way, its legality was always acknowledged by the emperors themselves, (e) 
The people generally regarded it as the highest principle of law, that God 
ba> bestowed all power on earth upon the monarchy and the priesthood, but 
thii he had assigned to each of these certain immovable boundaries which 
neither could transgress withont guilt and peril. (/) 

§ 123. Power of the Church oter the State, 

The severity of the ancient Roman laws was much mitigated by the influ- 
wce of Christianity whenever they did not fall in with the prejudices of 
^ Chittch, and thus a way was prepared for an acknowledgment of the 

•) Omc AfUiodL cftD. 12. {Land4>n^ ]>. 88. can. 12.] Conntant, I. can. 6. 

() Omt, CoMtant L Ep. ad Tbeodoa. {ManH Th. IIL p. 66T.) 

e) L Ml Ood. ThMtd. da rebna eocL (XVI, 2.) et Oothofredna ad h. I. 


<) Ob tb« other band Constantfne^ eplsoopaey (Euseb. vita Const. IV, 24.) was referred to with 
^ inM leiDblaiio* of argoment aa was used for the sovereignty of the blshopa : Soeom. I, IT. 

/) Q«l«las L ad AnaiUrinin a. 4M. (MdnH Th. VIIL p. 81.) 


general rights of man. (a) Some bishops went so far as to oppose even capital 
pnnisliments, on the ground that their barbarity was inconsistent with reason 
and humanity, (b) The right of asylnm which had formerly been conceded 
to a few of the ancient temples was extended to all Christian churches, and 
proved a serious detriment to the administration of Justice. But Chrytostom 
lived to enjoy the triumph of seeing the very minister whose exorbitant 
power once threatened to abolish this privilege, clinging to the altar for his 
oitn protection, (e) Great political power was acquired by the bishops in 
consequence of their personal influence among the people, and the devotion 
of the emperors to theological controversies. The law gave them a certain 
right to superintend the affairs of the congregations both in town and 
country ; they also possessed a certain right, frequently usurped but finally 
regulated by law, of acting as intercessors for those who were unfortunate or 
criminal, and a certain kind of patronage was conceded to them for all per^ 
Bonae mUerdhiles. (d) The Church undertook the censorship of the morals 
of civil ftmctionaries, and summoned to their bar those who were above hu- 
man enactments, (e) No one dared to meet the fury of a Governor of the 
Pentapolis but Syncsius the bishop. When a whole city had fallen a sacii- 
fice to the wrath of Theodositis /., Ambrose ventured to give utterance to 
the monarch's conscience, and the royal offender was excluded from the 
Church. (/) When an unlimited power was exercised by the civil mien, 
the Church thus became a safe retreat for popular freedom, and saints played 
the part of tribunes of the people. Sometimes even royal honors were be- 
stowed upon bishops, and what was at first accorded by pious humility, 
pious arrogance took care to demand and retain. From the truth that heavenly 
things were superior to earthly, the inference was drawn that the hierarchy 
should be greater than the monarchy, and should have precedence in earthly 
dignity, (g) In his City of God, the secular power is described by Augustine 
as an irrational despotism which commenced with a fratricide, and tends to 
subversion that it may give place to the celestial kingdom. 

§ 124. Eeclesiastieal Jurisdiction, 

Strydt, de orig. ct ura Jnrisdictlonis ecc. HaL 1710. 4 (Opnsec Tb. XIV.) IT. M. nAemOtM 
Hist Jurisd. eec. Dss. III. ITTSas. 4. Bruno Schilling^ de orig. jarisd. eoc Id caiuis civil. Lpa. 182&. 4. 
C. F. A. Jungk^ de Orig. et jirogressu episcopaliajad. in caosis civiL Uiconun nsqae od Juadiilan. 
Ber. 1882. 

Although the sentence of the episcopal court, in its capacity of a court of 

a) EM€b. YiU Const IV, 26. L. S. Cod. Theod. de poen. (IX. 40.)— C O. de Rhoer^ Dtaert d« 
elfectu rol chr. in Jarispr. Bom. Gron. 177& IT. 0. d€ Meywnburg^ de chr. reL vl et effeota in jot 
civile (itpeclatim Institt L L) Ootting. 182a 4. Troplong^ de I'lnflaence da Christ snr le droit elTfl 
des Roniains. Par. l&4a 

h) Ambrag. £p. 29. 26. (al 61. 02.) AufftuHn, Ep. 188. 184. 15&— I. 15 et 16. Cbd. Thsod, d« 
pocn. (IX. 40.) 

c) Cod. Tfisod. de his, qui ad Ecc. conniglnat (IX, 45.) Soerat YI, 6. Soaom. Till, 7. 

d) Cone. Sardic. can. 7. Ambroe. de Offic II, 29. QmsL 22. 24 87iw 80s. C. d« Epiaa 
andientia. (I, 4.) 

e) Cone Areial a. 814 o. 7. Oregor. Nai. Orat 17. (Th. L p. 271.) 

/) Synesii Epc 578. 72. 89.— i^H^ XI, 13. ThaodoreL V, 17. ^^moim. YII, 24 L. 18. Cod, Tkttd. 
de pocn. (IX, 40.) Comp. T. L. F. Ta/tl^ de Thessalonica. Ber. 1889. p. XLYIIss. 

g) ConstUt aposL II, 84 Chrytotik de Saoerd. Ill, 1.— i9m(p. So9§ri YiU liarttnL a Sa 


arbitration poesessed a certain legal anihority, (a) its voluntary jurisdiction 
was not mneh needed under a Christian government, and after tLo sixth 
eentoiy it was lees resorted to. The claim that all causes relating to mar- 
riage and to wills (causae roixtae) should be decided there, was generally 
nsKted by the secular tribunals, but the obstacles to marriage laid down in 
the Mosaic law were recognized by the civil code, and were sometimes ex- 
tended even to spiritual relationships. Divorces very rarely, and the marriage 
ci divorced persons still less frequently, were permitted by the episcopal 
ooorts. These first became the ordinary tribunals for the clergy in civil causes 
about the time of Justinian I., (b) but the municipal courts continued to exer- 
cise jurisdiction as at first in criminal causes until Valentin ian III. gave (452) 
the plaintiff the privilege of choosing before which of these courts his cause 
ahoold be tried, (e) Justinian I. assigned particular parts of every such 
criminal cause to each of these courts, (d) and Heraclius (623) entirely ex- 
dnded them from the municipal courts, (e) According to ecclesiastical usage 
it was thought unbecoming for a clergyman to appear in his own cause cither 
as plaintiff or defendant before a civil tribunal. (/) When cited before the 
emperor the bishops would indeed make their appearance, but a sentence of 
eondemnation was not readily acknowledged except where a synod concurred 
in it In all matters purely ecclesiastical the episcopal courts and synods were 
regarded as the only competent tribunals, (g) 

§ 125. Church Property, 

ihwae a CosU (Richard Simon.) Hist de rorigine et da progr^s den revenos ecc Frcf. 1684. 21. 
flumatiin. ($ 9. note b.) 

The clergy were supported, especially under the first Christian emperors, 
bj revenues supplied by the government, by a portion of the property they 
inherited from the old temples, and by ecclesiastical possessions falling to 
them from heretics. Though they often preached to the people that they had 
i divine right to the first-fruits and the tithes, their preaching was not much 
ngarded. (a) But when Gonstantine confirmed (821) to the people a com- 
plete right to devise property at pleasure to the Church, such bequests be- 
cune an inexhaustible source of wealth, (h) It was not long before one 
eoold scarcely die without being reminded of his duty to the Church, and a 
law become necessary in which the clergy were forbidden to solicit such be- 
laeftd (870). (e) As this wealth, however, was possessed by the Church in 
tnut for the poor, it was looked upon with much affection. All institutions 
of benevolence originated in the Church, (d) Its wealth contributed to its 
power and freedom. The management of the funds was generally in the 

•) StaoM. 1, 9. Tb« legal passages in Base, d« Jore ecc P. L p. SSa. 

>) AW. 83c Praet et S 1. yov. 128. c. 21. 

c) L 47. Cod. Tfuod. de Episc (XVI, 2.) N<yto. 1. de Episc Jadlclo In Aniani CoIlecUone. 

tf) ^Mi 188. e. 21. 1 1. «) JuUMi Blbl. Th. IL p. 1861a. 

f) Oime. Carth. III. a 897. can. 9. IV. a. 419. can. 19. Chalc. can. 9. 

f ) L L OnI. Theod. de reL (XYI, IL) JuiUni N<^t. 128. c 21. f 2. 

•) B^ngkam^ Orlgg. eocL Y, 6. &) L. 4. Cod, Theod. de Epbc (XVI, 2.) 

c) L SOl Cod. Theod. de EpIsc Comp. nUron. £p. ai (a1. 2.) ad NepoUan. 

'iLiCbr/. 77Wa<i.deEpiiG.(XVI,2.) CMatii^lSL.%Vl, 


hands of the hishop, the distrihotion of them was regulated hy certain pre- 
cise forms, and the alienation of the property was controlled hy prescrihed 
conditions. Every church was the legal heir of all the property which its 
intestate clergyman had accumulated from ecclesiastical revenues. Whatever 
the Church possessed was scoured hy an investment in real estate. This was 
variously taxed according to the disposition and wants of the different gov- 
ernments, hut it was usually exempted fr6m extraordinary, personal, and im- 
proper hurdens. («) 

§ 126. The CortQregation and the Cltrgy, 

As the clergy were generally independent of the favor of the people by 
their ecclesiastical possessions, the congregations were entirely shut out from 
all participation in the government of the Church. Sometimes the people 
still gave effect to their wishes in a tumultuous manner, when a bishop was 
chosen, and a certain influence was exercised on such occasions by distinguished 
citizens, and was legalized by Justinian I., but it was disapproved of by the 
second Synod of Nicaea (787). (a) In the West, however, and especiaDy in 
Home, the people asserted their right to participate in elections, and the power 
of the clergy was too dependent upon popular opinion to allow of many im- 
portant privileges being withheld from the congregations. Even then some 
voices continued to be raised in favor of a priesthood of all Christians before 
God. (6) The clergy succeeded in throwing off the burdens which the State 
had imposed upon it, and a series of civil enactments became necessary to 
prevent the entrance of too many persons into ecclesiastical offices. These 
required that no person should be ordained except to supply the place of a 
deceased clergyman, and none who owed any service to a master or to the 
state without the consent of those to whom it was due. An unsuccessful at- 
tempt was made to procure a law by which none but indigent persons on 
whom the state had no claim should be ordained to the sacred office. On the 
other hand the spiritual power was frequently strengthened by the ordination 
of distinguished philosophers, advocates, and high civil officers. In such 
cases the law required that all landed property burdened with obligations to 
the state should be surrendered to the municipal authorities. The clergy 
were principally supported from the ftmds of the Church, but even as late as 
the fifth century some ecclesiastical laws recommended that they should sus- 
tain themselves by agricultural or other pursuits, (c) In the fourth century 
the ordination of deaconesses was looked upon as a Montanistio custom, and 
after the fifth their office was in the West entirely abolished, (d) The choice 
of all his clergy came into the hands of the bishop, although the presbyters 
once more augmented their authority by their attempts in some instances to 
become independent pastors both in town and country. In this way they 

€) L 1. Cod. Tkeod. de annoDa. (XL, 1.) L. 15. 19^ 21fl8. Cbd. Theod, de oxtraord. (XI, 16^) I* tm, 
ISea. Ood. Tkeod. de Epbo. 

a) Justin. Nov. 123. c 1. JTotJ. 187. c 2. Gone Nlc IT. can. 8. 
V) AugwU de Olv. Dei. XX, 10. AmbroHiut^ ad Ephea. 4, 11. 
e) Cone, Oarth. a. 419. can. 52. 58. 
d) AmbrotioHer In I. Tim. 8, 11. Cone. JSpaonmiM, can. 2L 


hoped to attain the position of the conntiy bishops who had been supplanted 
ever since the fonrth centnry, and that the episcopal name might become less 
commcm and more important. Other presbyters, together with the deacons 
as the clergy of the bishop's chnroh (cathedralis), constituted the bishop's 
priyy oonncil. One of these was chosen an Archpresbyter, to preside over 
the pnblio worship, and another was appointed an Archdeacon, to preside 
orer the eoisoopal conrt. (e) 

§ 127. The Patriarchs. 

J>. Blond^ traits hist de la Primaat^ en Tdgl. Oen. 164t. t J. Morini Exercitt ecc ct bibl. (Ds. 
L de Patriarch, et PrlnuU. origg.) Par. 1669. t Janu9y de origg. Patriarch, chr. Dgb. IL Vit 1713. 4 
Thomuutini I, 7-INl 

The great dioceses and prerogatives of the Bishops of Eome, Alexandria ^ 
and Antioch were recognized at Nicaea, on the ground of their being estab- 
lished npon usage, (a) At the Synod of Constantinople (881) the Bishop of 
Few Rome was associated with these, in rank next to the Roman bishop, (b) 
His diocese was continually increasing, but at Chalccdon (451) it was consti- 
tuted of Thrace, perhaps already a part of it, (c) the more distant part of 
Pontus, and Asia Minor. To him also was granted the privilege of receiving 
oomplaints against the metropolitans of other dioceses, {d) since the foreign 
bisbopa who were continually going to and from the imperial court formed 
around him an almost perpetual council, (e) As by this arrangement the 
Metropolitans of Ephesus, Heraclea and New-Caesarea were subjected to his 
Jonsdiction, to save their dignities from detriment, a new ecclesiastical office 
was introduced, to which the name of archbishop or exarch was applied. In 
the fifth century, however, the name of Patriarch which had before com- 
monly been applied to all bishops was exclusively used to designate them. 
To the patriarchs belonged the duty of ordaining the metropolitans, con- 
vening synods of their whole dioceses, bringing to an issue causes of more 
Uitn ordinary importance (causae majores), and deciding finally all cases of 
ippeal which might be submitted to them. These four great dioceses which 
b the East alone corresponded tolerably well with the great provinces of the 
empire were gradually made to include every part of the Church. Some 
huhops, however, especially in the West, and in the East all in the island of 
Cyprus, preserved their independence. The Bishop of Jemsalem was reck- 
oned at Nicaea, as a mark of honorable respect, among the great bishops, and 
tfter a long struggle he succeeded in throwing off the jurisdiction of the 
Metropolitan of Caesarea, and at Chalcedon received Palestine as an inde- 
pendent diocese. (/) The exorbitant and much abused power of the Alex- 
indrian bishop was broken at Chalcedon. The two Eastern patriarchates 
▼ere tlso stripped of their power in consequence of the Monophysites and 

«) /Vrtert, T. ITnpr. d. Archldiac Hildesh. 1743. 

•) Cbne. Nic can. 6. \>) Cone CorutanL L can. 8. c) Thus according to Socrat II. ecc V, & 
^ C(me. Chalcedon^ can. 88. et 9. 

«) JwroaoT iw^fiovffa. Cone. Chalc Actio. IV. {Manti Th. VII. p. n%.y-J. & VaUr, t. d. 
•^^r8. (KHtet Arehlv. 1828. P. a) 
/) Omc jrSe. can. 7. Otmc Chalc Actio TIL i3fansi Th. VIL p. 181a».) 


Arabians. The Bishops of Old and New Rome alone stood as the representi^ 
tives of the Eastern and Western divisions of the empire, and watched etch 
other with a jealous eye. The Patriarch of Constantinople was generallj 
powerful on account of the favor of the emperor, bat he was also the subject 
of the imperial caprice, while the Roman bishop was much more indepen- 
dent, in consequence of his political position, and hence often became the 
champion of ecclesiastical freedom and the prevailing orthodoxy. When John 
the Faster (after 587) assumed the title of an cecumenical bishop, Gregory the 
Great pronounced such a name unchristian, and in opposition to it took for him- 
self the more Christian designation of a servant of the servants of Ood ; Greg- 
ory's successors, with more sincerity, soon after assumed the name of a Uni- 
versal Bishop, {g) Neither title was at that time entirely unknown. In the 
edict of the usurper, Phocas, an acknowledgment was made, simply from 
political and personal considerations, that the Roman Church was entitled to 
the first rank. (A) Both these patriarchs were successful in their own peca- 
lior spheres, but the same political events which reduced the territories of the 
one proportionally enlarged those of the other. 

§ 128. The Roman BUhoprie he/ore Leo. 

Epp. Bom. Pontiflcum a S. Clemente nsqae ad Innoc IIL ed. ConMant Par. 1721. rep. Behomk^' 
mann, Gott 1796. Th. L (until 482.)— C^ SalmatU, Libror. d« Primatu Papae P. I. c apparata. I* 
B. 1645. 4. 

The Roman bishop exercised a metropolitan jurisdiction over the ten 
suburbicarian provinces, which was as far as the political district of Rome 
extended, (a) while the metropolitanates of the diocese of Italia^ especially 
Milan, under Ambrosius and his successors, claimed to be fully equal to him 
within their respective dioceses. But Rome was the only see which could 
claim to be apostolic, and was almost the only medium of ecclesiastical connec- 
tion with the East. The high reputation which it possessed with respect to 
apostolical traditions, was so successfully and dispassionately used in the con- 
troversies of the East, tliat the party which had the favor of Rome mi^t 
generally be sure of ultimate victory. Uence, her opinion and her decision 
as a mediator was continually sought for and as readily given. And even 
when her interference was disregarded, as in the case of Chrysostom, it was 
always in behalf of humanity and the people. In consequence of its attach- 
ment to the Nicaean creed when the whole Eastern Church was Arian, East 
Jllyria sought a connection with the Roman Church, and the Bishop of 
Thessalonica was regarded as a Roman vicar. This same state of aflSun 
made the Roman court at the Council of Sardica (847) a Court of Cassation, 
for the reception of appeals in the case of bishops, (b) The Eastern 
churches, when they were so disposed, and when united among themsdves, 

g) Oregor. I. Y. Ep. ISss. YII, 838S.— (7. M. I^df^ d« titolo Patr. oecamenlci, porno oridla, 1788. L 
{Tempe I/elc. Th. IV. Sect I. p. 9988.) 

k) Anutias. In Vita Bonlfacti IIL PatUua Dlac gestaLongob. IV, 87. 

a) KorthoU, <1e Ecc suburblcariis. Lpa. 17808. 4. Dtoeceals Eomae : Campania, ThnacJi at Urn- 
brla, Plccnum Buborblcarlam, SlcUla, Apalla et Calabria, Bnittii et Lacania, Samnlom, Saidiai^ Car- 
alca, Valeria. 

^) Cone, Sard. can. 8 et fi. 



nerer hesitated to disregard the interference of the Roman bishop, and the 
Bynodi of Nicaea and Constantinople were entirely independent of liis influ- 
ence; bat when the patriarchs contended with each other, or with the impe- 
rial court, his powerftd friendship was generally sought by both parties, and 
was often purchased by concessions. From observing these facts, Innocent I, 
became coaiTinced that even in his day, nothing in the whole Christian world 
could be brought to a dedsion without the cognizance of the Roman see, and 
that, especially in matters of faith, all bishops were under the necessity of 
St. Peter, (c) The position of the Roman bishops in the state, 
that of powerful subjects who could be judged only by the emperor him- 
sdlf^ (df but who, as in the case of Liberius for his defence of the Nicaean 
creed, might sometimes be abused by him. (e) But, although the glory sur- 
rounding the apostolic chair had already become y attractive, that those who 
contended for it sometimes pressed toward it over the bodies of their com- 
petitors, it was still the subject of derision and complaint among the hea- 
then. (/) The recollection that this worldly glory commenced only in the 
time of Constantine, gave occasion to the remark, that Sylvester (314-886) 
lived long enough to do and witness what was suitable for a Roman bishop, 
according to more modern views. 

§ 129. Leo the Great, 440-461. 

L LtomU Jf. Opp. ad. Patch. Quemtel, Logd 1700. 2 Tb. £ P.etK BaUerirU, Yen. 1T58-67. 

IL W. A. Arendt^ Leo d. Or. a. & Zeit Mainz. 1886. O. PerihA, P. Leo*B I. Leben n. Lehren. 
Jn. 184S. — Grie^Mck, Da. locos commones theoL collectoA ex Leone li. sistena. IlaL 1768. (Oposcc 
«d. GabUr, Tb. L ^ 4Saa.) 

Leo /., justly called the Great, whether reference is had to his character 
18 a prince, or as a teacher of the Church in his day, was the real founder of 
the subsequent greatness of the Roman see. Hitherto it had owed more to 
its peculiar circumstances than to the power and sagacity of its bishops. 
What he now did was fW>m a well-defined aim, and a clear presage of a more 
future. Regarding the Roman Church as in possession of the true 
from the Apostle Peter, he looked upon it as the rock on which 
tibe Catholic Church was built, and upon the Roman bishop as appointed by 
God to be the head of the whole Church, and to have the care of its inter- 
ests. Humbly conscious of his personal unworthiness for such an office, he 
proudly trusted that Peter himself acted through him. He retained a firm 
bold 1^>on the opposing Illyrian Church, by the protection he gave to its 
loihope against the archiepiscopal see of Thessalonica, which was reminded 
tttt if be had shared with it some of his cares and duties, he had by no 
BWHtt resigned any of hb plenary powers, (a) The disturbed state of the 
Afiricaa Church on account of the Arian Vandals, supplied him with an occa- 
M ftnr drawing Africa within the jurisdiction of the Roman patriarch, 
^■der the plea of the necessity of the case. Some complaints against the 

e) CbfuCmUL p^ SSa 8M. 

'» I^ CoDdlll Rom. ad Grattan. a. 878. {Oonttant p. 629.) s) Theodortt. H. eco. II, 16m. 

/)inlrM.S^•L•dPimflMdl. .^nuMan. Jfare. XXVII, 8. 9. 

i)X«al iMliriai TbMMloB. (Oppi Tb. L pw 684) 


severity of Hilarios, the Metropolitan of Arelate (Aries), supplied him with 
a pretext for interfering with the affairs of Gaul. Uilarius, who was really 
no severer toward others than toward himself, was ohliged to atone for the 
indifference with which he heard of the sensitiveness with which Rome had 
heard of these complaints, and for his refusal to acknowledge any trihunal 
for him heyond the Alps. Valentinian III, enacted a law which declared 
the apostolic see the supreme legislative and judicial authority for the whole 
Church. Qi) Leo had dictated this law, and had satisfied the emperor that it 
would be wise to unite the already crumbling provinces with the capital by 
an ecclesiastical bond. It was originally intended only for the West, but 
even there it was ineffectual against Ililarius, (c) and in consequence of the 
decay of the empire beyond the Alps, it became an empty legal title, to take 
effect only in subsequent times. It was even then uncommon for a Roman 
bishop to preach, but Leo declared that this was to be one of his ordinary 
duties. As a proof that this was not neglected, he left ninety-six sermons 
for various festivals, distinguished for their ecclesiastical spirit, their rhythmi- 
cal harmony, and their grandiloquence, but without very strict logical con- 
nection. K the work on the Call of all nations was written by him in his 
early years, {(T) ho proposed in it an accommodation of the controversial 
questions then agitated in the West. His epistle to Flavianus presents a 
decision upon the theological disputes of the East. The tyranny of Dioscu- 
rus, and the atrocities of the Robber-Synod, were a scandal to the whole 
Cburch. Leo spared neither tears nor bold reproofs to prevent the evil con- 
sequences which might follow that synod. The death of Theodosius II. 
occurred in good time for his wishes, as no authority was superior to his with 
the imperial pair who then ascended the throne of the East. His legates pre- 
sided at Chalcedon, and every acquittal or condemnation which took place 
there was in Leo^s name. When Attila had crossed the Alps, and Rome lay 
helpless before the scourge of God (452), Leo, in his pontifical robes, went to 
meet him, and the pagan conqueror of the world turned his hosts another way. 
Attila may have seen good reasons for listening to the prayers and warnings 
of the priest, but so miraculous seemed this deliverance of Italy, that in the 
popular account of it, Peter himself stood by the side of his successor with 
a brandished sword, {e) 

§ 180. The Papacy after Leo, Gregory the Great^ 590-604. 

Liher diumus Rom. Pontijtcum^ (Legal Usages of the Rom. 8e^ collected about 716.) e<L ITol' 
8ten, Rom. 1658. Gamer. Par. 1680. 4. (Iloffmanni, nova Scrr. ac Monum. Collectio. LjWw 1788L L 
Th. II.) Ana9ta%ii Bibliothecaril (about 870), liber pontifiealls 8. vitae Rom. Pontif. a Petro Api 
usque ad Nicol. I. (with the orig. docc. only from the time of Constantine, 708.) ed. Manchiidt 
Rom. 1718-35. 4 Th. t {Muratori, Rcr. Ital. Scrr. Th. III. P. I.) 

I. Greg. M. Expositio in Jobnni a. Moralinm L XXXV. Liber pastoralia cnrae. (Ingolat 1690k) 
Dialogorum de vita ct miracc Patrum ItaL et de aetemit animar. 1. IV. Epp. L XIV. 0pp. ed Btn^ 

li) Leon. 0pp. Th. I. p. 642. and Theodosii Nov. tit 24. 

c) Perthel, Leo's Strelt mit d. B. v. Arlesk (Illgen's Zeltachr. 1848. P. 2.) 

d) De vocatione omnium gentium. Quesnel has, however, merely shown that it was poasible for 
Leo to be the author of this treatise. Gomp. Perthel (as above), p. 1S788. 

«) ffeynsy de Leone Attilae et Oenserico sappUce Ikota (0pp. aoad. Ooett 1T68L Th. UL p^ tB4m.) 


didL Par. 1T<V& 4 Th. C GaUiceioli, Ven. ITGSas. 17 Th. 4. Paulm WurMfridl (about 775), de 
▼itaS. OrecoriL JoannU Eee. Horn. Diaconi (about 875), de vita S. Greg. 1. IV. Both in the 4tb 
ToL of I be Benedictine od. 

IL Maimbourg^ Illst dn Pontlflcat de S. Greg. Par. 16S6. 4. G. K \n0ger8, de G. M. ejnsq. 
ptarids aothropoL Boat 1S39. P. I. E. W. Marggn^f, de G. M. tIU Ber. 1S45. 

The Roman bishops, who after the sixth century were called Popes, 
as the Alexandrian bishops especially had before been designated, acknow- 
ledged that they, above all others, were bonnd to execute the edicts which 
the Chnrch sent forth from her councils, (a) but the historical basis on which 
their power was claimed was derived from the divine right of St. Peter. 
Sometimes a vogue and inconsiderate reference was made with the same 
object even to Paul as the supreme head of the Gentile Church, (ft) As the 
imperial government was frequently powerless in Rome, the popes, by their 
patrimonial rights as great proprietors, and by their episcopal court*?, were 
able sometimes to supply its place. More than once they delivered Rome 
and the surrounding country from the hands of the barbarians. When, 
therefore, the last shadow of the Western Empire had disappeared (476), and 
Arian monarchs had set up a German kingdom in Italy, the popes were 
regarded by the Roman people as their native lords, and with the exception 
of some instances in which they were abused by their conquerors, they were 
the actual masters of the country. The Roman clergy of that day were pow- 
erful enough to proclaim, that every interference of a layman in the affairs 
of the Chnrch, was by its own nature invalid, and that the successors of St. 
Peter could be judged by none but God. (c) But when Justinian I. recon- 
qoered Italy, they again became dependent upon Constantinople, and even 
their ancient reputation for orthodoxy was thus endangered. This continued 
until the time of Gregory /., who saw that the only condition on which 
ecelenastical power could be eigoyed, was that they should throw off this 
political dependence. In the midst of the embarrassments produced by the 
settlement of the Longobards in Italy (after 568), he contrived so to use that 
event that it prepared the way for their independence. He was, however, 
compeDed himself to publish a law of the emperor which he regarded as 
iDOonnstent with the law of God, {d) and to congratulate a regicide on his 
teoenon to the throne, {e) He was originally of a patrician family, and on 
the road to the highest civil offices, when he suddenly renounced the world, 
and tamed the palace of his ancestors into a convent. From this he was 
called to the government of the Church, but in the midst of pontifical splen- 
dor bis monastic severity became intense. Toward his dependants he was 
more and more imperious in his demands of duty to the Church, but lavish 
in hifl expenditures upon the poor and the idle. By means of his school for 
nn»c, he effected considerable improvements in psalmody, (/) and to the 
Public worship of Rome he imparted that mysterious pomp for which it has 

«) fi4a%n Ep. 18. (JTanti Th. VIII. p. 51.) h) Gregor. Jf. In I. Reg. B. (Th. III. P. II. p. 250.) 

OCoM: fiom. IIL Bub 87ramacho a. 502. {.Vansi Th. YIIL p. 2608.) Ennodii, L. apolog. pro 
^ IT. Bom. n palmari {ManH Th. YIII. p. 234s8.) 

'iL IIL Efk 6& ad Maaric. e) L. XIII. £p. 81. ad Phocam. 

fS Gerbfrt, de caotn et masica sacra. Bamb. et Frlb. 1774. Th. L p. 24706. />. Atdony^ arcbaeoL 
'^ 1 Gregurtan KOenDg& ll&iut 1829. i, 



since been distinguished. To the sacrament of the Lord's Snpper especially, 
he gave the essential character of a sacrifice of the Mass^ (rf) and thoroughly im- 
bued the popular mind with the notion of a Pvrgatory, If he did not authorize 
the burning of the Palatine library, ho certainly had a great contempt for 
worldly science and literature, and thought it a shame for the word of God 
to be restrained by the rules of Donatus. (h) In his practical works he has 
done quite as much to promote in the whole Western Church a blind eccle- 
siastical credulity as an intense zeal in behalf of the Church. He was full of 
passionate ardor to promote the kingdom of Christ, but that kingdom was 
identical with that of the Pope. His successors sometimes acknowledged 
their allegiance to the emperor, but it was only when they were compelled 
to do so. When contending for the faith, and about images, they never 
hesitated to exclude even the monarch and the patriarchs of his court from 
the communion of the Church. 

§ 181. General CouneiU and the Catholic Church. 

The Synods of the Patriarchal and Metropolitan dioceses continued to be 
the regular authorities for legislation and superior jurisdiction. The efforts 
of the Church to attain general unity rendered it indispensable, that as far 
as political circumstances would allow, deputies of the whole Church should 
be asscTnbled for deciding theological controversies. These general assem- 
blies of the Church were in fact composed only of bishops residing within the 
Roman empire, and their organization was much influenced by the caprice 
of the emperor and the patriarchs ; but as the main body of the Catholic 
Church was found within the empire, and bishops from countries called bar- 
barian were admitted to scats, these assemblies were looked upon as the 
projier representatives of the Catholic Church, (a) Near the close of the 
fourth century they therefore received the name of (Ecumenical Synods, 
although it was sometimes difiScult to distinguish them from other orthodox 
synods. Seven of these synods, in fact, gradually attained the authority of 
oecumenical assemblies, and to these in the West was added the Synod of 
Sardica, and in the Greek Church the Second TruUan Synod. The primary 
object for which they were assembled was to determine theological questions, 
but they also formed canons upon various legal subjects, and when occasion 
called for it, they were the highest judicatories of the Church. Legal ques- 
tions were decided by a majority of votes, but in matters of faith, unanimity 
was secured by an exclusion of the dissenting minority. The ultimate de- 
cisions were disregarded by those whose consciences were violated by them. 
No one could pretend that all of them were true, as in the fourth century 
synods were arrayed against each other. A celebrated bishop entirely de- 
spaired of them, (li) and even less passionate teachers acknowledged, that 
when the spirit of the Church should become more perfectly developed, a 

g) Oreg. L. Micramentornm de drcalo annl si Bacramentftriam. Ordo et canon misaae Grego- 
rianua in tlie Codex litorg. Ecc Rom. cur. IT. A. DaniA, Lps. IMl.-^LUientkal, de eaoone 
Qregorlnno. Lugd. 1740. 

A) Kp. ad. Loandr. prefixed to the Exposltio In Jobom. 

a) Ev$fh. Yita Const III, 7. I) Greg. Kom. Ep. &K. ad. Proeop. (Tb. L p. 814.) 


better expreasion of it might be expected from the Synods, (c) But even 
at Chaloedon the decisions of the Nicaean Fathers were looked upon as an 
immutable law, expressed by the divine Spirit himself, (d) Past ages were 
not sopposed to possess any authority greater than the present. Hence, from 
aboat the time of the fifth oecumenical council, it was generally supposed 
that every such oecumenical council, in matters of faith, declared the truth 
in an in&llible form in consequence of the Iloly Spirit especially bestowed 
upon the bishops. In these general assemblies the Catholic Church felt itself 
to be what it was so anxious to be, viz. : The divine kingdom of Christ on 
earth, the only source of truth and salvation, pervading, indeed, the whole 
earth, but constituting a single external community, independent of all civil 
power, and directed according to ecclesiastical laws by the Holy Ghost 
through the bishops. 


§ 182. Religions Spirit of the People and Ecclesiastical Discipline, 

An earnest struggle was for some time kept up between primitive abste- 
nuoasnefls and hostility to the world on the one hand, and the worldly-mind- 
edneas which had now entered the Church and those means by which it 
loogfat gratification on the other. Plays, dances, oaths, and loans upon usury, 
were declared to be sinful. But as a complete renunciation of the world was 
found to be impossible in the new circumstances of the Church, a higher sys- 
tem of morality was devised for those who would be perfect, and were will- 
ing to imictise unnatural self-denials, and another of a lower nature, in which 
many indulgences were allowed, was formed for ordinary Christians. The 
former system ran great risks in consequence of the pride and hypocrisy 
which were soon found to be incidental to it. From a nobler spirit of dis- 
■mnlation, some persons of an eccentric character quietly submitted, or some- 
times gave occasion to evil reports, {n) The practical wisdom tolerated by 
the lower system was debased by the consciousness of its own imperfection. 
Etch marriage was looked upon as belonging to this lower condition. There 
was some doubt whether it should be regarded as a necessary evil in general, 
or M an inviolable sacrament^ but second marriages were condemned, and in 
the West, after the fifth century, the marriage of a divorced person was pun- 
idked as adultery. (&) External forms, such as fasting, almsgiving, and 
^yera, without reference to the internal spirit which produced them, were 
n^vded as meritorious and expiatory. The object of education was the 
•ttainment of the most humble submission to authority, and the ideal of all 
cxoeQenee was the mortifications and conflicts of the saints. The means of 
pioe were often used as mere charms, and heathenish superstitions of every 

< fjnod. Arim. et 8«leuc. c 48. (Th. I. p. 917.) Auguttin^ Aehh^i. c 
n.i (Grotfdift; c^ a D. X.) c Maximin. Arian. 11, 14, 8. 

'0 (Vnc. Chaleed, actio 1. (ManH Tb. VI. p. 672.) Kespectlng NIcaea, ConstanUne in So- 
^L9. /tidor. iWM L. IV. Ep. 99. 

')ingr. H. m& lY, 88. 2t) Jnnoe«nt /. Ep. 6, c 6. Comp. Oono. MOeviL a. 416. a 17. 


kind remained in full force. We already find traces of the belief that men 
could form a compact with the devil, from which no penitence could obtain 
deliverance but through the goodness of the holy Virgin, (c) But even in this 
time of general helplessness the world was fbll of miracles. Christianity 
was frequently a mere subject of controversy and of entertainments, and yet 
people took part in ecclesiastical affairs with an earnestness and activity 
which amounted to absurdity. (</) Brotherly love was no longer the peculiar 
badge of the Christian community, and an observing pagan remarks, that 
even wild beasts were not more furious against each other than were the 
Christians of his day. (e) The Church had no remedy for this general cor- 
ruption of social life, and for the luxury and extreme refinement which were 
side by side with popular misery and universal servility. Indeed, it was 
itself rapidly becoming swallowed up in the general abyss of the Roman 
empire. Many were raised by it above the feeling of this relaxation of all 
public relations, and made to participate in the liberty of the kingdom of the 
Spirit. The severity of the ancient discipline was gradually made to yield 
to new circumstances by numerous dispensations, but a multitude of minor 
penances were introduced and regulated by a well-arranged penal code. In 
the East the confession of secret sins was left to the option of each individ- 
ual, and public opinion became inflexibly opposed to auricular confession, on 
account of certain flagrant crimes known to have been connected with 
it. (/) In the TVest, confession was more and more regarded as indispensa- 
ble to forgiveness, but after Leo's time this might be made in the ear of a 
priest bound to secresy. (jg) 


§ 133. Celibacy and Moral Condition of the Clergy, 

Theiner^ toI. 1. ($ 9. note h.) Carotf^ Bctracht d. Coel. part 1. Samml. d. Coelibatsgvcetze. 
part 2. Frkf. 18S2. f. [/. Taylor^ Ancient ChrisUanlty. Philad. 1840. 8.] 

A larger number of synodal enactments were published against the mar« 
riage of priests after their ordination, but in the East, when oven bishops had 
been married before ordination, they were generally unmolested. When a 
new law on this subject was proposed at Nicaea, Faphnutixis^ an aged con- 
fessor and a rigid ascetic who had never touched a woman, so powerfully de- 
fended the chastity and sanctity of the marriage state, that the liberty which 
had always been customary in this matter was confirmed, {a) and the Orien- 
tal Church even anathematized those who rejected a married priest. Qi) The 
right of a clergyman to live with a wife whom he had married before hiB 
ordination, and who had been a free and spotless virgin before her marriage, 
was also recognized and confirmed by the Trullan Synod, but the bishops 
were required to separate themselves from their wives, (c) In the West, 

e) AemU, Sommer^ de Tbeophlli cum diab. foedere. Ber. 1S44. 

d) Grtg. Ny&9, Or. de Dcitate Filii. (Th. I. p. 46Ca.) e) Ammian, MarceU. XXII, 5. 
/) Socrat n. ecc V, 19. 

g) Leon. £p. 168. c 2. (0pp. p. 14808.)— Z>a2Za«u«, de sacramcntall «. aoricnlarl Latinor. eoofea- 
Bione. Gen. 1061. 4. BolUau, Hist conC auria Par. 16S1 Xlee^ d. Beichte. Frk( 182a 

a) Sooral H. eoo. 1, 11. Sotom. H. ecc I, 23. 

b) Socrat II, 48. Syru Gangr. a. 862^70. c. 4. (J/anH Th. II. p. 109&) oompw Can, opotL & 

c) ayn, T^rvU, eta, 8. ft. ia-12. 


ftft^r the time of Siricios, Bishop of Rome (385), tlie provincial synods de- 
dared that none but subdeacons should be allowed to have wives, {d) and 
gradaallj the celibacy of the clergy was universally demanded. Human 
lawH, however, were comparatively ineffectual when opposed to the very 
nature of man. Although persons of an elevated spirit among the clergy 
maintained the same contempt of the world which had formerly prevailed, 
and were rewarded and prompted to do so by the honor of their order, many 
low-minded men were attracted by the wealth and honors of the Church, 
and lived in hypocrisy, or in open devotion to worldly pleasure. These 
looked upon the performance of outward worship as the sole business of the 
priesthood, and changed their creed according to the imperial mandate. iSiri^- 
Hanvs wrote a satire against the covetousness of such priests, in which he 
exhorted every one to purchase salvation in this easy way by a proper payment 
for his sins, (e) But dark as was the picture of this corruption, painted by the 
ecdesiasdcal teachers themselves, the very indignation which these express 
against it, the ideal of the true priesthood which they held up, and the 
icknowledgment which these received among their contemporaries, prove 
that even exalted virtues were esteemed and found among the clergy. (/) 
When the barbarians overran the country, the priests were not only ready 
to administer consolation and deliverance to their people in the performance 
of their official dnties, but to surrender their lives for their religion, (g) 

§ 184. ManaBtie Life in the EoMt. Cont. from § 65. 

PaOadU <d. about 420% Hist LAasUea. Theodoreti, ^tX^cof loropia ^ cunrnrifd) ToXirtla, 
Sierat lY, tSmk Stmom. I, lS-14. lU, U. YI, 28-^ Lives of the monutie aaints, and manjr let- 
kit Vj HitfTooymna. Cawiamts. ($ 12.) [S. P. Day^ Monastic Institutions, tbeir Origin, Progress. 
4e:Sed.LoDd.lSMu 112.] 

From the ethical system which required a renunciation of the world, was 
prodnced monasticism. The necessity of having some society induced the 
beimits to assemble in cloisters {koivo^wv^ tiavhpay claustrum), and the bishops 
irve favorable to an institution by means of which order and supervision 
beetme practicable. Paehomius^ a disciple of Anthony, first established 
mooasteries for each sex on the island of Tabenna in the Nile (about 840), 
tad the same thing was subsequently done by Amun in the desert of Nitra, 
Vy EUarion in the desert of Gaza, and by Basil the Great near New Caesa- 
wt. Every convent was governed by. rules imposed upon it by its founder, 
Vrt most of these required unconditional submission to the will of the supe- 
rior {jffoviiMvotj dpxifiav^pi'njst a/3)3a(), a complete surrender of all private 
^ ind possesions, a mortification of the sensual nature, and a life entirely 
^oted to (3od and to divine things. Their time was wholly taken up with 
I*»» exercises and easy manual employments. Tlie tortures which they 
ufficted on themselves when battling with the temptations of an excited 

') ArM<, Ep. ad nimerlnm c. 7-9. {Conatant p. 6805S.) 

<) A4t. araritiain L I V. (about 4fiO.) 0pp. ed. BaluM. Yen. 172a 

/) GrtQor. JfoM, cIs loirr^r iral Tfpl iwtffKSirwv. Conip. UUmann^ Grep. v. Naz. p. 521ss. 

t^SooroL YI, 6L Somotn, YIII, 4 Thsodoret Y, 88. Victor VU. et Vig. TupM. Opp. ina. 4. 

^i ir^,6w 


fancjf frequently exceeded the requirements of their rule, and sometimes 
terminated in suicide or insanity. From the suppression of the natural, pro- 
ceeded unnatural passions. A return to the world was not impossible, but it 
was threatened with ecclesiastical penances. After the time of Basil, the 
opinion generally prevailed, that the marriage of a virgin espoused to God 
was not only adulterous, but void. Some eminent teachers were opposed to 
this view, (a) and there were even some married monks. (6) None but the 
abbots were usually ordained as priests, and in some instances these took 
rank by the side of the bishops, their monasteries being looked upon as con- 
gregations of laymen. But after a brief resistance on the part of the rigid 
class, (r) the convents became the ordinary seminaries of tho clergy. This 
divine philosophy was so generally received, that cities became solitary and 
deserts full of people. The burden of the declining state was not felt within 
the cloister^s walls, noble minds were attracted by the magnanimity of a bold 
renunciation of the world, and what was then regarded as the most exalted 
state could not be found in the world. In the hands of the more violent 
bishops, the monks became an easily excited host, which in tlieir contests 
with pagans and heretics often controlled the hearts and clubs of the popu- 
lace, and feared neither the imperial despotism, nor the laws, nor human 
nature itself. 

§ 185. ITermits, Simeon Stylites, 

Sonom. YI, 2R-34 Hujtni YItoe Patrnm s. HiBt eremitic*. In the 2d vol. of the Yitae Patrnm, 
ed. RwttDeidiu*^ Antn. (1615.) 162S. f. In the ProtestAnt selection : Yltae P. repurgatae p. G. Jfajo- 
rem c. praef. LuVitri^ Vlt \fM,—TheodorHi, Hist religioe. c 2«. Eragr. H. ecc 1, 18. lift of 
Simeon, by his piipll AnUmitu (Acta Sanctor. Jan. voL I. p. 26l8iL) and his cootemporary CVmumm 
{A98emani Acta Mart P. IL p. 2688S.) 

' Not only might tho nuns reside in the cloister, but they were sometimes 
allowed even to remain in their father^s house, or in the dwelling of a priest 
(§ 64). The ordinary home of the monks was in the desert. The Anachoreta 
either entered into some fellowship with a neighboring monastery, or re- 
mained solitary until some of them became half savages. In the lives of 
those primitive fathers who were the idols of popular tradition, we meet 
with exalted virtues and heroic self-tortures carried to such an extreme, that 
human dignity and propriety were annihilated. We sometimes find a wis- 
dom which seems almost supernatural, and sometimes the pious simplicity of 
an ecclesiastical mountebank like Paul the Simple.'*' Simeon, a Syrian, either 
invented a new kind of life, or imitated that which prevailed among the 
Indian penitents. When a boy, he forsook his flock, and more than onoe 
was saved from a fanatical suicide in the convent. For thirty years, on a 
pillar near Antioch (after 420), as a mediator between heaven and earth, he 
preached repentance to the astonished multitudes that gathered around him. 
He became an umpire and an apostle to the wild Arab tnbes, and gave coun- 
sel, and even dictated laws to an emperor. lie had imitators as late as the 

a) KpipK haer. 61, 7. AugwL de bono vldalt c. 10. Comp. Cypr, Ep. 02. 
h) Angutt de haer. c. 4a e) Oaaaiaru de instlt coenobb. XI, 17. 
* General view of the acoonnta in TUUmont, Tb. YIL p. lilBa. 


twelfth century, but while many endured his tortures, few attained the spirit 
or the reputation of his life. 

§ 186. Monasticism in the West, Benedictines, 

BUron, and Ca—ian, (| 184.) Dacherii et MabiUonii AcU Sanctor. Ord. S. Bcncd. (till 
lioa) ie«»-1701. 9 Th. £ Jfabillonii Annates Ord. 8. Bened. (till 1187. Par. 1708-89.) Luc 
17MM5. 6 Tb. t In the PraeC Saec I. p. T: Obsa. de monackis in Occld. ante Benedictnm.— 
6«9ch. d. Benedictinerord. A. SpUtler't Yorlea v. Gnrlltt Hamb. l$2a 4. [Article in Edinburgh 
Ser. for Jan. 1849, in Eclectic Magazine for April, 1849.] 

Monasticism became known in the West through the followers of Atha- 
naaus. At first it was looked upon with astonishment, ridiculed or abhorred, 
but in a short time it was extensively propagated through the influence of 
Martin of Tours and Cassian in Gaul, of Ambrose and Jerome in Italy, and 
of Augustine in Africa. Afartintts^ Bishop of Turonum (873-400), was the 
sunt of his people, was able to recognize Satan even in the form of the 
Saviour, and according to his disciples, possessed power to suspend or confirm 
the laws of the universe. He was carried to his grave by two thousand 
monks, {a) At first, those rules were adopted which had been devised in 
the East, but it was soon found that the privations of the desert were not 
snited to a Gallican stomach and winter, (h) Benedict of Nvrgia^ who had 
dreamed away his youth in the grotto of Subiaco, and had been looked upon 
as a saint by the mountain shepherds, established in the wilderness of 
Monte Casftino (529) a society of monks, whose mild but well- arranged rules 
and inviolable vows soon united most of the Western monasteries into a per- 
fectly organized community, and bound them to a useful course of life, (e) 
Already, in Martin's establishment, the disciples had been employed in the 
labor of copying books. («i) So when Cassiodorus escaped from the storms 
of his political life, and found refuge (588) in his convent of Vivarium, he 
Erected the attention of the monks to literary pusuits. {e) The Benedictines 
preserved the monuments of antiquity for a more cultivated age, made the 
deserts fertile, and became the instructors of the people. The convents were 
placed under the supervision of the bishops within whose diocese they were, 
bat these had no power to violate the constitution of the order. A few 
monasteries attempted to escape the jurisdiction or the oppression of their 
Irifihop, by putting themselves under the care of some distinguished bishop 
at a distance. 

§ 187. Veneration for Saints. 

In an age when people quietly enjoyed all that they possessed, those cen- 
turies in which painful struggles had been endured were looked upon as 
beroic, and those heroes who had purchased victory with their blood were 
i&Tested with a growing splendor in the grateful recollections of subsequent 
gmeratioDs. The pious respect which all felt for their earthly remains, in 
tbe course of time, and through the influence of Egyptian customs and hea- 

a) SulpicH Set. de vita B. Martini L. et Epp. Greg. Tur, de miracc S. Mart 
I) Sulpicii 8w. Dial I, 8. CaatUxn. de Instit coen. 1, 11. 
e) Legends : Grtgorii M. Dialog. 1. IL Rale : BoUten. Th. L p. lllaa. 
4) S^ Vita Mart e. la «) loatttt ad div. lect (S 119. note g.) 


thenish saperstitioiui, became exaggerated into a veneration for their bones, 
many of which were discovered by special miracles and revelations. So 
lucrative finally became the traflSc in these relics, that various laws were 
formed against it. People took delight in other and strange relics which had 
been in any way connected with the daily lives of former saints. Public 
prayers for the martyrs were gradually changed into prayers to them as inter- 
cessors with Grod. The same feeling which had induced their heathen ances- 
tors to deify men, now led them to regard the saints as subordinate deities. 
Some were honored only in those localities in which they had lived, or in 
which their relics were preserved, but others in much krger circles. Whole 
orders and nations attached themselves to particular saints, and others were 
made to preside over certain kinds of assistance. The heathen had some 
occasion for ridiculing Christians on the ground that their religion had be- 
come paganized. Agnppa's cheerful Pantheon, once dedicated to Jupiter 
and all the gods, was now consecrated to the Mother of God and all the mar- 
tyrs (608). As soon as the Nestorian controversy had decided that the Vir- 
gin had given birth to God, she was placed at the head of the saintly host. 
Epiphanius, on the one hand, points out those as heretics (^AvTi^iKOfiaptayirai) 
who believed that Mary had been the mother of several children after the 
birth of our Saviour, and on the other colls a female sect (KoWvpidiapoC) 
which bestowed divine honors upon her by the offering of a cake, the priest- 
esses of the Mother of God. (a) Though all were not agreed upon the sub- 
ject, it was generally believed that her virginity was unimpaired even wheo 
she brought forth offspring. Prayers were also addressed to angels^ espe- 
cially as it seemed unsuitable that they should be regarded as inferior to the 
saints, {h) Some persons who had been objects of devout admiration during 
their lives, on account of their exalted or at least singular piety, were placed 
by their contemporaries on an equality with the martyrs. In acknowledging 
these as saints, the bishops only expressed the popular will. Such a venera- 
tion, often amounting even to adoration, did indeed put imperiect mediators, 
with their generally overwrought virtues, in the place of Christ, but it pre- 
served in its freshness a poetic recollection of the illustrious examples of bet- 
ter times. From the very nature of these recollections, they could never 
attain their complete significance until they had been reproduced in popular 
legends and stories. Thus St. Agnes with her lamb became the type of pious 
virginity, (c) just as Christopher had become the type of a dauntless man- 
hood, when he made diligent search among all the great men of the earth, 
that he might serve only the greatest, and finally found what he desired in 
the child Jesus. (</) Even the soil which our Lord once trod became an 
object of devotion on account of recollections of him. Beneath a temple of 
Venus was discovered the grave of the risen Saviour, and over the spot Oon- 
stantine erected the Church of the Resurrection, (e) J1\b mother Helena 

a) EpipK. haer. 78 et 79.— IHlnitfr, de CoIIjrld. fluiftticls saec lY. (MlsoelL Hafh. 181& Th. L 

h) Ambros. de vlduls 9, 65. comp. JuMln. ApoL I. c. 6. 

c) TiUemonL Th. Y. p. 8448a </) Review of the Legends : Annalen d. TbeoU 1684 Not. 

e) EmA, Ylta Conit III, 85-40. 


hftd herself baptized in the Jordan (826), and it was near the close of this 
oentnry that the legends first delighted the hearts of men by revealing the 
tacred cross, which has nnce been preserved unimpaired in spite of the 
removal from it of innumerable pieces. (/) Annually, at Easter, pilgrims 
aaembled oat of all countries around the sacred sepulchre. 

S 188. Fuhlie Warahip. 

The outward forms of religion became gradually more and more imposing. 
Tnm the ancient temples the incense and many ancient customs of heathenism 
were transferred to the churches, (a) By the use of tapers and perpetual lamps, 
the solemnity of nocturnal festivals was combined with the light of day. In 
some places a piece of metal was struck by a hammer to call the people 
together, but in the seventh century bells were used for that purpose. Soon 
after, in face of continual opposition to all instrumental music, the organ 
{opya9oy)j worthy of being the invention of a saint who had listened to the 
minstrelsj of angels, was brought to Italy from Greece, (h) Church music in 
flttemate parts had been extended in every direction from Antioch, and had 
been much improved, especially in the West, after the time of Ambrosius. (c) 
In the Greek Church the principal part of public service consisted in the 
lermon, though it was often only a rhetorical amusement rewarded by clap- 
ping of hands. From looking upon the Lord's Supper as a encharist, men 
gradoallj passed to regard it as an expiatory sacrifice, and we find in some 
ucertain figures of speech, intimations of a change of the bread and wine 
into the body and blood of Christ. Love-feasts long survived the renuncia- 
tion of the ecclesiastical family life which had first given occasion for them, 
and now took the form of repasts for the poor, prepared by the whole 
Church, but with only a few local exceptions they were regarded, even in the 
eommencement of the fifth century, as an antiquated custom. As baptism 
was generaUy administered to infants, and in a public assembly, and as Chris- 
tianity had now become universal, every thing like Christian mysteries had 
been gradually laid aside, although some expressions (missa catechumenorum 
et fidelium) derived from them still remained. A monkish custom, in imita- 
tion of the priests of Isis, who tried to assume the appearance of slaves by 
dttving their heads, was so far adopted by the clergy of the fifth century in 
tbe Roman Church, that they merely made bare the crown of the head (ton- 
sora Petri). Particular kinds of vestments were also adopted by the clergy for 
thdr various orders and dififerent sacred services. A white woollen cloak, like 
the holiday costume of the Greek bishops (u)fio<t>6piov, pallium), was sent, after 
the Bxth century, by the popes to the individual bishops of tbe West as a 
token of special honor and of connection with the apostolic see. In the sev- 

/) AeeonUng to different Mooanti : Sotom. II, 1. (coanteif^it letter of Cyril to Ck)nstantiiu.) 
'^n&fofc Or. de obita Tbeododl. Paulini JMani Ep. 81. (al 11.) oomp. J. Dallaeu»y adv. Latino- 
nm d« enltna reL objeeto tradittonem. Gen. 16M. i. p. 704b. 

0) Aerording to JiuMard and MiddMon : Blunt, Yeatlfea of Ane. Mannert and Cnstoma dlicov- 
"^I^isia Mod. Italf and Bieilj. Lond. 1888. 

^) Chytandfr, blet Nachr. v. KOrgeln. Bint 175S. J. Antony, Oeacb. Darrt. d. Entat n. Yer- 
^■i^iOrieLManatlSaa. 0)| 180. note/ 


enth century, Western bishops carried with them the ring and staff, (d) On 
Sunday^ Constant ine ordered that all worldly employments should cease, except 
works of necessity in the field, and the manumission of slaves. The Roman 
festival of the birth of Jesus, on the twenty-fifth of December, was adopted 
also in the East in the time of Ghrysostom. (e) Epiphany was then observed 
as a celebration of Ghrist^s baptism, and in the West had a reference to the 
Magi as the first fruits of the heathen world. The judaizing Passover having 
been condemned at Nicaea, those who observed it in Asia Minor were 
regarded as heretics (Tca-a-apcdcatdricarcrac, Qnartodecimani.) (/) The time 
for the festival of Easter was announced at Alexandria, though sometimes 
different days were observed in different provinces. The great Fast before 
Easter was prescribed by the Church, and even the civil law required that 
it should be regarded as a time for quiet reflection, though the number of 
days included in it was not uniform. (^) Some traces of a pious preparation 
for Christmas (adventus) appear in the seventh century. The fortieth day 
of Pentecost was selected in the fourth century for the commemoration of 
the Ascension of Christ (toprfj rrjs dvakrjyfrtat.) (h) In the other festivals was 
exhibited the new spirit which had become prevalent in that age : Lady- 
days, including the feast of the English Annunciation (^ tov (vwyytXiafiov, 
annuntiationis, March 25th), and that of the churching of women (purifica- 
tionis, Feb. 2d); (i) a festival of All Martyrs, which occurs in the Greek 
Church on the Sunday after Pentecost, and of All Saints, which is observed 
in the Roman Church on the Ist of November, the celebration of the Hrst 
Martyrs (Dec. 26th), and a festival for martyrs and children referring to the 
massacre of the children of Bethlehem (Dec. 28th). The heavenly birth- 
days (deaths) of Peter and Paul (June 29th) were observed with peculiar 
Bolenmity, especially in Rome. With similar pomp was observed there a fes- 
tival in honor of St, Peter's chair (Feb. 22d), which originally commemorated 
the establishment of the Roman see, but being connected with the ancient 
Roman feast for the dead (Feb. 19th), finally degenerated into a sacrificial 
fbast for the dead. The only festival yet observed in honor of the natural 
birth of any saints, was that of John the Baptist, on the day of the year in 
which the days began to shorten. (X) The yearly festival of the recovered 
cross (Sept. 14th), called the Elevation of the Cross, was not sufficient to 
inspire men with courage to defend the holy sepulchre. In contrast with 
the heathenish festivities practised at the commencement of the secular year, 
the Church at first set apart that time for fasting; but in the seventh century, 
Kew Yeafs day was in some places connected with Christmas, and celebra- 
ted as the Feast of the Circumcision. The Church usually commenced the 
year with Easter, though in some instances at a later period it was dated 

d) J. du Tour^ de orlgine, antiqalt et sanctit vestlnm sacerdotallum. Far. 1662. 4 PerUck, de 
orig., tun et aactorit pallli. Ulmst. 1754. A. J. A. Schmidt de annulo pastoralL HImst 170&. i. 

e) Planck^ variar. de orig. festi nat Chr. sententt eplcrisia. Oott 1796. 4. 

/) Eu9eb. Vita Const III, 18. oomp. 14 Soerat I, 9. Cdne. Antioch, can. 1. 7. 
g) DaUaew, de jejanlls et quadragesima. Daventr. 1654 18. 
h) Horn. Alter d. H. F. Feste& ( WagnitM, lit Journ. 1806. vol. V. sect 8.) 
i) Schmidt^ prolofls. Mariaoae c pradl MokhemiL Hlmat 1788. 4. Lawhertini, de J. C. Ma- 
trisqae feetifi Patav. 176t Bonn. 1766. £ k) AugusUni Horn. 287. oomp. Jo. 8, 80. 


from Advent. Every chnrch celebrated the day of its original consecration, 
and the days on which their patron saints died. 

§ 189. Ecclesiastical Architecture and Works of Sacred Art, 

J^mfK &im€iU, antics Bafcilicografla. Neap. 168& 4. J. Fahricii^ Or. de templis vet. Chrlstt 
nimsL 1704. 4 GuU&ntihn e Knupp^ Monam. di reL christ ossia raccolta dello antiche cliiese dl 
Soma dal quarto Sec Bom. 1S2255. 8 vols. f. PUttner u. RMUll^ Boms Basillkcn. (Be&chr. d. 8tadt 
BiiDL TuL I. p. 41788.) (BunMn) Die Baslliken d. christl. Bom. M&ncli. 1S43. t—3furatoH, do tcm- 
pUir. apad vet chrisU. omatn. (Anecdota. Th. I. p. nSAS.) «/. G. MuUer^ bildl. Darst Im Sanctua- 
riani d. Kirchen v. 5. b. 14. Jahrh. Lintz. lSi)6.— A ugunti, Beltrage z. chr. KunstOescb. 1841. vol. I. 
ISMt vol II. [If. G. Knight, Ecclea. Arcb. of Italy from ConstL to 15tb cent 2 vols. Lond. 1M4. 
Brmcn^ Sacred Architcctare, Its rise, prog. &e, Lond. 1S46. 4. F. Clo9e, Cburcb Arcb. from tbo ear 
llest ages to tlic present time. Lond. ISSO. 12.] 

Immediately after the time of Constantine sprung up in all parts of the 
empire a desire as well as a necessity of building churches. They were gen- 
craHy erected over the graves of the martyrs, in the form and with the name 
of the Bwfilica. This was an oblong parallelogram divided lengthwise by 
double or qnadruple rows of pillars, and terminating in a semicircular hall 
i^rjfia, Sanctuarium). Immediately upon these pillars rested a beam, which 
in wealthy churches was overlaid with brass, or a second row of pillars with 
arcades (S. Agneso), and above these a rather flat gable-roof. Before the 
entrance was a quadrangular court (atrium, paradisns), surrounded with 
colonnades, and with a fountain in the centre, (a) The division of the main 
body of the church by a partition into an exterior and interior apartment 
(tnpOrii and va6i\ was probably common only while the penitents were kept 
apart from the congregation, and the catechumens were numerous. In some 
cborcbes, at a later period, the exterior hall became properly a porch. In 
the sanctuary, separated from the other parts by lattice-work and curtains, 
stood the main altar, behind which were the seats for the priests, with the 
episcopal throne in the centre. Before the altar was an elevated choir for 
the angers, by the side of which was a pulpit (afxfiav) or two. Smaller 
churches, and in general baptisteries, were in the Roman temple-form of the 
Rotunda, surrounded by pillars in the interior, and on the outside by a gable- 
screen open pillars. When architecture had attained a more perfect Chris- 
tian character, the foundation of the Basilica gradually assumed the form of 
the cross (S. Paolo, 386.) This was either the Latin cross, when the longest 
arm formed the nave, or the Greek cross, when all the arms were equal, and 
by connection with the rotunda, a cupola spanned the intersection in a hemi- 
spherical vault, so as to be an image of the heavens. The church of St. 
Sophia in Constantinople, as it was built by Justinian after the conflagration 
(538), is the principal monument of this style. Pillars and other ornaments 
were frequently taken from the heathen temples. The walls especially of 
the sanctuary were adorned with figures in mosaic. These were for a short 
time opposed, but they finally triumphed, not so much on account of any 
enthusiasm for the arts, as from the general tendency of men^s minds in pub- 
lic worship. Statues, however, were always excluded from the oriental 
churches. Modem art still retained some of the skill which belonged to 

a) Euttb. H. ecc X, 4. 


antiquity. But a pious Teneration at an early period produced an inyariable 
tradition, that our Lord should be represented as Saltator^ and the apostlee 
with a serious and dignified aspect, in ancient Roman costume. The Mother 
with her child was painted after the Nestorian controversy. Crucifixes ap- 
pear in the seventh century. Subjects for the arts were generally taken from 
sacred histor}^ but sometimes the lives and sufferings of the saints, and even 
of living persons, were chosen. (Jb) In opposition to all representations of 
the Father, it was alleged that he was visible only in the Son. {c) The Tml- 
lan Council decided against the ancient representation of Christ as a lamb, {d) 
It was, however, a fundamental principle of all Christian art, that the visible 
was to be only a type of the invisible. Pictures or images were to be a sub- 
stitute for books to those who could not read. But before tliis, Augustine 
had complained of some who adored the image itself, and women excused * 
their splendid garments by the plea that they were embroidered with scenes 
from sacred history. 

§ 140. Iconoclast ie C<mtroter»y, 

I. Imperlalia decreta de caltn imaginnm, eolL et lllnstr. ft Af. ffaiminnfeldio Goldatto, Frcf. IdOS. 
Jo. DamascMii A6yoi i.xo\oyriTiKo\ Tphs roht ^lafidXKovras rks aylat uK6yas. (0pp. Th. L 
p. SOSas.) XicepKoH Breviar. IIU*. (UU TdQ.) ed. PeUirivs, Par. 1616. Tfuophanea. (§ 92.) 

II. Dallaeus^ de Imaglnib. Lugd. 1642. Mainibourg^ Hist de lli^rteie des Iconoclante^ Par. 
1679. and 16S8. 8 Th. 12. Sj>anhemU Hist imaglnnm refltituta. Lujid. 1686. (0pp. Th. II. I.) WaM^ 
Ketzergeach. yol X XL F. L. SchloMer, Gesch. d. Bllderstilnn. Kaiser des ostrozn. Keicha. Frk£ 
1812.-V. Jiarx, d. BUderstroit d. bjt. Kaiser. Trier. 1S89. 

A worship of certain persons was very intimately connected with a wor- 
ship of their images. Some of these had been painted, as people generally 
believed, by apostolic hands, or had been miraculously sent down from 
heaven, and were therefore supposed to be worthy of adoration (fiKovdXarpfia), 
But the spirit of primitive Christianity which had always been so averse to 
artificial representations, and the spiritual view of it which had recently 
been revived by the reproaches of the votaries of Islam, soon took ofifence at 
what seemed a new form of heatlienism. Leo III., the Isaurian, had all 
images used for worship removed from the churches (726), and becoming 
irritated by opposition, he proceeded to destroy them (730). The pious sen- 
sibilities of the people were violently wounded by this proceeding (ciVovo- 
«cXa<r/i<$r). But while some, during the conflict^ became possessed of an idol- 
atrous and absurd regard for images, others had their hatred to them so much 
inflamed, that the persons represented by them became objects of contempt. 
It is not difficult, therefore, to perceive in this controversy a secret struggle 
between the friends of progress and the advocates of a sensuous devotion, 
between the Protestant and the Catholic principle. Political malcontents 
took advantage of these dissensions, and a military despotism was arrayed 
against the hierarchy. Constantimis Copronymvs had a synod convened at 
Constantinople (754), which claimed to be oecumenical, and in obedience to 
the imperial requirement, rejected the use of images, (a) But the monks, in 

b) PauUn. Xolaru NaUL Felicia carm. 9 et 10. ^md. Ep. 82. 

c) OrHnMsen, a. bildL Darst d. Ootth. Btatti;. 1829. d) Can. 82. 

a) The decrees maybe learned firom the Acts of tlie Second Nloaean CJoonciL [Landan''§ Maaaal 
of Councils, p. 187.] 


whose convents they were manofactnred, placed themselves at the head of 
the popular party, and after some encouragements from the Roman bisliop, 
raised an insurrection. A series of emperors, in fearfbl hostility to the feel- 
ings of the people, continued the struggle against images. Two empresses 
decided in favor of them : Irene^ by whose direction the seventh cecnmenicol 
synod at Nicaea (787) recognized the propriety of image-worship, (h) and 
Theodora^ who, after many vicissitudes in the struggle, proclaimed the vic- 
tory of the image-worshippers (842), by appointing an annual festival in 
which the triumph of orthodoxy (7 Kvpuucfj rrjs opdodo^iar) should be com- 



§ 141. General View, 

As Catholicism became more and more developed, individual protests 
were heard against every departure of the Church from the simplicity of 
tpostolical Christianity. This protesting spirit was shown sometimes by 
teachers of high standing, when they boldly reproved crimes committed in 
the Church, and advocated a spiritual worship instead of one which was 
merely external, and sometimes by men in inferior stations, but w^ith a more 
decided and hostile opposition to the Church of their age. Among these we 
should distinguish between those parties which were striving to exceed the 
ordinary Church in strictness and purity, but which came down from earlier 
times, and those which had recently sprung up in opposition to the now ten- 
dency of the ecclesiastical spirit. 

§ 142. The DonatisU. 

L Optatua MUevUanu§ (about 86S), de scbiflmate DonatiMtarum, also, Monumenta vett. ad Do- 
latSst Hist pertlnentia, t± L. K Du Pin, Par. 1700s. Augustine's Controv. Writing. 0pp. Th. IX. 

IL VoUmIum, d« schism. Donatist (following his edit of Euseb.) Hist Donatlat ex. KorUdanU 
Mbedis exoerpta. {NarUii 0pp. eddL BulUrini^ Yeron. 1729aflL t Th. IV.) WalcK, Kotzergesch. vol 
IT. A. Bowty de Angoat adTeraarlo Donatlrt. Lugd. B. 1S88. 

The schism of the Donatists was produced by those who favored a rigid 
ind inexorable ecclesiastical discipline, in opposition to the lenient and pru- 
dent policy of the later Church, and those who longed for martyrdom. When 
Ctecilianus, who as an archdeacon had been unfriendly to the confessors, was 
chosen Bishop of Carthnge, and was ordained by a traditor (311), those who 
were opposed to him set up Ifajorinvs as a rival bishop. The latter was 
mcceeded by Donatus^ called by his adherents the Great, who with his friend 
Donatui of Casae-nigra gave name to his party. In their views of the 
Church, and in the ezclusiveness with w:hich they administered baptism, this 
Kct only adhered to the primitive African traditions. On their application 
to Constantine, a commission was appointed at Rome (813), and a synod was 
assembled at Arelate (314), to investigate their cause. In conformity with 

() CVmc Nlea«n, IL Acts In ManH Th. XIL p. 951.-XIIL p. 820. [Summary of them Id Lan- 


the decision of these bodies, severe laws were proclaimed by the emperor 
against them. Bat the peasants and some wandering tribes of Numidia and 
Mauritania (Agonistici, Circnmcelliones), who had never really been subject 
to the Roman dominion, seized their clubs to avenge the conflagration of 
their churches, and the blood of some of their priests. With a wild love of 
slaughter, they maintained during the fourth century a predatory war with 
tlie Catholic Church and the Roman empire. Augustine endeavored to con- 
ciliate or to confute the milder portion of this party (411), but with little 
success. They were finally overcome by the Roman laws and legions, but 
not until individuals had struggled and suffered on till some time in the sev- 
enth century, and had shown the prodigious power which even a mistaken 
faith may exert over sincere, vigorous and gloomy dispositions. 

§ 143. Audians, Massalians, 

Audius broke off from the Church in Mesopotamia, because it paid no 
attention to his formal reproofs, and he finally established monastic commu- 
nities in Soythia (about 840), which observed the passover according to the 
Jewish mode, and are said to have believed that (xod possesses a human 
form, {a) The Christian Massalians ("p^SQ , Evxtraiy in Armenia and Syria, 
after 860) held, that to overcome the evil disposition of the natural heart, it 
was necessary to pray internally without intermission ; that all other means 
of grace were indifferent, and that labor waa sinful. They wandered about 
and begged, refusing to hold any property of their own on earth. All traces 
of them disappear in the seventh century, (b) 

§ 144. PrUeillianvis, 

Svlpic Sit. U. racr. II. 46-51. Ill, ll!«. Oronii Commonltorlam ad. Aug. de errore PrisdlliaiH 
IsUr. (Aug. Oi)p. Th. \\\\.)^Walch, Ketzerhlst vol III. p. 87888. & ran Vries^ de PriscilllAnbtls. 
Tri^. 1745. 4. «/. //. & LUhkert, de haerei»i PriscilUanlstar. Uaon. 184a 

Under Manichaean influence a Gnostic party more rigid than the Church 
was formed under Priscillianus (379), the object of which was, by unusual 
self-denials and efforts, to release the spirit from its natural life. At the 
Synod of Caemr Augmtta (380), ItaciuSy a bishop, procured their condemna- 
tion, and obtained from the emperor Gratian a decree, according to which 
they were no longer to be tolerated on earth. But having gained the favor 
of the court, they began to think of persecuting their opponents, when Gra- 
tian was hurled from his throne by his general Maximus. The usurper gave 
his countenance to the party of Itacius, and Priscillian was summoned to 
Treves, where he was put to death by the sword (885). This was the first 
time in which the blood of a heretic was shed by the solemn forms of law. 
The Church was struck with horror at the act. The Priscillianists, roused to 
enthusiasm by the blood of their martyr, survived the persecution until some 
time in the sixth century. 

a) Epiph. haer. 70. Tkeodoret haer. fabb. IV, 10. H. ecc IV, 9. 

h) Epiph. haer. 80. Theodoret haer. fltbb. IV, 11. H. ecc IV, 10. Photii cod. 58. 


§ 146. Protesting Ecclesiastical Teachers. 

AerivSy a presbyter in Sebaste, in opposition to his former iriend and 
bishop Eusiathivs^ taught that there was no essential distinction between 
bishops and presbyters; that fasts ordained by the authority of the Church 
were Jewish compulsory forms, and that prayers and alms were of no avail 
for the dead. This schism at Sebaste appears to have become extinct prin- 
cipally because the monastic ethics of Eustathius were rejected at the Synod 
of Gangra (between 862 and 870). {a) Jovinianus^ a Koman ascetic, maintained 
that there was no difference before God between fasting and a pious enjoy- 
ment of food, nor between a state of celibacy and an honorable wedlock, and 
that a difference in good works presents no reason for expecting different 
degrees of reward. For these opinions he was expelled from the Church, 
first by his bishop Sirtcivs^ and then on the report of that prelate, by Ambro- 
ntu of Milan, to whom he had applied for redress (about 888). (h) VigHan- 
(tut, a native of Oaul and a presbyter in Barcelona, in an eloquent treatise 
denouioed the ecclesiastical superstition of honoring deceased persons as idol- 
itry, vi^ls as occasions for licentiousness, and vows of chastity as tempta- 
tiona to unnatural lusts, and maintained that it was far more Christian to 
use in a wise and beneficent way the property which had been inherited, 
than to cast it away as a burden. He was favored by his bishop and some 
nogfaboring prelates, but Hieronymus defended against him the customs of 
the Church with all his accustomed asperity, (c) 

§ 146. History of the Faulieians, Sect, I. 

L Pttm* 8ictd»t (about 870) l<rropia wtpl r^r alp4a'fuf Mavixa^»y Twy kou HavXtKiap&p 
krfpJvmv, gr. et Ut ed. RaderM, Ingolat 1604. 4. Gietdsr, Oott 1840. 4. PhoUw, wtpi r^t 
Uanxaimw kyafiKcurrfifftcts, ( Wdjii Anecdot gr. Hunb. 1722. Th. I. If. &, GaUandii BibL Th. 
MIL) Jo, Danuue, AidXoyos Kark Moofixtii^^' (Opp. Th. L p. 429a».) Jo. Omientit^ Armo- 
ifonun Catfaollcl, Or. c Paullciiinofl, aft^r 718. (0pp. ed. Aucher^ Ven. 1884. Conip. Windiachmann 
lid.T&b. Qoartabchr. 18S5i P. 1. Formula reccptlonis Manich. ( ToZZ/J loMgnia Itin. ItalicL p. 144aft.) 

IL Frid. Sckmid, Hlat PauUctanorum orlentallam. Hafta. 1826. {Engelhardf) Die Paullc. (WI- 
Mn XL Engelb. Jootd. 1827. vol VII. Part 1. 2.) GiueUr^ Q. d. Paalic. (Stud. u. Krit 1829. vol. II. 

Constantiney from the neighborhood of Samosata, and connected with a 
Gnostic congregation at Cibossa in Armenia, found in the perusal of the New 
Testament a world unknown, and became animated with the hope (about 660), 
of bringing back a state of things like that which had prevailed in the Apos- 
tolic Church. He assumed the name of Sylvanus, and called those commu- 
iritieg which acknowledged him as a Reformer, Pauline congregations. By 
their opponents they were called Paulicians (at first according to I. Cor. 1, 12); 

o)Splph. baer. 75. Gangra: ManH Tb. II. p. lOdSas. comp. JSocrat II, 43. [Art In Kltto*s 
*»"Ml or BIbL Lit Tol. IV.] 

i)8tHcHEp. ad dWereos Episc. adv. Jorln. (Corutanl p. 668sb.) Ambroaii Kosoript ad Slric 
(^- ^JI70M.) ffUron. L IL adv. Jovln. (892.) Augustin. : De bacr. c 82. De bono conjugall. De 


«) Bitron. Ep. 87. ad Kipnarlnm a. 404 and Liber adv. Yigll. a. 406. (Th. lY.) Gfnnadii de vlr. 
fiutr. e. SCl-V. G. Watch, de Ylg. baeretlco-orthodoxo. Jen. 1756. {PottH SylL Cmtt tbeoL Th. 
^) Q. B. Lindner^ d« Jovln. At YlglL porlorls doctr. anteslgnanii. Lpa. 1840. 


bnt they themselves acknowledged no name bnt that of Christians, and ap- 
plied the title of Romans to the Catholics. They adhered to the Gnostic doc- 
trines which maintained that the history of the worid exhibits only the strug- 
gle between the good and the evil principles, that Judaism was the work of 
an inferior spirit, that the Old Testament was no part of the holy Scriptures 
(Jo. 10, 8), and that the conflict of the flesh with the spirit was in conse- 
quence of their creation by two different creators. Their principal attention 
however, was directed to a revival of apostolic and spiritual Christianity. 
On every subject they appealed to the New Testament as a sacred book for 
the people in the text used by the Church, but with the exclusion of the 
Epistles of Peter. They rejected all the external forms then in use, as the 
ecclesiastical system, fasts and monasticism, worship of saints and of Mary, 
crosses and relicts, and regarded baptism and the Lord's supper as only 
spiritual acts. Constantine was killed (about 684) by a traitor, but at the in- 
stigation of an imperial ofiicer. The community always had a chief like him, 
and called after one of the companions of Paul, but neither he nor any of his 
fellow-pilgrims (ovveK^rj^i) and scribes (pordpioi) exercised any hierarchical 
powers. As they were joined by some Manichaean congregations and were 
favored by the iconoclasts, the Paulicians spread over the extreme provinces 
of Asia, in spite of bloody persecutions from without, and their own internal 
divisions. Their principal city was Phanaroea in Helenopontns. Some of 
them considered it right to adopt the doctrines of the Church with an alle- 
gorical signification, and to submit to the external forms of the Catholic wor- 
ship, on the ground that these might be beneficial to the body. The death 
of Constantine was so heroic that the very judge who condemned him, after 
some years, left the capital of that region to take his place. The reproach 
of unnatural licentiousness which was cast upon them may have been occa- 
sioned by their entire disregard of the Mosaic prohibitions with respect to 
consanguinity. It is, however, possible that their opposition to the law near 
the end of the eighth century, may have given occasion to a moral degene- 
racy, of which their overseer, Baanes (6 pvTrap6s% may have been the most 
prominent specimen. 


§ 147. Original Authoritiu, 

I. SemUr^ Yen. den Gebr. d. Qaellen in d. Staats-u. KOesch. d. mltU. Zeiten zu erleicbtern. HaL 
1761. RdtUr^ de annalium medii aevi condit &, do arte crit in ann. Tub. ITSSs. 4 Dahlmann^ 
Qncllcnknnde d. deutschen Gcscb. Gott (1S80.) ^^^.—Mfibomii rcr. Germ. 8criptore& Himst 1888hl 
8 Th. t LeibniU, Scrr. rer. Bransvic. illostrationi inserviontea. Han. ITOTss. 8 Th. t I*reheri nr. 
Oorm. 8crr. ed Struve, Argent ITUsa 8 Tb. f. UarzhenM Concilia Germ. (Ull 1747.) CoL 1759a>. 
11 Th. t Ussermanni Monuuienta res Alcmonnicas illu5tr. Typis S. Blasian. 1790. 2 vol& 4 Perta, 
Mon. Genu, biatorica. Han. lS26s& 8 Tb. t—Du Oheme^ ITist Francor. Scrr. Tar. 16S6ea. 5 Tb. £ 
Souqu^Dom Brlal, rer. Gallicar. ot Franc Scrr. Par. 178S-1833. 19 Tb. t--Muratori, rer. ItaL 
Scrr. Medlol 1723m. 21 Tb. t—Eccard, Corpus blst mcdli aevi. Lpst 1728. 2 Tb. f. 1) Gregor, TV- 
rofuns. Hist eceL Francor. L X. till 594, selected from iSs cont by Fredegar Ull 641. cd. Ruinar% 
Par. 1699. £ {Bouquet^ Tb. IL p. 75.) Beda VenerabUU, Hi!»t eccl. gentis Angler. L V. till 78L 
Ed. Jo. Smith, Cantabr. 1722. £ Siavensan^ Lend. 1838. [Bede'a Ecclea. Ubt with the Sax. Cbron. 


trnisL Into EdrL tritb notes, m«p9, &c bj J^ ^. t7^/«t, Lond. 1845.] 2) Jomandes, de reb. Oeticls 
tin 5401 Kd. Fabric Hwnb. 170«. t {Muratorl Th. I. P. L p. 187.) Mdor. Hisp. Hist Gothorom. 
TandaloniiD, Suevoram till 625. Ed. RdtUr, Tub. ISOa. 4. Jsidor. Paeen*. (about 754.) Chronlcon. 
{Bmrigue FtoreM^ £sp«&a sagrada. Madr. 174'^ Th. VIII. Dw Ch^9ne Th. I.) Paulua Warne- 
fridi, Di^icoHus, de gestis Longobard. I. VL till 744. {Maratori Th. I. P. I. p. 895.) 8) Annalos rer. 
Fraodcaram : LaurU»mw9 741-S29, rerlsed Jb cont since 78S by Einhard. {Pertz Th. I. p. 124.) 

XL J?fiA«, Oeacb. d. Mittelalt BrL 1816. Jlallam, [SUte of Europe daring the Middle Ages. 
Lond. 1$4«. 8 vols. & New York, 1817. 8.] Luden^ Gcsch. d. M^V. Jen. 182U 2 vol& Rehm^ Gesch. 
d MA. BlAfb. 1831-S5i 8 tola. Leo, Gescb. d. MA. HaL 1830. 2 vols. MoelUr, Procls de Tllist. du 
omjco &ge. Lout. 1S41. Gibbon & Schlotser in their larger works.— Wdch^mvtJiy earop. Sitten- 
pteh. LpaL lS31-8a 2 vols Charpentier, Hist Htt^raire du moyen fige. Par. 188-S.— /?. r. Pawner, 
die Einwirk. d. Christenth. a. d. Altbochdeutsche Bprache. Stuttg. 1S45. F. W. ReUberg, KGesch. 
DeotKblands. Oott 1846. vol. I. [F. Koklratuch Hist of Germ, transl. by J. D, Ilaae. New York. 
1817. %. J. J. Matcon, Hist of the Ancient Germans, transl. by Lediard, Lond. 1833. 2 vols. 4. T. 
Gntnwocd^ First Book of the Hist ct the Germans: Barbaric Period. Lond. 1836. 4 S. A. Jhin- 
ham, H. of Enr. daring the Mid. Agesw Lond. 4 vols. 12. W. Meruel, H. of Germ. transL by O. Uor- 
Lond. 1848. 8 voLei 12. GviMOi, H. of Civilization. New York. 1810. 4 vol& 12.] 

A picture of this age is especially to be fonnd in some contemporary bio- 
graphies {a) and letters (5) of persons prominent in the Church or State of 
that day. A vivid representation of Gterman affairs, as they would appear to 
a Roman, is given by Frocopius. (e) The German historical writers were ex- 
doflively clergymen, and confine their attention to their ovn respective na- 
tbns, with only occasional glances at the affairs of others in the vicinity. 
Gregory of Tojurs (d. 595) and the Venerable Bede (d. 735) wrote ecclesiasti- 
cal histories. The former, with an honest simplicity and an excessive faith, 
described a rude age as a warning to all who might be tempted to treat the 
Church with violence, {d) The latter collected together the original documents 
and traditions relating to the history of the English Church, as they existed 
among the clergy, and presented them in a learned style and in the spirit of 
the Anglo-Saxon Church, for the instruction of subsequent ages. Jornande^ 
(Jordanis, about 550), a monk, possibly a bishop, but at an earlier period a 
private secretary, an Ostrogoth but not an Arian, wrote a history of hig na- 
tkm both in the East and in the West. His was the first German voice heard 
in the midst of the national migrations. Ilis materials were principally de- 
rived from Roman authorities, and his notices of ecclesiastical affairs are not 
▼ery abundant. Paul (d. 799), the son of Wamefrid^ a monk of Montecassino, 
belonging to the literary circle around Charles the Great, collected and incor 
pwated in his history of the Longobards, the lively traditions preserved among 
the people. Ecclesiastical subjects always seemed interesting to him, but he 
W introduced them but sparingly into his narrative. In the Annals of the 
WDTent of Lorseh^ as well as in those of Bginhard, the exploits of the Frank- 
iib kings, and their relations to the Church, are recorded in a simple and con- 
^ityle, but with respect to the principal facts in the animated language 
^ interested witnesses. 

•) Qtoerally In PsrU. Th. I. IL b) Especially Epp. Bonif. & Codes Oarolinut, 

^ De beOo Tandalico. De bello Oothica Ed. G. Dindorf, Bonn. 1888. 2 vols. 

*) UbtO, Gregor. v. Toura u. a. Zeit Lpi. 1885. C. G. KrUe, de Greg. Tur. ViU et Scriptls. 



§ 148. Religion of the Germans, 

L 1) TnciH Gena c 2. 9. 11. 27. 89. 4a 4a 40l Annal XIII, 57. Hist lY, 64 2) Abronnntiatio 
dfaboll A Indicolos saporetitlonnm et papmUrnm, c a. 748. (Epp. Boni/btc ed. Wurdtto. p. 12te& 
Parta Th. III. p. 198.) Gapitalatlo de parttb. Sax. ( WalUr^ Corp. Jur. Oenn. Tb. II. p. 104ss.) 

IL jtfbn^, Gesch. d. Heidenth. im nordl. Earopa. Lpa. n. Darmst 1822a. vol II. p. 1-822. Jac 
Grimm, Deatache Mythologle. Gutt (1S8A.) 1S40. Z. VTdand^ d. Mythns v. Tbor. Stuttg. 1888. O. 
Klemm, Handb. d. germ. Altertbamskando. Dread. 1886. [Z>. MalUt^ Nortbem AnUqultka^ 
Lond. lS4a &) 

When the Gennans first began to have intercourse with the Roman Em- 
pire, either as allies or as enemies, they were trained, not for civilization, 
but for military freedom. They were a bdd, faithful, and chaste people, high- 
spirited whether in life or death, living by agriculture or by the sword, and 
addicted to no excesses but those of the table. Their women were admitted 
to equal privileges with themselves, and indeed were supposed to possess a 
peculiarly holy and prophetic character. Their history was preserved in oral 
traditions and poems. Their religion, as described by Tacitus, was a respect- 
ful awe in the presence of a mysterious power, which ruled over all things 
and was worshipped by all who spoke a common language, however variously 
apprehended by different tribes. In the ancient songs, Thuisto^ a deity which 
sprung from the earth, and his son Mannus^ the man, are extolled as the an- 
cestors of the nation. The Semnones boasted that they were in possession 
of the most ancient sanctuary. There a divinity who ruled over all was wor- 
shipped in a forest so sacred that none could enter it but in fetters. The 
deputies of all the tribes belonging to the same race assembled there to cele- 
brate a festival for the whole confederacy. On such an occasion a hnman 
being was offered up in sacrifice, as none but the most exalted being of earth 
appeared to them worthy of the Deity. Captives taken in war were gene- 
rally the victims, and in extreme circumstances a whole hostile army was de- 
voted to death. On an island of the ocean was a grove sacred to Bertha 
(Northns). At times her veiled chariot was drawn forth dispendng joy and 
peace among the people. On her return the goddess and her chariot were 
plunged into a mysterious sea, and all the slaves who had attended her were 
swallowed up in the waves. Other gods are mentioned by Tacitus, but with 
Roman names. There was a god of wisdom, another of power, another of 
war, and two youthful brothers like Castor and Pollux, but natives of the 
country, and served by a priest in a woman^s appareL Victory in battle was 
the gift of the gods. These were supposed to have their home beyond the 
great ocean from which their forms were sometimes seen to emerge and iUa> 
minate all around them by the beams which streamed from their heads. Per- 
sons praying turned their eyes toward the heavens. The Germans thought 
it inconsistent with the greatness of celestial beings to be confined by walls, 
or to be represented by a human form. Groves and forests were their saored 
places, and they applied the name of God to that mystery which they oould 
reverently contemplate only in the inner spirit. Unlike the Gauls (a) in these 

o) CoMar, de bello OalL YI, 21. 

CHAP. L E8TABL. OF ens. f 14$). OERMANIO BELI6I0N. 163 

respects, they had no priestly caste, nor splendid sacrificial rites, but priests 
presided oyer their sacred things and in the religious assemblies of the people, 
and corporeal punishments could be inflicted on ireemen only in the name of 
the godsL The military weapons of a deceased person were buried with his 
body in the grave. Such was the religion which the first Christian mission- 
aries called the worship of the devil. The Irminml was then regarded 
among the Saxons with especial veneration, because it was supposed to be the 
pillar which sustained the universe. This was only a vestige of the imageless 
▼orahip of the one God, and was connected with recollections of nermann 
the national hero, (b) The gods worsliipped, though with different degrees 
of honor among different tribes, were : Wuotan^ the arbiter of worlds and of 
battles, and the father of heroes and of kings ; Thunar^ the god of war and 
of thunder, to whom were dedicated the most ancient oaks ; Fro^ who dis- 
pensed peace and fertility ; Freyja^ the lovely consort of Wuotan, and Fostra^ 
the goddess of Spring, (c) Later traditions give us slight notices of Fran 
Bolla in Lower Germany, and of Frau Bertha in Upper Germany, beautiful 
goddesses of the earth who preside over the affairs of the household and of 
hoabandry. The gods were supposed to look down upon men through the 
▼indowB of heaven, and to direct human destiny, {d) Though the old sane- 
toaries under the canopy of the lofty forest were sometimes seen at the period 
of which we are writing, sometimes too might be found temples and images 
of the gods. Offerings were also presented at fountains and rocks, and in 
times of peculiar joy or necessity, human sacrifices were ofibred. In some in- 
itances in which men could not determine what was right, the judgment was 
nbmitted to God, and the method most preferred was the duel. So strong 
was the hope of meeting friends in another world, that the Friesan king, Rad- 
bot, scorned the Christianas heaven, from which his predecessors were ex- 
dnded. (e) 

S 149. Religian of the Northern Germanic Nations, 

L The older Edda collected by Saemund SifffuMon (d. 1188.) lu Ireland: Edda Saemundar 
MiM FrSda, Edda rhythtnica, Saemnndina dicta, ed. Tliorlaciut^ Finn Magnusen, etc. Hafh. 
17Si-18Sa. a Tb. 4 Miniature ed. e. rca limkii cur. A/kelitt«, Holm. 1813. Translations of most of 
tb«9uogi (in Germ.) by nav«n^ Brl. 1812. BresL 18U. Grimm, Brl. 1816. LeQi», Lps. 18299S. 8 toU. 
Tbe pnse Kdda, was commenced by Snorre Slurleton (d. 1241), and was completed In the 14th cent : 
^^trv-Eida faamt Skildu af Rtuk. Stock. 1818. Uebers. v. R&ha. Brl. 1812. Mu^pilli, hreg. v. 
SdmtOtr, (Buchner's Beitrige, Mun. 1882. vol. L P. 2.) Auxiliary sources : For the northern heroic 
^H. M» MUUr, Sagabibliothek. KJob. 1817. 8 Th. Uebern. d. 1. a Lachmann, BrL 1816. Baxo 

Onnnatieas and Adam Bremensia. 
U. After the investigations of JSuhm^ Thorlaciua and Finn MagnuMn, Gen. reviews : Grundt- 

*<f, Senlcna Mytology. Kj >b. (1808.) 1882. Stuhr, Glanb. Wiss. n. Diet dor alt Skandinavier. 

Kopnh. 1&8& jr<m«, vol. L p. 216-479. Munter, KGesch. v. Dunem. u. Norw. Lpz. 1828. vol. I. p. 

1-^ Dtrctink'Holm/eldy nord. Vorzeit Kopenb. 1S28& 2 P. (Petersen u. Thomsen) LeitC z. 

^'^ AkMtbnmsknnde hrrg. v. d. konigl. Gcsellsch. £ nord. Alterth. Uebera. v. PauUen, Kopenb. 

% [MaiUL (S 147.) JT. F. Wiborg, Die Mythol. des Nordens a. d. Danlsch. v. Anton r. Ettel, 

M L Aril, Th. L p. 228. Th. IL p. 676.— IL J. Grimm, Irmenstraase n. Irmensilule. Wien. 1315. 
^^ Innta. BreaL 1817. 

<) Bfda, De temper, rat c. 18. 

<) P9mL Diae. I, & GHmm, MythoL Edit 1. p. 968& 

<) Jmu yitM & Walfrunl e. 9. (JfoMMon, Acta 89. Benedict Saea IIL P. 1.) Comp. AppiatU 


BerL 1847. G. PigotU Manna) of Scand. Myth. Lond. 1S89. a A. Crlchton, ScandiiiAvia, Anc. and 
Mod. Edinb. 1839. 2 vcls. 12. WhMtotr$ lliflt of the Northmen. 2 ed. New York. 1847. If. ChrM- 
mat^ Universal Myth. p. 27S-815. Lond. 1838.] 

The Scandinavian is a special branch of the common German mythology, 
but its general character was more fanciful and gloomy, and it penetrated 
deeper into the grotesque and monstrous forms of nature. Neither the 
purely historical view of it, according to which' Odhinn was a mortal king or 
even an impostor, nor the purely symbolical, according to which the doctrine 
of the Am is only a figurative representation of the origin, the redemption, 
and the regeneration of the world, corresponds with the character of this 
people. The fact that the worship of Odhinn was brought to the North by 
a nomadic tribe from the Caucasus, and that the original inhabitants with 
their gods were overcome, is clearly indicated in the tradition that the Aser 
themselves came from that region, and maintained a perpetual war with the 
conquered race of giants and dwarfs. The world was created by Odhinn out 
of the dead body of the giant Ynicr whom he had slain, a. <?., out of the 
organic powers which had been brought into subjection. Creation therefore 
commenced with a murder, and a bloody feud sprung up between the gods 
who formed the world and the race of the giant who wished to revenge his 
death. OJhinn is in nature the sun which gives life to all things, and in his- 
tory he is royal wisdom ; Thor is the god of thunder, and the honest but 
wild prince of war ; Freyr^ with his lovely sister Freyja, represent the gene- 
rative and conceptive powers of nature. Among men the latter represents 
love, but was originally different from Frigg^ the beautiful wife of Odhinn. 
In the popular legends, however, all these gods are looked upon as personal 
beings, and their divine life and adventures while warring with the giants and 
magicians, is a picture of the military life of the people in their struggles 
with the powers of nature, with heroes, and with enchanters. Tlie charac- 
ter of the goddesses is the only point which is strange, and indicates an 
Asiatic origin ; for although in other respects they well represent the attrao- 
tions of the German women, they do not generally exhibit a very high 
regard for chastity. The gods presided over the fortunes of men ; Odhinn 
was the bestower of victory, of fame, and of the power of song, and Freyja 
is the giver of the pleasures and pains of love. The Nomas descry, weave, 
and announce the destinies of heroes. The deceitful and the cowardly are 
tormented in Niflheim^ and such as die without renown wander as ghosts in 
the kingdom of Hela ; but the Valh/rias hover over the field of battle, and 
select their favorite heroes for the slaughter. Those who fall glorioualj 
ascend to the VaUialla^ where they continue to spend a life of heroic activ- 
ity with the gods. Thus love, death, and a higher life were united in the 
same moment, and hence, notwithstanding their joy in life, their delight in 
a heroes death was always great. Sacrifices were offered to the gods, and in 
circumstances of extremity a nation once offered up its own king. Ordi- 
narily, however, the only offerings were such as were found on the tables of 
their cheerful feasts. This national faith knew nothing of self-inflicted tor- 
tures, but a gloomy sadness pervades the Edda, since pain and death are con- 
nected with all life, and spare not even the gods. Indeed, the very gods are 
aware of a prophecy which predicts their death. Locke, who represents the 


aD-devoaring fire and tlie principle of evil in opposition to tbe new world of 
the gods, contrives to intrude himself among the Aser. Already, by his 
subtle artifices, Balder^ the noblest of all the gods, has fallen. By stratagem 
and power the Aser are yet able to ward off their own destruction. Bat a 
time is coming called the Twilight of the gods, when all the powers of the 
abyss will break their bonds, and all the Aser and tbe heroes of the Val- 
balla will contend against them. As in the Niebelnngen Noth, all the gods, 
tiie heroes, and the powers of the abyss will be slain together. In the 
mighty death-struggle, the world itself will become a confnsed mass, and bo 
ooDsnmed by fire. Then a new earth will be produced, and be inhabited by 
an innocent human pair nourished by the morning dew, by a few sons of the 
&llen gods who will survive the ruin, and by Balder, who will then return 
from the lower world. They will spend their time in relating to each other 
the conflicts of the former world. But far above all this strife and change 
exists an unknown power which has been called, perhaps from some hint 
taken from Christianity, the Universal Father (Alfadur). 

§ 150. Arianism, 

Near the close of the fourth century, the Western provinces of the Ro- 
DAn empire, partly through conquest and partly through the increasing influ- 
ence of German generals and mercenaries, came into the possession of the 
Germans. This people then had either become Christian, or were inclined 
to be so. Tlie Goths had received the gospel by means of prisoners taken in 
war, and a Gothic metropolitan had a seat in the Synod of Nicaea. Among 
the West Gothic princes, Fritigern was fevorable to Christianity, but Athan- 
ttrich persecuted all who embraced it. When the Western Goths fled before 
tbe Huns, and sought the hospitality of the Roman empire (376), their bap- 
tism was the condition of their settlement on the further side of the Dan- 
ube, (a) The form of Christianity which they then received from the em- 
peror VaUns was Arian, and to this they adhered with a Gorman fidelity, 
eten when another creed was announced to them by imperial edicts. Their 
bishop, Ulphilas^ by natural disposition and by education well fitted to be a 
mediator, translated the Scriptures into their native language, (h) and after 
performing the duties of his office for forty years, died at Constantinople 
(588), deeply affected on account of the subversion of his faith, (c) But in 
eoDBequence of the victories achieved by this nation, and the general recep- 
tion of bis German gospel, the other German conquerors embraced the 
Arian faith. It was carried by the Western Goths into Spain, by the Fast- 
(r% Goths into Italy, and by the Vandals into Africa. The greater part of 
4e Burgundians^ after a brief period of partial sympathy with Catholicism, 

a) J. A^chJbaeK, Oesch. der Wettgothen. Frkf 1827. 

^) VlpldUu pArtiom Inedit Bpec ed. A. Majut et CatitlUmeus^ Med. 1819. 4. Cont from the 
^ cT Pul : 1829. 1884 188S. 4 Ulfilas. V. et N. Test vereionlB goth. fragmm. edd. C. de Gaht- 
'"k at / Lo^bt^ Altenb. et Lpa. 1886-47. 9 Th. 4-^keirein8 Alvaftg^IjAns Johannen, brsg. v. 
JI^MMum, Mnnfch. 1S8S. 4 oomp. Lo€h€^ Beitr. z. Textberleht n. Erkl. d. Skelreina. Altenb. 
M- [All lo Kitto't Joanud of BlbL Lit vol III.] 

Oi^wrat IV. 9& &«>i».VI. 87. Tkfodoret, lY, 9Si. P/iilattorff. 11, S. Jomand.o.2^ Q 
^ ft. Lab«D n. Lrtm d. Ult lUn. 184a 


finally followed this example. Many, however, who professed to be Arians, 
were only Semiarians, or altogether ignorant of the diflference between the 
two. (d) The Catholic Church to which the native Romans belonged re- 
mained unmolested, for the German kings held that religion coold not bo 
enforced by authority, and that as God tolerated various forms of it, no par- 
ticular form should be forced upon all persons, (e) The Vandal kings in 
Africa (after 431) were the only sovereigns who by a violent persecution 
gave new martyrs and mbracles to the Catholic Church, (/) and thereby pre- 
pared the way for their own overthrow, and for the victories of Belisarius, 
by whom the Roman empire was once more established there (588). 

§ 151. Victory of Catholicism. 

GrtQor. Tur. H. Franc II, 27m.— JffeA«M', H. de France Par. 1888. toL L 

Clovis^ of the Merovingian family, united the Franks under one monarchy, 
and subdued the various tribes of Gaul and of the provinces on the confines of 
Germany (481-511). His Catliolic wife Clotilda, a Burgundian princess, 
endeavored to turn his mind from the gods whom his fatliers had wor- 
8hi])ped. In the battle of Z.ilpich (Tolbiacum, 496) against the Allemanni, 
when he saw his ranks give way, he raised his hands in supplication to the 
God of the Christians. After his baptism on Christmas by St. Remigiui, in 
the Cathedral at Rheims, the victor was anointed as a Christian king, (a) and 
saluted as another Constantine. He obtained considerable reputation for his 
military exploits, his sanguinary selfishness, and his zeal for the Catholic 
faith. As he was then the only orthodox king, he professed to feel bound in 
conscience to obtain possession of the beautiful territories of the Arian 
princes, and in his attempts to do so, he received much assistance from their 
Catholic subjects. With a precipitate faith the Franks and AUemanni fol- 
lowed the example of their victorious monarch. In consequence of the suc- 
cess of the Franks, and the mental superiority of the native Catholic inhab- 
itants, Arianism began to decline, and in the eighth century, when the 
Longobard kingdom (6) was overthrown, its independence as a national reli- 
gion was entirely lost. 

§ 152. British and Anglo-Saxon Church, 

I. Wilkin*^ Concilia Brit et Ulbem. Lond. 1787. 4 volt, fl Btda Ven, H. ecc 

II. Usaerii Britannicar. Ecd. antlquitt (Dabl. 1G89. 4.) Lond. 1GS7. C Lingard, Antiqaltiea of 
the Anglo-Saxon Charch. Newcaatlc. 1806. 8 vols. Stditdlin^ KOeflch. r. Oroasbrit Oott 1319L S 
vols. J. Lttnigan, Eccl. Utot of Ireland. Dubl. ed. 2. 1829. 8 vola. Munter, di« altbrit K. (Stud. v. 
Krit ISdd. P. Isl) K. Schrofdl, d. 1. Jobrb. d. engl. K. Pass. 1840. [StiUina/UMy Orig. Britaimicaeu 
>vitb notes b7 Pauiin, Oxon. 1842. 2 vols. & G. Smithy Keliglon of Anc Britain, biatorlcaDy con- 
sidcrod. Lond. 2 ed. 8. // Soames, The Anglo-Saxon Church, its hist Ac Lond. 8 ed. 8. Wm. 

d) Th^odoreU II. ecc. lY, 8& Procop. Hist Goth. c. 4. 

e) Cassiodor. variar. 1. II. Ep. 27. L X. Ep. 2<l 

/) Victor, Episc. Vitensb (4<ii7), IliAt perseontionis AfH& (BuinarU Hist peraeoationis Tan- 
dalicae. Par. 1694. Yen. 1782. ^)—Papencordt, Oeech. d. Yand. Herrsch. in Afr. BrL 1887. 

a) Tlio popular account : JTincmar, Vita S. Bemigii c 8.— (7. O, «. Mwr^ d. b. AmpoU* iq 
Bheiou^ NQrnb. 1801. 

h) Koch-SUrnbtrg^ Reich, d. Longobarden. M&ncb. 1S80. 


JKkIm, Origin of fh6 Prim. Gharch of the Brit Isles. Lond. 8. F. Thackeray^ Besearrhee Into 
tbe Eod. «nd Polit SUte of Anc Brit Lend. 184a 2 Tola. & & Turner^ U. of the Anglo-Sazona 
5 ed. S To]& & Lond. 16S& F. Palgravf, H. of the Anglo-SaxonA. Lond. 1S8T. 12. ArMr. and 
JW. Ckr. Union, vol IL (1851.) p. 8668. 71a& LitUlTs Bel. Mag. vol III. (1829.) p. 815es. C. An- 
itfot^ Hist Sketches of the Ancient Irish. Edlnb. 1828. 8.] 

The Church in Ireland was founded (after 430) by Patrick, a Briton, who 
labored there with the zeal.of a sincere and recent convert, and with the 
power of one who was believed not only by others bnt by himself to work 
miracles, (a) The convents he established were, until some time in the sev- 
enth century, the centres of a fervent ecclesiastical activity for the island, 
and Ireland was called the Isle of Saints. From it proceeded Columha (after 
665), by whom the Picts in the Highlands of Scotland were brought over to 
the Christian faith. Adopting some remnants of Druidical customs, he 
established on the island of Ily (St. Jona) a sacerdotal order, to which, in 
various records after the ninth century the name of CuMees (Kele-Dc) was 
probably exdudvely applied, (b) The bishops of the surrounding country 
tdmowledged this presbyter-abbot as their superior, {c) Britain is men- 
tioned as a Christian country in the fourth century. But when the Anglo- 
Saxons^ who had been invited to enter it as allies (after 449), became its con- 
qoerors, the British Church continued only in Wales and in the mountains 
of Northumberland. The national hatred of the tribes was too intense to 
dlow the Saxons to receive the gospel from the Britons. Gregory the Great^ 
who for a long time took a deep interest in this people, availed himself of 
the marriage of Ethelbert^ king of Kent, with a Prankish princess, to send a 
solemn embassy of forty Benedictines to proclaim himself and Christ among 
the Anglo-Saxons. The king was baptized, and Augustine^ the principal per- 
Km belonging to the embassy, was appointed Archbishop of Canterbury 
(597). From Kent, Roman Catholicism was propagated, in spite of many 
rieisntades during the succeeding century, among the other Saxon kingdoms, 
more by covert concessions and gradual changes than by an open conflict 
with heathenism. For Gregory had instructed those whom he had sent not 
to destroy the temples of the gods, but to consecrate them to the true Deity ; 
to allow the people to bring the oxen which they had been accustomed to 
sacrifice at their heathen festivals, and on days devoted to the dedication of 
a church, or to the commemoration of some saint, to slay them in honor of 
flie true God, and to hold joyful feasts for them under green arbors near the 
ehnrches. By retaining such customary pleasures, he hoped gradually to 
make these obstinate dispositions form a relish for the spiritual enjoyments 
of Christianity, {d) It soon became evident, however, from the eftbrts to 
unite the Saxon and British churches, that the latter would acknowledge no 
other subjection to the Roman bishop than that which was due to any other 
Christian, (e) But they tolerated each other with greater or less degrees of 

a) Pairicii Contemio. (Opuscc. ed. Wdraetu^ Lond. 1858. and In W. BeViam^ Irish Antiquarian 
Bottrcbes. DnbL 18268i P. IL App. p. 49.) Popular accounts: Jocelini (12th cent) Vita B. Patric. 
(Adi9S. Mart. roL IL p. 640.) [Amer. and Far. Chr. Union, vol. L (1S50.) p. 4S9!v\ 585sa.] 

h) Ja^ Smith, Life of St Col Edlnb. 1798.— t/I Jamiemn, Illst Account of tbe Anc. Culdees of 
^fltt. Edinb. 181L i.—J. O. J. Branny de Cnldeia Bonn. 1840. 4 c) Beda^ IL ecc. Ill, 4. 

tf) Grsffor. Ep. id Mellitum. (0pp. toL IL p. 11T6«. and Becla I, 30.) 

«) WOHns, Cone toL I. p. M. Beda, Hist, ecc II, 2. 


hostility nntil the final nnion of the two nations, when the Ohorch of the 
most numerous people gained the victory. 

§ 168. Irruption of Islam in the West. 

J, Atchbach, Oesch. d. OmmaUaden In Spanicn. Frkf. ISSOa. [Piucual cU Gayangot^ H. of tb« 
Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain, from the text of Al Makkari, Lond. 1840-48. % vols. I. J, C 
Murphyy II. of the Moh. Empire in Spain, Lond. 1816. 4] 

In consequence of a dispute ahout the succession to the throne, Spain was 
opened to the Arabians, the conquerors of Africa. The kingdom of tlie West- 
em Goths was speedily overthrown by J/t/«a, the general of the Caliphate, and 
Spain was subjected to the Arabian prophet (711). Through this country 
Abderrhaman was preparing to pass for the conquest of the entire West, 
that he might unite it with his Eastern empire. He had already obtained 
possession of France as far as the Loire, when the power of the Arabians on 
the north of the Pyrenees was broken for ever, by Charles Martely at the 
battle of Poictiers (782). In Spain the Christians received toleration from 
the Arabians (Mozarabes) as a distinct sect, and from their mountains in the 
North commenced against the Arabian government a chivalrous contest for 
their national independence and for Christianity. 

§ 164. Germany, Boni facias^ 680-765. 

I. BonifacH: EplstoUc, ed. Whrdtu>ein, Mog. 17S9. t Vita, scr. Willibald about 760. (PerCi, 
Th. II. p. 881.) 

II. OtfihnuM (about 1066), YIU S. Bon. (AcU SS. Jnn. Tb. I. p. 452.) Serarius, Mofrantlaft 
rerum ]. V. Mofi;. CiM. 4. ed. Johannes, Fret 1722. t Th. L Sttgittarius^ Antlquitt gontiliamlet 
chriKtianijimi ThuringicL Jen. 1685. 4. Oudenii, Da. de Bon. Ilclmst 1720. 4 LoJUr, Bon. Qotha. 
1812. Suiters, Bon. Mainz. 1845. 

Bishoprics had been established during the fourth century in Germany, 
along the Rliine and the Danube, as far as the Roman dominion extended, 
but in the fifth, Christianity was partially driven back by the national mi- 
grations. Under the influence of the Franks in the beginning of the eighth 
century, it pressed forward as far as the Saale and the Elbe, but it was under 
no ecclesiastical regulations, and was much corrupted by paganism. The 
gospel was also carried by British monks as far as the Main and among the 
Allcmanni, but had no connection with Rome. Thus Columban (d. 616), 
who had been driven from the Yosgcs as far as the Apennines, established 
some convents as seminaries of Christianity, and his disciple Gall (d. about 
660), who had been left at the lake of Constance, and had become a hermit 
on the Steinach, made a lasting and beneficial impression on the minds of the 
people, by destroying their idols, by casting out demons in a remarkable 
manner, and by refusing to accept the bishopric of Constance, (a) But Wii^ 
fred^ an Anglo-Saxon monk, originally from Kirton in Devonshire, better 
known by his Roman name of Boni/a^^e^ was sent from Rome to undertake 
the conversion of Germany (718), and finally became the apostle of the Ger^ 

a) I. YiU S. Cohimbani by hia pupil Jonas, Yita S. Oalli hj WalqfHd Stralo in MahOoii 
AcU Ord. S. Betied. 8aec II. p. 1. 228. The older sources of the laUer in PerU, Th. L p. 1.— C J 
UefeU, Gesch. d. EinfTilir. d. Clirifttenth. im sQdwcetl. Dcutechl. TQb. 1S87. O, (X KnotUnb^ di 
Columbano. Lugd. lSd9. F. O. Rtttlmv, Obaa. ad vltam 8. Galli spectantea. Mart). 1841 4. 

CnAP. L BSTAB.OFCHB. $ 154. BONIFACE. $109. SAXONS. 169 

mans. This title, however, belongs to him not so mnch becanse he first pro- 
daimed the gospel to the people, as becanse lie effected the complete over- 
throw of paganism, announced by the destraction of the sacred oak at Gels- 
mar, (b) and because he was the founder of the German Chnrch. He was 
Buperatitioos in his views, rigid in his habits, narrow-minded with respect to 
external forms, and arrogant towards inferiors,, but Bubmlssive to popes, 
except when he thought they protected abuses, (c) In conformity with his 
oath, (d) he made the German Church dependent upon the pope, but with- 
•at the authority of the Roman bishop and of the Frankish monarch, he 
would have found the enforcement of his strict rules in opposition to the 
general resistance almost impossible. In consequence of the plenary powers 
given him by the Roman see, he was looked upon (after 732) as the general 
bishop of Germany, and by a decree of the Grerman diet (747), the old epis- 
eopal city of Mentz was given him as a permanent see. When too old to 
ptfform the duties of ecclesiastical government, he requested that his disci- 
ple LuUuM might be appointed his successor, and resumed a task which had 
been unsuccessful in his youth — the conversion of the Frieslanders. His 
tent was pitched on the bank of the Borne, when he was suddenly attacked 
by a band of heathen robbers. He allowed his followers to moke no resist- 
ance, and all were slain. His body, in compliance with his last will, was 
buried in his favorite convent of Fulda. 

§ 156. Th4i Saxons. 

Xelnd4r§^ Tr. de sUta rel. et relp. snb Carolo M. et Lud. P. Id Sax. Lemira 1711. 4. Juaf. Jfoe9sr, 
Ouubr. Gesch. BrL 1780. vol I. Funk, &. d Unterwerfung d. Sachsen anter K. d. O. (Scl)lomer*s 
Affh. t Ooch. VL Lit 1888. vol. IV. p. 2988flL) O. Zimmtrmann^ da matata Saxonam vetenim reL 
Dmit 1S39. 4 P. L Oaanam ($ 14S.) 


The Saxons defended their national independence and the religion of their 
ancestors (after 772) against the butcher Charles, {a) until a series of battles 
and violated treaties made them desperate, and they finally resolved (804) 
to unite with the Franks as one nation and pay tithes. The Westphalian 
bishoprics were erected to servo as a kind of ecclesiastical fortresses. Laws 
^tten in blood forbade all return to the customs of heathenism, {h) and it 
▼as Dot until the Saxons had been completely subdued by the sword and the 
croM, that Charles the Great saw his plans accomplished. 

§ 156. Overthrow of German Paganism, 

Iff Hdurl^ Gcaeh. d. dentacb. BUdung In d. Per. d. Uebergangcs ITeldenth. in Chr. BitI ISM. 12.] 

Aa the Germans were in the habit of acknowledging gods besides their 
^"^ they readily conceded to their guests that Christ might be divine. But 
iltboQgfa the doctrine of a crucified God was not altogether strange to their 

*) PMk, Th. IL p. 848. <i) WUrdtw. p. 108. 

tf) ITknttw. Pl ISiL [Tb6 oath Itaelf : OUuUr, niat vol IL ^ 214 at a] 
<) Mibd«f Uneertain as an orlg. doc but often printed from the Goslar Archives, e. g. HannOr* 
i) CkpUolatlo de partlb. Bazonlae. il 789. {Walisr, Corpus juris Qerin. Th. IL p. lOlsa. with 
ta MHndm% p, 28aa.) 


minds, Christ, his apostles, and the monks, seemed to them a faint-hearted 
kind of people, until the clergy acquired military hahits and legends of chi- 
valrous saints were circulated among them. The bold assumption of supe- 
riority to the gods of their country, and the exclusive reliance upon their own 
power, which the northern heroes especially expressed without hesitation or 
reproof, was not directly favorable to Christianity, but proved that a living 
faith in the old religion was already much impaired. They had no powerM 
sacerdotal caste, and the opposition which Christianity encountered was not 
produced by a priestly nobility among any of Odhinn's worshippers, but by 
the various political circumstances in which it was introduced to the several 
tribes, (a) The religion of their ancestors had no support but the public sen- 
timent of a free people. For the whole intellectual fabric of the Roman em* 
piro, and consequently for its church, they entertained the profoundest reve- 
rence. They were convinced by the example of the Western Goths that 
the Christians' God could bestow power and victory. The twilight of the 
gods which their mythology taught them to expect, seemed to them realieed 
by Christianity, but in a milder and more beautiful form. Christianity was 
always foreign to the Greek and Roman national character, and could never 
be received by those nations without destroying their peculiar spirit. The 
disposition of the German nation on the other hand never found its proper 
development except in connection with Christianity. Hence, wherever the 
Germans were independent or victorious the gospel always had free scope. 
But it was not without many touching lamentations that the ancient system 
of paganism was renounced, (h) 


Planck^ Gesch. d. kIrchL GeflellacbaftsrerC vol II. Sichhom, dentache Staate-n. Recbtsgeich. 5 ed. 
Gott 1848. vol. L J. Grimjn^ doutscbe Recbtsaltherth&nier. Gdtt 1828. mUlmann^ Unpr. d. KVer£ 
d. MA. Bonn. \^\.Sllendor/, d. Karolinger u. d. Hierarchie Ibrer Zeit Easen 1689. 

§ 1 67. Original Records of the Canon Law. 

By the principles of the German law, the Church and all ecclesiastics re- 
tained the same privileges as they had enjoyed under the Roman empire, (a) 
and in consequence of the new relations in which these were possessed, a new 
legal state was developed. The Spanish collection and the Dionysian Codex 
were therefore continually appealed to as records af the Roman law. Any 
new ecclesiastical usages and laws were either incorporated with the popular 
code or published as decrees of synods or of the diet, (b) 

a) On the other hand : Leo^ Geacb. d. ital Staaten. Hmb. 1829. vol L p. 559a. 
h) Grimm. MythoL p. 4. Uhland, Thor. p. 228. 

a) Cane Aurtlian, L a. 611. can. 1. {ManH Tb. TIIL p. 8608.) Lea RipuaHor. tU. 6S. & 1. 
{Walter Tluh p. ISO.) 

b) Walter, Corpus Juris Germ, antiqoi. Ber. 182488. 8 Tb. PertM, Monum. Germ. Tb. IIIi. L«- 
gnm Tb. I. II. Comp. Regesta Carolonun. All the orlg. dooe. of the Caitdingiaii kings In the Eztnets 
(762-918) by Boehmer, Frk£ 1884 4 


§ 158. Relation of the Church to the State. 

Bunda^ r. Unpr. d. Beicbastandfloh. d. Bisob. n. Aebte. Oott: 1774. 4 «. Both^ v. d. Einflosse d. 
Gtbdkhlc. unter d. Iferowingern. NQrnb. 1830. 4. 

The bisbope, wbo were equally respected by tbe conquering and tbe con- 
quered nations, were generally employed as mediators wben terms of peace 
were to be settled. No sooner bad the kings, wbo were originally merely tbe 
leaders of tbeir companions in arms, tasted the sweets of regal power as en- 
joyed under tbe Roman law, ^an they became anxious to attach the bishops 
to tbeir interests. By conferring upon them offices at court and certain feu- 
dal estates, an ecclesiastical vassalage was created (a) which made it their 
policy to restrain any conquering hordes, or to conciliate any conquered 
tribes. Tbe power of tbe kings over the Church, or of the bishops over the 
state, may be inferred from the feudal laws gradually developed during the 
conquest. Tbe kings either directly appointed the bishops, or nominated 
those whom they wished to be chosen by the clergy or the people ; (h) but 
the bishops themselves, along with the other great vassals, either elected the 
king or confirmed bis hereditary successor, (c) The bishops were required 
to swear fealty to the king and to seek justice before tbe royal court, but they 
could be judged only by their peers, (d) Whoever felt aggrieved by any pro- 
ceedings in a spiritual court could apply for redress, or at least for grace, from 
the king as his lord paramount. («) Bishops sat in the diet with all other 
crown vassals, and it was on this ground that after the seventh century eccle- 
nsstical causes were so much mingled with civil affiiirs in the transactions of 
that iMxly. (/) Subsequently the power of legislation resided in the states and in 
tbe king. (</) By such a system the Church seemed almost blended with the 
itate, but its power and its consequent independence was well represented by 
that hierarchical aristocracy whose authority the kings always found it best 
to maintain, as a counterpoise to that of an hereditary and military nobility. 

§ 169. Property of the Church and the Clergy. 

Many bishops and abbots received royal grants of land and of people. These 
eodesiastical possessions, like all other royal fie&, had immunities and juris- 
dictions of their own. They were only bound to furnish a cerUun quota of 
men for a general war (the lleerbann), and the counts exercised jurisdiction 
in cases of life and death. The divine institution of tithes was more zealously 
I^rodaimed than the gospel itself, and under Charles tbe Great, wbo paid 

a) FrtfUgarii Cbron. c 41. 78. SangaUemi. I, la (P«rto Th. II. p. 78S.) 

&) Cone, AureL V. a. M9, can. 10. Cone. ToUtan, XIL a 681. can. 6. Altboogh Cone Paris. Y. 
1 n& can. 1. jet ooznpL Walter Th. II. p. 18. 

c) OfRc. Tol€taiu VIII. a. 65-3. can. 10. WUkiiu Cone. Brit vol L p. 14Ss. liespecUng France: 
Piandt, ToL II- p. 44&W. 

tf) Grtg, Tur. II. Franc Y, 19. 29. Cone. AquUgr, a. 789. c. 87. {Walter Th. IL p. 84) 

«) Cone. I*(tris. V. a. 615. can. 8. [Landonj Paria. p. 461.] with Clotaire*s enlarged confirmation* 
{Walter Th. II. p. U) CapiL Franco/, a. 794. c 1 ( Walter Th. IL p. 116.) 

/) E«ttction in Spain : Omc. ToM. XVII. a. 694. o. 1. {Manei Th. XIL pi 196.) Courts in 
Fnaee: Hlnemar. de ord. palatii c 29. comp. Manai Th. XIY. p^ 64. 

9) Cone Arvernenee a. 585. Pfa«l!&tio, (JfaiMi Th. YIIL p. 859.) Cone. Aurd. L £p. ad Clo- 
d9T. {ManH Tb. YIIL p. 850.) 


tithes of all his possessions, it heoame the general law for the whole Frankish 
empire, (a) It was, however, much easier for the Church to acquire immense 
wealth from the scruples of the people than to defend it against the universal 
robherj and violence which then prevailed. Chilperic complained that the 
wealth of the kings had fallen into the hands of the Church, (b) but Charlet 
Mattel distributed the ecclesiastical wealth among his soldiers, and left to the 
Church the consolation of thinking that the deliverer of Christendom had 
gone down to hell, (e) The dergj preserved their privilege of being Judged 
in civil causes only before the bishop^s court ; ffiough in criminal cases, if the 
offence was proved, they might be arraigned in what was called a mixed 
court. Between the counts and the bishops of each district (Gau) sprung up 
mutual jealousies and encroachments, which the kings often found it easy to 
increase. The rights of the ipetropolitans were on various occasions con- 
firmed, but they could not be sustained in opposition to the political power 
of individual bishops. 

§ 160. Ecclmastieal Power of the Pope. 

The authority of the pope in countries beyond the Alps had its origin in 
the necessity which the Catholics and Romans felt of a general centre of 
onion in their conflicts with the Arians and Barbarians. The legates of 
Gregory the Great were therefore called upon to exercise supreme jurisdic- 
tion in Spain, But when the Western Goths went over to the Catholio 
party that necessity was no longer felt, and the bishops, becoming conscious 
of their political importance, freely opposed the papal claims. Witiza 
(701-10), who was anxious to recover the royal prerogatives from the no- 
bility and the Church, went so far as to forbid all appeals to the Roman 
bishop, (a) But the overthrow of his throne and the subversion of the 
Gothic kingdom was generally regarded as a divine judgment on the impious 
attempt. The Anglo-Saxon Church gradually prevailed upon the neighbor- 
ing churches to place themselves under the guardianship of Rome, for the 
people seemed to think it rather hazardous to prefer Columba to Peter, when 
the latter held the keys of heaven, (ft) The pope was regarded with the 
highest veneration among the Franks^ but his power was conflned to remon- 
strances and intercessions except when the kings found it for their interest to 
make it appear greater, (e) But when Pipin grasped after the imperial 
authority, he knew of no better way to silence the scruples of the Franks 
respecting the oath which they had sworn to their legitimate king, than to 
obtain a declaration from Pope Zacharias that whoever possessed the power 
should have also the name of the king (750). (d) From that time all the 

a) CftpU. Franco/, a. TM. c 28. ( WalUr Th. IL p. lia) 
V) Gregor. Tur. H. Franc VI, 46. 

c) Bonif. Ep. 72. {WUrdtw. p. 194.) JTlncmar. Rem. ad Lndov. German. (TTottw, Th. ni.]x85.) 
a) SehoUi lIUp. Ulnrtrata. FrcC 1608. f. Th. IL p. 62. Th. IV. p. 69. 

h) Beda, II. ooc. Ill, 25. 

o) Ortg. Tur. H. Franc V, 21. cC VII, 89. 

d) Fredeg. Chron. appendix. {BovquHTh. II. p. 460. comp. Th. V. p. 9.) AnnaL Laurim. ad 
a. 749. {Perta Th. L p. 186.)— «/: O. LoeheU^ de CAQsia regni Francor. a MeroYlngis ad CaroUngot 
translatL Bou. 18U 4. ECCLES.LAW. fieaCLEBOT. iUL TAP AL TOWER. 173 

Garolingians thought it host to exalt the dignity of those on whom the law- 
fnlness and sacredness of their own crown depended. The German Church 
was from its very origin in a state of dependence upon Rome, and in its first 
eynod (743) all its hishops swore ohedience to the pope, (e) Boniface endea- 
vored to bring the Oallican Church under the same regulation, hut as its 
bishops possessed not much zeal for the general Ohurch and great political 
power, his success was by no means complete. Great efforts were made to 
convince the metropolitans that the pallium was indispensable to the com- 
pleteness of their power. But when Boniface complained that it was con- 
ferred at Rome for money, Zacharias called it a calumny to say that the Ro- 
man see would sell what had been bestowed upon it as a gift by the Holy 
Ghost. (/) 

§ 161. Secular Power of the Pope. 

Codex Carolinut. {Cenni^ Monn. domlnatlonis roDtlficiac. Bom. ITGOsi 2 Th. 4.)— II. Orti dell* 
crifine del dominio e della 8overaDlt& degll rom. Pont Bom. 1754. SabbathUr^BnrYoiif^ne do la puia- 
MMe temporelle dea Papea. Ilaye. 1765. J. R. Becker ^ &. d. Zeitp. der VerfiDdr. in der Oberh. &. Bom* 
]M. 17€9. Compi J. v. MaUer, Werke. 188& Th. 20. 

As late as the middle of the eighth century a governor was placed by the 
emperor over the exarchate and the city of Rome. But in the latter the 
ictual power was in the hands of the pope as the head of an aristocratic mu- 
nicipal government. The Longobards conquered the exarchate and threat- 
ened an attack upon Rome. In vain was protection sought from Constanti- 
nople, and Stephen IL in the name of St. Peter culled upon the King of the 
Franks, whom he had anointed, for aid. In two campaigns (754-5) Pipin 
repelled the Longobards, and as the Roman Patricius he committed to the 
pope the provinces which the exarch had governed, (a) alleging that the 
Franks had shed their blood not for the Greeks but for St. Peter, and for the 
good of their own souls. Charles the Great having by systematic measures de- 
stroyed the kingdom of the Longobards (after 778), confirmed and enlarged 
the donation which his father had made, and on Pec. 25, 800, laid the deed 
▼hich secured the whole on the tomb of the apostles. By this means the 
Ung effected his purpose, which was to gain a powerful ally in Italy, and the 
pope became a ruler over a considerable territory and its inhabitants. Ho 
▼as however obliged to acknowledge a lord paramount with indefinite 
powers above himself, (h) and was so much harassed by the factious strifes 
of the more i>owerful families, that he became continually dependent upon 
the protection of the King of the Franks. 

§ 162. Charles the Great. 768-814. 

I Aonala, Capitularies (before $ 147) & Letteia in the Codex CarolInoBL Elnhard^ Tita KarolL 
{.hru Th. IL pi 42d. 4( Ilan. 1880. 0pp. ed. A. Teulet, Tar. lS40-a 2 Th.) Leben a. Wandel Karls 
^ 0. T. Eiohard. EinL Urscbr. ErluoL Urkondensamml s. J. L. Ideler. Hamb. 1889. Manachtie 
SngaUeHtU, (Anecdotes) degeatis Karoli {PerU Th. IL p. 726.) Poetae Saxoni^ AnnaL de gcbtls 

«) Boni/: EpL 78. ( Witrdtw. p. 179.) /) Zaeh, ad BoniC ( WUrdhe. p. 148&) 
a) ShrpA. ad. Pip. a. 7ML (C^n^Th. L p.70.) b) Sinhard, Ann. k 796. 


Oar. (Mhnim Scrr. ran BnuiBT. Th. L p. 120.) ffdptriei (Angllberti) CatoL H. et Leo Fapa» ed. 
OrMt^ Tor. 1832. 

II. K. Dippold, Leben K Karls. Tab. 18ia Bredow, K. Karl. Altona. 1914. Capefigne^ Cbari*- 
magne. Par. 1&42. 2 Th.-^ O. Walch, Hist canonisatlonis Car. M. Jen. ll^.^PHUter, de instaorat 
Imp. Kom. GutL 1766flw 10 P. 4. [O. P. H. Janus, life of C Lond. 1847. A New York. 1848.] 

The grand objects to which Charles the Great devoted his life were, the 
union of all the German nations under his sway, and the establishment of 
civilization among them. He favored and governed tlie Church because it 
was a school for the improvement of his people. He was careful to main* 
tain the same respect for the popes which his father had shown, and he even 
increased their power, but kept them in a state of dependence upon himself. 
For Hadrian /. he entertained a strong personal attachment. Leo III (after 
705) sought refuge in his court from the ill treatment inf icted by a Koman 
faction, cleared himself by an oath from the crimes imputed to him, and was 
reinstated by the power of the king. In gratitude for this kindness, and pro* 
fessing to act under divine inspiration, the pope, on Christmas day 800, placed 
the imperial crown of Home upon the king's head, while the people ex- 
claimed, " Health and victory to Carolus Augustus, crowned of God I " By 
this ceremony, no actual increase of power was directly acquired, but the 
monarch became invested with an augmented dignity in the eyes of the peo- 
ple, and his authority in the West became sacred. It was only a thought, 
but the world is governed more by thoughts than by swords. By this re- 
newal of the empire in the West the pope recognized a master, but all men 
saw that this master was of his own creation. 


§ 1C3. Religious Spirit of the People, 

The innocence of a rude and powerful nation was soon corrupted by Ro- 
man vices, the new pleasures soon became necessities of life, and to obtain 
them the energies of the people were employed in violence. The lives of the 
Merovingian princes were filled with murders, adulteries, and incests. But 
just as these children of nature were suddenly made acquainted with a cor- 
rupt civilization, Christianity was fdso introduced among them, and preserved 
in the minds of the people a love for more exalted objects, but accelerated 
the period in which the national advancement was interrupted. It pervaded 
even the German language, not merely by the naturalization of Greek and 
Latin ecclesiastical terms, but by giving a Christian signification to original 
Gennan expressions, (a) The relation of the people to Christ was conceived 
of by them as that of faithful vassals to a mighty leader (Gefolgsherrn). If 
the mysterious spectacles, miracles, and legends of the Church did not always 
reform the people, they at least produced some regreta for the past and some 
anxiety for the future. But superstition soon supplied them with arts bj 
which they could cunningly escape her own guardianship. The peijurer 

a) JZl «. Baumer ($ 147) eapeclallf in tbe 8 booka, pu STSbb. 


cored himself by relios against the Tengeanoe of heaven, and the hired assas- 
nn consoled himself with the reflection that whatever might occur in his 
bloody coarse, he would have means to purchase the masses needfol for his 
nlvation. The virtnes on which the Church most insisted were liberality, 
hospitality, fidelity in the pajrment of tithes and offerings, and an accurate 
knowledge of the creed and the Lord's prayer. The liberty which the Grer- 
mans had always exercised of divorcing themselves from their wives on the 
repayment of dower was abolished, and marriage was regarded as indissolu- 
Me, except by mutual consent for sacred purposes, or on account of adultery, 
oon^iracy against life, banishment, or bodily infirmity on the part of the 
wife, (h) The Church and the new government contended against those 
remnants of heathenism which still adhered to the &ith or practice of the 
people, as : the exposure of children, the burning of corpses, the old sanctu- 
iries by fountains, in the lofty forest and in the stone circle, wooden repre- 
wntations of bodily organs as votive offerings, images of gods dried in ovens 
or highly ornamented, the use of horseflesh, haunted places, watch-fires, rain- 
makiDg, sacred lots, death-charms, love potions, the use of wooden images to 
effect the death of those they represent, magical predictions, and witchcraft 
of aU kinds, (e) The less objectionable portions of the ancient were gradu- 
ally incorporated with the Christian faith, legends of the gods were trans- 
formed into legends of saints, recollections of the former deities were so 
changed as to become a basis for a belief in magic, in leagues with the devil, 
and in violent assaults from him. A pleasant recollection was also retained 
for the silent people of the elves, and the wonderful gifts of the fairies. Or- 
deals were at first tolerated by the Church, then opposed, and finally used for 
its own purposes. A presentiment of the approach of the last day which 
lometimes comes up before us in this period, was suggested merely by those 
Bomans who thought that the overthrow of the empire and the terrible na- 
tkmal migrations were signals of that event, (d) 

§ 164. Feehsiastieal DUeipline, 

The discipline of the Church was much opposed by the German people on 
the ground that it was inconsistent with their liberties. It was finally en- 
fwoed in the eighth century, at least among the conmion people, by the Sy- 
iMdal courts^ which were accommodated to the popular feelings of private 
rights. In the course of each year the bishop or his arch-deacon held his 
oout in every important place within his jurisdiction, in which honorable 
niea chosen from the congregation acted as a jury to decide upon the case of 
those who were accused. This inquisitorial process, which took cognizance 
Bot only of ecclesiastical but of many civil offences, was an indispensable 
addition to the easy proceedings of former times, when every offence was 
it<iDed for by a legal fine adapted to the simple manners of the people. The 
Polities now inflicted were scourging, fasting, prohibition of marriage, and 

») CapUuL a. 752. c. 0. 9. iWalUr Th. IL p. 88as.) Greg. IL ad BonlC o. S. {Manti Th. XIL 

c) IfeiaJlj iDdlenloa BapetBtitionain (g 14a) 

^ Grtfcrii M. L XL Epi M. Grtg, Twr, TL FnuM. Prologon 


an imprisonment, which for the heavier offences was severe and sometimes 
for life, (a) None but private offences voluntarily disclosed in the confes- 
sional were allowed to be atoned for according to the former custom by & 
fine. In such cases the money belonged to the poor, and the Ohurch always 
suffered under the imputation that she allowed the rich to sin freely and yet 
gave them the hope of heaven, (b) Confession to a priest was looked upon 
as beneficial but not indispensable to salvation, (e) Excommunication was 
not common, and was therefore the more dreaded. Although the bishops 
had obtained a law which connected civil death with excommunication, it 
was understood that such a result would not take place without the consent 
of the king. By this means the bishops were obliged to pay great respect to 
the intercession of the king or of persons of distinction, (d) 

§ 165. Morals of the Clergy^ and Cananieal Life, 

As the bishops were generally selected irom the royal retinue, and the 
clergy were sometimes oven slaves and servilely dependent upon their supe- 
riors, bishoprics were often obtained by purchase or by fiattery, (a) and the 
clergy were in continual danger of becoming quite secularized or degraded in 
ignorance. Tlie laws against the marriage of clergymen were frequently re- 
newed, but marriage was as common amoug them as adultery and lewdness. 
What was called mere fondling was expressly declared to be innocent, (h) 
For every act and degree of drunkenness a precise form of punishment was 
carefully prescribed, (c) The laws forbade the servants of God to bear the 
sword, but neither law nor shame could prevent what custom and feudal duty 
required. Many a valiant bishop never knew peace till he slept on the battle 
field. The authority of the Church was sufficient to make a clergyman hon- 
orable on account of the sacredness of his office, but many a layman was 
clever enough to take advantage of the solemn dulness of his bishop, (d) In 
a series of synods (after 742) Boniface endeavored to rectify the underical 
manners and the misgovernment which prevailed in the Frankish Church, by 
demanding of the clergy a peculiar ecclesiastical character and monastio 
habits, and that he might secure these he revived the old institution of pro- 
vincial synods. Chrodegang of Me& gave to the clergy of his episcopal 
church the conventual rule which required a life in common (about 760). (e) 
Augustine was held up as an example, and the founder of this kind of life, 

a) Capit a. 769. c 7. {Walter Th. IL p. 548.) a. 818. c. 1. {Ibid. p. 261.) This amngement 
of an older date. For information respecting the proceedings, see Sittenspiegel der Zeit, flrat in J2#- 
gino^ de disc eco. II, 2s8. {Hanhem. Th. IL p. Wla.) 

b) Cone Clovtahovian, a. 747. c. 26& {ManH Th. XIL p. 4088.) Comp. Homiliade haerettdapoo* 
cata Tcndentlbus. {MabiUon^ Mnseum Italicum, Th. I. P. II. p. 27.) 

c) Capit. Theodiiifi Aurelianens. c 80. {Jifansi Th. XIIL p. 1001.) Comp. Cone. CdbUonenm^ 
818. can. 88. {ManH Th. XIV. p. 100.) 

d) Cone Paria. a. 615. c 8. {Walter Th. IL p. 14.) 

a) Oregor. Tur. Yitae patram. c 6. $ 8. Hist Frana IV, 85. A multitude of hiatorlea in Vbit 
Monachiu SangalUnsU. 

h) Gregorii IIL can. 6. {Mansi Th. XIL p. 290.) e) Ibid. can. 8. 
</) E. 6. the \rag in SangaU. L 20. {PerU Th. IL p. 789.) 

e) Ckrodtg. KeguU in ManH Th. XIY. p. 81888. Paulua ZHae. Gest Episc. Meteosliim. (. 
Th. IL p. 2678.) Comp. ThomoMini yet et nova eoa diao. P. L L IIL c. 2-9. 


wMdi wu called oanonioal, because it was regulated by sacred laws. The 
mm^niei Hved, eat and slept in common, under the direct supervision of the 
bishop. Their derotions commenced long before day, and were regulated by 
a peculiar system of canonical hours. They were not prohibited the posses- 
non of prlYate property , but their support was provided for \fy the bishop, 
ovt of the ecclesiastical reyenues. Under the fiavor of the Garolingian kings 
fluB system was adopted in most of the Grerman churches. 

§ 166. Publie Wanhip. 

Ordo Enauuias de dtr. oflleiis (Sth cent) Amalarli^ Choreplsc Motensf^ <le div. oflldlfl I. IV. 
0tf-ST.) Sabani Mauri da derioonun InsUt et cereinoniis eoc. 1. IIL (619) & de saciis ordlnibi 
fwinwtfte dir. at rettimentU Moerd. GollcotlTeljr in: De div. oath. £oe. officlls varii vett Pfttram 
ae £>crr. libri, ed. HUtorpiw. (Col 1568l) Par. 1610. t 

As the Church had been formed under the Roman empire, it retained 
many Roman usages. Its services were in Latin, though preachiug was al« 
ways in the language of the people. The British Church protested against 
the peculiarities introduced by the Roman clergy. They defended their own 
practice of shaving only the front part of the head, in opposition to the Ro- 
man tonsure, by appealing to the example of Paul (tonsura Pauli). Columba, 
when contending with Gregory the Great, defended a mode of reckoning 
Easter which was different from that used at Rome, {a) Charles the Great 
mtrodooed the Gregorian liturgy into the new churches fonned in the em* 
pire, and invited singers from Rome, to whom the sacred music of the Ger- 
mans seemed like the bowlings of wild beasts. The organ, however, was 
miieh improved in Germany, (b) The solemn pomp of such a worship was the 
most impressive way of addressing the robust feelings of an uneducated people. 
The propensity of the age for magical arts was gratified and strengthened by 
tbe numerous miracles performed by dead and living saints, the various ao- 
coonts of which originated more frequently in the fancies of the people than 
in the cunning policy of the priests. A new festival caUed the Assumption 
•f the Virgin Mary was introduced, and was celebrated on the fifteenth of 
Angast (e) An appearance of the archangel Michael was, after Gregory ^s 
time, celebrated in Rome, but the decided preference shown for this festival 
by tl»e Germanic churches was owing to the chivalrous character usuolly as- 
cribed to this celestial prince, (d) In France St, Martin was honored as a Saviour 
nd an Aesculapius, until the writings ascribed to Dionysius the Areopagite 
▼ere tent to Pipin, and revived the memory of a Dionysius who had been 
Bcntioned as a bishop of Paris among the martyrs in the time of Decius. As 
tbis litter Dionysius was confounded with him who was contemporary with 
?«1, 8t, Denyi became henceforth the war-cry of France. (< ) The Spaniards 

<) Grtgcr. JT L IX. Ep. 187. comp. Beda^ H. eec III, 4 

&) AnmaL JMen*. ad. a. 757. Joan. YIII. Ep. a. 872. ad Annonem. (Man$i Th. XVII. p. 845.) 

^ IMr«, doaM, and final confidence: KpijA. baer. 7& 11. Gelaaii Deeret {Oratian : P. L D. 
^^- 1 i 1 8fii) Gregor. Tur. de gloria Martyr. I, 4 

<) Batb^rUn, BeleeU de Mleh. Archangelo. Ulmtt 1759. 4. 

*) Both Mdnts are alreadj oonftnnded in : Acta DionTiil (beginning of the 9th eent Acta BB. m. 
^ IK IV. p. 79SML) and HUduini (abbot of St Denya about 884.) Vita et paasio Dionys. (Areop«- 
HUei. Id. JK OaUnu*, CoL 1568.) 



mado a knightly saint of the elder James^ who, after his body had been found 
at Oompostella (791-842), was extolled as the apostle of Spain, and the patron 
of its armies against the Saracens. The surest proof of the power and sanc- 
tity of these patron saints was yietory. The Frankish empire became slightly 
involved in the controversy respecting images. The dear judgment of Charlei 
the Great soon decided against all image- worship, and a treatise, published 
under his own name, (/) set forth in opposition to the decrees of the second 
sjmod of Nicaea that God could be worshipped only in spirit. The same 
view was expressed at the Synod of Frarikfort (794) and of Faru (825) with 
an open censure of Adrian's treatise in favor of image-worship. But as this 
opposition did not extend to the destruction of the images, a hope was enter- 
tained and expressed in these acts that a reconcfliation might yet be effected 
between the Greek and Roman churches, (g) The popes found it convenient 
to treat this heresy among the Franks more mildly than the same sentiments 
among the Greeks. 


§ 167. Fresertation of Literature. 

Every thing in the primitive church had a primary reference to some type 
in the Old Testament. The Gothic version of the Bible does not seem to have 
found its way into other German tribes, but fragments of translations of dif- 
ferent books of the Bible existed in several German languages, and even in 
the Anglo-Saxon. Remnants of Roman literature were preserved among the 
clergy as a kind of literary acquisition even to the age of Augustine, but the 
classic authors were enjoyed only by stealth. In the stormy period of the 
popular migrations, literary education was continued in Spain and in the 
British islands. In the former country there was a literary rivalry between 
the Catholics and the Western Goths, who had now become interested in the 
study of Grecian learning. Among these Goths, Isidore^ Archbishop of 
Hispalis (Seville, 595-686), was particularly influential in behalf of the politi- 
cal power of the Church, a moderate monastic life, and Christian kindnen 
toward the Jews, and was an eminent example of that ecclesiastical learning 
which was not only mistress of all secular knowledge, but^ by collecting the 
works of ancient authors, secured the inheritance of antiquity, (a) The pre- 
dominance of the Roman element renders it difficult to trace the prooen 
by which a transition was made to that which was more decidedly Germanio. 
In the Islands a degree of learning was maintained in consequence of the 
rivalry between the British and the Anglo-Saxon churches, and the intimate 

/) Lihri Carolini, a. 790. od. Eli. PhilL 1549. Ileumann^ Han. 1781. (Golda$t Imper. Deer. p. 67.) 
g) Cone. Franco/, can. 2. (JfanH Th. XIIL p. 909.) Cane, Paris, ad Ludov. (lb. Th. XIV. 
p. 415s.) [Landon, p. 252flw & 4Cls.] 

a) Eccles. Literature, Liturgy, Explanations of laws and treatises, General history, history of Ger- 
manic nations and etymological encyclopedia. 0pp. ed.J.du SretU^ Par. 1601. t F. Grial^ Matrit 1778L 
2 Th. t F. Arevalwu Rom. 17978S. 7 Th. 4 Cknnp. BraulionU Praenotatio libronun & laldori Ib 
Oudin^ Commtr. de Scrr. eoc Th. L p. 158i. 


coQDection which the latfer kept np with Rome. Theodore^ a native of Tar- 
itif and Archbishop of Canterbury (668-90), diffused in England a knowledge 
of the Greek language and literatare. From this school proceeded the Vene- 
mble Jkde^ a monk of Tarrow, who was honored as the representative of all 
the knowledge possessed in his time, and was a faithful teacher as well as 
kamer to the lost moment of his life (785). {h) 

§ 168. Scientific Education under the CaroUngians. 

C n. tan Herutrden^ de lis, qnae a Car. M. tnm ad pro)>ag. rel chr. turn ad emendandain ejas- 
dem ducendi ratlonem acta sunt L. B. 1.S25. A. F. Lortnia^ Alculns Lebcn. Hal. 1S29. J. C. F. Aieftr^ 
Gctcb. d. rum. Literntuiim karoling. Zeltalter. Carlar. 1S40. 

In the Frankish Church some interest was created by Boniface in the lite- 
rature of his uativo land, and he appears to have taken ])ains to improve the 
Jargon in which the Latin baptismal formula was uttered by the ignorant Ba- 
varian priests. But even he regarded the belief in the antipodes as a 
heresy, (a) Charles the Great conversed in Latin, understood the Greek, and 
in the circle of his learned friends laid aside his crown ; but his hand was 
more accustomed to the sword, and began to form written characters late in 
life with extreme difficulty. Even the tales and heroic songs then current 
imong the people, but which being neglected by the Church were passing 
into oblivion, he vainly attempted to preserve. His own education had been 
derived from Itidy, and the few men of learning to whom he could intrust 
his plan of popular education were either from the same country or from Eng- 
land. Among these was Alcnin, (h) at an earlier period a canon and a su- 
perintendent of the convent-school of York and an abbot at Tours (d. 804)^ 
t pious, intelligent, and active man, but possessed of only ordinary natural 
tilents. He conducted a school in the palace itself (schola palatina), and by 
its means established other schools of learning for the seven liberal arts (tri- 
liom and qnadrivium) in the cathedrals and convents throughout the em- 
pire. (<r) Popular schools were also founded in his own diocese by l^eodulf, 
Kihop of Orleans (d. 821). A collection of sermons selected from the writ- 
fcgs of the fathers was formed under the direction of the emperor by Paul 
the Deacon for an example to the clergy rather than for ordinary reading, (d) 
Bat all this literary improvement was not a direct growth of the popular life, 
hot ft foreign importation. Hence even the writings of the first men of the 
age seldom exhibit the fresh living spirit of the people. On the other hand 
^Sbai prose and verse are written in an unnatural, clumsy style, indicating 
that the whole was only a remnant of a decayed civilization, except where it 
inmediately reflected the purely practical life and struggles of society in let- 

I) Cocnoie&tarj, Ilomiliea, Letters, Hifltories, Onunmar, Aatronomy. Opi>. Baa. 8 Th. t Col 16^ 
4TkC «L <rtfe«, Lond. 1848. 5 Tb. [Ilto eccL Illftt A the Sax. ChroiL are transL by Oilft, Lond. 
UA U] CuUterti Vlu Bedae Yen. (prefixed to 0pp.) If. Oehle^ de Bedae V. vita et scrlptis. Lngd. 

•) A«</. Epi 61 (W'irdftc. p.«4«.)-Ep.82. (/6.P.28S8.) 

I) Commentaiy, Ilo^1iIle^ dogm., moral pblLf A astronom. treatlB^, Uvea of the saints, poems, di 
■Pitt cpistlea. Opp. ed. Frob&nius, Batlsb. 1778b. 2 Tb. £ 
«) Conp Vtil. Schmidt, la notes to Petri AlfimH Discipl. derlcalla. Bcr. 1S27. 1 p. lOtaw 
^ Homlllarlom. Spir. 14S2. Ba& 1498. £ h often. 


ten of businefls and in laws. Such foreign nngraoefol forms in whioh the 
newly awakened spirit attempted to clothe itself, seemed like the tattered 
garments of the European on the stately son of the forest. 

§ 169. AdaptionisU, 

L Elipandi Ep. ad Fidelem. a. 785. BeaU^AEIheHi adv. Elfjx L IL {GaUand. Tb. XIIL) AU 
culntts : adv. Elip. 1. L £p. ad F^licem A adv. Fel I. YIL (principally in Froben.)— 

II Fr. Walch, Ilist Adoptiaaor. Ooett 1735. Frobmii Da. do haer. Elip. et Felic (0pp. Alcaini 
Th. I. p. 928.) 

Blipandtis, Archbishop of Toledo, and Felix, Bishop of Urgel, carried out 
the Nestorion doctrine to its extreme results, and maintained that Christ was 
the Son of God in his human nature, only by adoption, and consequently 
that there could be no proper union of his divine and human attributes. 
Though this Adoptionism was condemned at the Synod of Frankfort (794) it 
exalted itself against the authority of the Church ; but at the Synod of Aix- 
la-Chapelle (799) Felix, whose diocese was in the Spanish March, and there- 
fore subject to Charles the Great, was persuaded by Aleuin to recant his 
opinions. Although this retraction was insincere, or at least not adhered to, 
and Elipandus, who lived under the protection of the Saracens, was especially 
violent in his opposition, the controversy was too little consonant with the • 
spirit of the times to survive its original authors. 





§ 170. General View and Authorities, 

L $ 147 A S US. 1) CanUii Lectlones antiqaao (Injrolst 1601.) Ed. Bamage, Antn. 1725. 4 ▼. £ 

l^Ackery^ yett. Scrr. Spicllegium. Par. (1658) Ed. de la Barre, 1728. 8 t. C Balutii Mlsccllaoea. 

(Pv. 1^&) Ed. Man9t Lnc. 1761. 4 Tb. £ MabiUon^ vett Analecta. Par. 1728. t Marine et Durand : 

TbM. Dorns Anecdotor. Par. 1717. 6 t. C Jc vett. Scrr. et MonQin. Ck>L ampllm. Par. 17248&. 9 v. f. 

ite,Thc&. Aneodotor. Aug. Vind. 1721. 6 v. C— Regesta regam atqae Impp. Rom. Orlg. Docc of the 

£oman Emperors from 911 to 1818 In extracts, with References, by Boehmtr. FrkC 1831. 4. Boeh- 

twr, sbowing the Imperial laws firom 900 to 1400. FrkC 1S32. 4—3) Ann<iUif FuldensM by contem- 

pmrles 88S-901. {PtrU Th. L p. 861.) BeHiniani 885-6S2 by Prudentiua of Troyes dc Ulncmar 

of Bhelmflw {PerU Th. L p^ 419.) Bfffino, Abbot of Pruom, d. 915, Ghronicon, documentary S70-907. 

cont till 967. {Peris Th. L p. 537.) Flodoard^ canon at Rhelms d. 966. AnnaIe^ 919-66. {PerU Th. 

v. p. 868.) Lindprtmd^ Bp. at Cremona, d. 972, Antapodoeis I. Y L Jc de rebus geatls Otton M. (PerU 

Th. V. p. 264.) WiducMnd^ monk of Corvey, d. about 1000, Annalee de reb. Saxonum gestia. ( Wei- 

^om. Tb. L p. 629. oomp. LeihnU, Th. 1. p. 20S.) Thietmar^ Bp. of Mersebarg. d. 1018. Ghronicon, 

Ust rf the Sax. Empp. (ed. J. A. Wagner^ Nor. 1807. 4. Lappenherg In P«rto Th. V. p. 723.) Her' 

■MaAM Coniractwt^ monk of Relchenan, d. 1054, Chron. fh>m Christ, but esp. 1000-^ cont by Ber- 

AoMm of Relchenaa till 1080, extracts & continuation by Bemoldua of & Blaise till 1100. (Perti 

Th. YII, 67. 26L) Lamberttu Scka/naburgensis, a monk of Ilersfeld, do rob. gcstis Germ. 1039-77. 

iVrbTh. TIL p. 134.) MarHanu9 Scotus, a monk of Cologne, Fnlda & Mentz, d. 1086, Chronia till 

lAS2,cont by Abbot Z>ocf0cA^ntf« till 1200. {Peris Th. VII. p. 481.) Sigehertue GemblacenHs, d. 

1111, COOL hy ffieronymi Chronicon, 881-1111. (PerUTh. VIII. p. 26a) Otto FHHngeru. d. 1168, 

Oma. remm ab initio mundi ad ann. 1146 gestar. L VIII. cont. by Otto ds K Blasio UII 1209! 

rMermann Th. IL p. 449.) Chronicon Urspergense^ till 1126 by a monk of Bamberg, cont by Bur- 

cbard k Conrad of Lichtenau, Abbots of Urspcrg, till 1229. (Argentor. 537. 609. f ) Chronica regia 

& & Pantaleoni* by monks of the conrent of 8. Pantaleon at Cologne, 1000, 1106, iSc 1162. (Eccard 

Th. L pL 6S8.) cont by Godefridu^ a monk of the same place till 1237. {Freh^r Th. L p. 835.— 

3) Adamnt Brementia^ after 1067 a canon of Bremen, Oesta Hammenburgensis Ecc Pontificum, till 

WT4 (Ed. Lappenberg in Pert» Th. IX. p. 267. Uebera. m. Anm. t. Carsten Jfieeegaea. Brm. 1S25.) 

OieHcut VUaUe, a monk of St Eyroul, d. after 1142. Blst ecc. 1. XIII. till 1142.) [The Eoclea. 

BM. of Eogl by Od. Vit has been transl. and puM. by Bohn. Lond. 1854] l>u Chctn^ ScripU. 

KonnaBQ. Par. 1619. t p. 819. According to the more correct French text by Dubois, Par. lS25ss. 

^^) 4) Continaators of Theophanes : Joanna Skylitxa 811-1037 & lOSl. Jo8. (r^M^tM 818-47, 

^ Diaconus till 975, Simeon Logotheta till 967, Leo Orammatieus UU 1018, Geo. Cedrenus till 1067. 

l^tdiAttaUota,Ut)m 1066 to 1078] Jo. Zemnrn^ till lllS, iV7c«to« Acominatut till 1206, Geo. Aero- 

P^^ tin 1261. (Uiat Byzant Scrr. Par. 164580. 42 Th. t Corpus Scrr. Uist Byzant Bonn. lS28sa.)- 

n. pi 1147. 

The plans which Oharles the Great had began to execute with so much 
Ti(dence and hope were -apparently quite abandoned by his saccessors. But 


the Church, though externally shaken, secretly nourished its higher life and 
imparted Roman civilization to Germanic energy and profundity. Accord- 
ingly in the tenth century when both the hierarchy and ^q feudal m&narchy 
became strong, and when men no longer relied upon mere physical force, but 
contended with a youthful and romantic enthusiasm for honor, love, and 
faith, the church naturally became the supreme power of the age, because it 
was the educator of the people, and held in its hands all the treasures of spi- 
ritual grace for earth and heaven. Whenever it entered the lists against mere 
brute force it was of course defeated, but it always held the first place in the 
hearts of the people. Under these circumstances the power of the pope so 
much increased that he was looked upon as the head of the Church, and the 
representative of its spiritual power, in contrast with the imperial govern- 
ment. Evejy pope who understood his position must have felt that he was 
the protector of political freedom and the deliverer of all who were op- 
pressed. The Germanic people became divided into different nations, and 
indeed every estate, every city, and every corporation endeavored to become 
independent. But the common connection of all nations and orders with the 
papacy united them together as one great Christian family, in whose general 
enterprises all distinctions were forgotten and national peculiarities were dis- 
regarded. The prominent thing, therefore, in the history of this period, is the 
development of the papacy until its influence extends to every thing elSe, and 
around it are grouped all the ecclesiastical relations of the Western world. 
The north-eastern part of Europe was now generally converted to Christian- 
ity. In the East, the great conflict with the West between the hosts of Islam 
and those of the Cross was just enkindled, but the Oriental Church was only 
passively involved in it, and the only reason we recollect her sluggish exist- 
ence was her dependence upon more active agents. — Almost every generation 
of this period is represented by its own chroniclers, who wrote a history of 
the world from a position more or less of an ecclesiastical character. Many 
of them commence with the creation of man, or at least with the birth of 
Christ ; but the ages preceding their own were described by writers like them- 
selves, and every chronicle and every section of it is an original authority 
only where it contains some earlier documents, or records some contempora- 
neous event. Few of them were written by a single individual, but most of 
them were the common property of a whole convent, on which several gene- 
rations were employed as original authors or revisers. Those most worthy 
of our notice are : Liudprand, who gives a dark coloring even to dark pas- 
sages of history, and although his bitterest expressions are no calumnies, he is 
sometimes not very exact, and with reference to Italian aflfairs he displays too 
much passion, (a) The German history of Lambert of Ilersfeld is just such 
a picture of society as might be expected from a pious monk who had 
made a pilgrimage to the holy sepulchre, and looked out upon the world and 
his nation from the small stained window of his cell. Sighert of Gembloun^ 
though a monk and enthusiastic for ecclesiastical sanctity, represents the em- 
peror's cause against the pope, and indicates the approach of a time when 

a) Martini, Denkschr. d. Akad. z. Manohen. 1809. Hist Claase. p. Sob, R A. Ko^pke^ de Tlta M 
BcripUs Uadp. Ber. 1843. 


sacb conflicts of piety and patriotism were common, (b) Otho of Freisingen^ 
the unde and the historian of the emperor Frederic, in the spirit of an eccle- 
fliastioal prince, familiar with the world in its highest stations, and mediating 
between the sword and the crosier, wrote a history of the world and of his 
times, as if it were a tragedy ending with the final Judgment. Adam of 
Bremen^ living at the centre of the great northern bishopric over which he 
presided, with considerahle historical skill relates the history of the Northern 
Chnrch at its establishment, according to original records, traditions, and per- 
sonal recollections, (e) If in these contemporary writers the sentiments and 
snperstition of the age is clearly reflected, we have in the Byzantine histo- 
rians a more elegant and learned picture of their own court, and some occa- 
sional notices of the Western Barharians, like faint yistas of another age. 


L AnattaHtu (S ISa) Martinv PoUmui (d. 1278), Chronioon. CoL 1618. £— IL a Hl^fUr^ d. 
dMitsehen Pftpste. Segensb. 1889. Sd ptft 

§ 171. General View. 

Until the time of Gregory^ the papacy contended for dominion over the 
Cbnreh, not so mnch because the popes themselves were amhitiotis to acquire 
it, as because the necessities of the times and of those who understood them 
compelled them to do so. The vicegerent of God on earth, in the midst of 
the distractions which took place in Italy, often had not where he could 
securely lay his head ; and even when the party which sustained him was 
victorious, his office as the successor of St. Peter was little more than a good 
benefice. But after Gregory's time, the struggle for the freedom and ascend- 
ency of the Church was in many respects changed. The power of the 
Chnrch was then estahlished on the hroad hasis of a territorial possession, 
and by that very process it had entered the territory and intruded upon the 
province of the state. Hence the stmggle hetween the imperial and the 
papal power now became inevitahle, and could not be hrought to an issue 
Tvithont a sacrifice. From its more perfect x>ower over the higher nature of 
man, the papacy was triumphant, but the Church gained nothing hy the vic- 
tory, the vital interests of the state were seriously injured, and accordingly 
the conflict between the two was not terminated. 

§ 172. Donation of ConsUntine in the Ninth Century. 

Although the pope was the emperor's vassal, and chosen under the impe- 
rial dictation, (a) he was nevertheless honored hy each emperor as a spiritual 

5) 5. JIir$chj de Sig. Oemb. vita et scriptis. Ber. 1341. 

e) Jac. AMmuMen^ de fontibns Adami Brem. Kilon. 1834. 4 Lappenhurg in Portz Archiy. voL 

a) £ g. YiU Lnd. Pii per Attronomum c. 85s. (Pert» Th. II. p. 619a.) Leo IV. Lotbaria {Ora^ 
Uan, : P. L Dist X. c. 9.) The spurioosness of the constitution in wbicli Lonla the Pioos resumes 
tlM right of enflfirage to the Romans (817) : F. Walch^ Censnra dlplomati^ quod Lad. Plus Paschall 
eoDoetsliie fiertar. Lpa. 1749. {PiAtU Bylloge, Th. YI. p. S7a) Marino Marini, naoTo esame dell'aa- 
tentldtA de dlplomi di Lad. P., Ottone L e. Arrigo II. Bom. 1828. 


&ther, from whose hand the crown was received. But during the reign of 
the weak-minded Louis the Pions, and the contentions of his sons for the 
throne, the popes gradually withdrew from nnder the authority of the empe- 
rors, and the hestowal of the crown appeared rather as an act of special 
favor. Gregory /F., however (827-44), gave such offence by his interfere 
ence in these disputes, that the Frankish bishops threatened to depose 
him. (P) As the recollection that the secular power of the pope was the gift 
of the German princes became rather inconvenient, the story was started 
that Omstantine the Great had given Rome and Italy to Pope Syhetter^ and 
that this was the reason that the imperial capital had been removed to Con- 
stantinople. The political power of the pope had unquestionably been occa- 
sioned by that removal, and by merely substituting a direct intention of the 
emperor for what was the gradual result of circumstances, the story acquired 
considerable plausibility, and finally was confirmed by the fortunate discov- 
ery of what claimed to be the original deed of gift by Ck>nstantine. (c) AH 
this, however, did not prevent the emperor who appointed the pope and the 
bishops, from prescribing laws for the Church, and governing it according to 
his own views rather than theirs, whenever the empire was free from inter- 
nal distractions. Even the relaxation of political power which took place 
while the Carolingian princes contended with each other, was the occasion of 
licentiousness rather than of liberty among the clergy, and exposed them to 
the oppression of their secular masters. 

§ 173. Pseudo'Isidare. 

Cou*tantf de antiq. cann. Coll (Epp. Pontif. Bom. p. LYI. $ la) Ballerini (Oppi Leon. Th. m. 
p. CCXVsa.) Bland Com. de Col cann. Isld. Merc. Neap. 1760. 4. {GallandU Syll Mog. 1790. TIl 
n. p. I.) J. A. Ttuiner, de P. Isid. cann. Col. Yrat 1S27. F. IT. Knutt, de fontib. ot consilio pten- 
doisldoriajiae. Col Ooett 1882. 4. 

The collection bearing the name of Isidore came to light at intervahi 
much mutilated, and besides some later portions with nearly one hundred 
spurious decretab professing to have been put forth by different popes from 
the time of Clement I. (91) to that of Damasus I. (884). (a) In these enaot- 
monts is presented a legal condition, in which the clergy were entirely dit- 
connected with the state, and by the dissolution of the metropolitan and 
synodal courts, the supreme legislative, supervisory and judicial powers be- 
came united in the pope. The moral influence and strict discipline of the 
clergy were represented as dependent upon their complete separation from 
the state. Many irrelevant and trivial matters are taken from the literature 
of former times and mingled with the body of the work. It professes in its 
preface, and from its singleness of aim it would seem really to be, the wofk 

h) Paschaaius ex vita Walae. (Perta Th. IL p. 6«2.) 

c) Edictnm Dom. Coostantlni in P9«ud<hTHdor€^ and in the extracts of Oration : Dist XCVL e. 
18. Tlie first appeal to it is in IHncmar^ Epp. Ill, 18. In the missives of Hadrian to ChariaB the 
Oreat (Codex Carol Ep. 49.) is the flnt genn. MQneK, fL d. Schenk. Const (EniaiiKed HIat 8eb& 
Lndw. 1828. toI IL) 

a) An imperfect edition by Merlin: Tomns prlmas qnataor ooncllioram, etc Taldoio Mictovfc 
Par. 1524. f. (Col 15da Par. 153&) Contributions to a crit edit by Cam«« and Kooh la : N«tie««t 
extraits des manuscrits do la bibl naUonale. Tb. YL p. 2S6. Th. YIL P. IL p^ 178«. 


of an individoal who is called IMorua (Peccator, Mercator). Most of the 
q»iirioii8 decretals must have been in existence when Benedict Levita compiled 
bis book of laws (845), and thongh it may be doubtful whether they were 
quoted in the Synod of Paris (829), they were certainly referred to in the 
Synod of Aix-la-Chapelle (836). Nicholas I., in the year 864, first used a 
certain collection unknown to him only the year before, and it may be that 
many things were afterwards added. It is difficult to form any definite 
opinion respecting the author, as many things indicate that he was a Roman, 
sad still more that he was an eastern Frank. Qi) The skill with which it was 
composed was not greater than was practicable and even necessary for that age. 
Some opponents of the papacy since the fourteenth century have suspected 
the deception, and Protestants have clearly proved it by pointing out refer- 
ences to the Codex Dionysii, a constant use of the barbarous Latinity of the 
ninth century, citations of laws of a later date, and numerous anachronisms, (e) 
After a brief contest, the advocates of the papacy merely attempted to show 
that sneb a deception was not criminal or of much consequence. ((Q And it 
must be conceded that the spurious decretals contain very little which had not 
been actnally asserted by some pope at one time or another. But that which had 
been only lately conceded or claimed under peculiarly favorable circum- 
ftances, and with many conditions and protests, was here announced under 
the racred authority of Christian antiquity as an undoubted, generally con- 
ceded, and divine right. A forged document is indeed no very good founda- 
tion on which to build a claim for universal dominion, but as Isidore only 
expressed in a decisive manner what was the general object of effort during 
that age, he gave a definite direction to the fluctuating views of right which 
then prevailed, and filled even the minds of tlie popes and clergy with the 
nioral power of a faith in their own right to what was claimed. Men are 
much more inclined to judge of rights from facts than from theories, and 
bence this fiction respecting former times certainly anticipated a future real- 
ity, and gave considerable support to the pretensions of the priesthood. The 
object of it was to promote the independence of the Church, which the 
■me antlior, or some contemporary whose sympathies were remurkabl}' 
rimHar to his, endeavored to sustain in an earlier plan, by increasing tlie diffi- 
culties in the way of sustaining charges against bishops, and by allowing them 
to be tried only in the provincial synods, (e) It was thought, however, that 
this ooold be secured against the threatening and overwltelming power of the 
emperor in no other way than by uniting the whole Church under one 

h) Leo IV. a. 860. ad Eplsoc Brltan. {Gratian: P. I. DIst XX. a 1.) 

e)CentiU'. Magdeburg. Th. II. c 7. Tb. III. e. 7. (TarHanu%^ adv. Magtl. Cont pro cann. app. et 
<f1k dccretallbua Pontt appu Par. 15T8. 4.) Dav. Blondel^ Pseado-Isid. et Tarr. vapalante«. Gen. 

tf) WalUr, KK«eht 8 ed. Bonn. 1$39. p. 155fl& M^hler^ ans a. &ber P. I^Id. (Tub. Qaartalschr. 
US. H. K 1S32. H. 1. and miscelL writings, vol. I.) Only MarchetH has undertoken &tiU to qnestion 
t^fparioiunew of the Decretals. (Sa^o crit aopra la storia di Fleuri. Rom. 17S1.) 

t) Capitula Angilramni: Mansi Th. XII. p. 904s8. According to some Codd. these were a 
MQeetkm of TS5 laws respecUng legal proceedings against bishope presented by Ansrilram, Bp. of Metz 
md irch-cbaplain to Charles the Great, to Pope Adrian, bat, according to othcn prej<ented by Adrian to 
iBgnnm. For its aathenticity : W(ts*er9chUben^ Beitrr. z. Gescb. d. falschen DecjetaL BrsL 1844. 
ipiast it: Rettberg^ KOesch. DeutscbL vol. I. p. 501. 646ml 


earthly head. It is hardly possible that he who thns attempted to deceive the 
whole Chnrch and the world had in view any direct personal advantage 
which he expected to derive from it. 

§ 174. The Female Pope Joanna, 

In the chronicles composed near the commencement of the thirteenth 
century, it is recorded that between Leo IV, (d. July 17, 856) who hoped to 
free himself from the influence of France by another connection with the 
Greek empire, and Bated let IIL, a disguised female who had been highly 
educated at Athens, was elevated to the apostolic chair under the name of 
John VIII. (Anglicus), and met with a tragical end while paying the penalty 
of her sex. (a) It was on this account that John XX. (1276) assumed the 
appellation of John XXI., and this Joanna Papism retained her place on 
the list of the successors of St. Peter. But th^ silence of all antiquity with 
respect to the matter, awakened doubts in the fifteenth century, and when 
proofs were brought forward that Benedict apparently succeeded Leo imme- 
diately in the papal chair, (b) with only a contest with an antipope named Anas- 
tasius, (c) a Roman presbyter who had before been excommunicated by Leo, 
and when the unlucky affair was at least boldly denied by the popes of the elev- 
enth century, (d) even the Protestants abandoned the account, (e) It does not 
wear the appearance of a calumnious story, or of a satirical allegory, but rather 
of one of those popular tales in which the highest power of the age was 
treated with innocent poetic raillery, and after a German style, a deep sor- 
row was concealed under a playful semblance. It is, however, possible that 
a Church which has often made realities out of what never existed, may also 
possess magic power enough to annihilate what has really taken place, when- 
ever the knowledge of it may have seemed injurious to the still tottering 

papacy. (/) 


a) SUphanu« de Borhons (1220 in Lyons) L. de YIL donls Sp. S. {Blaaeu^ do ColL cann. Ldd. 
c. 16. { 11. n. 2.) Martini P6L Chronic, (comp. MuratoH ad Anastas. p. 2i7.) The passage relating 
to the subjecl is interpolatcKl oat of Martlnus in a feir manuscripts of Ana»tasias. The mention of 
the papal mother in the editlo prlnceps of Sigebtrt Oemhlac ad a. 855 is wanting in the HSS. 
hitherto known. {Ptrta Th. VIII. 840. 470.) 

h) 1) Uincmari Ep. 2d. ad Nlc I. a. 867. (0pp. ed. Sirmond. Th. II. p. 298.) according to which 
his messenger received the news of the death of Loo while on bis way to Bomo, and when he arrived 
at Rome his petition was granted by Bene<1ict 2) A diploma of the monastery of Corbey (i/clW^ 
lon^ de re diplom. p. 486.) ; and 8) A Roman denarios {KOhUr's M&nzbelost vol. XX. p. 805.) bay* 
each the name of Benedict in connection with that of Lothaire. The Emperor Lotbaire died Sept 

o) Jtiff, Rcgesta p. 285a. ITincmari Annal. (Periz, vol. L p. 477R8.) 

d) i>o IX. ad Michael Constant Patriarch, a. 1054. (ifan«i Th. XIX p. 649.) c 28. 

e) B/ondfl, Joanna Papissa. Amst 1657. O. Q. Leibnitii florcs sparsi in tumulnm Papiasae. 
(Bibl. blt*t Ooett 1758. Th. L p. 29788.) OabUr, kirchl theoL Bchriflen. vol L N. 29.— W. Smeis, d. 
Mahrchen v. d. P. Joh. Colin. 1S29. 

/) SpanheniU Da. deJo. P. (Oppc Th. IL p. 6778S.) Luden, Gescb. d. teatschen Volkea. 1S81. 
vol. VI. p. 512. K C. KUi, d. Papetin Job. fh>m tlie Dutch. (NederL Archiof voor kerk. Oeechied- 
cnis III, 1. V, 461.) revised by L. Trow, (Iligen'a Zeitschr. 1844. part 2.) 


§ 175. Nicholas L 858-807, Ifadria/i IT, 807-872, and John VIIL 872-^82. 

Jfanti Tb. XV. {>. 144i!«. Kegloo ad ann. f^SSss. Hincmar de dlvortio Illotbarii et Tcutbergae. 
(0pp. e*\. Sirmond. Th. I. p. 657ss.>— Jfciw«i TIi. XV. p. 806ss. Th. XVI. p. 570«aL JUnc. Hem, 
Opu5c 95 capitulor. adv. llincm. Laadunens. (Opp. Th. II. p. 87788.) 

Xicholas /., a defender of the people, was gentle toward good men, but like an 
arenging Elg ah toward those who were evil. lie formed but never quite accom- 
plished the design of surrounding himself with a council of intelligent bishops 
oQt of all nations. But perceiving the favorable disposition of the age, he raised 
the privileges of the apostolic see so that they became a protection for the whole 
Church, and under the sanction of public opinion a weapon against all kinds 
of violence. In opposition to a lascivious king and a large number of servile 
bishops, he appeared as the avenger of oppressed innocence, and as a defender 
of episcopal rights against an imperious and powerful archbishop. King 
Loihaire II, was obliged to humble himself, since the hostile princes of his 
own family stood ready to execute the papal threats, and the Frankish bish- 
ops did not object to have the spurious decretals applied for the first time 
•gunst Hinemar of Rheims^ for they thought it better to obey a distant pope 
than a threatening metropolitan at home. It was, however, still believed 
eren at Rome, that a papal decision might very easily be annulled by a 
Frankish synod, {a) But when, with no such advantage of jwlitical circum- 
Btances, Hadrian H.^^tdter the death of Lothaire (809), defended the rights 
uf the lawful heir U> the throne against Charles the Bald and Louis the Ger- 
man, and endeavored to protect Hincmar of Laon^ a deposed bishop who had 
ilao been persecuted by the king, from the rage of his uncle, Hincmar of 
£AWm«, the latter gave, him to understand that in France a wide distinction 
was made between spiritual and secular power ; that great disturbances of 
pnblic tranquillity had been created by the pope, and that the bishops of 
former times had independent privileges. The pope therefore found it need- 
M to assuage the wounded feelings of the Frankish nation by some conces- 
aoM, and expressions of a holy love which he declared hail always remained 
eonstant in spite of some epistles that might have seemed severe because 
written under the pressure of great infirmity, or forged in his name, (ft) 
John Vm. bestowed (775) the imperial crown upon Charles the Bald in com- 
pliaooe with what he declared to be a divine revelation to his predecessor 
Nicholas, in spite of the superior hereditary claims of the German kingdom, 
ind sustained the cause of that prince by every spiritual menace in his power. 
It was then solemnly announced that this bestowal of the imperial dignity 
▼IS in consequence of the intercessions of the apostles Peter and Paul, 
through their vicegerent on earth. It corresponded with the political views 
of the emperor to compel the French bishops to acknowledge Ansegisus, 
Archbishop of Sens, as the primate and papal vicar for Graul and Germany ; 
hot under the counsel of Hincmar they persisted in obeying the holy father 
only as far as was consistent with the rights of all the metropolitans, and with 

o) Anatttu. ad Adonom Yienn. {ManH Th. XV. p. 458.)— iT. RoMteu9cher^ do Sothado Eploa 
SaociuQensL Marb. 1S45. 2 Pgg. 
ft) Bhtcm, ad Badr. (Oppi Th. IL p. 689.) JIadr. ad Carol Calr. {Manti Tb. XV. p. 857.) 


the laws of the Churdi. (c) He gave his consent to the decrees of the Sy- 
nod of Ratcnna (877), in which the papal approbation was declared indis- 
pensable to the iuTestitare of the metropolitans, the bishops wore made inde- 
pendent of all censures and claims on the part of the civil powers, and the 
guardianship of widows and orphans was committed to their hands ; (d) bnt 
the papal letters which interfered with the independence of the empire and 
the jurisdiction of the bishops over their clergy, ho pronounced through 
Hincmar to be spurious. («) The pope fell finally by the hand of an assassin. (/) 
Ho continued to the lost inflexibly convinced of the imprescriptible rights of 
his see, and of his position as a servant of God, contending against the pow- 
ers and princes of the world (Eph. vi. 12). Sorely pressed by the Saracens 
in Lower Italy, and wearied by tlic municipal and German factions in Rome, 
he defended himself witl) extreme difficulty, and sometimes not without 

§ 176. F(ynno8U9, 891-896, and Stephen VL 897. 

AuaeiiU I IL de ordlnationibiu Formoei (Bibl. PP. Lngd. Th. XVIL p. Iss.) and Dial super oanM 
et neg. Form. {Jfabill. AnaL ed. 2. p. 2Saa.) MaMi Th. ^VIII. pi 99s8. 221bs. Liudprand 1, 8L 

When Charles the Fat was deposed by the German people on account of 
his incapacity (887), and when, soon after, the male line of the Emperor 
Charles had become extinct in France, Germany and France became distinct 
kingdoms. Both nations were rent into factions by the contentions of the 
sons-in-law and the illegitimate children of the old royal family. Italy strug- 
gled for its independence even with itself. The popes, it is true, were free 
from foreign masters, but they were often obliged to make concessions in the 
party contests of the Bomans and of the Italian nobles. Guido^ Duke of 
Spoleto, and Berengar^ Duke of Friuli, contended with each other for the 
crown of Italy, and placed their favorites in the papal chair according as 
they were severally successful. Formoms^ after a life of great vicissitude, 
was elevated to the apostolic throne, and though he was compelled to place 
the imperial crown upon the head of Lambert^ the son of Guide, he immfr' 
diately sununoned the German Arnu{f to Rome to free Italy frx>m the 
tyranny of that prince. Amulf was then crowned, and the Romans were 
made to take the oath of allegiance to him, with the understanding that their 
duties to the pope were in no respect to be affected by such an act His suc- 
cessor, Stephen F/., went over again to the party of Guido, and having dis- 
interred the body of Formosus, subjected it to the mockery of a judicial 
trial. Enraged at these proceedings, the opposite party had him soon after 
strangled in prison. 

c) Cone PonUgoneuM a. 876. IRnem. Tr. ad Episcc de Jure MetropoL (0pp. Tb. IL pb 719.) 
Bincm. AnnaL {Perta Th. L p. 499aB.) 

d) ManH Th. XYIL p. 887. 

0) De PreabyteriB diffamatls ad Ja P. (Hinom. 0pp. Th. IL p. 76Sa.) 
/) AnnaU Fuldent. (T'ertoTh. L p. 893.) 


§ 177. Pomocracy, 904-962. 

L The principal Aatborlty Is Lladpnnd, bat when he writes of great ontragefl, he most be com- 
pared with oUmt chronldwi, eq)eciallf Flodoardi Cbron. and his Fragm. de Fontifll Bom. (JTo- 
bm<m, Aeta S8. O. Ben. & IIL P. IL) J(^^ Bvgesta pi 807-822. 

IL Litieker, Hist des rdm. Tlurenreglmenta. Lpz. 1707. 4. (2. A. IIl»t der mittlem Zeiten als ein 
liebt ana der Fbuternbai 1725. 4.) 

While Italy bled under the fends of the nobility, the Tuscan party obtained 
the victory at Rome, and made their tool, Sergius III.^ pope (904-911). At 
the head of this faction stood Alheric, Marquis of Tuscany, with his paramour 
Theodarct^ a widow of a noble family, and her daughter Maria (Marozia). 
These last were exceedingly beautiful, crafty and bold Roman women, whose 
love of power and of voluptuousness were so subservient to each other that 
it was hard to tell which was the strongest passion. For half a century 
their fiivorites, sons and grandsons, occupied the apostolic chair. Maria made 
no secret of the parentage of her children, acknowledging that her husband 
Alberic was the father of Alberie^ and Pope Sergius of John. On the 
death of Sergius, the Archbishop of Ravenna, John X. (914-28), by the crimi- 
nal favor of Theodora, became the successor of St. Peter. By him the 
strength of Italy was united against the Saracens, who for forty years had 
maintained a settlement on the borders of the States of the Church. At the 
head of a Greek and Roman imperial army, he destroyed their citadel (916) 
on the Carigliano (liris). After the deatli of Theodora, the pope, with the 
aid of his brother Peter, endeavored to make himself independent. Maria 
had the Fope^s brother killed before his eyes, and then caused him to be 
smothered in the castle of St. Angclo (928). Her son, John JT/., ascended 
the papal throne as though it were an inheritance from his father. She now 
married Hugh, Count of ProFvcnce, who was regarded as the real king of 
Italy. But her secular son Alberic^ in a nocturnal insurrection of the Ro- 
mans, expelled his stepfather, and as a senator (932-954) exercised supreme 
power in Rome. Under his administration the popes possessed nothing but a 
spiritoal jurisdiction. His son Octavum^ after the death of Agapetus (966), 
seized not only his fkther*s power, but the episcopal office, and was the first 
among the popes who assumed an ecclesiastical name on attaining the papal 
throne. As John XII, (955-63), he hoped to disconnect tbe excesses of his 
seeohv life from his ecclesiastical name and office. 

§ 178. The Popes under the Othos. 

During the reign of Henry I. Germany became conscious of its power. 
Otho L seized upon the first favorable opportunity for renewing the German 
(lominion in Italy, (a) Since that time Germany and Italy have contrived to 
aert a disastrous influence upon each other. The German king was invited 
by John XII. himself to deliver the mother of churches from the violence 
^Berengar 11.^ the new king of Italy, and when victorious, he was crowned 
bj the pope at Rome (962), on his taking a solemn oath that he would pre- 
Krve inviolate the person ci the pope, and all property belonging to the 

a) W. D^nnige»t Jahrbaeher d. Deutschen Beichs onter Otto L BerL 1889. 


Roman Charch,' and undertake nothing in Borne without the advice of the 
pope. The pope and all the notables of the city, on the other hand, swore 
on the precious body of St. Peter that they would henceforth abandon the 
cause of Berengar for ever, (h) But Italy could at that time neither dispense 
with nor endure the Germans. John soon formed an alliance with Berengar 
to drive them from the country. Otho hastened back and had the pope 
cited before a Synod at Iiome (968), which convicted him of murder, blas- 
phemy, and all kinds of lewdness, deposed him, and elected Leo VIIL in his 
stead. The Romans then swore to the emperor that no pope should be cho- 
sen or consecrated without his consent. (^) On the emperor's departure, 
John returned and took a most cruel vengeance on his enemies, but he was 
soon after found dead in an adulterous bed, slain as was generally believed 
by the devil. The succeeding popes were nominated and with groat difficulty 
sustained by the emperor, against the hatred of the people and the doceitftil 
policy of the Tuscan party. After Otho's death (978), Crescentiu*^ a grand- 
son of Theodora, under the character of a Consul, armed the Roman people 
against the foreign tyranny. Whenever the emperors had an army in Italy, 
the popes were entirely subservient to their wDl, but at other times they 
were the creatures of the Roman consul and people. Otho III,^ intending 
to transfer the imperial residence to Rome, caused his young nephew Bnino 
to be proclaimed pope, under the name of Gregory V, (996), (d) subdued the 
fortress of St. Angelo, and had Crescentius beheaded, and a rival pope muti- 
lated (998). Amulf\ Archbishop of Rheims, and a natural brother of the 
Duke of Lorraine, had surrendered Rheims to this relative, and had after- 
wards fallen into the hands of Ilugh Capet, his enraged king. He refused to 
acknowledge any one but the pope as his Judge. But a national synod at 
Rheims (991) compelled him to resign his office, and placed Gerbert in his 
chair, (e) The pope issued sentence of excommunication against all who 
acknowledged the validity of the acts of that synod. In vain did Gerbert 
remind the people that it was not his own interest, but the welfare of the 
general Church, which w^as to be sacrificed to the caprice of an individual; 
he was shunned as an excommunicated man by all the inhabitants of Rheims, 
and finally (996) he accepted the invitation of the emperor to become the impe- 
rial tutor. The new French kingdom sought reconciliation with the pope. 
Arnulf was reinstated in his former office by another synod held at Rheims 
(996), and even Robert^ the king, submitted to a decision of a Roman synod 
(998), by which he was separated from his wife Bertha on account of a spiritual 
relationship and a natural consanguinity in the fourth degree. (/) Soon after, 
however, on the premature death of Gregory, Otho had his beloved teacher 
elected to the vacant chair, and from personal regard, while proudly denying 

h) Oratian : P. I. Dlat LXIII. c 8a Liudp. VI, 6. 

c) Liudp. VI, 6-11. PtrU Th. IV. p. 298a. The Omst Leonis VIIL as to ite essentUI matter Is 
trastworthy, bat the form in which it has been known since the 11th cent is not beyond sosiiidon. 
It may be found in PerU Th. IV. IL p. 167. as an extract in GraUan : P. I. DIst LXIII. c 88.— 
C. F. ITtrtely de Ottonis M. Ecclesiao prospiciendi conatu. Mngd. ITSd. d) Jaffi, p. 889fla. 

e) Gerbert's account of the tranMctions in Mansi Th. XIX. p. lOSsa. 

/) Mami Th. XIX. p. 225. UelgaJdua Floriac. ViU Robcrti c. IT. (Bouquet Th. X. pw lOT.) 
The view entertained in the next century may bo found in PeL Damiani L IL £p. 1& 


the T&liditj of all former grants, be presented to St. Peter eight conntios be- 
longing to the States of the Church as if they were his own. (g) Sylvester 
IL (999-1003) was of a yery bumble origin, and in early life bad been a 
strenuous opponent of papal assumptions. Ilis elevation and his knowledge 
seemed so extraordinary, that the reverence of the Germans and the aversion 
of the Bomans produced a report that be had sold his soul to the devil as the 
price of the papacy. But in the midst of the bighest youthful aspirations 
the emperor suddenly died (1002), and the power of his favorite pope was 
broken. (A) 

§ 179. The Papacy until the Synod of Sutri, 

L Ji^ Begceta p. 851-851 Glaber Radvl/ua, a monk of Clngnl (abont 1046), Hist snl tem- 
psria. {Du Chstns Tb. IV. p. 1.) Amiao, Biahop of Satri and Piaccnza, d. 1089, L. ad amic. & de 
pcneeatione Eoc. (Otfdii Scrr. rer. Bolcar. Tb. IL p. 794.) In and after the fifth book tliore is a 
fafatorx (^ the Pop«a from Benedict IX. to Greg. VII. Detiderius ( Victor III.) de miracu]is a S. 
Benedkto alUfqae Casinensib. gestis Diall. (BibL PP. Lugd. Tb. XYIII. p. 858.) Annolea Romani 
from 1046. {Pert» Th. TIL p. 468.) 

IL Xnffelhardt, Obea. de syn. Satrien»L Eriang. 1834. 4. Th. MitOer^ de scbism. in £cc Bom. sab 
pootil Ben. IX Tar. 188S.— 6t4m««l, Qeach. DeutBcbL anter d. friink. Kaisem. Lpz. 1827. 

In Rome the contest was still continued between a popular party and the 
Count of Tusculum, in whose family the papacy had become hereditary after the 
time of Benedict VIIL (1012.) Benedict IX. reached the sacred chair (1088) 
when be was yet a boy, disgraced it by crimes whicb are usually impractica- 
ble at such a youthful period of life, and finally was driven from it by the 
people. Syhester IIL was put in his place, but Benedict was soon after 
VroQgbt back between the swords of his party. Convinced, however, that 
it would be impossible to sustain himself against the popular contempt, the 
tiara was sold to Gregory YI. The latter regarded the disgrace of acquiring 
the papal crown in this manner as a necessary sacrifice for the deliverance 
of the Church. Benedict, however, soon repented of this transaction, and 
three popes shared the Church between themselves. Ilenry III. now came 
to restore the imperial power in Italy, and assembled, in the very midst of 
lu8 army, tbe Synod of Sutri (1046), by whicb the papal chair was pro- 
nonnoed vacant. Gregory having deposed himself, Suidger, Bishop of Bam- 
berg, a serious and pious German belonging to the imperial retinue, was then 
alnted as Pope in the Church of St. Peter, under the name of Clement II. 
rrom the hands of the newly elected pope the Gorman king received the 
crown of the Roman Emperor^ and was made the Patricius of the city, 
md the Romans swore once more that no pope should be chosen contrary to 

§ 180. The Popes under Hildebrand, 1048-1073. 

L Amifo, D^ideriua^ and AnnaUs Rom, as referred to in tbe preceding section. Leo Ostien- 
•^ Oudlnal Bishop of Ostia, 1101, Cbron. monasterii Cssinens. {Muratori Tb. IV. p. 151.) These 
*ere tlM>roagh admirers of Gregory. Many notices may be found in tbe epistles of the Cardinal 
Bbbop of Ostla, Damiani^ d. 1072, who essentially agreed with Ilildebrand, bat with all bis con- 

9) Ottenii III. Diploma. (Baron, ail ann. 1191. Na 67.) comp. Liudpr. Hist OUon. c. 19. 
*) Mrtiui Th. XIX p. 2408a.— <7. F. Uock, Oerbert o. 8ylv. II. u. si Jahrh. Vienna. 1837. WU- 
■all JshrbHeber d. Deatseben Eeichs antor Otto IIL BerL ISIO. Jc^ Begesta p. 845i& 

192 MEDIAEVAL CHUBCH HI8T0BT. FEB. OL A. B. 80a-1916i 

tnMtad rlews was indcpendentif opfXMcd to wlut he called the bolj SaUn nod the whtrie papaej. 
Annalea AUahen$eSy restored by W. Giesebrccbt Berl 1S41. 

II. Joh. Voigt, Hildebr. als. Grog. YII. u. 8. Zelultcr. Weim. (1815.) 1848. G. CasMndtr, d. 
Zeitalter Ulldebr. far a. gcgen ibn. DarineL 1848.-/7^^, duatsche Piipetc. % Abth. 

The popes of this period were dependent upon the emperor, bnt they 
were generally men selected for that station on acconnt of their ecclesiasti- 
cal character, and from the fact that as general bishops of the empire, hon- 
orably and secarely residing at Rome, they had attained a high degree of 
ecclesiastical influence. The general voice of the people demanded of them the 
deliverance of the Church from the simony and the licentiousness of the clergy. 
The bishoprics were regularly and sometimes at auction set up for sale, and the 
bishops sought remuneration for the expense of their purchase from the sale of 
the inferior offices. The whole Church had become venal. What had been ob- 
tained by worldly policy was administered and enjoyed in a worldly manner. 
The power of Henry 111, was so great in Italy, that Roman messengers were 
sent to him demanding that he would bestow on them some one for a pope. 
At the Diet of Worms, Bruno, Bishop of Toul, a cousin of the emperor, was 
elected to that office, and under the name of Leo IX, (1048-54) proved him- 
self a pious man, but somewhat dependent upon those who surrounded him. 
A Roman monk, whom he was desirous of making one of his retinue, re- 
fused all connection with him because he had obtained his station in the 
Church not in accordance with ecclesiastical laws, but by worldly power. In 
compliance with the counsel of this man, the pope went to Rome in the 
character of a pilgrim, and was there regularly elected by the clergy and 
people of the city. The monk who had such an influence over him was 
Uildehrand, lie was bom probably at Saona, the son of a mechanic, was 
educated at Clugni, and had shared the exile of Gregory YI. in Germany. 
Leo sought in the national councils of France and Germany to re-establish 
discipline, and to remove all those priests who had purchased their offices 
and would not perform penance for their sin. In a campaign against the 
Normans who had conquered Apulia, his whole army was finally destroyed. 
But when the imprisoned vicegerent of Christ beheld the conquerors at his 
feet, he blessed their arms and confirmed their conquests, (a) When Leo 
died, nildebrand, then a subdeacon, was commissioned by the Roman people 
to select a successor, and chose Gebhard, Bishop of Eichstadt, Victor IL 
(1055-57). iP) This man, on account of his wisdom and wealth as well SB 
for his consanguinity and friondsliip with the emperor, was the most power- 
ful bishop in the empire. The principal object aimed at in his election, was 
to break up a party of which he had been the centi'e, but which had been 
opposed to the papal power over the bishops, and to enlist his great personal 
influence against those abuses which prevailed beyond the Alps. Against 
these, Hildebrand, when Legate, had so efiectually contended, that the con- 
trition of a peijured bishop before his piercing glance was regarded as a 
miraculous influence upon the conscience, (c) The Emperor Ilenry, when 

a) WibertuA, Bruno^s Arcbdeaoon at Toul, Vita Leon. (3furaU>ri Th. IIL P. L p. 2Ta) 
Bishop of BefmU about 1100, Vita Leon. (lb. P. IL p. 84fi.) 

b) VIU and Epp. in MctnH Tb. XIX. p. 83& 

c) According to Damlani Baron, ad ann. 1003. Na ISml 


dying, commended his son to tlio protection of the pope, and Victor pro- 
mised that the empire should be given to the royal child, Henry IV. But a 
new power had recently been established in Italy, by the marriage of God- 
frey of Lorraine with Beatrice, the widow of the Marquis of Tuscany. God- 
frey's brother, Stephen /X, was actuated by the very spirit of the Reforma- 
tion. His phin of establishing a national empire in Italy, by investing his 
brother with the royal dignity, was defeated by his want of decision or his early 
death (Aug. 2, 1058.) (</) The Roman nobles, with a party of the clergy op- 
posed to the Reformation, placed upon the throne the Bishop of Veletri, Bene- 
dict X. Hildebrand, Vfith the concurrence of the imperial court, then procured 
the election of Gebhard, Archbishop of Florence, XicJiuhu II. (10u8-Cl.) {c) 
The duke Godfrey conducted him to Rome, and Benedict submitted. At a 
Soman synod (1059), Nicholas committed almost exclusively to the college 
of cardinals the power of choosing the pope, in order that the papal election 
might not be disturbed by the factious interests of the nobles, or the storms 
of popular elections. The right of King Henry and of his successors (which, 
however, he would have obtained personaUy from the apostolic Fee) was 
made the subject of special stipulation. (/) The Roman court perceived the 
advantage of an alliance with the Normans in opposition to tlie (iermanj?, and 
it a^eed with the piety and policy of Eohert Guiscanl to have his conquests 
in Lower Italy and his designs upon Sicily pronounced lawful and holy by 
tli« pope. He now became, accordingly, the vassal and protector of the Ro- 
man Church. (jTf) By his assistance the offended nobility, and especially the 
faction of the Count of Tusculum, was overthrown. On the death of Nicholas, 
H'ddubrand, in connection with the cardinals, made choice of Anselm, Bishop 
of Lucca, Alexander II, (1061-78). The imperial court regarded the alliance 
with ihe Normans with much uneasiness, and therefore induced the Lombardic 
bbhopa to proclaim Cadolaus, Bishop of Parma, Honorius II., as pope, whose 
previous life gave suflScient assurance that the Church would be protected against 
simony and concubinage. But Godfrey drew his sword, and the Normans were 
tfrayed in defence of the pope chosen by Hildebrand, and when Ilanno, 
Archhishop of Cologne, carried off" the person of the German king, then in 
Iiii minority, that he might take upon himself the regency, Honorius was 
generally abandoned. The work of reformation, however, produced but 
Me result in the Church in consequence of the opposition of the bishops, 
snpported by the king. Henry IV. was desirous of a divorce from his noble 
but much-abused wife. The Cardinal Damiani, at a synod held at Mentz, so 
frightened the bishops when they seemed disposed to favor the royal recjuest, 
tliat they dared not comi)ly. When the Saxons sent messengers to Rome as 
to a divine court, to complain of Henry IV. for his intolerable oppression of 
^ subjects, and for exposing to sale all ecclesiastical offices to raise a revo- 
Bue for the support of soldiers employed against his i)eople, Alexander sum- 
D»ned the king to answer tlie charges at Rome. Henry's wrath at so strange 

^ Leo orient. 11,100m. 
<)TiUftnd Epp. in Jfanti Th. XIX. p. 867. 

/) suttitam de electione Papae. Parts Tb. IV. 2. p. 176. A falsified text in Gratian : V. L 
*«. IXIII. c -L—K CuniU de NIc. IL decreto. Argent 8S7. 4. 
f) Both feodal oaths are to be seen in Baron, ad aon. 1069. No. 70s. 



194 MEDIAEVAL CnURCn HISTORY. PEE. III. A. D. 800-121«. 

a proceeding was soon after allayed by the sndden news of Alexander's death. 
It was then that Ilildebrand felt that the time had come in which he might 
enter npon the execution of the plan for which he had long been preparing, 
and might assume the dignity of an independent sovereign. Even at the 
funeral of Alexander, the people exclaimed, " Hildebrand is Pope, St. Peter 
has elected him ! " 

§ 181. Gregory VIL April 22, 1073— i/ay 26, 1085. 

I. 1) Gregoril Rogristri & Epp. 1. XI. Tho lOtb book is wanting in all the ediit hitherto, m in 
MnnH Th. XX. p. 60f«. According to tlic invcstigaUons of Giesebrecht on the basis of the Cod. 
Vaticanns the Registrum is not the offlcUl record of Oregory^s writings, but the first seven books are 
a collection which a contemporary f<>nned fh>m them corresponding to tho seven first years of hb 
public administration. Tlie Sth book, which was not until a later period divide<1 according to the 
years of his reign, contain.*) all his other writings afterwards found, compiled without a strict regard 
to their chronological order. Thus, «A//??, Regesta p. 402-443. Acts of council A orlp. docc : ManH 
Th. XX. p. 402sa. and in Uldarici Bahenherg. Codex Epist collected about 1125. {Eccard. Th. 11. 
p. 1.) 2) Panegyrists: Bonizo and others referred to at the head of { 179s. Paultis Bemridtn 
«t«, canon at Ratisbon, about 1130, de Vita Greg. {Jfuratori Th. III. P. I. p. 817.) Bmno^ a Saxon 
clergyman. Hist belli Saxon. 1078-91. {Freher. Th. I. p. 171.) The biographies of Pundulph of Pi»a^ 
an<l yicolas of Aragon, for the sake of the original authorities preserved in them. {Jfitrtttori Th, 
III. P. I. p. 804.) 8; Opponents: Benno, a Cardinal of the party of Clement III. the Antipope, de 
vita et gcstis Hildebr. 1. IL Otbert, Bishop of Liege,* de vita et obitu Ilenr. lY. (Both are in Gol- 
dntitVs Apologia pro Ilenr. IV. Han. 1611. 4.) Concerning fhigments of another adverse writer: 
Peru Archiv. vol. V. p. 85. Among the Panegyrists the praise is unqualified, but although Paul of 
Bemr. writes as an independent man, and Bruno passionately when in opposition to the emperor, 
they express the sentiment of a whole nation. On the same side are also found some impartial 
chroniclers, as Lambert, Marianus Scotus, Otto of Freysingen, and, respecting the character of Or^« 
ory, even Sigbert On the other hand, Benno's work is nothing but a lampoon Aili of contradictions. 

II. Gaah^ Apol. Greg. Tfib. 1792. Yoigt and Cassander referred to at the head of % IPO. A, d§ 
Vidaillin, Vie de Gr<:'goire VIL Par. 1887, %Th. J, W. Botoden, Life of Gregory VIL Lond. 18I0L 

2 Th.— So//Z, Ileinrich IV. Munich. 1828. Verenet, de commutatione, quam subiit liierarchia Rom. 
auctore Greg. Tr^j. ad Rh. 1882. \J. SUphent^ Ilildebrand, or Greg. VII. (in Ed. Review, Jan. lS45i 
and Eclectic Mag. June, 1845).] 

That he might not be embarrassed with an antipope, Gregor}- VII. asked 
the consent of the king to his assumption of the tiara. Henry lY., deceived 
by the humility and frankness exhibited in his letter, readily granted what 
it would have been difficult to withhold. No doubt Gregory secretly desired the 
possession of the papal crown, but the same feehng which even at a lat^r period, 
in the midst of a stormy activity, made him sometimes tired of the hostility 
of the world, and long for retirement, for ho was a sickly man, now made 
him shrink from the struggle in which he foresaw he must engage in opposition 
to the clergy, the bishops, and even thlb king, if be would radically heal the 
maladies of the Church. The marriages of the clergy, contracted with a 
consciousness of guilt, and generally of a dissolute character, were the most 
universal cause of their corruption. It was necessary, therefore, that mar- 
riage should be freely conceded to them, or be rendered utterly impracti- 
cable. At a synod held at Rome (1074), Gregory re-established the ancient 
law of celibacy. The largest portion of the inferior clergy in Lombardy and 
beyond the Alps were indignant at this. It was, however, only by renounc- 
ing the delights and cares of domestic life that the clergy could secure the 
independence of the Church, and yet retain possession of her vast estates. 
By exciting the common people against all married priests, the papal law pre- 
vailed in spite of their desperate opposition. A second Roman synod (1075) 


pranonsoed the decisive sentence by whicli all simony was condemned, and 
the freedom of the Church was declared, since every one was laid nnder ex- 
eommanication who should give or receive an ecclesiastical office from the 
hands of a layman. The kings, in opposition to this, defended a long estab- 
lished prerogative which was a powerful support to their thrones. In the 
mind of Gregory the idea of a universal theocracy had become ascendant, in 
which a vicar of God in times of brute violence (faustrecht) might stand 
between princes and their people, enforcing the law of divine right by his 
spiritual power, and able either to humble the people or to depose i)rinces. 
As the canse of the papacy was then believed to be identical with that of 
general reformation, and all felt the necessity of a supi'eme moral power 
when soch lawless violence prevailed, and of a legitimate dominion of the 
spiritnal over the merely physical nature, of which the state was regarded 
as the representative, tlie best portion of society were &vorable to this view. 
Many, however, saw the necessary result of intrusting such unlimited power 
to the hand of a man. (a) Gregory never lost an opportunity as a feudal 
lord paramount, and as an umpire or lawgiver, to assert with greater or less 
mecess his 8lSoe of a divine vicar among the nations of Europe. His princi- 
ples he openly and boldly avowed, (b) however carefifl and reserved he 
nnght be in expressing opinions of particular persons ; but in the accomplish- 
ment of his porposes he never hesitated, if necessary, to make use of the 
most terrible measures. He gathered around himself men of vigorous and 
elevated minda, whom he raised often against their own wills from monastic 
eoneealment to ftte highest dignities. Beatrice and her daughter Matilda, 
Countess of Tuscany, always participated in his most secret counsels. The 
mpieions which some attempted to throw upon his relations to the former 
kdy, were too convenient for the purposes of the thousands whose inclina- 
tioDs he opposed, to acquire any high degree of probability when opposed to 
fte uniform character of the parties, (c) More credible evidences show that 
tbe relation was that of an earnest father to his spiritual daughter, who did 
boBuge to his lofty spirit, and was delighted when he intrusted to her his 
ores, and allowed her to as^st him with her wealth and power. Gregory 
VIS indeed hated by the clergy and the principal men of Italy, but on 
ChriBtmas night in the year 1074, the people delivered him out of the hands 
of the youth among the nobility, who had formed a conspiracy and threat- 
ened his life. His ofHuion that Spain by an ancient legal title belonged to 
fit Peter, and that Hungary had formerly been given to St. Peter by one of 
iti kings, Just as Saxony was said to have been given by the Emperor Charles, 
v^emained only as an idea founded upon a legendary tradition to be taken up 
^ any one who mi^t afterwards have the power to act upon the sug- 

<) ApolofU pro Henr. IT. 1098, wrttten probablf by Waltram^ Bishop of Naomborg, and a Tnct 
^ iar«itftara Eplscc bf the same. Besides other Apologists in Goldast Theodorici. Ep. ad 
^ a 1090. (^Martene Tb^anr. dot. Anecdot Th. L p. 214ss.) For Gregor. : Bemold, Constant 
^9<iepi. pro decretis Orrg. (Jfanti Th. XX. p. 404) Letters and Pamphlets: Ut^ermann Tb. IL 
^I^ Anitdmu*, Bp. of Lucca, contra Ouibertam Antipapam i. IL a. 1064 (BibL PP. Lagd. Th. 
^UI pi 602.) Others In Oreiser, ApoL pro Greg. (0pp. Tb. VL) 

^) ^ as a collection by another baod, oompL DtcUtna GregorH VIZ (L. IL Epu 6K. Matui Th. 


gestion. (//) If he sometimes made concessions when great power and tal- 
ents were arrayed against him, as when Philip of France^ and still more, 
wiien WdVuim the Conqueror of England resisted his measures, it was be- 
cause his extraordinary knowledge of political affairs enabled him to judge 
how far he might venture, and made him see the necessity of using worldly 
means in worldly transactions. But even when yielding to necessity, he 
openly avowed, that just as God had patience with the wickedne&s of man, 
ho endured injustice only for the present in the hope of a future meliora- 
tion. (<») The impetuous instability of the youthful Henry IV., who had been 
invested with the purple even from his birth, hadjbeen educated without disci- 
pline, and lived ever afterwards without affection, presented a fair mark for his 
terrible and cool precision. In opposition to this prince, Gregory went forward 
reforming the Church and exalting the papacy, and finally he beheld the 
highest of all earthly powers humbled before it. When the trade in eccle- 
siastical ofBces was persisted in at court, and those counsellors who had been 
excommunicated on this account were reinstated ; when Henry's paramours 
went about adorned with jewels taken from the sacred vessels, and the Sax- 
ons endured the most horrible oppression, the pope demanded That the king 
should answer for'these things at Rome, and threatened him with excommu- 
nication on his disobedience. At a synod held at Worms (Jan. 24, 1076), 
the king had the pope deposed as a tyrant who had laid unhallowed hands 
upon the Lord's anointed. Gregory replied by hurling against him an anath- 
ema which absolved all Christians from their oath of allegiance to him. By 
his violent proceedings Henry had already fallen out with^ie princes of his 
court, so that they hated him more than they valued the independence of the 
empire. They therefore resolved, at an assembly held at Trihur (Oct. 1076), 
that if the ban of excommunication were not removed from Henry within a 
year, he should forfeit his throne. With a broken spirit the monarch ob- 
tained absolution (Jan. 28, 1077), after he had brought disgrace upon himself 
and his kingdom at Canossa. Finally he seized those weapons which had 
long been offered him by the nobles of Lombardy. Again the sentence of 
excommunication and deposition was issued against him, a rival pope and a 
rival king were set up, and Italy and Germany were filled with blood. 
Gregory had predicted that in that year a false king should die, (/) and ac- 
cordingly Rudolph of Svvabia, whom he had himself made king, died (1080). 
Henry besieged and took Rome (1084), but the pope in his castle of St. 
Angelo would even then accept of nothing but the unconditional submis- 
sion of the king, and was liberated by Robert Guiscard. But the Romanic 
nations commended the king's cause, (g) and the Romans were tired of the 
evils which the implacable spirit of the pope brought upon them. Gregory 
withdrew himself from them with his Normans, and died at Salerno, with the feel- 
ings of a martyr, though binding and loosing his fellow-men even in death, (h) 

d) Kegtetr. IV, 28. II, 18. VIII, 28. Desgl. Corsica V, 4. 

e) E. g. tho cnfeoflfment of Gal»card in Mansi Th. XX. p. 814. 

/) Sigb. Gembl. ad ann. 1080. Bonlzo's attempt to jurtify this proceeding is therefore about as 
absurd as Benno's accusation of witchcraft g) Registr. VII, 8. 

h) The falsehood which fh>m fear of the power <rf the deceased pope was iiiTented, may be fbond in 


§ 182. Gregory's Sucressors, 1085-1009. 

Victor III 1(>S5-S7. JIunn Th. XX. p. 630ss. Lfo Ostienn. see at llie liead of § 180. Blogr. by 
Fandulpkut Putan. and Bernard. Guidon^ written during the 18th c.nt. In MuratoH Th. Ill: P. 
Lp. ^\.— Urban JL lOSS-W. Mami Th. XX. p. (A2»k t/i//<?, p. 44Ss5. Pandulph. and Ber- 
nard, in Jifuratori I. c. After and along with the sources: Ruinart In MahiUon et Ruin. 0pp. 
posth. Par. 1724. 4, Among the ch^onicle^^ especially Iao 0«iiena^ & Bernold^ monk of 9. Bla- 
■kx Chron. 1065-1100. (Perta Th. VII. p. aS5.) 

Gregory's principle were deeply impressed upon the age in which ho 
lived, and the clergy hegan to understand the advantages they acquired by 
sacrificing their domestic enjoyments. Those who had been selected by 
Gregory as worthy to become his successors were one after another raised to 
the apostolic chair. Desideritis^ the Abbot of Montecassino, Victor III.^ 
resolutely refused to leave the retirement of his convent, and thereby seri- 
ously impaired his influence, but he rigidly followed out the course on which 
his illustrioas Mend had entered. On his premature death, Otho^ who out 
of disgust with the world had resigned his canonicate at Rheims and betaken 
himself to Clugni, where he had been noticed by Gregory and madeJBishop 
of Ostia, and afterwards as Legate had been the prisoner and the mortal 
enemy of Henry, became pope under the name of Urhaii IT, When Gre- 
gory was dead, the emperor, who had now attained maturity in the midst of 
the storms through which he had passed, with his pope Clement III. exer- 
dsed sovereignty over Upper and Central Italy. Renouncing her widowhood 
that she might promote the interests of the Romish Church, Matild<i^ by her 
upparent marrifi^e with Welf, Duke of Bavaria, gave for a brief period a 
military leader to the papal party. The conduct of the emperor was far 
more effectual than were all the solicitations of the pope to drive his son 
Conrad into acts of treason (1093). Urban, at the great Council of Cler- 
fM%t (1095), excommunicated Philip of France for his adulterous connec- 
tion with the Countess Bertrade, and forbade all persons invested with 
ecclesiastical offices taking an oath of allegiance to a layman. In conse- 
quence of the crusades, the pope not only obtained an enthusiastic army 
for the execution of his plans, but his moral influence was so much in- 
creased that he became the head of all the popular movements of the West- 
em world. Philip was compelled to give up his paramour, and Henry and 
his pope lost all power in Itiily. Urban, however, purchased nothing but the 
precious friendship of the Normans, and preserved nothing but the shadow 
of his ecclesiastical claims in the aj)pointnient of Count Roger owiihh suc- 
c^Bors to be the perpetual legates of the pope in Sicily (MonarcLia Siciliae).* 

*J*. OembL ann. 1085. The troth may bo wen in PauL Bemrid. c lOSsa. Respecting Gregory's 
ODOBlzatioo and the opposition made to it by the courts: L'avocat du Dlable, ou mumoires sor la 
»<•« w U Idgende da P. Greg. VII. 1748. 8 Th. 

• JlanH Th. XX. p. «5». Ganfredi Jfalaterra lllst Slcala IV, 29. (Afuratori Th. V. p. 601.) 
^^I>»Piny Defence de la monarchie de Sicile contre ies entreprises de la Coar de Rome. Amst 


"§ 183. The Crusades. Conquest of Jerusalem. 

L Collections: J. £ongara, Oesta Dei per Francos Hanov. 1611. 2 Th. C SchUier, hist Memoir 
Abtk 1. vol. 1-a J. Michaud, Bibliotheque des Croisadea. Par. 1S8Q. 4 Tb. 

II. F. Wilken^ Gesch. d. Kreuzz. Lpz. 1807-82. 7 vols. Michaud, Hist des Crolsadey. Par. 1S12. 
ed. & \hV)f%. 6 vols. [Jf*oAa«(r« II. of the C^a8ade^ transl. by Wm. Bobaon, Loud. 1S52. 8 vols, n.] 
n. %. Sybel, Oesch. d. ereten Kreuzz. Doss. 1&41. [7! KeighUey, The Crufadera, Lend. 1S52. 12. C. 
MiU, 11. of the Crusades. Pbilad. 1S15. G. P. S, Jamea, Chivalry and tbft Crusades. New York. 
1837. Eclectic Mag. April, 1S4&] 

The attraction toward the Holy Land which had formerly prerailed in 
the Clmrch had never been interrupted, but in consequence of the ardent 
and sensuous devotion which was almost universal in the eleventh century, 
it then became especially powerful. German bishops with their soldiers 
heroically defended themselves against a sudden attack of the Saracens which 
took place on Easter, 1065. (a) Even before this (999), Sylvester II., in the 
name of the desolate Holy City, had called upon the general Church for aid. 
Cregory (1074) once entertained serious thoughts of becoming leader of a host 
for the liberation of the Christian portion of the East. (&) When the Se\ju- 
kian Turks had established their empire in Asia Minor, and had conquered 
Syria (after 1078), the pilgrims and Christians in Palestijie made bitter com- 
plaints of their intolerable ill-treatment there. Tho hermit Peter of Amiens 
made known the prayers of the oriental Christians, and announced an imme- 
diate commission from Christ for their deliverance. Urban 11.^ at a general 
assembly of the Church at Clermont (1095), earnestly exhorted all to enter 
upon this holy war under a leader who never wanted provisions, and on 
whose side victory was certain, the reward was eternal, and death was mar- 
tyrdom. All the people shouted, *^ God wills it ! " (c) A hundred thousand 
men, chiefly Frenchmen, in tho first moments of exhilaration took upon 
themselves the sign of the Cross, by which Christians were to be known as 
true disciples. Secular embarrassments and passions, romantic pleasures and 
superstitious hopes, doubtless had much to do in this, and yet it must be con- 
ceded that the spirit which animated these masses for two hundred years 
was something superior to that of this world; But it was not for a holy 
sepulchre alone that these expeditions were undertaken. They had also in 
view the honor of the Christian name, the triumph of oppressed Cliristianity 
in the East, and the dominion of Europe over Asia. An undisciplined host 
which followed the hermit's ass, was reduced to half its original number in 
passing through Bulgaria, and finally was utterly destroyed by the Turks. 
When the more disciplined army of the crusaders reached the plain of 
Nicaea^ they found a high pyramid formed of the bones of their predecessors. 
At Edessa, which voluntarily surrendered to Baldwin, and at Nicaea and 
Antioch, which were soon conquered, the pilgrim princes erected prineipali- 
ties for themselves. After indescribable sufferings, Jerusalem was stormed 
on the fifteenth of July, 1099, and through blood and flames the army 
marched singing holy songs to the Church of the Heeurrection. Godfrey of 

a) Lambert Scha/n. ad. ann. 1065. 

b) SylT€9tri £p. a<l. univ. £cc {Bouqnet Tb. X. p. 42«s.> Gregor. ad Ilemr. E. (Jfcmai Th. 
XX pc 150.) 

c) JfuMi Th. XX. p. Snsa. Bongar* Th. L p. S6. 81. SS^m. 


Bauilhn was proclaimed the first king of Jerusalem, although the piety of 
his heroic spirit refused to wear a royal crown where the Son of God had 
worn a crown of thorns. 

§ 184. Pascal IL, 1099-1118. 

Letters and public documents in Manai Th. XX. p. 977. di5per»ed in Uldarici Cod. epistolaria. 
Life by PandulphuM and tbe Cardinal of Aragon^ with original dl>cn^)ent^ may be found in 3/u- 
ratori Th. IIL P. L p. 8M and 860.— £1 GertaU, pollc. Hist Deutscbl. nntcr Uein. Y. and Lothar. 
IL L|is. 1S41. S Th. 

Foicaly whom Gregory had taken from the monastery of Clugni and 
made a cardinal, possessed the fiery spirit without the firmness, and the zeal 
for the hierarchy without the knowledge of its proper limits, which had been 
displayed by his patron. Philip of France, who had again been exconimu- 
mcated on account of his illicit connection, received absolution on his taking 
an oath that he would renounce Bertrade (1104). But when this oath was 
violated the pope took no notice of the perjury. A violent contest sprung 
np between Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, in behalf of tlie pope, and 
Henry L of EngUtnd, in which the latter contended for his crown and the 
former for his life. It was finally compromised (1106) by the king's renun- 
dation of the right of investiture with respect to bishops, though ho retained 
the power of exacting fi*om them the oath of allegiance, (ft) Henry TV. 
abdicated in favor of his son who had rebelled against him, but died (1106) 
under a sentence of excommunication which reached even his lifeless 
corpse. But Henry V. had no sooner become settled in his throne, than he 
laid claim to tbe ancient royal prerogative of investing bishops with the ring 
and crosier, and to support his claim he crossed the Alps with a powerful 
anny(lllO). In this extremity, the pope thought of purchasing the free- 
dom of the Church by the sacrifice of its secular power, and accordingly he 
proposed to restore to the king the imperial fiefs belonging to the bishops, on 
condition that the episcopal elections might be free from the royal interfer- 
ence. But the bishops and the princes were terrified at the idea of a con- 
tract by which the power of the Church would have been temporarily anni- 
bilated, and that of the king would have been rendered overwhelming*(J) 
The execution of such a compact would have been practicable only by a 
complete revolution. On the other hand, Henry had the pope imprisoned, 
and compelled him by threats to place the imperial crown upon his head, 
wlemnly to acknowledge the king's right of investiture, and to promise 
WTerto issue against him a sentence of excommunication. (<r) The pope, how- 
ever, could not act as a private person in this matter, since he stood as the 
wpreeentative of a particular system of things. Pascal was therefore 
<>l>liged to listen to the most bitter reproaches for his treasonable conduct 
toward the Church, and at a synod held at the Latcran (1112), to retract all 
^t he had done. On his refusal to excommunicato the emperor, the sen- 

0) Letters of Anwlnif his Life by bia confessor Eadmer, and bis Historia novorum I. Y L are In 
-^wrfwi Opp. Par. 1721. 2 Th. f F. R. Uaue^ Ans. t. C. Lolpz. 1843. Tli. 1. 
h PfriM Th. IV. p. 68aa. Card. Aragatu Vita Paach. {JfuratoH p. 860.) 
^) PertB Th.lY.^llm. 



tence was pronounced by his legates, {d) While Gregory was yet alive, Ma- 
tilda^ for the good of her soul* had bequeathed to him all her possessions in 
trust for the Romish Church, (e) At her death (1115) new materials were 
added to the controversy, since the emperor claimed her estates as an impe- 
rial fief, and on the ground that he was properly her heir at law, while the 
pope claimed them as the inheritance of St. Peter. The people now began 
to perceive that the papal ban was launched against the emperor for his do- 
fence of the rights of the empire. Henry V. took violent possession of tho 
forfeited fief, and drove the pope from Rome. The pontifi^, however, was 
restored to the city by the Normans, and died while making active prepara- 
tions for war. 

§ 186. Caliztuall, 1119-24. Concordat of Worms. 

The cause of the emperor in Rome was sustained principally by the pow- 
erful family of the Frangipani. Gelaslus 11.^ whom the cardinals elected, 
was suddenly attacked by persons belonging to that family, cruelly abused, 
and obliged to fly to the friendly territory of France, where, after a 
brief victory, he died as early as 1119. («) By his advice, Guido, Arch- 
bishop of Vienna, a prince of the house of Burgundy, was chosen to be his 
successor under the name of Calixtus II. (If) At a synod held at Rheims 
this pontifl^ renewed the sentence of excommunication against the emperor, 
whom he called a second Judas. The imperial party in Rome had made 
choice of Burdinus, Archbishop of Braga, Gregory VIII., who was over- 
powered by the Normans, was cruelly mocked by the Roman populace, and 
finally died in the papal dungeon, {c) Adalbert, Archbishop of Mentz, for- 
merly the imperial counsellor, and by whose advice all the violent and irregu- 
lar proceedings against the pope had been conducted, was now seized by the 
hierarchical spirit, and sought to renew the civil war in Germany. But the 
people, tired of the evils which had been produced in the empire during a 
period of fifty years' dissension among its rulers, were importunate in their 
demands for peace. Finally a Concordat was agreed upon at an imperial 
Diet at Worms (1122), on conditions similar to those previously acknow- 
ledged in France and England. This was afterwards confirmed at the first 
general council in the Later an (1123). "The emperor surrenders to God, 
to St. Peter and Paul, and to the Catholic Church, all right of investiture by 
ring and crosier. He grants that elections and ordinations in all churches 
shall take place fr^ly in accordance with ecclesiastical laws. The pope 
agrees that the election of German prelates shall be performed in the presence 
of the emperor, provided it is without violence or simony. In case any elec- 
tion is disputed, the emperor shall render assistance to the legal party with 

d) Baron, ad. ann. 1111. Acta of Synod, Man»i Th. XXL p. 4988. Planck^ Acta Inter Ilenr. 
V. et Pascb. II. Oott, 1785. 

«) The conveyance of the allodial estate by will is certain, but the original document (Jfuratori 
Th. V. p. 884.) of 1102, by which a legal gift waa attempted to be conveyed intor vlvoe Is doubtAiL 
Tiraboachiy Memorie Modonese. Th. I. p. 1408a. L^o, Italien vol. I. p. 4778a. 

a) Pandulphi Puani Vita Qelaa. {Murat Th. IIL P. I. p. 867s8.) 

I) Jaffi^ p. 62788^ Biographies in Muratori Th. IIL P. L p. 41Saa. 

c) BaluHuf, Vita BurdiuL (Miacell. Par. 1680. L IIL p. 471s8.) 


the advice of the archbishop and the bishops. The person elected is invest- 
ed with the imperial fiefs by the ro3al sceptre pledged for the execntion of 
every thing required by law. Whoever is consecrated shall also receive in 
like manner his investitures from other parts of the empire within six 
months." (</) Although in this proceeding the pope had barely saved appear- 
ances, and not the reality of his cause, and the strict hierarchical party com- 
plained loudly of the concessions made, so overwhelming was the authority 
of the papacy, that the influence which the emperor had hitherto exercised 
in the elections was gradually transferred to the pope, in spite of the laws by 
which their freedom was guaranteed. 

§ 186. Arnold of Brescia and Bernard of Clairtaux. 

J . D. Koler^ de Am. BrixionsL Ooeti 1742. 4. K. Beck^ Arnold v. Br. (Basl. Wisa. Zeitsch. 1824. 
H. 1) m: Franke, Arnold v. Br. a. 9. Zelt Zarlch. 1825. Respecting Bernard, see § 207. 

The Franconian imperial house became extinct on the death of Henry V. 
(1125), and a king chosen by suffrages had to purchase his new sovereignty 
from the states of the empire and from the pope. Lothaire II, having been 
chosen, received the allodial estates of the Countess Matilda from the hands 
of Innocent IL (1130-43), because she had been the pope's vassal, {a) The elec- 
tion of bishops was no longer restrained by the presence of the emperor, and 
the decisive question now began to be agitated whether the investiture of 
bishops should take place before or after ];heir consecration. (U) During the 
struggles between the imperial and papal governments a new power had 
sprang up, first in the episcopal cities of Lombardy, from the remnants of the 
Roman municipal constitution. In this was presented an omen of a now period, 
io which independent cities were to enjoy their liberties, and constitute a third 
estate in opposition to the pretensions of the secular and spiritual nobility, (c) 
Arnold of Brescia embraced the extreme views connected with this tendency, 
Mid regarded the condition of the apostolic Church as a law for all pe- 
riods of the world. He was a pupil of Abelard, had been a clergyman in his 
Dative city, was rigid and abstemious in his rules of conduct, and taught that 
the clergy ought to possess no worldly property, and that such possessions 
v«e the cause of all the abuses in the Church. The second Council of Eat- 
ewn(1139) imposed silence upon this most dangerous heretic, and by papal 
"iflaence he was driven from Italy, France, and Zurich, until in the city of 
Rome itself he attained supreme power. For, falling in with his views, the 
Romans (after 1143) confined the pope to the exercise of ecclesiastical gov- 
^rwnent, and to the possession of tithes and voluntary offerings, appointed a 
Senate, and wrote to the German king to come and re-establish the capital 
of his dominions according to ancient imperial laws, within the walls of tho 

«') I*erUTh. IV. p. 758. Manst Th. XXI. p. 2S78. Acta of the Latcran Synod. lb. p. 28158.— 
''• <?• ffofmann, Dn. ad Concordat, Uenr. et CallxtL ViL 1T39. 4 

«) ManH Th. XXL p. 892. 

*) Olen%cM<tger^ Erleatr. der pQld. Bulle. Frkf. 1766. 4. Cartularies, p. 19. Oeata Archiep. Trevlr 
b» EctQrd Th. IL p. 2197. Radinici de gest Frider. 1, 10. ^ 

') leo In his treatises aii Italy, samoaarily in the Oescb. d. MA. vol. I. p. MSss. JliiUmann, das 
^*<^^eseo des MA. Bonn. 1827. 2 vol& Jager^ a. d. rel. Bewegg. in d. schwiib. 8tadten y. deren 
'""Buoc&h. m. d. ideen Arnolds. {Klaiber'9 Btad. d. Qeisa Wdrt toL IV. H. 1.) 


eternal city, (d) Lucius II, (1144) led an army against the people, and while 
his troops were storming the capital, he was killed by a paving-stone (1145). 
Bu genius J II. fled to the quiet convent of his preceptor St. Bernard, by 
whose counsel he was directed in the government of the Church, (e) Roger, 
King of the Normans, having brought him back to Italy, Bernard wrote for 
his illustrious pupil the " Contemplations on the Papacy." (/) In this work 
the author regards the papacy in its ideal glory, as an office appointed by 
God for maintaining justice and concord among the people; he examines the 
difficult duties which such an office involves in relation to human infirmity, 
and predicts that its worldly arrogance will bring it to an unhappy end. No 
efforts, however, could give peace to Rome, where struggles for ascendency 
continually alternated with efforts at accommodation with the popular party. 
An English mendicant boy who had been promoted from one ecclesiastical 
station to another, until he had become Bishop of Albano, succeeded Enge- 
nius under the name of Hadrian IV, (1154). {g) He prohibited all public wor- 
ship in Rome, until the senate from jealousy abandoned Arnold of Brescia. 
The latter soon after fell into the hands of the emperor Frederic, who sacri- 
ficed him either from a professed regard to the pope, or from a real hatred 
to republican liberty. He was finally hung at Rome (1155), his body was 
burned, and his ashes were thrown into the Tiber, {h) 

187. The Crusade of St, Bernard, 

Palestine had now become a European colony, receiving continual acces- 
sions of people from the migrations of discontented persons hoping to im- 
prove their condition by the change. The relations and parties which existed 
in Europe were therefore repeated there in an exaggerated form. Accord- 
ingly we find there a feudal sovereignty, in which the king was the chief and 
simply the first baron of the realm. He was also in perpetual conflict with 
the hierarchy, whose chief was the Patriarch of Jerusalem, and who attempt- 
ed to re-enact the part of the pope, so far as his relations to the king were 
concerned. Between these two personages sprung np independent municipal 
associations, and companies of spiritual knights, (a) The Greek emperor was 
always suspected and secretly hated, and the native Christians were regarded 
as aliens and proper objects of oppression. The Mohammedans fought under 
the conviction that it was for religion, honor and dominion. The Norman 
kingdom of Edessa had been overthrown (1144), and it was evident that 
deliverance could be expected only by new levies from the West. Bernard^ 
the great saint of that age, assumed the direction of this enterprise, promis- 
ing, as the messenger of God, a certain victory. Eugenins went so far as to 

d) MarUite ampl. CoL Th. II. p. 89Ss. Otto FHs. de reb. gest Frld. I, 2a 

e) Jitffi p. 617a0. 

/) De Conahleratlone I V. (Bernardi 0pp. Ven. Th. IL) (7. F. ScJifuider^ Bor. 1S51. 

g) R. Ruby, Adrian IV. Lond 1849. 

h) Geroh^ Provost of Keicbersperg, de investigatione AntlcbristL (jGrtUeri Col. Scrr. adr. "W«l- 
dens. Proleejt. c 4.) 

a) The laws enacted there are lost, but tbej may be inferred fW>m the code which Count Jtan 
cTJMin established In Cyprua: Acaiflee et bona uaagea don royaame de Jeroaalem, etc p. IhaumoM 
ds Thaumatire. Par. 1690. 


sacrifice the rights of creditors and feudal lords, that he might promote the 
interests of this crusade, (b) Louis VII. of France took up the cross, that he 
might atone for his crime of hnrning a church filled with human beings, and 
Canrad of Germany was hurried into the same act against his inclinations 
by the power of Bernard's eloquence. Each of these princes led across the 
Hellespont an army of 70,000 men (1147). Most of these perished in conse- 
quence of the deceitful poUcy of the Greeks, and the opposition of the ele- 
ments, so that the princes returned with only the fragments of their 
armies, (c) Bernard defended his veracity by appealing to the inscrutable 
nature of the divine counsels, and by complaining of the crusaders them- 
selves, whose crimes had rendered thorn unworthy of victory. The more 
pious portion of his contemporaries were consoled with the reflection, that if 
the undertaking had been injurious to their temporal interest, it had certainly 
promoted the welfare of their souls, (d) 

§ 188. Frederic /., Barharossa^ 1152-1190. 

L Constltutiones in PerU P. IV. p. 89-185u 0(to FrUlng. de gestis Frltlerlci 1. II. till 1158, con 
tinned by liaderieus tl!! 1160. {3furatoH Th. VI. p. 629.) Godo/redi YA^rhUnHiH Pantheon till 
lt8& (Pittoriiu Tb. IL p. 8.) GnnVieri Ligurinns n<ar the end of the 12th cent ed. Dumgf, 
Ileidelb. 1$12. The Italian Chruntclera hnd others in Jfuratori Th. VI. The contemporary poi>e9y 
ami original docnments in Manti Tb. XXIsi. Jajfft^ p. 65S-S54. Biographies in JJuratori Tb. 
IIL p. Is. Jttff, p. 658-854. 

IL Xortum^ Fr. I. Aar. 1818. J. VoipU Oeecb. d. Lombarden-Bandes n. a. Kampfes. mit Fr. 
Ki*nl}^b. IS IS. F. «. liaumer, Gesch. d. Ilohenst Lpz. (1828) 1841s. vol IL liingy Fr. L iou 
Kimpfe g«'gen Alex. III. Stuttg. 1835. //. lieuter, Oesch. Alex. IIL u. d. Kirche seiner Zeit Berl. 
1S15. ToL 1. W. Zimmerman^ die Ilohenst o. Kampf. d. Monarchle gegen Papst und repabl. Fieih. 
Stattg. 1S38. S vola. 

The heroic race of the HoTienstavfens almost succeeded in realizing the 
idea of the empire. Frederic /., already renowned for his heroic exploits in 
the East and in the West, ascended the throne with a determination to re- 
establish, in spite of all opposition, the ancient power of the emperor Charles 
on both sides of the Alps. He well knew, however, that the pope could be 
of immense service to him in the attainment of his universal dominion, (a) 
He therefore gave Uadrian assurances of his friendship when he entered upon 
his Roman expedition (1155), and although some violations of good faith 
then took place, they were easily overlooked when both parties were inclined 
to peace. But the Roman people received iron instead of gold. First, Ila- 
drian's one-sided treaty with the King of the Two Sicilies, and then an occa- 
sional hint from him that the emperor held the empire as a feudal tenure 
from the pope, {I) raised the indignation of the German nation. Under their 
powerful leader this people had been awakened to a recollection of their 
Mcieut independence. The emperor indulged the hope of putting an end to 
the subjection paid to a foreign bishop, and of forming a great national Ger- 
°^ Church, under the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Treves, to whom 


*) Bugen. Epi ad Ludov. (J/ti««i Th. XXL p. 6268.) 

«) Otto FrU. de gest Frid. I, SSsa. Odo de Deogilo, de profectione Lud, in Or. (Chi/let, Ber- 
Mrtl lliusire genus. Divione. 1660. 4.) WiL Tyr. XVI, ISss. 
^ J^frn. de consider. II, 1. Otto Frising. 1. c. L 60. 
") Joan, Saruber. cpi &9. h) ManH Th. XX p. 790. 


it was not altogether without significance that our Lord bequeathed his seam- 
less coat, and Peter his staff. This plan, however, failed of accomplishment 
on account of the jealousy which prevailed among the German princes, and the 
contest with Italy, (c) The emperor wenc once more across the Alps (1158) 
with a larger army than before, reduced Milan to submission, and at the Diet 
of the Roncalian plains had his imperial rights explained out of the Roman 
Code by the renowned doctors of civil law in Bologna. According to these, 
his authority was that of an unlimited monarchy, such as was utterly for- 
eign to the usages of the German people. But the power of science of which 
the Italians were at that time proud, was by this decision added to that of 
the imperial arms, (d) The bishops as well as the towns were referred to 
long forgotten feudal obligations, and when the hierarchy beheld its rights 
violated, it began to grasp after its spiritual powers, when Hadrian died 
(1159). The hierarchical party elected in his stead Alexander III.^ while a 
few cardinals in the imperial interest chose Victor III. Alexander, whose 
cause was triumphant on nccount of its connection with that of popular free- 
dom. A few cities of Upper Italy had sworn together (1164) that they 
would rather suffer destruction than any longer endure the oppressions 
which the imperial deputies had arbitrarily inflicted upon them. This League 
of Verona was soon after gradually extended till it became the great Lorn- 
bardie League^ at the head of which the pope appeared as the supreme dema- 
gogue. A terrible war was now kindled, in which one party contended for 
freedom and the other against rebels. Abandoned by the army of the 
Guelphs, the emperor was defeated at Lcgnano (May 29, 11 70), but even 
when defeated and excommunicated he was still an object of terror. He 
concluded a treaty of peace and friendship with Alexander at Venice (Aug. 
1, 1177), in which he renounced the rival pope, and entered into a truce of 
fifteen years with the King of the Sicilies, and another of six years with the 
Lombards. This last, after the death of Alexander (1181), was exchanged 
for the peace of Constance (1183). {e) The basis of the treaty of peace Avith 
the hierarchy was the Concordat of Wonns, while that of the peace with 
the cities was the condition of Itajy before the second Roman expedition. 
The cities were, as republics, to be equal in rank Avith the great vassals of 
the crown, and the estates of the Countess Matilda were to remain in the 
possession of the emperor for fifteen years, when they were to be disposed 
of by a decision of arbitrators. The emperor then took signal vengeance 
upon the Guelphic family, and thereby established his supremacy in Germa- 
ny. By the marriage of his son Henry with Constantia, the heiress of the 
two Sicilies (1186), he also acquired for his house a prospect of possessing 
the whole of Italy. 

c) Comp. J. Ficlrer, Reinald v. Dassel, Reichskanzler u. Erzb. v. Koln. KGln. 1S50. 

d) S(if>iQ7iy, Oescb. des rom. Rechts Im Mlttelalter. Heldelb. 18158a. vol. IV. p. 151B8. 

e) Convcntus Vcnetus ; Pertz Th. IV. p. 151m. Pax Constantlae: lb. p. I'Sss. 

CUAP. L TAPACY. § 189. BECKET. 205 

§ 189. Thomas Bechet. 

I. Thorn. Bed'. Epp. 1. VI. cd. Ch. Lupm, Brux. 1682. 4. S. Thorn. Cant 0pp. (Patroa Ecc- 
.\ngL ed. GUes^ Oxon. lS45ss. vols. I.-YIII. Biographies by fuur of his followers: Johannes Saris- 
ber. Wilh. Stepbaiiidea, Alanus and Herbert dc Boeham, by the command of Greg. IX. collected 
in the QuadrilogQS do vita ^. Thomae, froquenlly published, esiiecially In Lnpns' edition of the Letters. 

IL Hist de demel6 de Henri II. avcc Becket Amst 1756. BataiUe, vie poUtiqae at civile de 
Til. B«^k. Par. 1842. JlerheH de Botiehatn, Vita S. Thom. (Patres Ecc Angl. vol. VIII.) BrUehar^ 
Th. Beck. (Tub. Qnrt. 1852. H. \.)—Thierty, Illst de la conqnoto de I'Angl. par les Normands. Par. 
1S25. vol. II. p. 876m. [transl. into Engl, by Wm. I/mlitt, with an App. Lond. 1847. 2 vol& S.] 
lievUr^ Alexander III. vol. I. p. 2S$9s. {J. A. GUea^ Life and Letters of Th. i^ Becket, by contem- 
porary historians. Lond. 1846. 2 vols. S. Eclectic Mag. Jane, 1846.] 

During the reigns of William the Conqueror and his son, the English 
dergy had been kept in the most rigorous subjection. But in the midst of 
the party struggles which took place under the feeble government of Ste- 
phen (1135-54), they broke loose from the State and established their free- 
dom by connecting themselves intimately with the Roman court, as the only 
tribunal of ultiniate appeal in all legal matters in which they were concerned. 
Henry II. demanded that the rights of the crown over the clergy should be 
restored, and caused an edict to be passed at the Diet of Clarendon (1164), 
which declared, *' The election of prelates shall take place in the royal chapel 
with the consent of the king. In all civil matters, and in cases of dispute 
with laymen, the clergy shall be amenable to the royal court. Without the 
consent of the king, no cause can be carried to any foreign jurisdiction, no 
clergyman shall leave the kingdom, and no person belonging to the royal 
council shall be excommunicated."* For the accomplishment of his plan 
the king had appointed his Chancellor, Tliomaa Becl-et, Archbishop of Can- 
terbury (11 02). But Becket was no sooner made the head of the Anglican 
Church, than he became possessed of the spirit of his station. lie laid aside 
all worldly pomp, and put on the simple habit of a monk. He publicly per- 
formed penance for giving his assent to the Constitutions of Clarendon, and 
received from Alexander III. absolution from the oath he had taken with 
respect to them, lie was now obliged to fly before the king's wrath, which 
fell upon his innocent kindred, and spared not even the child in the cradle. 
Sustained by the power of the pope, ho maintained his cause, Avhile in France, 
V spiritual weapons, until he compelled his king to enter into a compromise 
^y which he was allowed to return to his diocese. He had no sooner done 
^is than he issued sentence of excommunication against all who adhered to 
^e Constitutions of Clarendon. A careless expression used by the king was 
seized upon by his knights, and unfortunately carried into speedy execution, 
JiDd on the 29 th of December, 1170, the archbishop was slain at the very 
foot of the altar. Alexander canonized this bold martyr for his ecclesiastical 
independence, and the king was generally looked upon by the people as 
^ilty of the murder. As the opinions of the people were of great impor- 
^ce to Henry in his contests with his rebellious son, he purchased absolution 
from Rome by conceding to it the freedom of its judicial proceedings. He 
^ became reconciled to his people by performing an humble penance at the 

• Mansl Th. XXI. p. 1187. 1194m. {LandorCn Manual of Conncils, p. 182^8. ChurtoiC» Early 
^L Church, chap. 18w WUkiru^ Ck)nc. vol J. pi 485.] 


grave of his deadly enemy (1174). After this the papal legates exercised 
complete control over the Church and the revennes of England. 

§ 190. The Crumde against Salaheddin. 

1) Tageno^ Decanas Ecc. Patav. Dcjscr. cxpeditionis AslaL FridericL {FreJier Th. I. p. 40B.) 
Antberti, Clerid Austriaci, Hist de exjied. Fiid. ed. J. Dobrotctky, Prag. 1S27. 2) Galfiidi d4 
Vino Salvo Itinenuiain Richardi. {Bongar^ Th. I. p. 1150. bat better, Gale^ Scrr. Hist AngL voL 
II. p. 247.) Eigordi Gothi (royal phyalclan) Ann. de reb. a Phil. Aug. jrestK {Du Che»ne Th. V. 
p. 1.) [G. P. R. James, Ili^t of Richard Coeor de Lion. Lond. 1S42. and Phtlad. 1645. 2 vols, a T. 
KeigMUy, C. Mills, and J. Jfichaud, as referred to in § 188. Chronicles of the Crusaders (in Bohnli 
Ant Lib.) Lond. 184S.] 

Salaheddin united under his sword Anterior Asia and Egypt. Jerusalem 
submitted to him after a sanguinary battle (Oct. 3, 1187). Overwhelmed 
with the news, Europe heard the call of Gregory VIII. for a new crusade, 
to prepare for which all who remained at home, even the Church, were 
required to contribute Salaheddin's Tithe. Even Frederic I. did not consider 
himself too old to resume the heroic life of his youth. He broke his way 
through the Grecian empire and Asia Minor, and was finally drowned in the 
Calycadnus, near Seleucia (1190). Hi« son and the strength of his host fell 
before the plague. The same summer, the kings of France and England, 
through the mediation of the Church, came to an ac^ustment of their differ- 
ences, and transported their armies by sea to Palestine. Richard the Lion* 
hearted, on his way thither, recovered Cyprus from the hands of a Grecian 
rebel, and invested his knights with the fiefs of nearly half the island. 
Akron also soon fell before them. But in vain were prodigies of valor per- 
formed, since every advantage was rendered useless by the mutual jealousies 
of the ditforent sovereigns and nations. After a few months Philip Augus- 
tm was taken sick, returned to France, and equipped himself against the pos- 
sessions of the English king. Richard, forsaken by all, and threatened at 
home, concluded with his noble enemy a three years' truce, which secured 
the coast as a Christian territory, and opened Jerusalem to the visits of the 
pilgrims. On his return home the Lion-heart was imprisoned in Austria, 
and sold to the emperor, from whom he was purchased by his own people. 
The pope proved at least his good will by asserting the Christian law of nar 
tions in behalf of a crusadeh."" 

§ 191. Emry VI. Celestine IIL (1191-1198.) 

Peru Th. IV. p. 186s8. Jaffi p. 6S6s8.— i?auin«r, Hohe&st vol XL p. 62888. O. Abel, K Phil 
ipp d. Ilohenst BrL 1SS2. p. 188a. 

Henry VL was on an expedition through Italy to take possession of the 
Two Sicilies, which had fallen to him by inheritance (1189), when he received 
from the East the news of his father's death. He immediately purchased an 
imperial coronation from the Romans, by abandoning the faithful city of 
Tusculum. The Sicilians, dreading a foreign government, had elevated to 
the throne Count Tancred^ a natural son of their extinct royal family, whom 
the pope hastened to invest as his vassal. But after Tancred's death (1194), 

• Baron, ad ann. 119a Na Saa. MaUk. ParU ad ann. IIM. 


the Two Sicilies submitted themselves to Henry. This prince possessed the 
powerful talents for government, but not the chivalrous spirit of his father, 
and utterly regardless of the means which he used, he now held Italy and 
the pope under the most galling slavery. He now made preparations to ren- 
der the crown of the German empire hereditary in his family, to engage in 
another crusade, and to conquer the Grecian empire. Pious prophecies 
hailed him as the servant of the Lord to chastise the Church and to punish 
the nations, (a) Celestine IJLy the aged pope who had placed the crown 
upon his head, without venturing upon any decisive step, merely admonished 
him that it would profit no one to gain the whole world to the injury of his 
own souL (b) The youthful emperor beheld a vast Grerman empire extended 
before him, when a superior power suddenly interposed, and he died at Mes- 
eina (Sept. 28, 1197), leaving Frederic 11,^ a child of but three years of age, 
in the midst of his enemies. 

§ 192. Innocent IIL Jan. 8, 1198.-VwZy 16, 1216. 

L EpUtoiar. Innoc 1. XIX. (1. 2. in parts 5. 10-lS. Yola. in Epp. Inn. ed. BaluHuHy V«c. 2 Th. f. 
& 5-9tii y<A. in Diplomata etc ad res Francicas spectantia edd. Feudrix da Briquigny et la Porte du 
TkeiL Par. 1791. 2 Th.) Regittrum Inn, III. sopv nogotlo Rom. Imp. {Baluz, Tb. I. p. 687.) J, F. 
Boehmer, Begesta Imp. now ed. Stnttg. 1849. 4 p. 289s9.— (7««to Inn. IIL by a contemporary. (Bri^ 
fvigny Th. L) Richardi de & Germano Chronic ad a. 1189-1248. (MuratoH Th. VII. p. 963.) The 
OBbTorable side in MattAaeut Paris, Hist rai^or. [MaiL Paris, Chronicle, Stc transl. by Giles. 
Loud. 18ia 12.] 

IL F. Hurler, Gesch. Innoc III. n. seiner Zeitgenosscn. H&mb. 1834-42. 4 vols. (18456. 8 ed.) 
\AVb6 Jorry'9 Tlist of Innocent IIL (in French) is announced in Paris. 1858. Bohringer^ Church of 
Ctolit sod its witnesses, in a new rol. publ. in Lpa. 1854. is a life of Innoc IIL] 

Cardinal LotJiaire, of the noble Roman house of Gonti which possessed 
landed estates in Anagni and Segni, educated in Rome, Paris, and Bologna, 
and eminent not only as a theologian but as a jurist, was raised to the papal 
chair in the full vigor of early manhood under the name of Innocent III. 
The grand objects to which this richly endowed sacerdotal prince devoted his 
thoughts were the fortification of the States of the Church, the deliverance 
of Italy from the dominion of foreign princes, the separation of the Two 
Sicilies from all connection with the German empire, the liberation of the 
Oriental Church, the exercise of a guardianship over« the confederacy of the 
States, the extermination of heretics from the Church, and the promotion of 
ecclesiastical discipline. Immediately after his consecration he exacted an 
oath of allegiance from the imperial prefect of the city, accustomed the no- 
bility and people of Rome to obedience, although he found them often 
deficient in this respect, took the Lombardic League under his protection, and 
established a similar confederacy of cities in Tuscany, by the aid of which he 
expelled the German governor whom Henry had made ruler of the territories 
belonging to the Church. Even before his baptism Henry's son was acknowl- 
edged as his father's successor in the empire. But Innocent was afraid to 
aee bo many crowns united upon a single head, and the princes of the empy*e 
thought the crown of Charles was too great and heavy for the head of a 
child. Having renounced all the prerogatives of the Sicilian monarchy, 

a) InterpreUtio praeclara AbbaUs Joachim in Hi^emiam. Yen. 15S6. Comp. Abel, Philippe 
^tll b)Ja/i,p.WK 


Frederic II. was invested by Innocent with the feudal sovereignty of the 
Sicilies. So highly was the power and uprightness of the pope esteemed 
that Constantia on bor death-bed intrusted to him tlie guardianship of her 
orphan child (Nov. 27, 1198). lie governed the Two Sicilies with firmness 
and energy, so far at least as was possible under the difficulties of his situa- 
tion, and in face of the opposition of the German and Sicilian nobles. Italy 
was distracted by various factions, all of which, however, attached them- 
selves to the one or the other of the two great parties, in favor of the CImrch 
or of the empire, afterwards called Guelphs and Ghihellities. Innocent pre- 
pared the way for the reconciliation of these parties, without which the 
freedom of Italy could never bo secured, by taking Frederic II. the natural 
head of the Ghibellines under his protection. Under his guardianship that 
prince received a liberal and brilliant education. But the deliverance of 
Italy was an event as yet far distant and beyond the power of the papacy. 
In Germany, when Philip of Suabia perceived that the crown could not be 
obtained for his nephew he resolved to acquire it for himself. The party of 
the Guelphs, on the other hand, chose Otho IV., a son of Henry the Lion. 
Both rival kings appealed to Innocent, who declared that it was the business 
of the pope to decide in all cases of c(tnte>sted elections. With every appear- 
ance of the utmost impartiality, and after a long and cautious delay, he decided 
against the Ilohenstaufen (1201), but when victory seemed to decide in favor of 
that prince he hesitated not to negotiate with him. {n) Philip, however, was 
soon after assiissinated (1208; by Otho of Wittelsbach, one of his offended vassals. 
This base deed was detested by Innocent, Otho, and all Germany. Otho was 
then crowned at Rome (1209) ; not, however, till he had given security for 
the freedom of ecclesiastical elections, the toleration of appeals to Rome, 
and the legality of all the claims which the Church had instituted for pro- 
perty against the empire, (h) But when he afterwards adhered to the impe- 
rial oath, in which he had sworn that he would demand the restoration of all 
fiefs which had been taken from the empire,' the whole political scheme of the 
pope was endangered. Greatly dissatisfied. Innocent refused to acknowledge 
him any farther. Still resolved in some way to accomplish his purposes he 
made Frederic II. swe(^r that when he shoiUd attain the imperial crown he 
would freely confer Sicily upon his son. This oath he regarded as a sufficient 
pretext for so using Frederic as to allay the tlireatening danger. Armed with 
the pope's gold and benediction, the Hohenstaufen now flew across tlie Alps 
to take possession of his father's empire (1212). Even with the blessing of the 
Church Otho seemed forsaken by fortune, and every one. hastened to con- 
nect himself with the party of the youthful conqueror. In the very first 
year of his reign Innocent proclaimed a crusade. Germany was prevented 
by the civil war from enlisting in this service, and the kings of France and 
England had fulfilled their vows by their achievements in the last crusade. 
But Fulco of Neuilly who went forth preaching repentance, so stirred the 
hearts of the French people that the nobility of France placed themselves at 

a) WicJi^i. de Ottonis IV. et TbiL Saovj ccrtanilnibus atqae Inn. labore in sedandam Begum oozt- 
tcntionem. Regiom. 1S35. 0. Abel^ Philipp. See § 135. 
I) negUtrum Imp. Ep. TT. 186. 1S8. 1S9. 


the head of the nndertaking, and the Venetians were hired to transport and 
sost&in the army by a naval force. The dugo, Dandolo^ took advantage of 
the embarrassments experienced in the payment of the price agreed upon, 
and in spite of the remonstrances and anathemas of the pope he employed 
the army of the crass in establishing the power of St. Mark in Dalmatia. 
The crusaders were then involved by the arts of a fugitive prince in the wars 
of the Greek imperial palace. In the course of these contests Constantinople 
was token (April 12, 1204), a Latin empire was formed there, and Baldwin, 
Count of Flanders, was proclaimed its first but powerless emperor. Innocent 
condemned the whole transaction and the horrors connected with it, but did 
not scruple to derive advantage from it, and the Patriarch of Constantinople 
was appointed by him. (<?) But the strong point thus gained, by which a 
land passage was opened to Palestine, ingulfed all the resources of men and 
treasure which had been prepared for the undertaking. When men failed, 
however, a vast host of children took the field. — By a dexterous use of the 
paasions, the devotion, the dissensions, the interest, or the despotism of the 
kings of Europe, Innocent contrived to exercise supreme control over them. 
Fhilip Augustus had repudiated his wife Ingoburge, the sister of the Danish 
king, Canute, and the French bishops had given their consent to his second 
marriage. Innocent therefore deprived the whole kingdom of Friiuce of 
every ecclesiastical privilege, with the exception of the baptism of children 
lod absolution for the dying. The heart of the king was deei)ly wounded by 
this proceeding, those who were utterly repugnant to each other were required 
to become united, and those who truly loved were to be torn asunder. But 
terrified at the commotion which prevailed among his people he was com- 
pelled to acknowledge the inviolability of his former marriage (1201). (d) 
Peter IL of Aragon regarded a coronation by the pope. of so great impor- 
tance that he came to receive the cro>vn at St. Peter's altar, solemnly prom- 
ising to be faithful, and to pay tribute to the Roman See (1204). Sancho /. of 
Portvgal, after a stubborn denial of it, finally acknowledged the validity of 
tbe document in which his father had made his kingdom tributary to St. 
Peter. By the pope's mediation in Hungary the royal brothers were recon- 
ciled, and the king's son was crowned by the states. A disputed election to 
the archbishopric of Canterbury was submitted to his decision and pro- 
wwnced invalid. This afforded him an opportunity of inducing the canons 
^hcwere sent to him to choose his learned friend. Cardinal Stephen Lang- 
^whom he immediately consecrated to that office (1207). King John, 
* despot without power or judgment, refused to acknowledge I^angton, 
ud seized upon the revenues of the clergy. Innocent then laid all £ng- 
l«idnnder an interdict, and exconmiunicated the king (1209). John sought 
^J violence to compel his clergy still to perform the services of religion, 

<) Gtqfni ds VUU-Hardouin, Hist de la conqneete de ConsUnt 1193-1207. [transl into Engl. 
^ tSiAiik. Load. 1829. 8.] (jC. du Freene^ Uist de Tempire de Const sous les £mp. fran^ola. Yen* 
^t.) HUt of tiie empire bj Xioetat Aoominatu*. 1118-120S. ed. Fabroti. Par. 1647. t 

^iBigordi de reb. PhiL Aug. {Du Chesne Th. V. p. 86.) Acta Cona DIvlon. et VIenn. {J^ansi 
^ ^IL PL 70a) Soeasionens. {lb. p. 788.)— IL J. Schubt, Phil A. a. Ingeborg. KioL ISOl Cap^- 
Mi^ Ujit de PhiL A. Briiz. 1880. Tb. IL p. 141 19lMi 



and to maintain the wavering fidelity of his vassals. But when he had 
become utterly ruined in his own country, he was deposed by Innocent, 
and his kingdom was bestowed upon Philip of France. Rejoiced at such an 
opportunity the latter prepared an army and a fleet for taking possession of 
his new kingdom. John then humbled himself before the pope and con- 
sented to receive England as a fief from the Holy See (1213). But the bish- 
ops and barons, finding themselves subjected to a king whom they abhorred, 
and a pope who punished a whole people for the sins of their ruler, called to 
mind their ancient privileges, and extorted from John the celebrated Magna 
Charta (June 15, 1215), which has ever since been the fundamental law for 
the legislative power of an aristocracy sustained by the people. When John 
afterwards violated this engagement he was restrained by threats. Innocent 
beheld a dependent kingdom wrested from his grasp by a people who were 
becoming conscious of their power. In vain did he hurl his anathemas 
against the estates and their charter ; the papal power, exalted as it then 
was in its authority, had now found an antagonist before whom it was des- 
tined to fall, (e) Just as he was on the threshold of great events and yet 
conscious of his approaching end, (/) Innocent collected around him the 
representatives of Christendom at the Fourth Synod of Lateran (1215), to 
take measures for the reconquest of the Holy Land, the extermination of 
heretics, and the reformation of the Church. A general Truce of God was 
consecrated, that the whole power of the European nations might be directed 
to the East. The most terrible measures were determined upon with respect 
to heretics. Seventy Canons were ratified by the Council, in which were 
specified the articles of the Christian faith, and the most important rules of 
law and discipline in a modern form, but in their ancient severity. The pope 
is represented as the head of the great Christian family of nations, (gr) With 
the powers thus conferred Innocent was right in likening himself to the son 
and the various civil governments to the moon, receiving their light from him 
as from a feudal lord, (h) He who had often described in the darkest colors 
the miseries of the human race, (i) regarded the earth as worthy of his care 
only that he might subject it to the law of God. Feeling that he had be- 
come too much estranged from himself by the press of public duties, and the 
want of time for heavenly contemplations, he longed to eiyoy the privileges 
of the pastoral ofiice, and preached as often as possible. His discourses, as 
well as his judicial decisions, which were long regarded as models for' legal 
documents of that kind, were highly figurative and composed in the style of 
the Old Testament. But even in his most fanciftil and subtle allegories there 
is always apparent a profound earnestness of spirit, with groat gravity of ex- 
pression. With his analytical mind he doubtless sometimes perverted the 
cause of justice, according to circumstances, from its strict course of recti- 

e) MaUh. Par. ad. ann. 120tes. Original docaments in : Rymeri Foedera et Acta pobL tntsr 
Reg. Angliae ot al. Prino. aacta ot om. a Clarke et Holbrooke^ Lend. 181 6ss. toL L P. L 

/) Uui-ter, vol. IL p. 68& g) Acta in Mansi Th. XXII. p. 953-10S4 [Landcn^ p. 2988a.] 

h) Innoo. 1. 1. Ep. 401. Geeta. e. 68. 

t) De mlseria humanae oonditionib s. de oontemtn mundl 0pp. (Sermons A asoetle wrltiogi| in. 
oompleto ) CoL 1675. Yen. 1578. 4 


tode, and jet he bad a right to boast that even his intercepted letters wonid 
be only an additional evidence of his perfect integrity, (l-) He was certainly 
covetous of wealth, and his legates, in whom he confided too much, (/) were 
still more so ; but no presents ever turned him from his course. His style 
of living was as simple as that of Cincinnatas, and his wealth was always 
enbservient to his purposes, and freely used in behalf of the crusades and 
the poor. He was inflexible in his friendsliips, a father to widows and 
orphansi, and when acting as the Vicar of the Supreme Prince of Peace, he 
was frequently a peacemaker between princes and their subjects. Misfor- 
tune never subjected him to those severe trials in which great characters 
are proved, but he availed himself of fortunate circumstances with all the skill 
of an ancient Roman. By his exertions Rome became once more the head of 
the civilized world ; although his greatest plans were unsuccessful, or contained 
the germs of future failure. The legend, according to which the soul of this 
great vicar of God was delivered with extreme difSculty from the claims of 
hell, (m) merely shows that no mortal can possess unlimited power without 
injory, or that even the highest are amenable to a master in heaven, and to 
public opinion upon earth. 


§ 198. Gratian and his Predecessors, 

BaUtrini do antlq. canonnm Coll. (Leon. 0pp. Tb. IIL p. 28988.) Savigny^ Oesch. d. RSm. 
Seehte tm MA. toL IL p. VZia.— Anton, Jugtutini de emendatione Oral L IL Tarmcon. 1S87. 
tad often. J". £^ J3^Am«r, de varla Deer. Grat fortana. (At the oommencementof his edit, of the 
C J. Can.) SarU^ de Claris arcbigymnasil Bononiena. Professoril). Bon. 1769. t Th. L P. I. p. 24788b 
RUggtr^ de Gimt (0pp. Frib. 1778.) and de Qrat Col., motliodo et mendis. (Oblect hist et jar. Ulm. 
177&) SaTigoj ToL IIL p. 47588. 

The Capitularies of Charles and Louis were collected in summaries and 
separate pieces, and published by Ansegisus (827) in four books. The two 
first relate to the affairs of the Church. To these wore added the collection 
of Jknedietus Levita (845), in which were embraced not only the Capitola- 
ries, bot the statutes derived from all the judicial authorities of the time, (a) 
The traditions of the ancient ecclesiastical laws and the work of Isidore 
formed a basis from that time forward, to which the compilers only added 
the more recent laws which had been generally received. The chronological 
order was not required in a systematic arrangement, and was also abandoned 
for want of a knowledge of the original authorities. Begino, the abbot of 
Pruem (d. 915), gave directions from older authorities respecting the visita- 
tion of a diocese, and quoted the legal passages on that sulject. (h) Burchard^ 

k) Botkmtr^ Begesta, p. 290. 

/) HurUr^ yoL IL p. W^, perfectly trostwortby in all which is hostile to Innocent 

m) Tkamas CaniimprtUens. Vita Latgardts II, 7. {Raynald ad ann. 121d. No. 11.) differently 
embellisbed near the elose of the 15th cent in the CompiL chronologica. (Pistor. Tb. L p. 109a) 

a) Anteg. in Perta Tb. IIL p. 256. Bened, L&v. lb. Th. IV, 2. p. 17. 

&) L. IL de ajaodaL caoais et disclplinis eeoL ed. {BaluM. Par. 1671.) WasaertcMeben^ Lpa. 1340L 
Aadqoa etaa. CoL qua ami «t Begino Pramiana. e ood. Vat td.A,L, Biohtart Ber. 1S44. 


Bishop of Worms (d. 1025), and 7ro, Bishop of Chartres (d. 1115), have col- 
lected together the whole stock of genuine and spurious laws, though they 
have arranged them in a very arbitrary manner, (r) But when the Roman 
law began to receive much academical study, Gratian^ of the convent of St. 
, Felix at Bologna, became desirous of enlisting a similar interest in behalf of 
the canon law, and (about 1143) {d) wrote his Text Book and Manual, contain- 
ing a system of ecclesiastical law on an historical basis. In this he incorpo- 
rated all the laws then regarded as in force, deriving his materials principally 
from the previous collections, which he sometimes compared with tlie origi- 
nal autliorities, and even condescended to borrow some of the most liberal 
statutes from the decrees of the Greek synods. The arrangement of the 
work was logical, but to some extent dependent upon the historical matter, 
and each division was prefaced by legal principles generally derived from 
history, and connected by intermediate clauses composed by Gratian himself. 
It consisted principally of historical documents, especially laws and legal 
opinions of all kinds taken from ecclesiastical and secular authorities, and 
grouped together in a fragmentary manner, but copied with verbal correct- 
ness. Gratian generally adopted the historical errors of his predecessors, and 
seldom reconciles the older with the more recent enactments. Although 
this work never received the papal sanction, it possessed so high a character 
for science and academic convenience, that ever since, so far as its historical 
elements are concerned, it has been received as a manual of canonical law 
for the whole Western Church. It has also served as the basis on which, 
with the exception of some errors whicli historical criticism has discovered, 
eocletjiastical jurisprudence has been principally developed, (e) 

§ 194. The Church and the State, 

Mondtag^ Qesch. d. deutschcn staat»b. Frcih. o. d. Recbte d. gemelncu Frelen, d. Adels n. d. 
Etrcben. Bamb. u. Wurtzb. 1812. JluUmann^ Qescb. (L Urspr. d. Stuode in DeutBcbL 2 od. BerL 
ISdO. vol L Suffenheim, StaaUlebcn d. Clerus im Mittelalt BerL 1589. toI. L 

The process commenced during the migration of the northern nations 
was completed during the stormy period of the ninth and tenth centuries. 
This was the process by which the German republics of free warriors and 
landed proprietors became merged into a feudal system of complicated sov- 
ereignty and dependence. The silent power of the Church also gave its 
sanction to the rights of man while claiming those of the Christian. When 
the Homan empire had been revived in the German nation by the Othoti, the 
emperor was regarded as the political head of Christendom in the West, and 
the holy Homan empire as a divine institution. The emperor waa elected by 
the German princes and bishops, but he was required to strengthen the 

c) Burchardi Decretor. 1. XX Par. 1549. and often,— /po, Pannonnia, L VIIL ed. MeUih, d4 
Votmediano^ Lor. 1567. Greater revisions by another band, in 17 vols. : Decretum in 0pp. ed. 
FrontOy Par. 1W7. 2 Th. t—Avg. Theiner, tu Ivo's venneintl. Decret Mentz. 1S82. The opposite 
view In F. Q. II. Wa^sfrschUben^ Beltr. z. Gesch. d. vorgratian. KKechtsqnellen. Lp*. 1889. 

<f) Concordia discordantium canonnm, 1. III. ' Even in 1 ISO it is cited as: ^*in DecroUs,*" and 
later generally as the " Decretum.'' Printed as the First Part of the Corpus J. canonicL 

«) Guido Pancirdut^ de clavis leg. Interpretib. HI, & Lp& 1721. 4. Savigny, toL IIL p^ 619hi 


power of the empire in Italy, and to obtain possession of the imperial crown 
which the popes seldom conferred without requiring entangling oaths and a 
subtle confession of faith, (a) But while the imperial power was destroyed 
in Italy, and every effort to secure it as an hereditary possession was frus- 
trated, the great vassals became firmly established as princes of the empire^ 
and their fiefs became hereditary. As long as the election, or at least 
the investiture of the bishops depended upon the emperor, they were 
bis natural allies in opposition to the secular princes. The result was, 
that in all those towns in which episcopal sees existed, the imperial favor 
to them was so great that the jurisdiction of the courts was superseded 
by them, and episcopal immunities (corpora sancta) sprung up. Some of 
the bishops were even invested with dukedoms. In other parts of Germany 
the bishops were gradually deprived of their political influence, and some 
even became dependent upon the higher crown vassals. Right struggled 
every where with might, and the royal power with the great vassals. 
The Church often found opportunity to mingle in these struggles, and some- 
times it was compelled to do so, but not unfrequcntly the confusion was in 
this way only increased. In particular instances it was repeatedly overpow- 
ered, or compelled to resort to begging, in which it sometimes persevered 
with an Indian's obstinacy, (h) Finally, by collecting together all its strength 
io the single phalanx of the papacy, it became sp completely victorious that 
it threatened to absorb all the prerogatives of the state. And yet the old 
legal principle (§ 122), that God has divided all power on earth between the 
fmperor and the pf^pe^ was received according to its German construction, 
consistently with the later doctrine, that the emperor carried the secular 
sword as a feudal Investiture from the pope. It was even conceded that 
the civil power might be peculiar in its nature, and the world might be com- 
mitted to the government of princes, (c) and that the pope, by virtue of the 
sacerdotal and royal prerogatives which he had received from Christ, should 
only interfere Avhen they exceeded their just powera. Against the scandals 
of which the princes in those rude, times were not unfrequcntly guilty, the 
provincial bishops were generally unable to oppose any effectual resistance. 
Those, therefore, who acknowledged no law superior to themselves, the pope 
gammoned in the name of God to answer at his bar. The temporal inherit- 
ance of St. Peter was regarded as indispensable to the personal independence 
of the pope, but it involved him in all the Italian convulsions, and was only 
a precarious possession in opposition to the claims of the emperor, the great 
lords, and the municipalities. The Romans, themselves straitened between 
the pope and the emperor, never possessed any thing but a mere caricature 
of freedom. 

a) E. O. Perta Th. IV. p. 188. 

b) Camp. Raumery HobeMtanf. vol VI. p. 167. with BohJen Indlon. vol. I. p. 285. 

c)Tb« oldrlew: Sach»en*pifgely \o\. I, art I. The new: SchirnhenttfiifgH, Elnlelt (Frkt 
154& rO P. II. oomp. Honor, HI, in Raumer^ toI VI. p. 6a Grimm, Bridiuites Bescheidenh. Oott 
l^AL p. LYIL 


§ 195. Eeclesiasticnl Power of th^ Papacy, 

The general belief that the bishopric of the pope was nniversal, fre- 
quently gave a show of justice to the efforts that on every opportunity were 
made to extend his power. Since the time of Gregory, the episcopal power 
was also regarded as springing wholly from the papal. It was, however, 
thonght that, like the emperor in the civil department, the pope should not 
suspend the exercise of the subordinate ecclesiastical powers, but rather pro- 
tect each of them in their peculiar duties, and the pope was reminded by St. 
Bernard that the papal was not the only power which had been instituted 
by the apostles. The bishops especially looked upon their pastoral office in 
their own dioceses as absolutely inviolable, and they simply regarded ab£0- 
lution as especially efficacious when obtained from Rome, (a) In important, 
cases dispensations were with increasing eagerness sought for from Rome, 
and in all judicial causes in the Church the Roman Curia was looked upon as 
the court of ultimate appeal. The office of supreme judge, in which he was 
responsible only to God, and the general reputation which he had obtained 
of being the most perfect depositary of the pure faith, produced in some 
instances a belief that the pope was infallible, (Luke 22, 32 was appealed 
to.) Tliis view, however, was never entertained without limitations, or ad- 
vanced without opposition. The popes always acknowledged the articles of 
faith and the established laws of the Church as the guide and limit of their 
powers. They were far from appealing to their own arbitrary authority, but 
they looked to the law of God, or what was generally regarded as such, for 
the sole rule of their conduct, (h) Tlie Pallium was considered indispensa- 
ble to the performance of the archiepiscopal functions, and Gregory based 
upon this a demand that all the archbishops should swear allegiance to him 
from whom it was received. The same demand was gradually made of all 
bishops whenever their elections were confirmed by the popes. At first this 
confirmation was sought only when an election was disputed, but soon after 
the time of Gregory it was considered essential to all elections, and supplied 
occasions for innumerable interferences in the business of the dioceses. Gre- 
gory himself still adhered to the freedom of the canonical choice, (p) New 
dioceses were erected, and changes in the relations of the old Avere to be 
made only with the consent of the pope. When appointments were made 
to other benefices, the pope interfered only in particular instances, and by 
way of recommendation, although such recommendations were nearly equiva- 
lent to commands. The bishops were generally, by their political position, 
beyond all danger from the violence of the popes, who had a right to exer- 
cise jurisdiction over them only in cases of manifest crime, and with the co- 
operation of the Synods. But as a membership in the principal councils 
depended frequently upon the papal will, very few of them ever opposed or 
thwarted what was known to be the desire of the pope, and most of them 

a) Cona Salegnnsted. a. 1022. c la {Mansi Th. XIX- p. 898.) Greg. VII. L YL Epu 4. (7». Tb. 
XX. p. 260.) Coinp. D« Marco, de Sacerd. et Imp. IV, 8, 2. 

b) Gratlan : P. I. DL«t XL. c 6. and P. I L Cans. XXXII. Quest T. c. 18. /nnoc ///. d* 
Pont Serm. 8. Comp. Ilase, StreiUcbr. II. 2. p. QOsa. 

c) Greg. VIL 1. V. Ep. 11. L VL Ep. 14. 


were assembled only to receive and perform it. The ascendency of the pope 
above coimcils was claimed with great caution, and only in some occasional 
instances. Ilis authority was much increased by the pilgrimages to the eter- 
nal city, for even in the midst of her ruins, the glory of the ancient and the 
SQorednesB of the modern world combined with her wonderful attractions to 
render it a place of concourse for the people and princes of the West. The 
first instance of the canonization of a person at a distance was that of 
mricb, the holy Bishop of Augsburg (993), and was occasioned by peculiar 
external circumstances. In the twelfth century, this privilege, which in 
itself may be regarded as trifling, but became important on account of the 
idea from which it sprung, and to whose realization it contributed, (</) was 
claimed as exclusively belonging to the pope. A papal Coronation is no- 
where met with until after the time of Nicolas I., and on the firpt occasion 
of the kind on which they were both present, the emperor led the animal on 
which the pope was carried. The kissing of the pope's foot sprung from an 
Italian custom. In the estimation of the people it was not an idle display, 
but very significant as the offering of pious humility to Him whom the pope 
represented. By means of Legates^ the papal power became almost omni- 
present. The rapacity of these legates, the venality of the ecclesiastical 
oourts, and the illiberal Italian spirit of some of the popes, began to be mat- 
ters of pnblic complaint and derision. But as a general thing, the affections 
of the people were still firmly attached to the papacy, and the blessings 
which it procured in the unity, freedom, and reformation of the Church 
were generally acknowledged. 

§ 196. The Cardinals, 

TkomataifU ret et nov. Ecc disc P. I. 1. II. c IISas. Brtddeus ^t or\^. cnrdinalitiae dlga. 
l»a. 12. Muratori, de Cardin. insUtuUone. (Antiqq. Ital. med. acvi. vol. IV. p. 15-2.) 

In the primitive Church the cardinals were the ordinary spiritual officers 
of the Church (incardinati). Even after the tenth century they were the 
canons of a cathedral. But in the Komish sense of the term during the 
eleventh century, the cardinals were the highest spiritual officers (i. e., the 
deacons and presbyters) of the Church in Rome, and seven suburbican bishops 
whose sees were then for the most part much reduced in size, (a) These car- 
dinals, in opposition not only to the Roman people and the emperor, but gradu- 
aUy even to the other clergy, maintained that it was their sole prerogative to elect 
the pope (§ 180). Alexander III. ordained (1 179) that no one could be a legally 
elected pope who had not received the votes of two thirds of the legally 
assembled cardinals, (b) The cardinals were generally selected by the pope 
from among the Italians, and constituted his ecclesiastical and civil council. 
Thoogh they possessed no power to control any person of eminent talents in 

d) Manti toL XIX. p. 1698a. Mabillan, AcU 8S. Ord. Ben. Sacc. V. Praef. N. 99.— Deer. Greg: 
L IIL tit 45k c. l.—Lambertini^ de scrror. Dei canonizattone L IV. {Benedicti A'lV. 0pp. Rom. 
1747. ToL L-IV. 4.) Heilmann^ Consecratio Sanctunim ad iivobiiaaus veterum Rom. efflcU. 


a) Bunaen^ UlppoL {>. 152a. 

h) Cone. Later. UL c. 1. {Manti toL XXIL p. 217.) lLand<m, p. 292.] 


the papal chair, their influence was generally sufficient to insure a certain 
uniformity of action in opposition to those sudden changes which individuals 
would have introduced. In consequence of their rank above the archbishops, 
the pope was surrounded with a courtly splendor, and an opportunity waa 
afforded by which he could reward great services, and place men of eminent 
talents under obligations to himself. 

§ 197. The Bishops^ and the Bishops' Chapters, 

So high did the pope stand in the estimation of the people, that the 
bishops lost nothing in dignity by their subordination to him. On the other 
hand, it was by his assistance that they were generally able to preserve their 
independence in opposition to the princes of the various countries in which 
they lived. There were a few great bishoprics whose Chorbishops had from 
the most ancient times acted as the bishops' vicars in all spiritual affairs 
with an authority which was uncertain and often usurped by the princes, 
but never dangerous to the bishopric, (a) The right of the bishop to ap- 
point all ecclesiastical officers in his diocese, was limited by the right of 
patronage^ which even a layman could lawfully acquire by founding a 
church or a prebend, (ft) The archhishojis^ besides the power of presiding 
in the synods of their own dioceses, merely possessed that of confirm- 
ing and ordaining the bishops, in which, however, they were obliged to have 
the concurrence of the popes or their legates. They generally possessed 
very extensive dioiceses, and on account of their rank they acquired special 
political privileges. At the coronation of Otho I. the three Rhenish arch- 
bishops for the first time took precedence of all the officers of the empire. 
Some of the other archbishops acquired a kind of primacy over a whole 
kingdom, as Adalbert of Bremen (d. 1072), a man of a brilliant mind, but 
consistent only in his vanity, and ready to sacrifice the whole Church to the 
promotion ot' the interests of his see, in which he hoped to become a patriarch 
of the North, (c) In such instances, however, the popes always hastened to 
form another archbishopric in the same country to guard against the 
establishment of a national ^patriarchate. In many dioceses, when their 
bishops were to be appointed, the nobility and people of the archbishopric con- 
tended with the king and neighboring bishops for the right of choice, and not 
unfreqiiently those who were appointed by the latter were most terribly re- 
pulsed. (^7) After a gradual attainment of their exclusive rights in this matter, 
the canons obtained by their prerogative and their prospect of the election, a 
position more and more independent of the bishop, and secured to them by 
treaties. The canonical life was generally abandoned during the tenth century, 
but some zealous popes and bishops insisted upon its re-establishment. In the 
midst of much contention two classes of canons were then formed (canonioi 
saeculares and regulares), and even monks became possessors of some chap- 
ters. The canons were not all clergymen, but they were required by the 

T - ■ _ - ■— I I. ■ ■ -^^■— ^ 

a) BahtM. CapituL vol. L p. 827& 8S<K Against QRrfirer: W. B. Wenot, d. ftmnk. Reich, nach dem 
Vertr. v. Venlun. Lpz. 1851. Append. 8. 

h) n. L, Lippert, L. v. Patronat Glees. 1S29. J. Kaim, KPatronat Lps. 1845. vol. L 
c) Adam. Brenu 1. III. comp. JaJJ^i p. 571. d)E.g. Lambert, iSehq/h. ad. ann. 1066^ . kcclks. law. § 197. chapters. J 198. jurisdiction. 217 

synodal regulations to have at least a subdeacon^s charge. Any vacancies 
which occurred in the Chapter were supplied generally by a vote of its own 
members, from whose number its various officers were chosen. A dean or 
prior, sometimes both, presided over the whole. After tlio close of the 
eighth century, it gradually became common to divide the largo dioceses into 
archdeaconries, and these again into rural chapters. The archdeacons were the 
regular and sometimes even then the troublesome deputies of the bishops, but 
they were not regarded as indispensable to a complete chapter. When the ca- 
nons were absent for a long period, they now began to hire vicars to officiate in 
their places, and to mark the hours by singing. The livings connected with 
the cathedrals were then sufficient to become objects of cupidity to the no- 
bility, whose still increasing importance enabled them to take possession of 
most of the benefices. Against the coteries foimed by a petty aristocracy, 
wealthy proprietors, patronizing relatives, and provincial prejudices, the 
popes endeavored to maintain the liberal principles of Christianity, which 
asserted the derivation of all men from the same original ancestry, pro- 
nounced the poor blessed, acknowledged no kindred but the children of God, 
and recognized no birthright in the kingdom of God but that which is ac- 
qnired in regeneration, {e) The domestic chaplains employed by the nobility 
eibily made themselves independent of the bishops by a servile dependence 
upon their employers. (/) 

§ 198. Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, 

Or«g. Dtcr. II. de judictia. BUner^ Beitrage z. Oescb. dee Inqulsftlotuproa Lpz. 1827. 3t 
IWet; de jarbdicUoni<i civ. por med. aevam com eccL conjanctae orig. et progressu. Monast 1882 

1. The clergy could be tried only before the episcopal tribunal. Tlie 
dril authorities were utterly unable to enforce their penal code in opposition 
to the indulgence or partiality of this court, except in those instances in 
^hich the wounded honor of the Church itself required the surrender of 
tbft culprit. The highest ecclesiastical penalty was a hopeless banishment to 
a convent, and sometimes a walling in of the culprit. 2. The ecclesiastical 
court also claimed jurisdiction over all matters more or less intimately con- 
noted with the Church, or with religion in general, such as marriages, 
^Ife, oaths, usury, and all legal causes relating to the crusades. In cons^ 
'JQcnce of this confusion of moral and legal subjects, this court invaded very 
conaderably the sanctuary of the family. Ecclesiastical laws were formed 
■gainst nearly all public offences, and when might every where prevailed 
•?*inst right, were powerful enough to extort respect from those who would 
^ve despised every human authority. The cause of humanity and of 
national rights formed also a powerful advocate in the Church by means of 
^«e penal courts. 8. A few individuals only arrogated to themselves the 
"g^t to interfere in every municipal cause when requested by one of the 

*^/««oc. lit L VI. Ep. 12J. IX. 180. More namerons examples can be fonnd In the next 
P^'H ci g:. Greg. Deer. III. tit 6. c 87. comp. Senfet% Qesdi. d. deatach. Adela In d. Domcapiteln. 
^'»- Hurter, Innoc vol IIL p. 28flL 

f) Agobcrdj de privUeg. et jure aaeerdotam. p. 128w 


party, or when the offence charged was of a moral nature (denandatio evan- 
gelica).* The ancient custom of the synodal courts was gradually restrained 

by tlio introduction of the Homan law. 

§ 199. Property of the Church 

The property of the Church was continually augmented by donations, by 
bequests, by profitable investments and loans for pawns especiaDy to cru- 
saders, by royal fiefs, by free proprietors giving to the Church feudal lordship 
over their possessions to secure them against oppression, and by the increased 
value of property. On the other hand, it was diminished by the prodigality 
of indiviilual prelates, which could not be checked till, after a dear-bought 
experience, laws wore carefully formed against all pawning or alienation of 
Church property ; by the claims and oppressions of Church wardens, by 
transference of fiefs to those who could protect them and become their liege 
lords, by expenses for the support of legates and princes, and by the claims 
of feudal lords upon the property of deceased prelates, and upon the reve- 
nues of vaciint Church offices (jus spolii et regaliae). This spoliation of the 
Church was zealously resisted by the popes. Otho IV. in Germany was in- 
duced to surrender his claims, but other sovereigns renounced them only 
in particular instances. Even the patronage (advocatia) of ecclesiastical 
foundations which had been originally intended for legal and military pro- 
tection, and which had sometimes originated with the act of endowmoit, or 
had been conferred upon a powerful neighbor, was frequently perverted, so 
as to be an instrument of oppression and robbery, (a) The prindpal por- 
tion of the Church property consisted of real estate and tithes. The legiA 
titles by which the former was held were of various kinds, but the 
latter were claimed by a natural law propounded by God himself, al- 
though they were resisted in many ways when fully carried out, and 
were in collision wiili various local customs. The revenues even of the 
pope, in accordance with peculiar ancient usages, were paid in articles 
of natural produce, varying in diflTerent places, (h) Surplice fees (jura 
stolae) belonged chiefly to the lower clergy, but were only voluntary 
offerings of the iHJople. Salaries from the state were indignantly rejected 
by the Church as dangerous to its independence and dignity, (c) The clergy 
claimed exemption from all taxes on persons or property, with the exception 
of the feudal aids and voluntary contributions in cases of extraordinary state 
necessity. A regular assessment was generally unknown in the fendal 
monarchies, but as late as the twelfth century the Church was often com- 
pelled to contribute for special objects, and in the free cities it had to bear 
its share in all general taxes. Alexander III, proclaimed the great funda- 
mental principle of the Church, which was, that the clergy might contribute 
of their own free will when they perceived the utility and necessity of an 

• Gr^g. Deer. II. tit 1. c. 18. comp. Raumer vol. TI. p. 198a. 

a) P. GiiUitdc, do advocatis ecc. lloldlb. 176S. {A. Schmidt^ Thea. jar. ecc. vol. V.) Muratoriy 
d«advv. ecc (Antiqq. ItaL voL V.) W. T. Kraut, die Vonnandach. Gott 188R. toL L 

b) Cencii Cumerarii L. censaum Rom. Ecc. a 1192. Comp. Hurier. Innoo. toL IIL Pl 121ml 
e) Dioinede* CroDica di Cypro, according to Eaamer toL YL p. 147. 


assessmeiit. (d) The protection which the hishops received from the popes 
Against the demands of their respective kings, gave occasion to the legal 
maxim, that the Charch could never he taxed without the papal sanction. X«) 
The natural right of the clergy to inherit property was finally legalized in 
spite of the opposition of the laity. Every Church was regarded as the pro- 
per heir of all ecclesiastics who died intestate in connection with it. There 
were different opinions respecting the right of such persons to hoqueath their 
possessions, but it was generally conceded that they might freely dispose of 
all which had not been acquired from ecclesiastical revenues. At an early 
period the attempt was frequently made to bequeath the property of the 
Church to children, (/) by which it would soon have been either impover- 
ished, or subjected to a sacerdotal caste. This was afterwards frustrated by 
the law which required the celibacy of the clergy. In consequence of the 
munificent donations which it bestowed upon the poor, the people were gene^ 
rally pleased to see the Church in the possession of the greatest Avealth. 


§ 200. The ReligiouB Spirit of the People. 

This was a period in which violence, power, and artifice were enlisted in 
the service of a rude sensuality. But a profound religions spirit ardently 
engaged in the pursuit of everlasting life, was no less prevalent among the 
people. These tendencies were sometimes in conflict with each other, and 
sometimes they were reconciled by the most remarkable compromises. The 
hierarchy, addressing itself to the religious spirit, but in a manner conformed 
to the age, endeavored to establish the ascendency of the law and of an ele- 
vated morality. A period in which brute force (Faust-recht) was the only 
law, was interrupted by one in which the Truce of Ood was sustained by 
ecclesiastical threatenings and miracles, {a) Women and children, defence- 
less persons, and every thing constructed or planted for purposes of peace, 
were in times of war under the protection of the Church. (5) It offered an 
asylum to all who were persecuted, without inquiring whether they were 
pnrsued by lawless violence or justice. Violent persons were terrified by 
frightful representations of a present God, and by narratives of divine judg- 
ments ; and when those who possessed great power became penitent, they 
were compelled to undergo the most severe and eflfective penances. The 
tenth century is remarkable for having been the most degraded of all these 
periods for its reckless struggles and general rapacity. A vague presentiment 
of death, a remnant of the pagan notion of the Twilight of the gods, (c) passed 

d) Cone LaUr. III. c 19. {Manti Th. XXIL p. 22a) 
t) Cane. iMUr. IV. c. 46. (5fanH Th. XXIL p. 1080.) 

/) E. g. Bfned. VIII. about 1014 in Cone Tlcinensl. {Manai Th. XIX p. 843.) 
a) Trcuga Dei, first proclaimed in 1041 in AquiUnia. Olaber Badulph. Y. 1. {Bouquet Th.-X. 
y. 69.) Mansi Tli. XIX. p. 59a b) Jqff, p. 682. 

e) Oompi Mu9piUL, edit by Bohmeller, Manlch. 1S82. 



through the yoathfal nations, and fixed upon the close of the first millennium 
of the Christian era as the period for the end of the world, (d) But new 
life was awakened hy the conflict with the Saracens in Spain, as well as 
hy their heroic example. The struggle between the papacy and the mon- 
archies of that period contributed also to the same result. The pleasures 
of the world were principally eigoyed by the nobihty and clergy. An 
independent estate of burghers, if it did not always contend for publio 
freedom and justice, certainly strove to obtain special liberties and preroga- 
tives for themselves. In accordance with both the tendencies above men- 
tioned, the female sex was regarded with extravagant admiration, or as frail 
and dangerous. The peculiar spirit of the age was fully developed in the 
crusades. In them was displayed the absolute ascendency of the imagination 
and the feelings. Human life became so corrupted that it degenerated into 
a coarse sensual existence, or an ideal struggle for something beyond human 
attainment. All the peculiarities of the European nations were amalgamated 
with each other, or combined with the fanciful speculations of the East. The 
contracted horizon to which the people had been accustomed became much 
enlarged, and it was not without serious injury to themselves that many 
walked beneath the lofty palm-trees, (e) This sensuous piety required and 
put confidence in all kinds of miracles. The sepulchres of the East were 
opened, and the sacred antiquity of the Church became realized once more 
in the present, by means of peculiar relics, whose genuineness tlie understand- 
ing would no more think of proving than it would venture to suspect the 
miracles by which they were certified to the faithful. Many vessels and 
emblems, gradually or accidentally invested with a sacred character, received 
at that time a place in the primitive ecclesiastical usage by means of the 
legends, or became connected with the old German popular traditions. {/) 
Superstition was especially congenial with the spirit of the age, and the hier- 
archy made it subservient to their purposes, increasing or diminishing it 
according as their interests prompted them. As instances of the latter, may 
be mentioned their opposition to the ordeals or judgments of God, especially 
by duels, ((n) While God was brought down to the level of humanity, men 
were invested with the attributes of God. Ancient saints were once more 
discovered, and the present age felt competent even to create new saints. 
The ardent feelings of the people prompted them to pray even to a dog, as a 
martyr and a patron saint, because he had lost his life in behalf of his master's 
child, (h) The Mother of God, however, was above all other saints the 
object of chivalrous gallantry. But notwithstanding the profound veneration 

d) Ahho AhbfU Fhriac Apologet {Galland. Blbl. PP. Th. XIV. p. 141.) In a variety of ways 
in decKls of gift then madew Comp. Lucke^ Einl. in d. Offenb. Joh. Bonn. 1S82. p. 5148. 

e) Comp. PUicidm Muth, Dlsq. In blgamiam Comlt de Glelchen. Erf. 1788. Thilow, Beachr. d. 
Grabcs u. d. Gebelne d. Or. v. GL u. seiner bolden Wclber. Goth. u. Erf. 1S86. 

/) Comp. G. Gerberon, Ilist de la robe sans couture da monast d'ArgenteuiL Par. 1«T7. 
J. 3fanr, Qetch. d. h. Koclis. Treves. 1944 J. Gildemei*ter u. H. v. Sybel, d. h. Rock lu Trier n. 
d. 20 andern h. ungenuliten Ruclie. Dusseld. (1R44.) 8. ed. 1S45.— Uer ungenohto grauo Rock 
Christl. Altdentsches Gedicbt, edit by F. IT. r. d. Ilagen^ Berlin. 1S44 

g) Cone. Valentinum III. a. 855. c 11. 12. {ManH Th. XV. p. 9.) Innoe. ITT. I XL Ep. 4«. I 
XIV. Ep. 138, • 

h) Steph. de Borhone^ in EcJuird^ Scrr. Praed. toI. L p. 198^ ■ 


in which the Church was held, the exuberant spirit of the age sometimes ex- 
ceeded the limits of its own due reverence. Accordingly the devil, in spite 
of all his dismal enchantments and temptations, generally appears in popular 
traditions as a very poor and simple being. The wanton spirit of the trou- 
badours sometimes ventured to treat with familiarity the sacred person of 
the holy Virgin and even of God the Father. The priests themselves in an 
innocent way sometimes made parodies of the holy mysteries and offices of 
the Church at their festivals of fools and asses, (i) 

§ 201. Manners of the Clergy, 

According to the feudal law of Germany the bishops were bound to ap- 
pear personally with their quota of men in the army of their liege lord. On 
the other hr»nd they were carefully reminded by the popes that they sliould 
devote themselves to the work of preaching, and to the care of souls, and 
that the Church should abstain with horror from the shedding of blood in all 
its forms, (a) We are therefore not surprised to find such a character as that 
of Chris tian, Bishop of Mentz^ the heroic, learned, and rapacious general of 
the emperor Frederic, who slew his enemies with a club, (h) But even those 
bishops who were more spiritual in their dispositions were sometimes com- 
pelled to become leaders of armies, and as soon as they had administered the 
Holy Sacrament to their warriors they were called upon also to prepare them 
for the battle, (c) What was called simony was in some instances only the cus- 
tomary tribute given to the princes and to the popes soon after the time of 
Gregory. Even the better portion of the clergy could not entirely abstain 
from this, but as it was i)roscribed by the Church it was ensnaring to the 
eoQscience. In England, Dunstan (d. about 990), an abbot and a triple 
bishop, versed in all the knowledge prevalent in his day, so powerful that he 
held even the devil in his tongs, and though personally devoted to his own 
Tisions in worldly matters, so politic that he entirely controlled three succes- 
fiive kings, and broke the heart of another who presumed to resist him, 
attempted to reform the voluptuous lives of the priesthood by putting his 
monks in the place of those clergymen who would not give up their wives, {d) 
His efforts, however, were attended by no very la.«*ting results. Damiani^ 
who with Ilildebrand was a severe censor of the manners of his age and even 
of the papacy, and who desired nothing from the world but a monastic cell in 
which he could scourge himself, presents in his writings such a naked and vivid 
picture of the excesses of the clergy, that Alexander II. prohibited the peru- 
sal of them on the ground of their injurious influence upon the morals of the 

Tbe hierarchy were at flnit zealous against these sports, bnt gradually they relaxed in their 
W>ilUon, and at a later p«iod attempted to Improve them. Du FreVM^ Oloss. ad 8crr. med. et 
''^ l4t y. Cervula. Calendae. TUiot, M^moiros pour senrir 4 Thlstoire de la f£te dea foux. 

a) Damiani 1. IV. Epi 9. Cone. Turon. a. 1060. c 7. 

*) Albert Stadens. p. 291a (Schllteri Scrr. Argent 1T02.) 

«) & Vlricl Vita in JIalnllon Acta SS. 8aec IV. p. 440. 

^ VlUcinM^ Cone. AngL vol. L p. 257ss. G. Malrntsbir. Qesta Reg. AngL L IL ViU 8. Ihinst, 
^ Wortt ct O^bom : Acta 88. Mi\j. voL IV. p. 844. MabiUon, Ann. Ord. 8. Bcned. vol. IIL p. 



recoders. (e) Man-iago was not declared unlawftil to the clergy in England 
and Spain until the twelfth century, and in the Northern kingdoms till some 
time in the thirteenth. Some even died because they could not endure this 
separation from their wives and children. But although Gregory succeeded 
in abolishing marriage, he could not prevent licentiousness among the clergy. 
Before his time this had prevailed publicly, but in a less offensive form, 
whereas after his enactments it was practised in secret, and frequently in the 
most unnatural manner, so that many regarded the remedy as worse than the 
evil. The clergy partook also of the faults peculiar to the times, and were 
sometimes involved in the most shameless acts of violence. (/) But such in- 
dividual instances of irregularity among the bishops, or of criminality among 
the clergy, which were generally put down in the Church after the influence 
of Hildebrand had been put forth, should not be regarded as specimens of the 
general character of that period, (ff) The declamations which are sometimes 
found in the writings of that day, respecting clerical depravity, in many 
cases proceeded from monastic prejudices or secular antipathies. (A) The 
clergy must also have participated in the virtues of that period, for withont 
these their increasing influence among the people would appear incomprehen- 
sible. This consciousness of control over the age in which they lived, and 
the true conception which they possessed of what a clergyman should be, 
contributed much to elevate even the inferior multitude of priests above their 
ordinary position and made them share in the common spirit of their order. 

§ 202. Church Diseipline. Comp. § 66. 182. 

Eua, Amort de origfne, progressa ac flmcta indulgentiar. Ang. Vind. \lZb. t 

By the great body of the people, the act of binding and loosing on the 
part of the priest was regarded as equivalent to an admission to heaven, or an 
exchision from it. Even death, which sunders all other ties, was supposed to 
bring men more perfectly under this influence. Conscientious clergymen were 
often distressed in the exercise o{ a power which extended even beyond the 
grave, and eminent theologians arrayed themselves in opposition to this 
error, (a) The synodal courts, when they had become corrupt, imposed fines 
upon offenders, or consented that the ecclesiastical penance should be dis- 
charged by the payment of alms, of which the Church was to be the dispen- 
ser. Penitential books were formed in which a choice of penances was pro- 
posed, and a kind of price current was kept for all kinds of crime. (6) The 
popes were generally supposed to possess a peculiar power of absolving from 
the guilt of the more heinous crimes, and they made use of this public con- 
fidence very extensively when they sold complete absolution^ professing to 
devote the proceeds to the relief of the crusaders. Particular sanctuaries 

€) Liber Gomorrblanua. Epp. II, 6. 0pp. den. ed. Oaetani^ Par. 1T48. Life of Dam. by bis pupil 
Jo. Monachita In 0pp. and AcU 8S. Febr. vol. IIL p. 406.— VIU S. Danu scr. J. LadercMo^ Rom. 
1702. 8 voK 4. 

/) E. g. Lambert Schajh. ad a. 1063. g) E. g. Hurter, Innoc vol IIL p. 8«7ss. 

h) Wltb respect to the former, see Damian, and witb regard to tbe latter, the songB at the Trou- 
badours and MInne«IngerflL 

a) Fetrut Lonib, 8entt L. IV. Dlst 1& I) Regino, de dlao. eoc. n, 4888a. 


also were invested with the privilege of bestowing absolution on condition 
of a certain period of penance, to all who should visit them, either on some 
festival or at any time, (e) A period of penance which might ordinarily ex- 
ceed the limits of human life might be accomplished in a brief space of time 
by means of the two kinds of absolution. Persons who were in a high 
degree the victims of remorse were required to build a church, to go upon a 
crosade, or to enter a convent. In all cases when services were performed, 
or money was paid to obtain such a pardon for sin, a cordial repentance and 
*tn amendment of life was made a prerequisite in the applicant. Intelligent 
teachers, however, perceived that the Church was placing itself in a position 
of extreme peril. (<f) According to an opinion which had now become es- 
tablished, but was still opposed in some quarters, a mortal sin could be for- 
given only in the confessional. The Church required that at least once in 
each year every person should confess all the sins of which he was conscious, (e) 
By this means the priests became possessed of all the hearts and secrets of 
the people. The interdict which had been on several occasions attempted in 
former times, but had been always regarded as an arbitrary exercise of an 
unchristian power, became during the eleventh century a legitimate measure 
in opposition to those who violated solenm treaties. It soon after became a 
terrible weapon in the hands of the popes by which a nation was compelled 
to atOtae for the crimes of its rulers, or was armed against those in authority 
over it. When tlie Gharch possessed a powerful influence over the life of 
every one, no people patiently endured a protracted discontinuance of eccle- 
siastical services, and frequently they did not hesitate to compel their clergy 
to open their churches for public worship. Innocent also obtained a promise 
that every one whom he should excommunicate should be subjected in like 
manner to the ban of the empire, but such an engagement it was found im- 
possible always to fulfiL 

§ 208. Public Warship. 

Walafrid SUmbo^ died 849, de exordiis et Increm. rer. ecc /ro, died 1115, Micrologus de ecc. ob- 
■crntt (Both fuand in HiU&rp. see $ 166.) J. BfUth, about 1182, div. officior. brevis expllc. ed. 
Cbm. LauHmann. ADto. 1658. O. Durantt, dlod 1296, EaUonale div. officior. I Till. Mog. 1497. t 
nd often. 

The WeMohrunnen prayer, a monument of the ancient language and piety 
of Germany, contains an exalted poetical representation of the antemundane 
existence of God, and an humble supplication for spiritual blessings, (a) 
Bat the sensuous disposition of the people was necessarily predominant. 
In consequence of the sensuous tendency then so prevalent, public wor- 
^ip appeared to be little else than a worship of the saints. Preaching was 
^^^j an essential part of the service on public festivals, although several 
•ynoda and popes endeavored to introduce into churches only those who were 
»ble to instruct the people, and the popularity of those preachers who dis- 
coarsed in an affecting style, proved that the multitude were susceptible of 

«) Gompi Qmc LaUratL lY. c. 6S. {ManH Tli. XXII. p. 1050&) 

<0 AMardi Etbica a 18. 80. (PetU Anecd. Tb. III. P. L p. 666Bai 

•) Cone. Lateran. lY. a 21. {ManH Tb. XXII. p. IOOTssl) 

a) Aceordinf to the eztnota hj Wackernigel CBrL 1827.) in B0ttberg, toL XL p. 818^ 


benefit from the Word of God. (h) The use of the Roman Liturgy was re- 
quired in all the churches as the visible bond of general unity. The GotMe 
Liturgy, although it was protected by an affectionate people, and had even 
passed the ordeal of fire, was gradually suppressed in Spain after the eleventh 
century, (c) The Sabbath was especially devoted to the service of the Vir- 
gin Mary, in whose honor a particular service was composed principally by 
Damian (Officium S. Virginis) to be performed in the convents. When 
Paschasius Eadbert^ a monk and (844-851) an abbot at Corvey (d. ^jyoxit 
865), maintained that the virginity of Mary was unimpaired even by the 
birth of the Son of God, the learned divines of his day shrunk from the 
position as containing a Docetic sentiment, (d) That every thing might be 
removed which could throw the slightest suspicion upon the vir^n purity of 
the Queen of heaveti, the doctrine was finally set forth according to which 
she also was conceived in a miraculous manner, and some canons of Lyons 
(about 1140) solemnized this faith by fnstituting the festival of the ImmacUf 
late Conception, St. Bernard, however, and all learned theologians of that 
period were opposed to this innovation, {e) In popular traditions many 
pleasant things which had been told of the goddess Freyja were transferred 
to Mary. (/) A festival of All Souls (Nov. 2) for the deliverance of thoee 
who were confined in purgatory was also established by the monks of Olagny 
(1010), who obtained a hint from the popular tradition asserting that the 
gate of purgatory was in one of the volcanoes of the Lipari islands, (y) Some 
time after the ninth century the practice extended from Rome to the provinces^ 
of observing St. Gregory'^s day^ as a festival for schoolboys, derived from the 
old Minervan festival. Qi) Among the sacred usages of the Church tlie Sa- 
craments gradually became remarkably prominent, and the representation of 
them as the signs and actual communications of divine grace, as well as their 
number seven, so divided as to sanctify all the important relations of human 
life, were especially defended and established by Peter Lombard and 
Gratia n. (i) The baptism of infants could be postponed without giving of- 
fence. (I) That abuses might be avoided, those children who had not been 
confirmed were (12th century) kept back from participation in the Lord^s 
Supper, and when many other attempts had been made to render the wastiDg 
of the least particle of the divine blood impossible, the laity were entirely 
debarred from participation in the sacred cup. The doctrine of the presence 
of the entire Christ in the bread was defended, and the powerftd influence of 

b) Cone Mogunt a. 847. c. 2. ( J/tifwf Th. XIV. p. 908.) Cone Latemn. IV. <x lOi. (/&. It, 
XXIL p. 9988.) Jacobi a Vitriaco Ulst ocdd. c. 6s8. 

c) RodeHco Tolet de reb. HIsp. VI, 2G. 

d) Rairamni L. de eo, quod Cbr, e$ vlrglne natns est {D^Ac7i«ryy Splcileg. Th. I. p. 68.) Fr. 
WalcAy II. controv. 8. IX. de parta Virginia. Goet 17&S. 4. 

e) Ant. GravoUf de ortu ct progreasa cultua ao fesU Immaculati conceptaa Dei Geiictzld& IJBC 
17C2. 4. 

/) Orimm, Dentscbe MyUioL pp. 192, 417, 694. XX. 

g) Jotsaldi ViU 8. Odilon. c. 14. {Mabillon, Acta 83. 8. VI. P. L p. 615.) Sigeb. OemU. ad a. 999L 
A) A. Weber, Origo fcstl Or. HImst 1714. 4. Miru8y de Gr. M. et feato Qr. P. IL lUinst 1768. 4 
Mucke, V, Urejir. d. Gr. Fester Guben. 179a. 
€) PeU Loml. Sent IV. DIst 1-42. 
k) Petri de Vineis, L UL £p. 21. BdUigw Ileinr. d. L5we. Amn. 68. 


the priesthood maiDtained this cnstom of withholding the cup against all sub- 
seqaent opposition. (/) The solitary mass of the priest was at first decidedly 
reprehended, (m) In the tenth century adultery continued to be regarded by 
the popes as a sufficient ground for divorce, but the ecclesiastical view of the 
marriage rite was completely carried out when it was soon after declared ab- 
solutely inviolable, and Innocent III. insisted upon the reunion of husband 
and wife, even after a double adultery had been proved. Human frailty, 
however, was supplied with abundant opportunities for sundering this bond 
by means of the prohibition of all marriages between relatives, even of the 
seventh degree, since such a consanguinity was very generally proved when 
it was desirable. Innocent limited the degrees of relationship within which 
marriage was invalid, to four, and in fact regarded even these limits as pre- 
scribed only by human and natural laws, (it) 

§ 204. Monastic Life. 

The convents were regarded in the ninth century as the hereditary fiefs 
of the secular lords, under whose control they were more perfectly wasted 
and mL^govemed, than by the irruptions of the Normans. («) But the ex- 
alteil contempt of the world displayed in the monastic life corresponded with 
the spirit of the times. Some who from their youth had never become 
attached to the enjoyments of the world, felt the need of such a pious seclu- 
sion and fellowship. Others felt the same necessity after the agitation of a 
wdden conversion, or that they might make an atonement in this way for the 
flnsof an irregular life. Sitnultmeously, therefore, with the newly awakened 
energies of tte people, and the general movement of multitudes in favor of 
corporations, a series of successful efforts were put forth fo attain the proper 
objects of the convent by a renewal and completion of the Benedictine rule. 
Tbe abbots, sustained by papal privileges and royal fiefs, were favorable to 
the party of the bishops and princes. The popular element of the Church, 
however, was especially maintained in the convents, and it was through these 
that Gregory was enabled to obtain his victory. Monasticism, though fre- 
q'lemly arrayed in opposition to particular individuals among the clergy, was 
^Mj allied to the general body ; and on account of its exemption from epis- 
copal supervision it was generally in the immediate service of the pope. 
After the tenth century it was regarded as a peculiarly spiritual order (ordo 
^ the religiosi), which, however, made use of lay brethren (conversi), to 
attend to their secular affairs. In this way the larger Benedictine convents 
'^ed on within themselves all the mechanical arts, at any time needed in 
^ra, especially those connected with masonry. The seclusion necessary for 
the convent was sometimes obtained even in the cities, but the spot best 

'■■ / G. ds LitK, (le ailoratlone pants consocr. ct intcrdlctlono callcis. Suob. )7T8. Spittler^ Ocacb. 
*• Ktlcbs Im Abendm. Leingo. 17S0. 

■*) Cone Jtfgunt. a. Sia c 43. 

•) Ifo yjL EpL ad Eberbard. {Arentini AnnaL Bojor. IV, 23.) Comp. G. W. Bohmer, Q. d. Ehe- 
^■'•^ Im Zcltalt CarK d. Or. u. solnor nfichst Nachfolgor. OotL IS^Q.—Innoc I/I. L I. Ep, 143. 
^ h T5. XI. Ep. 101. Cone. LaUran. IV. c. 50^2. 

"• Epbcopor. Ep. ad Ludov. a. 363. c a ( WalUr Tb. IIL pt 86t) Cone Troslejan. a 909. c a 



adapted for it was generally found in some beautiful wilderness. It then fre- 
quently became the central point for all the business of the surrounding 
region. Sometimes convents were erected upon soil which had been stained 
with blood, or some sentimental legends were connected with their gloomy 
walls, (h) The uniform of the cloister which was at first nearly the same 
with the ordinary dress of the peojile, was gradually changed, until it became 
the peculiar habit of the order. The enlargement or diminution of the pro- 
perty of convents was produced by the same causes as those which affected 
Church property in general, but inheritance from the monks was tlu ordi- 
nary, and the cultivation of the desert soil was the noblest method by which 
wealth was acquired. In consequence of the rigidity of their rules and the 
sanctity of their founders, many of these orders rapidly increased in numbers, 
and became soon involved in the Inconsistency of having devoted themselves 
to poverty, and yet being in the enjoyment of immense wealth. Monks and 
nuns sometimes resided under the same roof (monasterium duplex.) The 
secret sins or the public oflfences of individuals and of whole convents, are 
only occasionally mentioned, and then only because they were brought before 
the ecclesiastical courts. In the establishment of monasteries the Church 
allowed the various dispositions of individuals to be gratified, and only pro- 
vided by their legislation that these diversities should ail be confined withiu 
the limits required by the general objects of the order. And when the 
monastic life had assumed a great variety of individual forms, and appeared 
to have taken every possible shape. Innocent III. prohibited the formation 
of any new orders, (c) 

§ 205. 7%tf Congregation of Clugny. 

Bihliothtea Cluniacensis. In qua S9. Patram Abbatura Vitais miracula, scripta rec Parts. 1611 1 
The Ordo Clun. was accarately dpscribed In the 11th cent by Bernard who Mun^cd to It (Vetoa 
discipL monast ed. IlerrgoU, Par. 1726. 4. p. 133.) The Antiquiore^ Contu^U, Clun. 1. IIL by €1- 
ricK, one of the order 1070, has preserved a good representation of affairs at Ilirsan. {D^Achsry^ Spt- 
oil. vol. I. p. Ml.)—BemonU Vita. (JfubUlon, AcU S9. 8. V. p. 66.) Odonis VIU by his pupil Jo- 
hannes, i/b. p. 150.) OdilonU Vita by his pupil JoUalduSy {lb. S. VL p. 597.)— & WUhslmi Constt. 
Hicrsaugiens. {Uerrgoti, p. 875.) 

The rule of Benedict had been re-established by Bemo, one of the family 
of the Burgundian Counts, in two of the monasteries under his control. 
Being invited by William^ Duke of Aquitania, to form a convent after the 
same model, he founded that of Clugny (Cluniacum, 910), and placed it 
under the immediate supervision of the pope. His successor, Odo (927-41), 
who had been a monk in his habits even before taking the monastic vow, was 
well acquainted with the true method of governing the minds of men. A 
rule of discipline was formed under him, which, by severe, uninterrupted, 
mechanical employments of a religious nature, so completely destroyed all 
individuality of feeling, that the ecclesiastical and monastic spirit became 
exclusively active in the hearts of the members. Under Odilo (994-1048), 
who has been called the Archangel of the monks, and during the administra- 

V) E. g. the priory of the deuao amoureuw at Rouen, see ITeiyot^ vol II. pw 471. 
c) Cone. Lauran IV. c 181 {ManH Th. XXIL p. 1002a.) 


tion of a series of abbots, whose inflexible good sense never Allowed them to 
act inconsistently with their monastic sanctity, most of the convents in 
France, carried away with the nniversal admiration, or compelled by their 
princes or protectors, became subject to the rule and government of the con- 
gregation of Clugny. This gave rise to a Congregation of Benedictines, 
which iQ the middle of the twelfth century embraced about 2000 convents, 
principally in France. At the head of these was placed the Abbot of Clugny, 
always chosen by the monks of his own convent, from whose ranks also he 
almost invariably selected the priors of. all the convents belonging to the 
congregation. The legislative and su{>crvisory powers were vested in a 
General Chapter which assembled annually at Clugny. The very heart of 
the French nation was in the hands of the monks of Clugny, until about the 
commencement of the 12th century, when the order withdrew from public 
affairs and lived upon its own resources. An instance of a reformation in the 
midst of extreme disorder was exhibited in Germany, when the congregation 
ciHinau was established there (1069) by the Abbot William after the model 
of that of Clugny. 

§ 206. Minor Orders of the Uth Century. 

1. In the wilderness of the Apennine mountains were established two or- 
ders of monks, originally composed of hermits, but gradually connected with 
convents. Tlie first of these was called the Order of Camaldvli, and was 
founded (about 1018) by the pious zeal of Romuald^ one of the family of the 
Doke of Kavenna. The second was called the Order of Vallomhrosa, and 
originated (about 1038) in the rigid austerity of John Oualbert, a Florentine. 
The membera of these orders vowed that they would abstain even from or- 
<iinary intellectual enjoyments, and from all conversation with their fellow- 
men. At a later period, however, they endeavored to reconcile this con- 
tempt of the world, and self-mortification, with the enjoyment of tlic vast 
posBessions acquired by the orders, (a) 2. Stephen of Tifjerno was unwilling to 
be regarded either as a monk or a hennit, and acknowlcdj^ed no rule but that 
of the gospel. With the sanction of Gre-rory (1073) he founded an order 
mbsequently called by the name of Grammont. This determined to relin- 
qniah its own beloved convent rather than to defend a just claim by a legal 
proceo, and even sincerely declined the honor of the miracles imputed to its 
illostrious founder, because it thought such a reputation would be prejudicial 
to humility. After a rapid growth, however, it was powerfully agitated by 
fisputee between its monks and those lay brethren, who, according to the 
Rale, had the charge of its secidar affairs. The result was that in the 12th 
eentury it entirely lost its indei>endence. (h) 3. Bruno of Cologne^ the rector 
cf the cathedral school and a Chancellor at Rheims, disgusted with the dis- 

•> RomtuaUi Vita, scr. Daminni. {3fabill. Acta SS. S. VI. P. I. p. 247.) Kule In HMten. Th. 
ILf*. 19S. Archang. IlatftirnU RomnaMlna 8. Cainaldulensis O. Hist Par. \(!ii\.Vl.—Owilhf!rU 
TitA(JiiihUl. Acta SS. a VI. P. IL p. 278.) BuUarlum VallumhroMnum, s. bullae Pontiflcum, qui 
«ci)(l«m Ord. privllegils dccorarunt, a Fulg^ntio XanJio. Flot. 1729. 

h) Vita K SUphani by Gerhard^ the 7th prior of Grammont. (Af<irt«n^^ ampHsa Col. Th. VI. p. 
Wflft. JfahiUon^ Ann. Ord. 8. B«n. Th. V. p. 65.) Hist prolixlor Prior, Grandimont (Ifartfne. lb. 



graceful life of liis archbishop, renounced the world. There is ft melancholy 
tale which assigns another cause for tliis act, but it waa not known until the 
close of the thirteenth century, (c) He erected huts for himself and a few 
companions (1048) in the wild mountain gorge of Chartreuse near Grenoble. 
He was induced by his former pnpil, Urban IL, to visit Rome (1090), but he 
soon became weary of a secular life in that city, and after refusing the bish- 
opric of Reggio, he founded a new Carthusian monastery in Calabria, in 
which ho ended his days (1101). The order was not organized into a society 
until 1141 in the mother convent. For a long time the Carthusians perse- 
vered in the practice of an abstinence so strict that they rejected all gifts 
except necessary food and skins for parchments. The wealth they received 
at a later period was expended in the embellishment of churches, (d) 
4. When France was visited by a disorder called St. Anthony's fire, the order 
of the Hospitallers of St. Anthony was founded for the relief of the sick by 
Gaston^ a wealthy nobleman of Dauphin^, from gratitude for the recovery 
of his son (1095). At first it consisted entirely of lay brethren, but aft:er- 
wards it was composed of canons under the Rule of Augustine, (e) 5. Robert 
of Arhrmcl^ at an early period a divine, then a superintendent of a diocese, and 
subsequently a preacher of repentance and of the crusades, was the founder 
of the Benedictine Congregation of Fontctrand^ for penitents, especially of 
the female sex who had once fallen from virtue. For this class of persons 
he seems to have felt a peculiar interest, and therefore fell under the re- 
proaches of his contemporaries. In compliment to the Queen of Heaven the 
supreme direction of the society was intrusted to female hands, {f) 

§ 207. The Chtercians and St. Bernard. 

1) Relatio qnaHter Inccplt Or«lo CIstcrdonsK (Auherti 3firaei Chron. CtoL OkL Colon. 1641. pt 
888.) Ifeiniqii^, Regula, Constitt. et Privil. Ord. Cist Ant KWO. f.—JfanrU/us, Ann. Cist Lngd. 
1642. 4 Th. f. rUrre U Xaitt, Hl.*t de TOrdrc de ClteAUX. Par. 16965S. 9 Th. 2) Btrmirdi Opp. 
(Letters, Discours^es, Poem.s ascetic writings.) cd. MuhUlon^ Par. 1667. 1690. 6 Th. f. 1719, 2 Th. £ 
Ven. 1726. 2 Tli. £ Par. 1S89. 2 Th. Mwl. 1851.«^. 8 vols. 4. His llfb by contemponui^B : GnlUimuB, 
Abbot of 8. Thierry, GaufredtM and AUinus de Insulia, Monks of Clairvaux. {MabiUon Th. L ud 
VI.)— AVa;M/«r, d. h. Bernh. u. & Zeitalt Bcrl. <1818.) 1848. [Tr. into Engl, by Wrench^ Lond. ISlfii 
12mo.] .;: ElUndorf, Bemb. u. d. Ilier. 18S9. 2 vob». liathbonne, Hist d. 8. Bern. Par. 1S43. 2 Th. 

Robert., who had been dedicated to the Virgin by his mother before his 
birth, became dissatisfied while yet an abbot with the comfortable life of the 
wealthy monks, and founded a convent at Citeaux^ under regulations requir- 
ing the most extreme poverty (1098). In the order which sprung from this^ 
the most rigid abstemiousness was demanded, all splendor in churches was 
condemned, and its members promised absolutely to submit to the bishop of 
the diocese, as well as to abstain from all the ordinary employments of life, 
not excepting even the charge of souls. The internal a^rs of the society 
were directed only by the law of love ; (a) the position of the Abbot of 

c) Launoil do vera causa secessus 8. Brunonis in eremnm. Par. 1646. (0pp. Th, II. P, n. pt 8S1) 

d) MahUl. Ann. Tli. V. p. 202s8. and Acta SS. S. VI. P. II. Prae£ p. 87flHL Legends respecting the 
life of Bruno may be seen in Acta SS. Oct Th. III. p. 49188. 

e) AcU SS. Jan. Th. II. p 160.— A'f//)/), de fhitrib. S. Ant Lpa. 1787. 4 
/) MahiUon, Ann. Th. V. p. 814s9l AcU SS. Febr. Th. III. p. 098aB. 
a) Charta Charltatis. i^Manrique Th. L p. 109sa.) 


Clteaax and the govoramont by annual General Cbaptcrs, were all modelled 
after the Constitution of Clugny, although the abbots of the four oldest 
affiliated convents gradually attained equality with the Abbot of Citeaux 
(1119). The black dress of the Benedictines was exchanged for a white 
oowL By the extreme veneration which the Cistercians acijuircd among 
their contemporaries, who regarded them as perfect representatives of apos- 
tolic simplicity, and by the splendor of St. Bernard's name, this now order 
was able to vie successfully with the congregation of Clugny. The latter 
was indeed considerably shaken by the excesses of its abbot, Pontius 
(1109-25), who carried the staft* of the shepherd and of the pilgrim in the 
same hand which bore the sword of the highway robber. It was, however, 
enabled to close this controversv honorably to itself under the direction of 
Peter the Venerable (1122-56). (h) Bernard was born at Fontaine, of a fami- 
ly distingnished for monastic piety. Even during the struggles of his early 
youth he showed that he was by natural temperament inclined to a monastic 
life. Accordingly in the year 1113 he became a monk at Citeaux, and in 
1115 the Abbot of Clairvaux, a convent founded by persons belonging to 
that community. By his entire disengagement from the world, ho seemed 
utterly independent of the rules, and was actually su[)erior to all those 
laws by which men are usually governed. He was certainly highly endowed 
by nature, and in popular estimation as well as in his own opinion he pos- 
seased the power of working miracles. Educated beneath the foliage of a 
mighty forest, his thoughts were continually directed toward heaven. In 
spite of the general insipidity of the age, he was distinguished by an clo- 
qnence which was irresistible even by those who could not fully comproliend 
bis discoarfle. He was rather jealous of human learning, and so zealous in 
bebalf of the Church that he engaged in a sanguinary persecution. IJe was 
^thnsiastic in his eflfbrts to promote the power of the [wiesthood, and yet 
candid and severe with respect to their irregularities. In almost every part 
of Europe ho beheld those whose minds he had formed by his in>tructions 
seated upon episcopal thrones, he himself acted as an umpire in nearly all 
^ the quarrels which took place between ditterent princes and nations, and by 
tbe diffusion of his highly theocratic spirit among the priesthood, he became 
the most influential man of his age. By his influence his order became so 
powerfdl, that soon after his death (1153) it endeavored to excel its rivals of 
GogDj, not so much in humility and contempt of the world as in indepen- 
dence and wealth. 

§ 208. PraeinoTtstranU and Cannelitcs. 

Etrmanni JfanacM de niirac ». Mariac laudc*. III, 2s8. {Guiherti^ 0pp. ed. (PAch^ry, p. 544.) 
Aete P9. Jane. Th. T. p. 8a4s(«, Ckry9. ran der Sterre, Vita 8. Norb. Antu. 1C5(J. Hugo, Vie de %. 
IflrtL Lozeoib. 17W. 4. BIbL Ord. Pra^monst, per Jo. le Puigf^ Pnr. 1633. f. 

Jonn. PhocaA, compendlsrla descriptlo, etc {Uon. AWttii Symniicta. Ven. 17*^. f. p. 17.) Ja- 
tMde tUHaco IliRt. llloro<». c. 62. {lUmgarH Th. I. p. 1075.) Kule In HolHUn. Th. HI. p. ISsat 
AmM a Virg. MariOy Specalnm Cartnclitanum. Antu. lC6<i. 4 Tb. fl 

Xorhcrt was originally a canon at Cologne, and as the chaplain to Henry 

*■> Bernard!, Apol. ad Gull. {MnhilUm Tli. IV. p. 33.) Pi tH I>r». ad Bern. I. Kp. 3«i. IV. Ep. 
17. VL Ep. 4 (BIbL PP. Max. Th. XXII.) Dialogtu Inter tlunlac. num. ct Cist do dlver>!!» utrins^iue 
OwL obicrTT. ilfarteru, Tb«t. Tb. V. p. 1569.) 


V. lived m the enjoyment of wealth, with the brightest prospects of promo- 
tion in the priestliood. By an event which was supposed to bear a strong 
resemblance to the conversion of Paul, he was induced to throw all these aside, 
and enter upon the humble employment of a preacher of repentance. After 
some ineffectual attempts to reform other canons, he founded an order of mo- 
nastic canons in the unhealthy vale of Primontre (1120). When he appeared 
preaching repentance at the Diet of Speyer, he was elected as if by a divine 
inspiration to the vacant archbishopric of Magdeburg, and entered that city 
in' the garb of a beggar. A powerful storm of opposition was raised against 
him on account of his strenuous efforts to induce his wealthy retinue there 
to practise the same abstemiousness which he showed. The people, how- 
ever, before whose fury he was once obliged to save his life by flight, main- 
tained possession of his body as though it were the sacred palladium of their 
city, in opposition to the demands of the monks of Primontre. Before his 
death (1134) Norbert witnessed the rapid increase of his order in the estab- 
lishment of numerous chapters and convents for monks and nuns. — Berthold, 
a crusader from Calabria, who with a few companions had resided for a time 
in a cave of Mount Carmel, was the founder of the order of the Carmelitesi, 
though his claims to that honor have been denied by his followers. On ac- 
count of the hallowed recollections connected with the mountain where they 
resided, and the similarity of the habits of their order with those of Eliaf, 
they have always maintained that it was founded by that ancient prophet, 
and continued until modern times by a series of successive prophets, (ff) 
When, by the conquests of the Saracens, the Carmelites lost possession of 
their original seat, they allege that the holy Virgin gave her scapular to 
Simon Stocl', the general of the order, that it might become thenceforth the 
habit of all its members, with the assurance that whoever should die in this 
dress would never suffer in everlasting fire, (h) Kew possessions were ac- 
quired by these Brethren of our Lady of Mount Carmel in every coantry of 

§ 209. The Trinitarians. 

Bonai>mtura Baro, Annalcs Ord. S. Trin. Eom. 16S4. Bale in IloUtm. Th. IIL ik 8taL 

The vague and visionary efforts of two hermits, John de Matha^ pre- 
viously a Parisian divine, and Felix de Valois, appear to have been finally 
directed to a definite object by Innocent III., and an Order of the Holy 
Trinity was established for the redemption of Christian slaves (1198). The 
first-fruits of its efforts were exhibited in the year 1200, when a multitude 
of Christians purchased from slavery in Morocco returned to their homes. 
The order of the Trinitarians (de redemptione captivorum, Mathurins, freres 
aux fines) spread itself rapidly in all parts of Southern Europe. Femak 
convents were also instituted, and through many vicissitudes the primary 
object of the order has not been altogether abandoned even to a very recent 

a) Papebroch (ActE SS. April Th. L p. 774a. and in some controvereial writings) has jrfren tbe 
tnie history in oppo6ition to the prolix volumes of the CarmeIItc& [Afoaheim Hist Cent XIL Put 
II. f 21. McLain*8 transL] 

b) Launoii Dse. do Sim. StochU Tiso. Par. 1658. (0pp. Tb. IL P. 11.) 


period. The residence of its General (minister genoralis), and the place 
where its general chapter, composed of all the superiors of its convents, con- 
vened, was at Cerfroy, where the two original hermits were once visited hy 
a white deer with the mark of a cross hetween its horns. 

§ 210. The humiliates. 
TXrahotehi, Teten Hamillatorum monaroenta. Mediol. 1766fl8. 8 Th. 4>. 

Many felt that the religions should he hrought into more intimate connec- 
tions with the secular life than the general Church at that time was able to 
afford. The community of the HumiliaUn was therefore instituted in the 
eleventh century, composed, at first, of an association of pious Milanese who 
ha<l been exiled from their native city. Gradually it became extended over 
all parts of Lombardy, and embraced principally mechanics, especially weav- 
ers of woollen fabrics, connected together by the bond of a common employ- 
ment, and a love of pious exercises. All their property was held in common. 
At a later period even monks and priests united with them, and took part in 
the labors, the business, and the trade of the Society. Their community was 
t4)lerated by the hierarchy on the ground of its being a point of connection 
between the convent and the world. Innocent III. endeavored to give it a 
definite poation by imposing upon it the rule of Benedict, and it was sup- 
plied with a grand master in 1246. Finally it became secularized, and was 
abolished by Pius V. (1571). 

§ 211. Ritahlishment of the Orders of Knighthood. 

I TTi'. Tyr. L 10. XVIII, 4m. Jac. de Yitriaco c W. PM. Veltroniutt, StatuU Ord. hosp. 8. 
Ja Rom. IKS. t HoUt^. Th. II. p. 4i4as.— II. ( Yertot) Hist, des Chevallere hospltallere de S. Jean. 
Fw.lWl 4Th. 4. 1761. 7 Th. {yiethammer) Gcech. d. Malthescrord. nach Vcrtot Jen. 1792. 2 vote. 
iWi, dHI'mlxIne o<l In.oUtuto del ord. dl S. Giovanni. Kom. 17S1. 4. Fiilk^nHt^ln, Gesch. d. Joh. 
Onl Dre«d. lS8a 2 vols. 

I Wil Tyr. XII, 7. Jac. de YUr. c 65. Bernard I Tract de nova militia ». adhortatlo ad inllites 
tempH (0pp. Th. IV. p. 9S.) JToUten. Th. II. p. 429sa. MUntsr, Statntenbuch. Brl. 1794. 1 vol.— 
II P.du Putf, n\st d« Templlers. Par. IMO. Brux. 1751. 4 Uebers. Frankf. 1C65. 4. irEtftivol, 
Hilt CTit ct apol. den Chev. da Temple. Par. 1789. 2 Th. 4. An Epitome : Die Rltter des Temp, zii 
Jeim Lpz. 1790. 2 vols. Wilcke^ Gesch. d. Temp. Onl Lpz. 18268. 2 vols. FnlkermUin, Gesch. d. 
Tempi Onl. DresL 1883. 2 vols. [C. 6. AddUon, Hist, of tlie Knights Teraplars, Ac I»nd. 1843. 9 

L Sutaten des dent Ord. edited by E. ITfnntg, K«)ni^'*b. 1806. PMH d« Dinthurg (about 1826), 
Chronic. Priwlae !<. Hist Ord. Tent ed. HartknocK Jen. 1679. 4. Codex diplomaticns Ord. Tent 
UHtBiKlenbach z. Gesch. d. dent O. ed. by J. G. Ilenne. Montz. 1845.— II. Duslfii, Onl. Eqult 
Tent Tlnd. 1727. t Joh. Yoifft^ Gesch. Prcnss. b. z. Untergangc d. Ilerrsch. d. deutsch. Ordens. 
Kooipb. 182788. 4 vols. 

The various orders of knighthood which sprung up during the tenth cen- 
^, were the legitimate result of the feudal system and the military occupa- 
tions of the youth. When regarded as an affair of past times, this system is 
•foiled as the ideal toward which noble minds were induced to aspire, but 
^ ^ts bitter reality it was the ascendency of a great corporation, whose 
power was restrained by Christian customs, and embellished by the Princi- 
pe of love and honor. Duels and tournaments were always zealously 
^posed by popes and synods, but the system of knighthood itself was sanc- 
^^^'^ by the Chnrch because it enlisted men in the service of God, and for 


the defence of all who were oppressed. Tlie two most powerful tendenoiee 
of the age were united daring the holy wars in forming a spiritual knight- 
hood which comhined the three monastic vows with the solemn promise 
never to desist from a conflict with unbelievers. 1. Some citizens of Amalfi, 
while trading with Palestine, had (1048) founded a hospital for the reception 
of pilgrims to Jerusalem. The fraternity which had the management of this 
hospital, after the conquest of Jerusalem by the Christians, took the monas- 
tic vow under the name of the Brethren of the Hospital^ dedicated to St, 
John the Baptist^ in Jcrusiilem. Raymond du Puy^ the second principal of 
the order, to their former duty of hospitality and attendance upon the sick, 
added that of knighthood in opposition to infidels (about 1118), and this soon 
became the principal object of the order. 2. Nine knights; with Huffo d4i 
Payens as their master (inagister militiae), took from the hand of the Patri- 
arch of Jerusalem the knightly monastic vow (1118), and from their location 
in the royal palace, by the side of the former Temple of Jerusalem, they 
assumed the name of '^mjylars (pauperes commilitoncs Ohristi templique 
Salomonis). 8. During the siege of Aine (1190), some citizens of Bremen 
and Lubeck founded a hospital which was favored by the Grerman princesi 
and under Ileun/ of Walpot became the Order of tlie German Knights of the 
Virgin Mary. Each of these orders embraced three estates, viz.. Knights, 
Priests, and Serving Brethren. In this latter class were included not only 
all who were engaged in manual labor, but squires. The whole was arranged 
in accordance with an aristocratic constitution, under the government of a 
Grand Master, Commanders, and Chapters of Knights. They formed the 
standing army of the Church in the East, but as a general society of noble- 
men they acquired vast possessions in every part of Europe. The Templars 
especially soon became independent by their own power, and the privileges 
granted to them by the pope. So highly was their spirit of devotion to the 
order cultivated, that they became a military society of noblemen, combining 
their hereditary powers with the privileges of the clergy. It was not long, 
therefore, before they found themselves in a hostile position to both bishops 
and kings. Wherever the Church in any way stood in need of worldly 
weapons, especially in Spain while contending with the Moors, and in Germa- 
ny in connection with the Cistercians, similar orders of knights were estab- 
lished of a purely national character. 


§ 212. Scientific: Education of the Nirith Century, 

Launoli Do. de scholia celebr. a Car. M. et post enndem instanratis. Par. 1672. HamK 1717. Hist 
lltt6ralre de la France imw des rel. Benedlctlns. Par. VBHax Th. IV. V. Cramsr, Boasnet, Th. V. toL 
IL Ilt'/el^, wi^ zust hn add west Deutschl. 9. 10. and 11. Jaliriih. (TQb. QoarUlachr. 1S8S. P. 2.) 
Bdhr, Oeacli. d. rum. Lit im Carol. S^eita. Carlsr. 1S40. 

The diffusion of education commenced by Charles the Great was con- 
tinued under the Carolingians by the schools established in the cathedrals 
and convents. The most ethcient agent in it, so far as related to Germany, 


Babanut Ifaurus^ the pnpil of Alcoin, and the friend of the Emperor 
Louis when that monarch was in distress. lie had travelled in Pnloi^tine, and 
in 822 was called to preside over the convent of Fulda. Compelled to fly 
from that place in 842, he soon after (847) became Archbishop of Mcntz, and 
died in 856. With great humility he devoted himself to the lowly task of 
collecting the various explanations of the Scriptures found in the writings 
of the fathers, and gave a minute description of the universe, {(i) Tlie labors 
of scientific men were principally directed to the consideration of the exter- 
nal ionnB of the Church. In this kind of literature, as well as in his course 
of life, Agohard, Archbishop of Lyons (died 841 ), may be reg:arded as the 
representative of the moderate opposition raised in the French Church 
against praying to images, and all kinds of superstition, (h) Claudius^ 
Bishop of Turin (d. about 840), a great admirer of Augustine, presents us 
with a specimen of the stormy battle then waged against the worship of 
images, popes, and saints, (r) ffinemar, Archbishop of Rhoims (died 882), 
shows the position of an ecclesiastical statesman standing between kings, 
popes, and bishops, sometimes in the character of a friend, and sometimes in 
that of an opponent, frequently with great earnestness, but always with dex- 
terity and dignity in times of extreme peril, defending the rights of the 
utioDal Church and of his archbishopric, (d) Haytno^ Bishop of Ilalbcr- 
Btadt (died 853), brought to the recollection of his contemporaries the views 
of the primitive Church by means of a much-used epitome of the Latin 
translation of Eusebius. {e) Jonas^ thb successor of Theodulf in the bishopric 
of Orleans, in opposition to Claudius defended the customs of the Church of 
thit period, so far, at least, as they proceeded from a pious disposition. The 
adrioe he gave to laymen was superior to the prejudices of the Church, and 
frequently attained the enlarged philanthropy required by tlie gosple. (/) 
/(An SeotuM (or) Erigena (d. about 880), who resided at the court of Charles 
the Bald, though he was originally educated in the British school, under the 
iifltieDoe of the writings of Origen and the Areopagite, stood so isolated 
from his contemporaries, and so far superior to his times, that his doctrines 
were not suflBciently understood to be condemned by the Church until the 
thirteenth century, (g) To his profound conceptions of the divine immen- 

«)Oppt t*\. Colr^neriM, Col. 1627. 6Th. f. 3fionf. (Patrolofr. Par. 1W2. voK CVII.-XII.>— 
^- ff. C. Sckte^in, dc Rhab. M. primo Gorm. praecepUire. Ileidelb. 1811. 4. Tfib. QaartalsKjhr. ISSS. 
^'9^ F. KhriMtmann^ Hnban. Mcntz. 1S41. 

ft) 0pp. od. Snlut. Par. 1666. 2 Th, {Oalland. Th. XIII. p. 405.) Ilund^tihagen, do Agob. vlt» 
<tKripH\6iea8.1»)2. P. L 

e) Frafm-ntoln Flaeii Catal. tout, vorlt p. 936. Bibl. PP. Max. Th. XIV. p. 197. 3fnhiUon, 
Titt. AotL p. »0. RwIelbacK, Claad- Inedlt opp. spcclnilna. Ilofn. 1S24. C, Sihmh/, Claud. (Zrlt.soljr. 
tWrt.Th.184S. H. 2.) 

<0 Opp. ed. Sirmond, Par. 1645. 2 Th. f Flodoard, Hist ecc. Rem. Ill, 15-29. Hist lit de la 
'*■»««. Th. V. p. 544«. (?**«, Merkwanllgk. a. Lebcn a Schrr. HIncm. Oott. 18<>6. 

') De dirist remm meinorla a. Ilist ecc breviariutn, od. Boxhorn^ Lagd. 1650. Mader, 
Hrinat 1671. 

/) De culta Imajrfnum 1. TIL a. 840. (BIbL PP. Lngd. Th. XIV. p. 167. De Institat lalcall I III. 
^^-(ITAch^ry, Spldl. ed. 2. Th. I. p. 25«.) De Institut repia. (76. pi 824.) 

»» D« dirblone natnrae L V. od. GaU, Oxon. 16S1. t ScMut^r, Monant. 19a3.— P. //Jort. J. Scot 
* '^^ Urppr. c chr. Phil Kopenh. 1828. FronmulUr, Lehre de.^ J. 8c r. Boson. (Tub. Zt'ltH'hr. 
^ P. 1. &) StaitdenmaUr^ J. Sc u. d. Wiaaenach. sr. 2^1t Frkf. ISai vol. I. Ilock^ J. Sc (Bonn. 


sity, tho world was one vast Theophany in different forms of development, 
the Incarnation was simply the reconciliation of the finite with the infinite, 
tlie sacred Scriptures were the necessary terms in which the truth must be 
expressed, in adaptation to human infirmity, and religion and philosophy 
were tlic twofold form in which the same essential spirit was manifested. A 
German poetic composition, (h) in which the evangelical history was repre- 
sented with all the peculiarities of the Germanic popular life, was a dawn 
without a day, since all literature continued to be written in Latin, and sci- 
ence, even when laymen took part in it, was wholly of an ecclesiastical char^ 
acter (clergie). During the stormy period which followed the subversion of 
the house of Charles the Great, the more eminent lights of literary culture 
were either wholly extinguished, or were concealed behind the walls of con- 
vents, where their beams were only occasionally visible. That portion of 
Anglo-Saxon Christian literature which Alfred the Great (871-901) saved by 
his sword, and animated with the antique traditions of ecclesiastical learning, 
was apparently lost at his death. (/) 

§ 218. First Eucharist ie Controversy, 

While attempting to present the mysterious import of the Liturgy, Pat- 
cliamis Ixadhert advanced the doctrine that the substance of the consecrated 
bread and wine in the Eucharist was changed into the very body of Christ 
which was bom of the virgin. This was declared to be an act of creation 
by almighty power, though invisible to any but an eye of faith, (a) This 
sentiment was opposed by the learned writers of that age, especially by 
Rabanus Manrus^ by Ratramnus^ a monk of Corbie, who maintained the 
indefinite view prevalent in the primitive Church, according to which there 
was simply a communion of the earthly with the heavenly, and by Erigena, 
to whom the sacrament of the Lord^s Supper could present nothing but a 
sign of an omnipresent God. {b) The doctrine of Paschasius must have been 
well adapted to the popular nnderstanding, from which, indeed, it may have 
taken its rise, since even before this the consecrated bread had been changed 
nnder the hands of Gregory the Great into a bleeding finger, (c) 

Zeitacbr. t Phil. u. Th. 1S35. H. 16.) B. JIf4Ur, J. 80. Mainz. lS4i. A. ^or$trick, PhiL £i1«eDM 
ex iprios princii)iis dclineata. Gott 1S44 P. I. 

h) Coinp. {Uiue'n) Lebcn Je?u. p. 88. 

€) AMerii IlisL de reb. Alfr. ed. B7«<?, Oxon. 1722. F, L. t>. Stoa>erg^ Leb. Alfr. Munst 181& 
[Rob. PoiceU, Llle of A. tho Great Lond. 1684. 12. Reinhold Paidi^ King Alfred, Ac TraojO. Lond. 
1S52. Life of A. by Spelifuin, Lond. 1S40. F. SU'lneU, The Mod. Mon. Ac In a Life of Alft«d Um 
Or., from the Gorman of A. V. HolUr, Ac Lond. 1S49.] Weis^, Gei>ch. AMt. Schaffh. 1852. 

a) De corpora ot sang. Domini s. de sacramentls, 881. the later edition, 844. dedicated to Cbarl«s 
the Bald, i» in MarUtie, Col. ampl. Tb. IX. p. 867. Ep. ad Fradcgardam in BibL PP. Logd. Tk. 
XIV. p. 7W'«. 

b) Jiahani Kp. ad Ileribald. {MafHUon^ vett Analect ed. 2. p. 17.) Ratmmni do corp. et san^ 
I>om. L. ad Carol. CoL 582. ed. J. BoiUau, Par. (1686.) 1712. 12. Often attrlboted to ErigeiuL— Zati/! 
0. d. verlorcn gchaltnc Schrift des Joh. 8c t. d. Eacbar. (Stud. a. Krit 1828. vol. I. U. i.) 

c) Pauli DLac. Vita Greg. M. c 2& Joan, Diao, II, 41. Patch. Bad, c 14. 


§ 214. Gottschalk. Cont. from § 212. 

O. XnuQuin^ vett auctoruin qui s. IX. de praed. scriiMorunt, opp. ct fhigm. Par. 1650. 2 Th. 4. 
JfantiTh. XIV. XV. — J. CferiiiA, Gottesiclialcl ot praedt-stlnatlanac controv, HLsL (Dubl. IQiM. 4.) 
Han. 1602. AeainM Gottschalk : L, CfUot, Hist Gottoso. VraiMlestinatiani. Par. 1655. f. [Biblical Ke- 
pertorjr, voL XII. Xa II. p. 2255W. ttTeander, HUL of Clir. Evl. Transl. by Torr«y, vol. III. p. 472aa.] 

The authority of Augustine had continued unimpaired till tlie middle 
ogess though his peculiar doctrines were generally misunderstood, and almost 
universally rejected. GotUchall- was a monk, of a noble Saxon family, who 
even in his childhood had been devoted to a monastic life. At a svnod which 
met at Mentz (829), he obtained a release from his monastic vow, but by the 
influence of his abbot, JiahftitUH^ this decision was subsequently reversed. 
His excited spirit now sought tranquillity in the perusal of the writings of 
An;ru>iine, in a removal to the convent of Orbais, and in a pilgrimage to 
Rome. In the most decided forms of expression he announced his doctrine 
of a double predestination, founded upon the absolute foreknowledge of Ood, 
according to which some were elected to life, and others were consigned to 
destruction. Personal bitterness was combined with the aversion felt in the 
Gallic4m Church towards Augustinism, and Gottschalk was condemned, 
tbroagh the influence of Rabanus, at the second Synod of Mentz (848), and 
delivered into the hands of his metropolitan, Ilincmar of Rheims. (a) The 
cause of Gottschalk, or rather of Augustine, was sustained by all the learning 
of Riitraniutw^ and the hierarchical authority of Remigkis^ Archbishop of 
Lyons. On the other hand, Uincinar defended the Frankish doctrine that 
man was indeed free and yet needed divine grace, and Erigena contended for 
the perfect unity of the divine decrees, (li) The controversy remained ande- 
cided, bnt Gottschalk, worn down by hierarchical violence, and absorbed in 
private reveries by w^hich bis life was beguiled away, died excommunicated 
but unsubdued in prison (868). 

§ 215. Literary Interest during the Tenth Century^ vnJ^r the Othoe. 

So strong were the recollections of classic antiquity awakened in the 
court of the imperial house of Saxony by its connection with Constantinople, 
that it began to indulge the dream of restoring the Roman empire to its 
original form. The decisions pronounced by the various emperors with re- 
gard to the popes, gave them an opportunity to speak freely respecting the 
abuses then practised in the Church. The Arabians had ever since the eighth 
century monopolized the natural sciences as the appropriate product of their 
own civilization, together with every thing in Greek literature which related 
to them. The school they had established at Cordova (after 980) excited the 
attention of the neighboring Christian countries, (n) As an evidence of the 
classic education w^hich existed in the imperial court, Hroswitha (Ilelena v. 

a) De prfl«<l4»<t contra Gott«ch. Epp. IIL eU. Sirmond^ Par. 16(7. (The Letters of Kabanns are 
alM in Jfituf/utn Tli. I. P. I. p. 86a.) Two unprintcd letters of Rab. re5pucting Gotlsch. (Tabu 
(InartaliMrlir. lf>S6. 11. H.) Flodoard, H. ecc. Rem. Ill, 28. Manni Th. XIV. p. 919. 

h) Ratmmni de prae<l. I. IL {Mauguin Th. I. P. I. p. 2T.) Jiemigii L. dr trib. epp. {Ih. Th. 
IL P. I, p. 61.) I/inifnur, do praed. Del et lib. arb. (Ist sect lost Opp. vol. I.) De tribus epp. I* 
(Oppt ToL I. J/ifW^. Th. II. P. IL p. 6T.) Erigena^ de prae<l. DeL {^Manguin Th. I. P. I. p. 108.) 

a) MiddUdorpf, de institutia literarlis In llisp. quae Arabes aactores babavrant Q<iett ISIO. 4. 

236 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH HISTORY. PER. la A. D. 800-1218. 

Rossow, (lied about 084), a nun of Ganderslicim, may be mentioned. She 
recounted the exploits of Otho the Great in rhyme and in hexameter verse, 
and expressed the parent ])rinciples of Christianity in the style of Terence, (b) 
On the other hand, Xotker LubeOj superintendent of the school in the con- 
vent of 8t. Gall (died 1022), availed himself of his knowledge of the ancient 
languages to give tranahitions from them into the High Gennan. (r) J^atherivs, 
Bisliop of Verona and Liege (d. 974), though sometimes a wanderer and even 
a prisoner in consequence of the political commotions of Italy and his own 
ardent tem|)orament, in bitter and pointed language held up before his cleri- 
cid bretliren a picture of their own corruptions, and the duties required of 
them by the ancient laws of the Church, (d) The Arabic influence was 
represented by Gerhert. {e) In subsequent times he has been looked upon as 
A nia;j:ician, and perhaps the spirit of his age rendered it necessary that astro- 
nomy sliould i)artake in some degree of the character of astrology. But the 
importance which the school of Rheims attained nnder his management, and 
the estimation in which he was held both in France and Germany, proves 
that he was not as isolated and unappreciated in his own day as the Italian 
accounts imply. It is, however, certain that the clergy in general were by 
no means in advance of the age in which they lived, and it required no great 
skill on the part of any one to subject a bishop who should exhibit his know- 
ledge of Latin in the sacred desk, to the most awkward imputations. (/") 

§ 216. Acixdemical Studies in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries, 

No sooner was there sufficient order secured in the state and in the 
Church to afford opportunity for a tranquil elevation and communion of 
spirit among men, than the exuberance of life which had long been concealed 
broke forth in the cultivation of science. An appropriate instrument for the 
intellectual energy then awakened was found in the recently discovered Latin 
translation of the dialectic writings of Aristotle, (a) There were still pre- 
served some remnants of a Roman empire and laws, and the condition of the 
Lombiird cities rendered the development of these a matter of considerable 
importance. Accordingly, about the close of the eleventh century, the Ro- 
man law was reduced by Irnerius to a new scientiflc form, and applied to 
new relations as a European Christian law. (h) For the cultivation of these 
laws several universities were established. That of Bologna was at first 
merely a school for the study of Law, while that of Paris was for the study 
of Dialectics and Theology. In the former, the highest powers of the corpo- 
ration (universitas) were vested in the pupils, but in the latter they were in 
the hands of the Doctors. They owe their establishment not to the favor of 

b) C»rmlna Ottonls I. Corned lae sacnw VL (0pp. ed. Sohur^/tei^ch^ Vlt 1707. 4.) 

<.') CatHlogu<> In R. r. Raumer^ p. SSajs. 

'/) l>c Contenitu canon um. Apologia buI IpMus. Do dlsa)rdla inter Ipsum ct clerloos. Medita* 
tlones cortUs n. iirncl«>q. (Opp. cd. RtlUriniy Voron. M^.)—EngelhardU, ii. Rather. (KOc«chiehtL 
Abhh. Erl, 1S32. N. 5.) Xeitndtr, Leben d. Rather. (Deuteche Zeitsch. t cbr. W. 1S51. N. 86.) 

e) Coinp. $ 178. n<itc g. Hc'pecting Gerbert's works ««« ffocky GerberL p. 16668. 

/) Vila Jfrtmcerci c. 81. {Uibn. Scrr. ror. Bransv. p. 555.) Comp. Saxo Oramm. L XL ed. 
Stfphan. p. 209. 

a) Jourdnin, Keolierchos critiq. sur I'sigc et Torigino dcs traductions lat d'Aristote. Par. ISlt. 

h) Savigtiy^ Gosch. d. r^iin. licohto in Mit Alt 8^4 yoln 


popes or princes, bat to the necessities of the tiinea, as thousands of stndents 
were drawn together by the reputation of some distinguished teiicher. Acts 
of incorporation were not sought for from the pope until a later period, when 
the younger universities endeavored by such means to rival those wliich de- 
pended upon their own reputation. The advantages springing from these 
seats of science, which controlled the opinions of the succeeding generation, 
were so apparent that the popes were anxious by special favors to secure 
their attachment to themselves, and render them institutions in which Chris- 
tian studies generally (studium generale) might be pursued, (c) By the influence 
of these universities science became generally dilFuscd, at least among the 
higher dosses, but in spite of the freedom of its development, it still con- 
tinued subservient to partial corjiorate interests, enveloped in barbarous 
Latin, and almost exclusively of an ecclesiastical character. 

§ 217. The Second Euchariatic Controversy. 

L Mawti Th. XIX. p. 757ssw Adelmani Ep. de verit corp. et san?. Dom. cd. C. A. Schmidt^ 
BmnsY. 1770. Lun/ranci L. do euchar. wcr. c. Ber. (106S-70.) Bas. 152S. and often. (0pp. ed. 
ffAckftrj/^ Par. 1W8. t p. 280.) Bereng. L. de s. coeiia c. Lunfr. before lo73. (The edit of the 
Wolfenbuttel MSS. maile known by Letming^ and half nnished by Jlyldudlin und UnnHen in 6 P^. 
G«tL 1^20-29. 4.) Ed<L J. F. and F. Tk, Vlather, Ber. 1S;U. Acta Cone lloin. Mib Grejr. VII. 
tBerrng. con«cripta. {.Vuntd Th. XIX. p. 761.) BernaUlut Const (an opponent of Bcrenpar) de 
Ber. damiutione multipIlcL lOSS. {ifatVi. liUberer^ Boccolta Ferrare^e di opp. Bcivntillci. Ven. 17S9. 
Th. XXI.) 

IL Mabiilon de niultiplic. Ber. damnatione. (Analect Th. II.) LeMing, Ber. Turon. o. Ankund. 
twichtigen Wcrka drs?. Brun-^'hw. 1770.4. (Schriftcn. vol. VIII. p. .T14h^ «<»'^7»/<///;i, annnnthitnr 
edltio Hbrl Ber. slinul oinnino de .•erlpti.** ejus, Ooott. 1814. 4. JbifL Ber. Ttir. {Shlinft. u. 
Tuchim, Archiv. 1S14. voL IL St 1.) [II. Sudendor/^ Ber. Tar. o. e. Saminl. ihn betreff, Briefo. 
OimbL 1»0.] 

Bcrengar (after 1031), the superintendent of the cathedral school of 
Tours, and (after 1040) archdeacon at Angers, maintained, in opposition to 
the new doctrine advance<l by Puschasius, that there was a change in the 
sacramental elements only in a figurative sense, lie contended that not the 
earthly elements themselves, but their influences were changed by their con- 
nection with Christ in heaven, who was to be received not by the mouth 
but by the heart. These views he expressed in a letter to his learned friend 
Lanfrane^ at that time Scholasticus (superintendent of a cathetlral school) 
in the convent of Bee, but afterwards (1070) Archbishop of Canterbury. 
The latter carried out the doctrine of Poschasius, by saying that the actual 
body of Christ in heaven remained entirely unatfected by the change in the 
elements on earth. This letter of Berengar being denounced before the eccle- 
^tical authorities, (a) his doctrine was condemned at synods held at Ixome 
tod VcrcelU (1050). Learned friends advocated his cause, but public opinion 
Was against him. Uis doctrine admitted of a variety of interpretations, and 
left the subject in the vague st^te in which it had been held in past times ; 
while that of his opjwnents presented a clearly defined idea, and threw groat 

t) BuUui, HIat Univ. Paris. 1665-7.1 6 Tlu f. CrevUr, II. de I'lTniv. de ParK Par. 1761. 7 Th. 
11 IhiharU, IL de rUniv. Par. 1S29. Th. L—Savigny, Oesch. d. rOm. Rechta iin MA. vol III. 

a) ManH Tb. XIX. p. 768. 


honor upon the forips of worship, hy making the sacrifice of the mass a g]o- 
rions Theophany. Ilildehrand was at that time legate, and not only person- 
ally the friend of Berengar, hut in sentiment tolerant toward his opinions. 
But at the Synod of Tours (1054), this prelate w^as prudent enongh to save 
his reputation for orthodoxy by the simple scriptural confession that the 
bread and wine in the Lord^s Supper were the body and blood of Christ. 
Berengar, however, was w^ithout sufficient influence at Rome (1059) to de- 
fend his opinions against the rude violence of his enemies, and finally he con- 
sented to subscribe a confession in which a grossly carnal participation in the 
flesh and blood of Christ was asserted. But no sooner were his feet bevond 
the Alps than he recalled this confession, with bitter execrations against what 
he called Satan's seat at Rome. The controversy was contmned with equal 
literary skill on both sides, in a learned correspondence between him and 
Lanfranc, the keenest dialectician of the age. The whole spirit of the times, 
however, was arrayed against Berengar, because he contended for a spiritual 
and against a sensuous conception of Christianity. At a Synod held at Rome 
(1078), Gregory made one more effort to secure indulgence for the conscience 
of his friend by presenting a formula of a general nature, but even he was 
obliged to give way before the zealots who surrounded him, and (1079) to 
demand a more decided declaration. Although even this was subsequently 
recanted by Berengar, he was protected by the influence of Gregory, and 
lived in retirement on the island of St. Come, where he died (1088) 
amidst the blessings of the Church. His memory was for a long time hon- 
ored in Tours, but the doctrine that there was a change in the nature of the 
sacramental element**, although the outward phenomena, in order to try the 
faith of believers, remained the same, had now obtained the victory. T'ra/i- 
suhi^tantiation by the hand of the priest was made an article of faith at the 
great Council of Lateran. {b) 

§ 218. Scholasticum, First Periofl. 

L. Danaeu*, Prtileps. in Sentt Lomb. (0pp. thcol. Gen. 1583 f. p. 1008.) Tribhfchot>iu»^ de 
doctorib. schol (ir.65) oil. Iltfuumnn, Jon. 1719. Cramer, BossueL, vol. V.-VII. EberaMn, natfirL 
Theol, dcr Schol. Lpz. 1S08. liitUr, u. Begr. u. Vorlauf. d. chr. Pliil. (StncL u. KrlL 1$88. 11. 2. p. 
286SS.) Histories of Phllosopliy, e«i>ecIaUy by Degerando, llegcl, Bitior, [O. U. Lewe», Dagald 
Stowart, V. Cousin, and C. S. Henry,] 

In the Berengarian controversy Scholasticism had commenced its develop- 
ment. This was a kind of knighthood in Theology, a natural result of the 
free power of thought in connection with the absolute ascendency of the 
doctrines of the Church. Academical studies were pursued without restraint, 
Aristotle's Logic was universally admired, and the whole movement of the 
ago was vigorous, though partially turned aside from what experience shows 
to be the sober reality of life. All these circumstances had given occasion 
for its existence, and its whole power was now to be exerted in proving that 
the doctrines which had been previously adopted by the Church were abso- 
lutely true in the view of an intelligent mind, and in defending their neces- 
sity. After a brief struggle it was completely triumphant over the Theology 

b) Oonc Later. IV. c. 1. {MuMi Th. XXIL p. 981.) [Landon^ p. TMm.] 


which had no other hasis than that of authority, and during its first period it 
was wholly employed in giving suhtlety to the thoughts of the common mind hy 
Aristotelian formulas. In the very commencement of its course wo find A uselm 
of Aosta, the pupil of Lanfranc^ and the successor of that prelate, not only in the 
monastic school, hut also (after 1098) in the archiepiscopal office (died 1109). 
Though always humble, he exhibited extraordinary powers of mind not only 
as a theologian, but as a dignitary of the Church. The knowledge ho sought 
was that with which faith supplied him, though he endeavored to complete 
the ecclesiastical system of truth on the basis of Augustine's Theology, by 
his doctrine of Satisfaction for sin, and to found a rational system by his 
proof of the divine existence. According to him, a recognition of the divine 
existence is necessarily involved in a complete self-consciousness, and immor- 
tality and salvation were the direct result of the love of God. This religion, 
which had been wholly lost by sin, could be restored in no other way than 
by the expiatory death of the incarnate God. («) At the close of this period 
appeared Peter Lombard^ an academical teacher, and (after 1159) Bishop of 
Paris (d. 1164). In his SenUncen^ the whole doctrine of the Church is de- 
rived from the writings of the fathers, but it is compiled and arranged in 
such a way as to constitute a scientific whole. This work became the man- 
ual in universal use during the century in which it was published, and gave 
its character to that which followed. This distinction was due not so much 
to its acnteness or its profundity, as to the ecclesiastical position of its author, 
its happy adjustment of opposite views, and its plainness to the popular 
mind, {h) In the speculative views which constituted the basis of its system 
of truth, was apparent a principle which had been much discussed in the old 
Greek philosophy under the name of Nominalism and Realism. The former 
regarded all general ideas (universalia) as nothing but abstractions of the 
human understanding, and derived from the objects presented to its observa- 
tion (post rem) ; while tlio latter viewed them as having tlieir origin entirely 
in the mind itself (ante rem), or according to a turn of expression at one 
time prevalent, and introduced for the sake of compromise, as that which is 
esMntial in every thing actual (in re), {c) These opposite views had a theo- 
logical significance in the controversy which sprung up between A nttelm and 
BoicdinuSj a canon of Compeigne. The latter was a nominalist, arid was 
consequently accused of Tri theism at the Synod of Somons (1092), where he 
was oompclled to retract his assertions on this subject. (r7) Nominalism, after 
this, wore a suspicious aspect in the view of the Church generally. 

fl) MoDoloffluin, Proflloginm, Cur Dens homo? (Erl. 18^.) Do conceptn vlrjrinall etoriij. pec- 
«aOpfi. (fi O^rberon, Par. 167R.) odd. Bfrnfffictt. Par. 1721. 2 Th. f— Acta S:?. Apr. Th. II. p. 
«•» (MdMer) Anffolmns. (TQb. Qnartalsclir. ls2T. 8. 4. 11.) Billroth^ do Ans. Pr<»sl(>glo. ct Monol. 
Ifi1S91 9«ef 184. notoa. 

^) Sententiaram 1. IV. Yen. 1477. reo. J. AleawnA, Lovan. 1M6. f. and often. 

e) / S-iUih^rii Phil. Nomlnalinin vindicata. Par. 16.M. BaumgarUn-Cnmhn*^ de vero 8choL 
^'■nian et Nomlnallum disor. decretisqae ipAorum theol (Opnscc. 1886. p. 55fts. KenKKlelling iA tho 
Nr. of 1821.) 

<0 JoannU Jfon. Ep. Ana. {Riltu. Miscell 1. IV. p. 473.) Ajuelmi 1. IL Ep. 85. 41. and (1094) 
^ ^ fide Trln. et de incarn. Terbi c. blasphemlas RuzclinL 


§ 219. MyRticism. First Period, 

IT. /khmid, <!. Mystic d. Mitt Alt in s. Entstvhungsper. Jen. 1824. AUt. Lisbner, Hugo t. 8. 
Victor, n. d. tlieol. Klohtungcn er, Ztit L[)z. lf^82. J. Gorrgg^ dio christl. Mystik. liefirensb. lS86ia 
8 vols. A. JMffericK, d. chr. Mystik in Hirer Kntw. u. Ihrer Denkm. voL L Entwleklungstgotoli. 
Qotb. 184S. [L. Koact^ Gesch. d. cbr. Mystik. Li>8. lSft3.] 

The tendency of the age in the direction of the feelings and of the ima^- 
nation was shown in a mysticism of a lively and vigorous character. This 
was an effort of the human mind, by means of its affections, to connect 
itself immediately with the Deity. It was not unfriendly to the Church, but 
it was earnest against the moral abuses found there. Bernard discovered 
the highest life which man can attain in a perpetual love of God, which, 
while it is vigorous in action and in self-denials, poetic in its utterances, and 
the source of all spiritual knowledge of God, is neverthele^ conscious that 
it is itself inexpressible, (a) Richard of St, Victor (d. 1173), by means of 
biblical allegories, made known the secrets of the human heart struggling for 
words, for he describes the process of contemplation as one in whose highest 
flights the soul in ecstatic rapture is perfectly blessed with intuitions of the 
diviue glory, (h) The fanciful nature of this spirit appears in the revelations 
of Hililegard^ Abbess of the convent of Rupert, near Bingen (d. 1178). 
Under the sanction of St. Bernard, they were acknowledged to be actual 
divine revelations, because the figures and allegories in which they wero 
clothed were agreeable to the taste of her contemporaries. But although they 
revealed nothing supernatural, they contained many profound views of the 
mysteries of history. {*-) In the convent of St. Victor near Paris, ever since 
its founder (1109), William of Champeavx^ had been obliged to give way 
before the more brilliant reputation of his pupil Abelard, a reconciliation had 
been sought between Mysticism and Scholasticism, on the ground that the 
latter was represented by inspired men, and the former professed to be a 
series of spiritual elevations, (r/) The profoundly spiritual mind of Hugo of 
St. Victor (died 1141), naturally inclined to discover the points of agreement 
between different systems, regarded Scholasticism as an excellent preparation 
for Mysticism, since it intelligently established the doctrines of the latter, 
and in its perfection must lead the soul up to the enjoyment of ecstatic emo- 
tions, lie therefore regarded each of these tendencies of the mind as the 
complement and correlative of the other, (e) The union of these distinct ele- 

d) Especially, De contcmtu mundi, de consideratioDe, de dlllgcndo Deo, Tr. ad Hugonem de 8. 
Vict comp. $ 207. 

h) E«pocia]Iy, De statu inter honilnia, de praepar. animi ad contempl. s. Benjamin minor, de gra- 
tia conteinpl. s. BenJ. major. 0pp. Hothom. 1650. t—LUbner, Rich, a S. Vict do eonteropL doctriniL 
Gott 1S37. P. I. Etigelhardt, Kicli. v. 8. Victor u. Ruysbroek. Erl. 1S3S, 

c) Scitku, (Ucvclationes S. Vlrgg. Ilildeg. et P:ii8. Col. 162!^ f.) Liber dlvlnorum opp. simplidi 
hominis. comp. ^fannl ad Fabric. Blbl. med. et In£ Lat Th. III. cd. PaUiv. p. 2638JS.— C. Ifeinert, 
de S. Hild. vita. (Coinm. Soc Oott Tb. XIL Claasi. bist et ph.) J. K. Dahl, d. b. Uild. Mainz. 1881 
Gdrres, vol. I. p. 2N'is». II. p. 210s. 
. d) SchlohHf.r^ Abb. zu Vincent v. Beaavals' Ilandb. Frkf. 1S19. vol. IL 

e) Eftpccially, do uacramcntls cbr. fidei L II. Opp. Kothom. 1643. 3 Th. t According to tbe prooft 
addacod by Li^hn^r. (Stud. u. Krit 1S31. part 2. p. 2^4«l.) tbe Tractitus tbeol. ascribed to Ilildebert 
(Ilildeb. Opp. ed. Beaugendre, Par. 1703. C) contains nothing except tbe first four books of Hugo's 
Summa Bententt 


ments of the age after all never became a prominent result, for even Hugo^s 
successor, Kichard, declared decidedly in favor of Mysticism, and Walter of 
St. Victor (1180), who had studied under Richard, assailed the most celebra- 
ted loaders of the French Scholastic party as sophists and heretics. (/) lie 
defended Mysticism without really being a Mystic, but JoJui of Salisbury^ a 
faithful companion of Becket, and who became, after the assassination of that 
prelate, a bishop of Chartres (d. 1182), stood, hke one conversant with Ro- 
mans and Greeks, in an entirely different position. It is true that he justi- 
fied philosophy on account of its general utility for moral purposes, but 
honestly exposing his pride of an empty knowledge to the ridicule of his 
contemporaries, he predicted, as a warning to others, that Scholasticism, in 
the course of its scientific investigations, would lose the truth. (^) 

§ 220. Ahelard, 1079-1142. 

L Letters of Abelard and 1Ielui«e, especially Ep. I. in the Kuits De bistoria calamitatnm saarnm, 
vlth notes by Du Che^ne. Intrudiictiu ad Tbcol L III. incomp^to. {Abiul. et I/el. 0pp. ed. ylm- 
hoUe, Par. 1616. 4.) TlieoL chr. I. V. {Martens Thoa. Anecd. Tli. V. p. 1156.) Etiilcji a. L. aclto te 
iimm. (f r3 ji, Anecd. v. III. P. II. p. 627.)— Dial inter Philos., Judacam et Christian, cii. Rkein- 
teoU^ Ber. 1S81. Sic et non. Dialcctica. (and dialectical fragments in: Ouvragej) \wiiK\\\s iF Ahelard 
pablie* par Victor Cou9in^ Par. 1S36. 4) Sic et Non. Primuin integrum cdd. E. L, Ilt^ik^ et O. & 
UtuJeuMil^ Marb. 1S51. From his school : Abael. Epitome Thcol. chr. ed. Rheinwald, Ber. 1985. 
[Abailtfiii et IleL Epp. Oxon. 172S. 8. Lettrcs d'Ab. et llel. traduits sur les ninnui'crits de la bib- 
BotlL royal p. E. Oddotil, pr^cdos d'un Essa! hist p. M. et Mme Guizot, Par. 18:39. 2 voU.] 

IL <;«rr'ii*». vie de P. Ab. et lUl Par. (1720) 1723. 2 Th. Hist lit de la Fr. Th. XII. p. 86. 62988. 
/ Berington^ Hist, of the Lives of Ab. and UeL from 1079-1168, with the Letters from the Coll. of 
Amboii<>. Binning. 17SS. 4 Sc/tlo8^er, Ab. u. Dulcin, Leben e. Sch warmers u. e. Phil. Ooth. 1S07. 
/. II. F. FttrichK, de Ab. doct dogm. et mor. Jen. 1727. Cou«in^ Introduction to his edition. 
/ D. H. Goldhorn^ de snmmi.^ princlpils Theol. Ab. Lfis» 1&.S6. JK A. LetoaUiy de 0pp. Ab. qnae 
CflOslB ed Ueidelb. 1S89. 4 Ftanck, Bcllr. asu WQrdlg. Ab. (Tab. Ztltachr. IWO. II. 4) M. Ca- 
•*»■< Ab. u. HeL Giesa. 1S44 J. A Jacohi, Ab. u. llel. Brl. 1850. F. Braun, de Ab. Ethica. Marb. 
1«1 [0. W. Wight, The Romance of Ab. and Uel. New York. 1S58. 12. Bohringer, Church of 
Christ and its Witnesses, in last vol 1S54] 

In its opposition to Scliolasticism, Mysticism found its most dbtinguished 
anta^nist in Abelard. His reputation in the schoob was more brilliant, his 
spirit more liberal, his familiarity with the ancient Roman writers more inti- 
ntte, and his independence of the ecclesiastical fathers greater, than that of 
«iy of his associates of the schoListic party. He regarded the principle, that 
nothing is to be believed which is not understood, as the primary maxim of 
tbit school. This doctrine of the supremacy of reason, when taken in con- 
J^ection with that of the absolute authority of the Church in matters of faith, 
^bich was equally sustained by Abelard, produced an obvious incongruity in 
bis fandaniental principles. Even in his youth he took delight in vanquish- 
H the most renowned teachers of that period by his dialectic skill. He 
^Qght (after 1115) on Mount St. Genevieve, and became the most celebrated 

/) Cootra novas haeresca, qu&<) Sophistae Abaelardus, Lombar<lus, Pctrus Pictav. et Gilber- 
^ I'orretan. libris sentt c^uarum acuunt Generally called : Contra quatuor labyrinthos Galiiae. 
**«»ia ^o^a« U. Univ. Paris. Th. II. p. 2'JO. 402. 662. 629ss. A. Planck, Q. d. 8chr. d. Walth. 
'•*• V. (Stuii u. Krit 1*44 IL 4) 

^ PoHcraticna S. de nagis cnrialium et vcstigiis phUosophor. 1. YIII. Lugd 1689. Metaloglotis, 
^ ^^- /''. 1610. Epp. 80a (Bibl PP. max. voL XXIIL p. 242.)— /Tl Reuter, Job, v. Saliab. Ber- 



instructor in philosophy and theology then in Paris. It was there that he 
found the higltest rapture and the deepest grief in his love of Heloise. Her 
lofty spirit scorned to become the wife of Abelard, for she thought sach a 
connection incompatible with his attainment of those ecclesiastical dignities 
which she regarded as his proper right. Even this hope her relatives 
attempted to baffle by an act of most shameful atrocity (1119). Abelard 
then took refuge from the world in the convent of St. Denys, where in an 
earnest penitential spirit he was gradually enabled to praise God for the 
chastisements which he had endured. Heloise was induced solely by her 
attachment to him to take the veil. Compelled to return to his station as an 
instructor by the solicitations of the academical youth, he was opposed by 
the combined jealousy of the Scholastics and the hatred of the Mystics. At 
a synod held at SoUaona (1121), at which a legate presided, his "Introduc- 
tion to Theology " was condemned to be burnt as an infidel representation 
of the doctrine of the Holy Trinity, and he himself was sentenced unheard to 
be confined in a very retired convent. But such severe ill-treatment only 
increased the sympathy of the people with him, and he was soon after per- 
mitted by the legate to return to St. Denys. When, however, he was per- 
secuted by the monks on account of his discovery that Dionysius of Paris 
was not the Areopagite, he betook himself to a wilderness near Nogent. Im- 
mense multitudes followed him to this retreat that they might listen to his 
instructions, and in a forest they constructed a multitude of huts, and a temple 
which he dedicated to the Spirit, the Comforter. When threatened with new 
persecutions, he committed this Paraclete to the care of Heloise as its abbess, 
and consented to become the abbot of the convent of St. Gildas at Rnits, in 
Brittany, to which he had been elected (1126). Here for ten years he strug- 
gled unsuccessfully to establish monastic discipline, when he gave up the 
attempt and returned to give lectures once more as a professor in Paris. 
There ho was opposed by a crowd of enemies under the direction of St, Ber- 
nard, A catalogue of alleged heresies was extracted from his writingSi, many 
of which were contrary to the ordinary mode of instruction in the Ohnrch, 
or would admit of inferences inconsistent with the orthodox creed. The real 
controversy related to the subject of Scholasticism itself, which was accused 
of desecrating divine mysteries by its daring attempts at analysis, {a) The 
spirit of Abelard was now broken, and when his writings were condemned 
at a synod held at Sen8 (1140), he appealed to the pope, by whom he was 
doomed on Bernard's representation to a perpetual confinement in a con- 
vent, (b) An asylum was finally secured for him by Peter of Clttgny, and 
when he died the body of her friend was committed to the hands of He- 
loise (c) as an offering richly adorned by God himself in behalf of mental 
freedom, not only in the literary but in the social world. It is diflScult to 
tell whether he was most beloved or hated by the age in which he lived. 

a) Bemardi Ep. 18S. ad Cardlnales. 169. ad Innoc Tr. do errorlb. Ab. ad Innoc (Opp. Th. IV. 
pi 114.) Also with the Index XIX. capituL in the works of Abelard. ^ 

h) Docnrnentd of Synod, sent to the pope bj- Bernard^ Ep. 8T0. Abelarda Apology in <^k><i<^^'^ 
to Bernanl in bis Kp. 20. (0pp. p. 880e&) Satires respecUng the Synod and St Bernard by Btrmkr 
gariua ScholasticM, Apologet pro magistro c. Bernard. {Abaelardi 0pp. p. SOSaa.) 

c) Petri Yen. Ep. ad Uel. HeloUmt ad Petrura. {Ahati. 0\^ p. SSTaa.) 


§ 221. Thi! Sacred Scriptures, 

Many works upon the Scriptures were written by persons belonging to the 
circles of the Mystics and the Scholastics, but although they exhibited a high 
degree of mental acuteness and sprightliness, they displayed an entire want 
of a proper conception of the peculiarities of ancient times. Though these 
peculiarities were not unknown to the authors, they nevertheless received a 
deep coloring from the outward relations of the modern world, and yet were 
represented as a tradition from the past An abundant literature was also 
formed around the sacred writings. In her Pleasure Garden, Herrad^ the 
Abbess of Landsperg (about 1176), has contrived to weave into the scrip- 
taral history a general summary of all secular knowledge, (a) All kinds 
of literature are full of allusions to something in the Bible. But although 
the Jews were induced by their Arabic learning to investigate the He- 
brew text, the Scriptures were interpreted by ecclesiastical writers with- 
oat any important aid from a knowledge of other languages. The vari- 
008 manuscripts of the Vulgate differed widely from each other. The glosses 
of Walqfrid Strdbo (849) and Anselm of Laon (d. 1117), were generally used, 
although they were nothing but verbal definitions and paraphrases derived 
from the ecclesiastical fathers, (b) In the more extended commentaries, four 
different senses were presupposed in every scriptural passage ; the historical 
meaning was regarded only as the vestibule to the sanctuary, and whatever 
life appeared was expended in the play of allegorical interpretations. Ru' 
perif Abbot of Deutz (d. 1136), endeavored to re-establish all theology upon 
the basis of the Holy Scriptures, as the great Book through which God has 
intelligently presented the way of salvation to all nations, (c) When the 
Slaves endeavored to retain the use of their own national language in their 
rdigioos worship, they were opposed by Gregory VII, (1080), who was the 
first that ventured to censure the use of the Scriptures in the vernacular 
tongue, and justified this opposition by a reference to the mysteries of the 
primitive Church. (</) 

S 222. Commencement of a National Literature in the Twelfth Century. 

A£iint reflection of the ancient national glory long remained, almost en- 
tirely imafiected by the influence of Christianity, in the hearts of the people, 
and was exhibited in the German epic poetry. This finally received a per- 
manent written form during the thirteenth century, in the composition called 
The Xiebelungen. (a) The popular fable of the Court of the Beasts was a 
pletBant representation of human society among a people conversant with 
the simple life of the forest. As this story had already been to some extent 
amilarly applied by some of his predecessors, it was formed by a monk of 
Clngny about the middle of the twelfth century into the fable of Reinardus^ 

0) Hortos dellcfauoini, a roannwript with miniatures in the Lib. at Strasbnrg. Engelhardt^ Her- 
'»* T^ n. llir H. delic Stuttg. 1818. 

^ WiiUi/ridi Oloeea ordlnaria in Biblla. (0pp. Par. 1852. 2 yolfli In the Patrol ed. Migne, voL 
^^HL) An$dmi Oloeea loterlinearis. Bas. 1S02. t and often. 

f) BuperU TuUienM%, Opp. Mog. 1681. 2 Th. t d) Greg, I VII. Ep. 11. 

«) [Tbe FaU of the Niebelongcn, dec traniL hy W. IT. Letttom^ Loud. 186a] 


which contained an ironical satire upon the gluttony of the monks, and the 
avarice of tlie popes, {h) Independent of the clergy, and yet in the midst 
of the enthusiasm of the first Crusades, sprung up the joyous^ art of the 
Troubmlovrif. With passionate zeal it entered into all the discussions of the 
age, and though its inspirations were sometimes employed in singing the ex- 
ploits of the Oliurch, it was at other times equally fearless in opposing the 
bad practices of the hierarchy, and was always independent of ecclesiastical 
control, (c) The Suabian minnesingers^ the nightingales of the middle ages, 
near the close of the first half of tlie twelfth century began to sing of earthly 
love, joy, imd sorrow. The ordinary feelings with which men regarded the 
Blessed Virgin were transferred by these minstrels to the whole female sex. {d) 
Walter of the Vogeliceide penetrated far into the mysterious emotions of genu- 
ine Christianity, and yet confessed with childlike candor that he found in his 
heart notliing like love toward his enemies. On the other band, with the 
spirit of a real German, he set himself in opposition to all priestly dissimula- 
tion and the unrighteous ban which the pope had imposed upon his country. 
A vivid picture of the Crusades is presented in the legends and songs relat- 
ing to the expedition of Charles the Great into Spain. In these poems that 
monarch, who is called pre-eminently the servant of God, with his twelve 
paladins, are described as exposing their bodies to the most imminent perils 
for the benefit of their souls. Instead of the treasures of the Niebel- 
ungenlied with its heathenish spirit, we now have the story of the San 
Graal. The knightly epic, however, when it became fully developed, was 
not much pervaded by the ecclesiastical spirit. The meditative Wolfram 
of Eschenhach^ in his poem of the Parzival, enters indeed into the proper 
ideas of the Church, distinguishes between the ideal and the actual, and 
describes the expiations and tlie external holiness which are necessary 
to the enjoyment of a higher life, but what he describes is not an eccle- 
siastical expiation, and the guai'dians of his sanctuary are not priests, hot 
holy knights and a divinely consecrated king. The luminous Godfrey of 
Strashurg in his Tristan described the sumptuous life of the court, in which, 
totally regardless of the decisions of the Church, the eternal rights of the 
heart were treated as inviolable, even when opposed to what was then called 
the sacrament of marriage, {e) As early as the time of the Othos, laymen 
generally scorned the cultivation of every kind of science, and towards the 
close of the twelfth century the clergy entirely renounced the study of all 
literature in the language of the people. The general result of all the influ- 
ence of this age was, that the clergy entirely lost the monopoly they had pre- 
viously possessed in the mental cultivation of the people. (/) Hence, at the 
same time with the ecclesiastical sciences, a species of poetry was formed, 
dictated solely by those feelings which exist in every human bosom. It was 
not, however, a poetry altogether popular in its character, for it was highly 

h) Gervinus^ Oesch. iL poet Nation. Literatur. vol. L p. lOSaa. ^ 

c) The partlculara in Jlillot, Baynonard u. unserm Dietz. 

d) a Barthfl, Oppoa. gegen die Hierarcbie. Walther y. d. Y. (Zeitsob. t hiat Th. 1846. H. &) 

e) The particulars in Oorrea, Lachmann, Oritnuif Oervinua, and Hagen. 
/) Comp. ff, LeOi y. d. deben Yramichelten. (HaL) 1889. 


artificial, and adapted only to tlie cbivalroas tastes of the knights. The 
most hrilliant exhibitions of its power were presented at the court of the 


Adam* Brem. ({ 170.) I^tud. de sfta Daniae et rellqnaram, quae trans Daniam sunt, regionum 
Mtan, aMribb et reL ed. Fabric Uamb. UOd. I 

§ 223. The Holy Ansgar. 801-805. 

L A letter of Ansgar and the Life of St. WUlehad. {PeirU Th. II. p. 878.) Vita Anskarii by 
bis folk>wer RimberL (Ed. Dahlmann in PerU Th. II. p. 6S3.) Life of a Willehad and S.'Ansgar, 
aeben. m. Aom. v. Carsten MUe^afs^ Brm. 1826. S. Anskarii Ptgmenta. Written with the assist- 
aace of Lappenburg^ Ilarab. 1844 

XL JS. C Kruac^ S. Ansgar. Alton. 18281 F. A. KnimmacJuTy S. Ansgar. alte u. neue ZeiL 
Brvm. 1S2S. //. ReutenlaAl^ Ansg. n. d. An&ngspunkt d. Chr. in Schwed. ft*om the Swedish by 
Matftrhqf^ BrL 1SS7. F. C. Kraffl, Narr. do Ansg. aquilonarium gentium Apost Hamb. 1840. 4. 
Q. n. Klippd^ Lebensbeschr. d. Ercb. An^g. Brem. 1845. [Dtplomatarium Norvegicunif ed. by 
(Z jMng€ and C. R. Unger^ to bo in 10 Tola., bat only the Ist part in 1849, and the 2d in 1852, are 
ret pubL Cbristiaoia. 4to.] 

The Danish prince JTarald having obtained the throne of his ancestors 
by the assistance of Louis the Pious, after a long contest with his competi- 
tora, became a willing instrument by which the policy of the Prankish 
monarch might be carried out in his own country. He was baptized in the 
city of Mentz (826), and his followers were delighted with the splendid gifts 
conferred on them by the sponsors. On his return to Jutland, he was accora- 
ptnied by Ansgar^ a monk of Oorvey, who had been induced by his religions 
feeKngg and a vision of Christ, to consecrate himself to the work of convert- 
ing the heathen. The archbishopric of Hamburg was founded for him by 
Lonis the Pious with the papal consent (881), for the propagation of Chris- 
tianity in the Northern countries. As this city was soon after pillaged by 
pirttes, from whose ravages nothing was saved by Ansgar but some relics, 
his archbishopric was attached by the Gorman king and the pope to the 
hiahopric of Bremen (849). Having beeA appointed the papal legate and the 
hnperia], ambassador for the northern nations, Ansgar resided in this latter 
oty, and possessed an influence among those people which prepared the way 
for his subsequent efforts in Jutland and Sleswio. He was not, indeed, very 
seriondy opposed in his labors, except by the indifference of the people. 
This he endeavored to overcome by obtaining possession of heathen children, 
Mid by ransoming those persons who had been carried into captivity, and 
•raining them to be future missionaries. On his first mission to Sweden 
^829), he found some germs of Christianity already existing there, and by 
the favor of the court he was permitted to plant some ftirther seeds of the 
P>spel among the people. These, however, were soon after entirely de- 
stroyed in a popular insurrection. His second visit to that country (855) was 
"^ore sQcoeasfuI, since the proclamation of the new faith was then tolerated 
^^ the people and their gods, on account of the protection afforded by the 
^ of the Christians to those who went to sea. He was often discovered 


by Reimbert in tears, because he was not regarded by his Lord worthy of 
the martyrdom which he supposed had been promised him. 

§ 224. German Nations of the North. 

The fonndation which had been laid by Ansgar in Denmark was protected 
and enkrged by the influence of the Saxon emperors, although it was viewed 
with great dishke by many as the religion of their national enemies. The 
cause of Christianity, however, gained new strength by the continuance of 
their connection with the Normans. This people, ever since the commence- 
ment of the tenth century, had obtained possessions by conquest in England 
and France, and had adopted the faith as well as the higher civilization of 
the conquered nations. The triumph of the new religion was finally secured 
through the conquest of England by the Danish kings. Canute the Great 
secured the union of Denmark with England, and the reconciliation of the 
two nations by the establishment of the Church among the Danes; and 
while he was on his pilgrimage to Rome (1027), in accordance with his pre- 
vious stipulations, it was connected with the Roman Church, (a) By means 
of persons sent forth from Bremen, Christianity continued to extend itself 
in Siceden, and though at first its progress was slow, it was without opposi- 
tion, and connected with many harmless heathen customs. Alms and fasts 
were vowed to the Lord Christ by a city in^ time of distress, though it was 
still in a state of heathenism. The drinking horns of heathen chiefs were 
not unfrequently emptied to the health of Christ and of the archangel 
Michael. The series of Christian kings commenced with Olaf SchooUkonig 
(1008), but the temple of Odin at Upsala was not destroyed, until, after a 
sanguinary contest, it was levelled with the ground by King Inge (1075). (5) 
The gospel was conveyed to Norway in the ninth century by some seafaring 
youth, but the white Christ was generally regarded by the people as the god 
of a foreign nation. Harald Harfagar^ in a public assembly, took an oath 
that he would never again present an offering to deities whose sway extended 
merely to his own country, but only to one who was Lord of the whole 
earth, and by whose help he hoped to extend his authority over all Norway. 
And yet when his son Hacon the Qood (936-950), who had been educated 
and baptized in England, thereupon proposed that all the people should be 
baptized, not only was the proposal rejected, but the prince was compelled to 
feign that a cross which he had formed upon Odin^s cup was int^ided for the 
sign of Thor's hammer. At his funeral the Skald proclaimed that he had been 
admitted to the Valhalla, because he had mildly forborne to destroy the sacred 
things belonging to the ancient gods. The cause of Christianity, however, 
had now become identified with that of the supreme monarchs of the coon- 

o) Sawo Orammaticus^ (died about 1804.) Hist Danicae L XVI. ed. SiephaniuA, Bor. 1644. 8 
Til. t Klotz^ LpB. 1771. A.—Pantoppidan^ Annal. Eco. Dan. dii»lomatici. Hanr. 1741as. Th. I. 
Jf&nter^ KOeach. v. Dancm. n. Norw. Lpz. 1828. toL I. F. C. DaAlmann^ Qtaeh. r. Dinoem. 
Hamh. 1840. toI. I. p. 28^ 

b) Claudii Oemhjulm, Hist Sneonnm Gotboramqae ecc 1. IV. Stockb. 1689. 4. Btatuta syiM>* 
dalla vet Ecc Sucvogotbicae, ed. ReuUrdahl, Lond. 1841. 4. — Oeijer, Qoscb. Scbwed. A. d. schwed. 
Handschr. t. Leffler, Uamb. 188a toI. L [F. C. Oeijer^ H. of tbe 8w«de9L TYansL fh>m tbe Swcdiib, 
by J. n, 7Vtrfi«r, Lend. 1347. 8.] 


try, and the former kings of the particolar tribes were as tenacious of their 
ancient gods, as they were of the private rights sanctioned by those deities. 
The wild and intriguing influence of Olaf Trygtesen (995-1000) was ex- 
pended in accomplishing the triumph of the Church, to effect which he was 
supplied with priests from England and Bremen. Ohtf the Thicl\ who be- 
came king of Norway in the year 1019, in an expedition he made at the head 
of his army throughout his kingdom, arranged the affairs of the Church on 
a permanent basis. Dissatisfied, however, with his policy, the heathen por- 
tion of the nation delivered up his kingdom into the hands of Canute the 
Great. In defence of the cause of the cross, Olaf appealed to the religious 
enthusiasm of his subjects, and finally perished in a disastrous battle (1083). 
But even in the succeeding year, when hatred began to be awakened in the 
bosoms of the Normans against the dominion of foreigners, a strong feeling 
of attachment for Olaf was revived, and his body being taken from its grave, 
was found free from decay. From that time, under the name of St. Olafi 
be has been invoked as the patron saint of Norway, and after a single cen- 
tury he was honored by all the Northern nations, (r) In Iceland^ Christian- 
ity having been proclaimed by several transient messengers, Olaf Trygvesen 
at last found a permanent lodgment, and after a severe conflict it was for the 
sake of peace accepted at a general assembly of the people (1000), though 
with the condition that men might worship the ancient gods in private, and 
that cMldren might be publicly exposed without molestation, (d) About this 
time, also, a flourishing bishopric was erected by some emigrants from Iceland 
on the eastern shore of Greenland, whose tithes were paid at Rome in the 
teeth of walruses, (e) In all these Northern countries the moral and social 
spirit of Christianity had to contend with the custom of private revenge for 
Uood shed by enemies, the right of a freeman to commit suicide, the expo- 
tore of children, and the eating of the flesh of horses and of vultures. 
When the images of the gods were destroyed by bold and powerful men with 
no ^vine judgments following the action, the people generally acknowledged 
thit Christ was the superior Deity. The ancient world of the gods was not, 
bowever, entirely renounced, but only thrown back into a mysterious abyss, 
ttid converted into a gloomy kingdom of magic, peopled by trolds, nixies, 
ttd elves. There was indeed a legend current among the more indulgent 
portion of the people, which held out a hope that even the spirits of nature 
would in some future period be redeemed from their state of banishment. (/) 

e) L Snorro SturlMoru, (died 1241.) Heioukringla, ed. Schoeninff, Hafn. 1777ss. 5 Th. £ [Transl. 
btoEngL by & Laing, 8 vote. Lond. 1844.] IL Munter, KOescb. v. D. u. Norw. vol I. p. 481sa. 
\^ Crkkton, Scandinavia. Anc and MwL &c Edinb. 1839. 2 vote. & U. W/teaton, Hist of the 
Htrtkmen, Ac New ed. New York. 1847. 2 vola.] 

^ L Idendingabok (by priest Are the Wise, died 1148.) c. 78A. Ucbere. in Dahlmann's Forsch. 
A^ 1821 voL L p. 4726a. JInngurcaka a. Iliat primunini VSkallioltenMuin In lt\. Episcc (IStb 
^t) Hafti. 1778w Kritini-Saga a. Utet rel. ctir. In IsL introd. (14th cent) Hafn. 1774.— II. Finni 
^^^nti, Hkst ecc laL Hafh. 177288. 4 Tb. 4. SUiudlin^ 0. kirchL Geech. u. Gregur. v. Is). (Rllist 
^^ ToL XL pt 1.) Munter^ vol I. p. ol9!& [An Uist and De5crip. Account of Iceland, Qrcen- 
lo'd.aiui the Faroe lalanda, &c (Ed. Cab. Lib.) Edinb. and New York. 1840.] 

*) TorfciH Groenl. antiqoa. Ilafb. 1706. Munter^ vol L p. fid5sa. Comp. Autiquitates Ameri- 
■b Serr. septentr. reram ante €k>lambianar. Ilafh. 1887. 4. 

/) Qrimm, MytboL p. 279. 


One resnlt at least of the conversion of these Northern nations, was that 
those countries of Europe which bordered on the sea were no longer exposed 
to the ravages of pirates. (</) The ecclesiastical supervision of them which 
had previously been vested in the see of Bremen was now (1104) transferred 
to the archbishopric of Lund. 

§ 225. The Slavic Nations, 

The Slavic nations acknowledged the existence of a Supreme Being, whom 
they regarded as the original Creator of a^l things, but they also paid divine 
honors to a race of gods which they believod to have sprung from him. 
Those were divided into two classes, 6alled the white and the black deities. 
Although the latter represented the destructive powers of nature, they were 
not viewed as absolutely evil, since they allowed the germ of life to remain 
even in the things which they decomposed. Those divinities were repre- 
sented by uncouth symbolical forms, and in the several tribes there were 
found sacred cities and a hierarchy, (r/) Some conversions effected among 
the Slaves by Charles the Great were as transitory as his conquests. The 
conversion and spiritual superintendence of the people who resided near the 
Danube were intrusted to their neighbors, the Archbishops of Salzbnrg and 
Lorch, whose rights were subsequently possessed by the Bishop of Passan. 
The Slavic nations, however, were too much opposed to any connection with 
Germany, (ind too little acquainted with the German or Latin languages, to be 
influenced by a Christianity coming to them from that quarter. The Holy 
Scriptures, the preaching of the gospel, and the services of religion, were 
introduced to the Moravians in the Slavonian language by two Greek monks 
(863), Cyrillus (Constantine) and Methodius^ who became connected with 
Rome, but did not relinquish their peculiar Greek forms of worship. Metho- 
dius was consecrated at Rome Archbishop of Moravia, and the Slavish forms 
of worship received the papal sanction (880), on the ground that God under- 
stood all languages and should be worshipped by all nations. His efforts, 
however, to erect a distinct national Church met with continual oi)position 
on the part of the German bishops, and finally (908) the Moravian kingdom 
was divided by the swords of the Hungarians and Bohemians. The Shivish 
ritual was kept up under these new rulers in only a few churches, principally 
in Illyria. (h) Towards the close of the ninth century, Borziwoi, Duke of 
Bohemia, was induced by the flattering promises of Methodius to receive bap- 
tism. His last days were spent with his sainted wife Litdmilla in retirement 
from the world. Wencenlaus (928-938), his grandson, urged forward the 

g) Adam JSrem. Do situ Dan. c 96. 

a) Frencel. de dii^ Sorabor. et al. Slavor. {ITqffinann^ Scrr. rer. Lnaat Tb. II.) Mon€, Geach. 
d. Heidentb. im nunll. Eur. vol. I. p. 11 Its. OieseUr^ 0. d. Verbreitnng cliristl. dual. Lehrbegr. 
nnter d. Slaren. (Stud. n. Krit 1837. II. 2. p. 867s&) HanmcK ^^ Wis& d. slay. Mytbua. Lemb. 
1&42. P. J. ScJiafiiHk, slaw. Alterlhftmer, edit by WuUke, Lpt 1848. 2 vols. 

h) I. Vita ConsUntini, by a contemporary writer. (AcU 8S. Mart Th. IL p. 19.) rreabf- 
1m^ IHocleatia (abontn^l), Rcgnum Slavor. c Ssa. {Schldxer't Nestor, vol. IIL p. 153aB.) ManH 
Tb. XVIII. p. 182t«.— II. A»8emani Kalendarta Ecc univ. Rom. 1755. 4. Tb- III. PUara et iforo- 
wet9, Moravian Hist eccl. et pol. BrunnL ITSSea. 8 Tb.— </. Dohrotonky: Cyrill. a. Metb. der Slaren 
Apostel. Trag. 1823. Mahr. Lepende v. Cyr. u, Mcth, Prag. 182(1.— Qlagolldca, Ueber den Urspr. d. 
riim. Slav. Liturgie. 2 ed. Prag. 1S82. 


progress of Ofaristianily more by his iDfluonce as a monk than as a temporal 
prince. Dissensions were produced among the people by the hostility some 
felt against the Christian faith, and finally entered even the ducal palace. 
According to popular tradition, Ludmilla was put to death by her own 
daughter-in-law, and Wenceslaus by his brother. Christianity, however, 
having passed through severe persecutions, obtained a sanguinary triumph 
ander Bolenlaus the Mild (after 967), and with the establishment of the arch- 
bishopric of Prague (078), a permanent ecclesiastical constitution was adopted. 
As the only condition on which that see could be procured from the pope, 
the Roman ritual was also then introduced, (r) The Wends^ who resided in 
the country between the Saalo and the Oder, and were divided into many 
tribes under as many princes, being assailed by the Germans, defended them- 
selves with extreme difficulty. Otho I. was anxious to render the dominion 
he had acquired over them by the sword more secure by the baptism of the 
people, and hence the bishoprics which he established among them were 
intended to be quite as much the citadels of his own power as the castles of 
the Church. Hence, by the same act in which the Wends under MUiewoi 
threw off from their necks (983) the yoke of the German civil power, Chris- 
Hauity was also cast away. Oottschalk, his grandson, succeeded in uniting 
the several Wendic tribes into a single kingdom (1047), and was successfully 
endeavoring to establish a national Christian Church, when he was assassina- 
ted m the midst of his eflbrts (1066). The people then consecrated anew 
the altars of their ancestors with the blood of Christian priests, and every 
trace of Christianity among them was obliterated. Pomerania having been 
conqnered by Boleslaus III.^ Duke of Poland, OthOy Bishop of Bamhurg^ was 
invited by him to baptize the inhabitants. This work was finally effected by 
thatprekte (1124, 1128), {d) and other tribes were likewise overcome and 
converted by the Saxon princes, especially by Henry the Lion (1142-62). 
The desolated country became settled by various German colonies, until 
finally only a few miserable remnants of the ancient people preserved the 
Vendic language and customs, and the whole country became German and 
Christian, {e) The last refuge which the gods and the liberty of the Wends 
Iwd found in Rugen^ was burned by Ahsalon (Axel), Bishop of Roeskilde, 
the statesman and the hero of the seas (1168). {f) The gospel was carried 
into Poland by certain persons who took refuge there on the overthrow of 
the Moravian kingdom, and on the marriage of Miecislaus^ Duke of Poland, 

c) C(mM$, Praff. (died 1125.) Chron. Bohemor. (Scriptt rer. Bobem. Prag. 1784. Th. 1.) Vita 8. 
I^lttlllM. (Dolner, Abhandl. d. Bohm. Gescli. d. Wise. 1786. p. 417f«.) Vita 8. Lndm. ot 8. Wen- 
eeWiocL ChriMianno de ScaUt Mon. (Acto SS. Sept Tb. V. p. 854. Th. VII. p. 825.) F. Pttlacky, 
®«*k. ▼. BObm. Prag. 1886. vol L Torntcaldt, Adalb. v. Prag. (Zeltach. t hl»t Th. 1858. II. 2.) 

<0 Devitab. Otton. 1. III. {CanUii Lectt ed. Bamage, Tb. III. P. II.)— {Sell) Otto v. Bamb. 
^^ 1792. Bu9ch^ Meznoria Othon. Pomerani ApostolL Jon. 1824 

*) I. After Wittichind, ThlAtmar, Adam uf Bremen (§ 170), and Saxo Gramm., consult Helmoldf 
^i*«flr»t Bo»w near Labeck), Cbron. Slavorum (till 1170), ed. Bangeri, Lnb. 1659. 1702. 4. {LUbnit 
^- Bmnsu. Th. XL)— IL Kanngi^sstr^ Bekehrungsgescb. d. Pommern. Greifaw. 1824. F. W. 
*'***W, (}«9ch. V. Pommern. u. Rugen. Hamb. 1889. vol I. L. GiMebrecht^ wend. Geacb. v. 
^»8i BerL 184a 8 vols. 

/) MunUr, vol. IL Abtb. L p. 820. Abth. XL p. 78188. StArup^ Abaalon. from the Danish by 
****** (Zeltschr. t hist Th. 1882. vol IL pt. J.) 


with a Bohemian princess, Christianity became the religion of the state (966). 
By liis second marriage with the daughter of the Margrave Dietrich, and by 
its dependence upon the German empire, Poland was drawn into connections 
with the Roman Church.- Such connections being cherished with special 
care, the Polish churches were induced to pay tribute to St. Peter, the Slavic 
ritual which had previously been used in them was gradually abandoned, and 
in the subsequent political commotions of the nation the papal power was 
sometimes very great, (g) Long after this period the people were accustomed 
to celebrate the drowning of their ancient gods with lamentations and par- 
tial sorrow, (h) 

§ 226. The Hungarians. 

Schtcandtner, Scir. ror. IXnng. VInd. 1746. C Th. L F^ir, Codex diplomatlcnB Hang. eccL «l 
civ. Budae. 1829. Tb. I.— J. v. MaUath, Qesch. der Magyaren. Wien. 182S. toL L [Godkin^ Hist 
of H. Lond. 1S54.] 

A few Hungarian princes, while on a visit to Constantinople, consented 
to be baptized, tmd their country was filled with Christian slaves captured 
during the inroads of their people in Germany. By these means Christianity 
had obtained a foothold in the country, until more peaceable relations with 
Germany were established by the victories of the Saxon emperors. The em- 
peror then requested the bishops Piligrin of Passau and Adalbert of Prague 
to undertake the conversion of the Hungarians. Duke Qeysa (972-997), 
being sufficiently wealthy and powerful, was in the habit not only of build- 
ing Christian churches, but of offering sacrifices to the gods, {a) His son 
Stephen (907-1038) brought Hungary into the political community of dvil- 
ized nations, gave to the Church a permanent form of government in subjec- 
tion to Rome, and with the consent of the emperor and the sanction of the 
pope, assumed the royal crown. (5) Surrounded as he was by Christians and 
Germans, the new king ventured in various ways to curtail the ancient privi- 
leges of the people. In the political commotions which occurred during the 
ten years immediately following his death, the most violent efforts were pnt 
forth to re-establish idolatry, and were repelled with equal violence. 

§ 227. The Finns, Livonians^ and Esthonians. 

Eric the Saint^ King of Sweden, effected the conquest of the Finns 
(1157), and subjected them to the authority of his own crovni and of tlie 
Church. For a long time, however, their magicians were much more hon- 
ored than their clergy, (a) But an intercourse had already been commenced 
with Livonia by the German maritime cities. MeinJuird, a canon of Bremen, 

ff) I. After Thletmar consult Martini OcMi (about 1180X Cbron. Pol. od. BandtkU^ TanoY. 
1824. Vincent de Kadlubek (d 1226), de gestis Pol. {DIuqom, Hist Pol LpA. 1711. t Th. L>— 
IL Ch.0.v. Frieae, KOosch. d. K. Pohl. BraL 1736. vol L RdpM^ Oeach. Pol Hunb. 1840. toI 
L Append. 4. 1i) OHmm, deutsche Mythol p. 446& 

a) ThUtmar \. VIII. {Leihnit p. 420.) 

h) ChartvUiM, (18tb cent) Vita 8. StepbanL {Sehteandtneri Bcrr. iw. Hung. Vind. 1741 £ pt 
414.) Re9pectlng tbo story of tbe Crown adorned with Qreek cbaraeter^ and Uie salutation as Bex 
Apoetolicus and Legate, see A. F. KoUar^ de origg. et usu perpetno poteetatis leglsL drca aacra a^ 
Eegum Hong. Vlnd. 1764. Jlordnyi, de s. corona. Hung. Pesth. 1790. 

a) Oertkhjalm I c IV, 4. JT&fM, toL L p. 48as. 


made some attempts to convert its inhabitants (after 1186), for we find that 
he assisted them to build fortresses against their enemies, and was consecra- 
ted to the bishopric of Yxkiill. Proceeding from that point, the bishops 
obtained their respective dioceses by military conquests, in the course of 
which they were often in danger of losing their lives, and they confirmed 
the results of their preaching by leading the Germans in miniature crusades 
against the people. The bishopric of Riga was founded by Albert^ the second 
in succession after Meinhard, and the ecclesiastical subjugation of the country 
was finally completed by the weapons of an order of knights instituted by 
him (1202), called the Brethren of the Sward. With the aid of this order 
and of the Danes, the Esthonians were also subdued and converted to the 
faith (after 1211). The ascendency of this order and of the bishops was 
afterwards undisputed. (J) 


C.du PUssU d^Arffentrf, Col. jtidiciornm de novis error, ab initio XII. 8. usqne ad ann. 1632. 
Pit. 172S. 3 Th. t F&Mrien, K. u. KeUcrhist d. mittlern Zeit Ft. u. Lpz. ITTOaa. 8 voI& Flathe, 
G«ch. der Vorlaafer d. Kef. Lpz. 1S859. 2 toIs. D, Ilahn^ Qescb. d. Ketzcr. ini MA. Stuttg. 

1^15^. 3 TulflL 

§ 228. The Catharista, 

A feeling of dissatisfaction now began to manifest itself on the part of 
many persons on account of the extravagant worldly spirit of the priest- 
bood, and the religious spirit of the people began to put forth a strong pro- 
test against the Church itself. Persons of this tendency were at first burned 
(1022) at Orleans, {a) and were found in various parts of Germany (b) and 
England, but the great body of them inhabited Lombardy and Provence, (c) 
In these latter countries the Troubadours had contributed much to the spirit 
of independence with which the hierarchy was spoken of in that country, 
▼liile in Italy the Church was principally regarded as a political power. The 
emperor had no interest in destroying the enemies of the papacy, and the 
popes were obliged frequently to regard the friendship of the Lombards aa 
of more importance than the extermination of heretics. Even the contest to 
▼bich Gregory excited the laity against the married priests, either produced 

I) Bmrici LetH (aboat 1226), Orig{c. LIvoniae sacrae et civ. «. Cbron. a notls J. D. Gruberi, Fr. 
*tl{M.I74Q. f.—Parrot^ Entwickl. d. Sprachc, Abstamm. Oesch. MythoL d. LlwoDf Letten, E^tcn. 
StoUf. \m. 2 Tola. If. A. 0. de Pott, de Gladlferis 8. fratrib. militiae Chrbti. Erl. 1S06. Kurd y. 
Se^iiter, LivL a. d. Anfange deutM:hen Lebens im baltiscben Nord. Brl. 1950. 

o) Ademar^ a monk of Angoul^me abont 1209, Chron. {Baziqtiet Tb. X. p. 154a&) Oesta Syn, 
^•rdLtn. {Jiatud Th. XIX. p. 8768».) Glaber Radulf. Ill, 8. 

*) llWon tbe Lower Rbine : ExervinU, Praepoa. Steinfeld. Ep. ad Bernard- {Argeniri Th. I. p. 
*i)ll«l JSekberti Scrmm. XIII. adv. Catharorum errorea. Col. 680. (Blbl. PP. max. Th. XXIII. 

f) Tbc documents arc in Hist g6n6rale de Langnedoc par an B^n6dictiD de S. Manr. Par. 1787. 
▼ol III. Polemical writrrs near Uie end of tbe 12tb cent : Ehrardi Flandren^s L anlibaere«t& 
(Wi Pp. max. Th. XXIV. p. 1525.) Ermengardi Opsc c. baereticoss qui diount omnia vMbilia 
*^ «K a I>eo fSicta, Bed a diabolo. {Th. p. 1602.) Alani de Itunilis L IV. c haereticos rai temp. 
(The hro first volai in Alani 0pp. ed- C, de ViseJi, Antu. 1654. t The two last in C. de Viwh 
^ Scrr. Cist CoL 165<L 4)— C Schmidt^ Hist et doctrine des Catbares on Albigeois. Par. 1849. 2 vols. 


or absorbed elements hostile to every thing connected with the ecclesiastioal 
authorities (Paterini). (</) The name of CatharutSy by which this sect was 
usually designated, shows what were their ordinary pretensions. A similar 
opposition prepared the way for the influence exercised by the Paulicians 
who had been transferred into the western countries of Europe (hence called 
Publicani, Bugri). The accounts we have respecting them are almost exclu- 
sively from their enemies, or from apostates from them, and are consequently 
full of errors and calumnies, {e) All agree, however, in describing them as 
universally and absolutely opposed to the Catholic Church and all its pomp, 
in consequence of what they professed to be an immediate communication of 
the Holy Ghost, exalting them above all conscious necessity of ecclesiastical 
or civil laws. Their opposition to every thing of a sensuous nature made 
them practically renounce all carnal pleasures, and led them theoretically to 
ascribe the whole visible universe to an evil cause and to deny the real hu- 
manity of our Redeemer. This dualistic tendency, however, may have gone 
no further than the popular notion of a devil and his subordinate spirits, and 
in a portion of the Catharistic Church it appears to have beeii modified in 
various ways, to have been full of moral seriousness and religious sincerity, 
and yet to have laid great stress upon fastings, genuflexions, and Latin forms 
of prayer. (/) Scriptural preaching and the gospels were held in much 
esteem, but various opinions prevailed among them respecting the prophets. 
The baptism of the Spirit (consolamentum) was substituted for baptism by 
water, and was administered by the imposition of the hands of all persons 
present who had themselves received it. In this ordinance only perfect 
Christians (bos homes, boni homines) received their consecration, for the 
duties which it imposed were so rigid that most persons remained catechu- 
mens (credentes, of two different degrees), and did not receive the consola- 
mentum, whi(Jh they regarded as necessary to salvation, until their dying 
hour. The dualistic view, however, could consistently forbid nothing but 
marriage and the eating of flesh. In the midst of a people thus professing 
to be filled with the Spirit, and whose pope was the Holy Ghost himself, none 
of the existing officers of the Church could exercise any of their hierarchi- 
cal prerogatives. The prohibitions contained in the Sermon on the Mount 
were accepted in their most literal and painful sense, and those who went to 
a dualistic extreme resolved the ordinary doctrines of the Church, and even all 
historical Christianity, into mere allegories illustrative of the Christian's inner 
life. On the other hand, the Pa%agii of Lombardy maintained the absolute 
authority of the Old Testament in opposition to the Manicheans who rejected 

d) Slgeberi, Gerhblac. ad ann. 1074. 

e) Bonacortiy ono of those tencbers who returned to the Cath. Charch, about 1190, Vita haereti- 
cor. 8. inanife!«tatio haervsis Catharor. {IXAchery^ Spicil Tb. L p. 20S. Supplements m BhIhmU 
Miscell. cd. ManH Th. II. p. 581.) J. Moneta^ Duniinican, aboiit 1240. adv. Cath. et Waldensea, ad. 
Bicchini^ Rom. 1743. f. liaineriiis Sacchoni\ once a chief of the sect, but afterwards a Dominican 
and Inquisitor, 1250. Snmma de Catbaris ot Leonistls. (ifarten^ Thes. nov. Anecd. Th. V. p. 1759. and 
Arffentri Th. I. p. 48. (The edit by Greiner is no ftirther the actual work of Rainerius, but a later 
collection made by some German. Gianeler, do Rainerli Sacch. Summa. Oott ISM, 4) [C Sckmidt^ 
nist et doct de la eecte des Catlian-?, etc. Par. 1849. 2 voK Stud. u. Krit 1850. IT. 4.] 

/) Thus according to an orig. doc : £in Katharlachee Ritnale, ed. by £1 Kunttt, Jen. 1899L 


it, and the Ebionite and Arian doctrines concerning Christ in opposition to 
the vieivs of the Docetae. (g) The name of this sect, as well as the time in 
which it sprung up, suggests that this revival of Jewish Christianity may have 
been occasioned by the conquest of Jerusalem, (h) The ecclesiastical rulers 
were at first very lenient toward these various sects, but they were soon com- 
pelled to resort to the severest punishments. Even then they could not pre- 
vent multitudes from embracing these doctrines in secret, and barely suc- 
ceeded in escaping from a general and public defeat. Some who urged that, 
according to the teaching of Christ and the example of St. Martin, such un- 
fortunate persons ought to receive instruction rather than hanging, could 
gain no attention. (/) 

§ 229. Peter of Bniys and Ilenry, Tanchelm and Eon, 

In the course of the opposition which sprung up against the Church in 
the twelfth century, a few individuals became prominent either as advocates 
or leaders of sects. Peter de Bruys^ who had been deposed from the priest- 
hood, but preached (after 1104) in the south of France, was one of these. 
He declaimed against the baptism of infants, the mass, and celibacy, burned 
the cross which had been the instrument of our Lord's passion, and called 
Tipon his hearers to destroy the churches, since God was as willing to hear 
prayer offered to him in an inn or a stable as from before an altar. Many 
disturbances of a violent nature were created by him, but he was finally 
hnmed by a mob at St. Gilles (1124). (a) Henry ^ a monk who had with- 
drawn from his order, and was sometimes thought to be a pupil of Peter de 
Brays, labored in the same region of country (1116-48), and was at first 
highly honored even by the clergy. He was a strenuous preacher of repent- 
Mce, and though not opposed to ecclesiastical authority, held up the corrup- 
tions of the clergy to the derision of the people. He was finally overcome 
hy his powerful opponent, and ended his days in prison. {Ji) Tanchelm (about 
1115), who resided on the sea-coast of the Netherlands, preached zealously 
Against ecclesiastical organizations, collected around himself an armed train of 
followers, claimed to be God equal to Christ on account of the Holy Ghost which 
lie professed to have received, held public celebrations in honor of his espou- 
sal to the Virgin Mary, and was finally slain (about 1124) by a priest, (c) 
-S^n (Eudo de Stella) proclaimed that he had been sent into the world to be 
the judge of the living and the dead. He made his appearance sometimes in 
one and sometimes in another place in difterent parts of France, attended by 

C) BoMcorn in IXAchery^ p. 211ss. O. Bergomensis c Cath. et Pasagios c a. 1230. (Jfuratori 
Antiqq. luL Med. aevi. vol V. p. 152as.) [C. U. JIahn, Gesch. d. Kctzer im MA. bes. Im 11. 12. u. 
'*"Mrh. StuUg. 185a 8 vols.] 

*) Compi I/fcher^ Sef. Acta. vol. L p. 857. On the other hand : Baumg. Crusius, Comp. d. 

*) Bennanni Conir. Chron. ad. ann. 1052. Gesta Eplscc. Leodiens. c. 60. 60a. {Martene, ampllss. 

0) Pe^ Ventr. Ep. adv. Pctwhrussianofl haer. (Blbl. PP. max. Tb. XXII. p. 102888. 

h Acta EpiBc. Ccnomancnslum c 358. {JlabiUon vott Analecta. Th. III.) Bernardi Vita scr. 
^«^. Ill, «. 

^ Ep. Tr^ectenito Ec?. ad Frid. Archlep. Colon. (ArgerUri Tb. I. p. IIsbl) Abatlardi Intr. ad 
"*•■ (Opp. ^ low.) ViU Xorbsrti, § 8«. (AcU 83. Jun. Th. L p. 84&) 


a bold retinne, and living in so samptuous a style on the wealth of the 
churches and monasteries, that the people generally believed him to be a ma- 
gician. He was at last taken by surprise, arraigned before a Synod at 
Bheims (1148), and without despairing of the success of his cause, died in 
the prison of St. Denys. {d) 

§ 230. The Waldenses. 

I. MemoriiUs of the Wald. Manuscripts in Geneva and Dublin, generally affected hy later I'rotcs- 
tant influences (comp. Diockhoff, modifled by Herzog), especially with respect to times before Host: 
(^ntica, described by Ileitog^ p. 72:91 and la nobla Leyczon in Raynouard^ Cboix des po^es 
orig. des Troubad. Par. 1818. vol. II. p. 78sb. According to the Geneva and Dublin text in Ueraog^ 
p. 444ns. Kath. Verdicts and Prutucols of the Inquisition in Argentri^ (CoL J ad. vol. I. p. Tits.) 
and Ph. a Limhurch^ Hist. Inqtiisit. in the conclusion mentioned as L. sententt. Inquis. Tolosanae. 
Catharistic accounts and polctn. Mrriting^: BemarduH^ Abbas Fontis calidi (d. before 1200) adv. Val- 
densium sectain. (Ribl. PP. max. vol XXIV. p. 1&S5.) Alanvs de InwlU (d. 1202), c Ilaeretic 
L II. (0pp. ed. K. V. VUctu, Antu. IdM.) Walther Mapes in //oAn, vol. IL pi 2578. St^phanus d§ 
Borhone (about 1250), do septem donis Sp. S. VII, 81. {Argentri vol L p. 6569.) Haineriui. Mo- 
neta (§ 228. n. <•.) 

IL GilUs, nij*t ccc. das vgl. reform6e8 en quelques vall^s do Pi6monL Gen. 1644. J. Lfg^r^ 
Hist gen. de^ ^^1. evan?. des valleos dc Piem. ou Vaudoises. Leid. 1669. 2 vols, t Uebers. v. Sckw*^ 
nitz, Lpz. 1750. 2 vols. 4. {J. Brez) Hist doe Vaud. Laus. 1796. 2 voK Lpz. 179a A. JfonatOer^ 
Hist d\''g1. Vaudoi^e. Gen. 1847. 2 vols. A. Mutton^ Tlsrael des Alpes, prem. Hist complete dea 
Vaud. Par. 1851. 4 vols.— //r/An (see before § 22a) vol II. comp. Preface to vol. III. p. X. F. Ben- 
der, Geach. d. W. Ulm. 1S50.— ^. W. Dieckhoff, d- W. iin MAlter. Gott 1851. ITertog, d. roman. 
W. ihrc vorref. Zustando u. Lchren, ihro Re£ im 16. Jbh. n. d. R&ckwirk. drs. Hal 1853. [/Vy- 
ran^ Hist Defence of the Wald. Lond. 6vo. E. Il^nderton, Origin, Ac, of the Vaudois. W. & 
GiUy, The Albigenses in LittelPs Rel Mag. vol I. p. 6. A. Monastier, IWA. of the Vaodob 
Church ft-om its Origin. New York. 1849. 12mo. Robt Baird, Waldensea, Alblg. and Vaud. Pbilad. 
1848. 8vo. C. U. /lahn, Gesch. d. Ketzer ira Mittelalter, bes. im 11. 12. und la Jahrh. Stuttg. 1&47. C. 
U. ITahn, in Stud. u. Krit 1851. II. 4. p. 8C2. Herzog^ d. Waldenser, vor u. nach d. BeC Lpsi 1858. 18.] 

The dissatisfaction and ferments which prevailed during the twelfth c^n- 
tnry, gave occasion during the last half of it to the appearance of the Wal- 
densea. As they were generally conversant with the Scriptures, they main- 
tained in opposition to unworthy priests, that all who truly imitated Christ 
in his life of poverty, had a right freely to preach the gospel. As the natu- 
ral result of their demand that Christians should live in complete poverty 
and virginity, a distinction was formed soon after the excitement of their 
origin had subsided, between the Perfect, who forsook all and went forth 
two by two in their sandals preaching repentance, and the mere Believers, 
who forsook the pleasures of the world, but who continued in the e