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The design of the present work is to describe within a 
moderate compass the rise, progress, and decUne of the 
city of Eome, the origin and story of its more famous 
monmnents, and, without entering into their political 
causes, the vicissitudes of the city, either through domestic 
discord or the attacks of external enemies. Even during 
the Middle Ages, ancient Eome, or rather its remains, is 
principally kept in view. For it would have been im- 
possible, witliin the prescribed limits, to give a description 
of the modem city, or what may be called Christian, in 
contradistinction to pagan, Eome. On this head only a 
few of the principal churches have been noticed, which, 
as they date their origin from the time of Constantine L, 
or shortly after, may be considered to belong as much to 
the ancient as to the modem city. With a view to add 
interest to the subject, a description of some of the more 
striking scenes of which Eome was the theatre has been 
attempted; and, when it was possible, brief allusions 
have been made to the lives and residences of those who 


have adorned it by their genius, or illustrated it by the 
prominent part which they played in its afiairs. 

As the present attempt to give a connected history of 
the Eoman city is, to the best of the writer's knowledge, 
the first that has been made in the English language, he 
hopes that this circumstance may not only be a recom- 
mendation of his book to the reader's notice, but that it 
will also serve to excuse some of the defects which may 
be observed in it. The sources from which the author 
drew are noted at the foot of the pages ; but he is here 
bound to acknowledge his obhgations generally to the 
works of Dr. Papencordt, Herr Gregorovius, and the late 
M. Ampere. 

The author has ventured in the Introduction to adduce 
some reasons why the early history of Kome may not be 
so utterly fictitious as it seems to be now esteemed. He 
is painfully conscious that an attempt even partially to 
reopen a conclusion generally accepted by scholars may 
subject him to a charge of rashness and presumption ; 
but he was im willing to suppress some objections to that 
conclusion, which, so far as they go, appear to him to 
deserve consideration. K he is mistaken in that opinion, 
the refutation of these objections will at all events ser\'c 
still more firmly to establish the results of modern criti- 
cism. The author's only object is to discover the truth ; 
in pursuit of which, if he has ventured some remai'ks that 


may be rash and unfounded, so he will cheerfully accept 
any corrections that may prove them so. *Ceux qui 
nous avertissent,' says Montesquieu, * sont les compagnons 
de nos travaux. Si le critique et I'auteur cherchent la 
v^rit^, ils ont le mSme int^rSt ; car la v^rit^ est le bien de 
tons les hommes : ils seront des conf^^rfe, et non pas des 

^ Difenae de VEtprit des Lois, 3* partie. 

London: October 1865. 


Introduction page xv 


From the Earliest Times to the Burning of the City by the Gauls : 

A.U.C. 1 — 363, B.C. 763 — 390 (pp. 1 — 82). 

Legends anterior to the foundation of the city, 1 sqq. Evander, Carmenta, 
Faunus, Pious, Latinus, Janus, Satumus, &c. ; the Saturnalia, 5 ; Hercules, tb. ; 
Cacius, 6 ; legend of ^neas, 7 sq. ; Castra Trojana, ib. ; Alba Longa and its 
Kings, 9 sqq. ; lulus, ib. ; Prisci Latini, ib. ; Kea Silvia, Eomulus and Homus, 
10 sqq. ; legends about Kome*s foundation, 12 sqq. ; Tacitus' account, 15 ; Signor 
Rosa's theory, 15 sqq. ; date and name, 21 sq. ; Romulean monuments on the Pala- 
tine, 22 sq. ; rape of the Sabines, 23 sqq. ; Consualia, 24 ; Spolia Opima, ib. ; 
story of Taipeia, 25 ; treaty with Tatius, 27 ; name of QuiriieSf ib. ; importance 
of the Sabine clement ; M. Ampere's theory, 27 sqq. ; Sabine and Etruscan settle- 
ments, 29 sqq. ; reign of Tatius and Komulus, 32 sqq. ; disappearance of Komulus, 
33 ; reign of Numa, 33 sqq. ; Quirinus, 35 ; Egeria, 37 ; reign of Tullus Hosti- 
lius, 38 sqq. ; Alba Longa destroyed, ib. ; reign of Ancus Marcius, 40 sqq. ; origin 
and dynasty of the Tarquins, 42 sqq. ; reign of Tarquinius Priscus, 44 sqq. ; of 
Servius Tullius, 47 sqq ; of Tarquinius Superbus, 54 sqq. ; expulsion of the Kings, 
and establishment of the Republic, 57 sqq. ; Tarquin, aided by Porsena, attempts 
to return, 59 sqq. ; Codes, 59 ; Cl^elia, 60 ; battle of Lake Regillus, 62 ; Coriola- 
nus, 63 ; Sp. Cassius, 64 ; Hcrdonius, 65 ; Cincinnatus, 66 ; the Aventine Hill, 
Virginius, and the secession of the people, 66 sqq. ; war with Veii, 68 sqq. ; Cos- 
bus and the Spolia Opima, 69 ; draining of the Alban lake, 70 ; Veii captured, ih. ; 
triumph of CamiUus, 71 ; invasion of the Gauls, battle of the AUia, 72 ; Rome 
captured, 74 ; assault and defence of the Capitol, 75 ; Rome delivered by CamiUus, 
76 sq. ; story of the ransom examined, 77 sqq. 


SEcnox n. 

Fn/m tkt C^fimrt ofB^mA fjr tki, Gwdi to tie Atetstk^^ .;** Av^-w^w 

-rot. mx. so — m (j^ «a — i<r •« 

AffOf CIsada* Obev. 91 tqz. : Su=itcs fsbdii^d. S4: JExxjK^tsi Iroyt^Z to 

€i¥hmmm tbe Onor. S^S i^. : &t£mt as TxHEsae, S9: a: Cu=». lv»> : Has- 
BiU «K Bone, 101 ; tBtiuiKtMacfthedzasa, 103«|.: fpo^iabcc cf Gr««k vc^s. 
l«t; CjV^ Icvqgki to Bow; 101: €m apatheeaiy's fhc^ K^: tznmph cf 
eapao; hm Umib^ 10«; grut irt, 107 ; £zst Boma BuiEes, li^S «i)(^ : tzsmpii 
«f jEa.P»dlaii,112s^; Baeefaaaafia; iatzoiaeciaBaflaxarr, 114: iapzTiTvnrats 
aliiO«ttlieCifroiFlaBuaiaa,ll$;fdla€Canliape;Mljag^^ istzo- 

daeCioa of the tziaaqibal areii, 117 ; l uff ^ i ii ning ai aiH commatiaai i the Graedii, 
lis §q,; wotkM of Opimiaa, 120; the Bookaa 'Change, 131 ; Scqno aad iht Tttta- 
Ham diaaM, 122 aq. ; tii* PalatiBe aad mm fnlalwtanta, 124 ; Jogaztha ia tbe TaHia- 
BaB, 125; netorica aad ioihKaee of Marias, i&. aq. ; defeated br ^lUa. 127 ; tbd 
int ptoaer^itaoB, 128 ; fatvni d Mariaib 129; ^om death, 130 ; the Capites banit, 
131; craell/of the jpunger ¥arina, H.; ntam of SoSa, 132; proaenpCMSis. 134; 
Mladktator, 135; Ida letiicaMat aad death, 136; riae of Pomper, 137; Cratam, 
138 •).; Loeallai, 139 aq.; SaUaat and his gardens, 140; BasQka Paidli, 141 ; 
CieefD, 0/. ; Ibrensie tribanala, 142 ; Horteoszaa, 143 ; CSeeso aad Cktiliae, 144 eq. ; 
Cataar aad Clodiaa, 148; Gea&B Taaealaa and other TiDas, 148 ; Attieos* 150 : 
Tiolcaee (4 Qodsaa, Cieero'a hamahmcnt, ib. aq. ; Cieero*a vrtazn, 152 aq. ; Milo 
aad C]6diaa, 154; Carialmnityl55;PoDipej'0 triBBiphaadpaUieat»k8,156eqq.; 
woHbi of Jalios Caaar, 180 aqq.; Caaai^a aaihitifln and anadcr, 164 aqq.; his 
fmatnX^ 166; death of Cieero, 167. 

Ttie Reign of Augnttm Ccemr : a,c.c. 709—767, ac. 44, a.d. u 

(pp. 168 — 220>. 

Afit'Minum of Aagnstiis, 168 ; general aspect of Bome, 169 sqq. ; imaginaiy pro- 
m«Aad«, 173 mY\. ; Fomm Jnlinm, 183 ; Campus Xartins, 184; Circus Flaminius, 
185; UahicTAhU promenades, 186; life in the streeta, 187; city police, 188 ; the 
AnifruttMn iU^/TM, ]89iq.; Vici and Compita, 190; mnnicipal administratioD, 
191 sq, ; th^ VrtiU/rifin gnard, 193; monuments nrstored hj Augustas, 194 eqq. ; 
ti¥W woHm of Aogustos, 198 sq. ; structures ascribed to Liria, 206 sq. ; works of 
Agri|^/a, 2^i7 s^jq^ ; other works in the time of Augustus, 211 eq. ; games exhibited 
1/7 that ^rmfj#Tor, 213 sq. ; his MtKnrj patronage, 215; EsquilineHill and house of 
Mmet^tMt ih. ttfi ; uUA^t cff Vifgil, Horace, Propertius, 217 ; Pedo Albinoranu;;, 
Martial, ()ru\, nnd Vliny, 218; mausoleum of Augustus, 219; obelisk, ib.; death 
of Augustus, 220, 



From the Death of Augustus to the Death of Hadrian: 

A.U.C. 767 — 891, A.D. 14 — 138 (pp. 221 — 260). 

Accession and works of Tiberius, 221 sq. ; Caligula, his extravagances, 223 sq. ; 
Claudius, 225 ; accession of Nero, ib. ; great fire, 226 sq. ; the Gk)lden House, 230 
sq. ; garden, 231; Nero's insane projects, 232; death, 233; Galba, Otho, and 
Vitellius, ib, sq. ; death of G^ba, 234 ; burning of the Capitol, 235 sq. ; accession 
of Vespasian, 237 ; triumph of Vespasian and Titus, 238 sq. ; Temple of Peace, 240 ; 
state of the Jews at Rome, 241 sqq. ; the Flavian amphitheatre and other works, 
244 sqq. ; works of Titus, 247 sq. ; works of Domitian, 248 sqq. ; he institutes 
games, musical contests, &c., 250 ; his palace, 251 ; Nerva, 253 ; accession and 
works of Trajan, ib, ; his Forum, &c, 254 sqq. ; literature of the period, 257 ; 
accession and works of Hadrian, 258 sq. ; the Moles Hadriani, 260. 


From the Death of Hadrian to the Death of Constantine I. : 
A.U.C. 891 — 1090, A.D. 138 — 337 (pp. 261 — 298). 

Accession and works of Antoninus Pins, 261 sq. ; M. Aurelius Antoninus and 
his works, 262 ; Commodus, 263 ; Septimius Severus, ib, ; his works, 264 sqq. ; 
Caracalla, his baths, 267 ; Alexander Severus, 268 sq. ; approach of the barbarians, 
269 ; Aurelian and his wall, 270 sqq. ; his triumph, 274 sq. ; games and spectacles, 
277 ; reign of Diocletian, 279 ; Maxentius, 280 ; accession and works of Constan- 
tine, 281 ; seat of empire transferred to Constantinople, 283 ; establishment of 
Christianity, 284 ; state of the Christians at Borne, 285 sq. ; St. Peter at Home, 
286 sq. ; St. Paul at Rome, 287 sq. ; the Catacombs, 288 ; persecutions, 289 ; first 
Christian churches, 290 ; the seven Christian Basilicse, 291 sqq. ; patriarchal Basi- 
licse, 294 ; Pagan rites in Christian worship, 295 sqq. 

From the Death of Constantine I, to the Extinction of the Westa-n 

Empire : A.U.C. 1090 — 1229, A.D. 337 — 476 (pp. 299 — 326). 

Struggle between Christianitj and paganism, 299; state of Rome in the fourth 
century, 300 ; manners of the Romans, 301 sqq. ; visit of Constantius II. to Rome, 
306 ; mixture of pagan and Christian worship, 308 ; the statue of Victoiy in the 
Curia, 309; accession of Theodosius, 310; visit of Honorius to Rome, 311 sqq. ; 
approach of the Goths, 313; Alaric at Rome, 314 sq. ; second and third visits. 


315 sq. ; amount of destruction committed by the Goths, 317 ; Jewish spoils, ih. ; 
death of Alaric, 318; Honorius again at Rome, ib.; progress of the Church, t^. ; 
Valentinian III. and Placidia, 319 ; Attila and Pope Leo, 320 ; Gensoric and the 
Vandals at Home, 321 ; amount of destruction, 322 ; Kicimer, the king-maker, 
323 sq. ; he captures Home, 324 ; Odoacer, 325 ; extinction of the Western 
Empire, ib. 


From the Fall of the Western Empire to its Restoration under 
Charlemagne : a.d. 476 — 800 (pp. 827 — 368). 

Odoacer OTercome by Theodoric, 327 ; condition of Bome,f6. ; visit of Theodoric, 
828 sqq. ; the Boman hierarchy, 331 ; accession of Justinian, 332; Belisarius enters 
Home, 333 ; strengthens the walls, ib. ; Vitiges besieges Home, 334 sq. ; defeated, 
336 ; Totila at Monto Casino, ib. ; besieges Home, 337 ; destruction committed by 
him, 338 ; Belisarius again at Rome, 339 ; Totila*s third appearance, 340 ; ex- 
hibits the games of the Circus, ib. ; Narses recovers Rome, 341 ; defeat and death 
of Tejas, 342 ; Justinian's Pragmatic Sanction, ib. ; Narses dismissed, 343 ; appear- 
ance of Alboin and the Lombards, ib. ; Gregory the Great, 344 ; legend of the 
Angel, ib. ; increase of monachism, 346 ; political condition of Rome, 347 sq. ; 
position of the Pope, 348 sq. ; duchy of Rome, 350 ; classes of the people, ib. ; 
Rome besieged by Agilulf, 351 ; Gregory and the Emperor Phocas, 352 sq. ; Phocas 
bestows the Pantheon on Boniface IV., 354 ; visit of Constans to Rome, 355 ; plun- 
ders the city, 356 ; pilgrimages to Rome, ib. sq. ; prophecy respecting the Colosseum, 
857 ; Anglo-Saxon kings at Rome, ib. ; Scholse Anglorum, Francorum, &c., 358 ; 
Schola Grseca, 359 ; Luitprand and Gregory II., 360 ; Pepin and Zacharias, 361 ; 
Stephen II. crowns Pepin at Paris, 362 ; Astolphus threatens Rome, 363 ; epistle of 
St. Peter to Pepin and the Franks, ib.; Pepin's gift of the Exarchate and Penta- 
polis, 364 ; Desiderius, King of the Lombards, 365 ; Rome becomes the city of 
the Popes, ib. ; Charlemagne at Rome, 366 ; second and third visits, 367 ; revival 
of the Western Empire, 368 ; degeneracy of Roman manners. 


From the Restoration of the Western Empire to the Close of the 
Middle Ages : a.d. 800 sqq. (pp. 369 — 410). 

The Saracens appear before Rome, 369 ; accession of Pope Leo IV., 370 ; Inccn- 
dio dd Borgo, ib. ; the Civitas Leonina, 371 ; the Saracens defeated, 372; Alfred 
the Great at Rome, 373 ; various attacks on Rome, ib. sq. ; appearance of the Ma- 
gyars, 374 ; degradation of the Papacy ; Marozia and Theodora, ib. ; trade in relics, 
375 ; Canute and Macbeth at Rome, ib. ; Gregory VII. and Henry IV., 376 sq. ; 
Robert Guiscard and the Normans at Rome, 377 ; destruction by fire, 378 ; Middle 


Age legends, 379 ; Boman nobles and their fortresses, 380 sq. ; the Anonjmus of 
Einsiedeln, 382 sqq. ; medieval notices of the Capitol, 385 ; testimony of the 
MirabiliUj 386 ; of the Graphia^ 387 ; description of that work, 388 sqq. ; and of 
the Mirabiliaf 391 ; the Ordo of Canon Benedict, and route of the papal processions, 
392 sqq. ; causes of the decay of Boman monuments, 394 sqq. ; from floods, 395 ; 
^m the barbarians, ib. ; from the civil strife of the Bomans, 396 sq. ; from the use 
and abuse of the materials, 398 sqq. ; from the conversion into lime, 401 sq. ; 
Poggio's description of Borne, 403 sqq. ; state of the city at the return of the Popes 
from Avignon, 407 sq. ; Petrarch and Bienzi, 408 ; state of Bome under various 
Popes, ib, sq. ; visit of Charles V. in 1536, 409 ; papal restorations, ib. sq. 

Page 184, line 3, for left read right. 



Whoever, in the present state of historical criticism, 
undertakes a history of the city of Rome, is placed in an 
embarrassing position. He finds himself called upon, al- 
most at the outset, to give an account of some vast works, 
remains of which, allowed by the best judges to be of 
very high antiquity, are still visible, and cannot therefore 
be explained away like the record of a law or a treaty. 
We are, of course, alluding to such works as the Tul- 
lianum, the Cloaca Maxima, the remains of the Servian 
wall, &c. Other contemporary works of equal splendour, 
as the Capitoline and other temples, the coexistence of 
which, though they have now vanished, with the struc- 
tures stUl extant, can hardly admit of a rational doubt, 
unless we are to reject in a lump the concurrent testimony 
of all antiquity, likewise require their history to be ex- 
plained. A writer who seeks this in ancient authors, finds 
these works unanimously attributed to some Roman kings, 
and especially to a dynasty of Etruscan origin. It may 
possibly occur to such a writer that if anything were 
likely to preserve the memory of men and their actions, 
it might be such works as these, with which their names 


were inseparably connected, and continuously handed 
down from father to son. But if he turns to an historian 
of the modern school, he finds that these Etruscan kings 
and their deeds are nothing better than unsubstantial 
creations of the brain. * Tlie general picture before us,' 
says Dr. Arnold,^ in reference to these kings, * is a mere 
fantasy.' Under these circumstances there is notliing left 
for an historian of the city but to choose between two 
courses: either to tell his readers that the TuUianum, 
Cloaca, &c., are undoubtedly very ancient works and 
anterior to the Eepublic, but that no idea can be formed 
as to whom they should be ascribed to ; or to follow the 
narrative handed down by ancient authors. After some 
deliberation, we have adopted the latter course. Our 
reasons for so doing are briefly the following. 

It would, of course, be impossible to discuss in the 
compass of this Introduction the general question of the 
credibihty of the early Eoman history. We can only 
state the reasons which have led us to doubt a few of 
the conclusions of modem critics about some of the more 
prominent facts of that history, and about the existence, 
or the value, of the sources on which it professes to be 
founded. If it can be shown that the attempts to 
eUminate, or to depreciate, some of these sources, can 
hardly be regarded as successful, and that the general 
spirit of modem criticism has been unreasonably sceptical, 
and unduly captious with respect to the principal Roman 
historian, then the author will at least have established 
what at all events may serve as an apology for the course 
he has pursued. 

Among the most important early records possessed by 

* Hiit. of Home, vol. i. p. 50. 


the Eomans were the Annales Maximi. Cicero, in his 
De Oratore^ speaks of them as extant in his time,^ and 
states that, from the earliest period down to the pontifi- 
cate of P. Mucins, the Pontifex Maximus was accustomed 
to write down all the events of each year, and to trans- 
fer them to an album, or white board, placed before his 
house, so that the people might know them. These annals, 
he adds, are still called Maximi; a name derived from 
the Pontifex Maximus. Their existence is also attested 
by Varro^ and Quintilian ;^ by Cato, in his Origines, as 
quoted by Aulus Gellius ;* and Pliny cites their very 
words.^ Servius says that the annals had been edited in 
eighty books ;^ he does not say at what time ; but as he 
speaks of the ancients (veteres) as having done it, the 
edition must have been long before his age : and indeed 
Verrius Flaccus, a writer of the reign of Augustus, as 
quoted by A. Gellius,^ cites the eleventh book of them. 
But the following arguments have been advanced by 
Niebuhr against their existence : — 

' Now I grant Antonius in Cicero says that this custom 
had subsisted from the beginning of the Soman State : 
but it does not follow from this that Cicero meant to 
assert, the annals in possession of the Eoman historians, 
who did not begin to write till so late, reached thus far 
back. Those of the earlier times may have perished; 
which Livy and other writers, without specific mention of 

^ ' Ab initio rerum Romanarum ' Z. L, y. § 74 

usque ad P. Mucium Pontificem ' Ind, Or. x. 2. 

Maximam res omnes sin^orum an- ^ Noot, AU, ii. 28. 

norum mandabat litens Pontifex ' 'Meritumeju8(Tarraci89)inip8is 

Maximus efferebatque in album et ponam Annalium verbis: quod cam- 

proponebat tabulam domi, potestas pum Tiberinum gratificata esset ea 

ut esset populo cognoscendi ^ iique populo.' — H, N, xxxiv. 11. 

etiam nunc annales maximi nomi- ^ Ad JEn, i. 373. 

nantur.* — Bt Orat. ii 12. ^ iy. 5. 



the Annales Maximi^ state as having happened at the de« 
struction of the city by the Gauls : and certainly this fate 
may easily have befallen them at that time ; as the tables 
perhaps were not yet transferred into books, and it is still 
less likely that any transcripts of such books should be in 
existence ; besides, they niay not have been preserved in 
the Capitol, where the chief pontiflf did not reside, and 
where he had no occasion to keep his archives, like the 
duumvirs of the Sibylline books. 

' I think we may now consider it as certain that those 
annals really met with such a fate at that time, and that 
they were replaced by new ones.'^ 

How far the Annals preserved may have reached back, 
we will consider further on ; at present we are only 
concerned about the preservation of the authentic ones. 
We do not think that a series of conjectures, like those 
advanced by Niebuhr, can lead us to a certainty of their 
destruction, against the express testimony of the best 
authors to the contrary ; nor is it a very satisfactory mode 
of reasoning to adduce Livy's testimony for their destruc- 
tion, and at the same time to admit that he does not 
specifically mention them. Sir G. Cornewall Lewis seems 
to have felt the weakness of this argument, and therefore 
adds that if there was so important an exception as a 
complete series of contemporary national annals, Livy 
could scarcely have failed to mention it.^ 

To this we answer that, if they had survived — and we 
have seen that their existence is estabUshed by the best 
testimony — it would have been superfluous on the part of 

* Niebuhr, Hid. of Rome, vol. i. reader's attention to the deductive 

p. 212 (P^n^l. transl.) The italics process. 

m the pasflag(3 quoted are our own, ' Credibility 8fc, vol. L p. 168. 

and are merely intended to call the 

Introd.] the ANNALES MAXTML adx 

Livy to mention a thing so notorious. His words are : 
* quae (literae) in commentariis Pontificum aliisque publids 
privatisque erant monumentis, incensa urbe pleraeque 
interiere/ ^ From which the natural and obvious inference 
is, that as the Commentarii Pontificum — quite a different 
and less important work — are mentioned as perishing, and 
the Annales Maximi are not mentioned at all, the latter 
must have escaped. The feet of Livy not mentioning 
them is the strongest possible proof that he considered 
them to have been saved. 

Niebuhr, by implication, in the passage just quoted, and 
after him Becker, more directly, bring another ai'gument 
for the destruction of the Annales Maximi in the confla- 
gration : as they were written on wooden tablets, and not 
yet transferred into books, such cumbersome things could 
not have been saved in the hasty alarm of the fire.^ Here 
these critics totally misunderstand Cicero's words quoted 
above ; from which it is plain that the Pontifex Maximus 
first wrote down the events in a book, whence he trans- 
ferred them to the album {efferebat or referebat in album) 
and exposed them to pubUc view. He had most probably 
only one of these boards, which was whitened afresh 
every year, for we can hardly imagine him, as the German 
critics do, to have been so absurd as to write his annals 
only on these boards, and to have kept whole cartloads of 
them on his premises. It would not have been diflicult 
for him, or for the Vestals who lived near him, to carry 
away the original register, and from the care that was 
taken by them of other things this was probably done ; at 
all events it is plain that the annals were saved in some 

* vi. 1. * Becker, Rim, AUerthiimer, B. i. S. 7. 

a 2 


way or another, and it is rather hard to be expected, at 
this time of day, to certify in what manner. 

Another argument brought forward by Sir G. C. Lewis, 
after Niebuhr, but more elaborately, against the existence 
of a complete series of the Annales Maximi from a remote 
date, we shall give in his own words : — 

* Ennius, as quoted by Cicero, spoke of an eclipse of 
the sun about the year 350 u.c, assigning its natural 
cause, namely, the interposition of the moon. ** Now," 
says Cicero, " there is so much science and skill in this 
matter, that from this day, which we perceive to be 
recorded in Ennius, and in tfie Annales Maximi^ all the 
previous eclipses have been calculated backwards, up to 
that which occurred on the Nones of Quinctilis, in the 
reign of Romulus, when Romulus was really slain in 
the darkness, though he was fabled to have been 
taken up into heaven."^ Assuming the year 350 u.a 
to correspond to the year 404 B.C. — fourteen years before 
the capture of the city — it would follow that there was 
no contemporary registration of eclipses before that year : 
and we observe from this very passage of Cicero that in 
this year an eclipse of the sun was recorded in the Annales 
Maximi. Eclipses, moreover, are particularly specified in 
the fragment of Cato tlie Censor — an ancient and unim- 
peachable witness to such a fact — as among the prominent 
contents of tlie pontifical annals ; and indeed, without any 
specific testimony, we might safely assume that a prodigy 
so rare and so alarming as a visible echpse, and one 

* Cic. De Jiep. i. 10. It should natural death amidst it, although 

he ohflerved that Sir G. C. Lewis his virtue is said to have raised hua 

has not translated this passage to heaven ('quibus quidem Romulus 

quite correctly. Cicero does not say tenebris etiam si natura ad humanum 

tnat ' Romulus was really slain in exitum abripuit, virtus tamen in 

the darkness/ but that ne died a coelum dicitiu sustulirae '). 

Iktrod.] the ANNALES MAXIMI. xxi 

necessarily followed by national expiatory ceremonies, 
would be duly entered in this public record.'^ From this 
non-entry and the necessity for reckoning back the echpses 
astronomically, it is inferred that at least the earliest 
Annales Maximi must have perished.^ 

First, let us observe on the passage here quoted from 
Cicero, that it bears express testimony to an entry in 
the Annales Maximi fourteen years before the Gallic con- 
flagration. Cicero says that he had seen it with his own 
eyes ('quem diem in Maximis Annalibus consignatum 
videmus '). Therefore, part, at least, of these annals had 
escaped the fire ; and if part should have escaped, there 
seems to be no good reason why the whole should not, for 
they must have been all kept together. 

Having mentioned this by the way, let us next remark 
that the argument against the existence of previous annals 
drawn from the circumstance of this being the first eclipse 
recorded, so far from being conclusive, tends the other 

K we look at the whole context of this chapter of 
Cicero, which Niebuhr and his followers have not thought 
fit to produce, we shall see that the true nature of echpses 
had begun to be commonly understood, even in Athens, 
only a few years before this time ; when Pericles, who 
had learnt it from his master Anaxagoras, explained it to 
the Athenians, on the occasion of their being aflfrighted 
at such a phenomenon in the time of the Peloponnesian 
war. The true theory is said to have been discovered by 
Thales two centuries before, a circumstance which shows 
how little this sort of knowledge was circulated at that 

^ CredtbUUy ^c. yoL i. p. 159. B. i. S. 264^ and Becker, Bom, AUet' 

' Compare Niebuhr, Mimu Gesch, thUmer, B. i. S. 8. 

xxii inSTORT OF THE CITT OF HOME. [Ivtroik 

period among the general mass of the peopla Pericles 
must have communicated it to the Athenians between 
B.C. 431 and 429, the dates of the conunencement of the 
Peloponnesian War and his ' death, whence it appears to 
have travelled to Kome before the year B.c. 404. Pre- 
viously to this time, eclipses could not be predicted by the 
Bomans ; and as they could not be predicted, they would 
not be looked for. Hence, partial eclipses would have 
passed unobserved, nay, even a total eclipse, if the weather 
was unfavourable, or if observed, the phenomenon might 
be attributed to a cloud, or some other cause, but could 
not have been attributed to an eclipse. Now, this is just 
what we are told about the contents of the Annales Maximi, 
in the fragment of Cato the Censor, adduced by Sir G. C. 
Lewis. Cato does not say, as Niebuhr and Sir G. C. Lewis 
make him,* that the Pontifex Maximus recorded 'such 
events as the high price of com, or an eclipse of the sun or 
moon.' His words are : * I do not like to write such things 
as we see in the tablet of the Pontifex Maximus, as when 
com was dear, and when a darkness or something or another 
intercepted the light of the moon or sxm.* ^ Now, how 
could it be told from such an entry, that the phenomenon 
recorded was really an eclipse, and not a pretematural 
darkness from some other cause ? Hence the necessity of 
calculating back the eclipses. But let us also further 
observe, that this passage tends to corroborate the other 
evidence respecting the preservation of the earlier An- 
nales Maximi. For this obscure and unscientific mode of 

* CredtbOity ^c. vol. i. p. 157. The mifltranalation is the more un- 

« * Xon lubet Bcribere quod in ta- pardonable, as Gellius adds the fol- 

bula apud pontiticem maximum est, lowing observation : * Usque adeo 

quotiens annona cara, quotiens lunre pai^-i fecit (Cato) rationes veras solis 

aut solis luraiiii caligo aiit quid ob- et lun» delicientium vel scire vel 

etiterit' — Origines, ap. GelL iL 28. dicere.' 

IirraoD.] THE ANNALES MAXTMT. xxiii 

recording eclipses could hardly have been used after their 
true nature was understood ; and Cato must therefore be 
referring to entries in the annals made previously to 
B. c. 404, which he selected probably for their ignorance 
and imcouthness. Here, then, we have the existence of 
the early Annales Maximi confirmed by one of those traits 
of careless truth which it would have been impossible to 
invent ; namely, that no eclipses were recorded in them 
before the year mentioned, for the simple reason that the 
theory of eclipses was not understood, and, therefore, when 
the darkness which they occasioned was observed, it was 
attributed ' to something or another ' that was unknown. 

A third argument adduced against the annals by Sir 
G. C. Lewis is that although Livy regularly mentions 
prodigies in his later books, beginning from the second 
Punic War, yet that he mentions them only seldom in 
his first decade ; whence it is inferred that the Annales 
Maximi for the earlier period could not have existed.^ 

To this it may be replied that if he mentions them at 
all in his first decade, and he does so several times, he 
must either have taken them from some record, or made 
them out of his own head ; and if he made them out of 
his own head, there seems to be no reason why he should 
not have invented as many as he thought necessary. But 
Sir G. C. Lewis seems here to forget his own remarks : 
that ' the principal object of Livy was to relate the events 
of the period immediately preceding his own life, and 
partly contemporary with it.'^ The first decade com- 
prises a period of more than four and a half centuries ; 
and if he had filled this portion of his work with as fre- 
quent prodigies as occur in his later books, they would 

1 C>«di&i% ^. YoL i. p. 161 sqq. ^ Ibid,^i/i. 

M * 

xxiv fflSTORY OF THE CITY OF ROMR [Jxtboik 

have been out of all proportion to his narrative. An 
historian has surely the right of selecting 'his materials in 
such matters, and as he studied brevity in the commence- 
ment of his work, he omitted the prodigies. These re- 
marks are confirmed by the reflection that the last five 
books of his first decade comprise events which occurred 
after the Gallic conflagration, a period for which there 
can be less doubt, even among the most sceptical critics, 
that Annales Maximi might have existed ; yet livy does 
not insert more prodigies in these books than in the five 
preceding ones, and, perhaps, not so many. 

We cannot dismiss this part of the subject without ad- 
verting to a remark of Niebuhr's. That historian says : 
* No prodigies are mentioned by Livy before the burning 
of the city by the Gauls.' ^ The hardihood of this asser- 
tion by one who, like Niebuhr, must have had Livy at his 
fingers' ends, is astounding. We will here mention some 
prodigies recorded by Livy in his first four books : a 
shower of stones and a superhuman voice on the Alban 
Mount (i. 31); the human head on the Capitol (i. 55) ; 
the snake (i. 56) ; the voice of Silvanus (ii. 7) ; many 
celestial prodigies mentioned in a heap, but not specified 
(ii. 42) ; the heavens on fire and other portents, again not 
specified (iii. 5) ; the sky on fire, an earthquake, a speak- 
ing ox, a shower of flesh (iii. 10) ; wolves in the Capitol 
(iii. 29) ; several prodigies, especially earthquakes (iv. 21). 
Surely here are prodigies enough for a part of his work, 
which he was compressing into the smallest possible com- 
pass. We may remark that the last five books of the 
first decade, comprehending a period subsequent to the 
burning of the city, mention prodigies only six times, 

* Lecture iii. p. 16 (ed. Schmitz, 1844). 


while in the first five they are mentioned nine times : a 
proof that the Gallic conflagration could have had no in- 
fluence on the record whence livy drew. 

In truth, the occasional mention not only of prodigies, 
but also more frequently of pestilences, famines, droughts, 
deamess of provisions, and other matters afiecting the 
domestic Ufe of the city, in the first five books down to 
the Gallic conflagration and through the remainder of the 
decade, proves that the Annales Maximi, the proper register 
of such casualties, must have continued extant. There are 
more pestilences and famines recorded in Livy's first 
decade than in any other, and nearly half of them are in 
the first five books. Thus, we read of pestilences in the 
reign of Tullus Hostilius, and in B.c. 463; in one, ac- 
companied with famine, which occurred in B.C. 453, the 
names of several distinguished persons who died of it 
are recorded, as Ser. Cornelius, the Flamen Quirinalie, 
Horatius Pulvillus, an augur, the Consul QuinctiUus, and 
three tribunes of the people.^ Such particulars could 
hardly have been preserved except by contemporary regis- 
tration. If the early Eoman annalists made them out of 
their own heads three or four centuries after, they must 
have had a pretty invention. 

On the whole, then, we must conclude •that the argu- 
ments brought forward to invalidate the testimony of the 
best Eoman authors as to the existence of the Annales 
Maximi are altogether inconclusive, or rather that they 
tend to prove their existence. Nor can we accept against 
this testimony the unsupported assertion of one Clodius 
(KXcoSioV Ti^), quoted by Plutarch,^ that the ancient 

» liv. iii.32;cf. i.31;u.9,34jiii.6; iv. 21, 26, 80 j v. 18 j vii. l,2,&c 
* NumOf 1. 


registers disappeared in the Gallic conflagration, and were 
replaced by fabricated ones. According to this notable 
story, the annals were not forged by any of the leading 
Eoman families, but in favour of certain upstarts, who 
wished to intrude themselves among them. Who can 
believe that such an attempt — ^admitting that it was really 
made — could have been successful for a moment ? Yet 
this silly tale is unhesitatingly adopted by Sir G. C. 
Lewis,^ who, in corroboration of it, remarks : ' The 
account of the discovery of the books of Numa in a 
stone chest, in the year 181 B.C., proves indubitably that 
documents on the most important subjects could be foiled 
at that time, with the hope of successful deceit, and be 
attributed to the ancient kings.' ^ No doubt, forgeries 
may be attempted at any time * with the hope ' of success ; 
but the hope was vain, as the sequel proved, for the 
forgery was discovered, and the Senate ordered the books 
to be blunt. This anecdote, therefore, only serves to show 
the difficulty of such forgeries ; and if they were difficult 
in the case of one or two isolated books like Numa's, how 
much more difficult, or, rather, how impossible, must 
have been the successful forgery of the entire national 
annals for several centuries I Those who believe that this 
could be done, believe a much more incredible thing 
than that the annals were preserved. 

We will now say a word or two about the origin and 
nature of these annals. 

When Niebuhr says, in the passage first quoted,^ that 
the annals destroyed in the conflagration ' were replaced 
by new ones,' he implicitly admits that these new ones-^ 

1 CredibUUy ^c, voL L pp. 162, 165, 167. » Liv. xL 29. 

* Above, p. xviii. 


whatever degree of authority he might be disposed to 
allow them — reached back to the period mentioned by- 
Cicero, or the beginning of the state. Nor can we accept 
his conclusion that Cicero did not mean to assert that the 
annals used by the first Eoman historians reached so far 
back. Cicero mentions no gap in them. He alludes to 
annals from the very earliest times — ab initio renim 
Eomanarum — and says that these annals were even then, 
in his own time, called Maximi. To assume that Cicero's 
words are consistent with the fact of the earlier annals 
having been lost, is only the interpretation of a man who 
has a favoiuite theory to support. If we adopt Niebuhr's 
own test, that the citing of prodigies is a proof of the 
existence of annals, then we have seen that livy men- 
tions some in the reign of Tullus Hostilius. It seems 
probable that these annals commenced, as registers of 
contemporary events, with the creation of the Pontifex 
Maximus by Numa ; but they might also have recorded 
retrospectively the events of the previous reign. 

With regard to the nature of these annals, they were 
no doubt dry and jejune, as they are unanimously de- 
scribed to have been by ancient authors. But this does 
not mean that they were not full and complete registers 
of facts. On the contrary, it was the constant record of 
facts in the briefest possible manner, and without any in- 
vestigation of causes, description of character, &c., that 
made them dry. Cicero, in the passage quoted, describes 
them as containing all the events of each year — res omnes 
singulorum annorum. Servius says that all memorable 
events, both at home and abroad, were noted down daily \^ 

^ . . . ' in qua (tabula) pnescriptis tare consuererat (Pontifex M.) domi 
consulum nominibus et aliorum militiseque, terra marique gesta per 
magistratuuQii digna memoratu no- singulos dies.' — Ad jEn, i. 873. 


that is, of course, when there was anything memorable to 
note, it was written down on the day of its occurrence, or 
as soon as it was known. Now if facts thus briefly and 
daily recorded occupied eighty books, there must have 
been a vast repertory of them, and abundant materials 
for the early history of Eome. 

The subordinate Pontifls also kept books, called Libri 
Pontificum and Commentarii Pontificum, which appear 
to have contained historical facts. But these books, un- 
like the Annales Maximi, were kept secret; and as at 
least the greater part of them perished in the Gallic con- 
flagration, they would have been of little service for the 
earlier history of the city.^ This, however, was not the 
case with the Libri Magistratuum, called also Libri Lintei, 
which were preserved upon the Capitol, and therefore 
escaped the fire. The date of their origin is uncertain, 
but Livy quotes their authority for the year u.c. 310 
(b. c. 442), which seems to be the earliest notice of 
them. That the Libri Magistratuum and Libri Lintei 
were identical appears from the express testimony of Li\y : 
* Magistratuum libri, quos linteos in oede repositos Monetae 
Macer Licinius citat identidem auctores.* ^ And : ' Li 
libros linteos utroque anno relatum inter magistratus pne- 
fecti nomen.'* There is nothing irreconcilable with this in 
the passage in lib. iv. 7, as Becker supposes, who decides 
from it that the Libri Magistratuum and Libri Lintei 
were diflerent things. However, if he is right, we have 
an additional source of early lloman history. Sir G. C. 
Lewis, by mistranslating a passage of Livy,* would also 
give us, like Becker, another very desirable source of early 

' Liv. iv. 3, vi. 1, * vL 41 j see Credibility 8fc, p. 172, 

« iv. 20. note. 

» iv. 13; cf. iv. 23. 

Introd.] LIBRI MAGISTRATUUM, &c. xxix 

history, namely, a register of the years of the kings in the 
Capitol. We are afraid, however, that Livy's words will 
not justify us in claiming this : ' Omitto licinium Sextium- 
que, quorum annos in perpetua potestate, tanquam regnum 
in Capitolio, numeratis.' Regnum here is only an invidious 
name for the lengthened hold of power enjoyed by the 
tribunes Licinius and Sextius. The passage is wrongly 
punctuated in the editions. We should read : • Quorum 
annos, tanquam regnum, in Capitolio numeratis :' ' whose 
years of perpetual power, resembUng a reign, you count 
in the Capitol : ' that is, in the Libri Magistratuum pre- 
served in the Capitol. 

Besides these regular and formal Annals, and Fasti, or 
lists of Consuls, there were other documents which would 
collaterally assist the historian of the early Eoman times. 

We must remember that the Eomans were acquainted 
with the use of letters from the very foundation of the 
city. Thus Cicero, in the person of Scipio, remarking 
upon the apotheosis of Eomulus, observes : ' And this is 
the more to be admired in Eomulus, that other men who 
have been deified existed in less erudite times, when it 
was easy to invent such stories, as the ignorant are easily 
imposed upon. But the age of Eomulus is less than six 
centuries ago, when learning and the art of writing had 
long been established, and all those ancient errors ex- 
ploded which arise from an uncultivated state of society.' ^ 
And he corroborates this statement by showing the en- 
lightened state of Greece at that period. 

Niebuhr, indeed, so far from questioning this, seems 
almost to go into the opposite extreme. Thus, he says in 

* De Hep. ii. 10. What would literate times as a proof of virtue 
Cicero have said of apotheosis in had he lived under the Empire P 


his LectureSy ' We have no reason to deny that history 
was written at Eome previous to the banishment of the 
kings/ ^ ' The scepticism is contemptible which says that 
the Eomans had no history before the time of Fabius ' 
(Pictor).* Again: 'In the last books oflivy's first decade, 
we have such accurate accoimts of the campaigns against 
the Samnites, that I have no doubt but that either Q. 
Fabius Maximus himself wrote for his house the history of 
the wars in which he was engaged, because his house was 
of great political importance, or that the Fabii possessed 
numerous documents relating to the early history." He 
even finds fault with Livy on this score, and accuses him 
of saying that, during the long period previous to the 
destruction of Eome by the Gauls, * history was handed 
down by tradition, and that all written documents were 
destroyed in the burning of the city.' * We should have 
thought this a slip of the pen, had not the same charge 
been repeated more circumstantially in the following 
Lecture. But Livy says no such thing. As it is impos- 
sible to suspect Niebuhr of misconstruing, we presume 
that, in the passage in question, he must have read 
memoria for memovice^ But all the editions have 
memoriflp, and we do not find any various reading noted. 
If memoria is an emendation, it is a most unhappy one. 
For, first, it makes livy utter the nonsense, that memory 
was the only faithful guardian of events ; and secondly, 
it makes him contradict himself in the same breath, by 
saying, in the first portion of the sentence that letters 
were rare, and in the second that there were none at all. 

1 Vol. i. p. 6. * The paasage is as follows: 'Panr» 

3 Ibid, p. 21. et rarsD per eadem tempera literte 
i Ihid, p. 20. fuere, una custodia fidelis memoria) 

4 Ibid, p. 5. rerum gestarum.' — Lib. vi. 1. 


Wherefore, even if the editions had read memoria, it would 
have been necessary to alter them. When Livy says that 
letters were rare at that period, he is only speaking 
comparatively, with reference to his own times, the full 
literary splendour of the Augustan age. 

But with the previous remarks of Niebuhr we cor- 
dially agree. The instances which he adduces there of 
historians before the historical epoch, though only from 
conjecture, are in the highest degree probable ; but, as 
Niebuhr of course well knew, the existence of such do- 
mestic historians may be proved from ancient testimony. 
Thus, Dionysius of Halicamassus tells us,^ that in the 
families of those who had been censors, memoirs were 
carefully handed down from father to son ; that in his 
time there were many censorial famiUes in which such 
memoirs were still preserved, and that he had himself in- 
spected some of them. Those to which he alludes were 
previous to the Gallic conflagration, and mention the 
census taken in the consulship of L. Valerius Potitus and 
M. Manhus Capitolinus, in the 118th year after the expul- 
sion of the kings, and consequently two years before the 
burning of the city. 

In fact^ when we reflect upon the nature of the early 
Soman state, the ambition, rivalry, and love of glory of 
the great families, the desire to perpetuate the memory of 
events, so strongly manifested by the keeping of pubhc 
registers, by inscriptions, public statues, private images, 
and the hke, it would have been strange indeed if the 
men who had played a great part in public affairs, 
and who possessed the means of recording their acts in 
writing, should, with an unnatural apathy, have neglected 

to do so. 

» i. 74. 


Other sources of history were funeral orations and 
sepulchral inscriptions, alluded to by Cicero ^ and livy.* 
Both these authors advert to them, indeed, as having been 
the means of introducing falsifications into history, in 
order to gratify family pride. But these very remarks 
show that they were on their guard against such falsifica- 
tions, and therefore that they were not so utterly careless 
of the principles of historical criticism as it serves the pur- 
pose of modem writers to represent them as having been. 
Besides, the truth might in most cases have been elicited 
by comparing the memoirs of several families, and the 
whole with the pubUc registers. Neither can we suppose 
the ancient Bomans to have been universally braggarts ; 
nor would these falsifications have materially afiected the 
main stream of history. Thus, for instance, all authors 
were agreed that A. Cornelius was dictator in B. c. 322 ; 
but it was disputed whether he or the consuls conducted 
the war against the Sanmites: some saying that he was 
created dictator only to start the quadrigae in the Boman 
games, instead of the praetor, L. Plautius, who was hin- 
dered from doing so by iUness.^ But in this matter, 
tlie principal point, allowed on all hands, is that the 
Samnites were beaten, and whether by A or B is a matter 
of importance only to A and B and their families. 

Admitting, however, that many minor errors may have 
crept into early Eoman history from this source, still 
this does not invalidate the great bulk of it, and reduce 
it to nothing better than a mere fantasy. 

Other historical materials, besides public annals and 
private memoirs, were domestic laws and foreign treaties, 
reconled upon brass and other durable materials, inscrip- 

» Brutus, 16. « viii. 40. » Liv. yiii. 40. 

IiTTROD.] . TREATIES. xxxui 

tions upon statues and buildings, the archives of neigh- 
bouring states, &c., &c. Our limits will not permit any 
long inquiry into the nature and preservation of these 
documents ; and we shall therefore conclude this sketch 
of tlie original sources by recording a few instances of 
treaties, laws, &c., made before the Gallic conflagration, 
and undoubtedly preserved to later times. But we should 
always remember that there must have been a great 
many more of them than those whose existence is acci- 
dentally recorded by ancient writers. 

The earliest Eoman treaty mentioned to have been com- 
mitted to writing is that of Eomulus with the Veientines ; 
but as neither this, nor a treaty of TuUius Hostilius with 
the Sabines, is recorded to have been preser\^ed to later 
times, we shall pass them over.^ Tlie first treaty un- 
doubtedly extant in the classical age of Eoman literature 
was the league formed by Servius TulHus with the Latin 
cities. Sei-vius caused the terms of it, and the names of 
the cities belonging to it, to be engraved on a brazen 
column ; which was preserved in tlie Temple of Diana 
on the Aventine, and inspected by the historian, Dionysius 
of Halicamassus, in the reign of Augustus.^ Sh* G. C. 
Lewis' repudiation of it, because ' there is nothing to 
show that the name of Servius occurs in it,' ^ seems to 
be a pushing even of the most sceptical criticism beyond 
its legitimate bounds. Possibly the name did not occur. 
We are far from certain that the names of the kings ever 
appeared at all in such documents ; but at all events the 
high antiquity of tlie monument was attested, as Sir G. C. 
Lewis admits, by the early Greek characters, in which it 

» Dionya. ii. 55 and iii. ,33. « Ibid, iv. 26. 

' Credibility df-c. vol. i. p. 502, note. 


MTM ]a<9cribed ; of the age of which Dionymus, himself a 
Greek, rnuBt liave been a competent judge. Besides, an 
exteiwive fwlcrative treaty of this sort must have carried 
iti own story, and consequently its own date, upon the 
fiU'ji ()f it. Here then is an instance of an early record 
wliicli had survived the capture of the city by the Gauls ; 
and it seems prol>abIe that the Aventine, being an isolated 
and distant hill, may have escaped the conflagration alto- 

Anoth(rr instari(U5 of tlie same kind is the treaty of 
'J an|uinius Hu[>erbus with the Gabians, written upon a 
bull's hide stretched u\Hjn a shield : the hide of the bull 
sac.riflciMl when the oaths were taken to the treaty. 
Dionysius had nlao seen this document,^ which was pre- 
w;rved in the 1 eniple of Dius Fidius, or Semo Sancus, on 
the (iuirinal, and describes it as written in archaic charac- 
Ufrs ; wliir.h he Inid consequently an opportunity of com- 
piirinj/ wilJi tljose of the I^atin League. The accoimt of 
Uintiytiii^n iu in this instiuice corroborated by the testi- 

pihi titithti vui«riitii, tit lAbtilfM poccare retantes, 
(jHHit hU «(iiliM|iin \Irl Hnnxurimt, fdulora regum 
\»'i iinhWn vol t'um rlKidiit ntqiinU Sabinis, 
l'<fiill()i(iiiii UUrim, Afiriniitt voltiiuina vatum, 
Ihi.lUui \\)mun MiiNNN In iiioutu lucutas.' 

In IIm< mtnr U'th\iU\ iirn wiid lo Imvn boon preserved till 
iIh'. nniM'rinl linM^n, I|m< ilirtiiiiriind wnidulHof Tanaquil, wife 
of TiiMidinifin I'llwi'iin;" wlimi'ii it mu'iiis probable that 
IJmi (iiiiiiniil nniy iilfto Imvn rbrii|MM| tju' flames, and thus 
tlin imUmU (</i hl'ilMiy wmuM Im nlill l\irther enlarged. 


The argument employed by Niebuhr and Sir G. C. Lewis ^ 
against the genuineness of this treaty, or rather against 
Livy's account how Gabiaj was captured, namely, that it 
cannot be reconciled with the fraud and force used by 
Tarquin to get possession of the town, and could be possible 
only in the case of a capitulation, is utterly valueless. For, 
as we learn from Livy,^ fcedera were of three kinds : one, 
in which laws were given to the conquered (the present 
case) ; another, when, both parties being equal, a conven- 
tion was made ; a third, when a social league was entered 
into by friendly powers. 

There was also extant, at a late period, a treaty between 
Eome and Carthage, made in the first year of the Roman 
republic, the genuineness of which is not disputed. It is 
cited by Polybius,^ the model historian, who gives the 
terms of it, and criticises the style, which he describes as 
so unhke the Latin of his time that parts of it could 
hardly be understood. Such a treaty with a distant 
nation shows what progress Rome must have made. It 
corroborates the accounts of the foundation of Ostia by 
Ancus Marcius, and of the extension of the Eoman do- 
minion, under the kings, over the Latin seaport towns, 
without which there could have been no motive for making 
a treaty with a distant maritime power. 

Niebuhr takes advantage of this treaty to bring an 
argument against the Fasti. ' Now no dependence,' he 
observes, * can be placed on the Fasti, as is suflSciently 

^'DasblosseDa^eyneinesVertrags, pares bello (equo fcedere in pacem 

moglich nach Dedition, macht ge- atque amicitiam venirent . . . Ter- 

waltsame Einnahme undenkbar. — tium esse genus, quum, qui liostes 

Niebuhr, Rom. Gesch, B. i. S. 538. nunquam fuerint, ad amicitiam so- 

CredibiUty ^c vol. i. p. 523. ciali fcedere jungendam coeaut' — 

* ' Ease autem tria genera foede- xxxiv. 57. 
rum. . . . Unum, quiim beUo victia ' iii. 22. 

dicerentur leges. . . . Alterum quum 



proved by Brutus and Iloratius being named as colleagues 
in the treaty with Carthage/^ And further on he says : 
* Down to the latest times it was necessary that all Boman 
public documents should be signed^ with the names of the 
consuls under whom they were drawn up, as a mark of 
their genuineness : in a treaty above all such a statement 
cannot have been omitted. Thus it might be read in the 
treaty witli the Latins that it was concluded by Sp. Cas- 
sius (Liv. ii. 33) ; and as Polybius had no particular reason 
for introducing the names of the consuls of his own accord, 
it certainly cannot be questioned that the table contained 
those of Brutus and Iloratius as colleagues.* 

The first of these passages contains a totally unfounded 
assertion. The treaty, as given by Polybius, does not con- 
tain the names of any consuls ; nor do two or three other 
treaties which he adds afterwards. The names of Brutus 
and Iloratius are inserted by Polybius himself in his text ; 
but where he found them it is impossible to say. Nie- 
buhr s argument that he must have found them in the 
treaty, because those documents were always provided 
with them, is at variance with the express testimony of 
Livy to the contrary. That historian, in relating the 
Caudine convention, tells us that the peace was made, not, 
as was vulgarly thought, by a foedus or treaty, but by a 
sponsio ; and that this was the reason why the names of 
the consuls and other officers, who subscribed it as spon- 
sors, were still I'xtant in his time ; whereas, if the peace 
had been concluded by a treaty, no names would have 

> Hist, vol. i. p. 224. should bo declared (' mit der Angabe 

' It must bo ()})H(»rvod that the des consulate, untor welchem siw 

translators have Ihm*' very uiati'rially ausprestellt worden. versehen seyn '). 

nusropresonted Niebuhr's moaniiijf. Thouprh it is diflinult to see how that 

HedcH?8 not say that it was neceswiry would have added to their autheii- 

Eublic documents should be siffned tici ty. 
y the consuls, but that the consulate 




been appended to it except those of two Fetiales.^ From 
the passage quoted, it is plain that the consuls had but 
little power in concluding a treaty. The same thing ap- 
pears from the fact that in the peace with Carthage it was 
Scipio, and not one of the consuls, who was empowered 
to conclude it. But though the conditions were left 
absolutely to Scipio's discretion, he had nothing whatever 
to do with the execution of the treaty, Fetiales being 
specially despatched from Eome into Africa for that pur- 
pose.*"^ Neither a consul's name, therefore, nor Scipio's, 
was appended to this treaty. There are, indeed, some 
instances in Livy himself, which appear to militate against 
what he says in the passage just quoted, as in the case of 
the treaty with the Latins, also belonging to the prae- 
Gallic times, adduced by Niebuhr, which Livy cites as a 
proof that one of the consuls was absent in the Volscian 
war.' But it must be observed that this treaty had been 
transferred to a brazen column ; and it may, therefore, be 
inferred that the name did not appear in the treaty itself, 
but in some epigraph, or inscription on the column, re- 
cording the circumstances of it. The testimony of Livy 
as to the general custom is so precise that, when we find 
exceptions to it, we must conclude that they arose from 
special circumstances. Tims we read that Licinius Macer 
discovered from a treaty with Ardea, made half a century 

^ ' Consulesprofecti ad Pontium in 
colloquium, quum de foedere victor 
agitaret. negarunt, injussu populi 
foedus fieri posse, nee sine fetialibus 
csDrimoniaque alia sollenni. Itoque 
non, ut vulgo credunt, Claudiusque 
etiam scribit, fcedere pax Caudina, 
sed per sponsionem, facta est. Quid 
enim aut sponsoribus in foedere opus 
eeaety ubi precatione res transigitur : 
Per quern popidum fiaty quo minus 

legibus dictis stetur, ut eum ita Jupiter 
feriat, ^madmodum afetiab'bus por- 
ous fenatur. Spoponderunt consules, 
legati, quflestores, tribimi militum; 
nominaque omnium, qui spospond- 
erunt, exstant: ubi, si ex foedere 
acta res esset, pweterquam duorum 
fetialium, non exstarent.' — ix. 5. 

' Liv. XXX. 43. 

» u. 33, 

xxxviii mSTORY OF THE CITY OF ROMR [Iirraon. 

before the burning of the city, that there had been consuls 
in A.u.c. 312.^ This, however, was not an original treaty, 
but a renewed one. The intervention of the pater patratus 
was probably not again required, and the attestation of 
the consuls sufficed to show that the treaty continued in 

From what has been said we are induced to conclude 
that Polybius is mistaken when he asserts, or rather is 
supposed to assert, against the concurrent testimony of 
other historians, that Brutus and Horatius were colleagues 
in the consulship. They were consuls, however, in the 
same year ; and it is possible that, as Polybius may not 
have known the month in which the treaty was con- 
cluded, he may have inserted the names both of the 
original consul and the consul suffectus, so as to cover the 
whole year. 

Besides treaties, laws of the kings and of the decemvirs 
are mentioned by several of the later Eoman authors as 
extant. Livy says that some of the laws of the kings, as 
well as the Twelve Tables, were preserved after the fire.^ 
Cicero attests the existence of laws of Numa in his time.^ 
Dionysius also mentions these laws, and quotes one of 
them textually.* Festus often cites them, and even quotes 
a law of Komulus and Tatius.^ Tacitus alludes to a law 
of Tullus Ilostilius, not Servius Tullius, as Sir G. C. Lewis 
supposes,^ and speaks of Ancus Marcius, and especially of 
Servius Tullius, as law-givers.^ When the Capitol was 
burnt by the Vitellians, no fewer than three thousand 

* Liv. iv. 7. set, g^uas scitis extare.' — Ibid, v. 2. 

' * Erant nutem eae duodecim ta- * ii. 27. 

bulae et qucedam'rej^eo leges.' — vL 1. * Voc. phrare. The passage is 

' ' Propositis legibus his, quas in probably corrupt 

monumentis habenius.' — De Hep. ii. • Credibility ^-c. vol. i. p. 140. 

14. ' Qui legum etiani scriptor fuis- ' Ann. iii. 26, xii. 8. 

IiTTBOl).] LAWS. xxxix 

brazen tablets were destroyed, containing senatus consiilta 
and plebiscita almost from the origin of the city} These, 
however, were not the only copies ; and Vespasian was 
able to replace them, or at all events part of them, by 
searching on all sides for other examples. It is easy to 
say that a pontifical scribe might dignify an old consuetu- 
dinary law with the name of a lex regia^ and attribute it 
to Numa, Servius, or some other king -^ but, after all, this 
is no more than a conjecture made to controvert tlie best 
and most positive evidence. We prefer the conclusion of 
Niebuhr, that * it would be arbitrary scepticism to doubt 
that the early Eoman laws were written long before the 
time of the decemvirs.'^ Again: *The high antiquity of 
a collection of the laws of the kings, compiled by one 
Papirius, seems unquestionable. '"* The leges regice are even 
quoted in the Digest. The preservation of the decemvi- 
ral laws is well ascertained, and is admitted even by Sir 
G. C. Lewis.^ But if these laws, made before the Gallic 
conflagration, are known to have been preserved after that 
event, where is the improbability that laws only two or 
three centuries older might also have been saved ? Many 
laws of the Anglo-Saxons, a people not more civihsed than 
the Eomans under their kings, are still extant after the 
lapse of ten centuries ; why then might not the leges 
regice have been preserved for seven ? 

Such, then, in a compendious way, were the materials 
for history when it began to be written for the public 
by Eoman authors about two centuries before the Chris- 
tian era ; namely, Annales Maximi, Libri Lintei, or books 

* ' Pfene ab exordio urbis.' — Suet. * ' That the decemviral legislation 

Vesp. 8. was preserved with perfect fidelity 

» CredibiUty SfC vol. i. p. 620, in the original authentic text cannot 

' Lectures, vol. i. p. 6. be doubted.* — Ibid, p. 112. 

* Hist, vol 

, vol. 1. p. ' 
. i. p. 211. 


of the magistrates, portions also of the Commentarii 
Pontificum, various laws, treaties, senatus consulta, &c., 
archives of neighbouring states, traditions, inscriptions, 
family memoirs, and other things. 

Now is it possible to believe that a nation which had 
arrived at such development as we have described, which 
had executed works like the Cloaca Maxima, the Servian 
walls, the Temple of Jupiter, and others, and which pos- 
sessed the art of writing, should have utterly forgotten all 
the acts, nay, even the very names, of its kings at the time 
of tlie Gallic conflagration, only one hundred and twenty 
years after their expulsion ? Or, if these w^ere then ex- 
tant, that they should have been utterly obliterated by 
that catastrophe ? although the Eomans took, at that 
time, the greatest pains to recover what laws and treaties 
they might have lost.^ To beheve this possible seems to 
us to demand no ordinary credulity ; and the conjecture 
that it was possible — for after all it is nothing but a con- 
jecture — should at least have been supported by the 
example of some nation, equally civilised with the Eomans 
of that period, among whom so extraordinary a pheno- 
menon has occurred. 

We may now ask, what use did the earliest Eoman 
historians, or rather annalists, make of the materials 
which they possessed, and how far are they to be trusted ? 
Always remembering, however, that although the later 
Eoman historians probably, for the most part, followed 
these ancient authors, yet that the original documents 
were still , extant, or at least a great portion of them, 
whereby they might be corrected. We know from Cicero 

* 'Imprimis fcedera ac leges (erant parercnt jusserunt : alia ex iis cdita 
autem eaj duodecim tabulie et quie- etiam in vulgus.' — IJv. vi. 1. 
dam regife leges) conquiri qua? com- 


that, up to his time, there was no Eoman history worthy 
of the name; nothing but annals, all more or less dry 
and jejune.^ This circumstance, however, is rather in 
favour of the fidelity of the early authors, as showirig 
them to have been mere compilers, who did not draw 
upon their imagination, and had no philosophical or cri- 
tical theories to support. That these authors contained a 
history of early Eome, substantially the same as that 
subsequently written by Livy and Dionysius, is manifest 
from frequent allusions to it by Latin writers, who 
flourished before the time of these historians, and espe- 
cially Cicero ; the second book of whose De Repuhlica 
contains a sketch of Roman history down to the time of 
Virginius and the decemvirs. 

Besides that the first Eoman annaUsts were more or 
less dry and jejune, it is also plain from their discrepancies 
that they were in some degree more or less careful and 
correct. These discrepancies, however, as the original 
works have perished, we can now only infer from Livy, 
Dionysius, and other writers who used them. The two 
historians just named evidently preferred different autho- 
rities. Dionysius, in the preface, or introduction, to his 
Roman Antiquities^ states that there were two classes of 
ancient Roman annaUsts; first, those who wrote in the 
Greek language, as Quintus Fabius (Pictor) and Lucius 
Cincius : but these he describes as careless of the early 
times, and therefore he followed in preference Porcius 
Cato, Fabius Maximus, Valerius Antias, Licinius Macer, 
the jElii, Gellii, Calpumii, and others. These authors were 
probably selected by Dionysius, rather for their fulness 
than their correctness. We know at least that Livy, who 

» De Leg, i. 2. • Lib. i. c. G, 7. 


was certainly a more judicious writer than Dionysius, 
made a different choice, and often cites Fabius Pictor and 
Cinciu3 with approbation ; whilst he sometimes rejects the 
testimony of the autliors preferred by Dionjrsius. Vale- 
rius Antias in particular came frequently under his lash, 
as an egregious exaggerator, to use no harsher term.^ 
So respecting the building of the CapitoUne temple, he 
prefers tlie testimony of Fabius Pictor to that of Calpur- 
nius Piso, as well as in the description of the death of 
Coriolanus, where Di«:)nysius follows a different authority.* 
On the other hand we find Dionysius condemning Fabius 
as a bad chronologer,^ and preferring, apparently with 
reason, the testimony of Calpumius Piso respecting the 
family of Tarquinius Priscus to that of all other Boman 
historians.* The discrepancies of the early Eoman annal- 
ists have therefore in some degree been reflected by the 
later historians who used them ; in addition to which 
these last have also been charged with peculiar faults of 
their own. 

Before the reign of Augustus, the fairest and most 
fertile portion of the known world had been subdued by 
the Roman arms. An empire which extended from the 
Euphrates to the Atlantic Ocean, and from the Rhine and 
Danube to the deserts of Arabia and Africa, may be sup- 
posed almost to have satiated the most extravagant 
thirst for military glory. Such at least was the feeling 
of Augustus, who in his testament recommended his suc- 
cessors to content themselves with the boundaries which 
nature herself seemed to have assigned to the Empire.^ 

* ' NulluR montiondi moduR/ xxvi. » iv. 30 ; cf. ibid, c. 0. 

40; cf. iii. 6, xxxiii. 10, &c. * Ibid, c. 7. 

" Liv. i. 56, ii. 40 j Dionys. viii. * See Gibbon's Declme and Fall, 

f>«. ch. i. sub init. 

Inteod.] LIVY as an HISTORIAN. xliii 

We may suppose, therefore, that an historian of the 
Augustan age might aflTord to look with calm indiffer- 
ence and philosophic impartiality on the comparatively 
obscure wars and conquests of early Rome, the glory 
of which no rival existed to dispute ; and that such in 
particular might have been the case with livy, a native 
of Patavium, or Padua, a distant city which contrived to 
maintain its independence till a late period of the Roman 
Republic. For our own part we must confess that, re- 
flecting upon the surprising fortunes of the Romans — 
how they first subdued Italy and then made themselves 
masters of the largest empire the world has ever seen — 
considering further the numerous victories they must ne- 
cessarily have won to achieve this success, their miUtary 
hL«!tory as related by Livy, chequered as it is with the 
disasters inflicted by Brennus and his Gauls, by Pyrrhus, 
by Hannibal, and others, does not appear at all exagge- 
rated or incredible. 

Yet the critics of the sceptical school regard Livy as 
actuated by the most childish vanity, in the history which 
he gives of the victories of the Romans in early times. 
Thus his account of the defeat of the Samnites by the 
Romans, after the disaster of the latter at the Caudine 
Forks, and the recovery of the lost standards and hostages, 
is regarded by Niebuhr and Dr. Arnold as a mere story, 
if not invented at least adopted by Livy merely to soothe 
the national pride.^ Had he been influenced by such a 
motive, a readier method, one would think, would have 
been to omit or misrepresent the disaster, which, on the 
contrary, is painted in the most vivid colours. Sir G. C. 

* Niebuhr, Hist. ^/ Jlome, voL iii. p. 367 sqq. ; Arnold, ITitt of Rome^ 
ToL iL p. 226 sq. 

xliv raSTORY OF THE CITY OF ROMR [Jittbod. 

Lewis, who on this head is more just towards livy, very 
truly observes that * it is a dangerous and uncertain mode 
of criticism to insert defeats of the Eomans, and to erase 
their victories upon mere conjecture ; when the general 
course of history shows that, in the end, they must have 
been triumphant ; ' and then proceeds to point out that, by 
such a method, some future historian might discredit the 
successes of Pollock and Nott, and the recapture of Cau- 
bul after the disaster of the EngHsh army in the Khyber 
Pass.^ In one place Dr. Arnold' undertakes to point out 
the very way in which one of these * monstrous falsehoods* 
was fabricated. It is the account of the liberation of 
Eome by Camillus, which he stigmatises as * a falsification 
scarcely to be paralleled in the annals of any other people.' 
Strangely enough, however, all the steps, except the 
last, of this gradual fabrication in the interests of Boman 
vanity, are made on his own showing by Greek authors. 
First of all, one of two versions of Diodorus is adopted 
as the true one — namely, that the Gauls cut off were 
not those who had been at Eome, but a body of them 
returning from Apulia, and that they were not cut off 
by the Eomans or by Camillus, but by the people of 
Cffire or Agylla. ' To enhance the merit of this success, 
the Gauls who were cut off were next made to be the 
same party who had besieged the Capitol.' This merit, 
however, is not claimed by a Eoman author, but is 
eitlier invented or adopted by Stnibo ; and, even if it 
had been made by a Eoman author, it is difficult to see 
how an act of the Coerites would have reflected any glory 
upon Eome. This indeed is tacitly acknowledged in the 
next sentence : * But the glory of such a trophy could not 

* Credibility 8^c, vol. ii. p. 455. « Hist, of Rotne, vol. i. ch. 24. 

Ltxbod.] the progress OF FALSEHOOD. xlv 

be left to strangers ; the victory was soon transferred to 
the Eomans and to Camillus.' Here again, however, the 
transfer was not made by a Eoman, but by a Greek 
author — nay, by that very Diodorus,^ who had just been 
quoted for a different version ! Diodorus is thus made to 
have lived after Strabo, and to have copied him ; and is 
also represented as having confounded two distinct events. 
In justice to him, however, it must be said that it is 
Dr. Arnold who has confounded them ; though the whole 
narrative of Diodorus is so confused as to deserve a some- 
what stronger epithet than that of * suspicious,' which Sir 
G. C. Lewis has applied to it.^ Livy, however, is made 
responsible for the last step of the fabrication — namely, 
that ' Eome was never ransomed at all.' Camillus inter- 
venes, annuls the bargain before it is completed, and next 
day totally annihilates the Gauls. Oddly enough, however, 
this last step is also taken by a Greek author, Dionysius, 
though Dr. Arnold omits to cite him, whose account of 
the sudden appearance of CamiUus, and subsequent anni- 
hilation of the Gallic host, corroborates that of Livy.^ 

Sir G. C. Lewis, as we have said, is more just towards 
Livy as respects the fairness of his accounts, yet sometimes 
charges him, as well as Dionysius, with a remarkable 
want of common sense, or, at all events, of common 
observation. Livy in his forty-first book describes a great 
pestilence, in which the dogs and vultures are represented 
as abstaining from the unburied bodies that had died of 
it.^ ' This seems to show,' observes Sir G. C. Lewis, ' that 

* xiv. 117. Knr'KT<l)ntn', Xui. 8. 

' Credibility, «J*c. vol. i. p. 348. * ' Cadavera intacta a canibus ac 

' Tdc BvvafAti^ vapitXaj^tliv, d^pvot re vulturibus, tabes absumebat, satisque 

roiy KrXroic iTri^avilc, (I'c ^vyifv constabnt nee illo nee priore anno in 

avTovg Tf^TTfiy Koi tiiTTttrutv aavvTOLKToiQ tanta stra^ bourn hominumque vul- 

ri Kai TiTopayfxivoii'f cixtiv vpo^Tutv turium usque visum.' — ^xli. 21. 


there were no vultures in the country near Eome/ We 
submit that the passage proves, on the contrary, that 
vultures were constantly seen at Eome, since their ab- 
sence during these two years is recorded as something 
remarkable. Exceptio probat regulam. 

Sir G. C. Lewis then states in a note that no vultures are 
found in Italy, except in the Alps, and that he is not aware 
of any proof of their existence in ancient Italy. ^ Si non 
nunc, non unquam, is surely as bad logic as post hoc, 
ergo propter hoc. Even if it be true that vultures are 
no longer found near Eome, it is well known that many 
kinds of birds and animals have deserted places where 
they formerly existed, and that some kinds have become 
utterly extinct. The use of gimpowder would have great 
efiect in driving birds from a country ; but the frequent 
mention of vultures by Livy and Dionysius is sufficient 
evidence that the bird called by the Eomans vuUur 
existed at Kome in ancient times; for those historians 
would hardly have been such bunglers as to record por- 
tents that were impossible, and which even the women 
and children would have laughed at. However, if it was a 
blunder or an imposture, it appears to have spread unde- 
tected through a great many generations, since Dion Ca&sius, 
who wrote nearly two centuries after livy and Dionysius, 
still continues to record the appearance of vultures.* 

As the vulture is thus summarily banished from Rome, 
so also are eagles and palm-trees. Dionysius' relates a 
portent of a flight of vultures attacking an eagle's nest 
built on the top of a palm ; on which Sir G, C. Lewis 
observes : ' This omen must have been fictitious, for the 

» Credibility 4'c. vol. i. p. 390 and » Lib. xlvii. 2. 
note 108. » iv. 63. 


palm-tree does not grow at Eome, nor do either eagles 
or vultures ever appear in its neighbourhood.' ^ It is evi- 
dent, at least, that the vultures here mentioned could not 
have been eagles, as Colonel Mure assumes those to have 
been which appeared to Eomulus and Eemus.^ In sup- 
port of the remark that the palm does not grow at Eome, 
Dr. Eothman is quoted, who in his Observations on the 
Climate of Italy^ p. 6, says, that * Terracina is now the 
northern limit of the date-palm in Italy, with the excep- 
tion of a convent garden at Eome and a small tract of 
coast between Nice and Genoa.' The testimony of Dr. 
Eothman is thus preferred to that of Dionysius, who spent 
a great part of his life at Eome, and must have been a 
competent judge of such a fact. The palm excepted by 
Dr. Eothman is probably the fine one in the garden of 
the Convent of Sta. Francesca, near S. Pietro in Vincoh, 
which must have been seen and admired by most visitors 
of Eome. But if such a tree can grow there in the open 
air, why should not others ? In fact, those who are ac- 
quainted with Eome know that it possesses many palm- 
trees besides this ; as those in the gardens of the Villa 
Colonna, visible from the Via della Pilotta, and others in 
other places. 

Both Livy and Dionysius record the winter of B. c. 400 
as one of extraordinary severity.^ According to the lat- 
ter authority, the snow was seven feet deep ; many cattle 
and horses and some men perished. This account is 
discredited, because snow never lies now at Eome, and 
because the most scientific researches — ^Dr. Eothman again 
— show that there is not much difference in the climate of 

' Credibility ^c, vol. i. p. 616. i. p. 113 sq. ap. Sir G. C. Lewis, ibid, 

' Journal of a Tour in Greece, vol. * Livy, v. 13 ; Dionys. xii. 8. 


Borne in ancient and modem times.^ This last assertion 
is evidently incorrect. Horace speaks of a winter, not re- 
corded, I believe, by any other authority, as a remarkably 
severe one, in which Soracte is described as covered with 
deep snow — ^an event which seldom or never occurs now ; 
the rivers were frozen up, and the trees hardly able to 
bear the w^eight of snow upon them.' If this could 
happen in the Augustan age, why might not it have been 
a great deal worse in an extraordinary winter, three or 
four centuries earlier, when, from the want of cultivation, 
the climate may be supposed to have been more severe — 
when it is admitted too that, if we are to believe St. 
Augustine,® snow on one occasion lay to a great depth in 
the Forum forty days ; and also that the Tiber, even under 
the more gentle climate of modem times, was frozen in 
the winter of 1709?* 

Ill this last case, however. Sir G. C. Lewis has a strong 
motive for disputing the truth of these very probable 
natural phenomena. The record of them bears all the 
marks of contemporary registration — ^for hard winters 
imj)ress only those who feel them — and would therefore 
prove that registers kept ten years before the Gallic con- 
flagration were in existence after that event. Hence he 
observes that, on the whole, it is more probable that the 
details given by Dionysius were written down after the 
time from exaggerated rumours, than that they should 
have been recorded from accurate personal observation.' 
What is the meaning here of * after the time ? ' Eegular 

* Credibility »Sc. ii. 357. a daIiii (between ten and eleven 

* Od. i. y. inches) at Messina, a much warmer 
' Ih Civ, Dei. iii. 17. place than Kome, and where, as I 

* As I am writing this, I read in have been told by residents, the 
the Times (March 11, 1806) that thermometer seldom falls below 60° 
anew has boon lying to the depth of Fahrenheit 


history, as Sir G. C. Lewis shows, began not to be written 
till two centuries after this period. Could the tradition 
of a severe winter have survived till that time ? If not, 
when was the account * written down ? ' And if such a 
matter can have been committed to writing directly after 
the GaUic conflagration, why not matters more important ? 

The phenomena just alluded to are not perhaps in 
themselves of much importance; yet the treatment of 
them has much significance as illustrating that spirit of 
groundless scepticism, if we may venture so to call it, which 
characterises the modem critical school. If probable 
physical occurrences can thus be called in question, what 
treatment are we to expect of moral actions, whose causes 
are so much more complicated and obscure ? 

Our limits will not permit us to enter into any elaborate 
inquiry as to the spirit in which Livy and Dionysius ap- 
proached their tasks, or the manner in which they employed 
their authorities. Livy in his preface declares his objects 
to be to paint the life and manners of the people, and 
to describe the men by whom and the conduct by which 
so vast an empire was obtained. Compared with these 
objects, he considers it of httle importance to discuss the 
more fabulous and doubtful parts of Soman histoiy. Prom 
the preface and the first chapter of the sixth book, he 
appears to divide this history, with regard to its certainty, 
into three periods : 1. From the earUest times to the 
foundation of the city. 2. From the latter period to its 
destruction by the Gauls. 3. The period posterior to the 
Gallic conflagration. The first of these periods he regards 
as Uttle better than fabulous ; the second he treats as 
more certain and historical, and, when he enters upon it, 
drops those terms of doubt, ferunt, fertur, fama tenet, &c. 


which he had used in his first chapters. He shows no 
hesitation as to whether there were such kings as Bomulus 
and Numa, as he had previously doubted about the identity 
of Ascanius. He evidently regarded the second period 
as containing a large substratum of truth; and as he 
takes credit at the beginning of his sixth book for having 
comprised the whole history of the city from its founda- 
tion to its capture in the five preceding ones, we may 
conclude that he had selected only what he deemed most 
worthy of belief. I should, therefore, be inclined to con- 
sider the history of the kings as true in the main — I mean 
their names and order of succession, though not perhaps 
the precise duration of their reigns — ^for chronology is 
the weak point of ancient Eoman history ; also the chief 
transactions of their reigns, excluding of course those 
supernatural occurrences which were invented by the 
priests, and found a ready behef from the natural super- 
stition of the people. 

Much still remains to be done for Eoman chronology. 
Sir Isaac Newton placed the foundation of Eome in b. c. 
627, or more than a century and a quarter below the era 
commonly received ; and Mr. Clinton observes : * who 
shall say how many years the Varronian era of Eome 
ascends above the true year of the foundation ? ' ^ 

The only way to reduce the computation very mate- 
rially, and at the same time without interfering with 
historical facts, as handed down to us, would be to assume 
that a year of ten months was in use at Eome tiQ a late 
period of the Eepublic. Whether such a reduction could 
be successfully carried out, we leave to the consideration 
of those who enjoy more leisure for such somewhat abs- 

* Fa^i Hellenicij toI. iii. Introd. p. xiv. 


truse inquiries. We shall here only venture to offer a 
few thoughts which have occurred to us upon the sub- 
ject. If they are altogether wild and unfounded, still 
their ventilation may at least serve to place the opposite 
view of the question on a firmer basis. 

Niebuhr observes that a year of ten months was the 
Eoman term for mourning, for the payment of portions 
left by will, for credit on the sale of yearly profits, most 
probably for all loans ; and it was the measure for the 
most ancient rate of interest.^ To these facts he might 
have added another very striking one, recorded by Ma- 
crobius : the matrons served the slaves at supper in March, 
as their masters did in the Saturnalia in December ; the 
matrons, in order that the slaves, by the honour accorded 
to them at the beginning of the year, might be invited to 
prompt obedience ; the masters, in order to recompense 
them for their services.^ But if this computation of the 
year extended to so many of the transactions of the early 
Eomans, is it not probable that it extended to all, includ- 
ing the consulship ? And is it at all likely that any people, 
even allowing that their priests had a different system, 
would in their civil affairs adopt the monstrously incon- 
venient and misleading practice of computing time by two 
discordant measures ? 

Niebuhr has attempted to show that a year of ten 
months was in use at an advanced period of the Eepublic 
by adverting to some truces, the premature expiration 
of the term assigned to which can be explained only by 
assuming such a year.^ But these instances seem hardly 
so satisfactory as might be desired. In the first instance, 

» IltH. of Borne, vol. i. p. 242. • Saium, i. 12. 

' Hist, ofJRamey vol. i. p. 241, 



th'? forty yearn' peace with Veil, which appears to haye 
tftnm broken after a lapse of thirty-six years, Niebuhr's 
fumtriiou that the Bomans did not accuse the Veientines 
of having tiroken their oaths, is hardly correct For Cor- 
tii'Uu9t iUtfmUH^ t>efore his combat with the Veientine king 
Tolumuiun^ caills him *ruptor foederis hmnani, violatorque 
^Hitifitn jurj«/ ' Again, regarding the twenty years' truce 
WHtUi in ^,\J.c. 329, wliich Livy said had expired in the 
yi'ftr JH7, we arc, by the Eoman principle of counting 
htiU rnlrcuiim^ bronglit down to the nineteenth year; 
hm'uUm in thJN ycMir the Eomans did not declare war, but 
//fily bi'gan U) nogotiate (perlegatos fetialesque res repeti 
/?//'/////'!* Thi! Itonmns, who were the complaining party, 
lu'ufUl hiivi5 rniulo their demands, according to Niebuhr's 
vi<«w, two yi?arH before and did not But war was not 
lU'iunWy bi'gim with the Veientines till the twentieth year. 
iUmUUm^ during thin truce, as a critic has pointed out in 
lA^umMn iMlition, th(j greater part of a year was lost in 
^jM/iblilirig with the interreges about the Comitia Con- 
MiUtm.^ On tho othc^r hand we may observe that a peace 
imwl^i with iImi KtniHoans for forty years in B.C. 351, is 
tAm^mu] till :il 1, or for the whole term.* 

Ni«'l>nlir*» theory iwhu!!1(»8 that while the Eomans were 
making treati(»H, or rather dictating them to surrounding 
natiouH, for Uivtun computed by a year of ten months, 
they w(jre nevcjrtheless using in their other concerns a 
year of twelve months. Now tliis is altogether improbable 
and inadmissible. Or it would imply that though the 

t nji Kfl ' *^® con&uls entering upon their office 

jtnd.^, was altered. See the art. Cmiul in 

See Livy, IV. 43: Quum major Smith's Z)foi5. o/" ^«<. p. 363 (2nd ed.). 

pw8 insequentis anm/ &c. Some- * Lir. vii. 2*2, ix. £ ^ 

where about this time the period for 

Introd.] TIIE lustrum. liii 

early Fasti only knew a civil year of ten months, yet that 
historians had subsequently converted it into an astro- 
nomical year of twelve. But it is easy to see how im- 
possible this would have been. It is enough to observe 
that it would have required the obliteration of a vast 
number of consuls. Supposing that the early Boman 
year consisted of ten months, the historians would have 
had no alternative but to accept it as they found it. 

The recurrence of the lustrum and census would 
afford a much better test of the nature of the Koman 
year than that here adopted by Niebuhr ; but we are not 
aware that he has ever used it. If it can be probably 
shown that down to B. c. 293, where Livy's first decade 
ends, the census appears to have been made every sixth 
year, and after that period every fifth year, then there is 
good ground for supposing that, down to the period 
named, the year of ten months was in use, and that sub- 
sequently the astronomical year of twelve months was 

Now in the year b. c. 293, the census was taken and 
the lustrum performed by the censors P. Cornelius 
Arvina and C. Marcius Eutilus. The previous lustrum 
had been celebrated in B. c. 299,^ in the consulship of M. 
Fulvius Pffitinus and T. Manlius Torquatus ; and between 
these two dates we find the following six pairs of consnls : 
1. L. ComeUus Scipio and Cn. Fulvitw ; 2. Q, Fahhw and 
P. Decius ; 3. L. Yolumnitis and Ap, CkaMih» ; 4. Fabitw 
and Decius again ; 5. L. Portumiiw Mepih» mA M 
AttUius Eegulus ; 6. L. Papiriitt Cunr^ toA h ^:wUiiw 
Maximus, in whose eonsukfajp Arraai *»/: fcvr^ui- w^.^ 

» Liv. X. 9 sDd 47. .,,ft,i„« - ^ 

^ The ^'orft appear U> ^l«* tW W v«. ^JLTT^ ^^^^^' 


If we ascend again fix)m the consulship of Fulvius 
Paetinus and Manlius Torquatns in B. c. 299, we find a 
census in 305, in the consulship of Cornelius Arvina and 
Marcius Tremulus,^ and the following intervening consids : 
1. L. Postumius and T. Minudus ; 2. Sulpicius Saverrio 
and Sempronius Sophus ; 3. L. Genucius and Ser. Corne- 
lius ; 4. M. Livius Denter and M. jEmilius ; 5. M. Vale- 
rius and Quintus Appuleius. Making Psetinus and Tor- 
quatus, who follow, the sixth consuls of the lustrum. 

It is true that in this interval we also find Fabius and 
Decius mentioned as censors in the consulship of Saver- 
rio and Sophus.^ But these seem to have been appointed 
out of the regular course and for an extraordinary occa- 
sion. They could not have been appointed for taking 
the census, which had been done only two years before ; 
and therefore their appointment accords, in the r^ular 
course, neither with a lustrum of five, nor one of six 
years. But, as we are told by Livy, Kome was at that 
time torn by forensic fection, arising from Appius Clau- 
dius having in his censorship distributed the proletarian 
citizens among all the tribes. In order to obviate the 
disorders which ensued from this arrangement, it was 
resolved to form all this class into four separate tribes, 
called tribus urbance. Now such an operation required 
the intervention of censors ; but as the term of office of 
Junius Bubulcus and Valerius Maximus, who had been 
censors in the consulship of Arvina and Tremulus,* had 
expired by virtue of the act of the dictator, jEmilius 
Mamercus, called Lex Emilia, who in B.C. 433 had 

* Liy. ix. 43. the Ftuti in the preceding consulate. 

' Ibid, 46. We again follow Livy. 

' These censors are also placed in 


limited the duration of the censorship to a year and a 
half, it became necessary either to submit three or four 
years longer to the dangers we have described, or to ap- 
point censors specially for the purpose of obviating them 
by the new arrangement alluded to ; and consequently 
this course was adopted. 

Ascending again from the year b. c. 305, we next come 
to the celebrated censorship of Appius Claudius Caecus, 
in the consulship of Valerius Maximus and P. Decius Mus. 
Now we must confess that, according to Livy, we can 
make here only an interval of five years. The consuls 
after Valerius and Decius are : 1. Junius Bubidcus and 
-^milius Barbula ; 2. Q. Fabius and Marcius Eutilus ; 
3. Q. Fabius again and Decius ; 4. Ap. Claudius and L. 
Volumnius ; followed, 5, by Arvina and Tremulus. Ac- 
cording to the Fasti^ however, there was a year in this 
interval (b. c. 309) which had no consuls, but only a dic- 
tator ; and we are thus again brought to a term of six 
years. We do not, indeed, beUeve that the dictator, who 
was L. Papirius Cursor, held his office a whole year ; but 
there were probably delays during this period through 
the creation of consuls by interreges, by which ulti- 
mately, and combined with the dictatorship, a whole year 
was lost in the reckoning. 

From B. c. 312, when Appius Claudius was dictator, 
backwards to 318, we have again a period of six years, 
when we find Papirius Crassus and C. Majnius censors, 
who added two new tribes. Beyond this period it is not 
easy to trace the censorship, as it is seldom mentioned by 
historians. But if a lustrum of six years prevailed at this 
later period, we may a fortiori conclude that it did so at 
earlier ones. And this inference is supported by a passage 


ill Livy. For in tlie chapter .wiiicli 6 
cade he observes that P. Cornelius j 
Kutilus were the twenty-sixth ccnsorl 
of the censorship, meaning, of couJ 
actually taken the census, and ^^'itfl 
who, like Fabius and Decius, h;iil 
the regular course and merely for tJ 
some emergency. Now the first cef 
B.C. 443, and the censorship of An 
293, being an interval of 150 yours. 
25 — for we must, of course, omit 
censors of the term — gives a quotieii 

Livy's second decade is lost. In tfl 
wherever it is mentioned, falls rfgulaii 
anybody may satisfy himself by inspeJ 
had therefore been made in the Eod 
astronomical year of twelve months 

When was this reformation mad? 
in B.C. 293, when the first decide 
Livy's reason for recapitulating the 3 
at this particular juncture, unless 
that so many were the cens 
census under the old system, w 
months, and consequentiy the lustrum c 
of five, was in use ; and that subsL'queaj 
told in his next book, the new system \ 

It seems probable that L. Papiria^^ 
consul at the time of the census in B.C. J 
the principal authors of this alteration. 
a singular coincidence that abont this tia 
first sun-dial that had been seen at Eod 


ill Livy. For in the chapter .which concludes his first de- 
cade he observes that P. ComeUus Arvina and C. Marcius 
Eutilus were the twenty-sixth censors from the institution 
of the censorship, meaning, of course, censors who had 
actually taken the census, and without including those 
who, like Fabius and Decius, had l>een appointed out of 
the regular course and merely for the purpose of meeting 
some emergency. Now the first censors were created in 
B.C. 443, and the censorship of Arvina and Rutilus fell in 
293, being an interval of 150 years. But 150 divided by 
25 — for we must, of course, omit either the first or last 
censors of the term — ogives a quotient of 6. 

Livy's second decade is lost. In the third, the lustrum, 
wherever it is mentioned, falls regularly in the fifth year, as 
anybody may satisfy himself by inspection. A reformation 
had therefore been made in the Eoman calendar, and the 
astronomical year of twelve months had been introduced. 

When was this reformation made ? In all probability 
in B.C. 293, when the first decade closes. Wliat was 
Livy's reason for recapitulating the years of the censors 
at this particular juncture, unless he meant to imply 
that so many were the censors who had taken the 
census under the old system, when the civil year of ten 
months, and consequently the lustrum of six years instead 
of five, was in use ; and that subsequently, as he perhaps 
told in his next book, the new system was introduced ? 

It seems probable that L. Papirius Cursor, who was 
consul at the time of the census in B.C. 293, was one of 
the principal authors of this alteration. It is, at all events, 
a singular coincidence that about this time he set up the 
first sun-dial that had been seen at Eome.^ It had not 

» Plin. m N. vii. 60. 


been constructed for that latitude, and consequently did 
not show the time correctly. We can, therefore, only 
regard it as a sort of monument of the change introduced, 
especially as, perhaps with a sly innuendo on the part of 
its dedicator, it was placed before the Temple of Quirinus, 
or Eomulus, who was reputed to have established the 
year of ten months. Any interest which the priests had 
in perpetuating the old system would have been greatly 
diminished by the act of C. Flavins, who about ten years 
before had robbed them of their secret of the Fasti, and 
published the whole calendar in the Forum. 

To the above views there may be some insuperable 
objections which have not occurred to the author. Syn- 
chronisms with Greek chronology would be the most 
important tests, but in this way there is little of much 
consequence above the date in question. Polybius, by 
placing the treaty with Carthage twenty-eight years be- 
fore Xerxes' invasion of Greece, supposed that the early 
Eoman year was astronomical. Casual expressions in 
Livy's first decade, as when he calls the censorship ' quin- 
quennalis magistratus,' or when he mentions such or such 
a year of the city, are unimportant. In such cases he is 
only using the ideas and terms most familiar to readers 
of his age. 

If there should be any truth in these remarks, they 
would serve to obviate a trite objection to the early his- 
tory of Kome, drawn from the long period occupied by 
the reigns of its kings. Their term of 243 years would 
have to be reduced by one sixth, leaving it less than 202 ; 
a term frequently exceeded by the reigns of seven con- 
secutive sovereigns. The first seven Plantagenets, from 
Henry 11. to Edward IH., reigned 223 years, though 


some of the reigns lasted only ten or sixteen years. Seven 
successive kings of France, from Louis XTTT. to Louis 
Philippe — omitting Louis XVII., who did not reign — sat 
upon the throne, or would have done so but for the 
French Revolution, 238 years, viz. from 1610 to 1848. 
It is true that there were three minorities ; but there 
was also the succession of three brothers, and the forcible 
expulsion of two kings. 

The discrepancies observable between Livy and Dio- 
nysius, which no doubt also existed in the sources fit)m 
which they drew, have sometimes been adduced as an argu- 
ment against the truth of the early Eoman history. To this 
we reply generally : first, that if those authors had agreed 
together precisely in everything, there would have been 
much more reason to suspect fraud and forgery than fit)m 
their occasional divergence ; secondly, that these discre- 
pancies are not of a nature to force us to repudiate, as 
untrue, the principal events recorded. Even in very re- 
cent history, it cannot be doubted that Bobespierre re- 
ceived a wound in the jaw at the town-hall ; but it may 
still be disputed whether it was inflicted by himself, or by 
M^da the gendarme. So also it may be still asserted 
and believed by some that the Duke of Wellington was 
surprised at Waterloo. 

Sir G. C. Lewis has brought this question to the test, 
by placing in parallel columns the history of the first 
fourteen years of the EepubUc as given by Livy and 
Dionysius.^ He admits that there is in some respects a 
dose agreement between these two authors, but affirms, 
* that the discrepancies are too wide, too numerous, and 
too fundamental to admit of the supposition that there 

* Credibility Sfc, vol. ii. p. 52. 

Ihtrod.] historical DISCREPANCIES. lix 

was in existence a brief annaUstic series of events derived 
from authentic registration, and recognised as true by all 

Now we cannot admit that there is much discrepancy 
in ' the events ; ' it lies rather in the chronology and in 
the names of the magistrates. If we examine the parallel 
years, we shall find that contradictions exist only under 
these two heads. Sometimes, indeed, one historian gives 
an event which the other omits ; but this is no contradic- 
tion, and we must remember that the two authors wrote 
with different views. Livy was hastening on to his own 
times — ^Dionysius was dweUing more at length on the 
early days of Kome. A confusion in the names of 
magistrates, and consequently in the chronology, un- 
doubtedly existed in the works of the earliest Boman 
historians or annalists, and probably also in the very 
soiu'ces from which they drew — as the Annales Maximi, 
the Libri Magistratuum, the Fasti, the records of private 
famiUes, &c. Some of the annals seem to have recorded 
consules suffecti, while others only inserted the names of 
the ordinary or original consuls, to mark the year ; hence 
a copious source of error. Thus, for instance, both Dio- 
nysius and Livy record the dedication of the Capitoline 
temple by M. Horatius, a fact perhaps which appeared 
from an inscription on it : but Livy places it in the first 
year of the Eepublic, when Horatius was consul suffectus, 
and Dionysius in the third year, when he was original 
consul The same cause may probably account for 
Dionysius giving two consuls and an additional year not 
mentioned by Livy. Li like manner the discrepancy as 
to the date of the Battle of RegiUus, the most important 
one that occurs in these fourteen years, is traceable to a 


mistake regarding a magistrate. Both authors record the 
battle to have been fought in the dictatorship of Postu- 
mius ; but livy makes him to have been dictator in the 
consulship of -^butius and Veturius in the tenth year of the 
RepubUc, whilst Dionysius places his dictatorship in his 
own consulship with Virginius, four years later. ^ Livy 
admits that some authorities placed the battle in the con- 
sulship of Postumius and Virginius, and laments these 
chronological errors, arising from a different arrangement 
of magistrates;^ but he had doubtless some grounds for 
preferring his own statement. Those discrepancies could 
only prove that the registers were sometimes confused 
and, perhaps, diflScult to decipher — not that they did not 
exist ; and this confusion might naturally be increased by 
the mistakes of copyists. Dr. Arnold, therefore, seems 
hardly justified in blotting out the Battle of Begillus 
altogether, and calling it a ' pretended ' battle.* livy 
himself explains how even those who consulted the ori- 
ginal records might sometimes be deceived. He tells us 
that, but for the evidence of the renewed treaty with 
the Ardeates, the consulship of L. Papirius Mugillanus 
and L. Scmpronius Atratinus would have been ignored. 
Their names were not found either in the Annales Maximi 
(in annaUbus priscis) or in the Books of the Magistrates. 
Livy thinks that military tribunes had been created at 
the beginning of the year, and, as if the whole of it had 
been under their government, the names of the consules 
suffecti were passed over.* Errors might also creep into 
official annals, or be created by their copyists, from simi- 
larity of surnames, as Livy shows in other places — such 

* vi. 2. maffisfratibus.* — ii. 21. 

' *Tanti errores implicant tern- * JImL of Home, voL i. p. 131. 

porum, alttcr apttd alios ordinatis * Liv. iv. 7. 


as confounding Veturius and Vetusius, or two men of the 
name of Maximus, or two called Papirius, &c. ;^ also from 
the ambition of private families, and other causes. 

From these critical inquiries of Livy we may further 
conclude that he was not altogether so careless a writer as 
he is sometimes represented to have been. That he consulted 
original authorities appears from several passages. Thus he 
contests the account of the Caudine disaster given by the 
historian Claudius Quadrigarius, and commonly believed, 
that peace was made by ^fcedas and not by a sponsio ; and 
he appeals, as we have seen, to the original instrument, 
where the names of the sponsors were still extant.^ In 
another place he speaks of running over the Annals of the 
Magistrates, and the Fasti.* The accuracy of his account 
of the decree of the senate against the Bacchanalians has 
been accidentally attested by the discovery of the original 
law, now preserved at Vienna ;* and though he undoubtedly 
followed ancient authors, he appears to have selected 
critically those most worthy of belief. But even of these 
Sir G. C. Lewis entertains but a despicable opinion. Of 
Fabius and Cincius, the oldest, at least, if not the best 
among them, he observes : ' We may conjecture that they 
registered the current belief concerning the history of the 
first centuries of the city, as it was generally accepted 
among the great poUtical families, and among the people 
at large, in their time, but without testing it by any such 
close scrutiny as that which Thucydides exercised upon 
the history of the Pisistratidae,' &c.^ Sir G. C. Lewis does 
not explain how such a history should have existed 
' among the people at large ' at a time when there were 

* See iil 8, ix. 16, x. 9. * xxxix. 18; cf. Gottling, Funfzehn 

' ix. 6. Horn. Urhmden auf Erz und Stem, 

' Ibid. 18. « CredtbUUy ^c. vol. i. p. 86. 


no historians, and, according to hun, few or no official 
annals at all events older than the Gallic conflagration. 
But this by the way. The most material point to be 
remarked here is, that the truthfukiess of Fabius and 
Cincius is impugned upon * conjecture/ Under such cir- 
cumstances it is, we believe, usual, or at all events it is 
desirable, to assign some grounds for our incredulity. Sir 
G. C. Lewis, however, appears to have formed his opinion 
not only without evidence, but contrary to evidence. For 
in the very next sentence he admits that ' Cincius appears 
to have made some antiquarian researches,* and proceeds 
to quote the testimony of Livy, that Cincius was a diligent 
reporter of ancient memorials.^ 

We must here close these short notes on a long sub- 
ject. The reader may conclude from them that it is not 
our intention to brand every early account of Bome, at 
least after its foundation, with the name of a legend : we 
think, on the contrary, that there is a very considerable 
substratum of truth at the bottom of this primitive his- 
tory ; but it lies of course at the discretion of the reader 
to accept or reject what he pleases. We should perhaps 
have done better to have swum with the tide ; but we 
may at least console ourselves with the reflection, that the 
history of the city of Rome may be more certain than 
the political history of the Eomans. - There is little 
motive to falsify the origin and dates of public monu- 
ments and buildings; and, indeed, their falsification 
would l)e much more difficult than that of events trans- 
mitted by oral tradition, or even recorded in writing. 
In fact, we consider the remains of some of the monu- 
ments of the Regal and Republican periods to be the 

1 < 

Cincius . . . dilig^ns talium monimcntorum auctor.' — rii. 3. 


best proofs of the fiindamental truth of ,early Boman 
history. We may perhaps be permitted, in conclusion, a 
remark on the manner in which that history has recently 
been treated. We neither wish to see it reconstructed on 
conjecture, as Niebuhr has attempted to do, nor yet all 
its weak points to be exposed after the manner of Sir 
G. C. Lewis. What we desire is the re-establishment of 
what is really true, by a searching and critical examina- 
tion of the ancient authorities. But that is a much more 
difficult and, at the same time, less brilliant task than the 
forming of conjectural theories, or the exposure of some 
inevitable faults and inconsistencies. 








The Palatine Hill is the proper nucleus of ancient Kome ; 
the centre whence she extended her circumference as she 
gradually became the mistress of Italy, and at last of great 
part of the knowti world. 

There are many traditions, or, as it has become usual to 
call them, legends, connected with the Palatine Hill before 
the foundation of Kome, which are useful to be known 
from the frequent allusions to them which occur in ancient 
writers in connection with the history of the city. The 
most important of these traditions refer to Evander, one 
of the representatives of the Pelasgian immigration into 
Italy. Evander was a native of Pallantium, an Arcadian 
town near Tegea, and is supposed either to have seceded 
from, or to have been expelled, his country about sixty 
years before the Trojan war, or 1,244 years before the 
birth of Christ.^ He settled on a hill near the Tiber, 
which, from the place of his birth, obtained the name of 

* For the immipation of Evander, 471 sqq. j Varro. X. X. v. 63 (ed. 
see Dionys. Hal. l 81-38, 40 ; Vir^. MiilL) ; Serv. jEn, viii. 61 sqq., &c. 
JEn, Till 333 sqq. \ Ovid. Fad, i. 



Palatium^ or Mans Palatlnus. Yirgil^ traces the name 
to Pallas, who was a son of Lycaon, and founder of the 
Arcadian Pallantium ; but there were several variations of 
the story whicli should be mentioned here. Thus some ^ 
traced the name of the hill to its having been the burial- 
place either of Pallas, son of Hercules and Launa, a daughter 
of Evander ; or of Pallantia, another daughter of Evan- 
der.^ All these names are connected with the Arcadian 
immigration ; but some etymologies refer to a totally dif- 
ferent origin : as from Palanto, a daughter of Ilyperboreus, 
and either mother or wife of King Latinus ; from Pala- 
tium, a colony of Aborigines in the district of Reate ; and 
still more improbably from balare, or palare^ the bleating, 
or the wandering, of sheep.* 

According to the tradition received by the principal 
Latin writers, Evander was the son of Carmenta, an Arca- 
dian nymph, and Mercury. Carmenta was regarded by 
the Romans as a prophetess, prescient of the fortunes of 
Rome. She is important in a history of the city as giving 
name to one of its gates, the Porta Carmentalis ; so called 
from an altar dedicated to her which stood near it.* 
Tliis altar was extant in the time of Aulus Gellius and 

When Evander immigrated into Italy, Faunus was 
king of the Aborigines, or primitive inhabitants of La- 
tium. According to the legend most commonly re- 
ceived, there were four kings of this dynasty ; namely, 
Saturnus, the founder of it, Picus, Faunus, and Latinus ; 
but Janus is sometimes mentioned as a still more ancient 
king, who hospitably entertained Saturn after his flight 

' yEVi.viii.Slsqq. Virgil, however, ' Serv. JEn. viii. 61. 

calls the city Paltanteum; and this * Serv. /oc. eiV. ; Varro, X. Z. v. 68 ; 

name is adopted by the topographers Festua, p. 220 ; cf. Klausen, ^neas 

of the middle ages : wid die Penatni^ p. 888 sqq. 

Dclegcre locnm et posucrp in montibns urbcm, * v irg. ^n. viii. 338 sqq. ; Ov. 

PalluntU proavi do nomine PRllanteum. Fa^. i 461-686 " I jv. i. 7. 

' Polvbius, ap. Dionvs. Hal. i. 32; • Goll. xviii. 7; Serv. ad -^fik 

Festus, p. 220 (ed. Mull.). viii. 337. 


to Italy. Both Satumus and Janus are intimately con- 
nected, as will appear in the sequel, with the traditional 
or legendary history of Rome ; and they are represented 
as established respectively on the hills known in later 
times as the Capitoline and the Janiculum.^ 

Saturnus also plays a great part in the mythical history 
of ancient Italy. According to Virgil, that country de- 
rived from him the name of Satumia Tellus ; and Latium 
was so called because he lay hid there from the pursuit 
of Jupiter, from whose attacks he had fled/^ The name 
of Saturnus has been derived, regardless of prosody, a satu^ 
because he first taught the ItaUans to Uve by agriculture. 
Hence an orderly state of society, civiUsation, and peace 
were substituted for the nomad and semi-savage way of Ufe 
previously existing ; the violence and disorders of which 
are illustrated, so far as regards the neighbourhood of 
Home, by the story of Cacus, the terror of the Aven- 
tine, and by other legends. From the blessings flowing 
from the reign of Saturn, it was regarded as the Golden 
Age, and the phrase ' Satumia regna ' became a synonym 
for human happiness. It resembled the idealised state of 
socialism and equality imagined by Rousseau and other 
enthusiasts, but unfortunately never yet realised. For 
though Satiu-n had introduced agriculture, he had not 
sanctioned the institution of private property ; the fields 
were tilled for the common good, and were distinguished 
by no boimdary marks ; even the houses had no doors 
to exclude the visits of neighbours : 

Non domus ulla fores habuit, non fizus in agris^ 
Qiii regeret certis finibus arva, lapis.' 

Slavery existed not, and, as a consequence of the absence 
of property, a court of justice was unknown. Another 

» Virp. ^n. vii. 46 soq., viii. 319 287 ; Macr. Sat A. 7 ; Varro, X. X. 

sq. ; Dion. Hal. i. 44 : Macr. Sat, i. v. 42, 64. 
7, a « TibuU. JEleg, I 3, 48. 

« JEn. viii. 322 ; cf. Ovid, Fast. I 



result of the introduction of agriculture was wealth, which 
is nothing but the accumulation of stores ; whence Ops, 
or plenty, was said to be the wife of Saturn. From all 
these blessings it is not surprising that Satumus should 
have been deified and worshipped by the Latins, and in 
fact none of their deities better deserved it The identi- 
fication of Saturnus with the Greek Cronos, or Time, 
seems to have arisen from his being the oldest of the 
Latin divinities ; however, his scythe, or pruning hook, 
might very well typify the operations of Time, as well as 
his own more peculiar attributes. 

We will ,now advert to a few things in the legend of 
Saturn which connect him with the city of Eome. 

We have already mentioned that the Capitoline Hill was 
originally occupied by Satumus, whence it was called 
MoNS Saturnius. This name it appears to have retained 
till the time of the Tarquins, though it also obtained in 
the interval the name of MoNS Tarpeius ; an appellation, 
however, which was soon confined to the southernmost 
portion of it.^ The memory of Saturn is still preserved 
at the Capitoline by the ruined portico of his temple, 
which stands at its foot ; one of the few ruins which have 
partially escaped the stroke of his own scythe. Here, in 
primaeval times, stood an altar to him, probably on the 
same spot afterwards occupied by the temple. From his 
attribute as the founder of wealth, the temple of Saturn 
was made the jErarium, or public treasury ; though the 
money seems to have been actually deposited in a small 
adjoining JEdes, or Cella Opis, dedicated to Saturn's con- 
sort, Ops.^ Other memorials of Saturn at this spot, but 
which have now vanished, were a Sacellum Pitis,^ near 
his altar, which, during the festival of the Saturnalia, was 
adorned with waxen masks; and a Porta Stercoraria, 
situated somewhere on the Clivus Capitolinus, or ascent to 

» Varro, Z. Z. v. 41 sq^ ; Festus, » Cic. Phil i. 7, ii. 14. 

yoc. Saturntay p. 322; Juatm, xliii. 1, ' Macr. Sat. i. 7. 


the Capitol. This gate led to a place where, in the middle 
of June every year, was deposited the night soil removed 
from the temple of Vesta ; a practice emblematical of 
Saturn's having taught the use of manure, whence his 
epithet of Stercutus. Another object on the Capitoline, 
probably connected with Saturn, was the Porta Pandana, 
or ever-open gate ; a memorial, perhaps, of the absence 
of doors in the Satumian, or golden, Age. 

Besides these material records of Saturn at Eome, we 
may also mention the well-known festival of the Satur- 
nalia, to which we shall have frequent occasion to advert 
in the sequel. 

As Saturn was the reputed introducer of material civi- 
lisation and the necessary arts of life among the Aborigi- 
nes, so to Evander was ascribed the introduction of those 
arts which contribute to polish and adorn it ; as the use of 
letters, of musical instruments, of civil laws, and other 
improvements which characterise a more advanced and 
refined society.^ 

The arrival of Hercules in Italy is placed a few years 
after the settlement of Evander. However fabulous may 
be this legend, it must find a place here. The Eomans, 
at all events, believed it, and it is connected with some 
monuments and usages which existed at Eome. Hercules, 
returning from his expedition to bring the oxen of Ge- 
ryones to Argos, had readied the Tiber, when Cacus, a 
robber who infested the Aventine Hill, stole some of his 
cattle, and concealed them in a cave; but the lowing 
of the animals betrayed the perpetrator of the theft, and 
Cacus fell a victim to the vengeance of the ofiended hero. 
In commemoration of this act, an altar, called the Ara 
Maxima, was dedicated to Hercules on the spot afterwards 
occupied by the Forum Boarium, between the Palatine 
and the Tiber. Divine rites celebrated in the Greek 

» liv. i. 7 J Tac. Am. id. 14} Dionys. Hal i. 33, 

6 HISTORY OF TIIE CITY OF R03dffi. [Sect. I. 

manner formed the worship of the demigod ; and two 
families, the Potitii and Pinarii, were appointed to perform 
them, as priests of Hercules, and to transmit them un- 
changed to their posterity.^ The erection of the Ara 
Maxima is attributed by some authors to Evander.^ 
Hercules obtained the epithet of ' triumphalis,' and dur- 
ing the celebration of triumphs at Eome, his statue was 
adorned Avith the dress worn by triumphant generals.* 
He was also worshipped under other titles, as Hercules 
Gustos, Musagetes, &c. The celebrity of his l^end, 
and the importance attached to his worship, are attested 
by the numerous temples erected in after times in his 
honour, particularly in the neighbourhood of the Forum 

Besides this legend respecting the advent of Hercules 
into Italy, there are other versions pretending to a more 
historical character which it is unnecessary to examine 
here, as tliey have little or no connection with the history 
of the city of Eome. It should, however, be mentioned 
that Dionysius of Halicarnassus represents Hercules as 
the leader of a great military expedition to Western 
Europe, and as dismissing in Italy a portion of his army, 
who took possession of Mons Satumius.* If this was so, 
any settlement made by Saturn on that hill must then 
have vanished ; nor could the followers of Hercules 
have founded there any permanent colony, since Mons 
Saturnius appears to have been uninhabited at the time 
when Rome was built. Diodorus Siculus represents 
Hercules as being hospitably received on the banks of the 
Tiber by Cacius and Pinarius, and as instituting on the 
Palatine certain sacred rites.^ This Cacius is of course a 
different person from Cacus, whose legend is ignored by 
Diodorus. The memorials which he intimates to have 

* Virjf. AUft, viii. 190 wjq. ; Ov. * Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 16. 

Fast. i. 543 sqq. ; Liv. i. 7, ix. 29. ^ Lib. i 34 sqq. 

» Tac. Atm, xt. 41. * iv. 21. 

Sbct. L] legends of HERCULES AND J5NEAS. 7 

been preserved of these events must have been the priest- 
hood of the Pinarian family and the SoALiE CacI on the 

The l^end of -tineas' settlement in Italy modem cri- 
ticism has banished to the realms of fiction, and apparently 
with justice ; yet it has become so interwoven with the 
history of Eome, that it must be briefly recounted here in 
its more popular form. 

Latinus, the last of the aboriginal Latin kings already 
mentioned, ruled during the time of the Trojan war. 
When /Tineas arrived in Italy, Latinus was already an old 
man, having reigned thirty-five years in peace and secu- 
rity. ./Eneas is said to have landed at or near Lauirentum, 
a town which had been founded by King Latinuis. Lau- 
rentum was the next coast town to Ostia, and probably 
occupied the site of the present Casale di Capocotto, six- 
teen miles distant from Kome. But the sea has receded on 
this coast, and Laurentum, like Ostia, is at present about a 
couple of miles inland. In other respects the situ&tion 
of the coast towns agrees with the description of Strabo.^ 
.^neas is related to have established a camp or citadel at 
no great distance from Laurentum, and to have called it 
Troy; and we find the district alluded to by classical 
authors imder the names of Castra Trojana and Praedium 
Trojanum.^ These names at least show what an early, 
firm, and lasting hold the .^Eneas legend must have taken 
upon the Boifian mind. 

At the time when -^neas landed. King Latinus was at 
war with the neighbouring nation of the Eutuli ; but on 
healing of the invasion he marched against the Trojans. 
A hostile encounter was, however, averted by divine in- 
terposition, and a treaty was concluded between Latinus 

* Solinufl, Polyhidor, i. 18. jEn, i. 6 j cf. ad vii. 158, xi. 316 ; 

« Abeken, MittMital. p. 62. Liv. i. 1 j Festue, p. 367 j Appian, 

' Cic. Epp. odAtticumj ix. 13. See Hist. Horn, i. 1. 
alflo Cato cited by Servius ad Virg. 


and -Sneas, by which all the land comprised in a radius 
of forty stadia, or five miles, round a hill which the Tro- 
jans had occupied, was granted to them, on condition of 
their assisting Latinus against the Rutuli. That people 
was defeated by the united arms of the new allies ; 
Lavinia, the daughter of Latinus, was given to JEneas in 
marriage ; who then built a city on the land which had 
been granted to him, and gave it the name of Lavinium 
in honour of his consort. Lavinium was seated three 
miles from the sea, and about the same distance from 
Laurentum, on the tufo hill of Pratica, where the site of 
the ancient town is still marked by the precipitous walls 
and separate stones in opera} Lavinium became the 
proper centre of the JEneas legend, the holy place of the 
League, and was regarded by the Romans of after times 
as their ancient cradle, hereditary seat, and sacred repo- 
sitory of their national Dii Penates, which JBneas was 
supposed to have brought with him from Troy.^ At a late 
period of the Republic, the Roman preetors, consuls, and 
dictators sacrificed at Lavinium to Vesta and the Penates 
either when they entered upon or quitted their offices ; ' 
and we learn from Dionysius of Halicamassus that in his 
time, that is, in the reign of the Emperor Augustus, most 
of the temples and other buildings reputed to have been 
foimded there by jEneas were still extant.* 

After these events, Tumus, a relative of the consort of 
Latinus, who had been a suitor for Lavinia's hand, having 
incited the Rutuli to rise, was defeated and killed by .^Bneas. 
King Latinus also fell in this war, when his dominions 
devolved to -ffineas in right of his wife Lavinia ; and the 
Aborigines and Trojans being amalgamated together re- 
ceived the common name of Latins, -^neas survived 
only three or foiu- years the death of his father-in-law ; 

1 Sir W. Gell, Topogrt^hy^ vol. ii. » Serv. ad jEn. ii. 296 ; Macrob. 
p. 80. Sat. iii. 4 

« Vanro, Z. L, v. § 144. * Lib. i. c. 64. 

Sect. I.] 



in the fourth he was drowned in the river Numicius, 
during a war with the Tuscans under their leader Mezen- 
tius. After his death he was deified under the name of 
Pater, or Jupiter, Indiges, as King Latinus had previously 
become Jupiter Latiaris.^ 

Latium, the kingdom of Latinus, and afterwards of 
jEneas, extended itself along the western coast of Italy, 
according to Pliny, for a distance of fifty miles ; a com- 
putation, however, which is said to be deficient by ten 
miles.^ The inhabitants of it, before the foundation of 
Kome, were called Prisei Latini} Thirty years after the 
death of JEneas, either his son Ascanius or lulus, or whe- 
ther the same person bore both these names, founded 
Alba Longa, on a ridge of Mons Albanus, and made it the 
new capital of the Latin kingdom. Different lists are given 
of the Latin kings, the successors of Ascanius or lulus, 
who reigned at Alba Longa, the discrepancies of which it 
is not necessary to record or discuss here. It will be suffi- 
cient for our present purpose to state that, according to 
the most generally received account, there were sixteen 
Latin kings of the line of jEneas, if we include that hero, 
namely: jEneas, Ascanius, Silvius Postumus, -^neas Sil- 
vius, Latinus Silvius, Alba, Epytus or Atys, Capys, Calpetus, 
Tiberinus, Agrippa, Aremulus or Eemulus, Aventinus, 
Procas, Amulius, Numitor. The sum of the reigns of 
these kings is computed at 432 or 433 years,^ by those 
authors who adopt the era of Eratosthenes, or the year 
1184 B.C., as the date of the fall of Troy. It should, 
however, be mentioned that some writers allow only half 

* Dionys. Hal. i. 64; Liv. i 2; 
Virg. jEn. xii. 794, and the note of 
Servius ; Ovid, Met, xiv. 581 sqq. j 
Featus. pp. 106, 194. 

* AbeKen, MittelUaUen, p. 61. 

' 'Prisei Latini proprie appellati 
sunt hi, qui prius quam conderetur 
Roma fuerunt.' — Paul. Diac. p. 226. 
Cf. Serviua ad JEn, v. 698. But ac- 

cording^ to LivT (i. 3) the Prisei Latini 
were the inhabitants of certain colo- 
nies founded bj Latinus Silvius, the 
sixth Alban king. ' Ab eo colonise 
aliquot deduct®. Prisei Latini appel- 

< Dionys. Hal. i. 71, ii. 2 ; Diodor. 
ap. Syncellum; t. i. p. 866 (ed. Bonn). 


this number of kings, and deduct a whole century from 
the period of their reigns ; and especially that this latter 
computation is adopted by Yirgil,^ who assigns a term of 
only 300 years for the reigns of the Alban kings after the 
death of Ascanius. 

The reigns of Amulius and Numitor, the last two kings, 
bring us to the well-known legend respecting the founda- 
tion of Rome, which our subject requires us briefly to 
recall to the memory of the reader. Amulius, younger 
son of Procas, having usurped the crown which rightfully 
belonged to Numitor, his elder brother, caused jEgestus, 
the son of Numitor, to be put to death, and his daughter, 
Eea Silvia, to become a Vestal virgin; thus obUging 
her, by the perpetual vow of chastity imposed upon the 
priestesses of Vesta, to renounce all hope of marriage, 
and consequently of giving a legitimate heir to the throne 
which Amulius had usurped. But Eea was robbed of 
her chastity eitlier by a mortal lover, or by the god Mars 
in mortal form; and, having become pregnant, in due 
time gave birth to two male twins, who were ordered by 
Amuhus and his council to be thrown into the river Tiber, 
at some distance apparently from the royal residence; 
while the mother was subjected to the punishment incurred 
by the breach of her vows. The servants of Amuhus, 
proceeding towards the upper part of the stream, crossed 
the Palatine Hill, in order to curry into execution the 
sentence upon the children, where, finding their further 
progress an-ested by the flooding of the river, they depo- 
sited on the water the little cradle or skifT which contained 
the twins, and abandoned them to their fate. The reced- 
ing waters having left the infants ashore on the western 
declivity of the Palatine, they were there discovered by a 
she-wolf, who gave them suck. A woodpecker also brought 
them food ; when certain shepherds, struck by the marvel, 

» j^n, i. 272 sqq. 


and inferring from it the divine origin of the children, 
carried them to Faustulus, a herdsman of Amulius, resid- 
ing on the Palatine, who gave them to his wife, Acca 
Larentia, to nurse. According to some authors, Acca 
Larentia, from her unchaste life, was called Lupa^ and 
thus is explained the fable of the wolf. 

In process of time, the twins, under the names of 
Eomulus and Eemus, grew up to manhood on the Pala- 
tine, whence all trace of Evander's settlement appears to 
have vanished. A quarrel between the herdsmen of 
Numitor and Amulius, in consequence of which Eemus 
was carried off to Alba Longa, induced Faustulus to ex- 
plain to Eomulus the story of his infancy.^ At Alba 
Longa, Eemus is recognised by his grandfather, Numitor, 
and undertakes, in conjunction with his brother Eomulus, 
who has also an interview with Numitor, to dethrone and 
punish the usurper AmuKus. The arrival of Faustulus 
at Alba Longa, at this juncture, with the cradle, or ark, in 
which the twins had been exposed, confirms the truth of 
the recognition. By the aid of Eomulus and Eemus, 
Amuhus is seized and put to death, and Numitor recovers 
his rightful inheritance. Eomulus and Eemus are soon 
after seized with a desire to erect a new and independent 
city, an enterprise in which they are joined by many of 
the inhabitants of Alba, especially the Trojan families ; 
and Numitor supplies them with money, arms, provisions, 
and other necessaries, to carry out their design. But a 
dispute arises between the brothers as to the site of the 
new city. Eomulus chooses the Palatine Hill, the scene of 
his marvellous escape and early education, while Eemus 
prefers a spot called Eemoria, which appears to have 
formed a portion of the Aventine. It having been agreed 

^ Another version of the legend fants were put to death by Amulius^ 

represents Numitor as having sub- and that the genuine twins were 

stituted two other babes for the secretly intrusted by Numitor to 

children of Rea SUvia ; that the in- Faustulus for education. 




to decide the matter by augury. Bemua, taking his station 
on the Aventine, first sees a flight of six vultures ; a little 
after, a flight of twelve appears to Romulus ; ^ a quarrel 
arises, whether the greater number of the birds, or the 
priority of their appearance, should decide the point in 
question, and in a fight which ensues Bemus is slain. 
Bomulus now proceeds to build his city, after burying 
Remus on the Aventine, and atoning for his death by 
certain expiatory rites. 

Such is briefly the chief and most widely accepted 
l^end respecting the foundation of Rome ; but, as in a 
history of that famous city it might perhaps be reasonably 
expected that all the principal accounts of its origin should 
be enumerated, we shall here shortly state them. 

It is recorded, then, by some authors that Rome was 
founded before the epoch of the Trojan war, either 
by the Pelasgians, or by some Athenian emigrants, 
who, from their long wanderings, obtained the name of 

Others place its foundation soon after the capture of 
Troy. Of those who take this view, some r^ard a son of 
Ulysses, by Circe, as the founder of Rome ; either Latinus, 
who named the city after a defunct sister, or a son named 
Romus or Romanus.^ Another legend makes Latinus a 
son of Tclemachus and Circe, and consequently a grand- 
son of Ulysses, and ascribes Rome to Romulus and Romus, 
Latinus' children by Rom^.* 

Still more frequent are the legends which refer the 
origin of Rome to Trojans, and especially to jEneas and 
his immediate descendants. In one of these, a party of 

* HuporNtition has connected the 
two! vn viilttircA «©en by Romulus with 
lh« tw«lv« centuries during which 
Konio rcniiiincd an indcp<'ndent city, 
vif. fV«)ni B.C. 7M to a.d. 476. when 
ahn foil under a prince beanng the 
aanie name m her Tounder, Romulus 

« Plut Jiom. 9 ; Featus, p. 266. 
The legends respecting the founda- 
tion 01 Rome have been diligently 
collected by Sir G. C. Lewis, Crech- 
hility Si'c. vol. i. p. 804 sqq. 

» Serv. jEn, i. 273 ; IXonya. Hal. 
1. 72 ; Plut. Ham. 2. 

* Festus, p. 269. 


Trojans, being compelled to remain in Latium by the 
stratagem of Eom^, one of their women, are represented 
as making a settlement on the Palatine Hill, and naming 
it after her.^ In another version of this story, Rom6 
marries Latinus, King of the Aborigines, and Kome is 
founded by their sons, Eomulus and Eomus.^ The tenor 
of a very ancient legend is, that Mneas came to Italy 
with Ulysses, founded Eome, and named it after Eom^, a 
Trojan woman who had taken the lead in burning the 
ships.* Sallust also ascribes the foundation of Eome to 
the Trojans, conjointly with the Aborigines.^ Sometimes 
Eomus, a son of .tineas by Lavinia, is said to be the 
founder of Rome ; * sometimes Romulus and Remus are 
represented as his sons by Dexithea.^ In another form of 
the legend, though Romus is described as originally found- 
ing Rome, yet it is made to undergo a second foundation, 
by Romulus and Remus from Alba, fifteen generations, or 
about four and a half centuries later, in consequence of its 
original inhabitants having been exhausted.^ We also find 
Romulus and Remus represented as the grandsons of jEneas 
by a daughter, or by his son Ascanius.® In some versions, 
Romus, who founds Rome, is his grandson by Ascanius, 
and sometimes he is said to be the son of Alba, grand- 
daughter of -^neas by Romulus, who was his son by 
Tyrrhenia,^ We also find Romulus, the founder of Rome, 
represented as the son of Mars by jEmyUa, daughter of 
jEneas and Lavinia. ^^ We need only further mention 
that the name of Rome is in some versions ascribed to 
a daughter of Ascanius, and consequently granddaughter 
of iEneas, who, before the building of Rome, had dedicated 

» Featus, p. 260 ; Solinus, i. 2 ; * Festus, p. 266 ; Dionys. H. i. 72. 

Serv. ad JEn, i. 273 ; Plut. Rom, 1, • Plut. Ronu 2 ; Dion. Hal. i. 73. 

QiuBtst, Rom. 6. The story is traced ' Dionys. he, ci. 

to Heraclides Lembiis. • Serv. jEn. i. 278 ; Dionys. H. 

« Dionys. Hal. i. 72. he, cU, 

« Ibid, 79. • Festus, p. 266. 

* B, Cat, 6. *® Plut Rom, 2. 



[Sbct. I. 

a temple to Faith on the Palatine BQll ;^ and, lastly, that 
the twins who were exposed are sometimes said to be the 
miraculously conceived ofltpring of a maid in the service 
of Tarchetius, King of Alba.* 

It may be observed that, although these legends vary 
wdth regard to the name of the founder of Borne and the 
time of its foundation, yet they all point to the Palatine 
Hill as the original site of the city. We shall adopt the 
legend most commonly received by classical authors, that 
Eome was founded by Romulus, son of Rea Silvia and 
grandson of Numitor, and proceed to trace the progress of 
the city under the auspices of that founder. 

Tacitus, in a well-known passage, which we subjoin at 
the foot of the page, gives the most precise account of the 
foundation of Rome and the circuit of its walls. From 
this passage it appears that the furrow which marked the 
line of the pomoerium was begun to be drawn from a spot 
in the Forum Boarium, marked in that author's time by 
the bronze image of a bull, as typical of the animal which 
drew the plough. The line was so drawn as to include 
the altar of Hercules, known by the name of Magna Ara. 
From this spot boundary stones were laid down at certain 
regular distances round the base of the Palatine. These 
stones ran first to the altar of Consus, from that to the 
Curiaj Veteres, and then to the Sacellum Lamm ; but the 
Forum and Capitol were not added to the city till the 
time of Titus Tatius.^ 

The furrow here mentioned does not describe the actual 
line of wall, but that of the pomcerium^ or sacred space 

» Festus, p. 2G9. 
' Plut. loc. dt. 


* Sed initiuin condendi, et quod 
pomoerium Romulus posuerit, no- 
sccre haud absurdum reop. Igitur 
a foro IJoario ubi sereum tauri simu- 
lacrum adHpicimus, quia id genus ani- 
malium aratro subditur, sulcus desi- 
gnandi oppidi coeptus^ ut magnam 

Ilerculis aram amplecteretur. Inde 
certis spatiis interject! lapides, per 
ima montis Palatini ad aram CoDsi, 
mox ad Curias Veteres, turn ad sacel- 
lum Larum ; forumque Romanum et 
Capitol i urn non a Komulo sed a Tito 
Tatio additum urbi credidere.' — Aim. 
xii. 24. 



around it, which could not be built upon nor applied to 
profane uses. From the nature of the ground, however, 
the outside Une of the pomoerium, marked by the cippi^ 
or stones, could not have been at any great distance from 
the wall. It was usual also to reserve a similar vacant 
space within the walls. Eome was founded after the 
Etruscan manner, and the plough which traced the furrow, 
as we learn from other authors, was drawn by a cow and 
a bull, the bull being on the outside, the cow inside ; thus 
typifying the future male and female inhabitants of the 
city, the latter of whom were to stay at home, while the 
men were to be the terror of external enemies,^ At the 
southern extremity of the Palatine, near the Circus 
Maximus, remains of the wall were discovered not many 
years ago at the foot of the hill.^ 

Before proceeding any further, we must endeavour to 
determine the outUne and compass of the Komulean 
city. Hitherto topographers have, we believe universally, 
adopted the theory that Eoma Quadrata, or the city of 
Eomulus, embraced the whole of the hill now known as the 
Palatine ; and the author of the present work followed 
the same view in an article on Eome which he compiled 
for Dr. Smith's Dictionaiv/ of Ancient Geography. But 
since that article was written extensive excavations have 
been made upon the Palatine by order of the Emperor 
Napoleon m., who has purchased from the ex-King of 
Naples that portion of it which comprises the Farnese 

* Joannes Lydus, De Metmbtts, iv. 
50. The reader will find a full ac- 
count of the ceremonies in the article 
Homa, Diet, of Ancient Geography, 
vol. iL p. 726. 

We may here mention that Bun- 
sen is of opinion {Be^chreibimg der 
Stadt Rom, B. i. n. 138) that Taci- 
tus left off the description of the 
line of the pomoerium at the Forum, 
without carrying it roimd to the 
starting place, hecause no wall was 
needed on this side^ the city heing 

protected here hy a marsh. But we 
Know that the Porta Romanula was 
situated in this interval ; and if there 
was a gate, there must have heen a 
wall. The line could not be mista- 
ken, as Tacitus says that it was drawn 
round the foot of the Palatine Hill. 
' Ampere, Hist, Rom, d Rome, t i. 
p. 282. The same author observes 
that the site of the Porta Roma- 
nula, infimo Clivo Victorise, shows 
that the wall was at the foot of the 


gardens. Signor Bosa, the learned and able superin- 
tendent of these excavations, whose urbanity and kindness 
the author gladly takes this opportunity to acknowledge, 
has thus been enabled to make several important disco- 
veries, not only with regard to the palace of the Ceesars, 
but also the ancient citv of Bomulus, which have led him 
to an entirely new theory respecting Boma Quadrata. 
The author must confess that he finds a great deal of pro- 
babihty in this theory, as obligingly explained to him by 
Signor Bosa in several interviews during a residence at 
Borne in the winter of 1864-5, as well as published in a 
paper in the Bulletino delf Institute Archeologico for the 
year 1862. 

The most important result of the excavations, with 
regard to the topography of the Palatine Hill, is the dis- 
covery of an intermontium, or depression, traversing the 
hill from north to south, and dividing it, like the Capitoline, 
though not so strikingly, into two distinct eminences. 
The eastern emmence embraces that portion of the hill 
which contains the Villa Mills, now a convent, and the 
Convent of S. Bonaventura, while the western is occupied 
by the Farnese gardens, the place of the excavations. 
From this division, or intemiontium, Signor Bosa has been 
led to assign the name of Velia to the eastern eminence, 
and that of Gennalus to the western, and to conclude that 
the city of Bonuilus occupied only this latter portion of 
the hill. It must be confessed that tliis theory seems to 
agree better witli the notices which we find in ancient 
authors respecting the Eomulean city than that hitherto 
received, which makes it occupy the whole hill ; and we 
will here briefly state the reasons for this conclusion. 
Some of these are taken from Signor Rosa's paper before 
referred to, and some the author has ventured to supply 

First, then, let us take the account of Tacitus already 
given. If, as is commonly supposed, the Eomulean city 


embraced the whole of the Palatine Hill, it is surprising 
that Tacitus should have defined such extensive Hmits by 
mentioning so few objects. The situation of most of the 
boundaries which he does mention is known with tolerable 
certainty. There can be no dispute about the site of the 
Forum Boarium. The Ara Consi, as I have shown in the 
article Roma, must have stood near the centre of the 
Circus Maximus, where Signor Eosa places it The situa- 
tion of the Curiae Veteres, the next object named by 
Tacitus, has never been satisfactorily ascertained. Signor 
Eosa places it a little beyond the Ara Consi, about the 
middle of the south side of the hill, and at the corner of 
the newly discovered depression, thus making it the 
turning-point of the Eomidean wall on the south-east. 
Concerning the site of the Sacellum Larum, which Tacitus 
next mentions, little difierence of opinion can be enter- 
tained. It stood on the Summa Sacra Via, near the existing 
Arch of Titus, and marked another angle of the walls ; 
whence they must have proceeded onwards to the 
Forum, and thence to the starting-point in the Forum 
Boarium, though Tacitus leaves this part of the circuit 

Let us now observe that the fewness, as well as the 
situation, of the objects named by Tacitus, renders it highly 
probable that the Eomulean city was confined, as Signor 
Eosa thinks, to the western half of the Palatine, or, as he 
calls it, the Germalus. For we may remark that all the 
objects mentioned by the historian whose site is certainly 
known lay on this portion of the hill ; and that the only 
one whose site is not certainly known, the Curi® Veteres, 
coidd possibly have lain on the other portion, or the Velia. 
Is it then probable, if the Eomidean city covered the 
whole hill, that Tacitus shoidd have defined the bounda- 
ries of one half of it by naming four objects, and those of 
the other and larger half by naming only one, the Curi» 
Veteres? That is, of course, conceding that this object 



lay on the Velia, a thing wholly uncertain, and quite 
incapable of proof. 

By the new boundaries thus laid down, the Bomulean 
city still forms a Boma Quadrata, though of a somewhat 
oblong shape, instead of the lozenge described by the 
whole hill. Its dimensions, too, are reduced by one-half; 
a circumstance, however, which, so far from being an 
objection to Signor Eosa's views, serves strongly to confirm 
them. Most of those primaeval cities are known to have 
been of very small dimensions — ^in fact, mere arces, or 
citadels, rather than cities in the proper sense of the term. 
We learn, too, from Dionysius,^ that the followers of 
Eomulus were only 3,000 foot and 300 horse ; a mere 
band of armed men, without women or children, whose 
object it must have been to form a stronghold, rather 
than a place of residence. 

That the Eomulean city occupied only the western half 
of the Palatine Hill is also very strongly confirmed by 
a passage of Solinus, Avho, speaking of Eoma Quadrata, 
observes that it began at a wood in the Area of Apollo, 
and terminated at the top of the Scate Caci, where was the 
cottage of Faustulus.*^ The Area ApoUinis, Avith its wood 
or grove, must have formed part of the precincts of the 
temple which Augustus erected on the Palatine to that 
deity, and in all probability occupied the site on which now 
stands the Convent of S. Bonaventura, extending also pro- 
bably to the north of that convent. This, then, would 
give us the eastern boundary of the Eomulean city ; and, 
indeed, it would be absurd to look for an Area ApoUinis 
on the eastern side of the Palatine Hill, in its larger ac- 
ceptation : that is, in the present Via di S. Gregorio. 

It may be further remarked that all the objects con- 
nected with the story of Eomulus, as well as the ancient 

* Ant, Bom. ii. 2. scalarum Caci habet terminum, ubi 

• 'Ea incipit a sylva qusB est in tugurium fuit ^Faustuli.' — Cap. L 
area ApoiliniB; et ad Buperdlium $ 18. 


traditions respecting the Palatine, belong to this western 
side of the Palatine : as the Tugurium Faustuli or Casa 
Komuli, the Scalae Gael, the Lupercal, the Porta Eo- 
manula, &c. Not a single object of this kind can be 
referred to the eastern portion of the hill : another con- 
firmation of Signor Eosa's theory. Neither can we place 
any gate there. The two known gates of the Eomulean 
city, the Porta Eomanula and Porta Mugionis, stood on 
the western division of the hill. There was probably a 
third gate towards the Circus Maximus. Its site is not 
ascertained, but the only probable one is at the Scalae 
Caci, at the south-western extremity of the hill. Signor 
Kosa's discovery of the Porta Vetus Palatii, which was 
identical with the Porta Mugionis, affords another argu- 
ment in support of his theory. From the situation of this 
gate and the direction of the ancient pavement, it is plain 
that there could have been no entrance this way to the 
eastern portion of the hill, but only to the western. The 
position of the gate indicates, moreover, a line of wall 
intersecting the hill nearly in its centre, and along the 
intermontium, or depression, to which we have already 

Thus far Signor Eosa's scheme seems probable enough. 
He may also be correct in assigning the name of VeUa to 
the eastern half of the Palatine Hill. But when he calls 
the whole of the western half Germalus, we must confess 
our inability to follow him. It is evident that the whole 
of what is now called the Palatine Hill had originally 
three names, Palatium, VeUa, and Germalus or Germalus, 
which are mentioned separately by Antistius Labeo ^ in 
enumerating the heights which formed the primitive Septi- 
montium. Again, we learn from Varro that the VeUa 
and Germalus were annexed to the Palatine ; ^ after which 
the three heights came to be regarded as one hill, under 

^ In Festus, p. 348 rMuU.). Velias conjunxerunt'— X. X. v. § 54 

' ^Huic (Palatio) Cermalum et (MiilL). 



the denomination of the Palatine; and this hill, thus 
regarded as a whole, formed ultimately only one of the 
seven hills of Eome. A similar process took place with 
regard to the Esquiline, where the two distinct projections 
or tongues, called Oppius and Cispius, were at length con- 
founded in the common appellation of Mons Esquinilus. 
If, then, VeUa was the name of the eastern half of what 
in later times was called Mons Palatinus, and Germalus of 
the western half, where are we to place the original hill 
called Palatium ? It seems more probable that this last 
name belonged at first to the greater portion of the 
western division of the hill ; and that Germalus, a name 
said by Varro ^ to be derived from the germanty or twin 
brothers, Eomidus and Eemus, who came ashore there, 
belonged only to that part of this division more especially 
consecrated by this legend — that portion, namely, towards 
the Forum Boarium, where the Tugurium Faustuli and 
other monuments of Romulus existed. 

The discovery of the Vetus Porta Palatii, or Porta 
Mugionis, identified by the ancient pavement, is most im- 
portant, as it serves to fix the site of other monuments 
known to have stood in its vicinity. It is not far from the 
spot commonly assigned to it by topographers, but some- 
what higher up on the eastern front of the Eomulean 
enclosure, as laid down by Signor Rosa. It was entered 
from the Summa Nova Via, as shown in that gentleman's 
plan of the excavations recently published ;^ but the Nova 
Via could hardly have run into the Sacra Via, as it is 
made to do in that plan. It must rather have proceeded 
from the Porta Mugionis close under the northern side of 
the Palatine to the southern side of the Forum, and so on- 
wards to the Velabrum : as is evi lent from various pas- 
sages in ancient authors already cixed in my article Roma. 

It follows, from what has been stated, that the name of 

* Loc, cU, * See the plan annexed. 


Velia, given by the German school of topographers to the 
ridge which now separates the valleys of the Forum and 
Colosseum, is incorrect. This view, which was first 
adopted by Niebuhr, cannot be estabUshed on any good 
authority; and, if Signor Eosa be correct, the ridge in 
question is no natural hill at all, but made ground, and 
therefore long posterior to the foundation of the city. 
The Velia, however, must have thrown out a spur, or pro- 
jection, to the north, forming the Summa Sacra Via, where 
the Arch of Titus now stands. 

Boma Quadrata, as we have said, had two known gates, 
which, indeed, are now laid open by the excavations: 
namely, the Porta Mugionis near its north-eastern, and the 
Porta Eomanula near its north-western, extremity, at the 
bottom of the Clivus Victorias. Topographers are at a 
loss to determine the site of a third gate, and Signor Bosa 
is even of opinion that there was none. The most pro- 
bable place for it, as M. Ampere observes,^ is where there 
was a descent by means of steps towards the Circus Maxi- 
mus, at a place called by Plutarch KaX^ 'Axttj ; which 
can be no other than the Scalae Cacl.^ 

The most commonly received date for the foimdation of 
Eome is that of Varro, who assigns it to a year equivalent 
to B. c. 753. Troy, according to the era of Eratosthenes, 
was taken in the year B. c. 1184 ; and, allowing 432 years 
for the reigns of the Alban kings, we approximate very 
closely to this date. There is, however, some difierence 
on this point among Eoman authorities ; Cato placing the 
foundation two years later, or in B. c. 751, Fabius Pictor 
in B. c. 747, and Cincius so low as B. c. 728, According 

* JJuf. Bom, d Botnef t. i. p. 292. wants nothing but a sigma, and the 

' Plut. JRom. 20. The name of secondhastwolettersofCaci. Greek 

cole acte, which has puzzled topo- transcribers would naturally blunder 

graphers, perhaps arose from a literal in such words, and turn them into 

conversion of the Latin name, ScalsB something with a meaning in their 

Caci; into Greek. The first word own language. 


to tlie legend which ascribed the foundation of Rome to 
the Aberrigines, that people gave the name of Valentin 
to their settlement on the Palatine, which was translated 
into Eome (/5w/t7j, strength) when Evander, accompanied 
by many Greeks, came to Italy. ^ However that may 
be, Valentia remained the secret and mysterious name 
of Eome, which was forbidden to be pronounced, lest^ 
by so doing, the Penates might be conjured from the 
city. Hence is traced the worship of Angerona at Bome, 
the goddess of silence, whose statue, with her finger on 
her hps, stood in the httle temple, or chapel, of Volupia, 
near the Forum.*^ 

All the ancient monuments on the Palatine, connected 
with the Romulean or pne-Eomulean times, were, as we 
have said, on the western side of the hill, and apparently 
on that part of it called the Germalus. The Lupercal, a 
grotto consecrated by the Arcadian colonists to Pan, lay 
under a shady cliff, ' gelida sub rupe,' and, according to 
Dionysius, on the road leading to the Circus ; according to 
Servius, in the Circus : it, therefore, probably stood near 
the south-western angle of the hill.^ Near it was the 
sacred fig-tree, or Ficus Euminalis, under which Eomulus 
and Eemus were suckled by the she-wolf, and the TuGU- 
RiUM Faustuli, called also Casa Eomuli, where they were 
brought up. The Scalje CacI were also in this neigh- 
bourhood, apparently near the modem church of Sta. 
Anastasia ; and were perhaps, as we have already intimated, 
identical with the KaX^ ^Axttj ; as steps are mentioned 
in connection with the latter, which led down towards the 
Circus Maximus.* According to Vitruvius,^ there was also 
a Casa Eomuli on the Capitol ; but this must have been 
built long afterwards, in commemoration of that upon the 

^ Festus in JRomam, p. 266 ; SoH- « Virg. yEn. viii. 843 ; Dionys. 

nufl, c. i. § 1. Hal. i. 32, 79 ; Senr. ad JEn, viii. 90. 

> PUn. IT. N. iii. 9, 12 ; Macr. Sat, * Plut. loc. cU. 

i. 10, iii. 9 ; Varro, Z. Z. vi. § 23 » Lib. ii. 1, § 5. 
(MiUl.) ; Senr. ad ^Vi. i. 277. 


Palatine. Ovid also alludes to a small cottage of Eomulus 
extant in his time : 

Qu8B fuerit nostri si queeris regia nati, 
Adspice de canna straminibusque domum.^ 

But there is nothing to show whether it stood on the 
Palatine or the Capitoline, and it might possibly have been 
removed to the Capitoline in the later times of Eome. 

The first memorable incident in the history of the small 
city founded by Eomulus was his care to increase its 
population by opening an asylum for fugitive slaves and 
others on the Capitoline Hill, then called Mons Saturnius ; 
and probably on that side of it which faced the east, and 
subsequent Forum.^ Eomulus, then, must either at this 
time or previously have taken possession of Mons Satur- 
nius ; and though he does not appear to have enclosed it 
with a wall, like the Palatine, yet he must have erected 
some sort of fortification for its defence ; since, in his war 
with Titus Tatius and the Sabines, as we shaU see further 
on, this hill was the chief point of attack, and appears to 
have had a gate. It seems probable, therefore, that Eo- 
mulus, as Dionysius informs us,* had surrounded both this 
hill and the Aventine with a ditch and palisade, by way of 
protection for herdsmen and their cattle. The method of 
opening an asylum supplied, however, only a male popu- 
lation ; to provide them with wives, Eomulus sent ambas- 
sadors to the neighbouring nations, to solicit alUance and 
intermarriage for his subjects. But the rising power of 
Eome was already regarded with jealousy. The proposals 
of Eomulus were everywhere rejected, and frequently 
with insult : he was advised to open an asylum for women 
also ; by such a method would he procure wives who 
would be a proper match for his own people. Thus foiled, 
the Eoman king resolved to obtain by stratagem and force 

» Fagtu iii. 183 sq. Plut 22a»w. 9 ; &c. 

« Liv. 1. 8, ii 1 ; Dion. Hal. ii. 16 ) » Lib. ii. c. 37. 



[Sect. I. 

what he had failed to procure by friendly solicitations. He 
prepareil some splendid games, called Con^tualia, in honour 
of the go<l Consu?, or the equestrian Neptune,^ which 
were to be celebrated in the Vallis Murcia, the valley 
dividing the Palatine from the Aventine ; and when every- 
thing was prepared he invited the neighbouring peoples to 
the spectacle. Thither flocked the Ca?ninenses, the Cru- 
stumini, and tlie Antemnates ; but especially the Sabines, 
whose territoiy adjoined that of the Bomans, a circum- 
stiince which enabled them to bring their wives and chil- 
dren in great numbers. The guests were received with a 
treacherous semblance of hospitality; but, while all were 
intent upon the games, tlie Eoman youths, at a given 
signal, nished forth and seized the unmarried women, and 
their affrighted parents fled, invoking the gods to avenge 
so gross a violation of the laws of hospitality. 

By this act the Sabines had been chiefly injured ; and 
as their king Tatius was the most powerfid in those parts, 
he was solicited by the other nations to join with them in 
avenging the common injury. But, Tatius delaying to act 
till he had secretly made the completest preparation, the 
impatient Caeninenscs invaded alone the Roman territory, 
when tlicjir weak and disorderly forces were easily de- 
feated, llomulus killed and despoiled with his own hands 
their king Acron, and took possession of their capital. 
This deed of theKoman king is famous both as being the 
first instance of the capture of spolia opima^ of which, in 
the whole ajurse of Roman history, we find only two 
othc.T ; and, Avhat is more to our present purpose, as hav- 
ing occasioned, according to Livy,^ the consecration of 

' The Consualia, however, accord- 
iijg to a Satuniian verso preserved by 
Varro, I)e Vita Pop. Rtnn.j as quoted 
by NoniiiH Marcellua, p. 13 (ed. IJasle, 
1842), app<jar to have been rustic 
f^aiiios, coiiMisting' in running or jump- 
ing on oiled hides : 
Blbi iMuitorui ludon faciant corlis comualia. 

Thejr are thus explained by Vairo : 
* Etiam pelles buDulaa oleo perfuaaa 
percurrcDant.ibique cemuabant' £n- 
nius speaks of the institution of such 
games by Romulus at the dedication 
of the temple of Jupiter Feretrius 
(ap. Serv. Georff. ii. 384). 
' Lib. i. c. 10, 


the first Eoman temple : that is, we may presume, with 
the exception of those which, in a city founded with 
Etruscan rites, must have been erected to Jupiter, Juno, 
and Minerva within the walls of Eoma Quadrata.^ For 
Eomulus, bearing the spoils of the vanquished king on a 
frame adapted to the purpose, deposited them on the 
Capitoline Hill at an oak regarded as sacred by the shep- 
herds, vowing at the same time to erect there a temple 
to Jupiter, with the surname of Feretrius^ in which in 
future times similar opima spolia should be deposited.^ 

Eomulus overcame with similar ease the Antemnates 
and the Crustumini, tod converted their cities into Eoman 
colonies. His victory over the Antemnates was cele- 
brated by the institution of the Eoman triumph. But 
meanwhile the Sabines had prepared a more formidable 
attack. Having elected Titus Tatius, King of Cures, for 
their commander-in-chief, they marched upon Eome, and 
obtained by stratagem possession of the CapitoKne Hill, 
or Mons Saturnius. This brings us to the legend of Tar- 
peia, of which there are several versions. According to 
that most commonly received, Tarpeia agreed to open the 
gate of the Capitol to the Sabines, on condition of receiv- 
ing what they bore on their left arms, meaning their 
golden bracelets ; but the Sabines, availing themselves of 
a subterfuge, after entering the gate, overwhelmed and 
slew the traitress with their shields. Another version 
represents Tarpeia as wishing to deceive the Sabines and 
really bargaining for their shields, when, her intention 
having been betrayed to Tatius, he caused her to be 
killed.^ Propertius describes Tarpeia as having stipulated 
for the hand of Tatius as the reward of her treachery, 
when the Sabine monarch, instead of consummating the 
marriage, put her to death.* The same author relates 

^ Serviiw ad jEn, i. 422. 11 ; Ovid, Fad. i. 261 ; Varro, X. i. 

' Liv. i. 10 ; Dionys. Hal. ii. 83 sq. v. 41. 

» Dionys. Hal. ii. 38-40 j Liv. l * Lib. v. (iv.) Eleg. 4. 


that the Capitoline Hill obtained after this event the 
name of Mons Tarpeius, from Tarpeius, the father of 
Tarpeia, who was commander of the garrison upon it at 
the time of the Sabine attack ; ^ but, according to a more 
common opinion, it was so called from Tarpeia having 
been burial there. However this may be, the southern 
portion of it continued to bear the name of Rupes, Tarpeia 
till the latest time. 

The possession of Mons Satumius had given the Sabines 
a strong position ; but their strife with the Bomans was 
still to be decided by battle. Many engagements took 
place between the hostile armies in the valley between 
the Capitoline and Palatine hills, afterwards partly occu- 
pied by the Roman Forum. This district could not there- 
fore have been entirely a swamp, though it may have 
been often overflowed by the Tiber, and appears even at 
that time to have contained a pond, or marsh, which from 
Mettus Curtius, a Soman combatant, who plunged into it, 
obtained the name of Lacus Cuiiius. The origin of this 
appellation, however, is also referred to the deed of M. 
Curtius, a Eoman, who nearly four centuries later (b. c. 
362) leaped all armed with his horse into a chasm in the 
Forum, or to its being a locus fulgurituSy enclosed by a 
consul named Curtius.^ We may remark here that the 
circumstance of two hostile armies being engaged in such 
a valley as this, shows that the forces on both sides must 
have been very small, and thus confirms the account 
of the fcAvness of Romulus' followers. These battles be- 
tween the Romans and Sabines were signahsed by the 
foundation of the Temple of Jupiter Statob. Romulus, 
stationed on the high ground near the old gate of the 
Palatine city (Porta Mugionis), and consequently not far 
from the spot now occupied by the Arch of Titus, vowed 
to erect there a temple to Jupiter ' Stator,' if he would 

» Lib. V. Eleff. 4, yers. 93 ; cf. Liv. « Li v. i. 1.3. vii. 6 ; Dion. Hal. ii. 42, 
loc. at. xiv. 20 sq. ; Varro, L. L. y. 148-150. 

Sbot. L] treaty between ROMULUS AND TATIUS. ^ 

arrest the flight of the retreating Bomans. The vow was 
heard, and the temple in consequence founded.^ 

The struggle between the Sabines and the Romans still 
remained undecided, though the latter seemed to be 
gaining the superiority, when the interposition of the 
Sabine women put an end to the strife. They are said 
by some authors to have thrown themselves between 
the combatants, imploring on one side their fathers and 
brothers, on the other their husbands, to cease from their 
strife ; while other authorities represent them as proceed- 
ing to the Sabine camp to solicit peace. But, in whatever 
way effected, a treaty was made between the two nations, 
by which it was agreed that Romulus and Tatius should 
rule jointly, and with equal authority, over the Roman 
people ; that the Sabines should be incorporated into the 
Roman tribes and curice; and that the united people, 
though individually retaining the name of Romans, should 
in their aggregate capacity, and in honour of the Sabines, 
be addressed as Quirites^ the name of the inhabitants of 
Cures.^ The treaty, according to some authorities,^ was 
concluded on the Sacra Via, which thence derived its 
name. It is not probable, however, that the road was 
then in existence ; and at all events its name arose at a 
later period from the sacred buildings which stood upon 
it and the holy processions which traversed it. Equally 
unfounded is the opinion of Plutarch, that the Comitium 
was so called from the hostile generals having met at that 
spot to arrange the peace. 

The importance of the Sabine element at Rome has not 
perhaps been suflSciently considered. The late M. Ampere 
has discussed the subject with great learning and ability 
in his interesting work, L'Histoire Romaine a Rome.^ 
He remarks that not only did the Romans borrow from 


the Sabines ahno^t all their religioos and much of their 
political and stjcial organifaii^ncu their cii«l«>ins^ cere- 
monies, anns. &o^ but ali*j that the far greater part of 
the primitive p>puIar:oa of Bonie was S;ibiiie, that most 
of the men who have played a part in Boman history 
were of Sabine extraction, and that what is called the Latin 
tongue contains a strong infusion of Sibine elements.^ The 
truth of these remarks will be apparent wh^i we reflect 
that a considerable part of the Boman population must 
have been of Sabine bloiDd by their mothers^ and that the 
followers of Tatius who settled on the Quirinal and adja- 
cent hills were perhaps at least equal in number to the 
Bomans. But when M. Ampere goes on to argue, as 
Sch wcgler and Ihne have aLo done, that the Bomans were 
in &ct a mnquered people* who existed only by the 
suflerance of the Sabines, we must confess our inability 
to follow him. In proof of his assertion he adduces the 
many Sabine names of temples and other objects which 
existed not only in the quarter of the city assigned to 
that people, but also on the Aventine and round the 
Palatine itself ; whence he infers that these places were 
held by the Sabines as independent, and even hoftile, 
possessions- But, allowing aU these names to have been 
Sabine, the influence of that people, who formed so laige 
a part of the population, even peacefully exerted, may 
serve to account for these names. M. Ampere also 
draws an argument to the same eflect finom the circum- 
stance of the collective population receiving the Sabine 
name of Quirites, quoting with approbation a r«nark of 
Servius : ' Xovimus quod victi victorum nomen accipiunt;' 
and adducing the example of the Britons who obtained 
the names of Saxons and Angles, of the Gauls who were 
called French, of the Italians who were called Lombards, 
&C.* The remark, however, holds good only in certain 
cases. The Gaids, when conquered by Caesar, were not 

iSeetLp.4ft6. * JML p. 442. 

Sbct: L] importance OF THE SABINE ELEMENT. 29 

called Eomans ; nor were the English caUed Normans 
after the Nonnan conquest ; nor did the Irish become 
English after their subjugation by Henry II, It is only 
when the conquerors come in such overwhelming numbers 
as almost entirely to drive out and supplant the original 
inhabitants that a change of name occurs ; and then not 
only of the occupiers of the country, but also of the 
country itself. Thus, after the Anglo-Saxon conquest, 
Britain became England ; after the Frankish conquest, 
Gaul became France; after the Lombard conquest, the 
north of Italy became Lombardy. But no such thing 
occurred at Rome. This, therefore, is a strong confirma- 
tion of the truth of the account handed down to us by 
ancient authors, that the privileges which the Sabines ob- 
tained were derived fix>m treaty and agreement ; and the 
proof is still clearer from the facts that not only did the 
original Eomulean city continue to be entitled Eoma, but 
that this name was also extended to those quarters of the 
city more exclusively occupied by the Sabines, and that 
each individual citizen was called a Eoman. But to re- 
turn from" this digression. 

The setdement of the Sabines is of course a most im- 
portant event in the history of the city. They occupied 
Mons Satumius and the adjoining Quirinal, anciently 
called Agonus, which were assigned to them for their 
abode. We must recollect that these hills were not then 
separated, as they are now, by the valley occupied by the 
Forum and Basilica of Trajan, but were connected by a 
sort of isthmus, or tongue, extending from the Height of 
Araceli to that of Magnanapoli The Eomans now pos- 
sessed the CaeUan Hill as well as the Palatine, That liill, 
originally called Querquetulanus, was assigned by Eomulus 
to Caehus Vibennus, an Etruscan chief who had assisted 
him against the Sabines, and hence obtained the name of 
Mons C^lius. By some writers the Etruscan leader is 
called Lucimio; but this perhaps is only an Etruscan 


name for a chief or prince.^ The Etruscan settlement on 
the Caelian is placed by some authors in the time of Tullus 
Hostilius, of Ancus Marcius, and even of Tarquinius 
Priscus. But authority preponderates in favour of the 
first statement ; and if it be correct, we already find, in 
the reign of Eomulus, three distinct races settled at Bome ; 
and of these the Roman race appears to have been far 
from enjoying the preponderance, to judge fix)m the fiact 
that, of the six subsequent kings of Eome, only one, 
Tullus Hostihus, was of Eoman descent, and that the rest 
were either Sabines or Etruscans. The original Etruscan 
settlement on the Caelian was not, however, altogether a 
permanent one. A .portion of the new colonists having 
incurred the suspicion of the Romans, they were compelled 
to leave the hill and take up their abode between the 
Capitoline and the Palatine, a spot commanded by both 
those hills, which derived from its new inhabitants the 
name of Vicus Tuscus. The remainder of the Etruscans 
were removed to a hill called Croliolus, which appears to 
have been a portion or branch of the Caelian.* 

Thus the Romans of the Palatine city with their Etrus- 
can allies, on the one hand, and on the other the Sabines 
dwelling on the Capitoline and Quirinal, formed two dis- 
tinct yet allied and friendly cities, governed respectively 
by Romulus and Tatius. The former of those monarchs 
continued to reside on the Palatine near the Scalae Caci 
and descent towards the Valus Murcia, not far from the 
modern church of Sta. Anastasia ; Avhile Tatius is supposed 
to have lived on that southern part of Mons Saturnius 
subsequently occupied by the -^es Monetae.® The gate 
forming the entrance to the Sabine city, the same which 

* Dionys. II. ii. 37, 42 sq. ; Cic. Tuscus is referred to the Tuscans 

Hep. ii. 8 ; Varro, X. L, v. 46. Pro- who took refuge at Rome affcer the 

pertius calls the Etruscan Lucmo defeat of Aruns at Aricia in the 

and Lucomedius. JEleg. iv. 1, 29^ second, or, according to Dionysius, 

and 2, 61. fourth year of the Hepublic. Lay. 

' Tac. Arm, iv. 66. Sometimes, ii. 14 ; Dionys. v. 36. 
however; the name of the Vicus ' Plut. JRom, 20. 


had been betrayed to their army by Tarpeia, lay on the 
north-east side of the CapitoUne Hill, a Uttle to the north 
of the Arch of Septimius Severus. Afterwards, when the 
Eoman and Sabine cities were amalgamated into one in 
the reign of Numa, and consequently the gate had become 
useless, its site was occupied by the Temple of Janus, the 
celebrated index of peace and war.^ The space under the 
eastern foot of the Capitoline which afterwards became 
the Roman Forum served as a common place of meeting 
to the inhabitants of both cities, the swampy parts having 
been filled up with earth ; while business of state between 
the two kings and their senates was transacted on a more 
elevated spot called the Vulcanal,^ which lay above the 
north-western comer of the Forum, and close to the gate, 
or Janus, of the Sabine city already described. Bomulus 
had consecrated this area to Vulcan, and had erected 
upon it an altar to that deity ; whose place of worship, 
as in this instance, was allowed to be estabhshed only 
outside the city boundaries.^ It seems probable that the 
Vulcanal owed its name to some volcanic agency which 
had manifested itself at this spot ; since Ovid, in his ver- 
sion of the legend of Tarpeia already quoted, introduces 
Janus describing how he repulsed the Sabines by ejacu- 
lating upon them streams of hot sulphureous water : 

Oraque, qua poUens ope sum, fontana recluaiy 

Samque repentinas ejaculatus aquas. 
Ante tamen cididia subjeci sulphura Tenia, 

Clauderet ut Tatio fervidus humor iter.^ 

From the Sabines, as we have observed, were derived a 
great part of the Soman superstitions and religious ob- 
servances. Tatius is said to have dedicated many temples 
to the gods, and especially to Semo Sancus, or Dius 

* See Ovid^ ladi, I 266 sqq. ^ Fasti, I 2698qq. Soalao Varro: 

' Dionys. ii. 60. 'Ad Janum geminum aqu» cald» 

» Plut Q. Rom. 44 : Vitruyiua, fuerunt'— De X. L. v. 166. 
i. 7. 


FiDR'S, an ancient Sabine deity, whose name of Dins sig- 
nified his love of the open air ; whence his temple had a 
perforated roof* It probably stood at or near the present 
Fahizzo Quirinale. Also to Flora, Dijovis, Summanus, 
the god of nocturnal lightnings,* Larunda, Vortumnus, 
Mars, Sol, Luna, &c. ;^ but most of these were probably 
only open spaces witli altars, like the Vulcanal, and we 
must recollect that temples had no images before A.u.c. 
170.* They may probably have been introduced by the 
Etruscan kings. 

The joint dominion of Bomulus and Tatius had lasted 
in harmony five years when the Sabine king was killed 
by some of the inliabitants of Lavinium whom he had 
ofiended.* Eomulus caused him to be interred upon the 
Aventine at a s\K>t wliich, according to Plutarch, was called 
Armilustrium^ Varro, however, represents Tatius as 
having been killed by the inhabitants of Laurentum, 
and calls the name of his burial-place on the Aventine 
Lauretum^ either from his murderers, or because there 
was a laurel grove at that spot7 The sole government 
now devolved to Eomulus, and the Sabme and Eoman 
cities became henceforth united under one monarch. 
Under the vigorous administration of Eomulus, the city 
grew apace. He subdued Fidense and reduced it to be a 
Eoman colony ; and when the Veientiues took up arms 
against him on this account, he overthrew them in a great 
battle, so that they were glad to purchase peace by ceding 
to him a district close to the Tiber called Septem Pagi 
and some salt-works at the mouth of that river. The 
situation of the district called Septem Pagi is not ascer- 
tained ; but it probably comprehended the Mons Vaticanus 

» Ovid, Frtjrfi, vi. 213 sqq.; Pro- « Rom. 23. 

pert. y. 1>, 74 ; Varro, L. Z. v. J CO. ^ * In eo (Aventino) Lauretum, ab 

» F«Htu8, p. 229. eo, quod ibi sepultus est Tatius rex, 

* Se« Varro, L. L, v. § 74. qui ab Laurontibus interfectus est ; 

* riut. Numa, 8. vel ab silva laurea, quod ea ibi excisa 

* Liv. i. 14 ; Dionys. ii. CI sq. est aedificatus vicus/— Z. Z. v. 152. 

Skct.1.] reign and death of ROMULUS. 33 

and the Janiculum.^ We know of no other war to which 
the acquisition of these tracts by Eome can with proba- 
bility be referred ; and since the Janiculum was fortified 
by Ancus Marcius, as we shall see further on, it must have 
been in the possession of the Eomans in the reign of that 
monarch. A truce of a himdred years was now made 
between Veii and Eome, and the conditions of it were 
engraved upon a brazen column.^ Eomulus is also said 
by some writers to have reduced Cameria to subjection ; 
but the capture of that city is placed by Livy in the reign 
of Tarquinius Priscus.* In the midst, however, of these 
splendid successes, Eomulus died after a reign of thirty- 
seven years. He is supposed to have vanished diu-ing a 
supernatural darkness, or eclipse, and to have been carried 
up to heaven in the chariot of his father Mars ; whilst a 
more rationalised accoimt represents him as having been 
murdered by the senators for his tyranny, and his body 
secretly disposed of, so that it was never seen more.* 
Eomulus is supposed to have disappeared at a place in the 
Campus Martins called Palus CAPREiE, or Capilb, which 
became a locus religiosus. It lay probably somewhere 
under the Quirinal.^ 

Eomulus having left no heir to his crown, an interreg- 
num ensued which lasted during a year, when Numa 
Pompilius, a Sabine of Cures, was elected king. His elec- 
tion is said to have been effected by a compromise be- 
tween the Eoman and Sabine inhabitants of the city ; the 
old Eoman senators being the electors, while the person 
elected was to be of the Sabine race: a circumstance 
which shows the power and consideration enjoyed by that 
people. As Eomulus extended the dominion of Eome 
without, so the reign of Numa was devoted to consolidate 

» Cf. Nibby, H Intomi. vol. iii. * IhicL i. 16 ; Dionys. ii. 66 ; Cic. 

p. 388. Hep, i. 16, ii. 10 ; Ovid, Fadi, ii. 

« Dionvs. Hal. ii. 60-65 : Liv. i. 486 sqq. ; Plut Rom. 26-28. 

16 ; Plut. Rom, 26. * Liv. i. 16 ; Ov. Fast, ii. 480, 

« i. sa 



the city within, and to civilise and improve the people 
by laws and religious institutions, and by promoting all 
the customs and conveniences of domestic life. Hence 
his peaceful reign becomes highly important for the his- 
tory of the city. It was his especial care to bring about 
a complete imion between the Soman and Sabine inhabi- 
tants ; and as a pledge of this union he instituted a festival 
in honour of Mars.^ His choice of a residence seems to 
testify his desire to conciliate the two elements of the 
Eoman population, and to fuse them into a whole, as well 
as to display the importance which he attached to the 
observances of religion. For he fixed his dwelling neither 
in the Sabine nor the Eoman city, but between both, at 
the south-eastern comer of the neutral ground or Forum, 
near the modem church of Sta. Maria Liberatrice. Al- 
though called a Eegia, or palace, it appears to have 
been a building of the most humble pretensions — in fact, 
a mere adjunct to the Temple op Vesta which he had 
erected close to it ; and hence we also find it called by 
the more humble name of Atrium Begium and Atrium 
Vestjs. The erection of the Temple of Vesta at this spot 
was perhaps also done with the view of fusing and har- 
monising the Sabine and Eoman population. For we 
must recollect that as in a Eoman family the hearth was 
its proper centre and bond of union, so the Temple of 
Vesta was the public hearth of the city, in which was 
preserved in ever-living brightness the eternal fire, together 
with the Palladium, which -32neas was believed to have 
brought with him from Troy ; for whose perpetual custody 
Numa appointed four Vestal virgins. But though the 
jEdes Vest^e was in ordinary language called a temple, 
and is even mentioned by that name by Horace^ and 
Ovid,^ yet we must recollect that it was no templum in 
the proper sense of the term, but merely an cedes sacra ; 

» Festus, p. 372 (Mull.). » Od, i. 2, 10. » Fad, vi. 297. 

Sbot. L] monuments FOUNDED BY NUMA. 36 

because, being the abode of the Vestal virgins, it had 
never been inaugurated, in order that the senate might 
not be able to assemble in it.^ It was of a circular form 
with a tholas or dome ; and behind it, stretching towards 
the Palatine Hill, lay a sacred grove. It was probably 
along with these buildings that the Via Sacra came into 
existence, or at all events, if it existed before, that it ob- 
tained its name of Sacra ; an appellation, however, which 
in the earlier times, and among laymen even in the later, 
was applied only to that part of the road forming the 
ascent from the Forum and Eegia to the Summa Sacra 
Via, or eminence on which the Arch of Titus now 
stands, and where in ancient times was the dwelling of 
the Eex Sacrificulus. Hence in the poets we sometimes 
find it called Sacer Cliims.^ The Eegia became in after 
times the residence of the Pontifex Maximus ; and thus 
this portion of the Sacra Via, or Clivus, was boimded by 
the houses of two of the chiefs of the Eoman hierarchy. 

The other foundations of Numa were impartially dis- 
tributed in the Eoman and Sabine cities. Thus he esta- 
blished on the Palatine the Curia Saliorum, where the 
sacred ancilia and lituus Eomuli were preserved in the 
custody of twelve patricians chosen for that purpose. On 
the other hand, we find him erecting on the Quirinal a 
Temple op Eomulus after the apotheosis of that monarch, 
and imder the name of Quirinus,^ thus prosecuting his de- 
sign of uniting the two peoples by making the Eoman 
king an inhabitant, as it were, and Deus Indiges of the 
Sabine city, as well as by conferring upon him a Sabine 
name. This temple, which is supposed to have stood 
near the present churches of S. Vitale and S. Andrea del 
Noviziato, was preserved by the piety of succeeding gene- 
rations, and ultimately rebuilt by Augustus. Numa had 

* Serv. €ul jEn, vii. 163. vol. ii. p. 774. 

» See the art. Homa, in Smith's » Dionys. ii. 63 j Ov. Fadi, ii. 609. 

Dictionary of Ancient Geography^ 




[Sect. L 

another residence upon the Quirinal/ and he also founded 
on that hill an Arx, or citadel, which probably stood on 
the present height of Magnanapoli, over against Ara Ceh, 
the future seat of the Eoman Capitol. After the founda- 
tion of the latter, Numa's Arx obtained the name of 
Capitouum Vetus. It had, as usual with the Latin cities 
of those times, a Temple op Jupiter, with cells of Juno 
and Minerva under the same roof.^ Those three divinities 
were supposed to liave the special protection of the city, 
and therefore their joint temple, like the Capitoline temple 
afterwards, was to be on a spot whence they could 
behold the greater part of the walls.^ It appears from 
the mention of them in the Notitia that the temple on 
the Vetus Capitolium, as well as the Temple of Quirinus, 
were extant in the fifth century. 

We have already mentioned that Numa converted the 
gate which formed the entrance to the Sabine city on 
Mons Satumius into a Temple of Janus ; and we find in 
this act another proof of his desire to abolish all distinc- 
tions between the two cities. He could not more efiec- 
tually attain this end than by removing the barrier which 
separated them, and enabled the Sabines to lock out the 
Bomans. Thus we see in all his proceedings an unde- 
signed coincidence with the views attributed to him, which 
he must naturally have had, to fuse and amalgamate the 
Sabine and Eoman population. He could not have pur- 
sued them more eflectually or consistently than by the 
buildings which he founded and the alterations which he 

Another proof of the same purpose may perhaps be 
sought in Numa's establishment of districts, or parishes, 
by means of what are called the Argive Chapels.* These 
districts, as we have endeavoured to show in another place,^ 

» Plut. Num. 14 ; Solin. i. 21. 
» Varro, Z. Z. v. § 158. 
' Vitruv. i. c. 7. 

* Varro, L. X. v. § 46. 

* Smith's Diet, of Qeogr, vol. ii. 
p. 733. 


embraced indiscriminately the Eoman and Sabine cities ; 
namely, the Caelian and Esqiiiline hills, and the valley 
between them, as well as the Quirinal, Viminal, and Pala- 
tine. We may remark that the Aventine and Capitoline 
hills do not appear to have been included in this distribu- 
tion ; an omission which, as I am now inclined to tliink, 
may perhaps be accounted for by their comparative want 
of population. We know, at all events, that the Aventine 
was not inhabited in Numa's time ; ^ and that the Capito- 
line was regarded by the Sabines rather as a military post 
than a dwelling-place, may be inferred from the fact that 
Numa's foundations were not in general made on that hill, 
but on the Quirinal, whence they extended eastwards to 
the Esquiline, as we perceive from the buildings already 
mentioned ; namely, the Vetus Capitolium, the temple of 
Quirinus, and the Argive chapels in question. But we 
shall not here enter into the obscure questions connected 
with these chapels, which we have discussed in the article 
already mentioned ; to which the reader is referred. 

Numa is also said to have distributed the pubhc lands 
among the poorer citizens, to have divided the country 
into pagi or districts, and to have established the custom 
of marking the boundaries of lands with stones, sacred to 
the god Terminus ; in whose honour was celebrated the 
festival called Terminalia. With regard to the city we 
need only further mention that he erected a large temple, 
the only one which we hear of his having founded on the 
Capitoline, to Fides Publica, or pubhc faith, and bade the 
flamines sacrifice to her with a fillet on the right hand as 
the symbol of fidelity.^ He is also said to have instituted 
the Eoman guilds or trade corporations. All his insti- 
tutions were beheved to have a sacred origin, and to 
have been suggested to him by the nymph Egeria, 
with whom he held secret colloquies in her grove ; the 

» Plut. Num, 16. 

« Liyy, i. 21 ; Cic. N, D. ii. 23 j Val. Max. iu. 2, § 17. 


reputed site of which seems to have lain near the Porta 

Numa died after a peaceful reign of forty-three years, 
. and was buried on the Janiculum. He left several sons, 
but the monarchy was elective, and after a short inter- 
regnum Tullus Hostilius was elected king. The most im- 
portant event in the reign of Tullus with regard to the 
history of the city (a.u.c. 81-114) was the capture and 
destruction of Alba Longa, and the transfer of its inhabit- 
ants to Eome, which thus became the chief city of the 
Latin League. In order to provide dweUings for these new 
colonists, Tullus Hostihus assigned to them the Cselian 
Hill ; the previous Etruscan inhabitants of which had, as 
we have seen, been at least for the most part removed to 
the Vicus Tuscus. Tullus Hostihus fixed his own resi- 
dence on the Cselian,* though he had also, and perhaps 
previously, a house on the VeUa.® Several noble Alban 
families having been thus added to the Boman patricians, 
Tullus foimd it necessary to build a convenient curia, or 
senate-house. This building, which, as Livy tells us,* con- 
tinued to bear the name of Curia Hostiua down to the 
generation which preceded him, was situated, as I have 
shown in another place,^ at the north-west corner of the 
Forum, adjoining the eastern side of the VulcanaL Its 
future changes will demand our attention in a subsequent 
part of this work; and it is only necessary to mention 
here, that, as I trust it has been shown in the article 
Roma^ although the Curia Hostilia was frequently de- 
stroyed and rebuilt, and its name altered, the senate 
down to the latest times continued to assemble on or near 
the same spot ; namely, that now occupied by the church 
of SS. Luca e Martina. It may be further observed that 

' Juv. Sat. iii. 10 sq. p. 3C3 ; Solinus, i. 22. 

» Liv. i. 30 J Eutrop. i. 4 j \lctor, * Loc. cit. 
Vir, lU, 4. « Smith's Did. of Anc. Geogr. 

^ \9rto,Fragm,de Vita Pop, Ronu vol. ii. p. 779. 
in Noniu0 MaiceUuB, toc Secunthnn, 


though the Curia Hostilia was a templum, or inaugu- 
rated place, without which ceremony the pubUc business 
could not have been transacted there, yet it was not a 
place in which divine service could be performed ; ^ for 
which purpose dedication and consecration by the pontiffs 
were further required. Thus it was precisely the reverse 
of the JBdes Vestae, which was no templum, though an 
cedes sacra ; while the Curia Hostiha was a templum^ but 
not an cedes sacra. 

Adjoining the Curia on its western side was an open 
space, called Senaculum, where the senators were accus- 
tomed to meet before entering the Curia, and where, 
probably, they gave audience to such magistrates as were 
not permitted to enter that building. It must have closely 
adjoined the Vulcanal. Here, too, though in later times, 
and after Eome had extended her conquests over foreign 
nations, was another open space called Graecostasis, of 
which we shall have to speak fiirther on. 

Out of the spoils of Alba Longa, TuUus Hostihus 
is also said to have improved the Comitium, a space at 
the north-west end of the Forum, and fronting the Curia. 
How the Comitimn obtained that name it is impossible 
to say. It might perhaps have been so called from its 
being the common meeting-place of the Eoman and 
Sabine inhabitants ; but Varro's etymology seems prefer- 
able, who derives the name from the meeting there of 
the Oomitia Curiata and of the law courts.^ Hence the 
Comitium was a templum^ or inaugurated place, as we 
learn from the speech of Furius CamiUus in Livy.^ The 
only other foimdation of Tullus Hostilius which we need 
mention here was a Curia Saliorum on the Quirinal Hill, 
which he had vowed during a war with Fidenae. This 

^ ' Curia Hostilia templum est, et ' L, L, v. $ 165. 

sanctum non est ; sed hoc ut puta- ' ' Comitia curiata, qusd rem mili- 

rent, aedem sacram templum esse, tarem continent, comitia ccnturiata, 

factum quod in urbe Roma plerseque quibus consoles tribunos(][ue militares 

eedes sacrse sunt templa.^yarro, creatis, ubi auspicato, nisi ubi asso- 

X. Z. viL S 10. lent, fieri possunt P '— liv. v. 62. 


institution was an imitation of that of Xuma on the Pala- 
tine, already mentioned ; only the Salians, established by 
TuUiLs, were devoted to the worship of Quiiinus instead 
of Mare, and were called Salii Agonenses or Collini, from 
Agonus, the ancient name of the hill ; * and because the 
three northernmost hills of Some were called colles and 
re^fio coUina^ in contradbtinction to the other four, which 
bore the name of monies : a distinction which perhaps 
arose from these latter being isolated, while the others are 
mere tongues projecting from a common height 

Of other monuments of the reign of Tullus Hostilius, 
we need here only mention the TioiLLm Sobobium. The 
tragiciil end of the stniggle between the Horatii and 
Ciuiatii is well known ; how the third Honitius, returning 
victorious from the combat laden with the spoils of his 
three opponents, was met at the entrance of the city by 
his sister, the betrothed of one of the Guriatii ; how the 
maiden for bewailing her future husband was stabbed 
to the heart by her enraged brother; how the people 
absolved the condemned fratricide at the prayer of his 
father ; how the latter expiated his son's crimes by cer- 
tain rites and by making him pass under a beam or yoke, 
the * Sister's Be:im,' erected across a small street or lane 
leading fR>m the Vicus Cyprius to the Carinse. On each 
side of it sto<xI an altar, the one dedicated to Juno 
SoR^ria, the other to Janus Curiatius. The beam was 
constantly repaired at the public expense, and appears to 
have btvn extant in the fifth century.* 

Having completed a reign of thirty-two years, Tullus 
Hostilius mysteriously perished ; and after another inter- 
regnum Ancus Marcius, a grandson of Xuma, was elected 
kini?. Bv the Latin wars of this monarch and the re- 
duotion of rolitoriuni, Tellena?, Ficana, and Medullm, 
inanv of whose inhabitants he transferred to Some, the 

> Kiv. i. l>r: IHonv*. il 70: • Lit. L 96; DioiiTS. iii. 22; 
\'rtmv L L. vi. § 14. ' Xch'tia, 


population of that city was greatly augmented. Ancus 
located many thousand Latins on the Aventine, which 
hill, as we have said, appears to have been hardly in- 
habited previously; and he also settled many in the 
Vallis Murcia, near the temple of that goddess, in order 
to connect the Aventine with the Palatine.^ Niebuhr 
supposes * that these settlements were the origin of the 
Boman pUbSy or plebeian order, properly so called, of 
which Ancus was consequently the founder, and he is 
followed by Dr. Arnold,^ M. Ampere,* and others. But 
Sir George ComewaU Lewis has shown that such an 
hypothesis is totally destitute of foundation, and that the 
plebeian order is regarded by all the ancient writers as 
coeval with the origin of the city.^ 

Ancus also enlarged the boundaries of the city by 
fortifying Mons Janicidus, the hill over against Eome, on 
the right or western bank of the Tiber. The jAyicuLUM 
appears to have derived its name from an ancient tradi- 
tion already mentioned that Janus had formerly founded 
a city on this spot, which Phny mentions under the 
name of Antipolis.^ The Janiculmn, however, seems to 
have been fortified rather for the sake of the protection 
which it afforded to the city, than to obtain dwelling 
room for the inhabitants. Ancus connected it with Eome 
by means of the Sublician bridge, or Poxs Sublicius, so 
called from its having been built on piles (sublicaj). This 
was the first bridge constructed at Eome, and it appears 
to have existed till a late period of the Empire.^ The 
Janiculiun was little built upon before the time of Au- 
gustus, and it was probably never considered as being 
included in the Pomoerium, and therefore as forming part 

^ liy. i. 33 ; Bionys. iii. 3G-46 ; ^ Ilid. Bom, & Borne, t. ii. p. 15. 

Strabo, v. 3, § 7. * CredibiUtt/ ^c. toL i. p. 468. 

* See B. L, Die Gemeinde und die 

plebeischen TribuSy S. 42d f. (yoL L 
p. 355, EngL transL) 
' Hid, of Borne, voL i p. 28. Varro, Z. L v. § 83, 


of the Urbs, properly so called. Varro does not mention 
it as included in the city. 

We have already mentioned the acquisition by Romulus 
of the district called Septem Pagi, and of the salt-works 
at the mouth of the Tiber. Ancus founded at the latter 
spot the town of Ostia, which subsequently became the 
port of Eome, and he extended his dominion to the 
Tyrrhenian sea by capturing fix)m the Veientines the Silva 
Moesia. In the city he founded the Cabceb Mamertinus, 
or Mamertine prison, a name, however, not found in any 
classical writer, and which seems to have been given to 
it in the middle ages. It was situated near the Forum, 
below the northern height of the Capitoline Hill, or 
present church of Ara Celi ; one chamber of it may still 
be seen under the church of S. Giuseppe dei Fal^nami. 
He also constructed the Fossa Quiritium, which was 
probably a sort of fortification ; but in what part of Rome 
it was, or whether at Rome at all, and not rather at Ostia, 
it is impossible to determine.^ Ancus Marcius resided near 
the ^DES Labium, on the Summa Sacra Via, or probably 
between that and the Porta Mugionis.^ He died in B.c. 
616, after a reign of twenty-four years. 

After the death of Ancus, a new epoch opens in the 
history of the city by the introduction of tlie dynasty of 
the Tarquins. 

This family, though settled in the Etruscan town of Tar- 
quinii, was of Greek extraction. Demaratus, the father of 
Tarquinius Priscus, belonged to the Corinthian race of 
the Bacchiadae, who, after holding the supreme power at 
Corinth nearly a century, were expelled by Cypselus in 
the year b. c. 665 ; at which time Tullus Hostilius was 
king of Rome. Demaratus settled at Tarquinii, and 
married an Etruscan wife, by whom he had two sons, 
Lucumo and Aruns ; the latter, however, died in early 

* Liv. i. 33 ; Festufl, p. 254 j Victor, ^ Varro in Nonius, voc. Secundum, 

Vir. lU, c. 6. p. 3G3 ; Solinus, c. 1, 23. 

BklL] dynasty of the TARQUmS. 43 

manhood, and Lucumo inherited all the wealth of his 
&ther. Lucumo had also married an Etruscan wife named 
Tanaquil, a woman of ambitious character ; who, finding 
that her husband, in spite of his riches and power, was 
excluded by the circumstance of his Greek descent from 
all political influence at Tarquinii, persuaded him to mi- 
grate to Bome; where, as we have seen, an Etruscan 
colony had long been settled. Becoming naturahsed 
here, he Latinised his name of Lucumo by changing it 
into Lucius; assumed from his native town the family 
appellation of Tarquinius ; ingratiated himself with the 
Soman people, and even obtained the friendship of their 
king, Ancus Marcius ; who left his youthful sons under 
Tarquin's guardianship. But this trust Tarquin betrayed. 
After the death of Ancus, he sent that monarch's sons out 
of the city on pretence of a hunting party, and in their 
absence caused himself to be elected king.^ 

We may here remark a few undesigned coincidences, 
which, as in the case of Numa, confer at least a high degree 
of probability on the traditions respecting the first Tar- 
quin. Let us observe first that the story of the Corinthian 
Bacchiadffi has been related by Grecian writers who 
treated not of Eoman history, as Herodotus, Aristotle, 
Pausanias, and others ; *^ and that the acutest researches 
of modem criticism have not succeeded in discovering 
anything inconsistent with Grecian history in the accounts 
transmitted by historians of Eome respecting the Bac- 
chiad emigrants at Tarquinii.^ This prima facie case of 

* Liy. L 84 8^. ; DioD jb. lii. 41 the flight of Demaratus) is placed at 

8qq. ; Diodor. Tiii. 31 ; Strabo^ v. 2, 655 b. c. ; and the reign of Ancus is 

§ 2. said to have lasted from 041 to 617 

■ Herod, v. 02 ; Aristot Polit, ii. b. o. ; so that the son of Demaratus, 

12, &c. ; Pausanias, ii. 4, v. 17. bom at Tarquinii, might have be- 

' Thus Sir G. Comewall Lewis come eminent at Home during that 

says: *The story of the flight of king's lifetime.* — Credihility of Early 

Demaratus from Corinth is consistent Rom. Hiat, vol. i. p. 477. We may 

with the chronologies of both na- say of the story, then, with the 

tions. . . . The commencement of Italians : * Se non 6 vero, 6 ben tro- 

the reign of Cypselus at Corinth vato.' 
(which is described as the cause of 


probability is strengthened a hundredfold by die accounts 
which the Eoman historians have left us of the magnificent 
architectural works completed or designed by the Tar- 
quins at Eome. It is well known that Corinth, a city 
early renowned for its wealth and commerce, was the 
cradle of Grecian art.^ Painting is beheved to have origi- 
nated there, and Cleophantus, one of the earUest pro- 
fessors of that art, is said to have accompanied Demaratus 
to Tarquinii/^ Corinth was celebrated in very ancient times 
for its sculpture, and especially for works in bronze. The 
cedar chest adorned with bas-rehefs, in which Cypselus 
was said to have been concealed by his mother from the 
search of the Bacchiadae, was a miracle of art, and has 
been described at great length by Pausanias,® in whose 
time it was still extant. The Corinthians were also re- 
nowned for their pottery, and especially for their archi- 
tecture, which they brought to a pitch of the most elabo- 
rate perfection in the architectural order to which they 
gave their name. What then more probable than that a 
family which owed its origin to such a city should have 
designed at Eome those magnificent architectural works 
which are attributed to them by the Eoman historians ? 
We must recollect, too, that the accounts of these works 
are not introduced for the purpose of supporting any 
historical hypothesis, and lending a colour of truth to a 
narrative, but are given naturally and carelessly, and as it 
were by the way ; thus forming, by an undesigned co- 
incidence, which the reader must perceive for himself, a 
very strong proof of the authenticity of these traditions. 
But we must now proceed briefly to describe the chief 
improvements and alterations which Tarquinius Priscus 
effected at Eome. 

Most of these improvements were made in the neigh- 
boiu-hood of the Forum. The most important of them, 

» Strabo, viii. 0, § 23. « Plin. R. N, xxxv. 6. » Lib. t. c 17-19. 

SwlI] cloaca MAXBLA. TABERX-^ VETERES. 45 

without which, indeed, the rest would have been of little 
use, was the vast sewer called Cloaca Maxima, which he 
constructed in order to drain the Forum and Velabrum of 
their superfluous waters and render the soil firm and habi- 
table. This great work, composed of three semicircular 
arches enclosing one another, of which the innermost has 
a diameter of more than twelve feet, commenced at the 
Forum, and, running through the Velabrum, discharged 
itself into the Tiber a little below the present Ponte liotto ; 
fix)m which, when the water is low, the mouth of it may 
still be discerned. It was large enough to be traversed 
by a Boman hay-cart, and Agrippa is said to have sailed 
down it in a boat.^ The stone used for the construction of 
the Cloaca, which differs from that employed in the time 
of the Kepublic, attests its high antiquity/'^ 

It was after the construction of this sewer that the 
Lacus Curtius, according to the most probable account, 
disappeared.® It may be further remarked here that 
Tarquin introduced at Home a great improvement in the 
way of constructing the masonry of walls, by reducing 
the stones to rectangidar blocks, apparently of the same 
height^ if not of the same length, instead of using the 
irregular masses previously employed.* 

The ground being thus prepared, Tarquin caused a row 
of shops to be erected along the southern side of the 
Forum, which in process of time obtained the name of 
TABEBNiE Veteres, in contradistinction to the Tabemas 
Nova3 subsequently built on the opposite or northern side ; 
but at what period it does not appear. It must be con- 
fessed that these shops seem not to have been very splen- 
did, but to have been occupied at first by butchers and 
other tradesmen of the like kind. At the head of the 
Forum and under the Capitoline Hill, Tarquin is also said 

* Dion CassiuSy xlix. 43. ' Vairo, X. X. v. § 149. 

• Arnold. Ilitt. of Home, toI. i. * See on this subject Abcken, 
p. 62. MiUelttaiiai, S. 141. 


to have founded the Temple op Saturn, at the spot where 
the altar of that deity had previously stood. The ruin 
of eight columns, belonging to a late renovation of the 
buildmg, still marks its original site, where Tullus had pre- 
viously consecrated a fime to the same deity.^ The temple, 
however, does not appear to have been dedicated till after 
the expidsion of the kings. But the most magnificent 
building designed by Tarquinius Priscus was the Capito- 
line Temple of Jupiter, which he had vowed in the Sabine 
war. The completion of it was, however, reserved for 
his successor, Tarquinius Superbus, and the first Tarquin 
appears to have done no more than mark out and prepare 
the groimd on which it was to stand.^ The site of this 
famous temple, whether it lay on the northern or the 
southern height of the Capitoline, has never been incon- 
testably ascertained, and probably never will ba Tlie 
author has endeavoured to show in the article Roma before 
referred to, that fi^om such arguments as can be drawn 
from passages in ancient authors, the balance of proba- 
bility inclines in favour of the northern eminence ; and he 
has not yet found reason to alter that opinion. Tarquiu 
also marked out and prepared the greater part of the 
Vallis Murcia, between the Palatine and Aventine, for 
a circus, afterwards from its vastness called Circus Maxi- 
Mus, for the exhibition of horse and chariot races. It 
was then, however, in a very rude state ; and though it 
underwent successive improvements during several cen- 
turies, it was not altogether perfected till the time of 
CflBsar. Tarquin the elder appears not to have erected 
any buildings on it. He merely assigned to the senators, 
knights, and members of the thirty curiaD, that is, the 
patricians, certain places around the circus for viewing 
the games, on which they erected their own seats.* 

* Macrob. Sat, i. § 8. The reasons p. 781 sq. 
why this ruin shoidd be consideTed ' Dionys. iv. 69 j Liv. i. 66 ; Tac. 

as belonging to the Temple of Sa- Hid, iii. 72. 
turn are given in the article Eomoj * Liv. i. 36 ; Dionys. iii. C8. 


The sons of Ancus Marcins, who had been supplanted 
by Tarquinius Priscus, procured his assassination in the 
thirty-ninth year of his reign (b. c. 578).^ Tanaquil, 
however, concealed the death of her husband till his son- 
in-law, Servius TulUus, had time to seize the regal power ; 
which he appears to have done with the connivance of the 
senate, but without having been elected by the people/^ 

The reign of Servius TuUius is also a most important 
one for the history of the Eoman city. At the time of 
his accession the various elements of the population were 
become completely amalgamated, and the Seven Hills of 
Eome, namely, the Palatine, the Capitoline, the Quirinal, 
Viminal, Esquiline, Cselian, and Aventine, were more or 
less covered with habitations. All these hills Servius 
included in a wall, and thus precisely defined the bounda- 
ries of Eome. Tarquin, indeed, is said to have planned, and 
may perhaps even have partially executed, this wall; 
but it certainly was not finished till the reign of Servius.^ 
Hence the whole wall is commonly ascribed to him, and 
called the Servian, never the Tarquinian, wall. A sort of 
enclosure or fortification appears, indeed, to have existed 
previously, but only of a rude and temporary kind.* We 
shall here briefly describe the Servian Wall and its 
gates, according to the most probable idea which can be 
formed on the subject, and without discussing the contro- 
versies to which it has given rise. 

Beginning at the northern point of the Capitoline Hill, 
near the present church of Ara Celi, the wall ran in a 
north-easterly direction along the ridge of the CoUis 
Quirinalis, including the isthmus, or tongue, which con- 
nected that hill with the Capitoline, by Monte Cavallo and 
the Palazzo Quirinale,^ till it reached its most northerly 

* Liy. i. 40 ; Dionys. iii. 72 eq. tborities. 

* Liv. i. 41. * ''**X'7 flri'ro<rx«^wx Kal ipavXa raic 

* Ibid, c. 36, 38 ; Dionys. iii. 07. Ipyaaiaig, Dionys. loc, cit, . 
Victor (Vir.IU, c. 6 sq.) ropreaents ' A portion of the foundations was 
Tarquin as completing the wall, and laid bare by excavations at this spot 
Servms as only adding the a^^ffcr ; when the author was at Rome in the 
but this is contrary to the best au- winter of 1804-5. 


extension near the spot where the Via del Maccao 
now intersects the Via di Porta Pia. The gates on this 
jioilion of the line were the Porta Eatumena, close to the 
Capitohne ; the Porta Fontixalis, at the present height of 
Magnanapoh ; the Porta Saxqualis, so named apparently 
from the Temple of Semo Sancus near this spot already 
mentioned, on Monte Cavallo; the Porta Salutaris, 
called after the Temple of Salus, on the Via di Quattro 
Fontane, on the eastern side of the Piazza Barberini, and 
the Porta CoLLiXA,at or near the northernmost point before 
indicated. The site of the Porta Ratumena, which is said 
to have been so named after a charioteer wlio there met 
his death, is testified by some sepulchral monuments just 
outside of it ; namely, the still existing tomb of Bibulus in 
the Macel de' CJorvi, and the remains of another sepulchre 
which were discovered in the Via della Pedacchia. For 
it was a well-known custom of the Eomans not to permit 
int(5rments within the walls, except in certain extraor- 
dinary instances; and hence the sepulchral monuments 
of distinguished persons were erected outside the gates, 
along the borders of the high roads. The Porta Eatu- 
mena led to what was in later times the Via Flaminia. 

At the Porta Collina, the northernmost gate, whence 
issued what were afterwards called the Via Salaria and Via 
Nomentana, began the Agger of Semus Tullius, which 
proceeded' nearly three-quarters of a mile in a southerly 
and sUghtly easterly direction towards the Porta Esquilina. 
The agger was constructed because at this portion of the 
circuit the ground presented no natural elevation which 
might be made available for defensive purposes. It was 
50 feet broad, and outside of it lay a ditch 100 feet wide 
and 30 feet deep. Remains of tliis immense work are 
still visible, but large portions of it have been removed 
to make way for the railway station. It appears to have 
had in the middle of it a gate called the Porta Viminalis. 
The Porta Esquilina at its southern extremity stood 

k » 


opposite the eastern front of Sta. Maria Maggiore, about 
a hundred yards from the church of S. Antonio ; from it 
issued roads leading to Tibur and Prasneste. Proceeding 
in a direction nearly due south, the wall next reached the 
PoBTA QuERQUETULAXA, close to the present church of 
8S. Ketro e Marcellino, near the intersection of the Via 
tferulana by the Via Labicana, in the valley between the 
Esquiline and Cselian hills. It has been already remarked 
that the Cselian was anciently called Mons Querquetulanus. 
The site, however, and even the existence of the Porta 
Querquetulana, which, at all events, does not appear to 
liave been a very important one, is not altogether cer- 
tain ; and it may perhaps have been only another name 
for the next gate to the south, the Porta C^eumontana. 
^Ihis gate must have stood at the summit of the Via 
^ S. Giovanni in Laterano, where that street enters 
the piazza of the Lateran. From this point the wall 
trended towards the south-west, till it reached the Porta 
Catena, situated in the valley at the southern side of the 
Cselian, on the present Via di Porta S. Sebastiano, about 
three hundred yards beyond the termination of the Via di 
8. Gregorio. The site of the Porta Capena is more accu- 
rately ascertained than that of any other of the Servian 
gates, from the discovery of the first milestone on the Via 
Appia. That road issued from the Porta Capena, while 
at the distance of a few hundred yards the Via Latina 
branched off towards the left. A little beyond this point 
of divergence, and between it and the modem Porta di 
S. Sebastiano, lies one of the most interesting monuments 
of republican Eome, the tomb of the Scipios. 

Prom the Porta Capena, the wall crossing the valley 
traversed by the brook called Aqua Crabra, now the 
Marrana, ascended the height where stands the church of 
S. Balbina ; near which probably there was a gate called 
Lavernalis. a little further south lay perhaps a Porta 
Eaudusculaka ; and hence the wall, winding a little to 


the south of Sta. Saba, began to take a north-westerly 
direction, till it reached the Porta N^via, near the foot 
of the southern extremity of the Aventine. The site of 
this gate is, however, by no means certain. From this 
point considerable remains of the wall in its progress 
towards the west may still be seen on the Aventine, in a 
vineyard belonging to the Collegio Eomano, about halfway 
between the church of Sta. Prisca and the Porta S. Paolo. 
Hence the wall continued along the southern and western 
sides of the Aventine, till it terminated at the Tiber, a 
little beyond the northern extremity of the hill. In this 
section also a portion of the wall was discovered in the 
autumn of 1855, near Sta. Sabina, during the progress of 
some excavations made by the Dominican monks of that 
convent.^ From the northern extremity of the Aventine 
the wall, turning at a right angle, proceeded across the 
low ground till it reached the bank of the river ; and in 
this portion of it lay the Porta Trigemina, at the foot of 
the Clivus Publicius. In the line of wall between this 
gate and the Porta Naevia already mentioned, there was 
probably another, the Porta Minucia. Its site cannot be 
determined, but it seems to have lain on the southern side 
of the Aventine. 

Another small strip of wall ran from tlie southern 
extremity of the Capitoline Hill to the Tiber, which it 
joined over against the lower end of the Insula Tiberina. 
The bank of the river from this point to the Porta Tri- 
gemina appears to have been unprotected. Close under 
the Capitoline Hill was the Porta Camientalis, so named 
after Carmenta, the mother of Evander, whose altar stood 
near it ; and between this gate and the river lay another, 
the Porta Flumentalis. In this piece of wall there 
may also have been, as I have endeavoured to show in 
the article Roma, a third gate, tlie Porta Triumphalis. 

* Paper Ti^od by Cardinal Wiseman before the Royal Society of Literature, 
June 25, 185C. 


Bat this formed no common thoroughfare into the city. 
It was opened only on state occasions, and was not, 
perhaps, made till long after the time of Servius. The 
wall does not seem to have been carried along the western 
nde of the Capitoline Hill, which was perhaps sufficiently 
defended by its precipitous nature. It is doubtful whether 
at this period there was a wall from the Janiculum down 
to the river ; but, at all events, this Transtiberine district 
formed no proper part of the city. 

The circuit of the walls thus described was about six 
miles, and included, as we have said, the seven hills which 
came to be regarded in later times as the true Boman 
Septimontium. There appears to have been anciently 
another Septimontium which embraced a rather different 
list of hills ; but the question is so obscure that we shall 
not enter into it here.^ Servius, probably for administra- 
tive purposes, divided the city which he had thus en- 
closed into four regions or districts : namely, the Suburana, 
which embraced the CaeUan Hill, and the southern portion 
of the Esquiline, known as Mons Oppius, with the adjoin- 
ing valleys ; the Esquilina, embracing the northern tongue 
of the Esquiline, called Mons Cispius, and extending as 
far as the agger of Servius; the Collina^ including the 
Quirinal and Viminal hills, with the intervening valleys ; 
and the Palatina, which included that hill with the Velia 
and Gtermalus.^ Why the Capitoline and Aventine with 
the adjacent valleys were omitted cannot be said ; but the 
distribution was probably regulated by the Argive chapels, 
which we have dready mentioned. 

Among the other works of Servius TuUius, besides the 
wall, was a Temple op Diana which he erected on the 
Aventine, apparently near the present church of Sta. Prisca. 
This temple, in imitation of the Amphictyonic confederacy, 
was to be the common sanctuary and place of meeting 

^ See Smith's Did, of Ano, Geogr, vol. ii. p. 784. 
* Varro, L. X. y. § 46 sqq. (Miill). 

B 2 


for the cities belonging to the Latin League, of which 
Eome had become the chief through the conquest of 
Alba Longa ; and her supremacy was tacitly acknow- 
ledged by the temple being erected with money contri- 
buted by the Latin cities. It is said to have been an 
imitation of the Artemisium, or Temple of Diana at 
Ephesus.^ The brazen column containing the terms of 
the league and the names of the cities belonging to it, 
was preserved in the time of Dionysius. 

Servius Tullius, perhaps fix)m his unexpected elevation 
to the crown, appears to have been a devoted wor- 
shipper of Fortune. Plutarch says that he erected several 
temples in honour of that goddess ; * and we know cer- 
tainly of two : one in the Forum Boarium, and another 
on the right bank of the Tiber, dedicated under the title 
of FoRS FoBTUNA.' Servius also founded in the Forum 
Boarium a Temple of Mater Matuta, a surname appar 
rently of Juno;* and a Temple of Luna, probably that 
on the Aventine.* He likewise completed the Mamertine 
prison by adding to it a subterranean dungeon, called 
after him Tullianum. The traveller may still visit it, and 
recognise the fidelity of Sallust's description : * Est in 
carccre locus quod TuUianum appellatur, ubi pauUulum 
ascenderis ad Irovam, circiter xii pedes humi depressus. 
Eum muniunt undique parietes, atque insuper camera la- 
pideis fomicibus vincta : sed incultu, tenebris, odore, fceda 
atque terribUis ejus facies.' * Tliis terrible dungeon, from 
its impenetrable strength, was also called Eobur. In later 
times a flight of steps called Scal-E GEMONiiE, or steps of 
wailing^ — an epithet which M. Ampere aptly parallels with 

* Liy. i. 46; Dionys. iv. 26; (vtrtVii), as if it were from/orfu. 
Varro, i. i. v. § 43 ; VaL Max. vii * Li v. v. 10 ; Ovid, lasti, vL 471 
8, i 1. flqq. 

» De Fort. Horn. 10. * Tac. Ann. xy. 41. 

• Dionys. iv. 27 ; compared with * liclL Cat. 66 ; cf. Varro, X. L. y. 
Varro, L'. L. yi. § 17 (Mull). Tho § 151. 

Greek author has mistranslated tho '' Pliny calls them Gradus Gemi- 

gcnitiye/or^M, from/ors, by dviptJoc torii. -ff. JV, viii. 01, § 8. 


Ski. L] other SERVIAN MONUMENTa 63 

the Bridge of Sighs in the prison at Venice ^ — ^led down 
towards the Career, and thence to the Forum, fi-om a 
place of execution situated apparently on the CapitoUne ; 
but they were not the steps pointed out by the modern 
ciceroni within the prison, since they were visible from the 
Forum.* Whether, after completing the classification of 
the people and performing the lustration called Suove- 
taurilia in the vast field lying between the hills and the 
Tiber, on which modem Eome is built, Servius, as Sir 
G. C. Lewis asserts,® ' dedicated the field to Mars, and it 
acquired henceforward the name of Campus Martius,' 
seems doubtful. Livy says that it was not dedicated to 
that god, and did not obtain the name of Martius^ till 
after the expulsion of the Tarquins;* and though Dionysius 
gives a different accoim't, yet it cannot be inferred from his 
words that Servius dedicated the field to Mars, but rather 
that it had been already consecrated to that deity before 
his tima Thus, after describing the performance of the 
lustrum by Servius, the historian goes on to say that ho 
sacrificed to Mars, who was in possession of the plain ; ^ 
and in another passage he states that it had been conse- 
crated to that deity at an earher epoch than the expulsion 
of the Tarquins, but without defining when.® It is certain 
that an Ara Martis existed from a very ancient date in 
the Campus, not far from the Porta Fontinalis ; and in 
the early times of the republic the censors after their 
election were, as it were, enthroned near it in their curule 
chairs. At a later date there was also an jEdes Martis 
in the Campus, distinct from and probably much more 
ancient than that erected by Brutus Callaicus near the 

^ t. ii. p. 34. urbem ac Tiberim fuit, consecratuB 

' ' Corpus ejus in Scalis Gemoniis Marti, Martius deinde campus fuit.' 

jaoens magno cum horrore totius — ii 5. 

Fori Homani conspectum est/ — Val. * tf)vt rf Karkx^vn to nt^ioy 'Apiu 

Max. vi. 9, 13. Tac. -H^rirf. iii. 74; iv. 22. 
Suet. Tib, 61 ; Dion Cass, h-iii. 6. ® rovro (r6 viSiov) 6* "Apioc vTrap- 

• CretWnlify ^c, \o\. i. 'p, 492, x<"' "po" *** irpSripov i^n^iaavro, 

^ * Ager Tarquiniorum, qui inter v. 13. 


Circus FlmnininsL The site of the fonner temple cannot 
be accurately determined ; but it was probably near the 
spot wh^ie the Equibia, or horseraces in honour of Mars, 
supposed to have been instituted by Bomulus, were cele- 
brated.^ On the whole, perhaps, we may conclude that 
the fidd had been set aside for public use before the time 
of Tarquinius Priscus ; but if we reject this account, then 
we must accept the positive statement of livy. 

Servius Tullius was murdered by his own daughter 
Tullia, and her husband L Tarquinius, scm of Tarquinius 
Priscus (B.a 535). His assassination took place as he 
was on his way to his residence on the Esquiline, at the 
top of a street called the Yicus Ctpbius, and near the 
Cuvus XJamus, or ascait to the summit of the hilL From 
this bloody and unnatural deed the street ever afterwards 
obtained the name of Yicus Scklksatcs. It must have 
corresponded either with the modem Via di Sta. Lucia in 
Sdce or with the Via Urbana, according as the palace of 
Servius was situated near the church of S. Martino or 
Sta. Maria Maggiore.' 

After the murder of his father-in-law, Tarquin seized 
the throne without asking for the votes of the people or 
the approbation of the senate. He supported his usurpa- 
tion by military force, and assumed so haughty and 
repulsive a demeanour that he obtained the surname of 
Superbus. But, Uke his father, he had a taste for archi- 
tecture ; and after a Sabine war, and the capture of the 
rich Volscian town of Suessa Pometia, he apphed himself 
to improve and adorn Eome. His most magnificent work 
was the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, which, as 
we have already said, had been planned, and the ground 
for it marked out by his father, on Mons Tarpeius. The 
head of a man, still bloody, was found in digging the 

» Dion Cass. Ivi. 24 ; Ov. Fast. ii. Vairo, i. i. v. § 160 j Ovid, Fasti, 
855. Ti. 603; Solin. L 25. 

» Liv. i. 48 J Dionys, iv. SO; 


foundations ; an omen interpreted by an Etruscan augur 
to portend that Borne would become tlie head of Italy. 
So far as regards the history of the city, the incident has 
more importance as being said to have occasioned the 
name of the hill to be changed from Mons Tarpeius to 
MoNS Capitolinus, or Cafitouum ; an appellation which 
it continued ever afterwards to bear.^ 

The temple stood on an artificial platform, or terrace, 
nearly square; each of its four sides being about 200 
feet long ; for the length exceeded the breadth by only 
fifteen feet. The front of the temple, facing the south, 
had a triple row of colimans, the sides a double row,^ and 
the back apparently none at all. The building was low 
and broad, and of the kind called arceostyle: that is, 
having such wide intercolumniations that it was necessary 
to make the epistylium^ or architrave, of wood ; * a circum- 
stance which accounts for its so easily catching fire. Its 
breadth was necessitated by its having three cells adjoining 
one another : the centre one being appropriated to Jove, 
with Juno and Minerva on either hand ; for, as we have 
seen, it was usual with the early Italian nations to associate 
these three divinities together, just as we find another ' 
trinity of Ceres, Liber, and Libera. The cell of Minerva 
appears to have been on the right hand of that of Jove.^ 
The temple had, however, but a single roof, and one 
fastigium^ or pediment ; on the acroterium stood a quadriga 
of terra cotta, which is related to have swollen prodigiously 
in the baking ; an omen thought to portend the future 
greatness of the city. The image of Jove was also of 
terra cotta. The god was in a sitting posture ; his fisice 

^ Liy.i.65; Plin. //. N, xxxviii. 4; been only one row of columns at the 

Varro, L. L. v. J 41. According to sides. See Ampere, Hist. Bom, <i 

ServiuSy JEn, yilL 345, the head was Rome, t ii. p. 226. 

that of a man named Olus : whence ' V itruv. lii. 8, § 5. 

the word capitoUum. * ' Fixa fuit (lex vetusta) dextro 

' The Chigi MS. of Dionysius lateri rodis Jovis optimi maximi, ex 

reads, however, <4irXy for fiir\iit ; and qua parte Minervas templum est* — 

if this bo correct, there would have Liv. vii. 3. 


was ruddy with vermilion, and he was clothed in a 
tunica palmata and toga picta; a costume afterwards 
imitated by victorious generals in their triumphs. The 
original building escaped the conflagration when Eome 
was captured by the Gauls, and lasted till the consulship 
of L. Scipio and Norbanus (b.c. 83), when it was burnt 
down. It was then re-erected on the same foundations, 
but with greater richness of materials.^ 

The Capitoline temple is the only great structure at 
Eome which we can attribute to Tarquinius Superbus, 
though he probably improved or completed some of the 
works of his predecessors ; as, for instance, the CSrcus 
Maximus, which, according to Dionysius,' he surrounded 
with porticoes. It may be doubted, however, whether 
that kind of structure was introduced at Bome at so 
early a period ; and the account of Dionysius is, moreover, 
irreconcilable with that of Livy,^ who mentions that 
Tarquin employed the plebs in erecting around the Circus 
fori^ or seats for the senators and knights, like those 
which were in use under Tarquinius Priscus. He is also 
thought to have built a Temple of Jupiter Latialis on Mons 
' Albanus, as a meeting-place of the Latin Confederation, 
in opposition to the Temple of Diana, erected by his 
I)redecessor for that purpose on the Aventine. According 
to Pirancsi, the temple on Mons Albanus was of con- 
siderable size, being 240 feet long by 120 broad. The 
renuiins of it were destroyed by the last of the Stuarts 
towards the end of the eighteenth century.* 

The outrage committed by Tarquin's son, Sextus Tar- 
(juinius, on Lucretia, and his own unpopularity at Bome, 
cMiUHcd by his haughty manners, his cruel tyranny, and 
the harshness with which he had compeUed the plebeians 
to work at the Capitoline temple, enabled Brutus and 

' l>ion\ni. iv. 01 ; Tac, Jli$i* iii. 72 ; porticoeis see Pitiseiu, Zericopi, voc. 

Pliii. xxviii. 4. r&rticus. 

• LilK iv. i\ 44. * Ampere, JJwt Horn, A Itame. 

• UU i. c. M. Uivupocting Koman t ii. p. 213. 


CoIIatinus to expel him, and to establish the Eoman Ee- 
public, B.G. 510. 

The period from the expulsion of Tarquin to the 
capture and burning of Borne by the Grauls in b. c. 390 
offers not any very material alterations in the city ; it is 
chiefly marked by the founding of various temples, the 
principal of which we shall record in the sequel Soon 
after Tarquin's flight, the consuls Brutus and Valerius 
proceeded to confiscate his property ; when the Campus 
Martius, which he had appropriated and cultivated for 
his own use, was restored to the people. It was then 
covered with standing com ; but as the crop was deemed 
accursed, from its having been raised on consecrated 
ground, it was cut down and thrown into the river; 
where it is said to have lodged, and to have formed the 
Insula Tiberina,^ However improbable this story may 
seem, it is diflScult to believe but that the island must 
have been formed about this period, either in this or some 
other manner. Had it existed in the time of Ancus 
Marcius, he would doubtless have availed himself of it for 
his bridge across the Tiber ; especially as it was much 
nearer to the central parts of Eome than the spot where 
the Pons SubUcius is commonly supposed to have stood. 

Although Tarquinius Superbus had finished, or very 
nearly finished, the Temple of the Capitoline Jupiter, he 
had not been able to dedicate it before his expulsion. 
This honour was reserved for M. Horatius, who, in the 
first year of the EepubUc, succeeded Brutus in the con- 
sulship.* The Temple of Saturn, though reputed to have 
been founded by Tarquinius Prisons, seems also, as we 
have already said, to have been left unfinished, or, at 
all events, undedicated. The ceremony of dedication 
was not performed tiU B.C. 497, in the consulship of 

* Liy. ii. 5 ; Dionya. v. 13. iii. 72), place the dedication in the 

* Liy. ii. 8, vii. 3 ; Plin. H. JV. second consulflhip of Horatius, and 
zxxiii. 6 ; Polyb. iii. 22. Dionysius, third year of the Republic 
however (y. 35), and Tacitus {Hid, 



[Sect. L 

A. Sempronius and M. Minuciiis, wlicn the festival of the 
SaturriJilia was also instituted.^ 

The consul, Valerius Publicola, who took an active 
part in procuring the confiscation of Tarquin's property, 
is also connected by other circumstances with the history 
of the city. He had begun to build a house on the Summa 
Sacra Via, where Tullus Hostilius had previously resided ; 
but the choice of that regal site, and its situation, which 
commanded the Forum, having roused the su8j)icion of 
the people, Valerius caused the materials which he had 
collected to be transferred to the foot of the Velia, and 
there built his house close to the jEdes of ViCA Pota.^ 
Its site must have been near the eastern extremity of 
the Forum, and not far from the present church of 
SS. Cosma e Damiano ; since Dionysius in describing the 
burial-place of PubUcola ^ — who, by one of those rare 
exceptions to which we have already alluded, was per- 
mitted by a special vote of the senate to be buried within 
the city — says that it was in the Sub Veua and close to the 
Forum. Tliis corresponds with the position of his house 
already described, in the grounds of which his body was 
probably burnt and interred. It seems probable that the 
district called ' Sub Velia ' comprised the space between 

* Dionys. vi. 1 ; Liv. ii. 21 ; Macr. 
Sat, i. 8. It should be obsen'od, 
howeyer, that some referred the 
dedication of this temple to Titus 
Larcius, consul in B. o. 498. Dionys. 
loc, cU. 

' ' JEAes suas detulit sub Veliam.' 
— Cic. Rep. ii. 31. Liv. ii. 7 ; Dionys. 
V. 10 ; I'lut. Popl, 10. When Asco- 
nius says {ad (He. in Puon. 22) that 
the house of Publicola was 'sub 
Velia, ubi nimc aedis Victoria est,' 
this is evidently a corruption of 
Vica Pijta^ who was also a Roman 
deity of Victory. Cf. Cic De Leg. 
il 11. 

' cat x*^P'oy IvBa IgavOn Kai irdtfuif 

dyopa^ anifntiv viro iXicvCf Y. 48. In 
this passa^, which I had overlooked 
in the article Homa, we most un- 
doubtedly read i/iriMaic, or if jrtXi^, for 
itiro iXior^; as also in lib. i. c 68. 
See Becker, Itdm. AUherihUmer, R L 
S. 247. Burial within the city was 
forbidden by the laws of the Twelve 
Tables, no doubt after an ancient cus- 
tom. We have only recently adopted 
this piece of civilisation of the ancient 
liomans, whom some of us regard as 
scmibarbarious. Dionysius, in the pas- 
sage quoted, says that Ihiblicola and 
his family alone were buried within 
the city; but Cicero (Leg. il 23) 
mentions several persons. 


the eastern end of the Forum, the Meta Sudans, and the 
western extremity of the Esquiline ; thus comprehending 
the made ground on which the convent of S. Francesca 
and the remains of the Temple of Venus and Bome now 
stand. This assumption will obviate some difficulties 
respecting the site of the Temple of the Penates, and of a 
road leading to the Carinae, which are said by Dionysius, 
according to a probable reading, to have lain in the Sub 

It may also be mentioned here that the people 
bestowed on M. Valerius, brother of Publicola, for his 
services in a war with the Sabines, a piece of ground in 
the best part of the Palatine, where he might erect a 
house, and contributed the requisite money for that 
purpose. The house still existed in the time of Dionysius, 
who records a singular peculiarity connected with it : of 
all the houses in Bome, whether public or private, the 
door of this alone opened outwards.' 

Tarquin did not sit down quietly in exile and make 
no attempts to recover his throne. The Etruscan king, 
Lars Porsena of Clusium, to whom he had fled, took up 
his cause ; which was also aided by Tarquin's son-in-law, 
Octavius Mamilius of Tusculum, and some revolted Latin 
states. The war with Porsena was the most dangerous 
that the Bomans had yet encountered. They were de- 
feated near the Janiculum ; that fortress was captured, and 
Porsena would have entered Bome itself but for the well- 
known heroic action of Horatius Codes in breaking down 
the Sublician bridge. While Porsena held the Janiculum, 
the attempt of Mucins Scaevola upon his life induced 
him to treat. The acceptance of the hard conditions 
which Porsena imposed amounted to a confession of 
defeat on the part of the Bomans. They agreed to restore 
the district of Septem Pagi, which they had conquered 

> Lib. i. c. 68 ; cf. Becker, Horn. AU^nih. B. i. S. 247. 
• Lib. V. c. 30. 


from the Veientines, and to give as hostages for the exe- 
cution of the treaty ten youths and ten maidens of the 
noblest families. Porsena, however, did not insist upon 
the restoration of the Tarquins, nor even of their property. 
The escape of Clselia and the other maidens, their rede- 
livery to Porsena, and his final restoration of the host- 
ages to their families, are well-known incidents in Eoman 
history. After one more diplomatic eflfort to procure the 
restoration of the Tarqidns, which entirely foiled, Porsena 
abandoned their cause, and Tarquin found an asylum with 
his son-in-law at Tusculum. Porsena even restored the 
Septem Pagi to the Bomans in return for the hospitality 
which they had displayed towards some of his troops 
who had sought refuge at Eome after being defeated in an 
attempt of his son Aruns upon Aricia,^ 

Such is briefly the commonly received account of the 
war with Porsena. Some modern writers, however, 
charge the Eoman historians with concealing the truth, 
and are of opinion that Eome was actually surrendered 
and the sovereignty of Porsena acknowledged. This 
inference is drawn from the account of Dionysius of the 
presentation of an ivory throne and other ensigns of royalty 
to Porsena by a vote of the senate; from the words 
* dedita urbe ' used by Tacitus when speaking of these 
events ; ^ and from the treaty itself made with Porsena, 
which was extant in the time of Pliny ; by which the 
Eomans agreed to use no iron except for agricultural 
purposes.^ But without questioning the existence of this 
treaty, it may be asked was it ever enforced ? If, two 
thousand years hence, when the memory of the wars 
between England and the first French Empire may have 
grown dim, Napoleon's medal recording the capture of 
London should be discovered, might it not be used to 
establish as an historical fact what never took place? 

» Liv. ii. 0-15 ; Dionys. v. 21-36 j « Jlid. iii. 72. 
riut. PubL 16 sqq. » Kin. H, N. xxxiv. 39. 


Sir G. C. Lewis's objections to the new version appear 
insurmountable. If Porsena reduced the Komans to 
submission, why did he not restore Tarquin ? If they were 
compelled to surrender their arms, why did not the Latins 
and other surrounding nations with whom they had been 
at war fell upon them in that defenceless state? How 
comes it that we find no trace of any serious blow 
inflicted upon them in the years immediately succeeding 
the expedition of Porsena ? ' Unless we are to suppose 
not only that the details and circumstances, but that 
the whole course and tenor of the early history of 
the Eepublic are fictitious, the gradual and unchecked 
advance of the miUtary power of Eome, and the death of 
Tarquin in banishment, without having been ever restored 
to his throne, are facts deserving of credit ; and these 
fects are irreconcilable with the supposition that Eome 
was subjugated by Porsena.'^ That an ignominious 
treaty was entered into to obtain the evacuation of the 
Janiculum, there can be little doubt ; but the bad conduct 
of the Tarquins, or the generosity of the Eomans towards 
the Etruscans, or some other cause, seems to have led 
Porsena to refi'ain fi-om enforcing it. We may remark, 
too, that the act of the senate in voting the curule chair 
seems a spontaneous one, and not a compliance with the 
demands of a conqueror. 

On the other hand, what is more germane to the 
present work, some monuments which existed at Eome 
serve to confirm the common version. A statue was 
erected to Codes in the Comitium, which was afterwards 
removed to the Vulcanal, and was extant in the time of 
Pliny. To Sca3vola was given some land on the right bank 
of the Tiber, which irom him bore the name of MuciA 
Prata ; and Claelia was honoured with an equestrian statue 
on the Via Sacra.' Valeria, the daughter of Publicola, 

' Credibility S^'c, vol. ii. p. 41. 

» Liv. ii 10, 13; Dionys. v. 25 ; GelL iv. 5 ; PUn. H, N. xxxiv. 13. 


disputed with Qaslia the honour of having swum the 
lll>er, and seems also to have had an equestrian statue 
which was sometimes confounded with that of Claslia.^ 

Another attempt of Tarquin*8» aided by the Latins, was 
frustrated by the battle at Lake Begillus in the territory of 
Tusculum. A l^end connected with this battle occasioned 
the foundation of the Temple of Castor and Pollux. Li 
ttie heat of the battle, Postumius, the Boman dictator, 
observed the Dioscuri leading on the Eoman cavalry, 
and vowed a temple in their honour. The site of it was 
determined by another apparition of the same deities at 
Uxime, whither they had brought the nevrs of the victory, 
arid where they were observed refreshing themselves at 
tlie fountain of Jutuma, which stood hard by the Temple 
of Vesta on the Fonun. The Moisa Castoris — ^for though 
dedicated by the son of Postumius to both the Dioscuri 
(u,c. 484), it bore in common usage only the name of 
(Suitor — was from its situation one of the most conq)icuous, 
if not one of the largest, in Bome ; though, as it was often 
UHcd for assemblies of the senate, it must have been of 
ctormiderable size. The three elegant columns under the 
Pttliitine are thought to be the remains of a restoration of 
it. Annually in the ides of July, on the anniversary of 
the victory at Begillus, costly sacrifices were offered in 
this temple ; after which all the Boman knights, clothed 
in their richest attire, crowned with olive, and adorned with 
all their badges for good service in the field, rode past it 
in military array, starting fi:om their place of muster at the 
^i cmple of Mars outside the city ; one of the most splendid 
8[)ectacles to be seen at Bome.^ After the defeat at 
Begillus, Tarquin retired to the court of King Aristodemus 
at Cumae, where he soon after died. The objection some- 
times urged against the truth of the battle at Lake 
Begillus, namely, that no lake exists near which it can be 
supposed to have taken place, has been obviated by 

* See art. Soma, p. 728. « Dionya. vi. la 

SkcL] temple of CASTOH and POLLUX. 63 

SigDor Bosa's discovery of the bed of one near Colonnn, 
at a place still called Pontano, or the marsh. The sur- 
lounding country answers admirably to the description of 
the battle-field.^ 

Postumius is also said to have vowed, at Lake Eegillus, 
a Temple to Ceres, Liber, and Libera. Liber and 
libera, two ancient Latin divinities, presided over the 
cultivation of the vine, and hence were worshipped in 
conjunction with Ceres. They are sometimes identified 
with the Greek Dionysus and Perseplione, or Cora, the 
daughter of Demeter. This temple, which overhung the 
carceres, or starting-place, at the western extremity of 
the Circus Maximus, w^as dedicated by the consul Spurius 
Cassius, B.C. 493. It was under the peculiar superinten- 
dence of the a^diles, who here kept their archives, as well 
as the senatusconsulta^ &c. Here also in times of scarcity 
they distributed bread to the poor.* 

The plebeian secession to Mens Sacer will claim our 
attention when we come to speak of some changes made 
on the Aventine ; and we shall therefore proceed to 
the foundation of the Temple of Fortuxa Muliebris, 
which is connected with the story of Coriolanus. Li the 
consternation occasioned by that general's tlireatened 
assault on Eome, a great number of women had congre- 
gated together in the Capitoline temple, when Valeria, 
sister of Publicola, advised them to perauade Veturia, 
mother of Coriolanus, to intercede with her son. After 
much debate, the senate permitted Veturia, together with 
Volumnia the wife of Coriolanus, to proceed to the 
Volscian camp at the head of the Roman matrons ; when 
Coriolanus, unable to resist the touching entreaties of his 
wife and mother, consented to retreat. The women 
having been permitted to choose their own reward for 
this service, decided on the erection of a temple to 

^ Ampere, t. ii. p. 220 sq. 

* Liv. iii. 66 ; Varro, ap. Non. Marc, voc pandere^ p. 30. 


t msna Vi >ora^or ^be>:-r;c=je :-f w-xn-ea, to be erected 
.n tiiff Tjk lairra 5:tsr sljes frrci &:o>e, ihe spot where 
Grri na— y had rMCT^ ser sircoddoosu Ilie t^nple 

cclIi s; ibe i:<crth inilestoiie oq the 

detTvaird by the cdusoI Proculus 

c 4-Sd. V;fcLs2ft w% the tint onestess ; the 

5€rTMc cc zhc yeazid was to be performed by women 
rfrTTiy carried 5:r ibe Srst Hmtri azid none who had 
wcoSec & aectfoi Ls^aiai w£$ p^cfinixted to i^proach the 
^sirzje cc the £^>>ies.^ I; war here be remiirked that 
FoTKiae w^fts w:«ir.pai under a v«st vauietT of names, 
^L:i h»i a gnat cumber of temples at Borne. The 
p:;icQce is cec^ired by Fliny * and by Juvenal : 

But it h:fts been alkged, in excuse for the custom, that the 
neistess of the gods was thus avcHded, which pursued the 
man who attribuied his success to his own merits, and 
not to fortune, cs* some other uncontrollable influence.'* 

The condemnation of ^urius Caasius on suspicion of 
aiming at the regal power, the confiscation of his pecuhum, 
or private fortune, and the demohtion of his house, the 
site of which was ordered to be kept vacant, are connected 
with the foundation of the Temple op Tellus. That 
temple was, according to Ocero, built on the vacant 
ground ;* though from other authorities it might be inferred 
that this ground always remained unoccupied, and that 
the temple was erected on an adjoining spot However 
this may be, it seems probable that though the house of 
Cassias was demolished in B. c. 485, the .£des Telluris 
may not have been erected till B. c. 269. It appears to 

* Dionvs. Tiii. 55 sq. ; liv. iL 40 ; Romaiis are not lees ardent worRhip- 

Val. Max', i. 8, § 4. pen of fortune than their ancestors. 

« m y. ii. 57. * Plut S^Ua, c 6 ; cf. Sir G. C. 

« Sat. X. 3«o. To judge by the Lewis, CredOnUfy ^. toL iL p. 124, 

numbers who throng the shops where note, 
lottery ticketa are.vended, the modem * IVo domo mufj 38. 


have been a building of some importance, since it was 
large enough to contain the assembled senate. It stood in 
the district called CABiNiE, at the south-western extremity 
of the Esquiline, probably near the church of S. Panta- 
leone in the Via del Colosseo.^ Tellus, the sacred name 
of the earth, was honoured as one of the infernal powers, 
and in the third Samnite war we find Decius devoting 
himself by an act of self-immolation to Tellus and the Dii 
Uianes.^ The quarter surrounding the temple acquired 
the name of In Tellure, and several modem churches are 
still designated by it. The first bronze statue at Bome, 
dedicated to Ceres, is said to have been made out of the 
confiscated property of Cassius.^ 

While Eome in her early wars was for the most part 
triumphing over her enemies, and laying the foundations 
of her future power and glory, the daring enterprise of a 
handful of adventurers achieved what even the Gauls 
fiuled to accomplish, and struck a blow at her very heart. 
A band of slaves and exiles, amounting to about 4,000, or 
not much more, and led by Herdonius, a Sabine, having 
descended the Tiber in boats in the dead of night, landed 
near the Capitoline Hill, apparently just beyond the wall 
which ran from that hill to the river, and where, as we 
have seen, its bank was unprotected. Hence Herdonius 
led his men towards the Forum and up the ascent of the 
Capitoline, without meeting with any resistance till he 
arrived at the Porta Pandana, and here only from the 
guard ; for we have already mentioned that this gate was 
always left open. The guard being forced, the invaders 
proceeded up the hill, took possession of the Capitol and 
Arx, and invoked the slaves of Eome to strike for freedom. 
The origin of this daring attempt is involved in mystery. 
It may possibly have been organised by Kaeso Quinctius, 

» Liv. ii. 41 ; Val. Max. v. 8, § 2 ; " Liv. x. 28. 
Suet De HL Gramm. 16: Seir. ad » Plin. S. iV. xxxiv. and li. 
JEn. viiL 861. 



son of Cincinnatus, who was in exile ; but that he took a 
personal share and perished in the enterprise, as Niebuhr, 
and after him Dr. Arnold, have assumed, there is not a 
tittle of evidence to show.^ It was not possible that 
the attempt should be permanently successful, yet, from 
the dissensions then prevaihng at Eome, it caused great 
embarrassment^ and was only put down with the aid of 
the Tusculans. The Capitol was retaken by storm ; 
Herdonius and many of his band were slain in the affray ; 
the rest were captured and put to death.* 

About this time occurs the celebrated story of L. 
Quinctius Cincinnatus, father of Kssso, being called from 
his plough in order to become dictator ; which, however, 
is connected with the history of the city only by the cir- 
cumstance that the fields which he was tilling, the Prata 
QuiNCTiA, were in its immediate neighbourhood. Becker 
has the merit of having first pointed out their true situa- 
tion. They lay on the right bank of the Tiber, apparently 
between the Castle of S. Angelo and a spot facing the 
Porto di Ripetta.^ 

The Aventine Hill appears to have undergone some 
changes about this period. In the year B.C. 456, the 
tribune Icilius carried a law for granting certain portions 
of the hill, which seem to have been still unoccupied and 
covered with wood, to plebeians, for building purposes. 
The land was accordingly divided, and the law was en- 
graved on a bronze pillar, which appears to have been 
preserved in the time of Dionysius, in the Temple of Diana 
on the Aventine.^ Through this distribution, the Aventine 
became peculiarly the plebeian hill ; a circumstance which 
receives some illustration from the story of Virginius. 
After stabbing his daughter on the Forum, near the shrine 

1 See Sir G. C. Lewis, CredibtUty S. 159, and De Mtms, p. 96. Cf. 
^c. voL ii. p. 169, note 12. Boma, p. 836. 

^ Liv. ili. 15-18; Dionys. X. ^ oq (rofio^) I anr iv ffTijXri xc^f^ 

14-10. Gf. art. jRowifl, p. 7C3 sq. ytypa^t^itvocf r.r.X. Lib. x.'c 32. 

• Becker, JRom. Altherthumer, B. i. Liv. iii. 31. 




of Gluacina, and under the TABERNiE NoViE, which must 
ooDsequently have been now erected on the northern side 
of the Forum, opposite to those built by Tarquinius Prisons, 
Virginius, accompanied by about 400 followers, fled the 
dty and gained the Boman camp at Mount Vecilius. The 
aspect of the centurion, yet stained with his daughter's 
blood, and his pathetic appeals to his fellow-soldiers, ex- 
cited their sympathy and indignation, so that, heedless of 
their decemvird generals, they marched to Eome, and took 
post upon the Aventine. Their example was followed by 
another Boman army encamped at Fidenas, who, march- 
ing through the Colline gate, estabhshed themselves on 
the same hill ; when each army elected ten military tri- 
bunes^ (b.c. 549). It maybe presumed therefore that, 
notwithstanding the Lex Icilia, the Aventine had not yet 
been much built upon. 

It would be beside the scope of the present work to 
enter upon the poKtical effects of these occurrences ; but 
it should be mentioned here that the first secession of the 
plebeians to the Mons Sacer,^ a hill beyond the Anio, about 
three miles jfrom Eome,^ an event rendered memorable by 
the well-known apologue of Menenius Agrippa of the 
belly and the members, is by some writers referred en- 
tirely to the Aventine, while others describe the people 
as occupying both that hill and the Mons Sacer in suc- 
cession. Livy tells us* that Piso, tlie early Eoman liistorian, 
held the first secession to have been made to the Aventine ; 

* Liv. iiL 40-61 ; Dionys. xL 

' Dionjsius ascribes the epithet 
'sacer' to an altar which the ple- 
beians erected on it to Z<vc Anfidrtoc, 
This epithet of Jupiter may perhaps 
be translated by * terrificus/ or the 
god who inspires fear: in memory 
of the fears which they experienced 
on the occasion (vi. 90). 

• After leaving Kome by the 
Porta Pia, following the Via No- 
mentana, and crossing the Anio by 

an ancient bridge surmomited by a 
tower of the middle ages^ a length-- 
ened hill is perceived divided by the 
road. The whole of this hill is the 
Mons Saccr. Ampere, Htgi. Rom, d, 
Home, t. ii. p. 380. 

* lib. ii. c. 32. Yet in another 
place (iii. 64) Livy adverts to the 
Aventine as the place where the 
plebeians had founded their liberties 
— * ubi prima initia inchoastis liber- 
tatis vestree.' 

F 2 



but that he himself followed the more generally accepted 
tradition which referred it to the Mons Sacer. Sallust, 
however, follows Piso/ while Cicero appears to waver 
between the two traditions.^ By the second secession 
brought about by Virginius the tribunate was restored ; 
and we then find the tribunes holding an assembly of the 
plebs in the Prata FLAMuaA, situated under the Capitoline 
Hill, at the southern extremity of the Campus Martins. 
These meadows, therefore, must have become public pro- 
perty ; and indeed they, or at least a part of them, appear 
to have been already consecrated to Apollo, and called the 
Apollinare. a few years afterwards, a Temple of Apollo 
was erected near this site, which was dedicated by the 
consul C. Julius, B.C. 430. It had been voted in propi- 
tiation of a pestilence ; for Apollo, as we learn from Homer,* 
was beUeved to be the author of such calamities. This 
temple, which was large enough for assemblies of the 
senate, was the only one at Eome dedicated to Apollo 
before the reign of Augustus.* 

The story of the equestrian demagogue, Sp. Mselius, who 
endeavoured for purposes of ambition to ingratiate him- 
self with the populace by buying up com and distributing 
it among them in a year of scarcity (b.c. 440), is connected 
with the history of the city. The patricians caused 
Meelius to be put to death, and his house to be razed. 
The site of it was afterwards kept vacant, and obtained 
the name of the uEQUiMiELiUM. It was close under the 
southern foot of the Capitoline, and between that hill 
and the Vicus Jugarius which wound round it; conse- 
quently in or near the modem Via del Monte Tarpeo. 
In later times it appears to have become a market-place, 
appropriated to the sale of lambs.^ 

^ Jug. c. 81. -» Liv. iii. 63, iv. 25,29. 

» See Be Hep. ii. 83; Dc Leg, iii. » Liv. iv. 16, xxxviiL 28; Varro, 

8 J Brutus, c. 14. Z. i. v. § 167 ; Dionys. xii. in 

' Iliadf A, 45 sqq. The arrows Fragm. Hid, 6rr. t iL p. xxxL eqq. 

of Diana had the same effect Of. (ed. Didot). 
Straho, xiv. 1, § 6. 



The long struggle between Eome and Veil affords many 
notices respecting the former city. The fatal expedition 
of the Fabian family to the Cremera, where all to the 
number of 306 men together with their retainers were 
cot off, procured for the right-hand arch of the Carmental 
gate, by which they had left Eome, the name of the 
PoBTA ScELERATA The Vcicntines were enabled by this 
success, and by their subsequent defeat of Menenius, to 
occupy the Janiculum, from which, however, they were 
soon afterwards driven.^ A peace for many years now 
ensued between Eome and Veii; which, however, was 
interrupted, in B. c. 438, by the inhabitants of Fidente, a 
Boman colony, revolting, and putting themselves under 
the protection of Lars Tolmnnius, king of Veii. The 
Veientines were defeated in a great battle, and Tolumnius 
killed by the hand of A. Cornelius Cossus, who was either 
consul or a military tribune/^ Cossus dedicated the spoils 
of Tolumnius in the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius. They 
were the first ^olia opima carried thither since the tem- 
ple had been founded on a Uke occasion by Eomulus ; 

* liv. ii. 49 wjq. ; Dionys. ix. 19 
aqo. ; Ovid; Fastiy iL 201 8q(|. 

' This was a disputedpomt All 
tbe Roman annaliBts amrmed that 
CoflBus was only a military tribune. 
liyy followed them in his iirst 
account ; but subsequently he heard 
that Augustus Caesar had seen, in the 
Temple of Jupiter Feretrius, the 
linen breast-plate of Tolumnius; 
and that the mscription on it pur- 

Sorted that Cossus was consuL It 
oea not appear that Livr heard this 
from Augustus himself, as some 
historians assert (Liddell's Rome, 
Y* 138, sm. ed. ; Lewis, Credibility ^c, 
iL 276), but merely by report. He 
deferred, however, to the imperial 
witness, and concluded that Cossus 
must have been consuL The ques- 
tion is involyed whether spolia opima 
could be won by a subordinate otlicer. 
Livy decides for the negative; but 
is tnus compelled to make some 

awkward attempts to find another 
year in which to place the battle. 
Augustus had a personal interest in 
the question. In his fourth consul- 
ship, M. Crassus had slain with his 
own hand Deldo, king of the Bastar- 
nae; but though Crassus commanded 
the Roman army, he was not per- 
mitted to bear off the apolia opima, 
the victory having been achieved 
imder the auspices of tlie consul 
(Dion Cass. lib. li. c. 24). The mat- 
ter does not appear to have been so 
ruled in more ancient times j for Var- 
ro says that even a common soldier 
might gain tpoUa opima (in Festus, 
V. Opima, p. 189). The inscription 
on the breast-plate might have oeen 
hardly legible ; the first three letters 
of Cossus* name might appear the 
abbreviation of consul; and the 
imperial eyes did not perhaps scruti- 
nise too closely. 


and such were the glory and novelty of the act, that, as 
Cossus bore along the arms of Tolumnius, the eyes of all 
were diverted from the triumphal chariot of the dictator, 
Mamercus -^miKus, to gaze upon him.^ 

It was at this period that the Villa Publica was erected 
in the Campus Martins, at a spot between the subsequent 
Septa and the Circus Flaminius, and consequently near 
the present Palazzo di Venezia. The censors, C. Furius 
Pacilus and M. Geganius Macerinus, examined and ap- 
proved it B. c. 431, and the census was first taken in it in 
that year. The building, as its name implies, was also 
used for other public business which could not be trans- 
acted witliin the city walls ; as the levying of troops, the 
reception of foreign ambassadors before they obtained an 
audience of the senate, and of victorious generals awaiting 
a decree for a triumph.^ 

At a later period of the struggle with Veii, we find it 
connected with the draining of the Alban Lake, with 
which, to ordinary apprehension, it had about as much 
connection as Tenterden steeple with the Goodwin Sands. 
An Etruscan aruspex had affirmed that Veii would never 
be taken till the lake had been drained ; and his dictum 
had been confirmed^by the oracle of Delphi. The senate 
had doubtless resorted to the supernatural to persuade the 
people to undertake a necessary work ; ^ and the wonder- 
ful emissary was constructed which still exists. Let us 
take it as a proof of what the Komans were capable of 
doing in tliose early days in the way of building and 
engineering. Veii was soon after taken by M. Furius 
Camillus (b. c. 396), who had been appointed dictator. 
He is said to have captured the city by means of a mine, 
which was pierced to the Temple of Juno in the citadel. 
The mine and the emissary may possibly be connected ; 

* Liv. iv. 17-20; Dionys. lib. xii. Varr. i2. i2. iii. 2. 

Fraffvi. 2. » Liv. v. 16-19 j Cic Div. ii. 32 ; 

* Liv. iv. 22, XXX. 21, xxxiii. 24; Plut. Cam. 3 sq. 


one may have suggested the other. The Veientine Juno 
CDDsented to be removed to Kome, where, under the title 
of JuKO Bbgina, Camillus founded a fiamous temple to her 
on the Aventine, and dedicated it four years after, or b. c. 
392. Its precise situation is uncertain, but it probably lay at 
the northern extremity of the Aventine, as the approach 
to it was by the Cuvus Pubucius.^ This CUvus obtained 
its name fix)m the aediles L. and M. Publicius, who, how- 
ever, perhaps only improved it. The same ajdiles also 
erected a Temple op Flora on the Aventine, and insti- 
tuted floral games in honour of that divinity.^ 

Camillus, at the same time that he founded the Temple 
of Juno, also dedicated that of Mater Matuta. He 
celebrated his triumph with a splendour that had never 
before been seen at Eome. Either Tarquinius Priscus in 
his triumph over the Sabines, or Publicola, is thought to 
have been the first who entered the Capitol in a quadriga.^ 
The most memorable triumph before that of Camillus, 
though still apparently a simple one compared with those 
of later days, was the triumph of the dictator, L. Quinc- 
tius Cincinnatus, over the .^ui (b. c. 455). The captured 
generals of the enemy were led before his chariot, which 
was also preceded by the military standards ; whilst 
behind it followed the army loaded with booty. Feasts 
were prepared before all the houses, the partakers of which 
also followed the chariot singing a triumphal song, and 
uttering the usual jokes.'* The spectacle must have been 
a splendid one, nor can even our modern notions find 
much to object to these triumphs, except the cruel and 
ungenerous practice of putting to death the captured 
generals after the eyes of the populace had been satiated 
with the pompous exhibition of their misfortune. In the 

* liv. V. 21 sqq., xxrii. 37 ; cius and Porta Trigemina. Solinus, 

DionvB. xlii. 8. i. 8. 

» Tac Ann, ii. 49 ; Ov. Fast. v. 283 » Liv. i. 38 ; Tlut. Botti, 10. 

sqq. The cave of Cacus was reputed * Liv. iii. 29. 
to Dave been near the Clivus Publi- 


case of Camillus, the people did not wait for his entry 
into the dty ; all ranks of men went out to meet him ; 
yet, though the spectacle was enjoyed, it created some 
envy and ill-will. The magnificence of the pageant was 
said to exceed the measure not only of a citizen but even 
of a mortal. For the dictator entered Bome in a chariot 
drawn by four white horses, which, it was said, was 
nothing less than a profane and wicked emulation of the 
cars of Jupiter and Sol. His victory, however, was no 
mean achievement, and appears to have deserved an ex- 
traordinary triumph ; for Veil is described as having ex- 
celled Home, as well by its situation as by the beauty and 
magnificence both of its pubUc and private buildings.^ 

We are now arrived at a fatal and humiliating epoch 
in the history of the city. Bome was destined to fall for 
a while into the power of the northern barbarians ; to 
rise, indeed, with fresh splendoiur from her ashes, tiU, 
after the expiration of exactly eight centuries, she was 
again to suffer the same humihation. Into the history 
and movements of the Qtiuls previously to their appear- 
ance before Bome it belongs not to this work to inquire. 
However they may have been led thither, it appears 
certain that in the year B. c. 390 vast hosts of these barba- 
rians, amounting, it is said, to 70,000 men, directed their 
march upon Bome, and defeated the Boman army, con- 
sisting of only about 24,000 men, at a small stream called 
the AlUa , ten or eleven miles distant from the city, and on 
the left bank of the Tiber. The Bomans were entirely 
routed, many were killed or drowned, a portion of their 
left wing sought refuge in the recently captured town of 
Veii, while the small remainder of the army, panic-stricken, 
fled hastily to Bome, nor halted till they had shut them- 
selves up in the Capitol, leaving the rest of the city and 
its gates totally defenceless. Before sunset on the same 
day — it was the middle of July — the van of the Qullic 

» Liv. V. 23. 


hoet appeared at the Porta CoUina. But the very despair 
of the Bomans proved a temporary security. The Guuls, 
finding the gate open and undefended, suspected an 
ambush, and retired for the night to a spot between the 
Anio and the Tiber. 

Meanwhile Eome was filled with consternation. The 
streets and roads were crowded with the flying citizens, 
and especially they directed their course over the Sublician 
bridge to seek refuge in the Janiculmn. But, even in this 
extremity of misfortune and fear, religion asserted its influ- 
ence over the minds of the devout Eomans. The Vestal 
virgins and the Mamen QuirinaUs having buried some of 
the sacred utensils of their worship at a place in the Forum 
Boarium, which fi:om this circumstance was afterwards 
consecrated under the name of Douola,^ were proceeding 
with the remainder up the ascent of the Janiculum, when 
being observed by a plebeian named L. Albinius, he 
caused his wife and children to descend from the wagon 
in which he was conveying them from the city, placed in it 
the holy virgins, and conducted them in safety to Caere. 

The senators and dignified patricians, and some of the 
more aged plebeians, had been left behind to their fate ; 
or rather the former had deemed it incompatible with the 
honourable posts which they filled to abandon the city 
and their duties by an ignoble flight. By some it was 
related that they had even solemnly devoted themselves 
to death for the sake of their country, by repeating after 
M. Fabius, the Pontifex Maximus, a form of prayer devised 
for the occasion. And then they took their seats in the 
vestibules of their houses,^ wearing their senatorial and 

* liv. V. 40; VaL Max. L 1, 10; tious and ridiculous position. We 

Varro, L. Z. y. § 157. are unable to understand Sir G. C. 

« Florus (i. 18) and Ovid (Fasti, Lewis' difficulty (vol ii. p. 343) how 

Ti. 363 sq.) agree with livr, that the the act of Papirius shouM have led 

old men were killed in the atria of to the slaugnter of all the other 

their houses. Plutarch, however, senators if they had been sitting in 

says (Cam. 21) that they were seated their houses. Livy does not say 

on the Forum in their curule chairs, that the slaughter was immediate, 
which would have been an ostenta- 



[Sect. I. 

their consular robes, and bearing in their hands the ivory 
sceptres which were the badges of their dignity : and thus 
they tranquilly awaited the approach of the enemy. It 
was not long deferred. The Gauls entered Borne the next 
day after the battle.^ They were at first struck with as- 
tonishment and awe at beholding the consuls and senators 
in their embroidered robes sitting tranquil and unmoved 
with a majesty that seemed divine. At length, one more 
insolent than his fellows, having ventured to stroke the 
beard of M. Papirius, received a violent blow from the 
insulted senator. This act provoked an indiscriminate 
slaughter ; the senators were first killed, then all the other 
citizens that could be found ; after which the houses were 
plundered and set on fire. 

The amount of destruction caused by the flames is an 
important question for the history of the city, but one not 
very easy of solution. It must no doubt have been very 
extensive, though we should not, perhaps, take literally the 
rhetorical descriptions of the historians. Livy says in one 
place that the whole town was destroyed (' etsi omnia flam- 
mis ac minis tequata vidissent,' v. 42), and in another 
only half of it (' instruit deinde aciem, ut loci natura 
patiebatur, in semirutce solo urbis,' ib, 49). It may be 
presumed that the Gauls would have spared part of the 

* Such is the account of Livy (v. 
89). The historian, however, is 
accused of inconsistency by Sir 
G. C. Lewis ; who charges him with 
in one place representing one day as 
intervening between the battle and 
the entry of the city, and in another 
place with stating tnat those events 
were on successive days ( Credibility 
<S"c. voL ii. p. 326). The charge 
arises from the misconstruing of the 
critic. Livy says that the shouts of 
the Oauls when they had arrived at 
the city on the first day kept the 
Komans in suspense till the fotlott^'tig 
morning (usque ad lucem alteram). 
First they concluded there would be 
an immeiuate attack : why else should 

the enemy have left the AUiaP 
Then about sunset they thought they 
should surely be attacked before 
night ; and when that did not happen, 
they imagined that the assault had 
been deferred till night and darkness 
should render it more terrible. Livy 
thus explains how the minds of 
the Romans were kept in suspense 
during the afternoon, evening, and 
night of the Jirst day ; and the * lux 
appropinquans' is not the second day 
after the battle, as Sir G. C. Lewis 
says, but the Jird, Therefore Livy 
is perfectly consistent when in c 4 1 
(not 51) ^he speaks of the Gauds 
entering the city " poster© die " after 
the battle.* 

Sme. L] the QAULS at BOME. 75 

town for their own sakes. The private houses were pro- 
bably slightly constructed and roofed with shingles, as diey 
continoed to be down to the war with Pyirhus,^ and hence 
the fire may probably have destroyed a great part of them. 
But it is known that some at least of the temples and 
public buildings escaped, since we read in livy ' of the 
senate meeting in the Curia Hostilia after the fire ; and 
such, perhaps, was also the case with several temples on 
the Aventine and other places, in which were preserved 
down to the imperial times treaties and other public 
muniments which had been made before the fire. The 
Capitol with its temples was also of course preserved firom 
the flames, since it was held by the Eoman soldiers. 
Hence it follows that a considerable number of records 
must have been preserved. The Vestal virgins also 
appear to have secured some of the books of Numa, per- 
taining to religion, by burying them in the Doliola, and 
other objects of the same kind were conveyed to neigh- 
boiuing towns.* 

The Gkiuls, being repulsed in an assault upon the Capitol, 
turned the siege into a blockade. Nevertheless, C. Fabius 
Dorso contrived to pass their sentinels in order to perform 
an hereditary family sacrifice on the Quirinal, and to 
return without molestation. The Gauls now felt the ill 
efiects of their barbarous act in burning the city, by 
which a great quantity of provisions had been destroyed ; 
and they were consequently obliged to send a large part 
of their force to scour the surrounding country and 
procure the means of subsistence for the army. Having 
observed, however, that the Gapitoline Hill was tolerably 
easy of access at its southern extremity near the Car- 
mental gate, to which point their attention is said to have 
been drawn by the footmarks of a messenger between the 

* Com. Nepos, ap. Plin. H, N, xvi. ' Varro, L, L, y. J 167 j Liv. 
15. V. 51. 

« V. 55. 


Bomans at Veil and on the Capitol, the Gauls attempted 
a surprise in that quarter. So stealthily was it effected 
that neither the sentinels nor even the dogs were alarmed ; 
but the sacred geese of Juno, which, even in that dearth 
of provisions, the garrison had abstained from eating, 
gave notice by their cackling of the approach of the 
enemy. Manlius, a consular, now rushed from his house 
in the Arx, and cast down a Gaul who had already gained 
the summit ; the msxi in his fall overthrew several who 
were foUowmg him ; and the Eomans, being now completely 
roused, easily repulsed their assailants. 

After the Gkiuls had held the city more than six months, 
famine at length compelled the Boman garrison to capi- 
tulate. The Gkiuls themselves had indeed also suffered 
severely ; numbers of them had perished from pestilence 
and want of food, and their bodies, being collected to- 
gether, were burnt either by themselves or by the Bomans 
after the recovery of the city, at a spot which obtained 
the name of Busta Galuca.^ By a decree of the senate — 
for we must suppose that a new senate had been organised 
on the Capitol — the military tribune, Q. Sulpicius, was 
authorised to treat with Brennus, the Gallic leader, who 
wnsenteil to evacuate Bome on receiving 1,000 pounds 
of gi>kl Such, observes Livy, was the ransom of a people 
who were soon afterwards to rule the earth. The scales 
won^ sot up, the gold produced; but when Sulpicius 
ooinpluiutxl that the weights were felse, the insolent Gaul 
thn^w hia swonl into the scale, with the exclamation, 
uitolomblo to Boman ears, Vcb victis! 'Woe to the 
i\>n(|uoriHl 1 * * 

At thi8 critical juncture Camillus appears upon the 
800U0. Ho hud boon appointed dictator by the Bomans 
ut \ou. wah tho .xMisont of the senate on the Capitol, 
>vhu>h hml Kvn obtninoii Uirough Pontius Cominius, the 
uu^ewsouKn^ uhvudy uIUkW to ; and he appeared at Bome 


with his forces before the disgraceful bargain could be 
completed by the delivery of the gold. He rejects the 
compact made by Sulpicius as unsanctioned by himself, 
the superior magistrate ; drives the Gauls from Bome in 
a hasty skirmish ; overtakes them again at the eighth mile- 
stone on the road to Gabise ; engages them in a more 
r^ular battle, and exterminates their whole host, so that 
not a man was left to tell the disaster. Such is the account 
given by livy,^ which appears to have been generally re- 
ceived among the Eomans. He may perhaps have adopted 
the most striking version of the story, just as he makes 
the Sabine women rush in between the combatants, in 
preference to representing them as going on an embassy ; 
but the main point is whether Camillus, in whatever 
manner, recovered the gold. Livy is followed, with some 
minor variations, by Plutarch,^ Appian,^ and Eutropius.* 
Diodorus also mentions the payment of the thousand pounds 
of gold to the Gauls, and its recovery by Camillus ; not 
however at Eome, but at some other place which cannot 
be identified.* Polybius mentions nothing about Camillus ; 
but his account is inconsistent. In one passage he re- 
presents the Gauls as abandoning Bome after making a 
treaty with the Eomans; while in another it is stated 
that they. gave up the city without entering into any 
conditions whatsoever.^ Suetonius mentions a report 
that Livius Drusus, a maternal ancestor of the Emperor 
Tiberius, recovered in Gaul — ^more than a century after ! — 
the money which had been paid for the redemption of 
Eome,^ which must therefore have been carried off ; but 
can so absurd a rumour be placed against the weight of 
testimony in favour of Camillus ? Drusus may perhaps have 
extorted money from the Gauls imder such a pretence ; or 

1 lib. y. c. 49. * See ii. 18 and 22. The foimer 

* Cuimff. 29. passage is perhaps alluded to by 

* JEKd. JRam, iv. 1. 

* L20. 
» xiv. 116, 117. 

passage is perhaps 
otraTO. vi. 4. § 2. 
' TtW.iii. 


the report may liave been invented to flatter Tiberius. 
It is hardly worth while to sift the testimony of such 
writers as Justin, Frontinus, and Polyaenus ; some of 
whom, however, are not at variance with the commonly 
received account 

The current tradition is strongly confirmed by an 
anecdote of Crassus, told by Pliny the elder.^ In his 
second consulship with Pompey, B. c. 55, Crassus carried 
away from the throne of the Capitoline Jupiter, where it 
had been concealed by Camillus, 2,000 poimds of gold, 
half of whicli had been given to the Grauls as ransom, and 
the other half plimdered by them from the Boman temples. 
That Crassus took this gold cannot be doubted, imless we 
are to reject all ancient testimony in a lump. .The act 
was done in the historical times, and the abstraction of so 
large a sum could not have failed to be recorded in the 
proper registers. Whether it had be«i dedicated by 
Camillus might admit of more question. Sir G. C. Lewis 
allows- that the passage in Pliny 'proves that 2,000 pounds 
of gold were actually taken frx)m this temple by Crassus, 
and that it was curiHBntly beheved to have been the deposit 
of Camillus.' But Pliny sap nothing of a ' current beUef.' 
He states that the gold was placed there by Camillus. It 
may be presumed that so valuable an anathema would 
not have been left unrecorded; and as the temple was 
not burnt by the Gauls, such a record might at least have 
existed till the first destruction of the temple by fire in 
B.C. 83, and therefore till the historical times, when its 
purport must have been duly remembered. Nay, as the 
gold was doubtless preser\'ed in a secure repository, like 
the stone vault in which Sulpicius subsequently consecrated 
some gold also conquered from the Gauls,^the inscription as 
well as the gold may have escaped the action of the fire. 

» //. JV. xxxiii. 6. Some edd. omit • *Aiiri satis mapimn pondus, saxo 
tlio name of Cmh^ quadrato sseptum, m Capitolio sacra- 

- - •- ^ ^ iLpbddG. vit*— Liv. viL 16. 

SsctlL] recovery OF THE GALLIC RANSOM. 79 

livy's account of this gold is consistent with that of 
Pliny, except that he states that the amount over and 
above the sum paid to the Gauls was not recovered from 
the plimder which they had perpetrated, but had been 
carried in the first alarm of their invasion fix)m other 
temples, and placed in that of Jupiter. livy, however, 
is here charged by Sir G. C. Lewis with being obscure 
and confused. ' Everything,' he observes, ' which concerns 
the G^allic gold is, however, in a state of confiision and 
obscurity. livy first states that this gold had been 
collected from various temples ; but he adds that when 
the quantity in the public treasury was insufficient, the 
matrons contributed their golden ornaments, in order that 
the sacred gold might not be violated ; whereas, a few 
lines before, he had stated that the gold was taken from 
the temples.* Now this is altogether a misconception of 
Livy's words. He does not say that this gold^ that is, the 
gold paid to the Gauls, had been collected from various 
temples. What he really says is as follows : * The gold 
which had been recovered from the Gauls, and that which 
during the alarm (inter trepidationem) had been taken 
from other temples, and placed in the cell of Jove, as it 
was not exactly known to what temples it should be 
restored, was all adjudged to be sacred, and was buried 
under the throne of the deity. The religious feehngs 
of the people had been already manifested by the cir- 
cumstance that, as there was not enough gold in the public 
treasury to make up the sum agreed to be paid to the 
Gauls, that contributed by the matrons had been accepted 
in order that the sacred gold might not be touched.'^ 
Nothing can be clearer than this statement, and it is only 
surprising how it should occasion any confusion. Not an 
ounce of the gold paid to the Gauls had been taken from 
the temples. On the contrary, Livy expressly says that 
the sacred gold was spared ; that the necessary simi was 

> Lib. V. c. 50. 


taken from the treasury, so far as that supply went, and 
the deficiency made good by the contributions of the 
matrons. When the gold thus procured, wholly from 
profane sources^ was recaptured, it was declared sacred, 
like the other gold before conveyed into the temple. It 
was this other gold, then, already sacred, and the re- 
covered ransom, afterwards consecrated, which made up 
the 2,000 lbs. weight mentioned by Pliny. 

Sir G. C. Lewis finds a further difficulty as to this gold 
in another passage of Livy,^ where ManUus is described 
as complaining of its embezzlement by the patricians. 
He makes livy say that the gold had been raised by a 
general property tax, and then proceeds to observe that 
it 'is difficult to understand how the Bomans enclosed 
in the Capitol could, after the burning of the city and 
the dispersion of the population, have either obtained 
golden ornaments from the matrons or levied a general 
tax upon the citizens.'* But by the words *tributo col- 
latio facta,' livy alludes only to the contribution of the 
matrons. We must remember that Manhus is trying to 
make out a bad case against the patricians — ' omisso dis- 
crimine vera an vana jaceret ; ' and the historian, in order, 
no doubt, to put his statement in the strongest Ught, 
uses the word ' tribute ' of the offisrings of the matrons ; 
which indeed they virtually were, since, as we shall 
presently see, they were repaid out of the pubhc money. 
The difficulty is still more trivial about the possibility of 
obtaining this contribution from the matrons. livy tells 
us that a great part of them had followed their male 
relations to the Capitol.^ Many of them were doubtless 
the wives, sisters, or daughters of the senators or consu- 
lars who had refused to fly ; most of them were probably 
patrician, and may be supposed to have carried with them 

^ Lib. yi. c. 14. * ' Magna tamen para earum in 

' Credibility ^c, vol. ii. p. 852. arcem suoe proeecutflB sunt' — ^y. 40. 

Smxt. L] story of CAMILLUS examined. 81 

into the citadel the golden ornaments then so universally 
worn. They were afterwards repaid the value of them 
out of the proceeds of a sale of Etruscan prisoners taken 
by Camillus ;^ but the original gold they had contributed, 
having been consecrated to Jupiter after its recovery, was 
still in his temple, unless Manlius' charge of peculation 
was true; and it is to this gold, 'ex hostibus captum,' 
Aat Livy alludes in his fourteenth chapter. 

The reader must now determine for himself whether 
Sir G. C. Lewis has arrived at a sound conclusion in 
allowing that some of the minute details of the Gallic 
occupation of Eome, ' such as the alarm given by the geese, 
the removal of the Vestal virgins in the wagon of Albinius, 
and the sacrifice of Fabius, may have been faithfully 
preserved by tradition,' but that one of the great outlines 
of the history, the share, if any, which Camillus bore in 
the Uberation of his country, remains an enigma,^ For 
ourselves, we must confess our opinion that if tradition, 
or the pontifical scribes, preserved or recorded the minor 
incidents of the story, which, in fact, were the most likely 
to be invented, they would, a fortiori^ have handed 
down the greater ones of so striking and unparalleled an 
event in the fortunes of Eome. It is possible, indeed, 
that livy, for the sake of efiect, may have inserted in his 
account of these events some minor details which cannot 
be proved to have really happened : such, for instance, as 
the appearance of Camillus at the very moment when the 
gold was in the scales. This, however, should not be 
allowed to invalidate his general statement that Camillus 
defeated the Gauls, and recovered from them the gold 
which they had exacted. This is the substance of the 
story ; the rest belongs only to the manner of the writer. 
K we should reject every account worked up by his- 
torians with theatrical efiect, we should reject much that 

* ' Pretio pro auro matronis persoluto.* — Liv. ti. 4. 
' CredibiUty 8^, vol. ii. p. 856. 



is substantially true. Even in recent times, for example, 
Maria Theresa has been described as presenting her infant 
son to the Hungarian diet at Pressburg, and by this 
means winning their sympathy and aid. Eecent re- 
searches have proved this account to be incorrect, and 
made up by throwing the proceedings of several days into 
one ; ^ yet nobody can doubt that the Austrian queen really 
appeared at Pressburg and obtained the support of the 
Magyars. Numerous instances of the same kind will 
strike every reader. 

After all, however, it is by no means improbable that 
the event occiurred just as livy tells it Truth is some- 
times stranger than fiction, and the instinct of doubt often 
falls short of the reality of fact. Doubt is only a form of 
suspicion ; and though suspicion, under proper control, is 
no doubt a useful thing, yet there is scarce a feeling of 
the human mind more liable to overrun its proper boim- 
daries. * The share of Camillus in the transactions in 
question is confirmed by livy's account^ of his dedi- 
cating three golden paterce^ inscribed with his name, to 
Juno out of the surplus of his Etruscan spoils, after paying 
the matrons : which pater oe were extant in B.a 83, and 
consequently in the time of livy's father. 

^ See Mailath^ Qesch, des astr, KaisersUuxteB, B. y. S. 11 i. 
' Lib. vi, 4. 




We now enter upon a new period of Eoman history. 
Events, as livy observes, become clearer and more cer- 
tain ; he is no longer obliged critically to select them, and 
thus to compress, as he has hitherto done, the history 
of nearly four centuries into five books, but is able to 
give his narrative a freer course.^ 

Camillus, after destroying the Gauls, returned with his 
army to Bome ; the fugitive citizens came back in great 
numbers, and the city began to reassume the appearance 
at least of population. But on every side ruin and deso- 
lation met their eyes. Their houses had not only vanished, 
but even the sites of them could no longer be recognised ; 
and in this desolate state the plebeians and their tribunes 
began to agitate a scheme of emigration to Veii, where 
everything was ready for their reception. Camillus 
exerted all his eloquence to divert them from this project, 
and exhausted every argument that might induce them to 
remain. He appealed especially to their religious feelings, 
and painted in the strongest colours the infamy of desert- 
ing their temples, gods, and ancient hereditary sacrifices. 
But though this part of his speech made a great impres- 
sion, it would perhaps have failed of its effect had it not 
been supported by one of those omens which had always 

' Lib. vi. c. 1 mU, 
Q 2 


a powerful influence on the superstitious minds of the 
Eomans. Soon after Camillus' address to the people, the 
senate had assembled in the Curia Hostilia to debate the 
subject, and the plebeian crowd had gathered around it 
to learn the result of their deUberations. It happened at 
this juncture that a company of soldiers were passing over 
the Forum ; and when they had reached the C!omitium, 
close to which the Curia Hostilia was situated, their cen- 
turion, whether by chance or design, gave the command, 
* Ensign, fix the standard here ; this is the best place for a 
halt.' At these words the senate issued firom the Curia, 
exclaiming that they accepted the omen ; and the ple- 
beians, moved by the same voice, shouted their appro- 
bation.i Such were the trivial incidents which sometimes 
decided at Bome the most important aflairs of state. 

Camillus, aware of this characteristic, had first directed 
his attention to the affairs of religion. He procured a decree 
of the senate for purifying and restoring all the temples 
which had been in the possession of the enemy; for giving 
citizens of Caere the rights of pubhc hospitahty in return 
for their having sheltered the Eoman priests and their 
sacred utensils ; and for celebrating Capitoline games in 
honour of Jupiter, the saviour of his own temple and of 
the Eoman citadel.^ A neglected warning of the gods had 
also to be expiated. Just before the appearance of the 
Gauls, a plebeian named M. Csedicius had reported to the 
tribunes that in the dead of night, being in the Nova Via, 
just above the Temple of Vesta, he had been commanded 
by a voice of superhmnan sound to announce to the ma- 
gistrates the approach of the Gauls.^ But because the 
Gauls were a remote and Uttle known people, and he who 
annoimced their coming a man of humble birth, the 
warning had been imheeded. To expiate this neglect, an 
altar was ordered to be consecrated to Aros Locutius, or 

» Liv. V. 60-66. » iWa. 60. » Ibid. 82. 


the speaker who announces, at the spot where the voice 
liad been heard. ^ 

A Temple of Maks, vowed in the Gallic war, it does 
not appear by whom, was also erected near the Via Appia, 
at the distance of almost two miles from the Porta Capena, 
and was dedicated by the duumvir sacris faciundis, T. 
Quinctius, in B. c. 387.^ It appears to have stood on a hill, 
as we read of the CUvus Martis, and to have been ap- 
proached by a portico from the Via Capena, which must 
almost have rivalled in length the celebrated portico at 
Bologna extending to the church of the Madonna di 
S. Luca.» 

The demands of reUgion being thus satisfied, attention 
was next turned to the rebuilding of the city. Tiles were 
furnished at the public expense ; and the citizens were 
permitted to fell timber and quariy stone wherever they 
pleased, on their giving security that the houses should be 
finished within the year. But this provision proved de- 
trimental. For in the hiurry to get the buildings com- 
pleted no care was taken about laying out the streets ; 
wherever there was a vacant place it was built upon, 
without any inquiry as to whom it belonged. The ground 
being thus seized upon rather than regularly divided, the 
greatest confusion prevailed in the plan of the city, so that 
many of the private houses were even built over the 
sewers, the course of which had previously lain through 
the public thoroughfares and open places. The aediles 
superintended the building operations, and took care that 
the prescribed conditions were observed, so that by the 
end of the year a new city had risen up. Many Eomans 
had migrated to Veil rather than undertake the labour 
of building at Eome ; but these were compelled to return 
under pain of capital pimishment ; hence the city became 

* Liv. V. 50 ; Cicero, Div. i. 46. ' Appian, B. C. iii. 41 ; Ov. Fatt, 

* Liv. vi. 6. vi. 19l sqq., et ibi Schol. 

H^IOftT t? THE CITT OF KOME. [&ct. II. 

Je^ lars?* iani wet. Tsecoiti ai^ o«jre :^ aoi QjiniHus. firom 
:ic piLTS it ridjLi zj^'SL in r^=t!t: c^cruocing ru and preveDting 
ihtc emi^n&.HL ->jc :iLe ti r a rrars^ obcuned the title of 

Tbe dr^ er^nL x smirii iaiponaDce cocmected with the 
hsfcorr of uhje dix uer ics nscootscrQCtioQ. is the trial and 
o^iKLemi:;i£^:ci oc Van'Tg CapcZiXinus. the aavioiir of the 
Cd^i^^ Hk cdUQje oc Cu^Lofmas^ faower^ does not 
appeir to ia^ne bie«»i 'iierrr^ :^om that erent, as nutarcli^ 
asd ochiers fas&ve asgciSKd. sizK^e ire read of an ancestor 
who hid pre^x2SLT bofoe it:^ and ^ it was also a 
ggr^drr^ oc ;he QuizMrnin £imflT«^ it may probably have 
be<n adopcai xnefeh* on^cn a nesdence on the Capitoline 
HilL Var.'ria? wts acco^ed of sedition, and of aiming at 
the nesal power. The Comita Centumta, before which 
he was ana^T^cd* weie hetd in the Septa or Orile in that 
pan of the Can^ms Manias ciiied the Ftata Flaminia ; 
aod pn^bablT lay <o3newheie between the Palazzo Dona 
ai^ the Piazza di IGnefra.* From this place, the inter- 
vening grvHind being then onoccujHed with buildings, the 
Capitol and Aix wene visiUe; and Hanfins seized the 
opportunity to work iqKXi the feelings of the pec^le by 
pjinting to the temple and citadel which he had saved. 
The tribunes', to deprive him of this appeal transferred the 
a.-iembly to the I^icus Poeielinus* just outside the Porta 
Flumentana ; from which, as it lay close imder the south- 
em extremity of the hilh and as the view was obstructed by 
trees, the Capitoline temple was not visible." Manlius 
was now condemned and hurled fixHU the Tarpeian rock. 
His pimishmeut was followed by a decree that no patrician 
s^hould henceforth reside upon the Capitoline HilL* The 
house of Manlius appears also to have been razed, and 

« Ibid. TO. 1 : Plat. Cam. i. 31. ' I Iuit* •dTMted in the article 

s j^' ^ RimHu pw 767, to the use which may 

4 Liv -IT. 45. ^ mjwie c£ this aocoiuit to deter- 

s j^^ 43^ YiL L naat the stuation of the temple. 

• See Amp^, / "rf- Mammme i • Lit. ri. 20. 


thirty or forty years afterwards (b.c. 345) was erected 
upon its site the famous Temple of Juno Moneta, in 
pursuaoce of a vow of the dictator L. Furius Camillus.^ 

Borne was not yet secure from the insults of her 
enemies. In b. c. 380 the Praenestines, relying on the 
seditions which prevented the enrolling of a Roman army, 
appeared before the Colline gate and pitched their camp 
on the river Allia, where, however, they were defeated by 
the dictator T. Quinctius Cincinnatus.^ The war ended 
with the capture of eight cities belonging to the Pnenes- 
tines, and the surrender of Praeneste itself; whence the 
triumphant dictator carried to Rome a statue of Jupiter 
Imperator, and dedicated it in the Capitol, between the 
cells of Jove and Minerva. The Gauls also reappeared 
in B. c. 367, and many battles with them ensued. In B. c. 
361 they penetrated by the Salarian road to within three 
miles of Rome ; and here it was that T. Manlius fought 
the single combat by which he earned the golden collar 
of his Gallic adversary, and the surname of Torquatus. 
Next year they again appeared before the Colline gate, 
and other struggles took place with them in the neigh- 
bourhood of Rome down to the year b. c. 349 ; after 
which, we hear no more of them for half a century. It 
was in the last-named year that M. Valerius obtained the 
surname of Corvus or Corvinus, from being assisted by a 
raven in a single combat with a Gaul.^ 

After the final subjugation of Latium in B. c. 338, 
several Latin cities received the right of Roman citizen- 
ship, while others were treated with severity. The people 
of Antium, though they were admitted to the privilege of 
citizenship, were deprived of their fleet ; part of their 
ships of war were carried up the Tiber to the Roman 
arsenal, and part were burnt. A suggestum^ or raised 
place in the Forum, having been adorned with the beaks 
of those destroyed, and inaugurated as a temple, received 

> Liv. vii. 28. « Ibid. vi. 28 »([. » Ibid vii. 20. 



the name of Bostra, and became the usual place whence 
orators addressed the people. The Eostra stood before 
the Curia Hostilia on or near the Comitium.^ A victory 
of C. Maenius in this war was commemorated, accord- 
ing to Phny, by the erection of a colunm on the Forum, 
called CoLUMNA ILenia; the first example of such a 
monument at Eome.* 

That love of pubHc life of the nations of antiquity, and 
especially of the Eomans, who deUghted in shows and 
festivals, in games, triumphs, and processions, in poUtical 
and judicial deUberations held in the open air, manifested 
itself also even in the calamities which sometimes deso- 
lated Eome. Hence the practice of propitiating the gods 
during a pestilence by a Lectistemium -; a custom first 
introduced in the pestilence with which the city was 
afflicted in B. c. 399. The statues of Apollo, Latona, and 
Diana, to whom the origin of pestilences was attributed, 
were laid upon couches during eight days; those of 
Hercules, Neptune, and Mercury, for three.^ The Bomans, 
however, did not content themselves with this public 
ceremony. The doors were thrown open throughout the 
city ; the use of all tilings was made common ; every- 
body, whether an acquaintance or a stranger, was hos- 
pitably received ; old enmities were reconciled, and 
quarrels and law-suits laid aside.* A still more singular 
mode of propitiation was adopted in the pestilence of 
B. c. 365. A lectistemium was for the third time cele- 
brated ; but as it proved of no efiect, theatrical spectacles 
were introduced by way of appeasing the wrath of the 

' Liv. viiL 14, * Ante banc (Curiam 
Host) Rostra, cttjus loci id vocabu- 
luftiy quod ex hostibus capta fixa sunt 
ro.^tra.' — ^Varr. L. L. v. 16o. 'Erant 
enim tunc Rostra non eo loco quo 
nunc sunt, sed ad Comitium prope 
juncta Curiae.' — Ascon. Cic. Md. 6. 

» Plin. H. K xxxiv. 11. But Livy, 
viii. 13, calls the monument an eques- 
trian statue. See below, p. 109, note 2. 

' Hercules was regarded at Rome 
as tbe giver of health. Neptune, or 
the sea, was supposed to be con- 
nected with pestilence, as appears 
from a line in the Hvmnof the Fra- 
tres Arvales, ' Limen sail sta Berber ' 
— 'Arrest, Mars, the plague of the sea.' 
Mercury was probably propitiated aa 
the conductor of the souls of men. 

* Liv. V. 13. 



gods. The only probable reason for adopting so strange 
a method seems to be, that, by diverting the minds of the 
people from pondering upon their calamities, they might 
obtain a better chance of escaping or throwing off the 
malady. On such occasions moral causes are not alto- 
gether without effect, and perhaps even the lectistemium 
itself might have been suggested by this reflection. 
Hitherto the only public spectacle had been the games of 
the circus ; the entertainment now introduced from Etruria 
seems to have been merely a sort of dance. The players, 
who were Etruscans, uttered not a word, nor imitated 
any action or story with their gestures ; they only exe- 
cuted some graceful movements to the sound of pipes. 
This novel entertainment was received with great favour. 
The Eoman youth began in a rude way to imitate the 
dancers, adding however some jocular verses, to which 
they adapted their movements ; in fact, the old Fescen- 
nine verse, only more rhythmical, set to music, and 
accompanied with appropriate action. The Eoman who 
practised this art was called histrio, from hister, the Tascan 
name for a player. More than a century was to elapse 
before livius Andronicus introduced the more regular 
drama with a plot, as we shall have to relate further on. 
In fact, it may be doubted whether Horace's complaint — 

Jam nUffravit ab aure voluptas 
Omnia ad incertos oculos et gaudia vana ^ — 

is well founded. The Eomans from the beginning pre- 
ferred to be spectators rather than hearers, and among 
them the regular drama was never much more than an 
exotic entertainment. The introduction of the Etruscan 
ludiones did not, however, answer the purpose for which 
it was intended. The performance was interrupted by the 
Tiber inundating the circus ; a sign of the divine dis- 
pleasure which filled the Eomans with consternation.* 

* Epp. ii. 1, 187. • Uy. vil 2, 8. 


Y<£C iIiiLOiiea Atf jdvq ihr *:'anio«:r H£& aiui fer magni- 
iiitdiE ^t^t^H'te* w»:iiiil Turit'afir* ± diiets&I di^^pueitioii, 
nnmj :l :ae Rj^mi-in '^uscook^ ma^w i :dfJomT azxi savasre 
car^tinrr. 5tii:h w%fr«f ammiu ■<ti*'r TTTt**»^4, ^od especiallj 
ire niico^ ce zntsoL cy baryinti: alire- Thij ponishment 
wu:^ Oiic r"=2!Cr*i^&Hl x^ ;izii!im:sGe Ve«GiAS^ Ubwsh eren in 
jgt'h ;L »:ase in setam^ barbarrii* laiocgiL In B.C. 337, 
^•r Vr^sscL IFnniTa wji^ cc^iultazmjeii bj the Poadfices^ on 
lie ey^itHTin* •:•£ i sati*. 5j be barieti alire just in^de the 
F :rii C-iIinsi : 5.^r z^iijcr Vescil^ sell retaioed the priTilege 
oc zictarizienn wtpH iie wxTs This i« the drst execution 
<< zzft £ZLd reconiieti br Lhy.^ bat DioQTsias mentions a 
l^cTziier icr^cance o£ PrnAna» in the re^ of Tarquinius 
PrA'cs.* The piiace whi^e ICnccii was boned* just under 
;Le zoffthem ex^remi^r «3C the Serraa a^gar* obtained the 
riJTT^.e re CiWFirs SmjOLAXCSL Such wi^s the inquLation of 
i2:«:«!e ru^^^Li dstr^ : hickilx, howerer^ unlike modem times, 
the vicsLizzs w«v taken oobr firom the priesthood. The 
¥\v:r>.^>ir F!53T has len i£« a tooching picture of the dig* 
nif^ vieiih. of Conzeiia. chief of the VestaK condemned 
thouirh inn-x-ent. or a: all erente untried, br IXwaiitian.^ 
Och^T iz^caaoe? of in^^^ment ah^e were either acts of self- 
devociv^cu a^ when M. Curtiii« leaped into the chasm in the 
Forani : or were adopted, in remarkabhr disastrous con- 
iu::cciire<* in lieu or re^.ilar sacridoes. 

An aiuvvkne belonging to this period (blc. 311) is of a 
iuor\* geiiial uatiire, and affords a glimpse of Soman man- 
ners ia thocio tiiuesw The pipers^ a jovial crew, fond of good 
oaling and drinking, having been deprived by the censors 
i^f their aaoieni customary feast in the Temple of Jupiter, 
jiiruok to a man ;md departed in a bodv to Tibiur. Next 
ilay, lo ! there wiis uoIkxIv to pipe before the sacrifices ! 
The s<<Miato was [>eq>lexed. The pipers knew their value, 
and luul hit the right nail : it was a matter of religion, 
and at Koine ivliixion was the soul of tlie state. As in a 

» viiL 1^ * ii 07. iiL 67. » £^ ir. 11. 


case of the weightiest political importance, ambassadors 
were despatched to the Tiburtines to procure the resti- 
tution of the vagabond musicians. But promises and 
exhortations were exhausted in vain till a plan was hit 
upon for securing the men by means of their character- 
istic failing. On a feast-day they were invited separately to 
dinner, on pretence of enlivening the meal with their music ; 
they were plied with wine, till drunkenness, and next 
sleep, oppressed them, and in this state of double oblivion 
were bound, put into wagons, and conveyed to Eome. 
Great was their astonishment, on awaking next morning, 
to find themselves in the Forum 1 Terms were now made 
with them, and they were persuaded to remain, on con- 
dition that those who had piped at the sacrifices should 
enjoy their traditionary feast, and for three days every 
year should wander fantastically dressed, playing their 
music, through the streets of Eome; a custom which 
appears to have lasted till the Empire.^ The sojourner in 
the modern city may find their counterparts in the pipers 
of the Abruzzi, who, during nine days before Christmas, 
pipe their wild discordant notes before every image of 
the Madonna. 

The censorship of Appius Claudius Caecus, B. c. 312, a 
memorable period in the history of the city, fell in the 
midst of the three Samnite wars, which lasted more than 
half a century (b. c. 343-290). While the surrounding 
country remained unsubjugated, the Eomans could of 
course undertake no important works outside their gates. 
The existence of gates, indeed, implies the existence of 
roads of some kind or another ; but it may be conjectured 
that they were originally of a wretched description, or, at 
all events, not to be compared with those solid and durable 
ways for the construction of which the later Romans were 
famous. The Latins had been completely subjugated in 
B. c. 338 ; and although, in B. c. 312, danger was still to be 

' Liv. ix. 80. 


apprehended from the Samnites, yet a good mUitary road 
might prove of the greatest service m any future wars with 
that people. 

The great Boman highways did not exceed fifteen feet 
in breadth, and were sometimes a foot or two less. In 
constructing them, the earth was excavated till a solid 
foundation was obtained, or, in swampy places, a founda- 
tion was made by driving piles. Over this, which was 
called the greniiumy four courses or strata were laid; 
namely, the statumen, the rudus^ the nucleus^ and the 
pavimentum. The statumen, which rested on the gremium^ 
consisted of loose stones of a moderate size. The rudus^ 
or rubble-work, over this, about nine inches thick, was 
composed of broken stones, cemented with hme. The 
nucleus^ half a foot thick, was made with pottery broken 
into small pieces, and also cemented with lime. Over all 
was the pavimentum^ or pavement, consisting of large 
polygonal blocks of hard stone, and, particularly in the 
neighbourhood of Eome, of basaltic lava, nicely fitted 
together, so as to present a smooth surface. The road was 
somewhat elevated in tlie centre, to allow the water to run 
ofi*, and on each side were raised footpatlis covered with 
gravel. At certain intervals were blocks of stone, to 
enable a horseman to mount. Boads thus constructed were 
of such extraordinary durability, that portions of some 
more than a thousand years old are still in a high state of 

The Via Appia, leaving Eome by the Porta Capena, 
appears to have been first constructed in a direct line 
to Aricia ; but, before the termination of Appius' censor- 
ship, it had been carried on as far as Capua. It was, no 
doubt, improved in later times, and ultimately extended to 
Brundusium, and, from its length and beauty, obtained the 

^ Respectmff the Roman roads, say's article Via in Dr. Smith's 
•ee Bergier, Md, des grantU Chemins JOict, of Greek and Boman Antiqm- 
de P£n^0 Bomain ; and Dean Ram- tie$. 


name of Eegina Viarum.^ The Via Latina branched off 
from it on the left at a little distance from the Porta Ca- 
pena, and, making a circuit by Ferentinum, again joined 
the Via Appia before it entered Capua. The Via Latina 
was also a very ancient road, but its date and origin are 
unknown. At a later period, which cannot be accurately 
determined, the distances along the roads were marked by 
the erection of milestones. 

Appius Claudius Caecus also constructed the first Boman 
aqueduct, which from him obtained the name of Aqua 
Appia. However usefid this work may have been, it 
cannot be compared for extent and magnificence with 
some succeeding ones of the same description. Its sources 
were only between seven and eight miles from Eome, on 
the road to Praeneste, and it was conducted the whole way 
imderground, till it arrived at the Porta Capena,^ whence it 
was carried on arches to the Porta Trigemina, sixty passiu% 
or 300 feet, and began to be distributed at the Clivus 
Publidus, on the Aventine.^ Appius courted the populace, 
which was probably the reason why he favoured this ple- 
beian quarter of the city with the use of the first aqueduct. 
In his second consulship, in the war with the Etruscans 
and Samnites, in B. c. 297, he is said to have vowed a 
Temple to Bellona. The only temple of Bellona, which 
we know of at Eome, lay near the subsequent Circus 
Flaminius, in the Campus Martins; and, according to 
the testimony of Pliny, this temple was in existence two 
centuries earlier.* It is, however, plain, from numerous 
instances in Roman history, that the vow of a temple was 
frequently satisfied by the restoration of an ancient build- 

^ For a description of it, see Mr. ' Frontinus, De Aqweductibwy is 

Bunbury's article Via Appia, in Dr. the chief ancient authority on the 

Smithes Did. of Greek and Roman Koman aqueducts. See also Fa- 

Oeography. bretti, De Aqtiis et Ajqtueductihus 

' Hence the line of Juvenal : veteris Romee, 

Subetitlt ad veterw anmi madidamqiie * Liv. X. 19 ; Plin. H, N. XXXV. 3. 


Sat. iii. 11. 


ing instead of the erection of a new one. The temple 
served for assembUes of the senate outside of the Pomoe- 
rium ; as, for instance, when they met to accord a triumph 
to a victorious general, to receive foreign ambassadors, and 
other similar occasions. Before it was an open space on 
which stood the Columna Bellica. Prom this spot the 
Petialis, in the ceremony of declaring war, hurled a lance 
into a piece of ground, supposed to represent the enemy's 
territory, when it was not possible to do so on his actual 

To the wife of Volumnius, the colleague of Appius 
Claudius in the consulship, appears to have been owing a 
small temple, or sacellum^ of Pudicitia Plebeu. Virginia, 
though married to the plebeian Volumnius, was herself of 
patrician race ; yet the patrician matrons, holding that she 
had degraded herself by such a connection, excluded her 
from worshipping with them in the Temple of Pudicitia 
Patricu, situated in the Forum Boarium ; which temple 
may perhaps be still represented by the little church of 
Sta. Maria Egiziaca. Hereupon Virginia dedicated part of 
her own residence in the Vicus Longus, a street running 
between the Quirinal and Viminal hills, and answering to 
the modern Via di S. Vitale, for a chapel and altar of 
Pudicitia Plebeia. At this altar none but plebeian matrons 
of unimpeachable chastity, and who, hke the worshippers 
in the older temple, had been married only to one hus- 
band, were allowed to sacrifice.^ 

The campaign of the Eomans, in b. c. 295, against the 
Samnites, in which the latter people were assisted by the 
Etruscans, Umbrians, and Gauls, and the decisive Boman 
victory at Sentinum, virtually put an end to the Samnite 
wars, though they continued a few years longer. Further 
victories were gained by the Eomans in B, c. 293 and 292 ; 
in 290, Samnium was invaded, when the Samnites sub- 
mitted and sued for peace. Both consuls, Papirius Cursor 

* Serv. ad Alh, ix. 6»3 ; Dion Casa. Ixxi. 33. ' Liv. x. 23. 

SsoxlIL] END-OF the SAMNITE wars. 05 

and Sp. Carvilius, received the honour of a triumph for 
their victory over the Samnites, in B. c. 293. The triumph 
of Papirius was one of the most splendid that had yet been 
seen at Eome. The army, both horse and foot, marched 
past, adorned with the rewards of their bravery, among 
which were conspicuous many civic and mural crowns, as 
well as those called vallares^ for scaling the ramparts of 
the enemy's camp. The triumph was also graced by many 
distinguished captives, and a vast amount of money was 
deposited in the treasury.^ From the armour taken from 
the sacred Samnite band a statue of Jupiter was made, 
and set up in the Capitol, of so enormous a size, according 
to Pliny, that it might be beheld by Jupiter Latiaris on 
Mons Albanus.^ 

The year B. c. 293 affords two or three other notable 
circumstances connected with the life of the Roman people. 
Papirius Cursor is said to have brought the first sundial 
to Rome in this year, and to have placed it before the 
Temple of Quirinus ; ^ but, as it was not constructed for 
the latitude of Rome, it did not show the time correctly. 
This defect, however, does not appear to have been reme- 
died for nearly a century afterwards, when Q. Marcius 
Philippus set up a correct dial. It was not till B. c. 159 that 
P. Scipio Nasica erected in his censorship a public cle- 
psydra, which showed the lapse of time by the escape of 
water, a contrivance invented by the Greeks, and somewhat 
resembling the hourglass. It had the palpable advantage 
over the sundial of showing the time in the night and in 
cloudy weather. In the same year, on account of the 
victories achieved, the spectators of the Roman games are 
first said to have worn crowns or garlands on their heads ; 
and the Greek custom was introduced of presenting the 
victors with a palm-branch. But these triumphs and 

» Liv. X. 46. dedicated by Papiriui or Cani- 

* H, N, zxxiy. 18. There is lius. 
some doubt whether the statue was ' Ibid, yii. 60. 


shut the Temple of Janus, b. c. 235, the first occasion of its 
l>eing closed since the reign of Numa ; soon, however, to 
l)e reopened, and not to be shut again till after the battle 
of Actium.^ 

Some important works were undertaken in the period 
between the first and second Punic wars. C. Flaminius, 
who was censor in B. c. 220, began to construct the great 
liighwiiy called after him Via Flaminia. This was the 
great nortliem road of Italy, as the Via Appia was the 
main southern outlet from Eome. Leaving the city by 
the Porta Ratumena, the Via Flaminia proceeded through 
the Campus Martins nearly on the same line, but a little 
to the east, of the modem Corso, passing subsequently 
through the Porta Flaminia of the AureUan walls, at a 
little distance from the present Porta del Popolo. At 
about three miles from the Porta Batumena, it crossed 
the Tiber by the Pons Milvius, and proceeded on to 
Ariminum (Rimini), a distance of 210 miles. This road, 
tlie construction of which became possible through the 
submission of Etruria and Umbria, facilitated operations 
against the Gauls. 

The same censor constructed the Circus Flaminius, in 
the fields (railed Prata Flaminia at the southern extremity 
of tlui Campus Martins. The carceres of the Circus, or 
starling-place of the chariots, were at no great distance 
from lli(» Capitoline Hill, while its circular end lay 
towards tlu» river. Hence it must have occupied the 
sites of the })resent Palazzo Mattel, the Via delle Botteghe 
Ortcurc, Mud the chun^h of Sta. Caterina de* Funari, where 
trnri'M of it are m\d to have existed in the sixteenth 
vTHtiiry.'** After the constniction of the Circus, meetings 
of the people previously held in the Prata Flaminia were 
traiisfrrriHl to it/** Close by was the Ovile, or place for 
hoKlinjj; the C-omitia Centuriata, which in early times was 

* Liv. i. 10. * Lucio Fauno, Ant, di Eoma, lib. iv. c. 23. 

• Liv. xxviL IM J Tie. wl Att 1 14. 


sorroimded with a rude fence, resembling a sheepfold : 
whaiee its name.^ In the Circus were exhibited the 
Ladi Hebeii and the Ludi SsMnilares, called also Tauni, or 
Tarentini, from a place in the Campus Martius bear- 
ing the name of Tarentum, which had a subterranean 
Ara Ditis Patris et Proserpinae. We may here add that 
it was only a few years previously (b. c. 228) that carceres 
for starting the diariots had been erected at the Circus 

But Haminius, who had adorned and improved Eome 
by these noble and useful works, became the involuntary 
instrument of her disgrace. The second Punic war broke 
out in B. c. 218, and the Bomans had to struggle for ex- 
istence against the greatest captain of any age. Hannibal, 
after passing the Alps and gaining several victories, 
directed his march upon Bome. Prodigies which had 
filled the Bomans with alarm had to be averted by various 
expiations ; a lectistemium, a sacrifice at the Temple of 
Saturn, and a public feast, were celebrated ; the Saturnalia 
were proclaimed day and night through the city, and the 
people were directed to observe that day for ever as a 
festival. But Flaminius, who was now consul, and whose 
rashness and democratic principles led him to oppose old 
patrician forms and traditions, alarmed at the rapid ap- 
proach of Hannibal, hastily quitted Bome on pretence of 
a private journey, without having taken the auspices or 
celebrated the Latin fetes, and he refused to listen to any 
orders for his return.' With the same precipitancy he led 
his army into an ambush which Hannibal had laid for him 
at Lake Trasimene, where he expiated his rashness with his 
life and a terrible defeat, which cost Bome 15,000 men 
(B.C. 217). Two temples vowed after this battle, one to 
Mens, the other to Venus Ekycina, were erected close 

' Liv. xxvi. 22 ; Juv. Sat. vi. 628. 
« Liv. viii. 20 ; Varro, X. L. v. § 164. 
• Liv. xxi. 63, xxii. 1 sqq. 

H 2 


together on the Capitol,' and consecrated by Q. Fabius 
Maximus and T. Otacilius Crassus, in B. c. 215.^ 

The defeat of Terentius Vairo by Hannibal at Cannae, 
the following year, was a still more terrible blow. The 
victor was hourly expected at Eome, and portents again 
agitated the public mind, especially the unchastity of two 
Vestals, Opimia and Floronia. One of these was buried 
alive at the Porta Collina, the other escaped the same fate 
by suicide. As a further expiation, after consulting the 
Sibylline books, two men and two women, of Greek and 
Gallic race, were buried alive in a stone vault in the 
Forum Boarium. The place, say^ Livy, was already im- 
bued with human sacrifices, though he disclaims the prac- 
tice as un-Koman.^ A more humane and cheerful way 
of propitiating the gods was by the institution of the LuDi 
Apollinares in compliance with the prophecies of one 
Marcius, though the idea of them appears to have been 
borrowed from the Greeks. They were celebrated iii the 
Circus Maximus. 

During the year which followed the disaster at Cannae, 
Eome displayed every mark of grief and humiliation. The 
senate quitted the Curia, the praetor abandoned the Comi- 
tium, to deliberate and to administer justice near the Porta 
Capena, the side threatened by Hannibal. But it was not 
till B. c. 211 that Hannibal, approaching by rapid marches 
on the Via Latina, reached the Anio before his presence 
was suspected. The proconsul Fulvius had, however, 
preceded him, by forced marches on the Via Appia ; and 
entering Eome by the Porta Capena. and marching through 
the city by the Carinas, Ful\dus pitched his camp on 

» Liy. xxii. 10, xxiii. 61 ; Cic. order of the Pontifices, and their 

JV. D, ii. 23. heads affixed to the Regia. Pliny 

' Such sacrifices were aholished mentions even in his age the inter- 

at Rome by a decree of the senate, ment alive of Gallic Md other men 

B. c. 97 J nevertheless we read of two and women. H. N, xxviiL 3. Cf. 

human victims being decapitated in Dion Cass, xliii. 24. 
the Campus Martius, B. c. 46, by 

Gmn. n.] HANNIBAL AT ROMR 101 

the Esquiline,^ outside the agger, between the Porta 
Esquilina and Porta Collina. Hither came the consuls 
and the senate to deliberate. Arrangements were made 
for the defence of the city, and it was ordered that a 
tolerably ftdl senate should remain assembled on the 
Forum, to give then: advice on any emergency. The 
camp of Hannibal was now but three miles distant from 
Bome; and that commander ventured to make a re- 
connaissance round the walls with an escort of only 2,000 
horse. But the imperturbable fortitude of the Eoman 
people, the knowledge that, in spite of his presence, they 
had despatched several corps of cavalry to Spain, nay, that 
the very ground on which his camp stood had been sold 
at auction without any diminution of price, discouraged 
Hannibal as much as the loss of a battle. After the empty 
bravado of launching a javelin into a city which he could 
not take, he hastily raised his camp, and, marching to the 
sanctuary of Feronia at the foot of Soracte, consoled 
himself for his disappointment at Eome by plundering 
that wealthy shrine.^ Thus was the city delivered from 
the greatest danger which had threatened it since its 
capture by the Gauls. 

Although the third century before the Christian era 
shows but little progress in the city of Bome, it was 
marked by a striking improvement in the literary cultiva- 
tion of the Eomans. The regular drama is not relished 
except by a people that has attained to a considerable 
degree of civilisation. It was the last sort of poetry 
brought to any perfection among the Greeks ; and the 
same observation will apply, we beheve, to most other 
nations. Thus Chaucer and Gower in England had written 
epic and other poetry two centuries before the establish- 
ment of regular dramatic entertainments. The drama, 
like all the more elegant arts of life, was derived by the 

' Liv. xxvi. 8 eqq. ' iWrf. 11. 


Romans from the Greeks, and was first introduced at 
Home after the conquest of Magna Graecia. During the 
wars in that country, the poet Andronicus, a native of 
Tarentum, was captured and brought to Bome, where he 
became the slave of M. Livius Salinator, and derived from 
him the surname of Livius. Having suflSciently mastered 
the Latin language to be able to write in it, Livius 
Andronicus brought out a considerable number of plays, 
which, however, appear to have been little more than 
translations from the Greek. The first of them was ex- 
hibited in B. c. 240. But however rude and barbarous the 
language at least of these dramas may have been, they 
seem not only to have been extant in the time of Horace, 
but even to have been read in schools,^ whence it would 
appear that there must have been a sort of Latin literature 
before the time of those authors who are reputed to have 
been the earUest Roman historians.^ It must not be sup- 
posed, however, that there was any regular theatre at Home 
at tliis period. The Roman aristocracy, like the English 
Puritans, set their faces against dramatic entertainments, 
as injurious to public morality. Although the building of 
a stone tlieatre had been commenced, P. Cornelius Scipio 
Nasica, in his consulship in B. c. 155, induced the senate to 
order its demolition.^ Thus, even to the times of Plautus 
and Terence, plays were represented at Rome on wooden 
stages, or scaflbldings, resembling probably those on which 
the Mysteries and Moralities of the middle ages were 
p(»rfornied, and the audience appears to have beheld them 
Hluiulin}^. Poets in the time of Livius were called scribes^ 
an appellation which seems to show that the Roman 
public had no very exalted idea of the poetical vocation. 
A building on the Aventine appears, however, to have 
JMH'U UHsignod for the use of Livius and of a troop of 

• AW. il. l,(m»q. 

• Llv. vll. 2 ; (Uc nnti, 18 ; Sueton. DeiU. Oramm. 1 j Gell. xvii. 21. 

• Mv. A>iiV.xlviii. 


players ; and after his death, ' scribes ' and actors were 
accustomed to meet in the Temple of Minerva on that hill 
to celebrate his praises and offer gifts in his honour.^ The 
drama at Eome was continued by Naevius, who was pro- 
bably a Campanian ; ^ but it belongs not to this work to 
trace the history of Roman literature, except so &r as it 
may be connected with the history of the city and its in- 
habitants. We need, therefore, only further mention here, 
that Ennius, also a dramatist, but better known as the 
first great Latin epic poet, who also flourished soon after 
livius Andronicus, towards the end of the third century 
B. c, lived in a humble dweUing on the Aventine, attended 
only by one female slave. That plebeian hill may there- 
fore be regarded as the Helicon of the Boman muses, when 
they lived in republican fashion without much patronage 
from the great. 

Besides the adoption of the Greek drama, the Romans 
likewise acquired a taste for Grecian works of art, im- 
bibed, it is said, through the capture of Syracuse by 
Marcellus, in b. c. 212. That event hkewise afforded the 
first precedent for ruthless spohation both of sacred and 
profane objects under the pretext of the right of war. 
Marcellus placed part of the pictiu'es and statues plun- 
dered from the Syracusans in the Temple of HoNOS and 
ViKTUS, which he had founded near the Porta Capena. 
Nearly all of these had vanished in the time of Livy, a 
circumstance which that historian regards as a sign of the 
displeasure of the gods at such practices.^ Tarentum 
yielded almost as many works of art as Sjnracuse, although 
Fabius, its captor, showed more compunction in plunder- 
ing them.* In the war with Philip V. of Macedon, which 
broke out towards the end of the third century B* c, the 
Romans, though they professed themselves the friends of 

jt ^ • I 

' Festus, p. 333. and Roman Biography, 

^ See the article on Nseyius, in • xxv. 40. 

Dr. Smith's Dictionary of Greek * Ibid, xrvii. 16. 


the Greeks, brought away a great many pictures and 
statues from Eretria.^ 

But the influence of Greek civilisation was not powerful 
enough to counteract entirely the barbarous tastes of the 
Bomans, to the majority of whom the gladiatorial combats 
were more attractive than the scenic beauties of the 
Grecian muse. That cruel entertainment was first intro- 
duced at Eome by M. and D. Brutus, at the funeral of 
their father in B. c. 264, when the gladiators fought in the 
Forum Boarium.^ The spectacle, however, w^as soon 
transferred to the Forum Eomanum ; and instead of being 
confined, as at first, to funerals, was extended to festive 
entertainments, and at lengtli adopted by the magistrates 
as one of the most popular methods of celebrating public 

Besides art and litemture, another efiect of conquest 
was to introduce at Eome new forms of superstition. The 
Eoman, like most pagans, readily adopted the gods of 
other nations, as we have already seen from the introduc- 
tion of Apollo, jEsculapius, and other Greek divinities. 
Frequent showers of stones, a portent often mentioned by 
the Eoman historians, could, according to the SibylUne 
books, be expiated only by bringing to Eome Cybele, or 
the Idfiean mother. This deity was originally represented 
by an irregular black stone, reputed to have fallen from 
heaven ; whence probably its efficacy at the present junc- 
ture. Attains, king of Pergamus, an ally of the Eomans, 
engaged to transfer this sacred object into their hands 
from its shrine in the town of Pessinus in Phiygia ; and 
P. ComeUus Scipio, the youthful brother of Africanus, 
accounted the worthiest and most virtuous among the 
Eomans, was selected to receive the goddess (b. c. 204), 
Having proceeded to Ostia in fulfilment of this mission, 
and received the sacred stone from the priests, he deli- 

» Livy, xxxU. 16. » Liv. SpU. xvi. ; Valer. Max. ii. 4, § 7. 

Skoil H] CYBELE brought TO ROME. 105 

vered it into the hands of the matrons who had accom- 
panied him, by whom it was borne in solemn state to 
Bome, and placed in the Temple of Victory on the Pala- 
tine Hill. Here it was adored by multitudes who crowded 
to it with offerings, and its arrival was celebrated by a 
lectistemium and the Megalesian games. Thirteen years 
later, a round temple, or tholus, was erected on the Pala- 
tine for its reception, and dedicated by M. Junius Brutus, 
B. c. 191. The goddess was now represented by a statue, 
with its face to the east ; the temple was adorned with a 
painting of Corybantes, and plays were acted in front 
of it.i 

It must have been about this time that the GRfflCO- 
STASis was added to the Curia. This appears to have 
been a mere open platform, designed as a waiting-place 
for foreign ambassadors before they were admitted to an 
audience of the senate. Its situation on the Vulcanal 
made it conspicuous from the Forum ; and the sight of 
envoys from various nations, Greeks and Gauls, Asiatics 
and Egyptians, in their national costumes, and frequently 
bearing splendid gifts, must have rendered the spectacle 
almost as gratifying as a triumph to Eoman pride and 
love of pageantry, with which purpose the Grsecostasis 
was probably contrived. 

Another Greek art introduced at Kome about this 
period was the practice of medicine. Archagathus, a 
Greek, appears to have opened the first surgeon and 
apothecary's shop, B. c. 219. He was received with such 
welcome that the shop was purchased for him at the 
public expense, and he was presented with the Jus Quiri- 
tium. But he seems to have been a perfect Sangrado, 
and by too free a use of the knife, and other heroical re- 
medies, soon altogether disgusted the Eomans with the 
medical art.*^ 

1 liv. xxix. 14, xxxvi. 36 ; Martial, i. 70, 9. • Plin. H, N. xxix. 6. 


The century closed with the triumph of Scipio in B. c. 
201, one of the most magnificent hitherto beheld. The 
victor at Zama deposited in the public treasury more than 
100,000 pounds weight of silver. The name of Afiricanus, 
with which he was greeted by the people, initiated the 
custom of illustrating a fortunate general by the appella- 
tion of a conquered people ; but King Syphax is said to 
have been released by an opportune death from the 
ignominy of adorning his conqueror's triumph.^ Other 
honours, little short of idolatry, the Bomans, in the flush 
and full tide of success, would have heaped upon Scipio ; 
they were modestly declined, but he nevertheless lived to 
experience the fickleness and ingratitude of his country- 
men, and to leani that not even services like his can 
always insure a lasting popularity. He retired in disgust 
to Litemum, and some say he could never be induced to 
return to Eome. Yet it i» uncertain whether he was 
buried at Litemum or in the family tomb of the Scipios 
on the Via Appia, a few hundred yards outside the Porta 
Capena. In the time of Livy, monuments to him were 
extant at both places. At the Boman tomb were three 
statues, said to represent Scipio himself, his brother 
Lucius, and the jjggt Ennius, whom AfricAnus had as it 
were adopted into the family.^ This tomb, still extant, 
is perhaps one of tlie most interesting monuments of the 
republican period ; tliough its present state conveys but 
an imperfect idea of the original structure. It was at 
least as ancient as L. Scipio Barbatus, consul in b. c. 298 ; 
the inscription on whose sarcophagus, still preserved in 
the Vatican, is the oldest contemporary record of any 
Eoman. Many other records of the Scipios and their 
friends have also been carried from this tomb to the 
Vatican, and their places supplied by copies.^ Close to 

^ Liv. XXX. 46 ; Val. Max. iv. 1, » Liv. xxxviii. 56. 

§ 6. Polybiufl, however (xvi. 23, » For a description of the tomb 

§ 6), saj-s that Sj'phax was actually see Visconti, Mon, degli Scipumi. Ct 

led in tnumph. Nibby, Homa Ant, t. ii. p. 562 sq. 



it were the tombs of the Seivilii, Metelli, and other dis- 
tinguished families, all traces of which have now disap- 

The close of the third century before the Christian era 
was marked by some terrible fires. One of these, in b. c. 
213, raged two days and a night, levelling all between the 
Salinae, near the Porta Trigemina, and the Porta Carmen- 
talis, including the jEquimaelium and Vicus Jugarius ; 
whence it spread beyond the gate, and destroyed many 
buildings both sacred and profane. Among the former 
were tlie Temples of Fortune, Mater Matuta, and Hope.^ 
Another still more destructive fire occurred in B.C. 211, 
which, from its breaking out at once in several places 
near the Forum, was ascribed to incendiaries. The 
Tabernse Septem, probably on the south side of the 
Forum, were destroyed ; the Atrium Eegium* shared the 
same fate, and even the Temple of Vesta was with diffi- 
culty saved. On the north side of the Forum, the 
Argentariae, or silversmiths' shops, subsequently called 
Novae, the Lautumias, the fish-market, besides many pri- 
^ vate houses, were consumed. SomeJ noble Campanian 
^« youths, convicted on the evidence of ^a slave, were exe- 
cuted for this act, which they had committed out of re- 
venge for the putting to death of some of their relatives 
by the proconsul, Fulvius Flaccus.^ A few years later, 
B. c. 192, a fire in the Forum Boarium destroyed all the 
buildings near the Tiber, with a great deal of valuable 
merchandise.* -^ 

The second century before the Christian era shows a 
marked improvement in the city. The Eomans had now 
reduced all Italy, had humbled Carthage, and were begin- 
ning to turn their thoughts to conquests in Greece. Their 
intercourse with the inhabitants of Magna Gnecia and 
Sicily had tended to improve their architectural taste, as 

' Cic. Tusc, i. 7. » Ibid. xxvi. 27. 

' Liv. xxiv. 47. * Ibid, xxxv. 40. 


well as to introduce among them other refinements. It is 
at all events certain that at the beginning of the second 
century b. c. were erected some splendid buildings of a 
kind hitherto unknown at Eome. 

He who stands on the Eoman Forum, and surveys its 
narrow limits, can hardly fail to be struck with surprise, 
mixed with something like disappointment, that a place 
of so insignificant dimensions should have been the scene 
of such grand historical events, the council-chamber, as it 
were, whence a ' people king' agitated and controlled the 
aflairs of the world. The Eomans themselves, as their 
conquests grew and their ideas expanded with them, seem 
to have experienced a similar feeling. Hence their at- 
tempts to relieve and enlarge the Forum, first by the 
construction of BasiUcae, and at length, in the imperial 
times, by the addition of several adjacent Fora. The idea 
of the BasiHca, as well as its name, was evidently bor- 
rowed from the Greeks ; and the erroa ^aciXstog at Athens, 
in which the ap^^cov ^a<n\s6g administered justice, pro- 
bably furnished the model. When we speak, therefore, of a 
Eoman Basilica, we must complete this adjective form with 
some substantive understood, such as porticus or cedes ; 
just as the Greek has also the substantive form 0a<r«- 
T^ixij, with the omission of oroa or oixia. A Basilica was 
a large building used at once as a law-court and a sort of 
exchange. Hence its utility in relieving the Forum, 
which also served in both those capacities. It was of an 
oblong form, and, according to architectural rules, the 
breadth should not be more than one half nor less than 
one third of the length.^ At first it appears to have been 
open to the air, and surrounded only with a peristyle of 
columns, of which there were two rows in height, one 
resting upon the other ; the lower row having columns 
of larger dimensions than the upper one. From this ex- 

* Vitruv. V. 1, § 4. 




posure to the air Vitruvius recommends that Basilic® 
should be built in the warmest and most sheltered part of 
a Forum; but the later Eomans obviated this incon- 
venience by surrounding them with a wall. The interior 
generally consisted of three parts ; a central particus, 
answering to the nave of a modem church, with two rows 
of columns at each side, forming two aisles. At one end 
of the central porticus^ or nave, was the tribunal of the 
judge, commonly of a circular form, though sometimes 
square. Such was in general the disposition of a Basilica, 
though of course there might be occasional variations. 

The first building of this sort constructed at Rome was 
the Basilica Porcia, so called from its having been 
founded by M. Porcius Cato in his censorship, B. c. 184.* 
In order to make room for it, four of the Tabema3 
Veteres on the north side of the Forum were purchased, 
and behind these the houses of Masnius and Titius, in the 
place called Lautumiae. Maenius, however, retained one 
of the columns of his house with a balcony on the top of 
it, whence he might view the gladiatoral combats in the 
Forum.^ The Basilica Porcia must have closely adjoined 
the eastern side of the Curia Hostilia, since it was con- 
sumed in the same fire as the latter building, when the 
body of Clodius was burnt.^ After this period we hear no 
more of this Basilica. Behind it was the Forum Pisca- 
torium, or fish-market, the noisome smells of which are 
described by Plautus as driving into the Forum the sub- 
basilicani^ or frequenters of the Basilica.* 

* There is some difficulty about 
the date, as Plautus, who is com- 
monly supposed to have died in b. o. 
184, mentions the Basilica more 
than once. Might the Basilica have 
been erected in the SBdileship of Cato, 
B. c. 199 ? 

' M. Ampere (Hist. Bom. d Bomej 
t. iv. p. 270, note) questions whether 
in my article Romay p. 786, I have 
done right in distinguishing this 
^umn uom. the Columna Masnia on 

the Forum. The latter, perhaps, 
never existed ; but, if so, tne mis- 
take is Pliny's, who may have been 
misled by a similarity of name. 
Cicero {Pro Sest, 58) seems to refer 
to the column of the house. See 
above, p. 88. 

' Liv. xxxix. 44 ; Ascon. ad Cic, 
pro Mil, Arg. p. 34 (Orelli) j Schol. 
ad Horat. Sat. i. 3, 21. 

* C(^. iv. 2, 23. 

110 fflSTORY OF THE CITY OF ROME. [Sect. H. 

Cato also caused the pipes to be cut off by means of 
which private individuals, to the detriment of the public, 
diverted the water of the aqueducts ; also private build- 
ings to be demolished which encroached upon the public 
streets or places ; the fountains and ponds to be paved, 
and, where necessary, to be covered with stone; new 
drains to be constructed on the Aventine and other places 
where they did not yet exist.^ He had previously, when 
consul in B. c. 195 with Valerius Flaccus, also his col- 
league in the censorship, caused the Villa Publica and the 
Atrium libertatis to be repaired and enlarged ; * so that 
he and Flaccus may be regarded as two of the greatest 
benefactors of the city. 

The Basilica Porcia was soon followed by the Basiuca 
FuLViA, also called Emilia et Fulvicin from its having 
been founded in the censorship of M. JEmilius Lepidus 
and M. Fulvius Nobilior, B.C. 179. All its subsequent 
restorations and embellishments appear, however, to have 
been due to the gens ^Emilia. As this Basilica is described 
as situated behind the Argentarise Novse, which had re- 
placed the butchers' shops, it must have adjoined the 
Porcia, and consequently lain to the east of the church 
of S. Adriano.* We shall have occasion to mention its 
restorations further on. Fulvius Nobilior, after the con- 
quest of jEtolia, in b. c. 189, had already adorned Eome 
with a Temple op Hercules, as leader of the Muses 
(Hercules Musarum, or Mofja-ayirrj^). It stood in the Cam- 
pus Martins, a little south of the Circus Flaminius. He had 
abo brought to Rome from Ambracia, which had formerly 
been the residence of King Pyrrhus, a great patron of 
art, 230 marble statues and 285 of bronze, besides pic- 
tures.* Two or three years before, M. /Rmilius Lepidus, 
with his colleague in the aedileship, L. ^milius PauUus, 

* Liv. xxxix. 44. * Liv. xxxyiii. 9, xxzix. 6 ; Polyb. 

' Ibid, xxxiv. 44. xzii. 13. 

» Liv. xL 61; Varr. L.L, vL § 4 (Mull.). 


skx dl] basilica .y.MniA et fulaia. in 

had founded an Emporium, or place of landing and sale 
for sea-carried goods, on the banks of the Tiber, just out- 
side the Porta Trigemina, and imder the western side of 
the Aventine. At this spot they also erected a portico, 
and another leading firom the Porta Fontinalis to the altar 
of Mars in the Campus Martins.^ The district under the 
Aventine was also much improved by Lepidus and Nobi- 
lior in their censorship, by the construction of a harbour, 
as well as of a bridge over the Tiber, which obtained the 
name of Pons jEmiuus. They also founded a market 
and other porticoes.* The same censors caused the shields, 
ensigns, and other oflferings to be removed, with which 
the pediment and columns of the Capitoline temple had be- 
come encumbered.' The censorship of Q. Fulvius Flaccus 
and A. Postumius Albiuus, in B.C. 174, was likewise re- 
markable for many improvements ; and especially by the 
paving of the streets of the city with flint, and of the 
roads and footpaths outside the walls with gravel.* 

A third Basilica, the Sempronia, was erected by the 
censor T. Sempronius Gracchus, the father of the two 
demagogues, in B.C. 169. This building must have been 
on the south side of the Forum, since the house of Scipio 
Africanus, together with some butchers' shops behind the 
TabernsB Veteres, were purchased in order to obtain a 
site for it. Its situation is also marked as being near the 
statue of Vertumnus, which stood where the Vicus Tuscus 
ran into the Forum.^ From these particulars we may 
gather that it stood on or near the spot afterwards occu- 
pied by the Basilica Julia ; but its later history b un- 

The overthrow of Perseus at Pydna, B. c. 168, afforded 
his conqueror, -^milius PauUus, the grandest triumph 
hitherto beheld at Eome. That of L. Cornelius Sci- 
pio, sumamed Asiaticus, for the defeat of Antiochus at 

» Liv. XXXV. 10. » Ibid. xL 61. » iWrf. 

* Ibid. xU. 27. » Ibid. xUv. 16. 


Magnesia, B.C. 190, had indeed been one of no ordinary 
splendour, and had fiar exceeded that of his brother Afri- 
canus for his victory over Hannibal Between two and 
three hundred standards, 134 images of cities, 1,231 ele- 
phants' teeth, 234 golden crowns, a vast amount of gold 
and silver, coined and uncoined or in plate, 32 captive 
generals or governors, had been paraded before the eyes 
of the admiring Eomans by Asiaticus.^ But the pageant 
seems to have occupied only one day, while that of 
^milius Paullus lasted three. Starting in the Campus 
Martins, the long extended pomp passed through the 
Circus Maminius, and entered the city by the Porta 
Triumphalis, which, as we have said, appears to have been 
between the Porta Carmentalis and Porta Flumentana, 
in that portion of the wall which ran from the Capitoline 
Hill to the Tiber.* Hence it proceeded through the Circus 
Maximus, the valley which divides the Palatine from the 
Cttiliun, along the Sacra Via, and so over the Forum to 
the Capitol. Both the Circuses, the Forum, in which 
scuflTolds had been erected, and other open places, from 
wliich a view could be obtained, were filled by the people, 
ihvsscd in white; the temples stood open, adorned with 
fostoons and garlands, and reeking with perfumes and 
incense. The whole of the first day scarcely sufficed to 
(liHj)liiy the pictures and statues which had been taken, 
and wliich were cjirried in 250 chariots. The second day 
was occupied with parading Cretan, Thracian, and Mace- 
donian Hnns. These were followed by 3,000 men carry- 
inj? cuj)s and vases ; among the last, 750 contained each 
tlirco UiKmiLs in silver money. 

ICarly on the tliird day, amid the strains of martial 
numic, 120 fatted cows, adorned with ribands, were seen 
iidvaucing, eonthicted by youths with beautiful sashes. 

* LIv. XXX vii. M>. is referred to the article Boma, in 

• J<rtljw»rtinfr tho much -disputed Br, Sndth^a Did, of Greek and Bom. 
iiUuAtlaa of (lii« gi^tOf the render Qeogre^pkyf toL ii. pp. 761-754. 


Behind them came the children of the choir, bearing gold 
and silver paterae. Then followed men carrying 77 vases 
filled with gold coin to the value of three talents each ; 
also gold cups adorned with precious stones, and the 
golden plate of Perseus. This part of the procession was 
closed by the chariot of the Macedonian king, in which 
were his arms and diadem. Presently were seen the 
three children of Perseus, surrounded by their attendants, 
and with tearful eyes and uplifted hands imploring the 
pity of the spectators. Perseus himself followed, over- 
whelmed and dejected by the greatness of his misfortune. 
The Macedonian had not taken his conqueror's hint, that 
he might have escaped this degradation by an act of 
suicide. Before the triumphal chariot of -^milius Paullus 
were borne 400 golden crowns, presented by so many 
cities that had done him homage. The conqueror was 
clothed in purple, and bore in his hand a laurel-branch.^ 

Perseus, after his defeat at Pydna, had taken refuge in 
Samothrace, where he surrendered himself to the praetor 
Cn. Octavius. Octavius obtained in consequence a naval 
triumph the following year, B. c. 167. The wealth which 
he had amassed in Greece enabled him to build a mag- 
nificent house on the Palatine Hill, one of the first 
examples of elegant domestic architecture,^ and also to 
erect a handsome double portico, which fi:om him was 
called the Porticus Octavia, and, from the capitals of its 
columns being bronze, Porticus Corinthia. It lay to the 
west of the Circus Flaminius. Augustus rebuilt it, but 
dedicated it again under the name of its original founder.^ 

But in proportion as Eome advanced in magnificence 
and splendour, and its inhabitants in elegance and refine- 
ment of life, so also grew profligacy and corruption. 
Open and scandalous proofs of this occmred early in the 

^ Plutarch, Paul. jEm, 32 sqq. it afl Mn Circo 1); Plin. H, N. xxxir. 

» Cic. De Off; i. 39. ' 7 ; Festus, p. 178. 

' Veil. Pat. ii. 1 (who speaks of 



second century b. c. The introduction of the Greek Bac- 
chanaHa became a fertile source of vice of all kinds. The 
veil of religion served to conceal the most horrible de- 
baucheries ; promiscuous assembUes of men and women 
were stimulated by feasting, wine, and revelry, to lust and 
shamelessness ; the cries of innocent victims lured to these 
infernal orgies for purposes of abuse were drowned amid 
wild bacchanalian shouts and the noise of drums and 
cymbals. From the same dens of iniquity proceeded false 
accusers, perjured witnesses, forgers of wills and other 
documents, poisoners, murderers. In this great conspiracy 
of vice more than seven thousand men and women are 
said to have been impUcated. The matter being at length 
brought under the cognisance of the magistrates, the 
Bacchanalia were prohibited at Eome and tliroughout 
Italy by a senatusconsidtum, B. c. 186.^ 

About the same time we find Livy complaining of the 
introduction of luxuiy at Eome through the army of 
Asia. Then were fii*st seen bronze beds with sumptuous 
coverlets, sideboards, tables with one foot. Pantomimists, 
female musicians, and other diversions were introduced 
at banquets ; the feast itself was prepared with greater 
care and expense ; the cook, anciently the vilest and 
cli capes t of slaves, began to rise in value, and his function 
to assume the rank of an art. Yet, adds the historian, 
what was then seen was but the seed of future luxury.- 
Tliere were still, indeed, a few who, Uke old Cato the 
censor, adhered to tlie earlier Eoman plainness and sim- 
pHcity. Yet, although Cato procured a decree for the 
l)anishment of Greek philosophers and rhetoricians, hated 
all i)hysicians, more piirticularly because they were Greeks, 
an(l i)ersuaded the senate to dismiss as soon as possible 
the Athenian ambassadors Carneades, Diogenes, and Cri- 
tolaus, we nevertheless find this old-fashioned Eoman 

• Uv. xxxix. 8-18. • Ihid, 16. 


yielding at last to the spirit of the times, and devoting 
himself in his old age to the study of Greek literature. 

A. Caecilius MeteUus, after his triumph, in B. c. 146, for 
the defeat of Andriscus in Macedonia, an achievement 
which procured for him the name of Macedonicus, founded 
the PoRTicus Metelli, near the Circus Flaminius, on the 
eastern side of the Temple of Hercules Musarum. This 
portico was afterwards superseded by the Portions Octa- 
viaj, erected by Augustus. The Portions Metelli enclosed 
two temples of Jupitee Stator and Juno, the last of which 
at least appears to have been previously erected. One of 
them was of marble, the first instance of the sort at Rome. 
Before these temples MeteUus placed the celebrated group 
of twenty-five bronze statues which he had brought from 
Greece. They had been executed by Lysippus for Alex- 
ander the Great, and represented that conqueror himself, 
and twenty-four horsemen of his troop who had fallen at 
the Granicus.^ 

The district about the Circus Flaminius had become 
during this century the favourite place for the erection of 
public monuments. M. ^milius Lepidus had dedicated 
there, in B. c. 179, a Temple to Diana, and another to Juno 
Kegina.'^ a few years later was erected, near the same 
spot, a temple of Fortuna Equestris, pursuant to a vow 
of Q. Fulvius Flaccus in a battle against the Celtiberians, 
B. c. 176. The occasion of it was a successful charge of 
cavalry, which decided the fortune of the day in favour of 
the Romans. It was dedicated by Fulvius in his censor- 
ship, three years after the battle. He had determined to 
make it one of the most magnificent temples in the city; 
with which view he proceeded into Bruttium, and, having 
stripped off half the marble tiles from the Temple of Juno 
Lacinia, brought them by sea to Rome. But this sacrilege 
was denounced by the senate, and the plan of Fulvius 

* VeU. Pat. i. 11 ; Vitr. iii. 2. » Liv. xl. 52. 

I 2 


frustrated.^ The temple was extant in the time of Vitni- 
vius, near the theatre of Pompey ; ^ yet, strangely enough, 
seems to have vanished in the time of Tiberius, when no 
temple of Fortune, with the title of Equestris, could be 
found at Eome.^ In the same neighbourhood, a Temple 
OP Mars was afterwards erected by D. Junius Brutus, 
sumamed Callaicus or Gallaecus, for his victories over the 
Gallicians in B. c. 136. Its vestibule was adorned with 
inscriptions in verse by the poet Accius.* We also read of 
Temples of Neptune, of Castor and Pollux, perhaps also 
of Vulcan, in the same district ; but these were probably 
mere sacella} 

The same year which saw the triumph of MeteUus (b.c. 
146) also beheld the fall of Carthage, as well as the taking 
of Corinth by Mummius and final subjugation of Greece. 
These two important events appear not, however, to have 
occasioned the erection of any important monument; but 
many chefs d'oeuvre of Greek art were brought from Corinth 
to Home. The barbarous ignorance of Mummius is im- 
mortalised by the well-known story of his binding those 
who were to convey them to replace them in case of loss ! 
The gem of these spoils was a picture of Bacchus, by 
Aristides, which was placed in the Temple of Bacchus, 
Ceres, and Proserpine.^ Rome was now growing exceed- 
ingly rich in works of Greek art, which were used to adorn 
the more celebrated temples and porticoes. Even the Forum 
itself, besides statues of Roman origin, contained some 
which were connected only with Grecian history. Such 
were those of Alcibiades and Pythagoras, which stood 
near the Comitium. Before the Rostra were statues of the 
Three Sibyls, which, at a later period, obtained the name 
of Tria Fata. The balconies of the Tabemee, on the 

^ Liv. xl. 40, 44 ; xUi. 3, 10. viii. 14, 2. 

» De ArchU. iii. 3. » Vitruv. iv. 8, 4. 

» Tac. Ann. iii. 71. • Plin. JB. N. xxxv. 8, 1, and 36, 

* Cic. pro Arch, 10 j Val. Max. 6 ; Strabo, viii. 6, 23. 


south side of the Forum, were covered with a picture by 
Serapion. The Comitium was adorned with a fresco- 
painting, brought from Sparta, which had been preserved 
by detaching the bricks on which it had been traced.^ 
The Septa, or Ovile, was also decorated with works of art, 
and especially with two celebrated groups for which the 
keepers were responsible with their lives ; one representing 
Pan and young Olympus, the other Chiron and the youth- 
ful Achilles/^ 

About the middle of the century (b. c. 144) was con- 
structed the Aqua Marcia, so called from its builder, Q. 
Marcius Eex. It was one of the noblest of the Roman 
aqueducts, being lofty enough to supply the Capitoline 
HilL Its source was thirty-six miles from Rome, near the 
Via Valeria ; yet so circuitous was its route, that its whole 
length was about sixty-two miles, of which nearly seven 
were on arches. Its water was the purest and coldest 
brought to Rome. Augustus added another source to 
it, about a mile distant ; but this diict, called Aqua Au- 
gusta, was not accounted a separate aqueduct.^ Soon 
after was constructed the Aqua Tepula, in the censorship 
of Cn. Servilius Caepio and L. Cassius Ijonginus, B. c. 127. 
It began about ten miles from Rome, at a point two miles 
to the right of the Via Appia. 

The second century B. c. had witnessed the introduction 
at Rome of the triumphal arch, a sort of structure pecu- 
liar to the Romans. The idea of it may possibly have 
been suggested by the Porta Triumphalis, through whicli 
the fortunate general to whom a triumph had been ac- 
corded entered the city. But that gate was common to 
all victorious captains, and left no special memorial of any 
particular achievement, like the Fornix, or Arcus, Tri- 
umphalis. L. Stertinius first introduced a monument of 

> Plin. n, N, XXXV. 87, 2, and 49, » Front. 12; Tlin. II, N. xxxi. 24 ; 

4, &c. Strab. v. 3. 

* Ibid, xxxyi. 4. 


this kind in B. c. 196, in commemoration of his victories in 
Spain, by erecting three arches, two in the Formn Boarium, 
and one in the Circus Maximus. A few years after Scipio 
Africanus built another on the Clivus Capitohnus. All 
these arches appear to have been surmounted with gilt 
statues.^ The only other triumphal arch erected dur- 
ing the republican times was the Fornix Fabius, or 
Fabianus, built by Q, Fabius Allobrogicus, in B. c. 121, in 
honour of his victories over the AUobroges. This arch 
spanned the Via Sacra where it entered the Forum, and 
thus occupied one of the most conspicuous sites in Borne. 
It is alluded to more than once by Cicero, who mentions 
an anecdote of Memmius bowing his head whenever he 
passed through it.^ This he did, it is said, out of a conceit 
of his own greatness ; but, looking at the story from our 
own point of view in connection with the architecture of 
the city, we are perhaps entitled to infer from it that the 
arch was not remarkable for loftiness. In the imperial 
times these arches began to assume more magnificent 
dimensions, and were sometimes built for other purpose*^ 
than the commemoration of triumphs. 

We have seen that hitherto the dedication, or the de- 
struction, of many, indeed most, of the Boman monuments 
was the result of foreign wars : we have now reached a 
period when civil discord was to produce the same effects. 
Towards the latter part of the second century B. c. those 
intestine broils commenced which at length, by under- 
mining the aristocratic element of the BepubUc, paved 
the way for the despotism of the Empire. They were 
initiated by the Gracchi, the two celebrated tribunes in 
whose family democratic principles and a love of hberty 
nj^pear to have been hereditary. An ancestor had erected 
a Tkmplh: to Libertas on the Aventine, which his son, 
Tib. Sompronius Gracchus, the conqueror of Hanno at 

« Llv. xxxui. 27. xxxvii. 3. « De Orai. iL 66 j cf. Pro Plane. 7. 


Beneventum, b. c. 214, adorned witli a picture concerning 
that event.^* The murder of Tiberius Gracchus on the 
Capitol, B. c. 133, was the first blood shed at Rome in 
domestic strife. He was killed near the entrance of the 
Temple of Fides, where the senate was assembled ; an 
ancient structure, said to have been founded by Numa, 
whicli stood close to the temple of the Capitoline Jove.^ 
Twelve years later, the brother of Tiberius, the tribune 
Caius Sempronius Gracchus, incurred the same fate. The 
agrarian laws and other innovations of Caius Gracchus 
had drawn down upon him the hatred of the aristocratic 
party, at that time led by the consul, L. Opimius. Serious 
riots took place, and the accidental slaughter of one Antyl- 
hus, said to be an attendant of the consul's, by the par- 
tisans of Gracchus, led to further violence. On the third 
day of the riots, M. Fulvius Flaccus, Gracchus' principal 
adherent, having organised a body of armed men, took 
possession of the Aventine ; wliither also the tribune re- 
paired, but with a mind disposed for peace, with which 
view he despatched the youthful son of Flaccus as a sort 
of ambassador to the senate. But Opimius, who had 
resolved on more violent measures, caused the youth to be 
cast into prison, and he himself, at the head of an armed 
band, marched upon the Aventine. The rioters were soon 
dispersed ; Flaccus was slain as he fled ; Gracchus with- 
drew into the Temple of Luna, with the intention of com- 
mitting suicide ; but, being dissuaded from that piupose 
by his friends, sought to escape over the Tiber. 13y the 
devotion of his followers, who sacrificed their Uves for 
him, he passed in safety the wooden bridge leading to the 
Janiculum, and, accompanied only by a single slave, made 
his way to the Lucus FuRiNiE.^ Here, being unable to 

» Lit. xxiv. 10. have been naturalised at Rome ; and 

* Above, p. 37. Cf. App. B.C. i. 10. we mav infer from Varro (X. L. vi. 

» Cicero {Nat. Deor. iii. 18) calls § 19, Miill.) that Furina was some 

it the Grove of the Furies, but indigenous goddess. 

those Attic deities do not appear to 


procure a hone, he fell either by his own hand or 
that of his faithful attendant.^ About 3,000 persons are 
said to have fallen in this affray, and all the adherents of 
Gracchus that could be captured were strangled in 

Tranquillity having been restored by these violent mea- 
sures, Opimius, by command of the senate, dedicated a 
Temple to Concord (b. c. 121). This temple, like the 
Senaculum, appears to have occupied part of the elevated 
platform called the VulcanaL*^ During some excavations 
at this spot in 1817 were found some votive inscriptions, 
in three of which might be read the name of Concordia. 
Kemains of the temple may still be seen just above the Arch 
of Severus. It was probably only a reconstruction of a 
previous Temple of Concord, which appears to have been 
erected on the same spot by Cn. Flavins in B. c. 305.^ 
It has ])een sometimes taken for that dedicated by Furius 
Camillus in B.C. 367, which, however, seems to have 
been seated on the Arx.* The temple of Opimius must 
have been a building of some magnitude, since we find 
the senate assembling in it at the time of Catiline's con- 
spiracy.^ It appears to have contained many valuable 
works of art.^ 

In the same year, or a little after, the consul Opimius 
also ere(*ted the Basilica Opimia. This building seems 
almost to have adjoined the Temple of Concord, on its 
northern side, and lay to the west of the Curia Hostilia, 
oc(*upyinfjj i)retty nearly the site of the modern church of 
S. Gius(»ppe. It seems probable that it obtained in later 
times tlie name of Basilica Argentaria ; it is at least 
<*(TUiin that the Notitia mentions such a Basilica near 
this spot, of the origin of which we can give no account, 

« riut. in C. Oraci^h, 17 ; Veil. p. 166 (MulL) ; Appian, loc. dt, 

Vht ii. il : Appian, 7/. C i. 20 ; Aur. ^ On this question see the article 

Viot. Ik> Hr. ///. c. (W). JRoma, p. 766 sq. 

• Nihbv, M Foi-o ffowwuo, p. 130. » SalL B. Qa.AQ; Cic Cat, iii. 9. 

• Ix. 46; Vam>, Z, Z, v. • Plin. IT. JV. xxxiv. 19, xxxvi. 67. 


unless we assume it to have been the OpiiQiia under a new 
name. The street called Salita di Marforio, which nms 
close to it, bore, in the middle ages, the name of Clivus 
Argentarius, and the surrounding district that of Insula 
Argentaria.^ We have seen that the butchers' shops on 
the north side of the Forum had been converted long 
before this period into silversmiths' shops, called ' Argen- 
tariaB Novae.' These silversmiths were the bankers and 
pawnbrokers of Eome ; and the extension of Roman com- 
merce, resulting from the growth of the empire, required, 
no doubt, the additional space of the Basihca for traders 
of this description. All this part of the city became, 
in fact, the Eoman Change. The district, or rather street, 
in which the money-changers dwelt, was called ' Janus,' no 
doubt from the celebrated temple which stood here ; and 
the middle part of it, as we see from allusions in classical 
writers, was the focus of all monetary transactions — the 
Lombard Street of Rome. Thus Horace : 

Postquam onmis res mea Janum 
Ad medium fracta est.' 

The family of the Scipios, though connected by mar- 
riage with the gens Serapronia, to which the Gracchi 
belonged — for Cornelia, the daughter of Scipio Africanus, 
had married Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, and became, 
by him, the mother of the celebrated tribunes — was their 
chief opponent, and devoted itself to the support of the 

* Montfaucon, Diar, Ital, p. 293. 
The Ordo Romanus, belonging to 
the 12th century, quoted by Mabil- 
Ion, Museo ItcU. t. ii. p. 118, thus 
describes the pope's route : ' Prosiliens 
ante S. Marcum ascendit sub arcu 
manus camese per Cliyum Argenta- 
rium inter insuuim ejusdem nominis 
rthe former Basilica) et Capitolium, 
ciescendit ante privatam Mamertini ; 
intrat sub arcu triumphali inter 
templum Fatale et templum Con- 

« Sat. ii. 3, 18, et ibi Heindorf. 
Compare Cic. Off, ii. 25 : ' De quae- 
renda, de collocanda pecunia, veilem 
etiam de utenda, commodius a qui- 
busdam optimis yiris ad Janum 
medium sedentibus, auam ab ullis 
philosophis uUa in schola, disputatur.* 
Cf. Hor. Epp. i. 1, 64 : ' hsac Janus 
summus ab imo Perdocet/ Where 
the scholiast observes : 'Janus hie 
platea dicitur, ubi mercatores et 
foeneratores sortis causa conveniro 


ancient aristocvtic principles of the Eoman constitution. 
Scipio Nasica, sumamed Serapio, had led the senators in 
the attack upon Tiberius Gracchus, which resulted in the 
death of that tribune. The most distinguished member 
of the family at this penod was Scipio -^milianus, called 
also Africanus Minor, the conqueror of Carthage and 
Numantia. jEmilianus belonged to the family only by 
adoption. He was the son of L. jEmilius Paullus, the 
conqueror of Macedonia, and had been adopted by the 
elder son of the first Africanus. Although he had 
strengthened the connection between the Scipios and 
the Gracchi by his marriage with Sempronia, sister of 
the tribunes, he was nevertheless one of their most deter- 
mined opponents. He was absent in Spain during the 
riots in which Tiberius Gracchus fell ; but on his return 
to Eome he openly proclaimed his approbation of the 
deed. He afterwards led the aristocratic party in oppos- 
ing the measures of Caius Gracchus and Fulvius Flaccus ; 
and there is reason to believe that he was murdered in 
consequence by one of the members of their faction.^ 

Scipio jEmilianus is remarkable in the history of the 
city as the promoter of literature, the friend of Laelius 
and Polybius, and the patron of Terence. Scipio and 
Laelius were not only the best Greek scholars of the age, 
but were also among the first refiners of the Latin tongue, 
and are thought to have assisted Terence in the composi- 
tion of his comedies. Their friendship has been immor- 
talised by Cicero's dialogue entitled 'Lalius, sive de 
Amicitia.' To the liberality of Scipio Terence appears 
to have owed a small estate of twenty acres on the Appian 
Way, near the Temple of Mars ; ^ and we may perhaps in- 
fer from the situation of the family tomb, that the Scipios 
possessed a considerable property in this district. The 

> Val. Max. yi. 2, 3; Plut. Ttb, « ^Ad Martis villam/— Suet. Vit, 
Gr, 21, a Or, 10 j VeU. Pat ii. 4 j Ter. 6. 
Appian, ^.C i. 10 sq. 


drama had now been introduced about § quarter of a 
century at Eome ; but it was still a kind of exotic plant, 
nourished only in the hotbed of aristocratic patronage, 
and never destined to strike healthy and vigorous root in 
the Eoman soil. No regular theatre had yet been erected 
for the performance of plays, which were still exhibited 
on scaffolds, or temporary stages ; and we may infer from 
Terence's frequent appeals to his audience to preserve 
order, that his elegant pictures of life were but little 
suited to the coarse tastes of the Eomans.^ His six re- 
maining plays were exliibited in the years B. c. 166-160, 
four of them at the Megalesian games. At this time, 
however, had arisen a species of composition pecuharly 
Boman. Lucilius, the founder of the Roman Satire, was abo 
the friend of Scipio and La^lius. The severe and caustic 
wit of such productions was more congenial to Eoman 
taste than the elegant and elaborate comedy derived from 
the Grecian muse, and was destined to flourish and be 
brought to its full development by Horace, Juvenal, and 

As a straw suffices to show which way the tide sets, so 
a trifling anecdote will serve to illustrate the temper of 
the times of which we are speaking. It had hitherto 
been usual for speakers in the Rostra to tupi towards 
the Comitium and Curia, as if addressing the more aris- 
tocratic portion of their audience in those places ; but 
Caius Gracchus according to Plutarch,^ or C. Licinius 
Crassus according to other authorities,^ who was tribune 
of the plebs in B. c. 145, broke through this custom and 
addressed his discourse to the people in the Forum. 
We may further remark concerning C. Gracchus, that, 
in favour probably of the ItaUan populations, whose in- 
terests he advocated, he paid great attention to the im- 
provement of the highways, especially the Via Appia, 

* See Mr. Donne's excellent arti- of Or, and Horn, Biogr. vol. iii. 
cle Terentius, in Dr. Smith's Diet. « C. Gracch. 5. • Cic. Amic, 26. 



and that, according to Plutarch/ he was the first who 
erected milestones (jnilliaria) along the Koman roads. 
At all events they could not have been in use much be- 
fore this time, or Polybius^ would hardly have thought 
it worth while to notice that part of a road in Gaul was 
provided with them. 

From some anecdotes connected with the sedition of 
Gracchus, it would appear that the Palatine Hill had already 
become the fashionable quarter of Eome. C. Gracchus, on 
his return from Carthage, with a view probably to court 
the populace, gave up his house upon the Palatme, and 
went to reside in the Subura,® a low part of the city, both in 
situation and character, lying in the valley between the 
Esquiline and Quirinal, under the northern side of the 
present S. Pietro in Vincoli. Fulvius Flaccus, the coad- 
utor of Gracchus, a man of consular dignity, also lived 
upon the Palatine, and after his death his house was razed. 
Close to it was the house of M. Livius Drusus. During 
the building of it, the architect having proposed to con- 
struct it so that it could not be overlooked, Drusus 
exclaimed, ' Rather build it so that all my fellow-citizens 
may see what I am about.' This is one of the most his- 
torical houses at Eome, having subsequently passed into 
the hands. of Crassus, Cicero, Censorinus, and Statilius 

Towards the end of the century, C. Marius, who was 
to forward that democratic impulse of which Caesar at 
last availed himself to establish his power, was rapidly 
rising in fame and influence through his victories. The 
capture of Jugurtha was his first great triumph. The 
visits of the Numidian prince to Eome afford an unbiassed 
testimony to the corruption which prevailed there, and 
show the source of many of those fortunes which were 
now covering the city with palaces. His only instructions to 

» a Oracch. 7. » Plut. C, Gr. 12. 

« Lib. ui. 89. * VeR Pat. ii. 14. 


his son and the other ambassadors whom he despatched to 
Rome to plead his cause, were that they should scatter 
their gold indiscriminately ! ^ Jugurtha, however, perished 
by his own arts, and was treacherously sold to the Eomans 
by Bocchus, king of Mauritania. The negotiation was 
conducted by a young patrician, L. Cornelius Sulla, then 
quaestor to Marius ; and the merit which Sulla claimed 
for its successful conclusion, as well as for his other ser- 
vices during the war, laid the foundation for that deadly 
enmity between him and Marius which subsequently de- 
luged Eome with blood. Jugurtha was captured in B.C. 106, 
and sent captive to Eome. Here he remained a prisoner till 
January, b.c. 104, when after being led, with his two sons, 
before the triumphal car of Marius, amid the insults of 
the populace, he was cast naked into the TuUianum, and 
either strangled or starved to death. His only exclamation 
is said to have been, ' Hercules, Eomans, how cold a 
bath is yours I ' *^ The defeat of the Teutons at Aquae 
Sextiae (Aix in Provence) by Marius, in B.C. 102, and in the 
following year, in conjunction with his colleague Q. Luta- 
tius Catulus, that of the Cimbri in the Campi Eaudii, 
near Vercelli, in North Italy, obtained for him, besides a 
triumph, the erection on the Esquiline of a monument in 
his honour called the TROPiEA Marii, or trophies of Marius. 
The building, however, at the junction of the Via di Porta 
Maggiore and the Via di Sta. Bibiana, commonly pointed 
out as this monument, and called in the middle ages Tem- 
plum Marii, or Cimbrum, was no doubt only a castellum 
of the Aqua Julia ; and consequently the sculptured 
trophies taken from it and placed on the balustrade of the 
Piazza del Campidoglio by Pope Sixtus V., where they 
may still be seen, are equally spurious.® Marius, in imita- 

» ' Omiies mortales pecunia adgre- ' Val. Max. vi. 9, 14 ; Pogmo, De 

diantur.'— Sail. Jug, 28. Var. Fort, p. 8 ; Canina, Indica- 

' Liv. Ep, Ixvii. ; Plut. Mar, 12 \ zhne, p. 160 sq. 
App. Num. 2-4 j Eutrop. iv. 27. 


tion of Marcellus, also erected a Temple to Honos et Virtus 
on the Arx, or southern summit of the Capitoline, out of 
the spoils taken in the Teutonic and Cimbric war. He was 
compelled to build it low lest it should interfere with the 
prospect of the augurs ; but it must have been tolerably 
capacious, since it was here that the senate passed the 
decree for Cicero's recall.^ Catulus, who possessed a 
magnificent residence on the Palatine, erected on the site 
of that of Fulvius Flaccus, also commemorated his share 
in the Cimbric victory by building a portico and adorn- 
ing it with the spoils which he had taken. He also 
erected on the Palatine, or rather rededicated, a Temple 
to FoETUNA, with the title *hujusce diei;' the original 
was at least as old as the time of -^milius PauUus/"^ 

Kome was now fast filling with porticoes. A few years 
previously, B. c. 110, the consul Minucius Eufus had 
erected, in the district of the Circus Flaminius, two 
porticoes, called after him *MiNUCiiE.' They were fur- 
ther respectively distinguished by the names ' Vetus ' and 
* Frumentaeia ; ' the latter apparently being the place for 
distributing the tesseraj to those entitled to the public 
gifts of com.' 

The dissensions and riots occasioned by the ambition of 
Marius often filled the streets and public places of Eome 
with blood. Although he had availed himself of the aid 
of Saturninus and Glaucia, two of the most unprincipled 
demagogues that had yet appeared, in order to obtain his 
sixth consulate, he afterwards treacherously turned upon 
them, and, with a view to regain the good will of the 
senate, consented to their destruction, B. c. 100. Satur- 
ninus and Glaucia, with their adherents, took refuge in 
the Capitol. Marius, in- preference to assaulting that 

^ Vitr. iii. 2, 6 ; Propert. iv. 11, inwks that the title was good for 

46 ; Cic. iVo rianc, 32, Be Div, every day. De Leg. ii. 11. 
L 28. 3 VeU. Pat. ii. 8 ; Cic. PM, ii. 34. 

' Plin. xxxiv. 19, 5. Cicero re- 


stronghold, cut off the water with which it was supplied 
by the Aqua Marcia, and thus compelled the insurgents 
to surrender at discretion. One of the band had pro- 
posed to bum the Capitol, a plan that was fortunately 
rejected. After their surrender, Marius caused them to 
be shut up in the Curia, with the design apparently of 
saving their hves ; but the victorious patricians, having 
mounted to the top of the building, stripped off the tiles, 
and converted them into missiles with which they killed 
the prisoners.^ 

Ii/Larius temporarily retrieved his reputation by his ser- 
vices in the Social or Marsic war ; but in B. c. 88 his 
ambition plunged Eome into all the horrors of civil 
strife. Already exasperated by Bocchus having erected 
on the Capitol some gilded statues, representing Jugurtha 
surrendering himself to Sulla, his anger and indignation 
knew no bounds on finding that his hated rival had 
obtained the conduct of the war against Mithridates. By 
illegal and violent methods he contrived to get Sulla 
superseded and himself appointed to the command. But 
SuUa, who was at Nola at the head of six legions, deter- 
mined to assert his claim by force, and he marched to 
Eome with his troops, caring not that all his officers but 
one had deserted him, Eome, for the first time, saw 
herself beleaguered by one of her own citizens. Sulla 
entered without resistance at the Porta EsquiUna, bearing 
in his hand a torch, with which he fired some of the 
adjacent buildings. At the Forum Esquilinum, which 
appears to have lain not far from the present church of 
Sta. Maria Maggiore, he fell in with Marius and his ad- 
herents. Within sight of his own trophies, the victor of 
the Teutons and Cimbri found himself compelled to 
retreat before his former lieutenant. An attempt to make 
a stand in the Subura, near the Temple of Tellus, proved 

* Veil. Pat. ii. 12 (who, however, gents to the design of Marius) ; Liv. 
attributes the death of tiie insur- ^. Ixix. ; App. B. C, i. 32. 


unavailing ; and Marius, flying through the Forum to the 
Porta Trigemina, took the road to Ostia.^ 

The victory of Sulla and the aristocratic party was now 
complete. This time he used his success with comparative 
moderation. Considerable changes were indeed made in 
the constitution ; the tribunician power was greatly cur- 
tailed, and three hundred new senators were appointed ; 
but the list of the proscription, now for the first time in- 
stituted, contained only twelve names, including those of 
Marius and Sulpicius. Marius succeeded in escaping to 
Africa ; the bloody heads of most of the other proscribed 
persons were affixed to the tribune. But Eome continued 
to be rent by faction, and while Sulla was engaged in the 
Mithridatic war, Marius contrived to return. Octavius and 
Cinna, the consuls of B. c, 87, were of different parties ; 
Octavius espoused the patrician cause, Cinna the ple- 
beian; the adherents of either, armed with knives or 
daggers, met in the Forum to decide their quarrel by force. 
The use of the knife seems first to have become common 
at Rome during these civil dissensions, and has unhappUy 
descended to the modern Eomans. Octavius lived upon 
the Palatine, in a house afterwards replaced by that of 
Scaurus, of which Clodius ultimately became the pos- 
sessor. On hearing of the tumult, Octavius rushed with 
his adherents down the Sacra Via into the Forum. A 
dreadful slaughter now ensued: many of the new Itahan 
citizens, whom Cinna had caused to be presented with the 
franchise, were slain ; Cinna was driven out of the city, 
and deprived of his consulship, and L. Cornelius Merula ^ 
was appointed in his stead. Marius took advantage of 
these disturbances to return. He landed at Telamon, and 

> App. B. C, i. 58 eq. j Plut. bable, they gave name to the still 

SyUaj 9. existing Via in Merulana^ which 

' The family of Merula, belonging runs from Sta. Maria Maggiore to 

to the gens Cornelia, though not much the Lateran. See Ampere, Hkt, 

known in history, must have been a Bom, d Rome, t. iv. p. 365, note, 
substantial one, if, as it seems pro- 

Sbct. n.] RETURN OF MARIUS. 129 

joined Cinna at the head of 6,000 men whom he had col- 
lected. The Samnites also declared in his favour. Eome 
was now menaced by three armies. Cinna, in conjunction 
with Carbo, sat down before the Janiculum, into which he 
was clandestinely admitted by the commandant ; but he 
was immediately driven out again by the consuls. Ser- 
torius was at the head of another army, higher up on the 
same bank of the Tiber; while Marius with his forces 
captured Ostia, and distressed Eome by seizing the corn- 
ships, and the magazines in various towns. Ultimately 
Marius, Cinna, Carbo, and Sertorius formed a junction on 
the Via Appia, about twelve miles from the Porta Capena; 
while Octavius, Crassus, and Metellus, the leaders of the 
conservative party, retired to the Alban Mount. Cinna 
having advanced his camp close to the Porta Capena, the 
senate despatched envoys to negotiate with him. Cinna 
received them in his curule chair, as if still in possession 
of the consulate ; at his side stood Marius, whose silence 
expressed his indignation more eloquently than words. 
When the envoys invited him to enter the city, he only 
condescended to reply that it was illegal for an exile to do 
so. The tribes were immediately summoned to abrogate 
the decree for his banishment. But Marius waited not for 
the completion of an act which, under the circumstances, 
was but an idle ceremony. Surrounded by his body-guard, 
he entered the gates. The slaves and desperadoes who 
composed it, the fit and willing instruments of his ven- 
geance, slew all whom he did not salute. The most con- 
siderable men of Sulla's party fell in this manner, or 
avoided such a fate only by suicide. Octavius, who had 
returned to Eome, met a more honourable death, and one 
more befitting his high office. He had retired to the Jani- 
culum with a few patrician friends and faithful soldiers ; 
where, seated on his cunile chair, and surrounded with all 
the emblems of his dignity, like the senators and patricians 
at the capture of Eome by the Gauls, he patiently awaited 


130 mSTOllY OF THE CITY OF ROMK [Sect. H. 

Ills assassins. He was slain by one Censorinus, despatxjhed 
for that purpose ; his head was cut off and suspended to the 
Eostra. Among many other distinguished men sacrificed 
by Marius to his vengeance was M. Antonius, the famous 
orator. Q. Catuhis, the partaker of Marius' triumph over the 
Cimbri, who besought his hfe on his knees, was compelled 
to commit suicide. But the perpetrator of these horrors 
was soon to feel liimself the stroke of fate. He had caused 
himself to be named consul for the seventh time, with 
Cinna as his colleague, for the year b. c. 86 ; but he had 
not enjoyed his dignity more than eighteen days, when 
"he expired, after a sliort illness, of a- pleurisy, in the 
seventy-first year of his age.^ 

During the next tliree or four years Sulla continued to 
be engaged in Greece and Asia, and the Marian faction 
was predominant at Eome. Order reigned in the capital, 
or rather all opposition was for a while suppressed; but it 
was the silence of terror, to be broken at the first oppor- 
tunity. The anxiety occasioned by numerous poitents 
betrayed the inquietude of the public mind. But the 
only person who appears to have suffere<l at this period 
was Sulla. While he was gaining victories for the re- 
public, his house was demolished, his villas burnt, his 
wife compelled to fly with her children. Sulla, however, 
let his adversaries have their way till he had brought the 
war with Mithridates to a successfid conclusion, B. c. 84 ; 
and at the beginning of the following year he returned to 
Italy. He had previously written to the senate, recoimt- 
ing his services, upbniiding them for their ingratitude, 
iuid threatening a speedy vengoiince. When he landed 
at Bnmdusiuni, he had only between 30,000 and 40,000 
men ; but they were veteran troops, inured to service and 
flushed with victory. The Marian party had five times 
that number, and might reckon on the support of the 

* For this period in general, see Stflla; Veil. Pat ii. 11-23 j Liv. 
AppiaOi B, C. 1. ; Plut in Marius and I^, lxyi.-lzxx. 

Swrr. H] burning OF THE CAPITOLINE TEMPLE. 131 

discontented Italians. But they had lost their leader, 
Cinna; they had no general of any eminence; their 
troops were scattered in various places, and a great part 
of them was ready to desert to the standards of a com- 
mander like Sulla. Cn. Pompeius, in particular, who now 
makes his first appearance in history at the early age of 
twenty-two, privately raised three legions in Picenmn, 
where he had large estates, to support the cause of Sulla, 
Several other distinguished and influential men also offered 
their services. 


It was in the year B. c. 83, while parties remamed in 
this state, and nothing decisive had yet been done, that 
the Capitoline temple was destroyed by fire. Its destruc- 
tion, according to Tacitus, was the act of an incendiary ;^ 
but whether it was done by the Marian faction or that 
of Sulla, or what was the motive of the perpetrator, is 
unknown. It had now existed in its original state four 
centuries and a quarter. 

The consuls for the year B. c. 82 were Papirius Carbo 
and C. Marius, son of the conqueror of the Cimbri, but 
liimself a mere ' nominis umbra.' On marching against 
Sulla he is said to have carried off from various temples, 
and especially from the ruins of that of Jupiter Optimus 
Maximus, 13,000 pounds weight of gold.^ Defeated with 
his alUes, the Samnites, on the plain of Pimpinara, he 
shut himself up in Praeneste, and Sulla, leaving one of his 
officers to blockade him there, marched straight upon 
Eome. If the younger Marius possessed not the talents 
of his father, he at least equalled him in cruelty. He 
employed the interval before Sulla could reach Eome to 
despatch orders for the murder of Sulla's principal ad- 
herents. It was on this occasion that the learned and 
virtuous Pontifex Maximus, Q. Mucins Scasvola, was mur- 
dered. Four years before, upon the death of the elder 

" ' Privata fraude.'— JWrf. iii. 72. 

* Plin. H, N, xxxiii. 5 j Val. Max. vi. G, 4. 




Marins, Scaevola had already been insulted by the mock 
ceremony of an immolation to the manes of that butcher. 
The ancient usage of a human sacrifice at funerals had 
now been superseded by those gladiatorial combats in 
which the victims fell by one another's hands ; but Fimbria, 
the brutal tribune, re\dved at least the image of the primi- 
tive custom by inflicting on the Pontifex a wound, so that 
his blood should bedew the fimeral pile of Marius. Now, 
by one of those ferocious jokes which find their parallel 
only amidst the butcheries of the French revolution, 
SciJDvola was, in gladiatorial terms, accused of having re- 
ceived the blow on the former ocaision in a cowardly man- 
ner (' quod parcius corpore telum recepisset ')} The Pon- 
tifex took refuge at the eternal fires which burnt on tlie 
altar of Vesta, but the solemnity of that holy place failed 
to inspire his assassins with awe, and the blood of the 
murdered priest besprinkled the statue of tlie goddess/*^ 
Like the leaders of the Eeign of Terror in France, most of 
these butchers suffered themselves violent and horrible 
deaths. The younger Marius perished soon after by suicide, 
while attempting to escape through a common sewer fi-om 

Meanwhile Rome had narrowly escaped destruction. 
Pontius Telesinus and L. Lamponius Gutta, at the head of 
the Samnites and Lucanians, after an abortive attempt to 
relieve Pncneste, had marched upon the capital with the 
avowed pui-pose of razing it to the ground, and had en- 
camped on the spot occupied by the Gauls after the battle 

' Vnl. Max. ix. 11, 2; cf. Cic. 
/Vo Roacio Am. 12. 

* Cic. J)e Orat. iii. 3; Lucan, ii. 
120; Horiw, iii. 21, 21. Velleius 
Vatorculus (ii. 20), however, says that 
Scn^vola was killed, along with other 
victims, in the Curia llostilia. The 
sprinkled statue, however, must be a 
rlietorical exaggeration of Cicero's; 
fur, according to Ovid, Vesta had no 

statue : 

£me din stnltus Vestte rimnlAcra putavi, 
Mox didici cunro nnlla sabease tholo. 

Igniti inextinctus totnplo oclotur in iUo ; 
Efflgiem nullain Vesta ncc ignis habcnt. 

Fast. vL W5. 

Ovid here, like Horace, calls the 
building a temple, though it was 
none in the proper sense oi the word, 
but only an <vde« sacra* 

Sect, n.] RETURN OF SULLA. 133 

of the Allia. Fortunately Sulla arrived just in time to 
avert such a catastrophe. Before his arrival, Claudius, at 
the head of a band of young patricians, had made a 
desperate and forlorn assault upon an army of 50,000 
Italians, which, of course, only resulted in their own de- 
struction. Eome was filled with dismay, expecting every 
moment the entrance of the victorious bands. But to- 
wards midday Sulla's van, consisting of a body of cavalry, 
was descried, and soon after Sulla himself arrived with 
the bulk of his army. He ranged his troops before the 
Porta Collina, in the hollow between the Quirinal and 
Pincian, near the present Villa Ludovisi, and though the 
day was far advanced he resolved to charge the enemy 
immediately. A Temple of Venus Erycina, which stood 
just outside the CoUine Gate, may have inspired him with 
confidence. He was an assiduous devotee of that goddess, 
and he is said to have seen her the night before in a 
dream, fighting for him in the first ranks. But on this oc- 
casion Mars at least was unpropitious, and in spite of the 
exertions and personal valour of Sulla, he was defeated. 
His troops fled in disorder towards the Porta Collina, 
bearing down and trampling on a great many citizens who 
had come out to see tlie battle ; and the enemy were only 
prevented from entering the gate with the fugitives by the 
letting down of a sort of portcullis, which crushed a 
number of men. On the other hand, Crassus, with the 
right wing of the army, was victorious ; and he succeeded 
in driving back the confederates to AntemnaB, near the 
confluence of the Tiber and the Anio. Sulla joined Crassus 
here on the following morning, when Antemnae was taken, 
and the confederates, who had sufiered great loss, were 
in full retreat A body of three thousand of them laid 
down their arms on condition of pardon. But when Sulla 
entered Eome he caused them to be shut up, with about 
the same mmiber of prisoners, in the Villa Publica. On 
the third day after the battle he convoked the senate in the 

134 fflSTORY OF THE CITY OF ROME. [Sect. H. 

Temple of Bellona, which stood near that building. He 
had ordered his troops to cut down all the prisoners ; and 
while he was addressing the senate, the hearts of the Con- 
script Fathers were chilled with terror at the shrieks and 
dying groans of 6,000 men. Sulla, after rebuking their 
emotion, calmly continued his discourse : ' Trouble not 
yourselves,' he exclaimed, 'with what is passing with- 
out ; it is only some rascals that I have ordered to be 
punished 1 ' 

A fitting prelude to the horrors that were to follow. 
Li cold, calculating cruelty, Sulla must be allowed the 
pre-eminence among the men of that period. He drew 
up his list of proscriptions with much method, subject- 
ing it to several revisions ; it is said to have contained 
between 4,000 and 5,000 names,^ and was posted up in 
the Forum like the edicts of the praetors. We may fancy 
with what interest the names were perused. The inqui- 
sitive reader might, perchance, light upon his own I The 
conjuncture seems to have been used, like the Eeign of 
Terror in France, to get rid of private enemies or those 
whose death was desirable. It seemed a general license 
to slay.- The heads of the victims were hung in grim 
array around the tribune ; among them was that of 
Marius, the youthfiil air of which excited the jocularity 
of Sulla. But the space sufficed not. The superabun- 
dant heads were displayed around the Lacus Servihus, 
a fountain on the other side of the Forum, just opposite 
to fhe tribune, and at the top of the Vicus Jugarius, a 
street now pretty nearly represented by the Via della 
Consolazione. Cicero, in his speech for Eoscius, makes a 
jocose allusion to the subject, comparing the Servilian lake 
to that of Trasimene.^ Sulla, calmly seated at the tribunal 

* Val. Max. ix. 2, 1. num lacum sed ad Servilium vidi- 

' 'Quisquis voluit; occidit' — Flo- mus/ — Pro Jiosc. Am, S2, Cf. Senec. 

ru8, iii. 21, 25. Prav. 3 j Festus, p. 290 (MiiU.). 
' ' Multos oociBos non ad Trasime- 


of the praetor, in front of the Temple of Castor and Pollur, 
amid these bloody trophies of his victory, employed him- 
self in selling the confiscated estates of the proscribed, and 
in bestowing on his infamous tools the revenues of whole 
towns and provinces. 

Sulla caused himself to be appointed dictator before 
the close of the year b. c. 82, an office which had been in 
abeyance considerably more than a century. It was evi- 
dent that the times were approaching when the sword was 
to give Bome a master. SuUa, however, was not prepared 
to seize the supreme power in perpetuity. He suffered the 
Kepublic to exist, and consuls to be elected in the usual 
manner, and after enjoying the dictatorship three years, 
he retired into private life. The time was soon to come 
when Cassar, with less cruelty, was also to display less 
moderation. It may be, however, that a failure of health 
and energy was among the causes of Sulla's retirement, 
for he expired the following year at his villa at Puteoli, 
after suffering some time from a disgusting disease, the 
morbus pediculosus. He employed the period of his dic- 
tatorship in making many alterations in the constitution 
in favour of his own views and party ; but these enter not 
into the scope of the present work. What he did in the 
city is more to our purpose. He celebrated a splendid 
triumph in B. c. 81 for his victory over Mithridates, and 
caused a gilt equestrian statue ot himself to be erected 
before the Eostra, with the inscription, *Comelio Sullas 
Imperatori Fehci.* The name of * Felix ' he affected, as 
believing himself the favourite of the gods, and especially 
of Venus ; and if the epithet be interpreted ' fortunate ' 
rather than ' happy,' it may not be inappropriate. As 
enjoying the protection of Venus, he also called himself 
Epaphroditus. Sulla was extremely desirous of leaving a 
splendid and lasting monument of himself by rebuilding 
the Capitoline temple, for the adornment of which he 
caused to be transported to Eome the columns of the 


temple of the Olympian Zeus at Athens.^ He did not, 
however, live to rededicate it. Its restoration appears to 
have been still going on, under the superintendence of 
Q. Lutatius Catulus, in the year B. c. 62, when Caesar be- 
came pnetor, and endeavoured to supplant Catulus in that 
office by a vote of the people '^ Sulla's vexation at the 
slowness of the work was tlie proximate cause of his 
death. A tax had been imposed on the ItaUan cities for 
tlie restoration of the temple. Granius, decurio of Puteoli, 
being in daily expectiition of Sulla's decease, kept back 
the contribution of that place ; but the ex-dictator sent 
for him, and ciuised him to be strangled in his presence. 
This paroxysm of anger, however, proved fatal to himself 
He bui-st a blood-vessel by the immoderate exertion of his 
voice, and vomited up his last breath, says the historian, 
mixed with threats and blood.^ Sulla also erected two 
temples or monuments to Hercules. One of these, how- 
ever, the Hercules Victor, or Hercules Sulla>x'S, of the 
Notitia^ which stood on the Esquiline, near the scene of 
his \ictory over Marius, was perhaps only a statue. The 
other, which was a temple dedicated to Hercules Custos, 
was erected in the district of the Circus Flaminius, near 
the Villa Tublica, where he had massacred the lotions.** 
As the former monument commemorated a victoiy, so 
perhaps the latter was emblematical of the bloody means 
which he adopted to secure his ascendency. He also ap- 
pears to have restored and improved the Curia Hostilia.^ 
He was honoured, after some debate, with a public 
funeral. The body was conveyed to Kome in a gilded 
litter bearing the emblems of royalty, and escorted by a 
body of cavalry ; his veterans hastened from all parts to 
swell the funeral cortege ; in front were borne the axes 
and other ensigns of dictatorial dignity, as if he had never 

» Plin. Hid. NtiL xxxvi. 5. * Ovid. Fad, \\. 200. 

'-» Suet. CVji. lo. * Dion C.^a'^s. xl. 50; Plin. //. N, 

=» \i\X, Max. ix. .% 8; cf. Pint. xxxiv. 12. 
SuJ]. .37. 

Sect. H.] FUNERAL OF SULLA. 1.37 

deposed it. The corpse was burnt on a pyre in the Field 
of Mars, whither the patrician ladies had brought an 
enormous mass of incense and perfumes ; and the ashes 
are supposed to have been deposited in a magnificent 
tomb which occupied the site of one of the churches in 
the present Piazza del Popolo. 

Pompey, suniamed the Great, and Caesar, who, though 
he did not affect that appellation, was a much greater 
man, succeeded respectively to the principles of the Sullan 
and Marian factions, if, indeed, the term * principle ' may 
be applied to what became more and more every day 
only a selfish struggle for power. Cato, Cicero, and a few 
others, endeavoured to arrest the downfall of their coun- 
try, and to maintain the ancient Roman constitution ; but 
the best abilities and the most virtuous intentions were 
powerless in that stirring crisis, unless backed by daring 
energy and undaunted resolution. Both Pompey and 
Caesar had family connections with the leaders whom they 
succeeded. Pompey had married the step-daughter of 
Sulla, and Caesar was the nephew of Marius. Pompey had 
served under the standards of his father-in-law, and on the 
return of Marius to Eome, his house u[K)n the Palatine had 
been pillaged. It was probably owing to this circumstanc/* 
that he transferred his residence to the Cabix-E, abo a 
brilUant quarter of Eome, though not so arfctocratic as the 
Palatine. Virgil characterised the district, in hi? tirnfr. 
with the epithet of ' laute.'^ It was a family bou.rf: which 
Pompey iiAabited here, situated near the Temple of Tf:l- 
lus, in the neighbourhood of the present S. Pietro :r. 
Vincoli. It appears to have beon of modest pretenrir/r.*. 
but elegant. After his victory over the pirates, he nfV/rc.fn, 
its exterior with beaks of captured vesseU, ar/l ;.;*•: / 
painted within with trees, in resemblan% of a i\:'^r 
Vanity was Pompey's ruling pa^-sion. Afu;r hi* k-^xj-M 

^i . 

* Paflsimque armenU ^id^ W/i 
Romanoque foro et lautls mugiK C«ri;-> >^> '^ 


campaign in Africa, B.C. 81, Sulla, flien dictator, allowed 
him tlie honour of a triumph. It was celebrated with 
much magnificence ; but Pompey was compelled to forego 
the pleasure of exhibiting to the Eomans the novel 
spectacle of a triumphal car drawn by elephants, as 
the Porta Triumphalis was not wide enough to admit 
the entrance of such miwieldy animals. He consoled 
himself by exliibiting to the Eomans the first elephant 

Other men prominently connected with the history of 
the city at this period are Licinius Crassus and Licinius 
LucuUus. Crassus is best known for his enormous wealth, 
which perhaps was partly inherited, though he is supposed 
to have acquired a great deal in the Sullan proscriptions. 
But though avarice was his master passion, he was no 
mean soldier. His most striking military achievement was 
the defeat of Spartacus, the leader of the revolted slaves, 
in B. c. 71. Spartiicus lost his hfe in the engagement Such 
a victory, however important, being gained over persons 
of so vile a condition, Crassus could not claim for it the 
honours of a regular triumph, but was obliged to content 
himself with an ovation. The ovation derived its name 
from the victim with which it was celebrated, a sheep, 
instead of the bull sacrificed in triumphs. The victor 
wore a myrtle crown instead of the laurel ; he entered the 
city on foot, accompanied only with a crowd of flute- 
players, knights, and plebeians, and frequently without the 
soldiers who had shared his victory. But in the following 
year Crassus becjame the colleague of Pompey in the con- 
sulship. Crassus, as we have already intimated, dwelt 
upon the Palatine, in the house which had belonged to 
the tribune Drusus. He is said to have purchased the 
houses of many of the victims of the proscription. During 
this period, domestic architecture was daily making vast 
strides at Home. M. -^milius Lepidus, who was consul 
in B. c. 78, had erected one of the most splendid mansions 


hitherto seen in the city ; ^ but before the establishment of 
the Empire it had been eclipsed by scores of more magni- 
ficent houses. That of Crassus was called from its beauty 
the ' Venus of the Palatine.' Its atrium was adorned with 
columns of the marble of Mount Hymettus. Yet it was 
surpassed by the neighbouring house of Catulus ; and at a 
later period that of AquiUius, on the Viminal, was consi- 
dered the most magnificent in Eome. Between the time 
of Sulla and the establishment of the Empire, house-rent, 
and consequently the value of houses, appear to have 
risen rapidly. The whole rent of the house inhabited by 
SuUa, of which he occupied only a part, was about 45/.^ 
Towards the close of the second century B. c, the augur 
iEmilius Lepidus was cited before the censors for giving 
6,000 sesterces, or about 53/., a year for his house, a 
rent quite below the dignity of a senator a hundred years 
after.^ In the time of Cicero, 88/. was a moderate rent, 
and 264/. an extravagant one.* 

LucuUus is most known for his wealth and luxury ; yet 
he took no mean share in the military operations of his 
time, and for his victories over Mithridates and Tigranes, 
and settlement of Asia, obtained at length, after much op- 
position, the tardy honour of a triumph (b.c. 63). It forms 
no part of our plan to describe the magnificent villas 
which he possessed in various parts of Italy. One of these, 
beneath Tusculum, within sight of Eome, occupied the 
site of the modem Frascati, and is said to have resembled 
a small town. His most striking possession at Eome was 
his gardens on the Pincian Hill. The modern traveller 
who from the grounds of the Villa Medici surveys the 
noble prospect of the city and surrounding country, walks 
perhaps only in a part, but no doubt the best part, of the 
gardens of LucuUus. Their situation is fixed by the arches 
of Agrippa's aqueduct, the Aqua Virgo, which ran close 

» Plin. IL K xxxvL 8 and 24. » VoU. Pat ii. 10. 

« Plut 8ua.l. ^ Pro Cal, 7. 


under them.^ Here also he had a celebrated gallery of 
pictures and statues, which contained some of the ckefs 
d'oeuvre of antiquity. In the Velabrum, on the route of 
the triumphal processions, he built a Temple to Fobtune, 
or Felicity, in front of which the axle of Caesar's car 
broke down on the occasion of one of his triumphs.*^ He 
also erected on the Capitol a colossus of Apollo, 30 cubits, 
or 45 feet, high, brought from ApoUonia in Pontus ; a 
fitting companion to the colossal Jove of Carvilius already 
mentioned. The luxury of those times may be imagined 
from the circumstance that a single supper given by 
Lucullus, in a hall called that of Apollo, cost 50,000 
denarii, or between 1,700/. and 1,800/. In spite, how- 
ever, of his luxury, Lucullus was not a mere sensualist. 
He was fond of literature, and the friend and patron of 
many talented and learned Greeks, among whom may be 
particularly named the poet Archias.^ Lucullus appears 
to have bestowed much attention upon horticulture, and 
first introduced the cherry tree from Asia into Europe.* 

Among other remarkable gardens at Eome at this 
period must also be mentioned those of ServiUus and 
Sallust. The gardens of Servilius, which lay on a de- 
clivity of the Aventine, were adorned with Greek statues. 
They were the frequent resort of Cato, who was the 
brother, and of Caesar, who was the lover, of Sen^lia.^ 
Sallust, the historian, formed his gardens, which lay, as 
we have before indicated, between the Pincian and Quiri- 
nal hills, with the proceeds of his extortions in Numidia. 
The fact of tlieir ultimately becoming imperial property 
seems a testimony to their beauty. Nero is the first em- 
peror whom we know to have been in . possession of 
them ; and subsequently we read of Vespasian, Nerva, and 

* Front. Aq. 22. The MSS. read * Plut. LuaiL 30 sqq. ; Cic. De 

LuciUttnis) but the emendation Lu- Leg. iii. 13, l)c Off. i.39; Veil. Pat. 

cullianis seems certain. ii. 3ii ; PUn. //. N, viii. 78^ xiv. 17, 

^ Dion Cassiua, Ixiii. 21. xv. 25. 

» Cic. Pro Archia, 3 sqq. » Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 4. 


Aurelian residing there. ^ They contained a house or villa 
which stood near the site of the subsequent Porta Salaria. 
They are also said to have embraced a circus and baths. 
The former may have been the place where the Ludi 
ApoUinares were performed when their celebration in 
the Usual place, the Circus Maximus, was prevented by 
an inundation of the Tiber.^ The Anonymus of Einsie- 
deln records the existence of some Thermae SxLLUSTiANiE 
near the present church of Sta. Susanna. All these objects 
gave the property much importance, and we are not sur- 
prised to find that the neighbourhood bore the name 
of Salustricum, or Salltistium^ down almost to modern 

L. -^Smilius PauUus, who, in spite of his surname, was in 
reahty a Lepidus, and brother of the triumvir,"* must also be 
mentioned here as an improver of the city. In his aidile- 
ship in B. c. 53, he certainly rebuilt the Basilica -Emilia 
and Fulvia, out of the money, it is said, which he received 
from Caesar as a bribe, and it was afterwards called from 
him Basilica Paulll He is also said to have erected an 
entirely new Basilica, which likewise bore the name of 
BasiUca Paulli ; but we cannot even offer a conjecture as 
to its situation, as we find only one Basilica Paulli men- 
tioned by ancient writers.^ 

During the few years which intervened between the 
dictatorship of Sulla and the establishment of the Empire, 
the period of expiring Uberty, Eome was frequently the 
theatre of scenes which might call to mind a city taken 
by assault. In the dissolution of all law and order, fac- 
tion and violence ruled uncontrolled. One of the most 
jirominent figures in these times is Cicero. A native 
of Arpinum, and consequently a feUow-countryman of 

* Tac Ann, xiii. 47 ; Dion Caas. iv. c. 10. 

Ixvi. 10 J Vopisc. Aitrel 49. * Veil. Pat. ii. 67 ; cf. Drumaniiy 

* Liv. XXX. 38. Gesch. Itom$y \\ i. S. 5. 

* And. Fulviua, De Urbe Ant. * C' Alt. iv. 16; Plut. Casar, 
p. 135 ; L. Fauno, Ant. di Rom, lib. 20 ; Appian, B. C ii. 26. 


Marius, Cicero was sent at an early age to be educated at 
Eome, where the family possessed a house in the Carinas. 
The exchange of the boyish toga praetexta for the toga 
pura or virihs, a ceremony usually performed at the age 
of fourteen, was in his case deferred two years longer. At 
Eome it was a sort of public act, and identified the 
youthful citizen with the state. During the Liberalia in 
March, the lad was conducted by his father, or nearest 
relative, to the tribunal of the praetor in the Forum, and 
there, in presence as it were of the Eoman people, as- 
sumed the robe which denoted his fitness for the active 
duties of life. Having received the congratulations of his 
friends, he was led by the Via Sacra to the Capitol ; and, 
after solenmising the entrance on liis new condition by a 
sacrifice, returned home to spend the remainder of the 
day in festivity. 

Some years were still to be passed in study under the 
tutorship of the augur, Q. Mucins Scaevola, before Cicero, 
at the age of twenty-five, again appeared before the same 
tribunal in the character of an advocate. The praetor's judg- 
ment-seat stood on the south-eastern side of the Forum, 
near the Arcus Fabianus. Originally it was on the Comi- 
tium, at the western end of the Forum, but it was moved 
by the tribune L. Scribonius Libo about the middle of the 
second century B.C. Near it was the Pdteal, a conse- 
crated place resembling a well, where, it was said, the 
whetstone of Attius Navius, the augur, had been buried. 
From its reparation and rededication by Libo, it obtained 
the name of Puteal Libonis, or Puteal Scribonianum, and 
became the subject of frequent allusion by Eoman authors. 
The praetor urbanus, however, appears to have con- 
tinued to sit on the Comitium. There was also on the 
Forum another tribunal called Aurelium, apparently from 
its having been erected by M. Aurelius Cotta, consul in 
B.C. 74. It was before these benches that Cicero, Hor- 
tensius, and other advocates dehvered their forensic 

Sbct.IL] the forensic TRIBUNALS. 143 

pleadings. These tribunals were made of wood, and were 
capable of being removed when the whole area of the 
Forum was required for gladiatorial exhibitions or other 

Having mentioned Hortensius, we shall here devote a 
line or two to a man who was second only to CScero in 
eloquence, and who, in the early part at least of their 
lives, was his chief opponent. Hortensius was a man of 
softer character and less principle than Cicero. He was 
too often the complaisant apologist of aristocratic pecula- 
tion ; nor did he always scruple to avail himself of the 
license of those times to enrich himself by fraudulent ac- 
quisitions. He it was who defended the infamous Verres 
against the accusations of Cicero. His eloquence was of 
the florid and Asiatic kind, his action elaborate and re- 
dundant. Yet it must have possessed much character 
and grace, or jEsopus and Eoscius, the celebrated actors 
of those days, would hardly, reversing the common prac- 
tice, have frequented the Forum when Hortensius spoke 
to take lessons from him in their own art : an anecdote 
which conveys a striking idea of the ancient forensic 
pleadings. Hortensius lived upon the Palatine in a house 
afterwards occupied by Augustus, but which neverthe- 
less was of modest pretensions. On the other hand, he 
possessed many sumptuous villas in various parts of Italy, 
besides a Suburbanum near the Porta Flumentana. His 
luxurious, not to say effeminate, habits may be guessed 
from his style of dress, from his applying wine instead of 
water to his fruit-trees, and from his tame fish, for the 
death of one of which, a favourite muraena, he is said to 
have shed tears.^ On the whole, we may conclude tliat 
the profession of an advocate was far from being one of 
the worst at Eome in those times. 

> Cicero, Pro Sestio, 8, 15 ; iVo « Val. Max. ix. 4, 1 ; Varr. R H. 

auentiOfU; In Pis. 6; Hor. Sai, ii. iii. 81, 17; Plin. H, JV. ix. 56; 

6, 35, et ibi Schol. Cruq. ; Ascon. Macr. Sat, ii. 9 ; Suet Auff, 72 ; 

ad Cic. MiL Arg. p. 84. Cic. Brut, 88 sqq. 


Some of Cicero's earlier pleadings display considerable 
courage. His defence of Eoscius of Ameria against the 
accusations of a powerful freedman of Sulla's, and the 
bantering allusion already mentioned to the heads at the 
Servihan fountain, were made while Sulla was still alive. 
The accusation of Verres was a gauntlet thrown down to 
the aristocratic party. But Cicero's consulate, with the 
prosecution of Catiline, is the marking period of his life. 
Catiline, with his haggard visage, his uncertain step, now 
slow, now fast, the wildness of his whole appearance, is 
the beau ideal of a ruined, conspiring noble of those days. 
His house, situated on the further side of the Palatine, 
towards the Circus,^ was well fitted, by its comparative 
retirement, for the assembly of such a crew of profligates, 
parricides, and convicted criminals as were to aid him in 
seizing the supreme power ; but even here he addressed 
them not till he had withdrawn them into the most secret 
part of the building/^ The example of Sulla was enticing, 
but misleading ; for it was evident that none but a man 
who enjoyed the affections of the soldiery could be the 
future master of Eome. Prodigies had announced the 
approach of troublous times. The Capitol had been 
struck with liglitning ; the brazen tablets of the laws had 
been melted by the stroke, the figure of the wolf, the 
nurse of Eomulus, overthrown.^ By the counsel of Etrus- 
can soothsayers, the statue of the Capitoline Jove, which 
had previously looked towards the west, was now turned 
towards the east, in the direction of the Forum and Curia,* 
by way of propitiation. 

Cicero pronounced his first oration against Catiline in 

' Its atrium wa* subsequently in- legs, which some ascribe to this 

eluded in the palace of Augustus. catastrophe. 

Suet M Gramm. 17 ; cf. Ampdre, * Cic. Cat. iii. 8. A proof that 

Hist, Horn, d Home, t. iv. p. 438 the Capitoline temple must have 

sq. been on the northern summit ; since, 

' Sail. Cat. 20. if the statue had been on the south- 

» The bronze wolf in the Capito- em height, it would not have looked 

line Museum has holes in its hind to the Forum, but the Palatine. 


the Temple of Jupiter Stator, near the Porta Mugionis : a 
place which appears to have been chosen for the greater 
security, as it was removed from the tumults of the 
Forum, and was near the houses of some of the principal 
senators on the Palatine. The second Catilinarian was 
delivered in the Temple of Concord, after which Cicero 
descended into the Forum, and made his third oration 
from the Eostra to the people. The fourth CatiUnarian 
was also spoken in the Temple of Concord, where the 
senate, assembled to pronounce upon the doom of the 
conspirators, sentenced them to death (Dec. 5, B. c. 63). 
Lentulus, the principal of them since the escape of Cati- 
line into Etruria, had already been deposed from the 
prsetorship, and committed to the custody of his relative, 
the aedile P. Lentulus Spinther, who lived upon the Pala- 
tine. Thither Cicero proceeded at the head of a guard, 
and, having taken Lentulus into custody, conducted him 
along the Via Sacra and over the Forum to the Tullianum. 
The other condemned persons, Cethegus, Gte-binius, Stati- 
lius, and Cseparius, were also brought to the same dun- 
geon ; and when all five had been strangled, Cicero, 
followed by the greater part of the senate, descended to 
the Forum by the steps called Scalse Gemonise, and an- 
nounced to the people the execution of the criminals by 
the single word Vixerunt^ — 'They have ceased to live.'^ 

The most remarkable act of Cicero's consulship and 
life had terminated with a success and brilliancy which 
he himself was never tired of celebrating ; but it had 
awakened the anger of the Marian and revolutionary 
party, at the head of which was C. Julius Caesar. It is a 
singular feature of those times that a novus homo like 
Cicero should have to defend the old Eoman constitution 
against the descendants of some of the most ancient and 
illustrious patrician families of Eome. The gens JuUa, to 

* SaU. Cat, 60 aqq. j Cic In Cat. iii. and iv., Pro Flacco, 40, &c. j 
Plut. Cic, 10 aqq. 



which Caesar belonged, was one of the few that could 
boast a pure Latin descent, and was said to trace its 
origin to lulus, the son of jEneas. The Sergia gens, of 
which Catiline's family were members, also claimed a 
companion of jEneas for their ancestor. In like manner 
Clodius, another supporter of the revolutionary movement, 
belonged to the ancient race of the Claudii ; ^ and counted 
among his ancestors the notorious decemvir, and Appius 
Claudius Csecus. These, however, were only seeking their 
own advantage in the ruin of their country ; Caesar, in- 
deed, with a more lofty aim, and by nobler and better 
directed means ; yet even he has been suspected of par- 
ticipating in Catiline's plot, and it is a;t least certain that 
he did his best to screen that conspirator from justice. 

An intrigue of Clodius with Caesar's wife, Pompeia, 
which, in the year after the detection of Catiline's con- 
spiracy (b. c. 62), became a subject of public scandal, ap- 
pears not to have dissolved at least the poKtical friendship 
of Clodius and Caesar. By the appointment which he 
had just obtained as Pontifex Maximus, Caesar, a professed 
atheist, and reputed to be the husband of all the wives of 
Rome, had become the head of the state religion, and 
the inmate of the sanctuary of the Vestal virgins. For, 
by virtue of his office, the Regia, which as we have seen 
adjoined the Temple of Vesta, and had formerly been the 
residence of Numa, now became the abode of Caesar. 
He had removed thither from the Subura, a quarter which 
he seems to have inhabited for the sake of courting popu- 

It happened that Caesar's wife had to celebrate the 
festival of the Bona Dea, from which men were strictly 
excluded; even a male mouse, says Juvenal, dared not 
show himself. To a libertine like Clodius it lent an addi- 
tional zest to an adulterous intrigue, to prosecute it in the 

* The name is spelt indifferently Claudius and Clodius. 


face of such a prohibition, and that too with the wife and 
in the very house of the chief priest ! To gain admit- 
tance he adopted the disguise of a female player on the 
lute. Although detected, he contrived, partly by violence, 
partly by bribery, to escape the punishment of his crime. 
At the head of his satellites he frightened the senators 
and overawed the Forum ; he even burnt the Temple op 
THE CAMENiE ou the Cselian Hill, where the registers of 
the census were preserved, in order to annihilate every 
trace of his falsehoods and his debts, ^ The part which 
Cicero had taken in this affair entailed upon him ever 
after the enmity of Clodius. They were close neighbours 
on the Palatine, The house of Clodius stood at the 
north-western angle of the hill, and thus commanded a 
view of the Forum and Capitol. It had previously been 
the property of Cn. Octavius, then of Scaiurus, who is 
said to have given for it the enormous sum of 14,800,000 
sesterces, or about 130,000/. ; from which its magnificence 
may be imagined. Its superb situation, perhaps the best 
in Eome, no doubt added to its value. Clodius had 
adorned it with numberless spoils of Greek paintings and 
statues.^ We have already mentioned that the house of 
Cicero had formerly belonged to the tribune M. Livius 
Drusus. It stood close to that of Clodius, a Uttle lower 
down on the declivity of the hill ; a circumstance from 
which we may explain the proposal before mentioned of 
the architect to build it so that it should not be overlooked,, 
as well as Cicero's threat to increase its height, so as to 
shut out Clodius from a view of the city.^ Its atrium 
was adorned with columns of Greek marble 38 feet high,* 
which must have given it a very magnificent appearance. 
After Drusus' death, it became the property of Crassus, 

* Cic Pro Mil. 27. ego te despiciam, sed ne tu aspicias 

^ Plin. H, JV. xzxri. 24, s. 2 ; Cic. urbem earn, quam delere voluisti.* — 

Pro dom, ad Pont, 43; Ascon. ad DeHamsp, Mes. 15. 

Cic. Mil. Arg. * Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 2. 
^ *ToUam aldus tectum, non at 

L 2 

Wp IflrfTOKT OF Tire CTTT OF BTjME: ISict. IL 

of fK#Htica, and diridf:^! hL* time berwrfren the pursuit of 
w^Alth arid tJie fclegant pleaffures of literature and art. 
TJie jTTfrater part of his life was ?pent in Greece, and 
f;fipc:r;ially at Athens ; whence he added to his famihr 
narne of Pornfjoniu* the surname of Atticus. His bouse 
at lifpuif: wa.« ^A t^io Quirinal. near the temples of Saius 
and Ciuirinu?!,* the former of which lay close to the Porta 
Halutarifi, and the latter near the church of S. Andrea 
del Xoviziatr>. Hence Atticus probably dwelt near the 
Quattro Fontam:. The building, as we are told by his 
friend 0^nieliu.s Nepr>4, was an old family house on which 
AtticoLM bestowed no more pains than just to keep it in 
prop€:r reyiair ; elegantly, but not sumptuously, furnished ; 
but r!ontaining the choicest family of slaves, whether for 
literary or domestic purports, of any residence in the city : 
HO that cver}'thing was made at home. Its chief orna- 
ment was a wo<^k1 or park (silva).* This quiet, money- 
making, and living man married his daughter to Agrippa, 
and thus l>er2imo the grandfather of a Boman empress, 
Vif)Hania Agrippina, the consort of Tiberius. He was 
buried in the tr>mb of his uncle C9ecilius,at the fiflh mile- 
stone in the Ap[)iun Way, and therefore not a great way 
lieyond the striking monument of Cajcilia Metella.' 

IJut U) rotuni. The better to carry out his factious 
purjM)s<»s, Clodius, with the aid of Cajsar, got himself 
ado|>t<;d into a plelxjian family, in order that he might 
Ixjcomcr a tribune ; which offic^j he obtained in B. c. 59. 
Ann(jd with this formidable power, Clodius, to gratify his 
own V(;ng<»ance as well as to please Ca;sar, soon made 
llonu; too hot for Cicero, who, to avoid worse conse- 
(|uenc(»H, went into voluntary exile ; and Clodius soon 
iiCUt |M'o<'iirr(| his banishment to be decreed by law. 
(Jirrro, iM'forr iiis departure, had proceeded to the Capi- 
tol, and iUi'lv. (Icdicalcd a statue of Minerva; a signifi- 

• Cir. (id AU. xii. 4C; De Leg, » Vita AH, 13. 
1. 1. » Ibid, 22. 

Sect. K] VIOLENCE OF CL0DIU8. 161 

cant hint that as the Eoman councils were now about to be 
deprived of his own wisdom, they stood the more in need 
of the goddess of that quality. When he was gone his 
fine house upon the Palatine was pillaged, burnt^ and 
razed by Clodius' myrmidons, and his wife Terentia com- 
pelled to take refuge among the neighbouring Vestals, 
whose superior was fortunately her sister. Cicero's villas 
at Tusculum and FormiaB experienced the same fate. 

Having got rid of Cicero, Clodius next turned his arms 
against Pompey, who had assisted him to procure Cicero's 
banishment, and relegated Cato from Eome, by obtaining 
for him from the people a mission to the isle of Cyprus. 
Clodius seemed now to be sole master of Rome. He 
hired a troop of bandits to besiege Pompey in his own 
house in the Carinae, and threatened to level it as he had 
that of Cicero ; so that Pompey was forced to shut himself 
up in his gardens, and surround himself with a numerous 
guard. He endeavoured to carry off Tigranes, king of 
Armenia, who was detained in Pompey's Alban villa, and 
he employed one of his own slaves to assassinate Pompey 
in the midst of the senate. He seized the Temple of 
Castor, destroyed the steps leading up to it, and, having 
filled it with arms, made it the stronghold of revolt. At 
the AureUan tribunal, which stood just in front of it on 
the Forum, he openly enrolled in his service the most 
abandoned wretches, thus converting the very seat of jus- 
tice into a lair of robbers and assassins. He even ven- 
tured to attack the consul Gabinius, and break his fasces. 
But these acts of violence produced a reaction, and Pom- 
pey, who had helped to banish Cicero, now became soU- 
citous for his recall The attempt to do so produced 
further riots, in which many persons lost their lives. 
Cicero's brother Quintus narrowly escaped in a nocturnal 
fray in the Forum. To oppose force by force, bands led 
by Sestius and Milo were organised against those of Clo- 
dius. The senate, having met in Marius' Temple of Honos 


et Virtus, called upon the cities of Italy to receive Cicero, 
and invited the inhabitants of the municipal towns to 
Eome, by way of counterbalancing the city mob. Thus 
Rome, like Paris during the first revolution, though mis- 
tress of the nation, was herself torn by domestic faction. 
At length, after a hesitation which betrayed how utterly 
lost were all order and authority, the senate ventured to 
meet in the Curia Hostilia and pronounce Cicero's recall. 
The secret was that Cajsar, who was now in Gaul, had 
intimated his approbation of such a step. Clodius had 
served as a tool, and was thrown aside. The people, 
voting in their Comitia Centuriata in the Campus Martins, 
as the highest court of justice, in August, B.C. 57, reversed 
the decree for Cicero's banishment. In confident antici- 
pation of this result, he was already on his way to Italy, 
and landed at Brundusium the day after the decision of the 
Comitia (August 5th). He journeyed leisurely towards 
Eome, which he did not reach till September, enjoying no 
doubt the respectful homage paid to him in all the towns 
and villages on the road. The senate, followed by an 
immense crowd of people, came out beyond the Porta 
Capena to meet and welcome him. A gilt chariot, drawn 
by horses magnificently caparisoned, was here in waiting 
for him ; and as he thus, amid the acclamations of the 
spectators, proceeded along the Sacra Via, and over the 
Forum to the Capitol, to render thanks to the immortal 
gods for his return, he seemed to enjoy a triumph — the 
triumph of peace — equal to that of many a victorious 
general. Then, having withdrawn the Minerva which he 
had set up on the day of his exile, he returned, as he tells 
us, home : that is, probably, to the family house in the 
Carina*, as Lis own on the Palatine had been destroyed. 

Not only destroyed, but also, so far as it lay in Clodius' 
power, its site appropriated, and its very memory obli- 
terated. The factious tribune had caused a shrine and 
statue of Liberty to be erected where it had stood, but 



which was nothing else than the image of a Greek cour- 
tesan carried off from a tomb.^ Clodius had also destroyed 
the neighbouring portico of Catulus, the erection of which 
out of the Cimbric spoik we have before recorded. In 
fact, he appears to have been desirous of appropriating all 
this side of the Palatine. He wanted to buy the house of 
the fiedile Seius. Seius having declared that, so long as 
he Uved, Clodius should not have it, Clodius caused him to 
be poisoned, and then bought his house under a feigned 
name I He was thus enabled to erect a portico 300 feet 
in length, in place of that of Catulus. The latter, how- 
ever, was afterwards restored at the public expensa 

Cicero obtained pubhc grants for the restoration of his 
house, and of his Tusculan and Formian villas, but very 
far from enough to cover the losses he had suffered. The 
aristocratic part of the senate appears to have envied and 
grudged the noryus homo to whose abihties they looked for 
protection.^ He was advised not to rebuild his house on 
the Palatine, but to sell the ground. It was not in Cicero's 
temper to take such a course ; but he was hampered ever 
after with debts. Clodius, who had been defeated but not 
beaten, stiU continued his persecutions. He organised a gang 
of street-boys, to call out under Cicero's windows, * Bread I 
bread ! ' His bands interrupted the dramatic performances 
on the Palatine, at the Megalesian games, by rushing upon 
the stage. On another occasion, Clodius, at the head of his 
myrmidons, besieged the senate in the Temple of Concord.^ 
He attacked Cicero in the streets to the danger of his life ; 
and when he had begun to rebuild his house, drove away 
the masons, overthrew what part had been re-erected of 
Catulus' portico, and cast burning torches into the house 
of Quintus Cicero, which he had hired next to his bro- 
ther's on the Palatine, and consumed a great part of it. 
Clodius seemed to control the senate ; the cries of the 

> Cic Pro dovi. ad Pont 42. « Ad AU, iv. 2. 

' Cic De Har, Begp. 11 ; Pro dotnoy 5, 7. 


artisans whom he had hired, when they occupied the 
Grajcostasis and the steps of the Curia, sujQSced to disperse 
the senators.^ At length, however, this violent man was 
to fall by violence. We shall here anticipate his end. 
Milo, a rival bully, who espoused the patrician cause, was 
always surrounded with a troop of gladiators. In the 
year B. c, 53, both were candidates for public office ; Milo 
for the consulate, Clodius for the prsetorship. We may 
imagine the scenes of violence that occurred between 
two such ruffians. Cicero, in a letter to Atticus, describes 
how he saw a band of tatterdemahons with a lantern 
assembled at Clodius' door during the night ; meanwhile 
Milo with his gladiators occupied the Campus Martins, 
and effectually hindered the Comitia being held tliere on 
the following day.* A httle before, Clodius had besieged 
Milo in his house on the Germalus, or that part of the 
Palatine which overhangs the Velabrum ; and Milo, to save 
his Ufe, had been compelled to fly to the house of P. Sulla.^ 
In January, B. c. 52, Milo and Clodius with their trains 
accidentally met near Bovilla, on the Appian Way, when a 
quarrel ensued among their retainers, in which Clodius 
was killed. Sex. Tedius, a senator, who found his body 
lying in the road, had it conveyed to his house upon the 
Palatine Hill ; where Fulvia, the wife of Clodius, excited 
the sympathy of the people by her lamentations, and by 
pointing out to them her husband's wounds. So great 
was the crowd that gathered roimd, that a senator was 
crushed to death. At length two tribunes caused the 
body to be carried to the Forum, where it was exposed, 
naked and disfigured with dirt and blood, before the Eos- 
tra. The tribunes then moimted the Eostra, and harangued 
the multitude, till, their passions having been inflamed, 
Clodius' brother persuaded them to take the body into 

» Cic ad Quint Fr. ii. 1. « Ad AU, iv. 3. » Ibid, 



the Curia, and th^are bum it, as a mark of contempt and 
insult towards the senate. A sort of funeral pile was 
hastily formed of the tribunals on the Fonun, benches, 
tables, writings, wid other combustible materials, which 
were then set on fire. The flames sufficed not to consume 
the corpse ; but, as no doubt was the intention of the 
perpetrators, they caught the Curia and reduced it to 
ashes.' The Basihca Forcia and other neighbouring 
buildings shared the same fate. Such was the end of the 
ancient senate-house, which had lasted from the time of 
Tullus Ho8tihu3. Night had now closed in, and the par- 
tisans of Clodius celebrated the funeral feast by the light 
of the conflagration. During several days Borne was 
abandoned to Are and sword. Order was at length re- 
stored by the arrival of Pompey at Bome. He was named 
sole consul, and caused some laws to be enacted far the 
repression of these disorders, for which purpose also he 
was empowered to levy troops. The senate, having as- 
sembled in the Campus Maitius, authorised the sepulture 
of Clodiua, and decreed that the Curia Hostilia, which had 
been restored by Sulla, should be rebuilt by his son 
Faustus, and, in honour of that family, diould be called 
CuEiA CoBMEUA. But these last resolutions were not de- 
stined to be executed. Fompey, who had caused Milo to 
be brought to trial, was obliged to preserve order in the 
Forum during its progress with a band of soldiers. The 
shops were closed, and Home wore an air of riot and con- 
sternation. It was nnder such circumstances that Cicero 
rose to defend Milo^ amid the hootings and threats of 
aodius' adfaerenta. Cicero of counie spcAe at the tri 
bunalbefore the Temple of Castor; Pom^was^^ 
somed»Unce,near the Temple of Satam, at the unnjl^ 
o theFc^m; -d, as iL Ampere ob::;., a S;' 



of their respective situations explains the passage in which 
Cicero, addressing Pompey, exclaims : * I appeal to you, 
and I raise my voice that you may hear me.' ^ 

It was not only a natural, but a necessary, consequence, 
that scenes hke those we have just described should ter- 
minate at last in a military despotism. The first use of 
political society is the preservation of order and the safety 
of life and property. Where these are violated with im- 
punity year after year by brutal demagogues and a lawless 
mob, the security afibrded by a tyranny may be found even 
a pleasant reUef The despotism of one man is, at all 
events, less extensively felt than that of many thousands, 
and the cruelty and injustice of an irresponsible mob is a 
hundredfold more terrible than the capricioiis brutality of 
an individual. The Eoman and the French revolutions 
teach the same lesson, and show that there can be no true 
liberty where there is no order and no respect for the laws. 
In France there was but one man capable of seizing the 
advantage offered by an unbridled democracy. In Eome 
there were two aspirants of equal pretensions, though not 
of equal abihty ; and thus the choice of a master had to 
be decided by a civil war. Pompey and Caesar courted 
the favour of the people in the coming struggle by the 
benefits which they conferred upon it, not the least among 
which were the pubUc works which they executed at 
Home. To these, as our proper subject, we shall confine 

In B. c. 61, Pompey celebrated his third triumph with 
extraordinary splendour. Names of many eastern coun- 
tries and kingdoms, of innumerable cities and castles, were 
exhibited on bronze tablets ; barbaric pearl and gold now 
figured in the long-drawn procession in place of the mas- 
terpieces of Grecian art ; captured kings, or their families, 
or the hostages they had delivered, testified the extent 

* 'Te enim jam appNellOyetea voce 26. Cf. Hist, Bom. d Home, t iv. 
ut me exaudire poeais.' — JVo Mil, p. 684. 

Sbct. IL] triumph of POMPEY. 167 

and completeness of his conquests. He himself appeared 
in a car resplendent with jewels, and wearing a purple 
chlamys which had belonged to Alexander the Great. 
A dress which might readily suggest the extent of his 
aspirations ! 

Pompey now rested from his mihtary labours, and 
sought only to enjoy and turn to the best account the 
glory which he had earned. After his triumph he erected 
a Temple to Minerva, in which a pompous inscription 
recorded his achievements.^ This temple has given name 
to the church of Sta. Maria sopra Minerva, near the Pan- 
theon, built, as its title indicates, over the ancient temple. 
The beautiful statue of Minerva, now in the Vatican, called 
the Minerva Giustiniani, was found in the adjoining Domi- 
nican convent. Pompey also erected a Temple to Her- 
cules Victor in the Forum Boarium.'^ Might these two 
temples have been designed to typify the union of wisdom 
and force, as the source of his victories ? The erection of 
a stone theatre (b. c. 55), the first of the kind at Eome, was 
a splendid gift to the people, and might go far to counter- 
balance the popularity which Csesar was now acquiring by 
his victories in Gaul. Hitherto Eome had seen nothing 
but wooden theatres, mostly of a temporary kind ; some 
of which, however, especially that of M. Scaurus, in B. c. 
59, had been constructed with great magnificence. It 
could accommodate 80,000 persons, and had between 
its numerous pillars 3,000 bronze statues.' One of these 
wooden theatres had been overthrown in a great storm and 
inundation, which also carried away the Pons SubUcius, and 
destroyed many houses and vessels, in B. c. 60. The falling 
in of the theatre caused the death of a great many spec- 
tators.* A prejudice still existed at Eome against the 
erection of a stone theatre, which, however, Pompey 

* The inscription is recorded by * Plin. H, N. xxxvi. 24, 7. 

Pliny, H. N. vu. 27. * Dion Cass, xxxvii 68. 

« Vitr. iii. 3 ; Calend. Amit 


eluded by an artifice. He erected at the top of it a temple 
to Venus Victrix ; and thus the benches seemed to serve 
as steps by which it might be reached. The theatre was 
in the Campus Martins, close to the modem Campo di 
Fiori, and remains of it may still be discerned in the 
Palazzo Pio and the adjoining cellars and stables.^ The 
curvature of the walls is still indicated by that of the 
streets near the Palazzo Pio. The Kttle church of Sta. 
Maria in Grotta Pinta was so called from its having been 
constructed in one of the vaults which supported the 
benches, in which were mural paintings. Here also was 
an inscription to Venus Victrix. The adjoining Piazza dei 
Satiri owes its name to the discovery of two satyrs, now 
in the court of the Capitoline Museum, wliich are supposed 
to have adorned the scena^ or stage. The theatre was so 
arranged as to serve for the exhibition of gladiators and 
wild beasts as well as dramatic entertainments. It was 
capable of holding 40,000 persons.'"^ It appears not to 
have been completed till Pompey's third consulate, in B. c. 
52, to judge from the anecdote of his hesitation whether he 
should call himself consul tertio or tertium. Tliis knotty 
grammatical point was referred to Cicero, who evaded tlic 
difficulty by suggesting that only the letters tert should bo 
inscribed.^ Pompey celebrated the opening of his theatre 
with some magnificent combats of wild beasts, in which 
five hundred lions and twenty elephants are said to have 
been killed. But altogether the fortunate soldier seems 
to have displayed in these entertainments more magni- 
ficence than taste. Cicero, who loved not such shows, 
but who attended out of complaisance towards Pompey, 
severely criticises them, and ridicules the introduction of 
six hundred mules in the Clytcemnestra^ the three thousand 
cups in the Trojan ITorse^ and the manoeuvres of the in- 

> Canina, EtL miL di R, t iii. Ann. xiv. 20 j TertidL De Sitecf. 

^ Tiro, np. A. Cioll. Kod. Aft, x. 1> 

p. 7 sqq., iv. pi. cliii-clviii. 10. 

« l»lin. U, N. xxxvi. IM, 7 ; Tac. 


faatry and cavalry.^ Pompey seems to have forestalled 
Horace's subject of complaint many years after : 

Quatuor aut plures aulsBa premuntar in horss, 
Bum fugiunt equitum turmse peditumque catervas* 
Mox trahitur manibus regum fortuna retortis ; 
Esseda festinant^ pilenta, petorrita^ naves. 

Si foret in tenia, rideret Democritua. 
Scriptores autem narrare putaret asello 
Fabellam surdo.* 

Pompey, however, wished not to please connoisseurs, but 
the Eoman populace, and knew its tastes. 

About the same time he built a new and more sumptu- 
ous house for himself, surrounded with gardens, near his 
theatre. That in the Carinre, which he had inhabited up 
to the time of his triumph, was a comparatively modest 
one for that period, and the voluptuous Antony had won- 
dered where he could have supped in it.^ He also erected 
a portico behind the scena of his theatre, the proper place 
for one, according to Vitruvius, which served as a shelter 
to the spectators in bad weather. It became one of the 
most fashionable lounges in Eome.^ Near it was another 
portico, called, from its hundred columns, Hecatostylon ; 
though some writers have considered this to be only an- 
other name for the Porticus Pompeii. Both indeed appear 
to have contained groves of plane-trees, and to have been 
consumed in the same conflagration ; but Martial speaks of 
them as distinct places, and the same thing may be inferred 
from a fragment of the CapitoUne plan.^ Pompey adorned 
his portico with the images, in chains, of fourteen nations 
he had conquered, and it was hence also called Porticus 
Natioxum or ad Nationes. It contained a Curia, or senate- 
house, the Curia Pompeii, also sometimes used for the per- 
formance of plays. 

* AdFam, viL 1. * Mart. ii. 14; cf. Canina, Indie. 

' Epp. ii. 1, 180 sqq. p. 373. See abo Vitruv. v. ; Prop. 

5 Pliit. Pomp. 44. li. 32, 11. 
^ CatulL liil G j Ov. Ars Am, i. 07. 


Caesar was not behindhand with his rival in captivating 
the people by adding to the magnificence of Eome. Be- 
fore Pompey's return from the east, however, when their 
rivahy had not yet been so decidedly declared, Caesar, at 
the commencement of his praetorship, in B. c. 62, with no 
view of obliging Pompey, but to gain the multitude by 
appearing to favour him, proposed that the reconstruction 
of the Capitoline temple, to which, as we have said, some 
little still remained to be done, should be completed by 
Pompey ; so that his name alone should be inscribed in 
the dedication, to the exclusion of that of Catulus as well 
as of Sulla. Caesar even accused Catulus of malversation in 
his functions. Such a charge could not apply to the labour 
bestowed on the building, which, as under Tarquinius 
Superbus, when it was made a ground of complaint 
against that monarch, had been compulsory and gratuitous. 
Catulus had roofed the temple with gilt tiles, and the ac- 
cusation must have regarded this and similar expenses. 
But the patrician party made a great stir in favour of 
Catulus, and carried the day. Sixteen or seventeen years 
after, when Caesar had become all-powerful, the senate 
decreed that the name of Catulus should be erased from 
the temple, and that of Caesar substituted.^ When, there- 
fore, Tacitus tells us ^ that the name of Catulus remained 
till the time of Vitellius, he seems either to have over- 
looked this fact, or to have been misled by the name of 
Catulus appearing upon the Tabularium. The original 
Tabularium, a sort of record office, appears to have been 
burnt in the same fire which destroyed the temple. Ca- 
tulus rebuilt it under the eastern side of the Area Capi- 
tolina, and considerable remains of it may still be seen 
under the Palazzo del Senatore. The inscription recording 
its rebuilding by Catulus was extant in the time of Poggio, 

» Dion Cass, xxxyii. 44, xliii. 14; ' 72. The passage is a 

Cic In Verr, Act. iL lib. iv. c. 31 j good example of his brevity. 
Suet Gp«. 15. 

Sect. H.] THE TABULARIUM. 161 

and even of Naxdini ; so that the structure must have 
lasted till the latest period of the Empire.^ The Tabu; 
larium seems not to have been so called before the time 
of Catulus ; previously it was named ^rarium^^ and it 
may possibly have communicated with the-^Erarium behind 
the Temple of Saturn. It consisted of a sort of portico 
of two stages or stories, as could be seen in the time of 
Poggio. At present only part of the lower arcade remains, 
one of the few monuments of the repubhcan times. 

The most magnificent of Caesar's architectural plans 
was the enlargement of the Forum, or rather the addition 
of a new one in connection with it. The plan of it 
seems to have been conceived about the year B. c. 54, as 
we see from a letter of Cicero's to Atticus,^ It was to 
extend from the Basilica PauUi to the Atrium Libertatis, 
a hall where slaves received their manumission, which 
stood on the ascent of that tongue of land connecting the 
Capitoline and Quirinal hills.* The money necessary to 
execute this project by buying out the ground required 
for it, together with the houses, Cicero states at 60,000,000 
sesterces, or about 500,000/. As usual in such cases, how- 
ever, this estimate appears to have been much under 
the mark, and before the work was completed it cost 
almost double that sum.^ The present Via Alessandrina 
marks the boundary of the Forum Juhum to the north- 
east, whilst the Via Bonella cuts it at right angles through 
the middle. In length it was between 330 and 340 feet, 
in breadth about 200 ; the north-east and south-west sides 
being the longest. It was not dedicated till after the 
battle of Pharsaha and CaBsar's triumph in B. c. 45. It 
contained a Temple of Venus Geniteix which he had 

» rolyb. iil 26 ; Pop^o, De Van. ^ Uv. ui. 60, &c. 
Fort. lib. L p. 8 ; Nardini; Horn. Ant. ' Lib. iv. 16. 

lib. V. c. 13. M. de Rossi has restored * See the article Roma^ p. 798 a. 

the inscription {Nuova Haccol. tP ^ Suet. Cas. 26; Plin. JE[. iV. 

Iscriz. p. 101). xxx\i. 24, 2. 



vowed before the commencement of the civil war. Csesar 
did not Uve to see his Fonmi entirely completed. It was 
"dedicated so prematurely that the statue of Venus was 
represented by a plaster cast.^ The temple was surrounded 
by a ri/tf voj, or open space, destined for the hearing of 
causes and other legal business.' 

Csesar, as we learn from the same letter of Cicero's to 
Atticus, at the same time projected a magnificent Septa 
in the Campus Martins for the Comitia Tributa, consisting 
of a covered building of marble, with a portico enclosing 
a space of ground a mile square. The Septa Julia ad- 
joined the Villa Publica, and most probably occupied 
the site of the Palazzo Doria and church of Sta. Maria in 
Via Lata. Among the magnificent plans of Caesar's never 
executed, we read of his intention to divert the course of 
the Tiber from the Milvian Bridge to the foot of the 
Vatican Hill, and thus to convert the Ager Vaticanus into 
a new Campus Martins, and appropriate the old one to 
building purposes ;^ also to erect a temple of unparalleled 
size to Mars, and to excavate a theatre of vast dimensions 
in the side of the Tarpeian Mount.* He also began the 
Basilica Julia, on the site of the Sempronia, but did not 
live to finish it. The Curia Hostilia, burnt down at the 
funeral of Clodius, had been rebuilt by Faustus, the sou 
of Sulla ; but Cajsar caused this structure to be demo- 
lished in order to erect in its place the Curia Julia.^ 
We must also herc mention that Ctesar erected new 
Eostra at the south-eastern extremity of the Fonun, be- 
tween the Temple of Castor and the Eegia. This part of 
the Forum was now appropriated by the demagogues for 
their harangues, and Caesar, who used himself to hold 
forth occasionally from the steps of the Temple of Castor, 

* Plin. //. N. XXXV. 45. eq. ; where I have endeavoured to 

* App. B. C. ii. 102. show that tliesenate-house.orij^nallv 

* Cac. ad Att. xin. SS, called Curia Hostilia, and ai'u^T- 

* Suet CfTit. 44. wards by different names^ always 

* Diet, of Anc. Geogr, vol. ii. p. 790 occupied the »uuo spot. 


agreeably to his revolutionary principles, accommodated 
them with a place to speak from. The Comitimn, the 
aristocratic portion of the Forum, was now comparatively 
deserted ; but the ancient Rostra there were not destroyed, 
and appear to have been used occasionally after this 
period. The statues of Sulla and Pompey, which had 
stood near the old Rostra, were removed to the new. 
Subsequently two statues of Caesar were also erected here, 
and an equestrian one of Octavian.^ 

Even the sums given by Caesar in bribery were some- 
times employed in adorning the city. Thus the eloquent 
and profligate tribune Curio, whom he bought with 
100,000 sesterces, erected the double theatre upon pivots, 
the two parts of which being united formed the first am- 
phitheatre at Rome.*'^ Caesar is also said to have pur- 
chased iEmilius Paullus with 1,500 talents,* or about 
360,000/., which would have gone a good way in the 
reconstruction of his Basilica. 

The first triumvirate of Pompey, Caesar, and Crassus 
was a certain presage of the fall of the Repubhc. Crassus, 
who would not have had the genius to withstand Caesar, 
fell in an expedition against the Parthians ; and Pompey, 
who had lost much of his popularity in his later years, 
was compelled to fly from Rome after Caesar had passed 
the Rubicon. As Caesar approached, Pompey proposed 
to transfer the seat of government to Capua, a city, as 
we learn from one of Cicero's speeches against Rullus,* 
in many respects superior to Rome ; its streets more 
spacious, and, being built in a plain, without the incon- 
venience arising from the Roman hills. But even such a 
retreat was impracticable, and at last Pompey fled to 
Greece, basely, says Cicero,* and without even carrying 

^ Dion Cass. xlii. 18; xliii. 49; conyallibuSy coenaculis sublatam at- 

App. B, C. iii. 41 ; Ascon. ad dc.p. que suspensani; non optimis yiifli an- 

Mu, 6 ; Suet. Cces, 75. gustissimis semitis, pro sua Capua 

a Plin. -ff. JV. xxxvi. 24, 8. — irridebunt, &c* — X% Leff. agr. 

» Plut Cm. 29. ii. 36. 

^ ^ Komam in montibus positam et ^ AdAtt, vii. 21. 



off the public treasure, which was left to augment Caesar's 
resources. The consuls had indeed carried off the keys 
of the -barium ; but how should such a fortress resist 
the victor of so many? The tribune Metellus, one of 
the few who had the courage to remain at Eome, placed 
himself before the gates of the temple to oppose Caesar's 
entrance ; but Caesar threatened to slay him, and caused 
the gates to be broken open.^ The rest is soon told. 
Pompey was defeated at Pharsalia and murdered in Egypt 
in B. c. 48, and Caesar became master of the world. 

Caesar did not spend much of the remainder of his life 
at Eome. In October, b. c. 45, he celebrated his last 
triumph for the final victory over the Pompeians at 
Mimda. Nothing now remained to gratify his ambition 
but to be king of Eome. But circumspection was neces- 
sary before assuming that hated title ; for names are often 
more detested than things, and the Eomans, just like the 
French in their Eevolution, were ready to submit to any 
tyranny, provided the tyrant did not call himself Rex. 
Caesar therefore deemed it prudent first to sound their 
feelings on tliis point by means of his creature Mark 
Antony. In February, B. c. 44, was celebrated the wild 
and ancient festival of the Lupercalia, which may be com- 
pared to the modem Carnival ; except that in this the 
performers dress themselves up, while in the Lupercalia, 
agreeably to its more ancient and simple origin, they 
undressed themselves. Antony, who was consul this year, 
was one of the Luperci on this occasion, and was probably 
half drunk as well as more than half naked. Cassar, dressed 
in his triumphal robes, was seated in the Forum, near his 
new Eostra, to view and encourage the sports. As he sat 
there, Antony approached, bearing in his hand a diadem en- 

* Goes. B. C. i. 33 ; App. B. C, ii. cold alone was stronger than the 

41 ; Dion Cass. xli. l7 ; Lucan ; fear of death, and that the laws had 

Phars, iii. 114 sqq. Lucan remarks been suffered to be violated withim- 

on this occasion that the lore of punity. 


circled with laurel. Twice he tried to place it on Csesar's 
head, and twice did Caesar, with well-feigned reluctance, 
like a bishop his new mitre, reject the bauble. Thunders 
of applause attended each rejection. There could be no 
mistake about the popular feehng ; but Caesar, who was 
evidently vexed, pretended to mistake it, and, baring his 
neck, desired any one who wished to strike. There were 
some who wished, but the opportunity had not yet come. 
Caesar's further attempts to gain a crown through pro- 
phecies from the Sibylline books that none but a king 
could subdue the Parthians, steeled the hearts and hands 
of his assassins. On the ides of March the senate met 
in Pompey's Curia, and there, beneath the statue of his 
former rival,^ Caesar fell by their daggers. 

When the murder had been perpetrated, the assassins, 
brandishing aloft a cap of liberty on the point of a sword, 
and protected by a body of gladiators, mounted up to the 
Capitol, whither they were followed by several senators, 
and amongst them by Cicero. Here Brutus addressed the 
people who had assembled ; and imagining from the ap- 
plause which followed his speech that his deed was 
universally popular, he ventured, in company with the 
other conspirators, to descend into the Forum. Another 
oration of Brutus was again favourably received ; but a 
speech of Cinna's, in which he abused Caesar's memory, 
drew forth such unequivocal marks of displeasm-e and anger 
from the crowd, that the conspirators again hastily retired 
into the Capitol. Lepidus, Caesar's master of the horse, 
who commanded a large body of veterans, occupied the 
Forum during the night with his troops, and next day 
the consul Antony, feeling himself more secure — he had 

^ Said to be the identical statue marble arch in front of his nortico; 

now in the Palazzo Spada. After a situation which corresponds with 

Csesar's murder, the Curia was wall- the place where the statue was 

ed up^ as a locus scelertxttts, Angus- found. Suet. C€e8. 88, Octav, 31 ; 

tus, however, caused the statue of Dion Cass. xliv. 16, 62 j Cic. De Div. 

Pompey to oe re-erected imder a ii. 0. 


hid himself after the murder, no one knew where, in the 
garb of a slave— ventured to appear again in public, 
having previously secured Lepidus by a promise to make 
him Pontifex Maximus, and to give his daugliter in mar- 
riage to Lepidus' son. Antony now seized all Caesar's 
papers and the public treasure, and convened the senate in 
the Temple of Tellus, where the posture of affairs was dis- 
cussed. On the following day Antony and his colleague 
Dolabella assembled the people in the Forum, where the 
will of Ctesar was read, and by its liberal bequests to the 
people and to some of his assassins excited a universal 
enthusiasm in his favour. This feeUng became almost 
uncontrollable a few days after at the sight of Caesar's 
body now borne in funeral procession into the Forum ; 
when Antony, mounting the Eostra, and ordering the 
bloody corpse with all its gaping wounds to be displayed, 
in a touching and memorable funeral oration still further 
excited the passions of the multitude.^ Instead of suffer- 
ing the body to be carried into the Campus Martius, 
where a funeral pile had been prepared, the mob extem- 
porised one at tlie eastern extremity of the Forum by 
pulling down some neighbouring booths. While the 
lM)dy was still consuming, some of the mob snatched 
burning brands from the pyre, and, rushing with them 
through the streets, set fire to the houses of the chief con- 
spirators, and to Pompey's Curia, where Caesar had met 
his death. 

With this scene, so far as the city of Eome is concerned, 
was closed that period of lawlessness and violence which 
ushered in the Empire. The battles still to be fought 
occurred at a distance from the capital ; they belong to 
the province of the historian, and not to the more hmnble 
one of an historiographer of the city. There is, however, 
one bloody episode still to be recorded. One of the first 

* The roador will obtain a more Shakgpeare's Julius Casar than from 
vivid impression of the scene from any extant historian. 

8ect.IL] death of CICERO. 167 

uses made by Antony of the license to slay which he had 
acquired by his triumvirate with Octavius and Lepidus, 
was to put on his hst of proscriptions the name of Cicero. 
His myrmidons surprised and slew the aged and eloquent 
senator at his villa near Formiae, and cutting oflf the head 
and hands carried them to Eome as the most acceptable 
present which they could bring to their master. There 
was the head which had conceived, the mouth which had 
uttered, the hands which had penned, the Philippics I 
Antony was seated in the Forum — administering justice ! 
— when these ghastly relics were laid before him. He 
gloated on them with deUght, then carried them to 
Fulvia, his wife, that she also might share his satisfaction. 
With impotent female rage, Fulvia insulted the head that 
had ceased to hear, pierced with her bodkin the tongue 
that could no longer speak ! Then, by command of An- 
tony, the bleeding relics were nailed to the Eostra and 
there left to moulder. The brutal, blundering Antony 
could not have chosen for them either a more appropriate 
monument, or one that more evidently stultified hknself. 
It illustrated at once the eloquence of his victim, and 
the deep and lasting pain and mortification it had caused 





The battles of Philippi and death of Cassius and Brutus 
destroyed the senatorial or constitutional party, and after 
Antony and Octavian had four times divided the world, 
the last time without any competitor, the latter by his 
victory over Antony at Actium, b. c. 31, became undisputed 
master of the Eoman Empire. In the following year he 
crushed Antony's remaining power in Egypt, and com- 
pelled the ex-triumvir to put an end to his own life ; after 
which, having settled the affairs of the East, he returned 
to Eome in B.C. 29. He now obtained the perpetual title 
of Imperator, or emperor, and celebrated three magnificent 
triumphs for liis victories in Dalmatia, at Actium, and in 
Egypt. Peace having been thus restored throughout the 
Empire, the Temple of Janus was closed for the first time 
since more than two centuries. Octavian, or, as we shall 
henceforth call him, Augustus, which title lie received a 
year or two after, could now apply himself to the restora- 
tion of order and the promotion of the works of peace ; a 
task for which his genius naturally fitted him. These 
works included many improvements in Eome, to which 
part of his labours the design of this narrative entirely con- 
fines us. His lengthened reign and the immense resources 
which he commanded, enabled him not only to carry out 
many new and magnificent designs, but also to restore and 
perfect an immense number of previously existing monu- 
ments, so that it was his boast that, having found Eome 


brick, he left it marble.^ After all his labours, however, 
much remained to be done by his successors before the 
city attained its highest point of beauty and grandeur. 
In order to convey some conception of what he effected, 
we will endeavour, so far as the materials for it admit, to 
draw a slight sketch of the state of Eome at his accession. 
On the whole, in comparison with many modem 
capitals, and perhaps a few ancient ones, Eome offered 
not in the time of Augustus that magnificent aspect which 
the imagination might naturally look for in the mistress 
of the world, though certain portions of the city no doubt 
displayed great architectural splendour. What first strikes 
the eye on entering a large capital are long and spacious 
streets, extensive squares and places. These of themselves, 
and without any regard to the architectural taste displayed 
in them, fill the eye and excite an involimtary admiration. 
Such, for instance, are the quays and boulevards at Paris, 
the Eue de Eivoli, the Place de la Concorde ; in London 
such streets as Oxford Street, Eegent Street, Piccadilly, 
and the numerous squares in their vicinity ; at Berlin, the 
Linden and the Schloss Platz, In places like these Eome 
must have been totally deficient. The very nature of the 
ground on which it stood prevented their existence. A 
complex of hills intersected by narrow winding valleys 
could not possibly offer space either for a handsome street 
or a spacious piazza. The Vicus Longus, which ran along 
the valley between the Quirinal and Viminal hills, ascended 
the height, and perhaps proceeded as far as the Porta 
CoUina,^ was probably, as may be inferred both from its 
situation and its name, one of the longest streets in Eome, 
yet it could hardly have exceeded three-quarters of a 
mile in length. It appears, too, from Livy's accoimt of 
the sacellum erected in it to Pudicitia Plebeia,^ not to 

* Suet. Aug. 28. elevated ground at the junction of 

* Valerius Maximua (ii. 5, § 6) the Quirinal and Viminal. 
speaks of a Summus Vicus Longus, ' Lib. x. c. 23. 
which shows that it ascended the 


have been a fashionable quarter of the town, and was 
therefore probably filled with houses of the meaner sort. 
The Eoman streets, in general, must have been mucli 
shorter than the Vicus Longus; nor could this defect 
have been compensated by their breadth, which perhaps 
gives a nobler air than length. In general they appear 
to have been very narrow, a defect which was not 
remedied till after the fire in the time of Nero,^ and then 
only partially. The largest streets, called Vice or Plateae^ 
were probably not broader than the Eoman highways, 
that is thirteen, or at most fifteen feet ; while the alleys 
between the Insulce^ or blocks of houses, were scarcely a 
yard wide, and must have resembled, or rather perhaps 
exceeded, in meanness the labyrinths of dirty lanes which 
at the back of the canals disfigure modem Venice. Like 
the Queen of the Adriatic, however, Eome had not its 
streets encumbered with any great quantity of vehicles. 
Private carriages were unknown, and even the Eoman 
carts, as in modem times, appear to have been light and 
narrow. When we take into consideration the enormous 
height of the houses, many of which must have exceeded 
seventy feet before Augustus introduced a regulation 
forbidding them to be built higher, and that many of 
them were provided with mceniana^ or balconies, we may 
fancy the coolness, but at the same time the darkness, of 
the lower stories. These defects continued to exist even 
in the time of Juvenal, who adverts to the darkness of the 
houses as a nuisance only compensated by the privil^e 
enjoyed by the inhabitant of Eome of being present at 
the games of the Circus : 

Si potes avelli CiicensibiLBy optima Sone 
Aut Fabrateriea domns^ aut Frusinone paratur 
Quanti nunc tenebras unum conducis in annum.' 

Into many of the lower rooms the sun could have never 

> Tac. Ann, xv. 43. ly fixed the maximum of height at 

» Sat. iii. 223 sqq. Trajan ultimate- sixty feet Aur. Vict, ^pit. c. 13. 


peoetrated, and from some of the narrower streets and 
lanes the sky itself could have been scarcely visible. 
Yet, contrary to the modem Italian proverb, ave non va 
il 8olej va it medico^ many of the Eomans of those times, 
as we learn from the passage of Tacitus just quoted, 
considered this exclusion of sun and air to be favourable 
to health. The Ghetto^ or Jews' quarter, indeed, one of 
the narrowest and most densely populated of modem 
Bome, is also r^arded as one of the freest from malaria. 
As the foundations of the houses do not appear to have 
been very substantial, the constant risk of falling must 
have added danger to their other disagreeable qualities. 
Thus the satirist just quoted : 

Noe urbem colimus tenui tibicine fultam 
Magna parte sui ; nam sic labentibus obstat 
Yillicus ; et Teteris rimsB quum texit hiatum 
SecuTos pendente jubet dormire ruina.^ 

The greater part of Eome, indeed, appears to have belonged 
to wealthy and selfish capitalists, who thought only of 
making the most of their investments, like Crassus, who 
was said to hold half the city. The valleys around the 
hiUs seem to have been filled with streets and houses like 
those just described. Such must have been the case with 
the valleys between the three northern hills, the Subura, 
the Sub Velia, the space between the Velia and the Cojlian, 
and the Velabrum. These districts must have been so 
choked up with tall houses and narrow streets as to render 
it totally impossible to discern from them the contour of 
the neighbouring hills. The summits of the hills them- 
selves were for the most part occupied with aristocratic 
residences, gardens, temples, and other public buildings. 
Hence the only parts within the ancient circuit of the 
Servian walb where the citizen of humble means could 
breathe as it were in a freer space and enjoy a more 
extended prospect, must have been the Circus Maximus, 

» Juv. Sat. iii. 193. 

172 inSTORY OF THE CITY OF ROME. [Sect. ni. 

the adjoining Forum Boarium, and the Forum Eomanum. 
We must recollect, however, that in the time of Augustus 
even all trace of the Servian wall had almost entirely- 
vanished. Suburbs had been pushed out as far as tlie 
circuit of the subsequent walls of Aurelian, and were 
included by Augustus, indiscriminately with the ancient 
Servian city, in the regions into which he divided Eome. 
Thus the city in those days may be compared with ancient 
London amalgamated with Westminster, Southwark, and 
other surrounding boroughs ; but it occupied a much less 
expanse of ground. 

It will be plain from the preceding description that the 
only spots within the proper limits of Eome which could 
have offered, in the time of Augustus, a spectacle of much 
architectural beauty, must have been the Circus Maximus 
and the Forum Eomanmn with its environs. The mere 
expanse of the Circus, the limits of which may still be 
discerned, must have been of itself a noble and striking 
object, especially after emerging from the narrow streets 
of Eome. Cassar had enlarged it at both extremities, 
making it at least three-eighths of a mile ^ in length and a 
furlong in breadth. Caesar had also surrounded it with a 
lower row of stone seats, and wooden ones above ; but 
these, as well as other parts of the building, had been 
destroyed or injured by a great fire whicli occurred in 
B.C. 31, just before the battle of Actium. The temples 
and other buildings which towered over the Circus on 
either side on the summits of the Palatine and Aventine 
hills, must have lent additional beauty to the prospect ; 
and when, amidst the cheers of innumerable spectators, 
the chariots, with their eager drivers decked in various 
colours, rushed at headlong pace from the carceres, it is 
difficult to conceive that Eome, the theatre of stirring 

* Plin. H. N, xxxvi. 24, a 1 ; long, and about two-thirds of a 
Suet. Cets. 30. Dionysius (iii. 68) stocUum broad, 
describes it as three stadia and a half 


spectacles, could have offered one more exciting than this, 
or more striking in all its accessories. 

But by far the grandest architectural view that Eome 
could offer, independently of any local association of 
ideas, must have been that of the Forum, the Capitol, and 
surrounding objects. In order to realise this prospect, so 
far as may now be possible, from the descriptions of 
ancient authors and a knowledge of the localities in their 
present state, let us suppose ourselves on the way to the 
Capitol from the further extremity of the Via Sacra. 
Having arrived at the highest point of that road, called 
the Summa Sacra Via, where the Arch of Titus now 
stands, the Capitol with all its glories suddenly bursts 
upon our view and bounds the prospect. On the north- 
ern summit of the hill, the present site of the church 
and convent of Ara Celi, stood the vast and magnificent 
Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus and his two asso- 
ciated divinities, Juno and Minerva. The roof of gilded 
tiles might vie in splendour with the eastern sun that 
shone upon it, and derived additional lustre from the back- 
ground of that deep blue Itahan sky upon which its forms 
were sharply defined. The roof was supported by a forest 
of huge pillars, perfect specimens of art, brought, as we 
have said, by Sulla from Greece. The pediment and 
acroterium were adorned with statuary, but we cannot at 
this distance make out the designs, nor can we see the 
images of the deities within. Near the temple is a co- 
lossal statue of Jupiter ; the face is turned towards us, and 
even where we stand we may discern its majestic features. 
Not far off is another colossus of Apollo, that brought by 
Lucullus from Apollonia. Around the peculiar temple 
of the hill, others of smaller, but varying, size seem to 
cluster as if to do it homage ; while the spaces in front 
and around them seem animated with statues, which at 
this distance appear like living men. 

To the left of this temple-crowned summit follows a 



depression of short extent. It is the Capitolme intermon- 
tium^ or, iis w(j have ventured to call it in another work, 
the Area Capitolina. At present the aspect is different. 
The interval is filled up by the lofty Palazzo del Senatore, 
Hurniouuteil witli a tower, and seems as high as the two 
HiinnuitM which bound it On this depression no monu- 
nuiita are distiiiguishable from where we stand, though 
it (H>uUuus a few of small dimensions, such as the Curia 
OUnbni, tlio Casa Bomidi, &c. ; also Bostra, for the area 
waj* hirgo iMunigh for assemblies of the people, and was 
i4\on tlio sKvao of riots and fights. At the southern ex- 
tnniuty irf tlu8 dejiression the hill rises again abruptly 
into another summits the citadel, or Arx. This also is 
oiXAViuxl with a magnificent temple, that of Juno Moneta, 
Imi ih4 i4' the sixe and grandeur of her consort's on the 
o|>)vvMto summit. fiiHind this are also some smaller 
ttnu^Ut^ but >NV 1^1 v^iilv specify two with anything like 
\HniiMUt\\ iiainoh\ ono of Foitime, and Marius' Temple of 
Hvxiuvk t^ Yinii^f^ Augustus is soon to increase their 
luuuU'T by the onviKMi i^ a small temple to Jupiter 

l^iU tv^ J^^ a vUsiuH^ viow of the Capitoline HiU and 
ihe Kvxnuu^ we uufe^; ^U^xhkI frvMu the heiiiht on which we 
Kav\^ in uu^iuaik>i\ pliKwi vHir^^ves. We must remem- 
Ivv tJ\at we art^ v>uly at the tv^^ of a somewhat narrow 
snxH^t its l^»A>a\Uh mav Iv iuKnwl trvmi Uie Arch of Tiius. 
which s^viumxl it aikI tha: uh? grvv^rsd b^Mfore us. instctid 
\xf tvii^ an v>jHH\ waste as at jv^^i«::. b covert almost 
t\^ the vei%iv \Mf the b\>nuu with thioklx ch;;<cer^ dwellins^, 
'nuN!^\ itKUwU wvt\* {>A^>aMv ik>i :?v.^ kxTT as in the fe?s 
HiUtvvi^UK' {KstiUnts v^f the tv^wtu The *iule> would have 
laK^'^^ K^ter v^*re that iu :he liv.s? oc ±e <tik'rvd and 
tvium{yiial |\t\v\^:ksiv>tts a:Kl ut^ier :ho <;::v,;^cuv-c::5 nLLtn^ioos 
N>i\ the l\iUtuu\ the vivw shvKuu:vx r^vv bo^u obsstruoced 
auvl vlixtk^iuwl bv iho ecvv^xxi or vorv j.^ctr bciiiins^. 
thi^x we kiK^w^ ti\>m a (>ei!^$;ji^ v^t OiK-ero alTe*iT t^uoced^ 

Sect, m.] VIA SACRA. 176 

that Clodius enjoyed fix)m his house on the Palatine an 
excellent view of the city ; and it seems probable that 
Cicero's also, which stood rather lower, commanded a 
fine prospect. It would scarcely have been worth the 
money which he gave for it had all view from it been 
blocked out by rows of tall houses rising just under it. 
For close to tlie base of the Palatine Hill, and perhaps 
at the back of the Temples of Vesta and Castor, ran 
the Nova Via, leading from the Porta Mugionis, where 
it was called Summa Nova Via, down to the Velabrum. 
At the beginning of the reign of Augustus, the Nova Via 
seems to have had no communication with the Forum ; 
though one appears to have been subsequently made. 
Such at least appears to be the probable inference from 
Ovid's line : ^ 

Qua Nova Romano nunc Via juncta Foro est. 

To reach the Forum, therefore, we must descend the 
Sacra Via. But before we quit its summit let us recon- 
noitre for a moment the ground on which we stand. 
Close by is the ancient dwelling of the Eex Sacrificulus, 
which, with the Eegia, or house of the Pontifex Maximus, 
standing at the bottom of the descent and at the comer of 
the Fonmi, appears to have given name to the street. 
For we must recollect that only this part of the street, viz. 
the descent from the higher point, or Arch of Titus, to 
the Eegia, was ordinarily called ' Sacra Via,' or sometimes 
also ' Sacer Clivus,' as in the following line of Martial : 

Inde sacro veneranda petes Pallatia cliyo.^ 

The priests, however, gave that name to the whole length 
of it, from its commencement at the Sacellum Streniae, 
somewhere in or near the Carinas, to its termination on 
the Capitol. In very early times there was at the former 
place a grove of Strenia, or Strenua — some nymph or 

JM^ ^Jiikafci^, ' Lib. i. 70, 5. 


goddess, we know not exacdy what — and it is said that 
when Titus Tatius was king, the augurs culled for him 
here, every new-year's day, some branches of verbena, 
and carried them to his dwelling on the Arx, as an 
annual present.^ Such was the institution of the Eoman 
Christmas-box, a time-hallowed custom, more honoured 
perhaps in the breach than the observance ; for no doubt 
the priests got a more than adequate return for their 
greenery. It was, in short, only a genteel way of begging. 
In after times it grew into a regular institution under tlie 
name of 'augurium salutis.' Tiberius, very sensibly, 
always went out of town before the 1st of January, to 
avoid the thing : but Claudius revived it after an interval 
of a quarter of a century;^ and it appears, from the 
Epistles of Symmachus, to have lasted to a very late 
period of the Empire. Hence it has descended into our 
modem customs, and the French word itrennes can liave 
no other etymology. But to return to the promenade 
from which we have diverged. 

From the Summa Sacra Via there was probably a road 
on the left which connected it witli the Summa Nova 
Via, and thus afforded a passage to the Porta Mugionis, 
or entrance to the Palatine ; but we do not know its name, 
or whether such a road actually existed. It is as certiiin, 
however, almost as anything can be in Eoman topography, 
that is not proved by tlie actual existence of monuments, 
that just at this spot, namely, between the Summa Sacra 
Via and the Porta Mugionis, were some of the most 
ancient monuments of Eome, as the -32des Larium and 
the Temple of Jupiter Stator, originally founded by 
Eomulus. On tlie opposite or right-hand side of the way, 
in the direction of the subsequent Temple of Venus and 
Home, tliere seems to have been a sort of market for fruit, 
as well as for the sale of toys and gimcracks. We fre- 

* Svmmach. Epp, x. 28. 

3 Tac. Ann, xii.2.3; cf Suet Tib, 34; Dion Cass. Ivii. 8, 17. 

Sjbct. m.] THE SUMMA SACEA VIA. 177 

quently find allusions to this market in the Boman clas- 
sics.^ We will now descend the hilL Let us recollect 
that the declivity was a good deal steeper than it is now. 
The Forum lay near thirty feet below the present level, 
and the distance to it from the Arch of Titus is but short. 
On reaching its boundary, the road was spanned by the 
Fornix Fabianus, a triumphal arch, perhaps, of mean 
dimensions, and far inferior to those which were erected 
in the imperial times. At a little distance on the left 
stood the Regia, recalling, in long-gone-by times, the 
memory of Numa's holy shade, its pious founder, and 
since of many learned and virtuous pontifis, but recently 
somewhat profaned by the residence of Caesar and the 
licentious visits of Clodius. We now stand at the eastern 
extremity of the Forum, where at present its boundary 
is marked by the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina. 
But a few years before our imaginary promenade, the 
body of the first and greatest of the Csesars was burnt 
here ; in a few more, Augustus will raise a temple to 
him on the spot, in which he will be worshipped as Divus 
Julius. The fact that the body could have b^n consumed 
here, without causing any damage, shows that this ex- 
tremity of the Forum must, in spite of its narrowness, 
have been comparatively free from buildiugs. 

We are now in a position to take into our view the 
whole of the Capitoline Hill, from its summit to its base. 
In the conformation of the ground which prevails at this 
part of the city, an additional descent of near thirty feet 
must alone have afforded the ancient spectator a very 
different and much more striking prospect than can be 
enjoyed now. The hills which enclose the Forum do not 
rise much more than a hundred feet above its level, and, 
in so narrow a valley, the addition of a fifth or sixth part 
to their apparent height must have given them a much 
more noble and striking appearance. From this point, 

- > Ot.^I^ ii 265; Propert iii. 17, 11, &c 

' "" " ' N 


the magnificent buildings which rose around the Forum 
and crowned the neighbouring heights, must have had an 
air of indescribable grandeur. We now see that the 
crest of the intermoniium, or Area Capitolina, is lined by 
a double row of porticoes or arcades, one above the other. 
This is the Tabularium of Catulus, some remains of which 
are still visible. Under its northern extremity, on the 
elevated platform or terrace called the Vulcanal, stands 
Opimius' Temple of Concord, parts of the groundplan of 
which may still be seen. Towards the southern extremity, 
but on a rather lower level and nearer to the Forum, 
rises the Temple of Saturn. Its site is now marked by 
the ruin of the eight coliunns — a late restoration. Its 
pediment was surmoimted with figures of Tritons blowing 
horns, of which design Macrobius gives a somewhat fanciful 
explanation : namely, that since the time of Saturn history 
had become clear and vocal, which before, like the tails 
of the Tritons, was concealed in the earth. ^ The present 
columns, however, could not have belonged to the temple 
as it was in those days, but are evidently the restoration of 
a late and degenerate age. Just in front of the temple ^ 
stood the MiLLURiUM Aureum, or gilt milestone, set up by 
Augustus apparently as a standard for distances within the 
walls ; for the measurement of the roads commenced from 
the gates of the Servian walls. Behind lay the small Temple 
of Ops, and further back and to the left, quite under the 
extreme comer of the Tabularium, the building called the 
ScHOLA Xantha ; the office probably of the scribes and 
copyists of the asdiles. Over and beyond it stretches to 
the south that part of the Capitoline called the Arx, having 
on its summit the Temple of Juno Moneta. On some part 
of the eastern face of this .portion of the hill, and visible 
from the Forum, was the Tarpeian Kock, whence criminals 
were precipitated. Between this portion of the Capito- 

^ Sat. i. 8. sub tede Saturn! ad Milliarium au- 

* 'Pwemonitisconsciiflutaeinforo reum opperirentur.* — Suet. Otho, 6.] THE coMirroM,- 179 

line Hill and the Palatine lay the Vicus Jngarius, which 
wound round the base of the former, and the Nova Via, 
which followed the outlines of the former ; while midway 
between the two, and separating the Temple of Castor from 
the Basilica Julia, lay the Vicus Tuscus. The name of 
this street seems to have been changed very shortly after 
the Augustan period into Vicus Thurarius.' May not 
this be an example of etymological corruption? The 
street was inhabited by perfumers and incense-vendors. 
Horace calls it * vicum vendentem tus et odores ; ' ^ and 
this new characteristic was to the vulgar more striking 
tlian the fact of its having been founded by the Tusci. 

At the upper end of the Forum and under the Capitoline 
was the CoMirniM, the more distinguished and aristocratic 
part of it being in fact a templum^ or inaugurated place, and 
apparently separated from the rest of the Forum by being 
slightly elevated above it. On it stood the Tribunal of the 
Pnetor Urbanus, as well as one of the Eostra, and a great 
many statues. Also the sacred fig-tree, Ficus Buminalis, 
supposed to have been that imder which Eomulus and 
Kemus were nursed by the wolf.* This, however, was an 
error; the original tree was near the Lupercal on the 
Palatine, but had vanished long ago. Some of the boimd- 
ary walls of the Comitium were adorned with fresco 
paintings brought from Sparta. Close to the south- 
western extremity of the Forum, and boimded on its 
eastern side by the Vicus Tuscus, rose the large and 
splendid Basilica Julia, recently erected by Csesar, the 
vast foundations of which are now laid open to view. To 
the east of the Vicus Tuscus is the splendid Temple of 

* ' Signum Vertumni in ultimo xv. 20. Varro (X. Z. v. 54) indi- 

tIco Thurario est, sub basilic® an- cates the true place, on the Germa- 

gulo flectentibus se ad postremam lus: 'Germalum a germanis Romulo 

dexteram partem.' — ^Ascon. ad Cic. et Remo, quod ad Ficum Kumi- 

Verr, ii. 1, 19 ; SchoL ad Hor, Sat, nalem ibi inyenti, quo aqua hibema 

n, 3, 228. Tiberifl eos detulerat in alyeolo ex- 

^ £^r±\, 209. poiitoik' 

> Tac itek zlii SS| Plin. JE; JT. 


Castor, as we have before remarked, one of the most 
conspicuous objects in Eoma It is a little further back 
from the boundary of the Forum than the Basilica Julia, 
and stood on much more elevated ground, as may be seen 
from the bases of the three colmnns still extant. It might 
have been thought that a root or spur of the Palatine 
Hill extended at this spot towards the Forum, had not 
some excavations undertaken early in the present century 
shown that the temple had been erected on a lofty sub- 
struction, or terrace, about twenty-four feet high, formed 
of cubic masses of tufo and Alban stone, ^ The temple, 
therefore, was approached by a lofty flight of steps, which 
often served the purpose of rostra to address the people 
from.^ Closely adjoining this temple was the u^Sdes 
Vestae, of a circular form, standing in the midst of a little 
grove. Next lay the Eegia, already mentioned as mark- 
ing the boundary of the Forum on this side. We will 
now smrey its right or northern side- 
After passing through the Fornix Fabianus, the Via 
Sacra must have suddenly turned to the right, so as to 
skirt the eastern extremity of the Forum, and then again 
to the left along its northern side. Having passed the 
Curia, it turned to the left, and, just before arriving at the 
Temple of Saturn, began to ascend the hill by the Clivus 
Capitolinus till it entered the intermoniium, or Area Capi- 
tolina, at its southern extremity, near the steps which now 
lead up to Monte Caprino. We have already remarked that 
the whole length of road was called Sacra Via only in sacer- 
dotal language, and it does not seem improbable that where 
it skirted the northern side of the Forum it might, in the 
language of the people, have been called Janus ; forming, 
in fact, the street to which Horace alludes in a passage 
before quoted.^ On it, and at no great distance from the 
present Arch of Severus, and consequently almost in front 

* Nibby, Del Foro Romano, p. 64. ' Dion Cass, xxxviii. 6 ; Cic. Pro 

Nibby, however, takes the columns 8est. 15 ; Appian, B. C, iii. 41. 
to have belonged to the Comitium. ' See above^ p. 121. 



of the Curia, lay the little bronze temple of the two-faced 
deity, the celebrated index of peace and war. On this 
side of the Forum, and perhaps about the middle of it, but 
Ijdng, we may suppose, a little back, stood the Basilica 
/Emilia.. Next came the space on which the ancient 
Basilica Porcia had formerly stood, burnt down, as we 
have said, along with the Curia Hostilia, and never rebuilt ; 
at least we have no accounts of its rebuilding. The site, 
then, at the beginning of Augustus' reign, must have been 
Ijring vacant; and we will venture to suggest whether 
this might not have been the spot on which that emperor 
erected his Chalcidicum, the situation and even the very 
nature of which have been puzzles for topographers. 
We learn from the Monumentum Ancyranum that it 
adjoined the Curia,^ and I am now inclined to think that 
it might have been the same building called the Athe- 
nceum; since the Curiosum Urbis Romce mentions the 
Curia and Athenasima in the same connection as the Monu- 
mentum Ancyranum mentions the Curia and the Chalci- 
dicum,^ We may suppose that it was an open space 
intended for the convenience of the senators, surrounded 
with a portico or colonnade ; the Curiosum calls it 
'atrium Minervse,' a definition which strengthens this 
conjecture. We learn from the passage in Dion Cassius 
just quoted, that Augustus dedicated the Curia Julia and 
the Chalcidicum immediately after his return from the 
East, in B.C. 29. The Curia Julia, as we have already 
said, stood on the site of the old Curia Hostiha. Besides 
the arguments which I have adduced in proof of this 
position in the article Roma^^ another, as Signor Nibby 
has remarked, may be drawn from the following passage 
of Livy : ' templumque ordini ab se aucto curiam fecit, 

* ^ Curiam et contmens ei Chald- CaesiuB (li. 22) to n 'APiyva«oi', t6 
dicum.' — Tabula Quaria. xai XoXn^irov itvofiaofiivoVf c.r.A. 

* ' Senatmn . Atrium Minervae . • Diet, of Anc, Geography , vol. ii. 
Forum Cadsaris . &c.' — Hegio viii. In p. 789 sq. 

this case we must read in Dion 


quro Hostilia usque ad patrum nostrorum setatem appellata 
est : ' ^ from which it is plain that the same temple called 
in the time of Livy's fatlier Hostilia, bore in his own time 
another name. Sulla's son Faustus had endeavoured to 
supplant the old Eoraan king as the eponymous founder 
of the senate-house, but there came one worthier than 
he. This being so, we see not where Augustus could 
have found space for his Chalcidicum, except by appro- 
priating that on which the BasUica Porcia had stood. 
Before the Curia, and probably just at the boundary 
between the Comitium and the Fonim properly so called, 
were the ancient Bostra, the suggestum originally adorned 
with the beaks of the Antian galleys. Eound about it 
stood the statues of several Eoman ambassadors, put to 
death by those to whom they had been sent ; ^ the martyrs 
of their then hazardous office. 

We have now completed the circuit of the Forum, for 
the Curia stood at its north-western extremity, at or near 
the church of S. Luca. In the reign of Augustus the 
Forum no doubt was much more magnificent than a 
century before, the Curia handsomer and more convenient 
But the manly eloquence of the old repubhcan senators 
will no longer be heard in it. Cato and Cicero were 
among the last who dared to lift up their voice with 
freedom ; henceforth the senate-house will resound with 
little but servile acclamations and the false and simulated 
accents of adulation. The Forum, too, will lose much of 
its life and colour. The Eostra, indeed, are still there, 
but the harangues of patriots or demagogues will not 
again thunder forth from them, and their chief use will 
be for the delivery of nerveless and fulsome panegyrics. 
Nay, these altars, as it were, of ancient Hberty, will be wan- 
tonly defiled by the vilest and most profligate orgies, led 
by the daughter of the emperor himself I The Comitimn, 

> Lib. i. 30 J cf. Nibby, Foro » Cic. PhiL ix. 7 ; Plin. IT. N. 
Horn. p. 60. xxxiv. 11. 

Sect, ni.] THE FORUM JULIUM. 188 

however, has not lost one of its uses. The Triumviri 
Capitales continued here to scourge Boman citizens and 
condemn them to death. ^ The Forum too will sometimes 
be again the scene of tumult and violence, but only of 
contending factions for the choice of a master. Thus, as 
the city advances in material beauty, it declines in moral 
grandeur ; and the meaner, though more pompous, scenes 
of the Empire will be represented on a more splendid 
theatre than the subhme and simple drama of the Ee- 
public. The monuments which adorn the Forum and 
the Capitol will daily lose some of the interest attaching 
to ancient associations, or awaken by their presence only 
painftd recollections. The city may even be said to be 
deserting itself, for it is pushing forth over the expanse 
of the Campus Martins a new and more splendid quarter, 
which will grow by degrees into mediaeval and modern 
Eome. With a brief survey of this quarter we must 
finish our imaginary walk. 

Behind the Curia, which we have just left, the new 
Forum Julium is now opened and finished. It has ap- 
parently swallowed up the site of the Forum Piscatorium ; 
we hear at least after this time no complaints of the fishy 
odours which, when Plautus lived, annoyed the fi-equenters 
of the Porcian Basilica. The convenience and splendour 
of this quarter will be increased in a few years by the 
addition to the north of the Forum Augusti ; but more 
than a century must elapse before the isthmus between 
the Capitohne and the Quirinal will be cut through, and a 
level road opened into the Campus Martius through the 
magnificent Forum of Trajan. At present we must climb 
the ascent between those two hills, and go out by the 
road which threaded the ancient Porta Eatumena. At 
this point, however, the ascent was perhaps not very lofty, 

' ' Celer eques Bomanus . . . cuin ' Triumviris opus est, Comitio, Car- 
in Comitio vii^ C8&deretur.' — Plin. nifice.' 
Bpp, iv. 11. CI Senec Contr, vii. : 


as the vast maas of earth cut away for the new Fonun 
probably formed part of the Quinnal Leaving the 
Basilica Opimia, or Ai^geotaxia, on our left, we descend 
into the Campuf Martins. Proceeding in a northerly 
direction alcmg the broad road called Via Lata, one of the 
first objects that strike us is the magnificent new Septa 
iji Julius Cassar, at the church of Sta. Maria in Via Lata. 
Close bcjiind the south side of it is the Villa Publica. 
These buildings maik at present the northern extremity 
of this new western suburb, and the southern boundary 
of the Campus Martins, properly so called. That vast 
plain stretches itself out before us to the north and west 
till it is bounded by the winding Tiber. It is intersected 
through its whole length by the Via Flaminia, which, 
conunencing at the end of die Via Lata, runs straight 
through it in a north-westerly direction. This road is 
perhaps already bordered with handsome villas ; at least 
Strabo mentions the buildings as one of the elements 
of beauty in the landscape, and the same thing may be 
inferred from Martial.^ But the bend of the Tiber forms 
a large grassy plain to the left of the road. The verdure 
of the grass, the gently rising hills which bound the 
horizon, form a prospect of enchanting beauty.^ On the 
left is seen Mons Vaticanus ; at a greater distance, and 
towards the north, the more elevated and bolder forms of 
Monte Mario ; while, on the right, Mons Pincius, or the 
CoUis Hortorum, trending to the north-west, encroaches 
upon the plain, and confines it, at the present Piazza del 
Popolo, to somewhat narrow dimensions. The scene is 
animated by the sports and spectacles which take place 
in it. It is the Epsom of Eome, the Equina^ or horse- 
races, said to have been instituted by Bomulus, being held 
here twice a year, in the month dedicated to Mars. But 
the ground lies low, and was sometimes overflowed at this 

> lib. X.6. a Strabo, V. 3, 5 8. 


season by the river, when the races were transferred to 
the Campus Martialis, an open space on the Cselian HilL 
The Campus Martins was also employed for the exercises 
and evolutions of the troops; and when a victorious 
general was waiting outside the gates for the honours of 
a triumph, it must have presented the aspect of a camp. 
Besides these more solemn uses, it was also the play- 
ground of the Boman populace, where multitudes might 
be daily seen amusing themselves with wrestling matches, 
or in playing at ball or hoop.^ K we stroll onwards to 
the banks of the river, the eye is entertained with a 
different and more businesslike scene. Here, according 
to their contrary directions, the light skiff is rapidly de- 
scending with the stream, while the heavy barge is being 
slowly towed up against it.^ Here, too, opposite the 
Prata Quinctia, near the present Porto di Bipetta, are the 
Navalia, and station of the war galleys. 

But it is the district called Circus Flaminius, at the 
southern extremity of the Campus Martins, stretching 
from near the point where we have entered the Campus, 
to the wall which runs from the Capitoline Hill to the 
Tiber, which, from the beauty, grandeur, and number of 
its buildings, chiefly excited the admiration of Strabo ; 
which he expresses by the somewhat strong phrase that 
all the rest of Eome might seem but a mere supplement, 
or addition, to this quarter. This confirms the view we 
have taken of the comparative meanness of the ancient 
parts of the city. The district of the Circus Flaminius 
comprised a broad level space, and was thus admirably 
adapted for architectural display.* This quarter, however, 
did not attain all its beauty till the close of Augustus' 

^ Strabo, loc, cU. that part of the modern city to the 

a Bt modo tam oeleras mlrerls cnirwe lin- Bouth of a line continued from the 

tatw. Via del Gesii to the Tiber, as far 

Bt modo tarn twdM^albn. ire rates. ^ ^he church of S. Nicola in Car- 

' * cere, opposite the southern extre- 
' It seems to haye included aU mity of the Isola Tiberina. 


reign. Strabo enumerates in it, besides many porticoes 
and groves, three theatres, an amphitheatre, and a crowd 
of temples. We are here surprised to miss the Circus 
Flaminius itself, which Strabo could hardly have designated 
as an amphitheatre. He appears to allude to the amphi- 
theatre of StatiUus Taurus, the first built of stone, which 
had been completed and dedicated in B.C. 30. Topo- 
graphers, however, are quite at a loss as to the site of this 
structure ; its remains have been sought at Monte Citorio 
and other places, but on no other foundation than con- 
jecture. Dion Cassius says that it was in the Campus 
Martins ; ^ but he may possibly have used that name in a 
lax and general sense to denote all the plain between the 
hills and the Tiber. Of the three theatres mentioned 
here by Strabo, one only was extant at the beginning of 
the reign of Augustus, that, namely, of Pompey, which we 
have already described. But we shall enter into no further 
description of this district at present, as we shall have to 
return to it when mentioning the buildings erected here 
in the time of Augustus. 

Eome had, of course, like other large cities, its favourite 
resorts and fashionable promenades. The Forum, as the 
centre of commercial and legal business, was naturally 
the great centre of attraction, and besides those who really 
had affairs there, must have attracted that crowd of idlers 
with whom Eome abounded, who came to see what was 
going on, and to pick up the news of the day. There, no 
doubt, might stiU be found the same congregation of 
braggarts, false swearers, swaggerers, scandal-mongers, 
gourmands, beggars with an ostentatious air, and rich 
men with a quiet retired one, as might have been seen in 
the time of Plautus.^ The narrow thoroughfares which 
led to the Forum must often have been so thronged as to 
be scarcely passable. That this was the case with the 

» Lib. li. 23. a Cure. iv. 1. 


Via Sacra, one of the best of them, we learn from Cicero : 
'Equidem, si quando ut fit, j actor in turba, non ilium 
accuso qui est in Summa Sacra Via, cum ego ad Fabium 
Fomicem impellor, sed eum qui in me ipsum incurrit atque 
incidit.'^ So great was the crowd, so insufficient the ac- 
commodation for it, that Augustus hurried on the construc- 
tion of a third Forum for the despatch of legal business ; 
and it was thrown open to pubUc use before the Temple of 
Mars Ultor, to whom it was dedicated, could be completed.*^ 
The elegant throng of fashionable loungers, however, 
sought a more distant and retired promenade, such as 
that afforded by the porticoes near the Circus Flaminius ; 
while those who wanted a ride or drive seem to have 
repaired to the Appian Way ; just as the Eoman cardinals 
and nobles may now be met outside the Porta Pia, on the 
road to Sta. Agnese. It was fortunate that the use of 
carriages and horses, within the walls at least, was but 
little known, and we do not find the risk of being run 
over, which now adds so large an item to the casualties 
of great cities, enumerated by Boman authors among the 
desagrements of a town life. A native advantages ariiiiri(/ 
hence must also have been the absence of noiwi ; thoiigh 
Eome no doubt abounded with clamour enough f/f a 
different sort. In this respect the street-cri^^ mwd fiMV^j 
enjoyed a bad preeminence ; for the andent \Ufum$t wtm 
no doubt blessed with as strong a pair ^j( luufin hm hU 
modem succe&sor. Martial complains tliat bo ('/mU\ th^M^^r 
sleep nor meditate for these noises, llje i¥*h(fff\\ptpy% h4^\ 
their masters annoyed him in the mommiif Uio \/h\u'Jh Hi 
night, the hammers of the copfier«inith» nil tisty lph]/y 
The cries of the vendors of sulphur and buy<fr« '/f \/foh'h 
glass, of hoarse cooks with hot mumfs/^^ utix^A will) \\^a* 
vociferous supplications of Ai\\)VfritA'kiA umm^m mA 

^ Pro PUmc. 7. OL Hor. 8aL iL nmn H judkWuf/j iu»Mut4^f, titm 
0, 28 : , • ridttkmUtr, turn mift't^'uttUhtim ti^t^An^^, 

188 raSTORY OF THE CITY OF ROMR [Sect. m. 

other b^gars of various sorts, besides a thousand other 
infernal noises, were enough to distract a meditative poet. 
All Eome seemed to be at his door with the set purpose 
of annoying him.^ Luckily the barrel-organ, the standing 
grievance of the poet or philosopher in London, was not 
yet invented. Things were as bad in Horace's time : 

Tu me inter strepitus noctumos atque diimioe 
Via canere P • 

The Augustan poet gives us also a peep into the bustle of 
the streets. Here you were interrupted by an energetic 
builder, always in haste and sweat, hurrying along with 
his mules and porters, and followed by machines bearing 
immense beams or stones. Sometimes the street was 
blocked up by a funeral disputing the passage with a 
huge cumbersome wagon ; sometimes a mad dog was 
flying at full speed, or a filthy swine threatened to run 
between your legs. Such were the sights and sounds of 
Eome ; of the smells we will say nothing. They may be 
inferred from some specimens in the modem city ; but let 
us pass on to a more savoury subject. 

The long period of lawlessness which had preceded the 
establishment of the Empire, must have been fatal to the 
municipal government and the police of the city ; or 
rather it had demonstrated that none of an effective kind 
existed. It was one of the principal cares of Augustus to 
remedy this defect. Eome, though it had long outgrown 
the limits of the Servian walls, had no divisions for 
municipal purposes but the four established by that 
monarch. Augustus increased their number to fourteen. 
It is not our intention to enter here into a minute de- 
scription of the Augustan Eegions.^ We shall content 
ourselves with enumerating their names and noting a few 
of the principal objects which they contained. The four 

> Martial, xii. 57, i. 41, &c. that of Preller, Regimen der Stadl 

» Epp. ii. 2, 79. Rom. 

' The best work on the subject is 


regions of Servius, and something more, were included 
in the first six of Augustus. Thus Regio I., called Porta 
Capena^ comprised the new suburb which had sprung up 
outside that gate to the south of the Caelian Hill, embracing 
the tomb of the Scipios and other noted sepulchres in 
this neighbourhood, the Temple of Mars, &c. Regio IE., or 
Ccelimontana^ comprehended the Caelian Hill. Regio HI., 
or Isis andSerapis, included the district where the Colos- 
seum afterwards stood and Mons Oppius, or the southern 
tongue of the Esquiline. Regio IV., or Templum Pads 
and Sacra Via, lay westward of the preceding region, and 
embraced the valley lying between the Palatine, Esquiline, 
Viminal, and Quirinal, as far as the eastern extremity of 
the Forum, as well as the north side of the Forum and 
the VulcanaL Thus it included the Subura and the 
greater part of the Via Sacra. Regio V., or Esquilina, 
comprised Mons Cispius, or the northern tongue of the 
Esquiline, the Viminal, and a considerable tract lying 
beyond and to the east of the Servian walls. Regio VI., 
or Alta Semita, embraced the Quirinal and the site of the 
subsequent Praetorian Camp. Regio VH., or Via Lata, 
comprised the space between the hills on the east, and 
the Via Lata on the west. The extent of the Via Lata 
cannot be accurately determined. It ran close to, if not 
exactly upon, the southern portion of the Corso, and 
probably extended northwards almost to the Antonine 
colunm. Regio Viil., or Forum Romanum Magnum} This 
district, for some unknown reason, had been omitted in 
the Servian division. It was now of course the most 
important in Eome, and embraced besides the Forum, 
with the exception of the buildings on its north side, the 
district south of it as far as the Velabrum, the Capitoline 

^ The distinctiYe names of the perhaps at first only distinguished by 

regions must have been given at a numbers. 

later period, as some of them are * The Forum did not obtain the 

called after objects not existing in name of ' Magnum * till after the 

the time of Augustus. They were buUding of that of Caesar. 


Hill and the imperial Fora. Regio IX., or Circus Flami- 
niuSj embraced the space between the Tiber on the west, 
the Via Lata on the east, and the Servian wall on the 
south. Its northern boimdary, as we have already said, 
cannot be determined, but it may perhaps have extended 
as far as the Antonine column. Eegio X., or Palatiuin^ 
comprised the Palatine Hill. Regio XI., or Circus Maoci- 
mus^ comprehended the valley in which the Circus lay, 
the Forum Boarium, and the Velabrum. Regio XTT., or 
Piscina Publica^ adjoined the preceding region on the 
west, and the first region, or Porta Capena, on the east, 
and stretched probably from Mons Ca^lius, on the north, to 
the line afterwards traced by the Aurelian walls on the 
south. Regio XIH., or Aventinus^ embraced that hill and 
the strip of ground beneath it to the Tiber. Regio XTV., 
called Transtiberina or Transtiberim^ was of vast extent, 
as it embraced the whole suburb on the right bank of the 
Tiber, including the Janiculum, Mons Vaticanus, and the 
Insula Tiberina. 

Each region contained more or fewer subdivisions 
called Viciy whose number varied from seven or eight in 
the smallest regions to seventy-eight in the largest, or 
Transtiberina. A vicus was a complex of houses con- 
tained between streets running all round it ; its inha- 
bitants formed a vicinia. Another and more ancient 
name for a vicus was Compitum ; and Pliny speaks of 
Eome as divided into Compita Larum instead of vici.^ 
After the example of Servius Tullius, Augustus formed 
the vici into rehgious corporations. In each vicus was 
an aedicula, or httle temple, containing the images of two 
Lares, to which Augustus caused to be added his own Ge- 
nius ;^ and at certain seasons their worship was celebrated 
with proper feasts called Compitalia. From each viciiiia 
plebeian magistrates were elected, two or four according to 
its size, called Magistri or Curatores Vicorum, and Magistri 

» H, N, iii. 9. » Suet. Aug, 30 sq. j Ov. Fast. v. 14d. 


Larum ; whose office it was to see that the worship of the 
Lares was regularly celebrated, to take the numbers of the 
inhabitants during the census, and other duties, we may 
suppose, somewhat analogous to those of parish officers 
and overseers in modern times. These magistrates were 
of the very lowest class ; ^ yet on the occasion of certain 
solemnities they might wear the toga praetexta, and were 
attended by two Uctors. Chapels were also erected in 
the different vici to Stata Mater and Vulcanus Quietus, 
who were supposed to be deities that protected against 
fire. When fires occurred, the pubUc slaves attached to 
each region were at the disposal of the vicomagistri as 
well as of the aediles. Augustus also caused statues of the 
greater gods to be erected in the vici; as the Apollo 
Sandaliarius q.nd Jupiter Tragoedus mentioned by Sueto- 
nius ^ as very valuable works of art, which he had pur- 
chased out of the strenae, or new-year's presents made to 
him. The bases of several of these statues have been dis- 
covered. Augustus perhaps borrowed the idea from the 
statue of Vertumnus, the national Etruscan deity, which 
stood at the top of the Vicus Tuscus near the Forum.^ 

The administration of the regions, on the other hand, 
was intrusted to a magistrate of a higher kind, chosen 
annually by lot from among the aediles, tribunes, or 
praetors; to whom the government of one, and some- 
times apparently two or three regions was assigned. He 
was not assisted, as the vicomagistri, by a corporation. 
There seem also to have been certain subordinate officers 
in each region, as curatores, denunciatores, and praecones, 
or public criers ; as well as a number of imperial slaves 
and freedmen, who discharged the functions of clerks, 
messengers, porters, and the like. The supreme ad- 
ministration of the whole city was vested in the prsefec- 
tus urbi. We must remember that under the Empire 

' * Infimum genus magistratuum.' ' Aug, 67. 

— Liv. xxxiv. 7. ' Cic. Verr, ii. i. 60; Prop. iv. 2, 6. 


this was a very differrai office from whai h bad been 
under the Eepublic. In some respects the funcaons of 
the pnBfectus in the imperial times must have answered 
to those of the modem maror ; but he had a much more 
extensive and absolute jurisdiction, and instead of being 
elected by his fellow-citizens he was appointed by the 
emperor, and often held his office for life. A reform in 
the municipal police, which must have been very much 
wanted, was also made by Augustus. Seven divisions 
of policemen, called cohortes vigilum, each commanded 
by a tribune, and the whole under the superintendence of 
a pncfectus vigilum, were so placed that each division 
might take two regions as their beat Their barracks, or 
stations, were consequently near the borders of regions, 
and lience we find them frequently mentioned in the 
Notitia, as they served to mark the boundaries. There 
were likewise fourteen excubitoria, or outposts, in the 
middle of each region. Each cohort seems to have 
aintaincd 1,000 men, making a total of 7,000 — a for- 
midable Ixxly of police. They appear to have discharged 
the duties of firemen as well as of police officers, and 
were provided with all the arms and tools necessary in 
lK)th aipacities. A fire in such a town as Eome must 
indeed have been terrific, and we learn from the allusions 
to them in ancient authors that they were frequent as 
well as devastating. Imagine on such occasions the fate 
of tlie poet in the garret of one of those tall Eoman 
houses I Juvenal speaks feelingly on the subject, as if 
from practical experience. The third story might be on 
fire, and the unhappy man at top know nothing of it, 
such was the gidf between them, till actually aroused by 
tlie fianies : 

Tabulaia tibi jam tertia fumant : 
Tu noRcis ; nam si gradibus trcpidatur ab imis, 
UliiinuR ardcbit quom tcgula sola tuotur 
A pluvia.* 

» Sat. iii. 190. 


Besides the cohortes vigilum, Augustus also created an 
imperial guard, consisting of twelve praetorian cohorts. 
A miUtary despotism was thus firmly established; for 
besides this formidable guard, the cohortes vigilum, with 
the numerous body of slaves attached to their service, 
might also be relied on in case of disturbance. Augustus, 
indeed, saved appearances. Only three cohorts of the 
guard were allowed within the city, and were placed 
under the command of the praefectus urbi; while the 
remaining nine cohorts were cantoned in the neighbour- 
hood of Eome. But Tiberius brought them into the 
city, placed them imder the command of a pra3fectus 
praetorio, and established a camp for them near the 
Servian agger} 

The number of inhabitants who populated this vast 
hive is a subject of great difficulty, and has been very 
variously estimated. A population of about two million 
souls, including slaves and foreigners, is perhaps the most 
probable estimate. For the reasons wliich have induced 
the author to draw this conclusion the reader is referred 
to Dr. Smith's Dictionary of Ancient Geography^ vol. ii. 
p. 746 sqq. 

During the domestic broils which agitated the last half- 
century of the EepubUc, the temples and public buildings 
of Eome were suffered to fall to decay. A terrible fire 
which had occurred about BsC 50, had also laid desolate 
a great part of the city ; and the damage does not appear 
to have been made good at the time of the accession of 
Augustus.*^ The ambitious chiefs who aimed at seizing 
the supreme power founded a more striking claim to 
popularity by erecting new structures of their own than 
by repairing ancient ones ; imless indeed these belonged 
to the more conspicuous and venerable class of Eoman 
monuments, Uke the CapitoUne temple or the Curia 

» Tac. Ann, iv. 2, 5 ; i:ist\ iii. G4 ; « Orosiua, Hb. vi. c. 14, Ub. vii. 

Suet. Aug. 40, Tib, 37. c. 2. 

O • 


Hostilia; the restoration of which, and the inscription 
recording the restorer, were of themselves passports to 
fame. But Augustus, who, after attaining quiet pos- 
session of supreme power, was not influenced by such 
motives, naturally turned his attention to the state of 
the ancient edifices. The restoration of order, decent 
morals, and the appearance at least of religion, all terribly 
shaken by the recent convulsions and disorganisation of 
society, was, merely as a means and instrument of govern- 
ment, among Augustus' first cares. The dilapidated 
condition of the temples is alluded to by Horace as a 
notorious and crying shame : 

Cur eget indignus quisquam, te divite ? quare 
Templa niuiit antiqua de&m P cur, improbe, carso 
Non aliquid patrias tanto emetiris acervo P * 

And the same author, in one of his odes, in furtherance 
no doubt of the views of his sovereign and patron, 
threatens the Eomans with divine vengeance so long as 
they should leave them unrepaired : 

Delicta majorum immeritus lues, 
Romane, donee templa refeceris, 
yEdesque labentes deorum, et 
Foeda nigro simulacra fumo.* 

It appears from the Monumentiim Ancyranum that 
among the ancient monuments which Augustus entirely 
rebuilt were, the Lupercal, the Porticus Octavia in the 
district of the Circus Flaminius, which he permitted to 
retain the name of its original founder Octavius; the 
temple of Jupiter Feretrius in the Capitol ; of Quirinus, 
on the Quirinal, which had been burnt down in B. c. 49 ; 
and the temples of Minerva, of Juno Eegina, of Jupiter, 
and of Libertas, on the Aventine. The first two of these 
temples were undoubtedly separate and distinct buildings. 
We have already had occasion to record how that of 

> Sat, ii. 2, ia3 sqq. « Od, iii. 0. 


Minerva was frequented by scribes or poets, and how 
that of Juno Eegina was founded by Camillus after 
the capture of Veii.^ Whether those of Jupiter and 
Libertas were distinct buildings, or a common temple, 
has been made a subject of question from the manner in 
which they are mentioned in the Monumentum Ancy- 
ranum : mdeb . MiNERV-fi . et . junonis . regiNuE . et 
jovis . LiBERTATis . IN . AVENTINO, Here, it is said, the 
want of the copula between Jovis . libertatis shows 
that it was a joint temple with two cells. But we think 
it hardly probable that an ancient and supreme deity like 
Jupiter would have shared his temple with a make-believe 
god like Libertas. We find him indeed worshipped under 
very various attributes at Eome ; as Jupiter Conservator, 
Feretrius, Pistor, Stator, Propugnator, Gustos, Victor, 
Tonans, &c. But in these cases he has still a temple to 
himself. A more probable reading, therefore, of the 
Monumentum Ancyranum would be that proposed by 
Franz,^ of Jovis Liberatoris; and this conjecture is 
supported in some degree by the Greek translation of 
the Monumentum^ which mentions a temple of Ai\g 
'Exewflspi'ou, but no temple of Libertas.* Yet we think 
it untenable. It is taking too great a liberty with the 
Latin text, in which it is more probable that the copula 
may have been accidentally omitted. It is besides certain 
that a temple of Libertas was foimded on the Aventine, 
as we have already had occasion to record, by an 
ancestor of the Gracchi,* but to Libertas alone, without 
the addition of Jupiter. The passage in the Monumen- 
tum shows, however, that there was likewise a temple 
to the latter deity on the Aventine, which is also men- 
tioned in the Fasti Amitemini. On the whole, therefore, 

' See above, pp. 71 and 103. • See Becker, Hotn. AUerihumer, 

« In Gerhard*8 ApchaoL Zeilung, Th. L S. 467. 
No. 2. 4 Above, p. 118. 



we think it most probable that Augustus rebuilt two 
distinct temples, namely, to Jupiter and Libertas. 

Nothing can be more unfortimate than the remarks of 
A. W. Zumpt, the editor of the Monumentum Ancyranum^ 
on this subject That critic undertakes to support ' as 
certain,* against the opinions of Urlichs and Becker, 
that the cedes here mentioned of Jupiter, Libertas, Juno 
Begina, and Minerva, formed, as on the Capitol, but one 
temple with three different cells. On which we may- 
observe, first, that four cells would be required. We 
know that Marcellus wanted to dedicate a temple to 
Honos and Virtus with one common celL But the 
pontifices would not suffer him to do so ; it was con- 
trary to religious usage, and he was obliged to build 
two cells, which appear, however, to have been under 
one roof.^ Secondly, the conjunction of Jupiter, Juno, 
and Minerva in one temple had a peculiar significance. 
These deities were placed together as the special guardians 
of the city, and upon the Arx or Capitol of it, the proper 
place for its protectors. Thus at Eome they had a 
temple both on the old and new Capitol, probably also 
in the original city on the Palatine. But who would 
til ink of looking for them on the Aventine, of all the 
lloman hills that least connected with the city and its 
peculiar sanctities ? And in conjunction with an intruder ? 
Thirdly, a temple to Jove, Juno, and Minerva, as a 
trinity of protective deities, must have been erected at 
one and the same time. But we know that the temples 
at least of Juno and Minerva were built by different per- 
sons at different times, and such in all probability was 
also the case with the temples of Jupiter and Libertas. 

' Seo art liomay p. 810. Tho Minervre templum cum separatis 

followinpf are Zunipi's remarks : deorum cellis, itom in Aventmo in 

'Hoc voro contra UrlicliHium et uno toniplo tres fuisse ocdes Jovis 

W. A. llcckorimi tamqiiam ccrtiim Libertatis, Jimonis Reginte, Miner- 

ponoro posHo videor, ut in Capitolio vrc, casque eam ob causam Lie con- 

unum erat Jovis et Junonis et junctim uominori.' — 1'. 09. 


Other ancient temples entirely rebuilt by Augustus 
were the -^dis Larum on the Summa Sacra Via, the 
.^iis Deiini Penatium on the Velia, and the .^Edis Matris 
Magnas, or Cybele, on the Palatine. This last temple, 
originally founded in B.C. 191,^ had been twice burnt 
down; the first time in B.C. 110, after which it was 
restored by Metellus ; and a second time in A. D. 2, and 
consequently towards the end of Augustus' reign.^ Au- 
gustus also rebuilt the Pulvinar, or elevated station m 
the Circus Maximus, on which the images of the gods 
were placed, and whence the imperial family beheld the 
games. The former one had been destroyed by fire. He 
also erected the first obelisk between the metce. 

Among the temples and other buildings which Augustus 
partially restored were the Capitoline temple and the 
theatre of Pompey, both at a great expense and without 
inscribing his name. He repaired the aqueducts which 
were falling to pieces in many places. He doubled the 
volume of water of the Aqua Marcia by adding to it a 
new source by the duct called Aqua Augusta, and he also 
constructed a new aqueduct to serve the Transtiberine 
district, the Aqua Alsietina. This duct had its source in 
the Lacus Alsietinus, now Lago di Martignano ; but its 
water was bad and not fit for drinking.^ Of minor temples, 
not specially named, Augustus repaired the large number 
of eighty-two. Of works which had been begun but not 
completed he finished the Forum Julium and the Basilica 
Julia; and after the latter had been burnt down he 
began to rebuild it on a larger foundation, with the in- 
tention of dedicating it in the name of his grandsons Caius 
and Lucius. It appears fi'om a supplement to the in- 
scription that he lived to finish it.'* A portico appears 
to have been added. The Basilica thus restoral was of 
enormous size, and capable of accommodating four courts 

' See above, p. 105. • Front De Aqtusd. 11. 

' See art Ama, p^SOS h. _, > See art Hama, p. 793. 



of law, coasisting altogether of 180 judices or jurymen,* 
with an immense concourse of spectators. The Basilica 
Julia, as we learn fix>ni an inscription found near the 
column of Phocas about the middle of the sixteenth 
century, was repaired in the reign of Septimius Severus 
(a.d. 199). In A.D. 282 it was again burnt down, and 
was rebuilt by the Emperor Diocletian.^ Augustus also 
repaired the Via Flaminia. 

But, with a view to the progress of the dty, it is more 
interesting to consider what absolutely new works were 
undertaken by Augustus. Those finished by himself are 
the following. 

The Curia, called also Curia Julia. We have seen that 
the original Curia Hostilia was burnt in the Clodian riots, 
and rebuilt by Sulla's son Faustus. Julius Cajsar, however, 
was not content thaf so femous a building should have 
been dedicated by so comparatively insignificant a person ; 
the building, too, was not perhaps quite what it ought to 
have been; and therefore a little before his death he 
procured a vote for the erection of a new one. This he 
did not even live to found. It was entirely built by 
Augustus, together with the Chalcidicum already men- 
tioned ; but he dedicated it, in the name of his adoptive 
father, as the Curia Julia. The species of building called 
Chalcidicum derived its name, according to Festus (sub 
voc.)y from the town of Chalcis, where it originated. A 
Chalcidicum mentioned in an inscription found at Pompeii 
may be identified with the vestibule of a building there ; ^ 
but a portico of this description was evidently not con- 
fined to one pattern or place. 

Among the most splendid works of Augustus were 
those which he erected on the Palatine Hill. He was 
bom in that region, in a place called Ad Capita Bu- 

» PUn. -£)y. vL 33; cL Quintil. (Rone), 
xii. n. » Smith, Did, of AtU. p. 270. 

« Catal. Imp. Vunm. p. 247 


BULA, The house afterwards came into the possession 
of C. Lajtorius, a patrician ; and after the death of 
Augustus, part of it was turned into a chapel and con- 
secrated to him.^ Augustus, at his first entrance into 
public life, lived near the Forum, above a place called 
the ScAL^ Annularije, or the ring-staircase, the exact 
position of which we are unable to point out. Thence 
he removed to the house of Hortensius on the Palatine, a 
dwelling of only moderate pretensions.^ After his victory 
at Actium he began to build the Imperial Palace, having 
bought for that purpose several neighbouring houses^ 
among them that which had belonged to Catiline.^ At 
the same time he promised to erect a Temple of Apollo, 
with porticoes. If it be true, as Suetonius mentions, that 
he occupied the same bedroom during forty years, the 
new palace must at least have been completed by b. c. 26, 
or six years after the battle of Actium. This agrees very 
well with what Dion Cassius tells us of the senate decree- 
ing, in the year u.c. 727, which answers to B.C. 26, that 
two laurels should be planted before the entrance of the 
new palace, and an oaken crown or garland placed over 
it, as symbols of the emperor's victories and of the 
citizens whom he had preserved. They are alluded to 
by Ovid in the following lines : 

Hie locus est Vestae qui Pallada servat et ignem : 

Hie fuit antiqui regia parva Numaa. 
Inde peteiis dextram : Porta est, ait, ista Palati : 

Hie Stator : hoe primum eondita Homa loeo est 
Singula dum miror, video fulgentibus armis 

Conspicuos postes, tectaque digna deo. 
An Jo\'is li8eC| dixi, domus est P Quod ut esse putarem, 

Augurium menti quema eorona dabat. 
Cujus ut accepi dominum, Non fallimur, inquam: 

Et magni yerum est hane Joyis esse domum. 
Cur tamen apposita velatur janua lauro ? 

Cingit et augustas arbor opaea fores P &e. ^ 

* Suet. Auff. 6. Gramm. xvii. 

a Ibid, 72. * Trise, iil. 1, 33 sqq. : c£ Meiam. 

3 VeU. Pat ii. 81 j Suet De ilL I 502 ; Fast, iv. 96S. 


The palace was burnt down in A. D. 4, when all classes 
hastened to offer money for its reconstruction. But 
Augustus would consent to receive only a gold coin of 
twenty-five drachms, equal to about a pound sterhng, from 
every town, and a drachm of silver from private indi- 
viduals, or, according to Suetonius, a denarius^ which is 
much the same thing, or about eightpence. He now 
rendered the palace pubUc, either on account of these 
subscriptions, or because he was Pontifex Maximus.^ In 
the summer he was accustomed to throw open his 
chamber, and repose in a peristyle in which was a salient 
fountain, while somebody at the same time cooled him 
with a fan.^ 

Signor Eosa, like some preceding topographers, places 
the Domus Augusti at the ci-devant Villa Mills, now the 
Monasterio della Visitazione, where vast remains have 
long been known to exist ; while by caUing some of the 
structures discovered by his own researches Sicilia and 
Ccenatio Jovis, he would seem to imply that they were 
built by Domitian. The reverse arrangement appears to 
us more probable. The situation of the Porta Mugionis 
authorises the inference that the palace of Augustus must 
have been in the Orti Famesiani. The lines of Ovid just 
quoted favour this inference. The guide of his book 
seems to come at once upon the outward gate of the 
palace and the threshold of Augustus. The Augustan pa- 
lace, then the only one at Eome, thus occupying the middle 
portion of the hill, Tiberius and Caligula would have 
naturally covered the remainder of it to the west with 
their buildings ; and Domitian would have had no room 
for further ones, except to the eastward. It may perhaps 
serve to confirm this view, that Nibby, in his account of 
the excavations at the ViUa Mills, states that a leaden pipe 

^ Dion Cafls. Iv. 12 ; Suet. Atu/. 67. recent excavations ? Signor Rosa, 
* Suet. ibid. 82. May not this be however, calls it Sicilia, and thus 
the peristylium discovered by the appears to attribute it to Domitian. 


was found inscribed with the name of Domitian, and that 
the style of the architectural remains very much resembled 
the other works of that emperor.^ But of all the portions 
of the imperial palace, those inhabited by Tiberius and 
CaUgula are the only ones that can be indicated with per- 
fect certainty. 

The Temple op Apollo was probably erected after the 
palace. Augustus particularly affected the worship of 
that deity, which had not hitherto been much cultivated 
at Eome ; and he had dedicated near Actium a temple 
to the Leucadian Apollo upon the occasion of his victory 
over Antony. It seems probable that the Area Apollinis, 
enclosing the temple built by Augustus, lay near the 
convent of S. Bonaventura, where Signor Eosa places it. 
Nothing could exceed the magnificence of this temple, 
according to the accounts of ancient authors. Propertius, 
who was present at its dedication, has devoted a short 
elegy to the description of it.^ From the epithet aurea 
porticus, it seems probable that the cornice of the portico 
which surrounded it was gilt. The columns were of 
African marble, or giallo aniico^ and must have' been 
fifty-two in number, as between them were the statues of 
the fifty Danaids, and that of their father brandishing a 
naked sword : 

Signa peregiinis ubi sunt altema columnis 
BelideS; et stricto barbarus ense pater. ' 

Here also was a statue of Apollo sounding the lyre, ap- 
parently a likeness of Augustus ; whose beauty when a 
youth, to judge from his bust in the Vatican, might well 
entitle him to counterfeit the god. Around the altar 
were the images of four oxen, the work of Myron, so 

* Roma neW anno 1838, t iL 21, Propertius would then haTe 

p. 419. been about thirty years of age, 

^ According to some editions, lib. the probable date of his birth being 

iii. el. 29 ; according to others, lib. B.c. 61. 

ii. 31. Supposing the temple to have ' Ovid, Trisi, iii 1, 61 j of. Prop, 

been dedicated five years after the /. c. v. 4. 
completion of the palace, or in b. a 


beautifully sculptured that they seemed alive. In the 
middle of the portico rose the temple, apparently of 
white marble. Over the pediment was the chariot of the 
sun. The gates were of ivory, one of them sculptured 
with the story of the Gauls hurled down from the heights 
of Parnassus, the other representing the destruction of 
the Niobids. Inside the temple was the statue of Apollo 
in a tunica talaris, or long garment, between his mother 
Latona and his sister Diana, the work of Scopas,^ Cephi- 
sodorus, and Timotheus. Under the base of Apollo's 
statue Augustus caused to be buried the Sibylline books 
which he had selected and placed in gilt chests.^ At- 
tached to the temple was a library called Bibliotheca 
Grjcca et Latina, apparently, however, only one struc- 
ture, containing the literature of both tongues. Only the 
choicest works were admitted to the honour of a place in 
it, as we may infer from Horace : 

Tangere ritet 
Scripta^ Palatinus qiuecunque recopit Apollo.' 

The library appears to have contained a bronze statue 
of Apollo fifty feet high ; whence we must conclude that 
the roof of the liall exceeded that height. In this library, 
or more probably, perhaps, in an adjoining apartment, 
poets, orators, and philosophers recited their productions. 
The listless demeanour of the audience on such occasions 
seems, from the description of the younger Pliny, to have 
been, in general, not over-encouraging."* Attendance 
seems to have been considered as a friendly duty. 

The Temple opDivus Julius. A column, or an altar, 
or perhaps both in some manner combined, were erected 
to the memory of Caesar on the spot where his body 
had been burnt, at the eastern end of the Forum, with 
the inscription 'Parenti Patriae.' But this monument 
was overthrown by Dolabella, and Augustus afterwaids 

» Plin. JL N. XXX v-i. 4. » Epist. i. 3, 10. 

« Suet. Aw/, 31. * Lib. i. 13. 


erected in its stead the -ffides Divi Julii. This was a small 
temple, surrounded with a colonnade, or portico of closely 
placed columns. It stood facing the Capitol, on a lofty 
base or substruction, which served as a third Bostra. 
Augustus adorned it, after the battle of Actium, with the 
rostra of the ships captured in that action ; after which it 
obtained the name of Rostra Juua.^ 

Augustus also erected, at the opposite end of the 
Forum, under the Temple of Saturn, the Milliarium 
AuREUM, resembling a common milestone, but of bronze 
gilt. It seems to have been a standard of measure for 
distances within the city.^ 

The Temple op Jupiter Tonans on the Capitoline Hill. 
This temple Augustus had vowed in consequence of a 
narrow escape from lightning during his ^expedition 
against the Cantabri, when his own litter was struck, and 
a slave, who went before with a torch, was killed.^ It 
stood near the top of the Clivus, and represented as it 
were the janitor's lodge, belonging to the great Temple 
of Jupiter Capitolinus ; in token of which character, 
Augustus caused some bells to be hung upon its pediment.* 

A Temple op Juventus, on the Palatine. A temple to 
this deity had previously been erected by C. Licinius 
LucuUus, but in the Circus Maximus. 

The Forum Augusti with the Temple op Mars Ultor. 
This was one of the noblest and most useful of the public 
works of Augustus. We have already adverted to the 
haste with which this Forum was completed, in order to 
provide accommodation for the crowds which overflowed 
the Forum Eomanum and Forum Julium. The obstinacy 
of some neighboiuing householders, who would not part 
with their property, obliged Augustus to circumscribe it 
within narrower limits than he had originally intended ; 

* See, concerning tliis temple, the ' Suet. Aug. 29. 

art. Roma, p. 794. * Ibid, 91. 

a Ibid, 


a fact which shows that the authority of Augustus was 
not so absolute as might be supposed.^ I take this op- 
portunity to remedy a defect which Lord Broughton has 
pointed out in my article on Rome.^ There can, I think, 
be no doubt that the Arco de' Pantani, and the wall which 
extends some hundred yards on both sides of it, show 
the Umits of Augustus' Forum on the north-east. Its 
opposite boundary is probably marked by the Via Ales- 
sandrina, or may perhaps have extended a few yards to 
the south-west of that street It was here joined by the 
Forum Julii. The three tall Corinthian columns, close to 
the Arco de' Pantani, are no doubt remains of the splen- 
did temple of Mars Ultor, the presiding deity of the 
Forum, as Venus Genitrix was of Cajsar's. Both deities 
were claimed among the ancestors of the Julia gens, while 
the title of Ultor marked the war and the victory by 
which, agreeably to his vow, Augustus had avenged his 
father's death : 

Mars adeSy et satia scelerato sanguine ferrum ; 

Stetque favor causa pro meliore tuus. 
Templa feres^ et, me victore, vocaberis Ultor.* 

The porticoes which extended on each side of the 
temple with a gentle curve, contained statues of distin- 
guished Eoman generals. The banquets of the Salii were 
transferred to this temple, a circumstance which led to 
its identification, from the discovery of an inscription 
here, recording the mansiones of these priests.^ Like the 
priesthood in general, they appear to have been fond of 
good living, and there is a well-known anecdote of the 
Emperor Claudius having been lured, by the steams of 
their banquet, from his judicial functions in the adjacent 
Forum. The temple was appropriated to such meetings 
of the senate in which matters connected with wars and 
triumphs were debated. 

* ' Forum angustius fecit, non * Itfdy, toI. iL p. 79. 

ausus extorquere possessoribus proxi- ' Ov. Fad. v. 576 sqq. 

mas domos. — Suet. Arg, 50. * Canina, Foro Rom, p. 150. 


Lastly, not among the least splendid erections of 
Augustus recorded in the Monumentum Ancyranum^ was 
the Theatre of Marcellus, which he built in honour of 
his youthful and promising nephew, carried off some 
years before by an untimely fate. The theatre seems to 
have been projected and actually begun by Juhus Caesar ; 
but probably little progress had been made in it. We 
learn from the Monumentum Ancyranum that it stood 
close to the Temple of Apollo ; not that on the Palatine, 
but the ancient one between the Circus Flaminius and the 
Forum OUtorium, near the Porticus Octaviae. It was 
dedicated either in the year 13 or 11 B.C. ^ Considerable 
remains of this theatre are still extant in the Piazza 
Montanara. It was capable of holding 20,000 persons. 

There are one or two other buildings said by historians 
to have been erected by Augustus, but not recorded in 
the Monumentum Ancyranum. These are the portico 
called after his sister Porticus Octavi^, in contradistinction 
to the Porticus Octavia already mentioned, and the Porti- 
cus LivisB, after his wife. Suetonius ^ aflirms that these 
buildings were erected by Augustus in the name of his 
sister and his wife, and Dion Cassius asserts the same thins 
respecting the Portico of Livia.^ There seems to be no 
good reason why Augustus should have omitted these works 
from his list, if he really erected them, any more than the 
Theatre of Marcellus or the Basilica Julia, which, in like 
manner, he dedicated not in his own name. Ovid, who was 
a contemporary, and therefore likely to be better informed 
than the historians quoted, alludes to these two porticoes, 
as the independent works of those whose names they 
bore, placing them in the same category with the works 
of Agrippa : 

Quseque soror conjuxque ducis monumenta pAranmt, 
Navalique gener dnctus honore caput.^ 

» Dion Cass. liiL 30, liv. 26; Plin. > Uv. 23. 
//. K y\X\, 26. ^ Ar.AnuvL 301. 

« Aug. 20. 


These lines seem to confirm the silence of the Monti- 
mentum^ unless it should be thought that Augustus, out of 
gallantry, wished that the works erected in the names of 
his wife and sister should be attributed entirely to them. 

The PoRTicus OcTAViJS occupied, as we have already 
said,^ the site of that built by Metellus in B.C. 146. It 
contained a celebrated Ubrary, probably in that part 
called the * Schola in Porticibus Octavias.' Here the 
senate occasionally assembled, as in the Palatine library, 
whence we sometimes find it called * Curia Octaviaj.' 
There are still some remains of it extant in the Pescheria, 
near the precincts of the Ghetto. 

The Posticus Livle, a quadrangular structure, oc- 
cupied the house of Vedius PolUo on the Esquiline. 
Its site cannot be acciu*ately determined, but it seems 
probable that it lay near the Macellum Livianum, 
also apparently a work of livia, not far fi-om the present 
church of Sta. Maria Maggiore. Dion Cassius^ tells us 
that it came into the possession of Augustus by the 
testament of Vedius PoUio. Augustus directed it to be 
pulled down, as being too large and magnificent for a 
private individual, and caused the Porticus Livia^ to be 
erected on its site. Ovid's account agrees in the main with 
this, except that, consistently with a passage before quoted, 
he says not that the portico was erected by Augustus, 
though doubtless the ground must have been his. From 
the same place in Ovid it may be inferred that Livia aleo 
erected here a Temple op Concord : 

Te quoque magnifioa^ Concordia^ dedicat ODde 

Livia, quam caro prsestitit ilia Tiro. 
Disce tameiiy veniens ^tas, ubi Livia nunc est 

Porticus, immens8B tecta fuisse domus. 
Urbis opus domus tina fuit, spatiumque tenebat 

Quo brevius muris oppida multa tenent. 
IIsBC aequata solo est, nuUo sub crimine regni, 

Sed quia luxuria visa nocere sua. 

^ Above, p. 115. » liv. 23. 


SuBtinuit tantas operam sabvertere molefl, 

Totque suas hsDrea perdere Ceesar opea. 
Sic Rgitur censura, et sic exempla parantur, 

Quum Tindex, alios quod monet, ipse facit^ 

The word prcestitit here, confirms the assumption that the 
buildings ascribed to Livia were erected at her own 
expense. The enormous area of Pollio's house also favours 
the supposition that room might have been found here 
for the Macellum, as well as for the portico with its 
temple. The assertion of Becker^ that they could have 
had nothing in common, because the Macellum is men- 
tioned by the Notitia in the fifth region and the Portico 
in the third, is utterly valueless, or rather serves to 
strengthen our conjecture. We have seen that these two 
regions adjoined each other, one embracing the northern, 
the other the southern tongue of the Esquiline ; and it is 
justat their jimcture, no great wayfromSta.MariaMaggiore, 
that the Macellum probably lay. But whether it was a 
reconstruction of the Forum Esquihnum there is nothing to 
determine. There are no remains of these buildings extant. 

Lastly, there appears to have been a triumphal arch, 
or Fornix Augjisti^ erected in honour of Augustus, but 
whether by himself or one of his successors cannot be said. 
It is supposed to have stood on the Forum, not far from 
the temple of Juhus Cassar,^ and possibly, therefore, on 
the other side of it from the Fornix Fabianus. 

Agrippa, the son-in-law of Augustus, also adorned the 
city with several noble structures, and, next to the emperor 
himself, did more for Eome than any other person of that 
period. The Pantheon, the best preserved monument of 
Eome, and still remaining almost in its pristine state, 
attests his taste and munificence. It stood almost in the 
centre of the Campus Martins, and must have encroached 
further into its space than any building had hitherto done. 

1 Fasti, vi. 637 sqq. » Scholiast, ad Virir. JEti, viii. 

« mm. AUerth. B. l S. 543, Anm. 600. ^ '- ^">- 



According to the inscription, still legible, it was erected in 
Agrippa's third consulate, consequently in B. c. 27. Not- 
withstanding its name, it seems probable that the Pantheon 
contained only the images of the deities more immediately 
connected with the Julian race and the history of Rome, 
as Mars, Venus, &c., including that of the first Caesar. 
Its excellent state of preservation is attributed in part to 
its having been converted into a Christian church so early 
as the reign of Phocas. In this new character it obtained 
the name of Sta. Maria della Eotonda, or ad Martyres. 

The Therms Agbippje, or Baths of Agrippa, though 
far inferior to many subsequent foundations of the same 
sort, yet mark an epoch in the history of the city by 
being the first of those establishments which afterwards 
became so promment a feature of Home. The Roman 
populace, which surely much needed the bath, had not 
yet been accommodated with any public one where they 
might wash and refresh themselves either gratis^ or at all 
events for a mere trifle. But this was only one of the 
features of a Roman bath, which likewise contained 
gymnasia^ or halls appropriated to athletic exercises, 
apartments for philosophical discussions, lectures, poetical 
recitations, &c. The Baths of Agrippa stood at the back 
of his Pantheon. Few vestiges of them now remain. 

In order to supply these baths, Agrippa constructed 
the aqueduct called Aqua Virgo. This aqueduct com- 
menced on the Via Collatina, eight miles from Rome, and 
was conducted imdcrground by a circuitous route till it 
reached the suburbs, whence, from the declivities of the 
Pincian Hill, it was carried upon arches the remainder of 
the way. It still supplies the Fontana Trevi, being the 
only aqueduct on the left bank of the Tiber that remains 
at all serviceable. Agrippa also united the ancient Aqua 
Tepula with the Aqua Juua, which he had constructed. 
The latter commenced two miles beyond the Tepula on the 
Via Latina. After their junction they flowed in a united 

Sect, m.] WORKS OF AGRIFPA. 209 

stream as far as the Piscina Publica, which probably lay 
somewhere near the Porta Latina of the Aurelian walls.^ 
They issued again from the Piscina in two separate 
channels, both conducted over the Aqua Marcia, so that 
of the three ducts the Julia was the uppermost, the 
Marcia the lowest, and the Tepula in the middle. From 
the Piscina they must have trended to the north, passing 
close to the present Porta Maggiore, where remains of 
them may still be seen. Hence they proceeded to the 
modem Porta S. Lorenzo, formed out of their arches. 
Here they disappeared under ground till they again 
emerged at the Porta Viminalis of the Servian walls, about 
the middle of the agger.^ Till the time of the Claudian 
aqueduct, which flowed over the Porta Maggiore, they 
were the highest at Borne. The Marcia, as we have said, 
was capable of serving the Capitol. 

Agrippa also erected near the Septa the Diribitobium, 
destined probably for the examination of the ballot-boxes 
after elections. Its immense but imsupported roof, the 
largest in Kome, rendered it one of the wonders of the 
city.^ Its great size made it capable of being converted 
into a theatre, to which purpose Caligula sometimes ap- 
phed it in very hot weather.* Agrippa appears not to 
have lived to finish this building, which was dedicated by 
Augustus after his death. Other works of Agrippa were 
the portico called PoRTicus EuROPiB, from a picture of the 
rape of Europa,^ and the Pobticus Abgonautabum,so named 

^ Becker (Rdm, Atterth» B. L S. seen, called after it Hence, when 

520) aaserts that the Piscina PuhUca we- read in Ammianus Marcellinus 

had vanished long before the time of (xxiL 4) that the obelisk on the 

Augustus, quoting Festus, p. 213 : Lateran was conveyed ' per Ostien- 

' Piscinte publicae hodieque nomen sem portam Piscmamque PubUcam,^ 

manet, ipsa non extat : ad quam et this of course only means through 

natatum et exercitationis alioqut the district so called, 

causa veniebat populus.' ButFestus, * Frontinus, $ xix. 

though his age is not certainly * Dion Cass. Iv. 8 ; Plin. H, iV. 

known, undoubtedly lived long after xxxvi. 15, 24 

the time of Augustus. The reason ^ Dion Cass. lix. 7. 

of the name being retained was that ^ Mart iL 14, iii. 20, xi. 1. 
the twelfth regioo wwb, ta we have 


from its being adorned with a picture of the Ai]gonauts 
It seems probable that this portico enclosed a Temple oi 
Basilica of Neptune. Agrippa's glory was derived froir 
his naval victories, for which he had been honoured with a 
corona navalis ; and it was natural that he should dedicate 
some of his buildings to the god of that element on which 
he had achieved his success. It has been thought that the 
eleven tall columns in front of the Dogana di Terra in the 
Piazza di Pietra, not far from the Antonine column, are 
remains of this temple. At all events we know not where 
else to place the noo"6iSa)v«ov mentioned by Dion Cassius 
in this region. This temple must have been a still further 
advance into the open space of the Campus Martins.^ By 
some, however, these columns are assigned, but without 
much probability, to a temple of M. Aurehus. 

We also read of a Campus AoRiPPiE in this neighbour- 
hood (Eegio Vn., or Via Lata), which seems to have been 
a sort of park or garden containing porticoes and gymna- 
sia, and forming an agreeable promenade. It muet have 
lain on the eastern side of the Via Lata, and was opened 
by Augustus after the death of Agrippa. It contained a 
portico called after Agrippa's sister Porticus Poljk, some- 
times also after himself Porticus Vipsania, for these two 
buildings were probably identical. The name of Vipsania 
seems to have been corrupted in the Notitia into Gypsiani. 
This portico appears to have served as a sort of barracks.*"^ 

Agrippa, besides executing these great works, seems 
also to have exercised a careful superintendence over the 
city in general, as may be inferred from the anecdote of 
his cleansing the Cloaca Maxima, and sailing up it in a 
boat. Besides the immediate family of Augustus, some of 
his courtiers, to gratify his known taste for improving and 
adorning the city, erected at their own expense some 

1 Dion Cass. liii. 27, Ixvi. 24; _ « Dion Cass. Iv. 8 ; Tac. //. i. 31 ; 
lart. Iladr. 19; Canina, Indict 
406 ; Nibby, Roma Ant. t. ii. p. 

— , J — — __ _ - 

Spart. Iladr. 19; Canina, Indicaz. p. Plut. GaWa, 25. 
" ' >.081. 


magnificent works. Thus Statilius Taurus, one of his 
most distinguished generals, built an amphitheatre of 
stone, the first permanent one at Eome, and the sole one 
till the foundation of the Colosseum. It was somewhere 
in the Campus Martins, but its site, as we have already 
said, has not been satisfactorily ascertained. In Uke man- 
ner L. Cornelius Balbus, who had served under Julius 
Caesar, built a Stone Theatre, and in connection with 
it a covered portico, or Crypt. They stood probably near 
the western extremity of the Circus Flaminius ; but no 
remains of them exist, and their exact situation cannot 
be pointed out. L. Marcius Phihppus, the stepfather of 
Augustus, rebuilt the Temple of Hercules Musarum, 
founded, as we have already said,^ by M. Fulvius Nobi- 
lior, and surroimded it with a portico, called after him 
PoRTicus Philippi. In Uke manner L. Comificius built 
a Temple of Diana, Asinius Pollio . an Atrium Libertatis, 
and Munatius Plancus a Temple of Saturn ; ^ but whether 
these were entirely new buildings, or, as seems more 
probable, renovations of old ones, cannot be said. 

It is plain from this accoimt of the works of Augustus, 
and his family and friends, that the aspect of Eome in 
certain quarters must have become much more splendid 
during his reign than it was before. The Forum, by the 
completion of the Curia and the Basilica JuUa, the addi- 
tion of the Chalcidicum to the former, the erection of the 
temple of Juhus, and other minor improvements, had 
assumed a much more finished and magnificent aspect ; 
while the extension of it by means of the Forum August i 
must have greatly added both to its beauty and con- 
venience. On the other side of it the building of the 
palace on the Palatine, with the Temple of Apollo and 
other adjoining structures, must have imparted to this 
hill an air of imperial grandeur, which no private build- 
ings, however magnificent, could have conferred upon 

* Above, p. 110. 2 Suet. Auff, 29. 

p 2 

fk h J>i . 


it, and have given an entirely new feature to the city. 
The quarter of the Circus Flaminius and Campus Martius 
had been rendered much more q>lendid by the erection 
of the many temples, porticoes, theatres, and other 
structures which we have just recorded, and must, as 
Strabo intimates, have begun to assume the appearance 
of a separate and substantive town, and, except with 
r^ard to size, a more magnificent one than the ancient 
city ; since most of its buildings were places of public de- 
votion, amusement, and recreation, while the few private 
houses that existed there seem to have been remarkable 
for grandeur. When we consider also the numerous 
restorations of ancient buildings effected by Augustus 
throughout the city, and the improvements made on the 
Esquiline in the name of his consort Livia, we may be 
inclined to allow that his assertion of having converted 
the city from brick into marble was no idle vaunt More, 
in fact, was done for Rome during this single reign than 
in any other period of equal extent till we come to the 
time of Nero. But the improvements of that emperor 
were aided by the accidental circumstance of a tre- 
mendous conflagration ; without which it would have 
been impossible to get rid of that labyrinth of narrow, 
winding, zigzag streets, which continued to disfigure the 
greater part of Rome even after the time of Augustus. 

As that emperor thought fit to record on brass and 
marble, along with his greatest achievements, the archi- 
tectural improvements which we have just described, so 
also he did not disdain to notify, in the same manner, the 
games and sports with which he had amused the people, 
and the almost inestimable gifts with which he had en- 
riched the temples of the gods : as of Divus Julius, Apollo, 
Vesta, Mars Ultor, and especially the Capitoiine Jove. In 
the many gladiatorial combats exhibited in his own name 
and in the names of his sons, he states that about 10,000 
men had been engaged — a small army ! These combats 


were given not only in the Forum and in the amphitheatre 
of Statilius Taurus, but also in the Circus and the Septa. 
He twice exhibited in his own name the Greek athletic 
sports, and once in the names of his nephews, having 
prepared a temporary place for the spectacle in the 
Campus Martins. He presided forty-seven times at the 
regular games, either by virtue of his office or in the 
place of absent magistrates. He once celebrated the 
Ludi Saeculares, after having carefully consulted the 
Sibylline books, as magister of the college of Quinde- 
cemviri sacris faciundis : for which occasion Horace com- 
posed his well-known Carmen SaBCulare. Six and twenty 
times he exhibited in the Circus, the Forum, and the 
amphitheatre of Taurus, venationes^ that is, the slaughter 
of vnld beasts brought from Africa, in which about 3,500 
of these animals were killed. For the first time he 
delighted and astonished the Eomans with the spectacle of 
a naval combat ; for which purpose he caused a large lake 
or Naumachu to be excavated on the Tiber, at the spot 
afterwards called Nemus CiESARUM, which park or garden 
must therefore have closely adjoined the bank of the river. 
The Naumachia was 1,800 feet, or more than the third of 
a mile, long, and 1,200 feet broad. There is some diffi- 
culty about its exact site. The Monumentum Ancyranum 
mentions it as being trans Tiberim, while Tadtus ^ speaks 
of it as cis Tiberim. Suetonius, on the other hand, says 
that it was circa Tiberim,^ roimd about the Tiber. May 
not this explain the difficulty ? The soil was excavated on 
both sides of the Tiber, so that the river itself helped to 
form part of the basin. Thus the Naumachia might with 
propriety be said to be on either side of the Tiber. Bui 
the Nemus CiESAEUM — that is, of Caius and Lucius, the 
grandsons of Augustus, whose name the emperor gave to 
it — ^was undoubtedly on the right bank of the Tiber, 
as we learn from the following lines of Statins : 

> Amn. xii. 66. « Au^. 43. 



Continuo dextras flavi pete Thybridis oras, 
Lydia qua penitus stagnum naTale coercet 
Ripa, suburbanisque yadum pnetexitur bortis.^ 

It follows, therefore, if the Naumachia lay on one bank 
alone, it must have been the right bank ; and Augustus, by 
mentioning this side in his inscription, hits two objects at 
once, the Lake and the Grove. However this may be, it 
appears that he exhibited thirty large ships of war (ro- 
stratae naves) in this naval fight, besides a greater number 
of smaller ones, and that about three thousand men took 
part in it, without counting the rowers. The Naumachia 
of Augustus existed a considerable time, and seems to 
have obtained the name of Vetus Naumachia * after the 
construction of Domitian's. We need only further men- 
tion that Augustus exhibited this naval spectacle on the 
occasion of his dedicating the Temple of Mars Ultor, 

B. C. J^» 

Such were the works with which Augustus adorned 
Eome, and the shows and pastimes with which he enter- 
tained its inhabitants. To discuss his political labours and 
the character of his government belongs not to our subject; 
though it no doubt formed part of his policy to keep the 
Eomans in good humour by adding to the splendour of 
their capital, and amusing them with mock combats and 
the slaughter of wild beasts. There is, however, one 
feature of his life and times which, as it is in some 

» StlvcBf iv. 4, 5 sqq. A. W. 
Zumpt, in his commentary on the 
Mon. Ancyrannm, p. 78, denies that 
this passa^ fixes tne locality of the 
Nemus; because, says he, Statins 
may be alluding to the Naumachia 
inade by Bomitian. This remark is 
almost as unfortunate as that on the 
temples on the Aventine. It does 
not appear that any grove adjoined 
Domitian^s lake ; while it is quite 
cei-tnin that there was one at that 
of Augustus. It must be allowed, 
however, that the words ^penitus 
coercet * somewhat militate against 

our conjecture that the Naumachia 
was open to the Tiber; though the 
coercion of three sides of the vadum 
might be enough to justify a poetical 

^ Suetonius, however, miist have 
used that name by a proiepsis when 
mentioning the naval combat exhi- 
bited by Titus : * edidit et navale 
prselium in i?«<m naumachia,' Tit, 7, 
It was called Vetus in the time of 
Suetonius, but not in that of Titus. 

» Veil. Pat. ii. 100. Cf. Suet. 
Aftff. 43 ; Tac. Ann. xii. (>6, xiv. 15. 


respects connected with the history of the city, we cannot 
pass over in silence. His patronage of hterature procured 
for his reign the title of the Augustan age ; and the swarm 
of men of genius and learning whom his patronage at- 
tracted to the capital must have been a pecuUar feature of 
its society. We are unfortunately too Uttle acquainted with 
the history of most of them to be able to recall their city 
lives. It would seem, however, that the Esquiline had at 
this time become the chief seat of the Eoman muses, as 
the Aventine had been in the time of Ennius. This, too, 
like the Aventine, seems to have been a sort of proscribed 
hill during the republican times. Fashion appears to have 
turned her back on it ; at least we read not of any dis- . 
tinguished persons who resided here, except in the Carinse 
at its western extremity, though the wealthy freedman 
Vedius PoUio had erected here his enormous mansion. 
Several of its districts and monuments were of a melan- 
choly and repulsive character ; as the Tigillum Sororium 
and the Vicus Sceleratus, altars of Mala Fortuna and 
Febris ; the Subura, a low disagreeable neighbourhood, 
lay close to it ; but, worse than all these, part of it appears 
to have been occupied by a large pauper burial-ground, 
the Campus Esquilinus, where the bodies were thrown 
without much covering of earth : a place offensive to the 
sight and injurious to the health. It was only the rich 
and great who could aspire to the honours of the grave : 
yet slaves and paupers must be buried as well as they ; and 
a tract outside the agger, consequently just beyond the 
ancient Servian pomoerium, was selected for this purpose. 
It seems, however, also to have contained tombs of a some- 
what pretentious character : ^ those probably of rich well- 
to-do burgesses, yet not great enough to command the 
posthumous honour of a roadside mausoleum. We 
gather these particulars from Horace, who has laid here 
the scene of Canidia's incantations : 

» Cic. PhU. ix. 7. 


Nee in sepulcris pauperum prudens anna 
Noyendiales dissipare pulveres.^ 

And again in his Satires : 

Hue priuB angfUBtia ejecta cadayera cellia 
Conaeryua tU) poztanda locabat in axca. 
Hoc miserfe plebi stabat commune Bepulcnun, 
Pantolabo scumB^ Nomentanoque nepotL 
Mille pedes in fronte trecentoe dppus in agrum 
Hie dabat 

He then proceeds to describe the incantations of Canidu 
and her feUow-sorceress Sagana : 

Haa nullo perdere possum 
Nee proHbeie modo, simul ac vaga luna decorum 
Protulit oOf quin ossa legant herbasque nocentes. 
Vidi egomet nigra succinctam vadere palla 
Canidiam, pedibus nudis passoque capillo, 
Cum Bagana majore ululantem : paUor utiaaque 
Fecerat borrendas aspectu, &c. 
• •••••• 

Serpentes atque yideres 
Infemas errare canes ; lunamque rubentemi 
Ne foret bis testis, post magna latere sepulcra.* 

MaBcenas, however, had converted this chamel-field intc 
a garden or park, the Hobti Mjecenatis ; thus rendering 
the spot both healthy and agreeable : 

Nunc licet Esquiliis babitare salubribus atque 
Aggere in aprico spatiarii quo modo tristes 
Albis informem spectabant ossibus agrum.' 

Mascenas, the munificent patron of the Boman literati 
lived upon the Esquiline, and this probably was his motive 
for abolishing, or at least improving, the Campus Esqui- 
linus, for it seems to have remained a place of burial 
though doubtless of a more decent kind, and even a place 
of execution, as we learn from Suetonius in his hfe of the 
Emperor Claudius.* His house is supposed to have stood 
upon the site at present occupied by the ruins of the Bathg 

* £pod. xyii. 47. ^ * CiyitatemRomanamusurpantec 

* Sat, i. 8. in Campo Esquilino securi percussit. 
» Ibid. -^Ckmd. 25, 


of Titus, on that part of the hill which overhangs the 
valley of the Colosseum. It appears from several allusions 
to have been a very lofty structure. Horace calls it a 
' molem propinquam nubibus arduis,' ^ and Suetonius 
characterises it by the name of ' turns.' * Hence it af- 
forded Nero a convenient post for beholding the conflagra- 
tion of Bome. For it had become the property of the 
imperial family. Msecenas had bequeathed it to Augustus, 
and it became the residence of Tiberius after his return 
from Ehodes.* This lends a probability to its having been 
ultimately converted by Titus into a bath. 

It was natural that the Boman literati should cluster 
round their great patron. Virgil, we are told, dwelt upon 
the Esquiline, close to the Horti Msecenatis. Here also 
was the abode of Propertius, as we learn fix)m himself : 

I, puer, et citus hfec aliqua propone eolamnay 
Et dominum Exquiliis scribe habitare ^uum.^ 

Propertius, as well as Virgil, took a great interest in 
the antiquities of the city, as appears from the many 
allusions to the subject in his poems. It seems probable 
also that Horace dwelt, when in town, upon the Esquiline ; 
but though he has left us so many notices of his life and 
habits, he nowhere tells us where he hved. The pro- 
bability that his abode was not far from that of his friend 
and patron is strengthened by the description of his stroll 
down the Via Sacnu He was going to visit a friend who 
lived on the other side of the Tiber : 

Trans llberim longp eubat is, prope Ca&saris hortos ; * 

and from the Esquiline his direct road would have lain 
along the Via Sacra, which began just under the Esquiline ; 
keeping to the left, towards the Temple of Vesta, when he 
approached the Forum as we see he did : 

Yentum erat ad Weetn, Sec* 

' Orf. ii. 20, 10. * Eleg. iv. (iii.) 28, 28. 

« Nero, 98, ft Sat. I 9, 18. 

> Id. ra. 16. • Ibid. 86. 


Pedo Albinovanus, an elegant poet of the Augustan ag€ 
but of whom little or nothing remains, also dwelt, as ma^ 
be inferred fix)m some lines of Martial, on the Esquiline 
just at the top of the ascent firom the Subura through th^ 
\ Vicus Cyprius. At the summit was the fountain callec 

Lacus Obphei, a circular basin with an elevated rock ii 
the middle, on which stood a statue of Orpheus with th( 
enchanted beasts around him.^ Close to this fountain wai 
Pedo's house (* lUic parva tui domus Pedonis '), whicl 
is rendered still more interesting by the circumstance 
that it afterwards became the residence of the younge] 
Pliny ; as we learn from the same poem of Martial's : 




Kec doctum satis et parum seyenim; 
Sed non rusticulum niinis libeUum, 
Facimdo mea Plinio Thalia 
I perfer^ &c.* 

Other wits of that period probably lived in the same 
neighbourhood. Ovid was rather too young to enjoy the 
patronage of Msecenas. He seems to have lived near the 
Capitol, and probably at the southern extremity of the 
Quirinal; whence his house would have commanded 8 
view of the temples on the Capitoline : 

Jamque quiescebant voces hominumqae canumque, 

Lunaque noctumos alta regebat equos. 
Hanc ego suspiciens, et ab hac Capitolia cemens. 

Quae nostro frustra juncta fuere Lari ; 
Numina vicinis habitantia sedibus, inquam, 

Jamque oculis nunquam templa videnda meis ; 
Dique relinquendi, quos Urbs habet alta Quirini, 

Este salutati tempus in onme mihi.' 

The same thing may be inferred from the elegy in 
which he describes the route of his book, which he had 

* Mart. X. 19. dat ut domum meani in Esquiliis 

' Cf. Plin. -^Rp. lib. iii. ep. 21 : quaerat.' 
AlloquiturMusam (MartialiB), man- ' Trist. i. 3, 27 sqq. 


sent home, and which was conveyed to the imperial 
palace by some benevolent citizen : 

Paruity et ducens : Heec snnt font Ceesarb^ inquit, 

HsBC est a sacris qiue yia nomen habet. 
Hie locus est Vestad, qui Pallada servat et ignem : 

Hie fuit antiqui regia panra Numae. 
Inde petens dextram : Porta est, ail^ ista Palali; &c^ 

The way to the palace from the southern extremity of 
the Quirinal would have lain through the imperial Fora, 
and along the Via Sacra. 

Among his other buildings, Augustus forgot not that 
which was to contain his mortal remains, and at once to 
circumscribe and record his greatness. The northern 
part of the Campus Martins, between the Via Flaminia 
and the river, had for some time been selected as the 
burying-place of distinguished persons. Here lay the 
remains of Sulla, of Hirtius and Pansa, of Julius Ccesar, 
his aunt and daughter. Those of some of Augustus' 
nearer connections, Marcellus, Agrippa, Octavia, Drusus, 
had been deposited in a magnificent Mausoleum which 
Augustus erected at this spot as the tomb of the imperial 
family, and which appears to have answered that pur- 
pose down to the time of Hadrian. The ruins of this 
mausoleum may still be seen between the Via di Eipetta, 
the Via de' Schiavoni, and the Via de' PonteficL 

It need only be further recorded here of the works of 
Augustus, that he caused to be brought to Eome from 
Heliopohs the obelisk which now stands on Monte Citorio, 
one of the most celebrated, though not the largest, in 
Eome. Originally it served the purpose of a sundial, 
whence it was called Solarium Augustl It stood in the 
Campus Martins on an immense marble floor, on which 
were delineated the necessary figures, not only to exhibit 
the hours, but also the increase and decrease of the days.^ 
Two obelisks brought from Egypt by the Emperor 

» Trist, iii. 1, 27 sqq. » Plin. H, N, xxxvi. 16. 


CkiiKliuB were also origmally placed before the Mausoleum 
of Augustus. They are those "which now stand, one 
before Sta. Maria Maggiore, and the other on Monte 

Augustus died at Kola A.D. 14. His body, having 
been brought to Bome, was carried into the Forum on 
a bier, and placed before the Temple of Divus Julius at 
its further extremity, where Tiberius read a panegyric 
over it. The same ceremony was repeated at the old 
Bostra by Drusus, the son of Tiberius ; after which a 
number of senators carried the bier on their shoidders 
through the Porta Triumphalis into the Campus Martius, 
where the body was burnt; and the ashes having been 
collected with the usual rites by Livia, who remained 
on the spot five days, were deposited in the mausoleum.^ 

> Suet Aug. c. 100; Dion Cms. ItL 34, 42. 





With all his faults, Augustus was a wise and prudent 
ruler, and perhaps, under the circumstances, the best that 
the Bomans could have had at that period. He was con- 
tent with the substance of power, and sought to conciliate 
his subjects, and accustom them to his yoke, by the mode- 
rate use which he made of it Nothing can prove more 
strongly the politic effect of his reign than that it tamed 
the Eomans to endure the gloomy tyrant who succeeded 
him. The reign of Tiberius is almost a blank in the 
history of the city. He did not once amuse the people 
by the exhibition of games or spectacles, and was but 
rarely present at those given by others. He commenced^ 
according to Suetonius, only two pubhc works, both of 
which he left unfinished, or, at all events, undedicated. 
These were a Temple of Augustus, and the restoratiofi 
of the scena of Pompey's theatre. The temple must have 
stood on the north-west side of the Palatine, as Caligula 
made it serve the purpose of a pier for the bridge which 
he threw over to the Capitoline Hill.^ While the temple 
was building, the golden statue of Augustus was dejH}- 
sited on a couch in the Temple of Mars Ultor. HueUyuiu^ 
also tells us^ that Tiberius dedicated the Temples of Oiri- 
cord and Castor in his own name and that of his broth^^r 

> Suet. Tib. 47, Col. 21 sq. ; Tac. Ajin. vi. 45. 
« Tib. 20 j Dion Caas. Ivi. 26. 


Drusus ; but this he did before he became emperor, anc 
these temples were probably among the eighty-two re 
stored by Augustus. On the south-western side of the 
Palatine Tiberius enlarged the imperial palace by build 
ing, or adding to, the DoMUS Tiberuna. This structure 
overhanging the Velabrum, had probably been a famil} 
house before, as Tiberius is said to have been born upon 
the Palatine. It appears to have had a library distinct 
from that of the Augustan palace.^ 

Suetonius, in his enumeration of the works, of Tiberius, 
has, however, omitted the Tbiumphal Arch which he 
erected, a.d. 16, in commemoration of the recovery of 
the military ensigns which Varus had lost ; a feat indeed 
performed by Germanicus, but under the auspices of 
Tiberius. The arch must have stood at the top of the 
Forum, near the Milliarium Aureum, and close to the 
Temple of Saturn,^ probably spanning the Sacra Via, 
which, as may be seen from the remains of the ancient 
pavement, ascended the Capitoline Hill in front of the 
portico of the temple. There are no remains of it, nor 
do we find it described by ancient authors. Tiberius 
also erected a Temple of FoRS Fortuna in the same year, 
and probably on the same occasion, in the Horti Caesaris 
on the right bank of the Tiber. 

But though Tiberius undertook few public building-^, 
he must be allowed the merit of having assisted to restore 
the damage occasioned by two great fires which occurred in 
his reign. One of these appears to have destroyed all the 
buildings on the CseUau Hill. A statue of Tiberius which 
stood in the house of a senator named Junius alone escaped 
the flames, on which account it was proposed to change 
the name of the hill to Augustus ; but if this name was 
ever appUed to the hill, it certainly did not remain long 
in use. The other fire, which broke out near the Circus 

1 VopiscuB, Prob, 2. » Tac. Ann, ii. 41. 


Maximus, destroyed that part of it which lay contiguous 
to the Aventine, as well as the buildings on that hill. 
Tiberius is said to have reimbursed the owners the price 
of the houses destroyed in these conflagrations.^ When 
we add, what we have already mentioned, that Tiberius 
established the praetorian camp near the Servian agger, 
we have recorded everything notable that he eflected for 
the city. 

Caligula, who ascended the throne on the death of 
Tiberius in B. c. 37, was half, if not quite, a madman ; and 
nothing shows it more than his architectural feats. He 
extended the imperial palace towards the Forum, so as 
to include in it the Temple of Castor and Pollux as a 
sort of vestibule. The passage into the palace passed 
between the statues of the Dioscuri ; and he boasted of 
having converted them into his janitors or doorkeepers. 
Sometimes he would take his stand just between the two, 
and thus appear to receive the adorations of those who 
came to worship.^ Another extravagant feat was that 
just mentioned, of throwing a bridge from the Palatine to 
the Capitoline Hill, making the Temple of Augustus serve 
as a kind of pier ; for he affirmed that Jove had invited 
him to become his contubemalis^ or comrade. And, to 
carry out this project fully, he began to build a residence 
on the Area Capitolina, but the work never proceeded 
beyond laying the foundations, being probably interrupted 
by his death. Nay, he wished to become, as it were, the 
rival of Jove, and to be worshipped instead of him as 
Jupiter Latiaris. With which view he ordered the 
statue of the Olympian Jupiter to be brought to Eome ; 
when the head was to have been cut off and another sub- 
stituted bearing his own likeness. A temple for this 
deity was hastily erected on the Palatine ; but the Greek 
statue was hindered from l)C'ing brought, the vessel built 


1 Tac. Afm. iv. ()4, vL «►, t Huet (M 22 ; IMon Otm Ux. 28. 


purposely for its conveyance having been destroyed by 
lightning. Caligula was very angry with Jupiter for this 
ill-natured act; but he would not be frustrated of his 
purpose, and caused a golden image of himself to be set 
up in the temple, clothed in his usual dress. He himself 
officiated as his own priest, or Flamen Dialis, in con- 
junction with his horse Incitatus. The richest people in 
Eome contended with one another to be admitted into 
the priesthood, and he made them pay handsomely for 
the honour.^ Caligula seems also to have made other 
extensive alterations by building at the north-western 
angle of the Palatine, and altogether his works were on 
so large a scale that Pliny compares them with those of 
Nero.^ Among them was a circus which he built in the 
district of the Vatican, in the Horti AoRiPPiNiE, or gardens 
of his mother Agrippina, which probably occupied the 
site on which S. Peter's now stands. But this circus 
seems not to have been finished, or at all events never 
to have been used during the reign of Caligula. It was 
afterwards called the Circus Neronis, from its frequent 
employment by that emperor ; though it appears to have 
been previously used by Claudius.' The place, however, 
was also called Caianum, from Caligula,* and is mentioned 
by that name in the Notitia. 

Caligula was assassinated after a short reign of four 
years, a. d, 41. He was at first hastily buried in the Horti 
Lamiani on the Esquiline, but his remains were afterwards 
burnt by his sisters and reinterred.^ The Horti Lamiani 
were probably the property of -Mius Lamia, to whom 
Horace addressed one of his odes ;^ at least we learn from 
Valerius Maximus that the jElian family dwelt near the 
Trophies of Marius.^ Caligula was succeeded by Claudius, 

^ Suet, and Dion Cass. U. cc, Claud. 21. 

* 'Bis vidimus urbem totam cingi * Dion Oass. lix. 14. 

domibus principum Caii'et Neronis.* * Suet. Calig. 59. 

—H. N, xxxvi. 24, 6. « i. 26. 

» PUn. H,N, xxxvi. 16 j Suet ' iv. 4,8. 


the chief works of whose reign were the two aqueducts, 
Aqua Claudia and Anio Novus, which had been begun by 
Caligula, but left incomplete. The sources of both these 
aqueducts were on the Via Sublacensis; those of the 
Claudia near the thirty-eighth milestone, those of the Anio 
Novus four miles further on. The latter was the longest 
and noblest of all the Boman aqueducts, its course being 
nearly 59 miles in length, and some of its arches 109 feet 
in height.^ They entered Borne in a double stream at 
the present Porta Maggiore, the Claudia flowing under- 
neath the Anio Novus. The gate is formed by two arches 
of the duct ; on the attic above, containing the channels 
for the water, are three inscriptions recording its con- 
struction by Claudius, and its reparation by Vespasian 
and Titus. Originally the water b^an to be distributed 
at this point by pipes, but Nero continued the duct over 
the Cselian Hill in order to supply his lake. Eemains of 
this part may be seen at the Piazza di S. Giovanni Laterano. 
Claudius also constructed the port of Ostia. The triumphal 
arch decreed by the senate to Drusus, the father of 
Claudius,* and built on the Appian Way, is probably that 
which still exists not far from the Porta S. Sebastiano. 

Claudius on his accession demolished all that Caligula 
had added to the palace beyond the limits of the Palatine, 
and as he does not appear to have built here himself, the 
palace continued to consist of the houses of Augustus, 
Tiberius, and Caligula. Claudius was succeeded by Nero 
in A. D. 54. This emperor, though perhaps not quite so 
mad as Caligula, had as great a passion for building, and 
especially for extending the limits of his palace, which 
already embraced half the Palatine Hill. We have 
seen that Maecenas bequeathed his house on the Es- 
quiline to Augustus ; it had remained in the imperial 
family, and Nero determined to extend the precincts of 
the palace to the Esquiline so as to include it. He must 

» Front S 13 aqq. » Suet. Oaiid. 1. 



consequently have appropriated to this purpose the 
remainder, or eastern side, of the Palatine Hill, together 
with the valley between it and the Esquiline, which after- 
wards became the site of the Colossemn. As the ground 
which he had thus appropriated embraced a considerable 
portion of the very heart of the city, it was necessary to 
leave the existing thoroughfares, and on this account he 
called his new palace DoMUS Transitobia. But the great 
fire which occurred at Eome in A. D. 65, whether acci- 
dentally or purposely, cleared the ground in this quarter, 
and enabled him to carry out a much more magnificent 

This great conflagration lasted six days and seven 
nights. It broke out at the eastern extremity of the 
Circus Maximus, in some shops containing combustible 
materials, and, spreading to the north and west, com- 
pletely destroyed three whole regions of the city, and 
severely damaged seven more. We have no account 
of all the public monuments that perished on this oc- 
casion, but we know that among them were some of 
the most venerable from their antiquity, as the Temple 
of Luna founded by Servius TuUius, the fane and altar 
called Magna which Evander was said to have dedicated 
to Hercules, the Temple of Jupiter Stator founded by 
Romulus, the Eegia of Numa, the Temple of Vesta, and 
that of the Penates of the Roman people. As these 
monuments encircled the Palatine Hill, it would be natural 
to conclude that the imperial palaces on its summit must 
also have been destroyed. Yet if this was the case they 
appear to have been rebuilt on the original plan, as we 
find them mentioned subsequently by their former names ; 
and that the palace of Augustus did not suffer very 
severely may be inferred from the fact that Suetonius 
states some of his furniture, beds and tables, to have been 
still in existence in his time. The public buildings 

» Aug, 73. 

Sect. IV.] FIRE UNDER NERO. 227 

around the Forum must also have been much damaged ; 
but we know that the Capitol escaped, as the building of 
Sulla and Catulus lasted till the Vitellian riots. Many 
masterpieces of Greek art, many antique and genuine 
monuments of the ancient Eoman times, things which 
could never be replaced, perished on this occasion. The 
ancient monuments continued to be regretted by the 
elder citizens even amidst the splendour of the new city 
which rose upon their ashes. A vast amount of treasure 
was also destroyed, and a great many lives were lost. 

Nero was at Antium when the fire broke out, but he 
hastened back to Kome when he heard that his new 
palace was in danger. He appears to have done all that 
he could to relieve the distress of the people. He threw 
open to them all the buildings of Agrippa, as well as his 
own gardens in the Vatican district ; he caused temporary 
buildings to be erected in the Campus Martins and other 
places ; he sent for furniture from Ostia and other neigh- 
bouring towns ; and he directed the price of com to be 
reduced to three nummi (the vioditis)^ or, according to thq 
computation of Gibbon, 15^. the English quarter.^ But 
these acts failed to gain him popularity. For it was 
whispered that, while the fire was raging, he had seized 
the opportimity to gratify his taste for scenic effect, and, 
dressed in appropriate theatrical costume,had sung the des- 
truction of Troy amid the flames which so vividly recalled 
that ancient calamity. Another and graver charge was that 
he had wilfully caused the fire. Tacitus neither accepts 
nor rejects the accusation, but mentions it as made by 
some authors, while others attributed the conflagration to 
chance. A fresh outbreak of the fire on a smaller scale 
seems more probably Nero's work, as it recommenced 
in the gardens of his minion Tigellinus. Nero perhaps 
improved the occasion to make short work of it in 
certain parts. 

1 Dedme and Fatt, voL ii. p. 282, note (Smith's ed. 1854). 



Hfiwerer ias wax be. is caiaoc be denied thai wis 
ar/i Qse&I ZK90=nE5 v€Pe ad*jipc€d for the rebwiMing c 
u^ chr. TLe stre^Sf v^e kad od oq an otderiy plan 
thi^T were mM^ brottier. the hooses were doc built a 
Ligh, aol tlM: fimts of the mmL» were protected b 
pr/Jtkoes, wfakrh Xero erected at his own expense. Th 
rublAsh caused br the fire was carried down to th 
marshes about Ostia in the vessels whi^h had brougli 
tip com frcffn that port. Certain parts of the house 
were to be built, without wood, of Galnne and Albai 
stone, thought to be impervious to fire. Each hons< 
was to have a wall of its own. and not a common waU be 
tween two. Guardians were appointed for the aque 
du^is, so that the water should not be cut oflT b] 
individuals, and there might consequendj be a large] 
fcupply for public use, and everybody was directed U 
have appliances in readiness for extinguishing fire. Al 
the public buildings destroyed seem to have been rebuil 
on the original plan, and continued to be mentionec 
subsequently by the names which they had borne pre 
viouflly to the fire. 

To avert the displeasure of the gods, so plainl] 
signified by this great calamity, the Sibylline books wen 
c!oriHulted. Agreeably to their directions, a suppltcatii 
was made U) Vulcan, Ceres, and Proserpine ; Juno als( 
v/m j)ropitiated by married women, first in her temple or 
th(j Capitolinc Hill, and then on the nearest sea-shore 
whence water was brought to besprinkle her temple ant 
imag(5 at Home. But neither these expiations, nor th( 
bounty of Nero, sufficed to satisfy the public mind 
lluniours continued to be circulated that the fire waj 
])renujditatod. To obviate this suspicion, or at least tc 
(livcjrt the thoughts of the people into another channel 
Nero dovisod a method as cruel as it was inefiectual. Ii 
is now tliat we first hear of the Christians at Eome, and 
iV(*(H)rding to the testimony of Tacitus, they amounted tc 


a large number.^ The Christian worship, then necessarily 
performed in private conventicles, and addressed not to 
any image of the deity adored, was calculated to inflame 
the Eoman mind with hatred and suspicion. It was so 
unlike their own, in which the statue of each god repre- 
sented an ever-present deity ostentatiously worshipped in 
open day with ceremony and pomp and sacrifice; and 
men are ever prone to suspect and hate those who differ 
from them in religion. Nero, therefore, in persecuting 
the Christians did an acceptable and popular act. He 
first seized some few from whom by horrible tortures a con- 
fession was extorted, or said to have been extorted, and they 
were then compelled to denounce their fellow Christians. 
A great number of these were convicted ; not so much, says 
the historian, of the arson as of hatred of the human race ; a 
suspicion which perhaps originated from their not frequent- 
ing the theatres and circuses, and from their withdrawing 
themselves in a great measure from the commerce of man- 
kind. The sort of punishment adopted by Nero was agree- 
able to the Eoman taste. He gave some games in his circus 
in the Vatican district, during which he mixed familiarly 
with the people in the dress of a charioteer, and sometimes 
discharged the functions of one by mounting a chariot. 
Some of the unhappy Christians having been covered 
with the skins of wild beasts, were exposed to be torn to 
pieces by ferocious dogs ; some were crucified ; others, 
wrapped probably in combustible materials, were made, 
when the shades of evening descended, to serve the 
purpose of torches ; an example afterwards adopted by 
the Christians themselves, or by some at least who 
claimed that name.^ But Nero missed his purpose. 
Although the Christians were disliked, this persecution, 
so evidently instituted to gratify the savageness of a 

' 'Multitudo ingens.' — Ann, xr. consequences see Tacit Ann, xy. 
44. 38-44 ; Suet. Ner. 38 ; Dion Cass. 

' For the fire of Rome and its Ixii. 16. 


despot, and not for the public good, only procured them 

The vast space cleared by the fire afibrded Nero the 
opportimity of building a still more extravagant palace 
than the first, to which, fix)m its richness and splendour, 
he gave the name of Aukea Domus, or the golden house. 
It is difficult to form any very precise idea of this palace 
from the descriptions in ancient authors.^ It may be 
conjectured, however, that it occupied all that height on 
which the Temple of Venus and Eome and the convent of 
Sta. Francesca Bomana now stand ; and it seems probable 
that this hill itself may in a great d^ree have arisen fix)m 
the remains of the palace, and from the earth excavated 
to make the lake behind it. In such a position the front 
of the palace would natm^y have been turned towards 
the Forum and Capitol, and this inference is confirmed 
by some accounts which we find in ancient authors. 
Suetonius mentions that the colossal statue of Nero, 
which was 120 feet high, stood in the vestibule of the 
palace, and we learn from Dion Cassius^ that Vespasian 
in his sixth consulate (a. d. 75), when he dedicated his 
Temple of Peace, caused the colossus, which must not 
have been far from the precincts of that temple, to be 
removed and set up on the Sacra Via, which ran at the 
back of the palace. Vespasian's motive for changing the 
situation of the statue probably was that it might face the 
main entrance of his amphitheatre, the plan of which 
must have now been laid, though it was not perfected till 
some years afterwards. Pliny, who saw the colossus in 
the atelier^ says that it was 110 feet high, so that Suetonius 
probably included the base. It was the work of Zeno- 
dorus, a celebrated artist, and is said to have been a 
striking likeness of Nero.^ Dion Cassius, who speaks 
only from hearsay, calls its height 100 feet. Hadrian, 

* The principal are Suet iSV. 31 ; • Ixvi. 16. 
Mart De Sped. ii. » riin. H. N. xxxiv. 7, § 18. 

Sect. IV.] NERO'S GOLDEN HOUSE. . 231 

when he built his Temple of Venus and Eome, removed 
the colossus a few yards further to the north,^ where its 
base may still be seen, in order probably that it might 
not interfere with the fa9ade of his structure ; but it still 
stood close to the amphitheatre and on the Sacra Via. 
When Martial described this locality, the colossus stood 
where it had been placed by Vespasian, and where Nero's 
airia had formerly been : 

Hie ubi sidereus propiiis videt astra colossus 

Et crescunt media pegmata celsa via, 
Invidiosa feri radiabant atria regis^ 

Unaque jam tota stabat in urbe domus.* 

The back front of the palace thus looked towards the 
lake which Nero had caused to be made in the valley 
afterwards occupied by the Flavian amphitheatre; the 
water was supplied by the Claudian aqueduct and Anio 
Novus, which, as we have seen, he had caused to be 
prolonged over the Caelian Hill. It appears to have been 
conducted over the Aech of Dolabella, near the Piazza 
della Navicella ; which, as we learn from an inscription on 
it, was erected in the consulship of Dolabella and Silanus, 
A. D. 10 ; but the purpose of it has never been satisfactorily 
ascertained. Eound about the lake were sprinkled clusters 
of buildings which resembled cities, and, if the perspective 
had been duly observed and the size of the buildings 
regulated accordingly, we may imagine that this would 
have given an appearance of great extension to the water, 
and would have formed no mean attempt at landscape 
gardening, if such an expression may be allowed. Beyond 
the lake the declivities of the Caelian and Esquilinewere con- 
verted into fields, vineyards, pastures, and woods, filled with 
a multitude of cattle and wild beasts. The imperial domains 
are said to have been comprised in three porticoes each a 
mile long ; which circuit would have comprehended the 
Esquiline, part of the Caelian, and the Palatine. The 

' Spart Hadr. 19. « De Sped, ii. 


house itself was adorned with gold, gems, and mother- 
of-pearL The comationes or dining-rooms had movable 
ivory ceiUngs, carved hke flowers and provided with 
pipes, so that perfumes might be sprinkled from above. 
The principal comatio was circular, and turned night and 
day like the earth. The baths were provided with sea- 
water and water from the Albula, whose sulphureous 
properties were much esteemed. 

When this palace was completed, Nero was in a good 
degree contented, and he condescended to remark that 
'he had at last begun to live like a man.'^ In fact he 
had engrossed nearly the whole city, and contemplated 
changing its name to Neropolis. Hence an epigram of 
those days : 

Roma domus fiet : Veios migrate^ Quirites^ 
Si non et Veios occupat ista domus. 

But he had also formed the insane project of enlarging 
the city in proportion, by extending its walls to Ostia, and 
bringing the sea into the old city by means of a canal.* 
It should not however be omitted that Nero did some- 
thing for the convenience of the people, as well as for the 
gratification of his own vanity, by building some baths, 
the Therms NERONiANiE, near those of Agrippa. They 
were afterwards enlarged and improved by Alexander 
Severus ; fiom whom they derived the name of Therms 
Alexandrines, by which they are mentioned in the 
Notitia.^ He also founded a market, supposed to be that 
called Macellum Magnum, on the Caehan Hill, near the 
Temple of Claudius.* We are not surprised to hear that, 
by his extravagance in building, accompanied with an 
equal extravagance in feasting and all kinds of de- 
bauchery, he had at length exhausted even the means 
which the empire of the world placed at his disposal, so 

» Suet Nero, 81. * Dion Cass. Ixi. 18 : Naitta, 

« Ibid, 16. Jteg. ii. 

' Heffio ix. 

Sect. IV.] DEATH OF NERO. 233 

that he could not even pay his troops, and was at length 
reduced to rob the temples, and melt down the gold and 
silver images of the gods, among them those of the Dii 
Penates. Want of money no doubt hastened his fall ; for 
the troops, who would have stood by him had they been 
well paid, were easily persuaded to proclaim the insurgent 
Galba emperor. Nero was compelled to fly, and with ir- 
resolute hand at length succeeded in inflicting a mortal 
wound upon himself in the house of his freedman Phaon, 
a few miles from Eome (a. d. 68). He was permitted to 
have a sumptuous funeral, and his ashes were deposited 
in a family tomb of the Domitii upon the CoUis Hortorum, 
or Pincian Hill.^ Such was the end of the last of the 

The short and turbulent reigns of Galba, Otho, and 
Vitellius contribute but few materials towards a history 
of the city. Galba lost the empire by his niggardliness, 
as Nero had done by his extravagance. The latter 
was unable to provide the pay which he owed his 
troops; the former was unwilling to give the donative 
which he had promised them. After a reign of half a 
year, Galba was supplanted by Otho, who, being disap- 
pointed of succeeding to the throne by adoption, resolved 
to seize it by force. But he dissembled to the last. On 
the very day that his plot was to be executed, he attended 
upon Galba in the palace, by whom as usual he was 
saluted with a kiss. He assisted at a sacrifice made by 
Galba, during which the haruspex warned the emperor 
of a domestic enemy ; and then, pretending that he was 
wanted by an architect and some builders, but who were 
in reahty soldiers whom he had appointed to meet him at 
the MiUiarium Aureum, under the Temple of Saturn, Otho 
slipped out by the back part of the palace through the 
Domus Tiberiana into the Velabrum, and so proceeded 
to the place of rendezvous. Here he was saluted em- 

> Suet AtfT. 50. 


peror bjr sofoe two dozai aokiias. and wae tlicn coodiicted 
to the pinecoruui can^ b^nig jomed on the road by about 
the same number. 

The new3 of the seditioD ssooa readied the ears of 
Galba, and filled him with trepidatioiL It also ^read 
throogfa the citr, and the palace was soon filled with a 
rabble clamoronshr demanding the death of Otho and the 
conspirators ; thou^ in troth they did not care a straw 
aboat the matter, and onhr amnaed themselves by malring 
a noise, as if they had been in the drcus or theatre. 
After long hesitation Gralba determined to proceed to the 
Forum ; and as, on account of his old age, he could not 
bear the pressure of the crowd, he was carried in a chair. 
But the iasurrection of the soldiers was now complete. 
Some advised Gbdba to r^um to the palace, some to seek 
the Capitol, others to mount the Bostra. In truth, how- 
ever, he was no longer master of his actions. A dense 
crowd had filled the Forum and the adjacent Basilicas 
and temples ; a crowd not violent or noisy, but silent, 
sullen, and curious to see the issue. Galba was swayed 
to and fro at the mercy of this living mass, and could do 
nothing but obey its impulse. A body of cavalry arrives 
at the charge, and soon clears the Forum. Those who 
were carrying Galba let him fall in the middle of it, close 
to the Lacus Curtius, where he was soon despatched by 
the soldiers. Titus Vinius, consul with Gfelba, was slain 
before the Temple of Divus Julius ; Piso Licinianus, whom 
Galba had adopted as his son, and consequently as his 
Huccessor, only four days before, took refuge in the 
Temple of Vesta, where a public slave concealed him in 
his cell. But from this hiding-place he was dragged 
forth, and killed at the entrance of the temple.^ 

Otho, during his brief reign, seemed determined to 
adopt the acts of Nero, and is even said to have assumed 
his name. lie caused Nero's statues to be re-erected, and 

* Tac. Hid. I 27, 80-42 ; Suet. Oth, 6. 


recalled his ministers and officers. One of his first acts 
was to sign an order for fifty million sesterces, or nearly 
400,000/., in order to complete the Golden House; 
which, therefore, must have been very fitr from finished 
at the time of Nero's death.^ But in a few months Otho 
lost the empire in the same violent way in which he had 
obtained it. Having been defeated by Vitellius near 
Bedriacum, he put an end to his own life. Vitellius now 
marched to Eome, which he entered in July, A. D. 69, with 
military pomp ; then proceeding to the Capitol, he em- 
braced his mother, and saluted her with the name of 
Augusta. But Vespasian, who had been despatched by 
Nero to conduct the Jewish war, had been already 
acknowledged emperor by the governor of Egypt ; and all 
the East followed the example. Vitellius, hearing of the 
approach of the legions who had declared for Vespasian 
in the north, determined to resign, and is said to have 
made terms with Sabinus, who led Vespasian's party at 
Eome. But his troops were not of the same mind. 
They attacked and defeated the soldiers of Sabinus, who 
thereupon took refuge in the Capitol. Here, against the 
wish of Vitellius himself, they were besieged by his 
soldiers. It was on this occasion that the Capitoline 
temple was burnt. The soldiers of Vitellius, without 
any commands fix>m him, made a spontaneous and dis- 
orderly attack upon the Capitol. They attempted to 
force their way up the Clivus Capitolinus; but being 
armed only with swords they were unable to force the 
gate at the top of it. Meanwhile the besi^ed had 
mounted the roof of a portico which lay on the right- 
hand side of the Clivus, or that nearest the summit of 
the hill, whence they plied the Vitellians with stones 
and tiles. The latter now threw burning brands upon 
the portico, the fire occasioned by which destroyed the 
gate; but Sabinus prevented them from entering by 

» Suet Oth. 7. 

29S msrrORT of the CITT of BOMK [Sbcx. IV. 

blocking up the gateway witb statues. The Yitellians 
now sought other means of access by the Hundred Steps 
at the Tarpeian rock, on the southern side of the hill, 
and by the grove of the Asylum, which must have lain 
at the other extremity of it On this side, no danger 
being apprehended fircm external enemies, private houses 
had been suffered to be built, the roofs of which were as 
high as the sunmiit of the hilL Either the besi^ers or 
the besieged, but more probably the latter,^ set fire to 
these houses, as a means of repelling the invaders. 
From the houses the flames caught the porticoes sur- 
rounding the Capitoline temple, and spreading thence to 
the timbers which supported the pediment, the whole 
building was destroyed, without having been attacked or 

This disaster deprived Sabinus and his followers of all 
presence of mind ; and meanwhile the Vitellians broke 
in, destroying everything with fire and sword. The few 
who resisted were killed, and Sabinus was captured. 
Domitian, the yoimger son of Vespasian, who had ac- 
companied his uncle Sabinus to the Capitol, at first con- 
cealed himself in the apartment of the a^dituus, or keeper 
of the temple ; then, having put on the linen dress of 
those who ministered at the altar, he escaped unobserved 
among a number of those ministers, and hid himself in 
the house of one of his father's clients near the Velabrum. 
When his father attained supreme power, Domitian 
caused the lodge or contubernium of the aedituus to be 
pulled down, and dedicated on its site a little chapel to 
Jupiter Conservator, with an altar on which his adven- 
ture was sculptured. Afterwards, when he became 
emperor himself, he consecrated a large temple to Jupiter 
Gustos, with his own image in the bosom of the god. 

* Atticus; one of Sabinus' adhe- mon was sincere. Tac Hid. iii. 75. 
ToniBf confessed that he did it ; but * Ibid. 71. 
it is not certain whether his confes- 


Sabinus was led in chains to Vitellius, who wished to 
pardon him, and from the steps of his palace besought 
on his behalf the clemency of the mob. But they were 
determined to have a victim. Sabinus was killed and 
mutilated, and his headless trunk dragged to the Scalas 

But Vitellius derived no advantage from this temporary 
success, nor from a victory gained by his brother at 
Terracina. The troops who had declared for Vespasian 
entered Eome the same day that Sabinus had been killed, 
and were soon masters of the city. Vitellius at first fled 
to the house of his wife upon the Aventine, but, with his 
habitual irresolution, again returned to the palace. Here, 
however, he found himself deserted by everybody ; even 
the meanest slave slimk from his presence, and he hid him- 
self in despair in the remotest part of the building. Being 
discovered, he was dragged away to the Scalae Gemonise, 
and there despatched with many blows, in the very place 
where the body of Sabinus had been exhibited. 

In the reigns of Vespasian and Ins two sons, Rome re- 
ceived a vast addition to her architectural glories. When 
Vespasian arrived in Eome in the year 70, he foimd many 
parts of the city still in a ruinous state, just as they had 
been left by the fire of Nero. To remedy this defect, he 
issued a decree authorising anybody who pleased to oc- 
cupy the vacant spots and build upon them, if the owners 
neglected to do so. The Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus 
was also level with the ground. Suetonius tells us that 
Vespasian took such an interest in its reconstruction that 
he was the first who began to remove the iiibbish, and 
carried away some of it on his own shoidders.^ But 
Tacitus, who gives a more circmnstantial accoimt of the 
matter, relates that Vespasian before his return had in- 
trusted the restoration of the temple to L. Vestinus of the 
equestrian order, who laid the first stone of the new 

» Tac. Hid. iii. 74. « Vesp, 8. 


building with great solemnity on the 21st of June. The 
new temple was of the same form and size as the ancient 
one, which, the haruspices said, the gods would not allow 
to be altered ; only its height was somewhat increased.' 

Titus, the son of Vespasian, whom he had lefi; to 
conduct the Jewish war, returned to Bome in 71, afiter 
having captured Jerusalem. The senate had decreed a 
separate triumph both to Vespasian and Titus, but they 
resolved to celebrate a joint one. Josephus has left us a 
rather minute description of this triumph. As generals 
cum imperio were not allowed to enter the city, Vespasian 
and Titus spent the night before their triumphal entry at 
the temple of Isis and Serapis, outside the walls. By 
whom this temple had been foimded cannot be said, but 
its site is pretty certain. Juvenal mentions it as being 
very near the ancient Ovile,* or, what is the same thing, 
the more modem Septa ; and apparently between it and 
the Pantheon of Agrippa, near the present church of Sta. 
Maria sopra Minerva. Many statues and other objects 
found in this neighbourhood confirm this position.® The 
troops having mustered round this building early in the 
morning, the emperor and his son, crowned with laurel, 
marched at their head to the Porticus Octavia, where they 
were met by the senate, magistrates, and principal citizens. 
In front of the portico a suggestum had been erected, 
with two curule chairs, in which they took their seats. 
Ilero they were saluted with the acclamations of the 
soldiery, prolonged till Vespasian commanded silence ; 
when lie arose, and, having covered the greater part of his 
head, pronounced the accustomed prayers. Titus having 
done the same, after a short address from Vespasian, the 
soldiers were dismissed to the breakfast provided for them. 
During this intei-val Vespasian and Titus withdrew to the 

> Tac. JKirf. iv. 53. » Nibby, Eoma neJT atmo 1838, 

* < Antdquo qufo proxima surgit t iL p. 673. 
OvilL*— ^SW. vi. 627. 

Sbct.IV.] triumph of VESPASIAN. 289 

Porta Triumphalis ; where they took some refreshment, 
and, having put on their triumphal robes, sacrificed to the 
gods which stood before the gate. They then returned 
to their troops, and caused the triumphal procession to 
pass through the theatres, those probably of Pompey and 
MarceUus,! in order that a greater number of persons 
might obtain a sight of it. For all Eome had flocked 
forth to behold the spectacle, and scarcely left room for 
its passage. 

The historian then proceeds to describe the richness 
of the spoils displayed; the vast quantity of gold and 
silver, precious stones, and ivory ; the statues of the gods, 
remarkable for their size, material, and workmanship ; the 
troops of different animals ; the representations of the in- 
cidents of the war, and other things of various kinds. 
But the most remarkable of the spoils were those taken 
in the Temple of Jerusalem. These comprised a golden 
table, equal to many talents in weight, and a golden 
candlestick, consisting of a base from which rose a staff 
or column, with branches diverging from it like tridents, 
at the end of each of which was a lamp. The number of 
these branches was seven, that being a number esteemed 
by the Jews. The procession of spoils was closed by the 
Jewish table of the laws. Then, preceded by many per- 
sons bearing images of Victory, made of ivory or gold, 
came Vespasian and his two sons ; and it is remarkable 
that they were on horseback and not in triimiphal chariots. 
So wound the slow pomp along through the city and up 
the Capitoline Hill to the Temple of Jupiter Optimus 
Maximus ; which, we may suppose, had now again risen 
from its ashes. Before the temple it halted awhile, 

^ This now appears to me to be to gratiij the crowd ; whereas the 

the most probable interpretation of triumphs always passed through the 

the words did r&v Oidrpuv: first, Circus. Josephus^mdeed, does not say 

because the Ciicns can hardly come that Vespasian and Titus returned 

under the name of a theatre ; and from the Porta Triumphalis -, but 

secondly^ because Jo6e]jhu8 mentions that may easily be understood^ 
this as an exoaptional mstanoe, done 


according to custom, till the death of the conquered 
general of the enemy should be announced. This was 
Simon, the son of Giora, who, after having been exhibited 
in the procession among the captives, was draped with 
a cord round his neck to the place of execution over- 
hanging the Forum, and scourged with rods as he went 
The announcement of his death was received with acclama- 
tions ; then the sacrifices commenced, and after a solemn 
thanksgiving the emperor and his sons returned to the 
palace, where th^ gave a splendid banquet; and the 
feasting was universal throughout the city.^ 

Vespasian, when he had regulated the affairs of the 
Empire, determined to erect a splendid Temple of Peace. 
The site which he selected for it was near the north- 
eastern extremity of the Forum. As it was surrounded 
with a large open space, it must have served, like the 
Fora of Julius and Augustus, to relieve the Forum 
Eomanum; and indeed it sometimes bore the name of 
FoEUM Pacis. The temple was a most magnificent struc- 
ture, and the interior was adorned with chefs-d'oeuvre of 
Greek sculpture and painting, which seem to have been 
mostly taken from Nero's palace; for Vespasian caused 
that monument of insane extravagance to be demolished. 
Here also were placed the Jewish spoUs, except the laws 
and the veil of the temple, which were deposited in the 
imperial palace. To the temple was annexed a library 
which served not only for study, but also for the meetings 
of hterary men. The temple was burnt down in the reign 
of Commodus, and does not appear to have been restored.^ 
Vespasian also erected on the Caelian Hill a Temple to the 
Emperor Claudius, which had been begun by Agrippina, 
but destroyed by Nero.* The exact site of it, however, 
cannot be determined. 

* JosephuB, De Bell, Jttd, lib. vii. xxxvi. 24 ; Josephus, B. J. vii. 5, 
c. 5. Bub fin. ; A. GelL v. 21. 

» Suetoniua, Vesp. 9j Plin. H. N. » Suet. Vesp. 9. 


As, after the capture of Jerusalem by Titus, a great 
number of Jews appear to have resorted to Eome, it may 
be proper here to say a few words respecting their con- 
dition in that city. 

The capture of Jerusalem by Pompey in B.C. 63, on 
which occasion Sulla's son, Faustus, was the first man to 
scale the walls, appears to have caused the settlement of 
many Jews at Eome. Pompey brought thither a number 
of Jewish slaves, and after his time we begin j;o hear of 
Jewish freedmen and other Hebrews, attracted probably 
to the Koman capital by views of trade and speculation. 
Pompey, accompanied by some of his officers, appears to 
have penetrated into the holy of holies, which the chief 
priest alone was permitted to enter, and there to have 
viewed the golden table and candlesticks already de- 
scribed, with other sacred utensils, besides consecrated 
money to the value of two million talents ; but he touched 
nothing of all these things, and, the day after his entry, 
directed the temple to be purified and worship to be 
resumed as usual. But the treasure was afterwards 
plundered by Crassus. Judaea retained its own princes, 
who Uved on friendly terms with the first Eoman 
emperors. Julius Csesar appears to have favoured them ; 
they deplored his death with weeping and lamentations, 
and gathered round his tomb for nights together.^ Philon 
Judaeus, in his description of the embassy to Cahgula,^ of 
which he was himself the head, adverts to the mildness 
with which Augustus had treated the Jews. He allowed 
them to observe the customs of their forefathers, to hold 
their synagogues, to observe their Sabbath, and receive 
the distributions of com on the following day, to transmit 
money to Jerusalem in order that sacrifices might be 
made for them ; nay, he is even said to have adorned the 
Jewish Temple with costly offerings, and to have caused 
large sacrifices to be made there. Several Jewish princes 

' Suet Jul, C<BB. 84. « Opera, p. 728 (Paris, 1552). 







who visited Eome were treated with great distinc 
and some were even educated at the imperial a 
Agrippa, the grandson of Herod, was brought up 
Claudius, the future emperor, and with Drusus, the sc 
Tiberius; he formed an intimacy with Caligula, 
made him king of the Jews.. Towards the Jewj 
general that emperor, however, conceived a great 
mosity, because they were the only people who ref 
to recognise his divinity ; and he received the emb 
of Philon and the Jews at Alexandria, with every n 
of contumely and insult. He directed Petronius, govei 
of Syria, to cause his statue to be erected in the ten 
at Jerusalem. The scene which ensued touched ( 
the heart of Petronius. He entreated the emperoi 
alter his purpose, and Caligula at last yielded to 
representations of his early friend Agrippa, who cam 
Eome to intercede with him. 

But it is with the domestic life of the Jews at 'Ra 
that we are here more particularly concerned. Ur 
Julius Caesar and Augustus they appear, to have b 
perfectly unmolested. They seem at this period to h 
lived chiefly in the Transtiberine district ; but they ^ 
not confined to any particular place, and had full lib( 
to move about the city and transact their business. Th 
must have been many thousand Jews at Eome in 
time of Augustus. Josephus relates that an emba 
from Jerusalem to that emperor was joined at Eome 
more than 8,000 Jews,^ who may be presumed to h 
been adult males. 

At first the Jews and Cliristians were regarded by 
Eomans as the same sect, which was natural enough, 
most of the early Christians were converted Jews ;^ i 
as they were thus confounded, so they experienced 
same persecutions. Tiberius, by the advice of Sejar 

* Ant, lib. xvii. c. 11 (12). due tuniultuaiites, Roma expulit 

' Thus Suetonius says of tliem : Chttd. 2o. 
'Judoeos impulsore Chnsto assi- 

Sbct. IV.] THE JEWS AT ROME. 243 

banished 4,000 of them to Sardinia, where they were to 
serve against the bandits and were expected to perish by 
the chmate ; ^ the rest were ordered to leave Italy unless 
they renounced their rehgion before a fixed day. This 
severity appears to have been excited by the roguery and 
malpractices of four of the sect. But Tiberius, having 
afterwards discovered the innocence of the great mass of 
them, not only pardoned them, but also conferred upon 
them many benefits. In the year 51 they were again driven 
from the city by Claudius. But they always returned. 
Titus brought a great number of Jewish captives to Eome. 
Among them was Berenice, the beautiful daughter of 
Agrippa Herodes I., whom he made his mistress, and 
would have made his wife but for fear of the Eomans. 
Vespasian and Titus permitted the Jews to remain at 
Eome ; but they were treated with a sort of contempt ; 
nor did Titus deem it consistent with his dignity to assume 
from his conquest of them the title of Judaicus. They 
were now obliged to offer to the CapitoUne Jupiter the 
tribute which they had been accustomed to pay into the 
treasury of their temple. Domitian confined them, singu- 
larly enough, to the valley of Egeria, where they seem to 
have lived in gipsy fashion, their whole furniture being a 
basket and a bundle of hay. 

Nunc sacri fontis nemus et delubra locantur 
Judaeis^ quorum cophinus foenumque supellex.' 

Like the gipsies, too, they picked up some money by 
fortune-telling : 

iEre minuto 
Qualiacunque yoles JucUei somnia vendunt.' 

From these and other arts they feU into such contempt 
that it was a reproach to have been seen in one of their 
synagogues ; though the worship of Isis, Mithras, Priapus, 

* ' Et si ob gravitatem coeli in- c. 3 (4) j Suet. Ttb. 36. 
terisfient, vile damnum.' — ^Tac. Ann, ' Juvenal, Sat. iii. 13. 

ii. 85. Cf. Joseph. Ant, lib. xviii. ' Ihid, vi. 646. 

B 2 


or any other outlandish deity, might be attended with 
impunity. After the time of Domitian we have few 
notices of the Jews at Eome ; though no doubt great 
numbers of them repaired thither after the second over- 
throw of Jerusalem by Hadrian. Alexander Sevenis 
allowed them to settle in the Trastevere, which seems to 
have been peopled "by Jews till a late period of the 
middle ages, as the Bridge of S. Angelo was called the 
Jews' Bridge.^ But to return from this digression. 

Vespasian may probably have found room for his Temple 
of Peace, a splendid monument of his Jewish triumphs, 
from the space having been cleared by Nero's fire, and not 
again entirely occupied. It is certain at least that Nero's 
insane extravagance in laying out his gardens afforded 
Vespasian the opportunity of building his amphitheatre, 
the greatest architectural wonder of the world. Augustus 
appears to have entertained the idea of erecting an 
amphitheatre in the middle of the city;^ but, seeing the 
many more necessary and pressing works which he was 
compelled to undertake, he was probably deterred by 
the cost. A new amphitheatre had indeed now become 
necessary, as that of Statilius Taurus had been destroyed 
in the fire of Nero.^ 

The expanse of ground covered by Nero's lake offered 
an excellent site for such a building. It seems probable 
that the arena was considerably lower than it is at 
present, since it was sometimes converted into a Nauma- 
chia, on which occasions the water would have been 
supplied by Nero's aqueduct, which, as we have seen, lie 
had brought hither to feed his lake. It forms no part of 
our purpose to enter into a minute description of this 
wonderful structure. Its form is an ellipsis, the length of 
the major axis from the outside wall being 620 feet, and of 

* An account of the Jews in Rome, c. 23. Of. Gregorovius, Figurm, ^'<\ 
from Pompey to Nero, will be found * Suet. Vesp, 9. 
in Aringhi^ Roma Subterranean 1. ii. ' Dion Cass. Ixii. 18. 


the minor laxis 513. The arena is considerably less than 
half these dimensions. It was surrounded by a podium 
and seats rising in three divisions, or stories, to a height 
of 157 feet, and calculated to contain 87,000 spectators. 
Whether the name of Colosseum which it bore in the 
dark ages was derived from its magnitude, or from the 
Colossus of Nero which stood near it, may be a matter of 
dispute ; but the fonner etymology seems the more pro- 
bable one. 

The Flavian Amphftheatrb seems to have been com- 
menced after the Jewish triumph. Vespasian did not live 
to finish it. Titus dedicated it in the year 80, though 
it does not appear to have been entirely completed till 
the reign of Domitian. At the same time Titus dedicated 
his baths, the Thermae Tm, which stood upon the 
EsquiUne, at no great distance from the amphitheatre, 
where considerable remains of them may still be seen. I 
am now inclined to think that they occupied the site on 
which the house of Maecenas had previously stood. They 
had been built in a hurry — Martial calls them ' velocia 
munera ' ^ — in order probably to be dedicated along with 
the amphitheatre. This ceremony was performed with 
an unparalleled magnificence. The games exhibited on 
the occasion lasted a hundred days. There was a combat 
of storks, and another of four elephants. The number of 
wild beasts killed was 5,000 — Dion Cassius says 9,000 — 
some of which were despatched by women. There were 
also many combats of gladiators, in pairs and in troops. 
The amphitheatre having been suddenly filled with 
water, horses, bulls, and other animals were brought in, 
which had been taught to perform in the water the same 

* De Sped, ii. 7. Cf. Suet.: Nero, so that the Golden House 

' thermis juxta celeriter extructis.' coula not have stood here. But the 

Tk, 7. It may be observed that in baths were undoubtedly erected on 

the same poem Martial calls the the site of a large building formerly 

ground on which the baths stood existing ; most probablj the house of 

part of the ager, park or garden^ of Maecenas^ burnt down m the fire. 


evolutions which ihey went through on land. Vessels were 
then introduced, which represented the sea-fight between 
the Corintliians and Corcyreans. Similar sports were also 
exhibited in the grove of Caius and Lucius, and in the 
Naumachia which Augustus had excavated ihere.^ 

As appurtenances, apparently, of the amphitheatre, we 
find mentioned on the adjacent Caelian Hill certain of the 
gladiatorial schools and places where the gladiators armed 
themselves, where their dead bodies were stripped, and 
where the wounded were tended. Such are the Ludus 
Matutinus and Gallicus, or Dacicus, the Spoliariiun, 
Saniarium, and Armamentarium, mentioned in the Notitia 
in the second region, or Cselimontium. 

Under the south-western side of the amphitheatre 
stood the fountain called Meta Scdaxs, the ruins of 
which in the midst of a circular basin may still be seen. 
The chroniclers ^ call it a work of Domitian, but it must 
have existed before his time, as it is mentioned by Seneca,* 
and is seen on a medal struck in the eighth consulship of 
Titus to commemorate the dedication of the amphitheatre. 
Domitian, however, who was also consul for the seventh 
time that year, may possibly have restored the fountain. 

On tlie other side of the building, under the Cjelian Hill, 
was a portico with a double order of columns.* At the 
western extremity of the amphitheatre, as we have already 
said, Vespasian had re-erected Nero's Colossus. He had, 
however, previously caused it to be altered into an image 
of Apollo, by taking off Nero's head and substituting that 
of the sun-god surrounded with rays. Hence Martial : 

Nee to detineat miri radiata Colossi 

Qu80 nhodium moles vincere gaudet opus.* 

> Dion Cas8. Ixvi. 25; Suet. Tit, 7; t. i. p. 402. 

Kutrop. lib. vii. v. 21. & Lib. i. 70 (71), vers. 7. Sueto- 

■ (^iiot4»d by IJockor, Horn, Atterth, niusstates that Vespasian bandsouiely 

n. i. S. Th'iO. remunerated the artist who altered 

• Emh f)0. the statue. Vetp. 18. 

* Nibby, JRoma ndf anno 1838, 


Sect. IV.] ' WORKS OF TITUS. 247 

To any one who had amved at the Summa Sacra Via, as 
Martial supposes his book had, the Colossus must then have 
been a very conspicuous and striking object, as Hadrian's 
Temple of Venus and Borne did not yet stand there to 
interrupt the view, and the Colossus itself, as we have 
said, probably stood upon its site. The Emperor Corn- 
modus is related to have again taken off the head and to 
have substituted a likeness of himself, adding the attri- 
butes of Hercules.^ But it must have been subsequently 
restored to the likeness of Apollo, as it is described in 
the Notitia ^ as having seven rays round its head, each 
twenty-two feet long. But the measurement of twelve 
feet, assigned to these rays by the pseudo Victor, is pro- 
bably more correct. The larger measure would be out of 
all proportion, and is probably an error of the copyist. 
The statue must have existed till at least the beginning 
of the sixth century, as it is mentioned by Cassiodorus ; 
after which we lose all trace of it. 

In a short reign of two years Titus could do little more 
than complete the buildings which his father had begun. 
It is probable that he had planned the triumphal arch 
which bears his name, but he certainly did not live to 
complete it ; and we shall therefore describe it under the 
works of Domitian. This last-named emperor adorned 
the city with a great many buildings, for some of which 
room had been prepared by a great fire which happened 
in the year 80, the same in which Titus had dedicated 
the amphitheatre. This conflagration, which raged three 
days and nights, was particularly destructive in the 
region of the Circus Flaminius lying immediately under 
the Capitoline Hill, as weU as to that hiU itself. The 
Temple of Isis and Serapis, the Septa, the buildings 
erected here by Agrippa, namely, the Temple of Neptune, 
the Baths, the Pantheon, and the Diribitorium, with the 

* Dion Cass. Ixxii. 22; Lamprid. Cornm. 17. 

* Begio iv. 


theatre of Balbii5, the soena of Pompey's theatre, and the 
Portirnis Octavia, were destroyed or injured, also the 
Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, and the temples which 
surrounded it.^ Domitian restored all these buildings, 
the Capitol especially with great splendour, and affixed 
his own name to them without mentioning their founders ; 
a device, however, which did not succeed in robbing 
these of their due honour. Besides these restorations he 
undertook several new works. Among these were the 
Temple to Jupiter Gustos on the Capitol, to which we 
have already alluded. A Temple op Vespasiax and 
Titus on the Clivus Capitolinus, of which three colunms 
still remain, close to the south side of the Temple of 
Concord. The Temple of the Gens Flavin, mentioned 
by Suetonius, appears to have been distinct from this. 
Domitian erected it on the site of the house in which he 
was bom, in a place called ad Malum Punieum, or the 
Pomegranate, in the sixth region, and consequently on 
the Quirinal Hill. It appears to have served as a sort of 
mausoleum for the Flavian family ; as we learn that the 
remains of Julia, the daughter of Titus, as well as those 
of Domitian himself, were deposited there.^ From the 
frequent laudatory allusions to it in Martial, it would 
seem to have been a magnificent structure.^ The Forum 
I'raxsitorium was founded by Domitian, but was com- 
j)k»t(Hl by Nerva, whence it also obtained the name of 
Forum NERViE. It adjoined the Forum Augustum and 
Forum Julium on the east, and was consequently situated 
between them and the TemjJe of Peace. It was called 
Pervium, or Transitorium, probably because a street 
ran through it from north to south, which was not the 
caso with the other Fora. It was also called Forum 
pAiiliADiUM, l)e(»ause it contained a large Temple of 
PuUas, or Minerva, a deity for whom Domitian affected 

> Dion CftM. Ixvi. 24 ; Suet. TU. 8. » Lib. ix. Epp. 4, 36. 

> iSuet Dotfi, I and 17. 


a particular veneration. The two large half-buried 
columns, called the Colonnacce, before the baker's shop 
at the comer of the Via della Croce Bianca, running out 
from the Via Alessandrina, belonged to this temple. 
Domitian also erected here a Janus Quadrifbons, or 
archway with four gates, like that which still exists in 
the Forum Boarium. Hence Martial : 

Peryius eziguoe habitabas ante Penates, 
Plurima qua medium Roma terebat iter. 

Nunc tua Csesareis cinguntur limina donis, 
Et fora tot numenus, Jane, quot ora geris.^ 

There was most probably a statue in it of Janus with 
four faces, but we cannot beUeve with Nibby ^ that it 
became the temple of peace and war. The little ancient 
bronze Temple of Janus near the Curia still remained to 
discharge the fimctions assigned to it by Numa. Thxis 
Statins : 

Attollit yultuBy et uiroqtie a htnine grates 
Janus agit : quem tu, vicina Pace ligatum^ 
Omnia jussisti componere beUa^ novique 
In leges j urare fori * — 

where we see that Janus gives thanks from his old 
temple with two gates ; though another image of him in 
the new Forum is adverted to, and its position indicated 
near the Temple of Peace. Procopius also adverts to 
the bronze temple and the Janus with two faces^ as re- 
maining in his time in its ancient position.^ 

Just in this neighbourhood, on the eastern side of the 
Temple of Peace, Domitian appears to have possessed 
some spice warehouses, on the spot where the Basilica of 
Constantine afterwards stood ; a circumstance from which 
we may infer that the Eastern spice trade had become 
a sort of imperial monopoly.^ At the top of the Velian 
ridge, spanning the Sunmia Sacra Via, Domitian erected 

* Lib. X. 28. » Sylvay iv. 1, 11. 

> Boma neff anno 1888, t ii. ^ Hell. Goth, i. 26. 

p. 225. * Cat Imp. Vienn. p. 243. 


a triumphal Abch to his brother Tmrs, Trhich still 
remains one of the most elegant monumoits of ancient 
Borne. Its sculptures record the Jewish triumph of that 
emperor. Among them may be seen the seven candle- 
sticks which, as ah^eady mentioned, he brought finom 
Jerusalem; whence during the middle ages the arch 
obtained the name of Arcus Septem Lucemanun. The 
apotheosis of Titus is represented in the middle of the 
vault. The erection of arches and archways was a pecu- 
liar whim of Domitian's, for Janus shared his veneration 
with Minerva. Hence a Pasquinader of those days was 
induced to write upon one of them apx£f, * enough.' 
Domitian took a great interest in games and sports of 
all kinds. To the ancient colours, or factions, of the 
Circus, albata, prasina, russata, and veneta, he added 
two new ones, the aurata and piirpurea. He built a 
permanent Stadrm for foot-races after the Grecian 
fashion, for which Julius Cassar and Augustus had 
erected only temporary and occasional ones. It proba- 
bly occupiai the site of the Piazza Navona, as Becker 
conjectures. He repaired the Temple of Minerva, which, 
as already related, had been founded by Pompey near 
the spot afterwards occupied by the Baths of Agrippa. 
He also erected in the same neighbourhood an Odeum, or 
roofed theatre for musical performances, capable of 
holding from 10,000 to 12,000 persons. These musical 
contests formed part of the games which he instituted in 
honour of the Capitoline Jupiter ; for he could never 
forget what he owed to that deity, who had preserved 
liirn from the Vitellians. These games were celebrated 
every five years, and consisted of musical, equestrian, and 
gymnastic contests. He presided at them in person 
in a Greek dress, and having on his head a golden crown 
with the effigies of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva.^ Among 

» Suet Dom. 13. « j^vf. 4. 


his other works was also a new Naumachu, which pro- 
bably lay m the Vatican district; St. Peter's being 
designated in the dark ages as ' apud Naumachiam.' ^ 
The space in this district called Naumachia also com- 
prised a sepulchral pyramid, larger than the existing 
one of Cestius, which in the middle ages was called 
' Sepulcrum Eomuli.' It existed till near the end of the 
fifteenth century, when it was demohshed by Pope Alex- 
ander VI. ^ 

Besides these foundations, which served for the recrea- 
tion of the people as well as his own, Domitian made 
many improvements and additions in the palace on the 
Palatine. He appears to have added several dicetce^ a 
portico called Sicilia^ a dining-room to which he gave 
the name of Ccenatio Jovis^ and other things. One 
of the most striking features of his new palace was its 
extraordinary height. Martial describes it as towering 
above the clouds : 

^thera sic intrat; nitidis ut conditus astris 
Inferiore tonet nube serenus apex.' 

And Statins compares the ceiling to the cope of heaven : 

Fessis viz culmiDa prendas 
Vlsibus auratique putes laquearia coeli.^ 

Adjoining the palace seem to have been the Gardens of 
Adonis, mentioned by Philostratus as the place where 
Domitian received the philosopher ApoUonixis.* These 
gardens must have been situated on the eastern side of 
the Palatine HiU, the only place where there is room for 
them. That Domitian's additions extended towards this 
quarter might also be inferred from his buUding on the 
Cajhan Hill a banqueting room called Mica Aueea.* But, 

* Anas. Leon, c 00 j Montfaucon, • lib. viii. 36, 7. 
Diar. Ital. p. 291. < Silv. iv. 2, 30. 

* ' In Naumachia est sepulcrum * De Vita ApoUonii Tyaneij vii. 14 
Komuli quod Tocatur meta.' — Mirah, ^ Mart. ii. 59. 


25S mSTOBT OF THE CnTT OF B01f£. [Sbci.IV. 

in the midst of all this splendour and luxury, the tyrant 
went in daily fear of assassination. He could not evai 
walk in his own palace without dreading some lurking 
murderer, perhaps among the very persons who were 
escorting him ; and he therefore caused the walls of the 
portico in which he usually walked to be covered with 
a shining substance called phengites^ so as to serve the 
purpose of a mirror, and show what the persons behind 
him were about.^ 

It will be seen from the preceding account that 
Domitian must be reckoned among the emperors who 
did much for Eome in the way of architectural adorn- 
ment. Martial, his flatterer, says, that if the goils should 
have to settle with him for what he had done for them, 
Jove would become bankrupt though he should sell 
up all Olympus.^ But these are the only merits which 
could give him any pretension to the colossal equestrian 
statue erected to him in the Forum. From Statius' de- 
scription of it,^ we see that it faced the Temple of Julius 
Cajsar, at the bottom of the Forum : 

Hinc obvia limina pandit^ 
Qui fesflus belllB, adscitae mirnere prolis, 
Primus iter nostris ostendit in cethera divis. 

On the right hand was the Basilica Julia, on the left 
the Basilica Pauli : 

At laterum passus hinc Julia tecta tuentur, 
lllinc belligeri sublimis regia Pauli. 

Behind him was his father Vespasian, and Concord, in 
their temples on the ascent to the Capitol, as already 
indicated : 

Terga pater blandoque videt Concordia Tultu. 

The head of the statue must have been turned a little 
to the right ; as it is described as looking towards the 
Palatium and the Temple of Vesta. 

» Suet Donu 14. » Lib. ix. ep. 4. » SUv. i. 1. 


Domitian met the death which he had always appre- 
hended. He was assassinated by some of his own officers, 
A.D. 96. The reign of Nerva, who succeeded him, was 
too short to permit him to do much towards the embel- 
lishment of the city ; but he dedicated the Forum 
Transitorium, which Domitian had left incomplete, after 
which it appears to have borne Nerva's name.^ 

Nerva was succeeded by M. Ulpius Trajanus, whom 
he had adopted. Trajan's reign lasted nineteen years 
(a.d. 98-117). The family of the Ulpii appears to have 
possessed a residence on the northern side of the Aven- 
tine, where Trajan lived previously to his accession to 
the empire. Trajan must be reckoned among the em- 
perors who did the most for the improvement of Eome. 
His taste for building and bequeathing his monuments to 
posterity seems to have been quite a passion, which he 
sometimes indulged not altogether fairly, if we may be- 
lieve the anecdote that he was accustomed to inscribe his 
name on buildings which he had merely restored, as if 
he had been their founder ; a practice which procured 
him the nickname of 'pellitory' (herba parietina), a kind 
of parasitical plant that grows upon walls.* Among the 
monuments of this emperor may be enumerated the 
Therale Trajani, near the church of S. Martino, to the 
north of those of Titus. No remains of them are in 
existence. A Theatre in the Campus Martins, and 
probably in the same neighbourhood a Basiuca Mar- 
ciANES, so called in honour of his sister. The theatre 
appears to have been demolished by Hadrian.' The 
aqueduct called Aqua Trajana and Ciminia, commencing 
in the neighbourhood of the Lacus Sabatinus, or Lago di 
Bracciano, and running to the Janiculum ; where it was 
employed to turn the com mills on the descent. This 

* Suet. Donu 5 j Aur. Vict. De ' Amm. Marcell. lib. xxvii. c. 3, § 5. 
C€B4, 12. » Spart. Hadr, 9. 


duct still conveys the water of the Acqua Faola, and the 
mills continue to subsist probably much in the same 
situation as eighteen hundred years ago. 

But the Forum Trajani was the greatest and most 
magnificent of all this emperor's undertakings. Under 
this name may be comprehended three distinct works : 
namely, the Forum, properly so called, adjoining those of 
Julius and Augustus on the west ; a large Basilica, the 
Basiuca Ulpia, having on its western side an open ar^ 
on which stood, and still stands, the celebrated Column ; 
lastly, at the extremity of all these, a magnificent Temple, 
dedicated by Hadrian to Trajan, but which the latter 
emperor may probably have contemplated erecting. The 
architect of these great works, which are supposed to 
liave been designed if not begun by Domitian, was 
ApoUodorus of Damascus.^ 

We have already remarked that the Quirinal at this 
part threw out a sort of isthmus or projection towards 
the Capitoline Hill, which it was necessary to level in 
order to gain room for the new Forum. It is recorded 
by Dion Cassius,^ and, indeed, an inscription on the 
column tells the same thing, that the earth was excavated 
to the height of the pillar, or 128 Eoman feet. How 
great an improvement this must have been will appear 
when we consider that by this means a broad and noble 
approach was made between the ancient city and that 
handsome quarter of it which had sprung up about the 
Circus Flaminius, which before could be approached 
only through a narrow and inconvenient street. The 
whole length of these magnificent works, from the arch- 
way by which the new Forum was entered from the 
Forum of Augustus, to the extremity of the area on the 
other side in which stood the Temple of Trajan, was 
1,100 Eoman feet, which is only a very little less than 

* Dionl'afis. Ixix. 4. ^ Ixviii. 10. 


Sect. IV.] TRAJAN'S FORUM. ^65 

English measure.^ The column stood precisely in the 
middle. This beautiful pillar, still one of the most strik- 
ing objects at Eome, was the first of the kind erected in 
that city, though the Greeks appear to have had such 
monuments previously .^ The area of the temple ex- 
tended to the north-west as far as the church of S. Eo- 
mualdo. This part is now covered with buildings; 
namely, the palaces Torlonia and Valentini, and the two 
churches near the column. The area in which the 
column stands is from east to west eighty feet. On eacli 
side of it, north and south, were two hbraries, the Biblio- 
THECA GruECA and the Latina. They are called by 
Aulus Gellius ' Bibliotheca Templi Trajani,' ^ and in fact 
they stood, like the column, just in front of the temple. 
The pillar itself is, as we have said, 128 Eoman feet in 
height from the base of the pedestal, with a diameter of 
between 12 and 13 at the base, diminishing by only 
a little more than a foot at the top. It appears to have 
been destined by Trajan for a sepulchre. All the niches 
in the mausoleum of Augustus were now full, Nerva 
being the last whose ashes were deposited there. Those 
of Trajan appear to have been placed either imder the 
column or in the pedestal.'* A colossal statue of Trajan, 
holding in his hand a golden globe, stood originally 
on the summit, which Pope Sixtus V. replaced with a 
statue of S, Peter. A spiral band of bas-reliefs encircles 
the colunm from top to bottom, the width of the band 
gradually enlarging as it ascends, so that the figures, 
which are about two feet in height at the bottom, appear 
to the spectator of the same size throughout. The figures, 
between two and three thousand in number, representing 
Trajan's Dacian wars, are beautifully sculptured, and 
form a rich repertory of costumes. 

* The modem Roman foot is ' Ampere, t. iv. p. 46. 
ll-f'^j^ English in.; the ancient Ro- ' N. A, xi. 17. 
man foot about lliVW English in. * Dion Cass. btix. 2j Eutrop.yiii. 5. 


Next to the area of the column on the east, stretching 
lengthways across the western boundary of the Forum 
proper so as to form one of its sides, lay the Basiuca 
Ulpia, so called fix)m the name of the gens to which 
Trajan belonged. Its length cannot be accurately de- 
termined, but was probably about 300 feet, and its width 
185 feet. It was divided by four rows of columns into 
five naves, of which the centre one was 85 feet broad, 
and the four side ones 18 feet.^ It is supposed to have 
been terminated at each extremity by semicircular 
buildings or porticoes, and some topographers have even 
ventured to indicate their uses ; but it is by no means 
certain that they even existed. 

Next to the Basilica on the east was the Forum, called 
also Atrium Fori Trajani, a square open space of 300 
feet on every side, enclosed by porticoes. In the middle 
stood a colossal equestrian statue of Trajan. On the 
north-east side of this Atrium, that is, under the Quirinal 
Hill, are the remains of a semicircular substruction of 
brickwork, which, from its being of the same level as 
the Forum, and corresponding with its lines, formed no 
doubt a part or adjunct of it. It was probably meant to 
support the base of the hiU, as well as to hide the de- 
formity of some buildings that had been demolished. 
The space was perhaps occupied by shops. It is sujv 
posed that there was a similar building on the other side 
of the Forum, imder the Capitol. The porticoes which 
formed the arcs of these semicircles gave the Forum its 
rectangular form. The Forum was entered at its eastern 
extremity by a triumphal arch, some vestiges of which 
are recorded by Flarainio Vacca as existing in his time.^ 

In the reigns of Domitian and Trajan flourished the 
last school of Eoman literature that is fairly entitled to 
be called classical. By a caprice of nature not easily to 

» Nibby, Roma, Sec. t. ii. p. 193. « Mcmorie, No. 40. 

Sbct.IV.] literature OF THE PERIOD. 267 

be explained, Domitian united with a cruelty quite idiotic 
a certain sort of talent and a love for literature and art. 
In his reign and that of his successor flourished Silius 
Italicus, Statins, Martial, Juvenal, Pliny the younger, 
Tacitus, Quinctilian, and a few other authors whom it is 
not necessary here to enumerate. But we have few 
particulars of their lives, and little or nothing to connect 
them with a history of the city. Pliny, as we have seen 
in the preceding section, dwelt upon the Esquiline. His 
friend Martial, as we learn from his epigrams, Uved near 
the Temple of Flora and the ancient Capitol on the 
Quirinal, and apparently on the south-western side of the 
hill, as his house commanded a view of the Porticus 
Vipsania in the Campus Agrippa.^ Of the city life of 
the other writers named we have no particulars, though 
there is perhaps enough in some passages of Juvenal's 
writings, and in their general tone of dissatisfaction and 
bitterness, to warrant a conjecture that he was, notwith- 
standing the account of his being the son of a rich freed- 
man, a lodger of scanty means, and nearly approaching the 
condition of a garreteer of the last century in England. 
A comparison of his writings with those of Horace, and 
of Tacitus with Livy, will show what an alteration had 
been effected in the taste and style of the Eomans by a 
century of despotism. All the bonhomie of the Augustan 
age, the trusting and almost childish confidence in a 
form of government not yet tested by experience, had 
vanished, leaving dark suspicions, only too much war- 
ranted by facts. Hence a style full of epigram and point, 
in which home truths and profound observations were 
conveyed in the fewest possible words. It seemed as if 
these later authors dreaded to give their thoughts free 
and natural utterance, and were thus led to condense 
what they did say into a form that should be long re- 
membered, and leave a sting behind. 

* Hb. V. 22, 2, and L 108, 2. 


Trajan died in 117, and was succeeded by Hadrian. 
This emperor had also a taste for architecture, and 
erected many public works. Hadrian appears to hare 
possessed a private residence in the twelfth region, or 
Piscina Publica, where it is mentioned in the Notitia 
along with a house of Cornificia. This lady was the 
sister of M. Antoninus, whom Hadrian had adopted. 
Hadrian transferred into the same region a Temple of the 
Bona Dea which had previously stood on the Aventine, 
by causing it to be rebuilt xmder the hill. Hence it ob- 
tained tlie name of Templum Bon^ DEiE Subsaxonele.^ 
But the greatest works of this emperor were the Temple 
of Venus and Eome, and his mausoleum together with 
the bridge which connected it with the city. 

The Temple of Venus and Eome, called also TEMPLni 
Urbis, stood nearly parallel with the Summa Sacra Viii 
and Arcli of Titus, facing on one side the Colosseum, on 
the other the Forum. Thus it occupied the site on whicli 
had previously stood the atrium of Nero's Golden House. 
Dion Casslus relates that Hadrian designed this temple 
himself,^ and that he sent the plan of it to ApoUodorus, 
the architect of Trajan's works, with whom he appears 
to have previously had some disputes, in order to show 
the artist what he could do without his assistance. The 
pungent criticisms of ApoUodorus, who is said to have re- 
marked that tlie temple should have been built on a loftier 
substruction, and that the cells were not hiorh enough for 
the images of the goddesses, who, if they rose from their 
seats, would not be able to go out, are said to have vexed 
Hadrian to such a degree that he caused the unfortunate 
architect to be put to death. The temple was erected on 
an artificial terrace or substruction, 500 feet long, and 
300 broad, and about 26 feet high. The vaultings or 
arches of this may still be seen on the side fociiig the 
Colosseum. The temple consisted of two cells, the ah- 

» Spart. Hadr. 19. • Lib. Ixix. 4 



sides or tribunes of which lay back to back ; so that one 
of the goddesses looked towards the Colosseum, the other 
towards the Forum. The absis fronting the Colosseum 
still remains ; the other is engrossed by the convent of Sta. 
Francesca. The temple was surrounded with a portico 
400 feet long and 200 broad. Another portico of about 
400 columns ran round the boundaries of the terrace or 
enclosure. The columns are estimated to have been 
about 40 feet high. The roof of the temple was composed 
of bronze tiles, as appears from the fact related by Ana- 
stasius, that, when the Emperor Heraclius visited Eome, 
Pope Honorius I. obtained the gift of them in order to 
roof St. Peter's. The Colossus of Nero was again removed 
when this temple was built, and placed on the pedestal 
which may still be seen on the north-west side of the 
Colosseum.^ From medals of Hadrian and his successor 
Antoninus Pius, representing the temple, it appears that 
Eome had the epithet of cetema^ and Venus oifeliv} Alto- 
gether it must have been among the most magnificent 
structures of the sort in Eome. It is mentioned by Am- 
mianus Marcellinus in conjunction with the Capitoline 
temple, the Flavian amphitheatre, the Pantheon, and 
other of the grandest buildings of Eome. 

It has been seen that the mausoleum of Augustus was 
fidl, and that Trajan had consequently erected his column 
for a tomb. Hence Hadrian was led to build a mauso- 
leum for himself and his successors on the plan of that 
of Augustus. The spot he chose for it was on the oppo- 
site bank of the river, in the gardens of Domitian, where 
the remains of it have been converted into the Castle of 
S. Angelo. It was probably completed in the lifetime of 
Hadrian, as his adopted son JSlius Verus, who died a little 
before him, appears to have been buried in it. It seems 
to have been used as an imperial sepulchre down to the 

» Spart. Iladr, 19. 

» Nibby, Roma nelT anno 1838, t ii. p. 626. 



time of Septimius Severus.^ The Moles Hadriaxi is still 
one of the most remarkable monuments of Bome. The 
Pons ^lius, built by Hadrian as an approach to the 
mausoleum, occupied the same spot as the present Ponte 
di S. Angelo. 

The splendid villa built by Hadrian at the foot of the 
ascent to Tivoli lies not within the compass of this work. 

* Nibby, Ranui, S^c, t iL p. 402 sqq. 





In the reign of Hadrian Home had attained its greatest 
pitch of architectural splendour; and although some 
magnificent structures were erected after his time, we 
must, on the whole, date from this period the decline of 
the city. 

Hadrian, who died in 138, was succeeded by Antoninus 
Pius. We have few monuments of this emperor. He 
may possibly have erected the temple which stands at the 
north-eastern comer of the Forum to his consort Faustina, 
and after his death was made common to them both. 
Eemains of this temple may still be seen at the church of 
S. Lorenzo in Miranda, many feet under the present level 
of the soil. They consist of eight cip^Uino columns, with 
an architrave adorned with arabesques, forming part of 
the pronaos, or vestibule, of the temple. Some remains 
of the ceUa are also extant. The columns are of a fine 
style of art. Antoninus Pius probably also built the 
Hadrianum, or Temple of Hadrian, in the Campus Martins, 
and the Basilica Matidle, erected in honour of Hadrian's 
wife. From an anecdote told by Capitolinus, it would 
appear that Antoninus inhabited that part of the palace 
called Domus Tiberiana. He had summoned the philo- 
sopher Apollonius from Chalcis, in Euboea, to undertake 
the education of his adopted son, Marcus Aurelius. 

^ NotUia, Reg. ix. 



When ApoUonius arrived in Eome, the emperor sent for 
him to the palace ; but the philosopher replied that the 
pupil shoidd come to the master and not the master to the 
pupil. Antoninus smiled at the philosophic independence 
of ApoUonius, and observed that it had been easier to bring 
him from Chalcis to Eome than to make him come from 
his own house to the palace.^ 

Nor did M. Aurelius Antoninus, who succeeded Pius 
in 161, contribute much to the adornment of Eome ; for 
the Templum Antonini and Columna Cochlis were erected 
after his death. Of the temple no vestiges now remain. 
It has sometimes been supposed that the pillars in the 
Piazza di Pietra belonged to it ; but they are much too 
far from the column to authorise such a conjecture. It 
seems more probable that the temple occupied the site of 
the present Palazzo Chigi. The column, the temple, and 
the priests who were to administer to the deified emperor, 
were voted with one accord both by patricians and 
plebeians after his death.^ The column is an imitation 
of that of Trajan, but in a lower style of art ; nor is it in 
so good a state of preservation. The bas-reliefs represent 
the wars against the Quadi, Marcomanni, and Sarmatas. 
Its height is only a few feet short of Trajan's column. 
It was originally crowned wnth a statue of M. Aurelius, 
replaced by Pope Sixtus V. with that of St. Paul. The 
original statue is supposed to have been carried off by 
Constans II. 

When we have named the triumphal arch of M. Aurelius, 
we have mentioned all the monuments of this emperor 
that are wortli recording. This arch stood in the Corso 
near the Piazza Piano, and was in existence till Pope 
Alexander Yll. demolished it in 1662. The bas-reliefs 
with which it was ornamented may still be seen in the 
Palazzo de' Conservatori. 


CapitoL AfU. Pius, 10. 

' Aurel. Victor. De Ca>8ar, c. xvi. 13. 


The Emperor Commodus, who succeeded M. Aurelius, 
and reigned from 180-192, did not make many additions 
to the city. He is said to have built some baths, ac- 
cording to the Curiosum^ in Eegio I. ; but their history is 
obscure. The most remarkable incident in the history of 
the city during the reign of this emperor is a devastating 
fire which lasted several days and caused much destruction, 
especially in the neighbourhood of the Forum. It began 
in a house near Vespasian's Temple of Peace after a slight 
shock of earthquake. The temple was burnt down to 
the great impoverishment of many, as it appears to have 
served as a kind of bank of deposit. Hence it spread to 
the spice warehouses of Domitian, and from them to the 
Palatine. The Temple of Vesta was destroyed, on which 
occasion the Palladium was for the first time seen by 
profane eyes : for the Vestal virgins, in order to save it 
from the flames, bore it along the Sacra Via to the house 
of the Eex Sacrificulus. A great part of the palace was 
also destroyed, together with both the libraries and nearly 
all the documents relating to the Empire. It was on 
this occasion that Galen's shop on the Sacra Via was 
burnt down ; when, as he tells us himself, he lost some of 
his works of which there were no other copies in Eome.^ 
The fire was at last extinguished by a heavy fall of rain. 

This calamity occurred shortly before the end of the 
reign of Commodus. The three emperors who succeeded 
him, Pcrtinax, Didius Julianus, and Pescennius Niger, 
reigned only about a year, and were followed by Sep- 
timius Severus, an emperor who, according to the lights 
of those times, did much for the adornment of Eome. 
lie appears to have made good the damage occasioned by 
the fire, and also to have restored the buildings which 
were falling into decay through the efiects of time ; re- 
taining upon them the names of their respective founders,^ 

^ Dion Cass. Ixxii. 24; Herodian. Medicamen, i. 1. 
Hist. i. 44 J Galen, De Cojnjxm, ' Spart. Sexier. 23. 


Besides rebuilding the palace, he added to it, at the 
southern extremity of the Palatine, the building called 
the Septizonium. This was extant till the time of Pope 
Sixtus V. (1585-1590), who caused it to be demolished in 
order to use the pillars in the Vatican. From views of it 
taken before that epoch, it appears to have been a sort of 
portico, having three stories of columns. According to 
Spartianus, Severus erected it to serve as a vestibule, or 
atrium, to the palace, so that his coimtrymen, on arriving 
at Eome from Africa by the Via Appia, might have a due 
impression of his imperial grandeur.^ Various etymolo- 
gies have been given of its name, but none that is satis- 
factory, nor can its proper destination be explained with 

Another monument of Septimius Severus, which still 
exists in a tolerable state of preservation, is the Triumphal 
Abch at the top of the Forum. It appears to have been 
erected in 203, in commemoration of the Parthian and 
Arabian victories of Severus, and was originally dedicated 
to him and his two sons, Antoninus, commonly called Cara- 
calla, from a Gaulish cloak with a hood which he was 
accustomed to wear, and Geta. But CaracaUa, after the 
murder of his brother, caused his name to be erased fix>m 
tlie inscription, and its place to be filled with other words 
in praise of his father and himself. It has three arch- 
ways ; a large one in the middle and two smaller at each 
side ; but all communicating with one another by means 
of still smaller arches inside. It stands considerably above 
the true level of the Forum, and the side arches were 
originally approached by seven steps.^ Nevertheless we 
now think it probable that a triumphal arch of this kind 
could hardly liavc been built except across some road 
accessible to carriages ; and therefore, as it could not have 
stood upon the Clivus Capitolinus, it may probably have 

' Sever, 24. ' Nibby, Eoma, ^-c, t. ii. p. 477. 


spanned the Clivus Asyli. The arch exhibits the decline 
of architectural taste. It is a heavy structure, especially 
the attic ; and the columns and bas-rehefe exhibit a great 
falling off since the time of Trajan. From a medal of 
Antoninus (Caracalla) it appears that on the siunmit of 
the arch was a triimiphal car drawn by six horses, with 
two figures in it, representing probably Severus and 
Caracalla. At each side of the car was a foot-soldier, and 
at each extremity a horse-soldier. 

The little arch close to the church of S. Giorgio in 
Velabro, called Argus Argentarius, was also erected in 
honour of Septimius Severus, his sons Antoninus and 
Geta, and his wife Julia Pia, by the bankers and mer- 
chants who transacted business at this spot, as appears 
from an inscription on its southern face. This arch 
marks the boimdary between the Velabrum and Forum 
Boarium. It is, however, properly no arch, but a gate- 
way, the lintel being horizontal. The principal subject 
of the ill-executed sculptures upon it is a sacrifice, 

Septimius Severus is supposed to have constructed an 
aqueduct, the Aqua Severiaxa, for the service of some 
baths, the Therms Severian^, which he built in the first 
region, or Porta Capena ; ^ but we have no authentic 
accounts about either. Severus, who spent his money as 
liberally as he sought it greedily, was in the habit of 
presenting his friends with palaces. Among these were the 
DoMUS Laterani on the Caelian Hill, and the Domus Septem 
Parthorum, which lay in the district to the south of it.^ 
The former of these buildings had been the property of 
the consul Plautius Lateranus, who was put to death for 
his participation in Piso's conspiracy against Nero.^ His 
property appears to have been confiscated ; and, the palace 
having thus become an imperial heirloom, Severus was 
able to present it to a descendant probably of the same 

» Spart. Sever. 19. ^ Aur. Victor, Hpit, 20. 

* Tac. Ann, xv. 49, CO. 


family. Juvenal insinuates that the wealth of Lateranus 
was the cause of his destruction, and at the same time 
intimates the magnificence of his palace : 

TemporibuB diris igitur, jussuque Neronis, 
Longinum et magnos Seneca prffidivitiB hortofi 
Clausit et egregias Lateranorum obsidet eedes 
Tota cohora ; rams Tenit in coenacula miles. ^ 

But there can be no doubt, from the accoimt of Tacitus, 
that Lateranus was reaUy impUcated in Hso's conspiracy. 
We shall have again to advert to this palace under the 
reign of Constantine, when by a rare fate it became one 
of the most distinguished edifices of modern Eome. The 
Domus Parthorum we know from its being mentioned in 
the Notitia in the twelfth region, or Piscina Publica, as 
well as by Victor. It may probably have been the 
residence of some Parthian nobles whom Severus brought 
with him to Eome after his eastern conquests, whose 
effeminate habits have been stigmatised by TertuUian.^ 
The Domus Cilonis, also mentioned in the twelfth region, 
might have been another of these palaces, probably 
belonging to Kilo, the friend of Severus and tutor of his 
sons, who had been pnefectus urbi under him. Caraculla 
sent some soldiers to murder liim ; but after plmidering 
his house they dragged him almost naked, for they had 
tiiken him in the bath, along the Sacra Via towards the 
I)alace, which would have been the nearest road in 
coming from his house. But here his condition excited 
the commiseration of the people and of the civic guard, 
formerly under his orders ; which so alarmed Cai-acalla 
that lie thought it prudent to rescue Kilo, and even to 
display a hypocritical affection for him.^ 

When we have mentioned the Mausoleum of Septimius 
Severus, we have named all the monuments of this 
emperor that are of any importance. This has been 
sometimes confounded with the Soptizonium already de- 

> S(tt. X. losqq. » Dion Cass. Ixxvii. 4 : cf. Spartian, 

* iV chHh frm, i. 0. Carac. 3. 


scribed ; and, indeed, it appears to have been an imitation 
of it on a minor scale, and situated on the Via Appia. 
Severus caused it to be built in his lifetime.^ 

Caracalla succeeded his father in 211. This murderer 
and fratricide was fond of building. He was a particular 
devotee of the goddess Isis, to whom he is said to have 
erected several temples ; but the only one we can mention, 
and that only on conjecture, is the IsiUM alluded to by 
Trebellius Pollio on the Caehan.^ His greatest work was 
his baths, the Therms ANTONiNiANiE, or CARACALLiE, 
situated on the right-hand side of the Via di Porta 
S. Sebastiano, anciently the Via Appia, near the church of 
SS. Nereo ed Achilleo. The remains of them are the 
most perfect of any of the Eoman baths, and cover so 
enormous an area as to fill the spectator with astonish- 
ment. The unsupported roof of the Cella Soliaris, or warm 
bath, was of such vast extent that the architects and 
mechanicians of the time of Constantine declared that it 
could no longer be imitated.^ The porticoes which 
surrounded the baths were added by Heliogabalus, and 
completed by Alexander Severus. It now formed a 
perfect square of 1,100 feet on every side, without 
reckoning the projections of the circular tribunes. To 
supply the baths, Caracalla is said to have formed the 
aqueduct called Aqua Antoniniana, of which, however, 
there is no satisfactory account ; and as an approach to 
them he caused to be made the Via Nova, one of the 
liandsomest streets in Bome.* 

Caracalla died in 217, and was succeeded, after the 
brief reigns of Macrinus and Diadumenus, by Elagabalus, 
in 218. To this emperor are attributed a Circus and 
gardens near the AMPHrrHEATRUM Casteense and present 

* Spartian, Geta^ 7. mean the apartment for the warm 

' Trig, Tyrr, 26; cf. Spart. bath, called solium by Cicero, In 

Car. 9. Pisan, 27. 

' Spartian. tJirf. 9; Sever. 2\, By * Victor, Le Cces. xxi. ; Spart. 

ceUa soliaris Spartian appears to Carac. 9. 


church of S. Croce in Gemsalemme. It is impossible to 
say by whom the amphitheatre just mentioned was con- 
structed ; but some antiquarians infer from the style of 
the building that it was earlier than the Colosseum, and 
refer it to the reign of Tiberius, or at latest of Nero.^ 
Elagabalus, or Heliogabalus, dedicated a temple to his 
namesake, the Syrian sun-god, on the Palatine, and opened 
there a public bath which appears to have been worse 
than a brothel^ 

Alexander Severus, who obtained the imperial crown 
after the assassination of this despicable tyrant in 222, 
enriched the city with a few structures, but none of them 
of much importance. He constructed an aqueduct, the 
Aqua Alexandrina, identical with the present Acqua 
Felice, for the service of some baths which he had built ; ^ 
and he erected a diceta^ or sort of casino, which he 
dedicated to his mother, Julia Mammsea, and which hence 
obtained the name of Ad Mammam. He is said also to 
have paved some of the streets upon the Palatine with 
porphyry and verde antico ; in which he followed the 
example of Elagabalus.* 

From the time of Alexander Severus to the accession 
of Aurelian in 270, we find few notices of any interest 
respecting the city, and indeed it would be wearisome to 
recount every minor alteration that took ])lace in these 
declining days of Eoman splendour. The celebration of 
the secular games for the thousandth anniversary of the 
city by the Emperor Philippus the Arab (244-249) 
deserves, indeed, both for its singularity and for the 
occasion, a passing word of notice. A large collection of 
rare animals, prepared by the younger Gordian for his 
triumph, was exhibited at this festival. The zebra, the 
elk, the giraffe, the ostrich, and other strange animals 

* Nibby, Roma neW anno 18d8| • Lamprid. Akx, Sever, 25. 

t. i. p. 397 sq. * Ibid, and c. 20. 

^ Lampr. Heliogab, c 8. 


were then seen for the first time by the great majority of 
the Eoman people, mixed with elephants, African hysenas, 
and Indian tigers.^ From this period there is nothing to 
detain ns till the reign of Aurelian ; though we may 
mention by the way the Arch op Gallienus, which is 
still extant close to the church of S. Vito and at no great 
distance from Sta. Maria Maggiore. The inscription shows 
it to have been dedicated to Gallienus and his consort 
Salonina. It has been thought to occupy the site of 
the Porta Esquilina of the Servian wall, and at all events 
it could not have been far distant from that gate. 

The time was now at hand when the Eomans, who had 
hitherto thought only of extending or securing their con- 
quests over the greater part of the known world, would 
have to fight for their own existence. In the year 259, in 
the reign of Gallienus, the Alemanni had invaded Italy 
and appeared almost in sight of Eome; and again in 
270 vast hordes of them, having eluded the vigilance of 
Aurelian, once more crossed the Alps and penetrated into 
Umbria. In a great battle fought at Placentia, the balance 
of victory had appeared to incline in favour of the bar- 
barians; but Aurelian succeeded in defeating them at 
Fanum Fortunae in Umbria, and in almost exterminating 
their host in a third battle near Pavia. But these vicis- 
situdes admonished him of the necessity of providing for 
the safety of the capital. The Servian walls had not only 
been long overstepped by the growing suburbs of the city, 
but even every trace of them had almost entirely 
vanished ; and Eome, with all her temples and treasures, 
the portentous growth of ten centuries of conquest and 
empire, appeared to lie at the mercy of any barbarians 
who might be attracted by the fame of her wealth and 
her widespread renown. In the contemplation of such a 
calamity, Aurelian determined again to surround the city 
with a wall. 

* Capitol. Gordiani Trea, c. 33. 


The wall begun by Aurelian and completed by Probus, 
was repaired by Honorius, and appears to have been 
identical in position with that by which Eome is still 
surrounded. In naming the gates, we use the names of 
those in the wall as repaired by Honorius ; for though it 
is probable that many of these bore the same names in 
the time of Aurelian, yet this is not certain, except with 
regard to one of them, the Porta Ostiensis; through 
which, as we learn from Ammianus Marcelliiius,^ was 
conveyed the obelisk which Constantius caused to be 
erected in the Circus Maximus. 

The northernmost gate of the Aurelian wall was the 
Porta Flaminu, spanning the road of the same name. 
It stood near the present Porta del Popolo, but a little io 
the east of it, and apparently on the descent of tlie 
Pincian Hill ; since its situation is described by Prooopius 
as somewhat steep and difficult of access.^ This gate 
must, however, have been removed to the site of the 
Porta del Popolo before the pontificate of Gregory IT. 
(715-731), since Anastasius, in his life of that pope, 
describes it as being exposed to inundations of the Tiber.^ 
Yet it appears to have retained the name of Flaminia 
down at least to the fifteenth century, as it is so called in 
a life of Pope Martin V> 

The next gate to the Flaminia, proceeding to the east, 
or right, was the Porta Pinciana, which must be repre- 
sented by the present gate of the same name. Again, 
towards the east, w^e come to the Porta Salaria, still 
called Porta Salara, at the top of the Via di Porta 
Salara. It seems probable that a corruption of this 
name may have given rise to that of Porta Belisaria, 
which occurs once or twice in Procopius.^ The next 
gate, proceeding always in the same direction, w^as the 

' xvii. 4, § 14. t. iii. pt. ii. col. 8G4. 

' :nea. Goth. i. 23. * See IlrlicliR, in Cfass. Mffs. 

' Nibbv, JRoma, «Sfc t. i. p. 138. vol. iii. p. 190. 

* Ap. Muratori; Scrijyp. lier, ItaK 


Porta Nomentana, spanning, as its name implies, the 
Via Nomentana. Pope Pius IV. substituted for it in 1564 
the present Porta Pia ; on issuing from which is seen 
the site of the ancient gate, marked by two towers at 
a little distance on the right. 

From this point the wall proceeded to enclose the Pras- 
torian Camp, trending thence in a southern direction to the 
Porta Tiburtixa, in all probability the modem S. Lorenzo. 
In the camp itself were four gates, which, however, can- 
not properly be said to belong to the city : namely, two 
Portce Principales at the northern and southern sides, 
the Porta Decumana on the eastern side, and the Porta 
PrcBtoria on the western. Thus the last, which in field 
camps faced the enemy, here faced the city ; an unmis- 
takable indication of the purpose which the Praetorian 
Camp was intended to serve. Close under the south side 
of the camp was a gate spanning the road which issued 
from the Porta Viminalis of the Servian walls ; but which 
appears to have been walled up at a very early period, 
and is hence called Porta Clausa. Over the Porta 
Tiburtina, or S. Lorenzo, as well as over two or three 
more gates, is an inscription recording the restoration of 
the walls by Arcadius and Honorius. The gate is formed 
by an arch of the Aquaj Marcia, Tepula, and Julia, which 
flow one over the other in different ducts. 

The Porta Pr^exestina, now Porta Maggiore, the next 
gate in succession, is likewise formed of a double arch 
of the Aqua Claudia and Anio Vetus, which flow over it. 
This gate has the same inscription as that on the Porta 
Tiburtina. Its modern name is said to be derived from 
its leading to the Basilica of Sta. Maria Maggiore. It seems 
also to have been called Porta della Donna, that is, of the 
Madonna, as appears from a diary of the fifteenth century 
published by Muratori.^ Just outside the gate, on the 

^ Rer. Itdl, ScripU, ap. Nibby, Roma, ^-c. t i. p. 146. 

272 fflSTORY OF THE ClXy OF ROME. [Sect. V. 

left-hand side, is the curious monument of Eurysaces, the 
baker. Here also was a vivarium for keeping the wild 
beasts used in the public spectacles. From this point 
the wall follows for some distance the line of the Aqua 
Claudia in a south-easteriy direction ; then, describing an 
acute angle, trends to the south-west, and, embracing the 
Amphitheatnun Castrense, proceeds in this direction as 
far aa the Piazza Ferratella. In this length of wall was 
the Porta Asinaria, which spanned the road of that name, 
but which is now superseded by the Porta S. Giovanni, 
built by Pope Gregory XIII. a little to the east of it. 
The modem name is of course derived from St. John 
Lateran, near which the gate stands ; and in like manner 
the ancient gate was called in the middle ages Latera- 
nensis. Just beyond it are vast substructions supposed to 
have belonged to the house of Plautius Lateranus. 

At the angle formed by the walls at the Piazza Ferra- 
tella was also a gate supposed to be that called Porta 
Metronis by St. Gregory the Great in one of his epistles ; 
but its origin, and even the proper spelling of its name, 
are uncertain. Hence the waU takes a southerly direction 
till it reaches the Porta Latina, and a little further on 
the Porta Appia, standing over the roads so called, which, 
as we have seen, diverged shortly after the Appia had 
issued from the ancient Porta Capena. The Porta Latina 
is closed, and the Porta Appia has now become the Porta 
di S. Sebastiano, from the celebrated church which stands 
some way beyond it. 

The wall now proceeds for a considerable space nearly 
due west till it reaches the Porta Ostiensis. After the 
building of the famous Basilica of St. Paul this gate was 
called Porta di S. Paolo, an appellation which, as we see 
from Procopius, it obtained as early as the sixth centuiy, 
the Basilica having been founded by Valentinian II. and 
Theodosius. Close to it, built into the wall, is the Pyra- 
mid OF Cestius, a tomb of the republican period, but 

Sect. V.] WALL OF AURELL^. 278 

thought in the middle ages to be the sepulchre of Eemus. 
Hence the wall ran to the river, so as to include Monte 
Testaccio, and northwards up its bank to a point opposite 
that where the wall of the Janiculum also reached the 

On the right bank of the river the wall ascended to the 
height of the Janiculum where stood the Porta Aurelia, 
now Porta S. Pancrazio. Close to the Tiber was* the 
Porta Portuensis, having the same inscription which may- 
be seen over the Tiburtina. This gate was demolished 
by Urban VUI., who built in its stead the Porta Portese. 
The Porta Aurelia, so called from the Via AuriBlia, ob- 
tained also in the middle ages the name of Aurea, by 
which it is mentioned in the Mirabilia Romce^ written 
about the twelfth century; but it seems also to have 
been called after S. Pancratius in the time of Procopius. 
The Janiculum, from the colour of its sand, was vulgarly 
called Mons Aureus, whence the present name of Mon- 
torio. From the Porta Aurelia the wall again descended 
to the river, which it appears to have reached near, or a 
little above, the present Ponte Sisto. We know not cer- 
tainly of any gate in this tract, though one called Septi- 
miana is mentioned. 

From the Ponte Sisto the wall appears to have run 
along the left bank of the Tiber till it arrived parallel 
with the Porta Flaminia, which it joined ; but no remains 
of it are now visible in this part. In this tract we find 
only one gate, that called by Procopius, to all appearance 
erroneously. Porta Aurelia, standing on the left bank of 
the river, at the entrance of the Pons -ZElius, leading to 
tlie Mole of Hadrian. There could hardly have been 
two gates called Aurelia. We find it called in the 
Mirabilia^ 'Porta Collina ad CasteUum Adriani;' and 
it is mentioned by the same name in the Ordo Romanus 
of the Canonicus Benedetto published by Mabillon.^ But 

^ Mu»€Bum Ital, t. ii. p. 143. 


this also must have been a confusion of names. It ap 
pears to have been also called Porta S. Petri as earb 
as the time of Procopius, who mentions it under tha 

During the reign of Aurelian the ancient glories o 
Kome seemed for a while to revive. For his numerous 
victories in various lands he celebrated in 274 as magni- 
ficent a triumph as any that Eome had hitherto beheld 
It has been described by Vopiscus ; ^ but we shall heix 
insert the description of it by Gibbon, after that author 

* The pomp was opened by twenty elephants, four roya 
tigers, and above two hundred of the most curious animaL 
from every climate of the north, the east, and the south 
They were followed by sixteen hundred gladiators, devotee] 
to the cruel amusement of the amphitheatre. The wealtli 
of Asia, the arms and ensigns of so many conquered 
nations, and the magnificent plate and wardrobe of thi 
Syrian queen, were disposed in exact symmetry or artfu 
disorder. The ambassadors of the most remote parts oi 
the earth, of -Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, Bactriana, India, and 
China, all remarkable by their rich or singidar dresses 
displayed the fame and power of the Eoman emperor 
who exposed likewise to the public view the present: 
that he had received, and particularly a great number o: 
crowns of gold, the offerings of grateful cities. The vie 
tories of Aurelian were attested by the long train o: 
captives who reluctantly attended his triumph — Goths 
Vandals, Sarmatians, Alemanni, Franks, Gauls, Syrians, anc 
Egyptians. Each people was distinguished by its pecuhai 
inscription, and the title of Amazons was bestowed on tei 
martial heroines of the Gothic nation who had been taker 
in arms. But every eye, disregarding the crowd o 
captives, was fixed on the Emperor Tetricus, and tlic 
Queen of the East. The former, as well as his son, whon 

* R G. i. 19. 2 Awel, c. 33. 


he had created Augustus, was dressed in Gallic trousers, a 
saffron tunic, and a robe of purple. The beauteous figure 
of Zenobia was confined by fetters of gold ; a slave sup- 
ported the gold chain which encircled her neck, and she 
almost fainted under the intolerable weight of jewels. She 
preceded on foot the magnificent chariot in which she 
once hoped to enter the gates of Eome. It was followed 
by two other chariots, still more simiptuous, of Odenathus 
and of the Persian monarch. The triumphal car of 
Aurehan (it had formerly been used by a Gothic king) 
was drawn, on this memorable occasion, either by four 
stags or by four elephants. The most illustrious of the 
senate, the people, and the army closed the solemn pro- 
cession. Unfeigned joy, wonder, and gratitude swelled 
the acclamations of the multitude ; but the satisfaction of 
the senate was clouded by the appearance of Tetricus ; 
nor could they suppress a rising murmur that the haughty 
emperor should thus expose to public ignominy the person 
of a Eoman and a magistrate. 

' But however in the treatment of his unfortunate rivals 
Aurelian might indulge his pride, he behaved towards 
them with a generous clemency, which was seldom exer- 
cised by the ancient conquerors. Princes who without 
success had defended their throne or freedom, were fre- 
quently strangled in prison as soon as the triumphal 
pomp ascended the Capitol. These usurpers, whom their 
defeat had convicted of the crime of treason, were per- 
mitted to spend their lives in affluence and honourable 
repose. The emperor presented Zenobia with an elegant 
villa at Tibur or Tivoh, about twenty miles firom the 
capital ; the Syrian queen insensibly sank into a Eoman 
matron, her daughters married into noble families, and 
her race was not yet extinct in the fifth century. Tetricus 
and his son were reinstated in their rank and fortunes. 
They erected on the Caelian Hill a magnificent palace, and 

T 2 


as soon as it was finished invited Aurelian to supper. On 
his entrance he was agreeably surprised with a picture 
which represented their singular history. They were 
delineated offering to the emperor a civic crown and the 
sceptre of Gaul, and again receiving at his hands the 
ornaments of the senatorial dignity. The father was 
afterwards invested with the government of Lucania, and 
Aurelian, who soon admitted the abdicated monarch to 
his ftiendship and conversation, familiarly asked him 
whether it was not more desirable to administer a province 
of Italy than to reign beyond the Alps. The son long 
continued a respectable member of the senate ; nor was 
there any one of the Koman nobility more esteemed by 
Aurelian, as weU as by his successors. 

' So long and so various was the pomp of Aurelian's 
triumph, that, although it opened with the dawn of day, 
the slow majesty of the procession ascended not the Capi- 
tol before the ninth hour ; and it was already dark when 
the emperor returned to the palace. The festival wjis 
protracted by theatrical representations, the games of tlie 
circus, the hunting of wild beasts, combats of gladiators, 
and naval engagements. Liberal donatives were distri- 
buted to the army and people, and several institutions, 
agreeable or beneficial to the city, contributed to per- 
petuate the glory of Aurelian. A considerable portion of 
his oriental spoils was consecrated to the gods of Eome ; 
the Capitol, and every other temple, glittered with the 
offerings of his ostentatious piety ; and the Temple of the 
Sun alone received above fifteen thousand pounds of gold. 
This last was a magnificent structure, erected by the em- 
peror on the side of the Quirinal Hill, and dedicated, soon 
after the triumph, to that deity whom Aurelian adored as 
the parent of his life and fortunes. His mother had been 
an inferior priestess in a chapel of the Sun ; a pecidiar 
devotion to the god of light was a sentiment which tlie 
fortunate peasant imbibed in his infancy ; and every step 

Sect, v.] TEMPLE OF THE SUN. 277 

of his elevation, every victory of his reign, fortified super- 
stition by gratitude.' ^ 

The site of Aurelian's Temple op the Sun has been 
the subject of much dispute among topographers ; but we 
think there can be httle doubt that Gibbon has properly 
located it, and it may very probably be identified with 
the remains of a large building in the Colonna gardens. 
For the reasons which have led the author to this con- 
clusion, the reader is referred to Dr. Smith's Dictionary 
of Ancient Geography^ vol. ii. p. 830 sq. 

During this period the public spectacles at least, and 
the sports of the Circus and amphitheatre, betrayed no 
symptoms of the declining state of the Empire. Nothing 
could exceed the magnificence of the games exhibited by 
Probus. The Circus was transformed into the likeness 
of a forest by the transplanting of a large quantity of full- 
grown trees, and thousands of ostriches, stags, and wild 
boars, having been let loose in it, were abandoned to be 
chased by the populace. On the following day was given 
a venatio^ in which many hundreds of Uons, tigers, and 
bears were massacred.^ The third day was devoted to 
the slaughter of the nobler animal, man, and three 
hundred pairs of gladiators displayed their ferocity and 
skill. The spectacles exhibited in the Flavian amphi- 
theatre at this period were perhaps still more magnificent, 
and in the reign of Carinus appear to have exceeded any- 
thing before remembered. We cannot better present an 
idea of them to the reader than in the words of the elo- 
quent historian whom we have already quoted. ' The 
slopes of the vast concave which formed the inside were 
filled and surrounded with sixty or eighty rows of seats, 
of marble likewise, covered with cushions, and capable of 
receiving with ease above four-score thousand spectators. 
Sixty-four vomitories (for by that name the doors were 

* Decline and FaU^ cli. xL * Vopiscus, Prob, c. 10. 


very aptly distinguished) poured forth the immense 
multitude ; and the entrances, passages, and staircases 
were contrived with such exquisite skill, that each person, 
whetlier of the senatorial, the equestrian, or the plebeian 
order, arrived at his destined place without trouble or 
confusion. Nothing was omitted which, in any respect, 
could be subservient to the convenience and pleasure of 
the spectators. They were protected from the sun and 
rain by an ample canopy, occasionally drawn over their 
heads. The air was continually refreshed by the playing 
of fountains, and profusely impregnated by the grateful 
scent of aromatics. In the centre of the edifice, the arena^ 
or stage, was strewed with the finest sand, and successively 
assumed the most different forms. At one moment it 
seemed to rise out of the earth, like the garden of the 
Hesperides, and was afterwards broken into the rocks 
and caverns of Thrace. The subterraneous pipes con- 
veyal an inexhaustible supply of water, and what had 
just before appeared a level plain might be suddenly 
converted into a wide lake, covered with armed vessels, 
and replenished with the monsters of the deep. In the 
decoration of these scenes, the Eonian emperors displayed 
their wealth and liberality; and we read on various 
occasions that the whole furniture of the amphitheatre 
consisted either of silver, or of gold, or of amber. The poet 
who describes the games of Carinus, in the character of a 
shepherd attracted to the capital by the fame of their 
magnificence, affirms that the nets designed as a defence 
against the wild beasts were of gold wire ; that the por- 
ticoes were gilded; and that the belt^ or circle, which 
divided the several ranks of spectators from eacli other, 
was studded with a precious mosaic of beautiful stones.'^ 

^ Gibbon, Decline and FaU^ ch. xii. Carinus. Some critics, as Saipe 

The poet alluded to is CalpumiuS| {Qu^d» Phiiol» Rostock, 1819, p. 11 

Eclog, 7. It is, indeed, far from sqqO; '^^^ ^* followed by Weber in 

certain that, as Gibbon assumes, his edition of the Latin poets, with 

Calpumius was contemporary with that love of paradox and hardihood 


Sect. V.] 



Such were the spectades with which an enslaved and 
degenerate people consoled themselves for the loss of 
liberty ; but, whatever may have been their gorgeousness 
and grandeur, they are far indeed removed from the 
interest and sublimity which environ the earlier and 
simpler scenes of Eoman history. 

The reign of Diocletian, the successor of Carinus, gave 
the first decisive blow to the predominance of the city, 
and in a few more years the capital of the world was to 
be transferred to the shores of the Bosphorus. In the 
incipient collapse of the empire, Eome appeared to be too 
far removed from the frontiers. Diocletian and Maxi- 
mian, his associate m the empire, chose in preference 
Nicomedia in Bithynia and Milan for their places of resi- 
dence, which, by their embellishments, seemed to grow 
into new capitals. The continued absence of Diocletian 
from Eome not only occasioned its splendour to decay, 
but also struck a deadly blow at the power and authority 
of the senate, who ceased to be consulted on the affairs 
of the Empire. Nearly twenty years of his reign had 
elapsed before Diocletian visited for the first time the 
Eoman capital, when he celebrated a triumph which, 
though not precisely the last, as Gibbon says,^ was among 
the last which that city beheld (a. d. 302). His stay at 
Eome did not exceed two months, and shortly afterwards 
he abdicated the imperial throne and retired to Salona. 
Yet during this short visit he founded the Therale 
DiocLETiANiB, the largest and most splendid of the baths 
hitherto erected at Eome. They are said by Olympiodorus 

of assertion wHich cHaracterise Ger- 
man critics, have even placed him 
in the reign of Nero. But the 
Flavian amphitheatre, which is cer- 
tainly described in the 7th Eclogue, 
as ia plain from its situation among 
the hiUs (y. 32^, waa not then built ; 
and aa tne citizen who converses 
with Corydon waa an old man, the 
time of uie poem must necessarily 

be placed at earliest fifty years after 
Titus, or A. D. 130. On the other 
hand, we know from Vopiscus that 
Carinus celebrated some fantastically 
splendid games; and Calpumius' 
Ime, ' quse patula juvenis deus edit 
arena * (ver. 6), agrees with the age 
of Carinus. 

» Decline and FaU, voL ii. p. 80. 

880 msrrORT of the CETT of BOMR [Sbci:V 

to have contained twice the number of seats for bathers 
of those of Caracalla, which had sixteen hundred. To 
confer an additional attraction upon them, the Bibliotheca 
Ulpia was transferred thither fix)m the Forum of Trajan.^ 
They were situated on the Quirinal Hill, close to the 
western side of the Servian agger, and their length 
occupied the greater part of the space between the Porta 
Collina and the Porta Viminalis. Their remains, being in 
a more frequented part of the town than the Thermae 
Antoniniame, have not been so well preserved, and the 
general plan of them can no longer be traced. But the 
tepidarium, with its vast unsupported roof, still forms 
the magnificent Carthusian chiuxjh of Sta. Maria degli 
Angeli ; to which purpose it was converted by Michael 
Angelo Buonarotti in the pontificate of Pius IV. Tlie 
baths of Diocletian, Nero, and Agrippa were in use in 
the middle of the fifth century, as appears from a poem 
of Sidonius to Consentius : 

Hinc ad balnea non Neroniana 
Nee quffi Agrippa dedit, Tel ille cujus 
Bustum DalmaticaB vident Salonse : 
Ad thermas tamen ire sed libebat 
Private bene prsebitas pudori.' 

According to an ancient tradition, the Christians, among 
tlie other persecutions which they suffered from Diocle- 
tian, were forced to labour at the construction of these 
baths. But heathen Eome was now drawing towards its 
close. A few more years, and the persecuted Christians 
were to see their religion become that of the state. The 
last monuments of pagan Eome were added by Maxentius 
and Constantine. To the former emperor must be 
attributed the Basilica Constantini, erected by him,^ but 
dedicated after his death by Constantine ; of which such 

' Vopisc. Ptob* 2. the name of Maxentius in the ma- 

■ Carm, xxiii. 404 sqq. sonry of one of the arches in 1828. 

• Victor, Dr Cffs, cap. xl. § 26. Beschreib. der Siadt Eom^ B. iii. 

The account of Victor is confinued S. 298. 

by t^o finding of a coin bearing 



vast remains still exist not far fh)m the Colosseum. This 
Basilica appears to have occupied the site of the spice 
warehouses of Domitian, the destruction of which in the 
fire of Commodus we have already related. For a long 
while the three large arches which remain of it were sup- 
posed to have belonged to Vespasian's Temple of Peace, 
till Nibby, in his work Del Foro Romano^ gave them their 
true designation. Maxentius also built the Cmcus on the 
Via Appia, about two miles from Eome, near the tomb of 
Csecilia Metella.^ It is still sufficiently preserved to 
convey to the reader an idea of the arrangements of an 
ancient circus. A large portion of it was excavated in 
1825 at the expense of Duke Torlonia, and under the 
inspection of Signor Nibby. 

Constantine, after defeating Maxentius near the Milvian 
Bridge, October 28, 312, made his entry into Eome. His 
victory was recorded, but probably some years afterwards, 
by the Fohnix Constantini, the last existing monument 
of any importance of ancient Eome. This arch, which 
spans the top of the Via di S. Gregorio, or ancient Via 
Triumphalis, near the Flavian amphitheatre, the best 
preserved of all that remain, is a striking proof of the 
decay of art among the Eomans. Not, indeed, the 
structure itself, which is noble and well proportioned. 
It is remarked by EaffaeUe that architecture was the last 
art that decayed at Eome, the buildings of the later 
emperors being as good as those of the first ; in proof of 
which he mentions this arch and the baths of Diocletian, 
the architecture of which was also fine, but the paintings 
and sculptures execrable.^ The same was the case with 
this arch, except such parts of it as were composed of 
spoils taken from some monument of Trajan's. These 

^ Qxtalogus Impp. VietmensUf t ii. tiglione. is supposed to have been 

p. 248. that addressed by Raffaelle to Pope 

' See Leitere di CadigUonej p. 149 Leo X. respecting the state of Rome 

(ed. Padova, 1796). This letter, and its monuments. See Roscoe's 

though placed among those of Gas- Life of Leo X, di. xxii. 


are the columns, part of the entablature, the statues of 
the barbarian prisoners, all the bas-reliefs of the attics, 
and the four medallions on each face. The bas-reliefs od 
the walls of the middle or greater arch are supposed to 
belong to the time of Gordian, and all the rest may be 
attributed to Constantine ; namely, those on the pedestals 
of the columns, the fillet or band over the smaller arches 
which is carried along the sides, the keystones of the 
greater arch, the figures over the arches, the medallions 
at the sides, and the images in the smaller arches.^ Not 
only does the style of the bas-reliefs attributed to the age 
of Trajan prove them to be of that epoch ; their subjects 
can be referred to events in the history of that emperor 
which space does not permit us to detail. The original 
inscription on the arch stated that Constantine had 
triumphed over the tyrant and his party by the favour 
of Jupiter Optimus Maximus (nutu Jovis 0. M.) ; but 
these words were subsequently erased, and instead of 
them were substituted 'Instinctu Divinitatis,' by the 
inspiration of the deity .^ 

The large square building called Janus Quadrifroxs, 
near the church of S. Giorgio in Velabro, is also referred, 
with much probability, by Bunsen ^ to the time of Con- 
stantine. Like the triumphal arch, it seems to have been 
constructed of the fragments of Other buildings, and its 
architecture is said to resemble the style of the time of 
that emperor. 

Constantine also erected on tlie Quirinal some baths, 
the Therm JS Constantinian^, the last apparently erected 
at Eome. From the somewhat disparaging way in which 
they are mentioned by Aurelius Victor,* we may con- 
clude that they did not equal in splendour the baths of 
Diocletian or Caracalla. Some remains of them appear 

* Nibbv, Bomay ^c, t. i. p. 446. * < Opus caeteriehaud multo dia- 

^ Orelh, Inscr. Lai, no. 1076. par.*— A Cas. cap. xL § 27. 

' Besch-eibunffj AnhangfUi.^, 663. 


to have been extant in the sixteenth century at the 
Palazzo Eospigliosi. The colossal figures now on the 
Quirinal, supposed to be the work of Phidias, appear 
to have stood before these baths till they were removed 
to their present position by Pope Sixtus V. 

The period was now arrived when Eome was to expe- 
rience at one and the same time the two most important 
revolutions that occur in the whole course of her history. 
She was to cease to be the capital of the Eoman Empire ; 
but, by the establishment of Christianity, she was ulti- 
mately to become the capital of the Christian world. 

While it was necessary to coerce the city, the military 
despotism of Augustus and Tiberius had been supported 
and secured by the establishment of the praetorian guard 
and camp. But it soon became apparent, and was in- 
deed a necessary consequence of a despotism upheld by 
force, that the true seat of empire lay not at Eome, but 
wherever the military power was predominant ; and as 
the extended fix)ntiers of the Empire required large forces 
to be maintained in the most remote provinces, it was 
frequently here that this predominance was to be found. 
Gralba first succeeded, by means of the military command 
which he held in Gaul, in overthrowing the last repre- 
sentative of the Caesars and seating himself upon the 
imperial throne. From this period the Empire was fre- 
quently obtained by the successful rebellion of a victo- 
rious general, and a peaceful or hereditary succession 
began to form the exception rather than the rule. Under 
these circumstances the political influence of Eome 
gradually decayed. The long absence of several of the 
emperors in the prosecution of their wars served still 
further to weaken the prestige of the capital. Diocletian, 
by establishing his residence at Nicomedia, virtually 
transferred thither the seat of empire, and at length in 


330 CoDstantine the Great, who was aknost as much a 
stranger to Borne as Diocletian-had been, solemnly re- 
moved his residence and government to Byzantium, on the 
shores of the Bosphorus, which took fix)m him the name 
of Constantinople. Although Bome has been called the 
* eternal city,* an opinion had very .early prevailed that 
she was destined to no very protracted period of existr 
cnce. Julius Cassar was thought to have contemplated 
transferring the seat of empure to Troy, its ancient cradle, 
and a similar scheme appears to have been ventilated in 
the time of Augustus.^ Constantine is even said to have 
built the gates of his new city close to the grave of Ajax, 
where the Grecian ships were stationed, when a dream or 
vision admonished him to choose another site.* 

The other innovation of Constantine, the establishment 
of Christianity as the religion of the state, is of still 
greater importance in the history of the world, and even 
perhaps of the city whose vicissitudes it is our more 
humble province to record. For to this cause must be 
chiefly ascribed, together with the change introduced into 
the manners and customs of the Bomans, the decay of 
those buildings which had been the chief characteristic 
and ornament of pagan Bome, and the erection of new 
ones more in consonance with the altered habits of tlie 
citizens. Writers of all parties agree that Constantine, 
after the celebration of his Vicennalia in 326, confiscated 
many heathen temples, and transferred them with their 
revenues to the church. He also caused the doors of 
the temples to be removed, and the tiles to be stripped 
from the roofs, that they might sooner fall to decay.^ It 
seems probable, however, that these measures were put 
into execution chiefly in the provinces, and had but 
little effect at Bome. 

» See Sueton. C<m. 79 ; Hor. Od. • Cod, Jtisttn, L 5, 1 ; Socrat. 

iiL 3. Hid. JEccL i. 3 ; Cedrenus, i. p. 478 

> ZodmuB, iL 30 ; SozomeOi Hid. (ed. Bonn.) ; Lasaulx, Untergang 

JBccL iL a aea HelUmmiUB^ p. 32. 


The persecution of the Christians by Nero was perhaps 
only the caprice of a tyrant who wished to divert from 
himself to an unpopular sect the suspicion of having 
caused a terrible calamity. But the formal inquisition 
into the manners of the Christians by such a ruler as 
Trajan shows that they must have multiplied to such an 
extent as to have become objects of anxiety and sus- 
picion to the government. It forms no part of our plan 
to enter into the persecutions suffered by the Christians ; 
but it must be remembered that if they were persecuted 
by some emperors, they were tolerated, and even favoured, 
by others. Septimius Severus treated them with marked 
distinction, retained them in his domestic service, and 
even employed a Christian as tutor of his son CaracaUa ; 
till the increase of their niunber through his own indul- 
gence inspired him with alarm, and induced him to take 
some measures to restrain it. These restraints were, 
however, removed under his immediate successors ; and 
during more than the third of a century, or a whole 
generation, the Christians enjoyed an unrestricted freedom. 
Under Alexander Severus they obtained some important 
privileges ; they were allowed to purchase land, to build 
churches, to choose their ministers, and to exercise their 
worship in pubUc.^ It may be inferred, indeed, from some 
passages of Scripture, that the Christians must have had 
churches from the earliest period ;^ but secret ones, and 
at most connived at, not tolerated, by the government. 
The succeeding emperors down to Diocletian, with the 
exceptions of Maximin, Decius, and Valerian, were in- 
different, if not favourable, to the Christians ; and even 
Diocletian himself for the far greater part of his reign 
treated them with mildness and toleration, though to- 
wards the end of it they were subjected to the most 
violent persecution which they had yet experienced. 

^ LampriiL Alex. Sever, c 49. 

* See espedaUy St Paul's Firel Epidle to the CoruUhuma, xi. 18, 


But his colleague Qalerius, who had been the instigator 
of this cruelty, repented of it before his death, and 
pubUshed the celebrated Edict of Toleration which gave 
peace to the Christian church. The long periods of 
tranquillity enjoyed by the Christians must have been 
favourable to the increase of their numbers ; and we can 
explain the later persecutions only on the ground that 
this increase had made them formidable to the state. Nor 
had they become important by their numbers only, but 
also by the offices which they filled and the part which 
they played in pubhc life. Tertullian, who flourished 
about the middle of the third century, describes them as 
abounding in the miUtary as well as the civil employ- 
ments of the state ; as being found in the camp as well 
as in the palace, the senate, and the forum. ^ When, there- 
fore, about three quarters of a century later, in the year 
324, Constantine exhorted all his subjects to follow his 
example by embracing Christianity, we must presume that 
the Christian church had become not only very powerful 
by its numbers, but also very influential through the im- 
portant posts filled by many of its members. 

The nature of the present work, however, confines our 
attention to the state of the Christians in Kome, of which 
we shall proceed to give a brief outline. 

History does not record the reputed visit of St. Peter 
to Kome ; but it forms one of the traditions of the Eomish 
church. According to Eusebius, the apostle came to 
Eome in the second year of the Emperor Claudius ; but 
the statement of Lactantius and the Liber Pontijicalis^ by 
which his visit is placed in the reign of Nero, is more in 
accordance with probability. It is possible that he may 
have spent ten years at Eome, a.d. 55-65; and at all 
events it is probable that he was there in the last year of 

* ' Hestemi sumua et veetra omnia tribus, decurias, palatium, senatum, 
implevimus, urbes, insulas, castella, forum; solavobia relinquimus tem- 
municipia; condliabula, castra ipsa^ pla.' — Apol, c. 37. 

Sect, v.] ST. PETER AT ROME. 387 

his life, and that he suffered martyrdom by crucifixion in 
the Neronian persecution in the year 65. He was suc- 
ceeded in the bishopric by linus.^ Tradition is equally 
vague respecting the place of St. Peter's residence at Rome. 
According to one account, he lived in the house of the 
Senator Pudens and his wife Priscilla, situated in the 
Vicus Patricius, a street running from the Subura through 
the valley between the Viminal and Esquiline, and re- 
presented by the modem streets called Via Urbana and 
Via Sta. Pudenziana. Here he is said to have established 
a church or house of prayer, which, from the daughter of 
Pudens, obtained the name of Pudentiana. At this spot, 
not far from Sta. Maria Maggiore, a church of this name 
still exists, and is the first Eoman church mentioned in the 
Liber Pontijicalis. The old mosaics in its tribime are 
reckoned among the finest in Rome. The neighbouring 
church of Sta. Prassede seems to have taken its name from 
the sister of Pudenziana; but though this also appears to 
have been a very ancient church, as two priests of that title 
are mentioned in the acts of the Council held by Pope 
Symmachus in 499, yet there are no definite arxx>imts of 
its foundation. According to .other traditions which have 
not such an appearance of authenticity, St. Peter took up 
his abode near the present church of Sta. Cecilia in tlic 
Trastevere, a.d. 45. He is also said to have dwelt upon 
the Aventine with Aquila and Prisca, a Jewish couple 
that had been converted to Christianity, supposed to liave 
been of the same family as the Aquila and Priscilla wbr>m 
St. Paul met at Corinth after the expulsion of the Jews 
from Rome by the Emperor Claudius.^ 

The visit of St. Paul to Rome, whither he wan brought hm 
a prisoner in company with St. Luke, and his dwelling there 
two years in a house which he had hired, are rec^irded in 
the Acts of the Apostles. During this period he mstsmu to 

^ Pagi, Bretiar. Oedor, PtmL Bam, t L p. 3 iq« 
* Ael$f ism, 2. 


have been retained in a sort of surveillance, though with 
hberty to preach and receive his fiiends. According to 
tradition, he dwelt in the Via Lata. Beyond this period 
there is no authentic account of the life of St. Paid ; but 
it is pretty certain that he suffered martyrdom at £ome, 
and in all probabiUty in company with St. Peter at the 
time of Nero's persecution. According to a tradition, they 
were both led forth to execution by the Porta Trigemina, 
and along the Via Ostiensis ; and St. Paul was put to 
death at a place called Aquae Salvias, not far from the 
magnificent BasiUca that bears his name.^ But St. Peter 
was conducted back either to the Janiculum, or more 
probably to Nero's Circus, near the present Basihca of 
St. Peter, and there crucified ; and it is said with his head 
downwards, agreeably to his own request. 

Li the early ages of the church, in the midst of these 
dangers and persecutions, and even down to the middle of 
the fifth century, the Christians of Eome resorted to large 
subterranean caverns outside the Avails, which served them 
at once as places of refuge and concealment, as churches 
wherein to exercise their sacred rites, and as places of in- 
terment for their dead. These caverns are now commonly 
known by the name of Catacombs ; but in ancient times 
they were also called Arece^ Cryptce^ and Ccemeteria. 
According to the most general opinion, which is also that 
of Bosio and his editor Aringhi,^ these catacombs were 
constructed by the Christians in the sandpits, or galleries, 
called arenarice, or arenifodince^ excavated by the pagan 
Eomans for the purpose of procuring building materials. 
That such excavations existed we know from the testimony 
of classical writers. Cicero mentions some arenarice out- 
side the Porta Esquilina f and Suetonius, in relating the 
death of Nero, describes how Phaon exhorted him to 
enter a cavern formed by excavating tlie sand.* The 

* Aringhi, Roma Subterr. lib, iii. * Ibid, lib. i. c. 1. 

c. 2. 8 Pro Cluent, 13. * ^'er. 48. 

Sect. V.] 



Cavaliere de Eossi has recently treated this subject in a 
large and learned publication.^ In a dissertation by his 
brother, Michele Stefano de Eossi, entitled Analisi Geo- 
logica ed Architettonica, which the Cavaliere has annexed 
to his work, it is laid down that the catacombs, with very 
trifling exceptions, are entirely the work of the Christians.^ 
Into this subject, on which volumes might be written, our 
limits do not permit us to enter ; and those readers who 
are curious on the subject are therefore referred to the 
work just mentioned. It should, however, be stated that 
one of the results of Cavaliere de Eossi's investigations is 
to transfer the catacombs of S. Calixtus from the church 
of S. Sebastian, where they are commonly placed, to a 
spot rather nearer Eome between the Via Appia and Via 

We have already adverted, when describing the perse- 
cution of Nero, to the hatred with which the Christians 
were regarded by the Eoman populace. During two or 
three centuries they were considered as the proper ex- 
piatory victims of any public calamity; and on such 
occasions their death was clamorously demanded by the 
people assembled in the theatres. A still worse fate was 
invoked upon the Christian virgins.'* A conspicuous 
martyr among these inhuman sacrifices was Ignatius, 
bishop of Syria, who by command of Trajan was thrown 
to the wild beasts in the amphitheatre during the festival 
of the Saturnalia. Yet in spite of these persecutions the 
church continued to flourish at Eome. The niunber of 

' La Roma soUeranea Christiana, 
descritta ed illustrata dal Cay. G. 
B. de Rossi, torn. L Romay 1864. 

' 'I dmeteri sotteranei di Roma 
sono stati scavati dai cristiaiii fossori 
tranne pochissime eccezioni, le quali 
importanti per la storia, nell' am- 
piezza perd della sotteranea escava- 
zione scompajono; e possono vera- 
mente dirsi quello, che i matematici 
appellano uoa quantita infinitesima 
e da non essere tenuta a calcolo.' — 

App. p. 39. Two of the catacombs 
are Jewish. 

^ Itoma 8ott. Christ, p. 260. 

* * Si Tyberis asoendit ad moenia, si 
Nilus non ascendit in arva, si coelum 
stetity si terra movit, si fames, si lues, 
statim, "Christianos ad leonem ! '' *-— 
TertulL ApcH, c. 40. An alliterative 
cry, which probably aflforded much 
amusement to those brutal minds, 
was : * Virgines ad lenonem I ' — Ihid. 
48 sub fin. 


Christians there in the middle of the third century has been 
estimated, from an authentic statement of the number of 
their clergy, at about 50,000K Christian Eome is said to 
have been divided so early as the reign of Domitian 
into seven parishes, but only in order to write the history 
of the martyrs. Euaristus, who was bishop of Eome in the 
time of Trajan, is supposed to have first adapted these 
divisions to ecclesiastical purposes by appointing seven 
priests and seven deacons.^ Churches are said to have 
been built at Eome in the third century, but nothing is 
certain before the time of Constantine. 

The first ecclesiastical architects could not, on religious 
grounds, take the heathen temples for their models, and 
they therefore resorted to the civil buildings of the Eo- 
mans, and especially the Basilicae ; which also from their 
structure were better adapted to Christian worship. The 
seven primeval churches of Eome, said to have been 
founded by Constantine, are of this description : namely, 
that of the Lateran, the Vatican, S. Paolo fuori le Mura, 
Sta. Croce in Gerusalemme, Sta. Agnese outside the PorUi 
Nomentana (or Porta Pia), S. Lorenzo fuori le Mura 
(about half a mile outside the Porta S. Lorenzo), and 
SS. Petrus et Marcellinus outside the Porta Maggiore. 
But it is very doubtful whether Constantine founded all 
these churches. When the origin of a church was lost 
in remote antiquity, it was convenient to refer it to the 
first Christian emperor ; but the only one that can be 
ascribed to him with any certainty is that of the Lateran. 
His consort Fausta possessed the palace of the Laterani 
on the Cajhan, a family which we have already had 
occasion to mention ; and it is believed that Constantine 
gave that part of it more particularly called Domus 
Faustas to the bishop of Eome for a dwelling. It is also 
thought that at the request of Pope Sylvester he erected 

^ Eusebius, ap. Gibbon, vol. ii. ' Anastasiiw, in Vitis dementis ft 
p. 211 (Smith's edj. Euaridi. 



there a Basilica dedicated to the Saviour and consecrated 
it in 319. This church has always been regarded as the 
first in dignity not only in Borne but in all the world, and is 
hence entitled Sacrosancta lateranenais ecclesia, omnium 
urbis et orbis ecclesiarum mater et caput. It retained its 
name of Salvatore, or the Saviour, till 1144 ; when, Pope 
Lucius n. having added the worship of St. John the 
Baptist and St John the Evangelist, it thenceforth obtained 
the name of Basilica di S. Giovanni in Laterano. 

It forms no part of our plan to describe the Boman 
churches ; but as the seven before enumerated were re- 
garded with a peculiar veneration, we shall here briefly 
record the origin of the remainder of them.^ 

The Basilica of S. Pietro in Vaticano, which may now 
be said to have virtually eclipsed the mother-church of 
the Soman bishopric in the Lateran, was at first inferior 
to it, nor is its origin so authentically attested. It is 
affirmed that the body of St. Peter was interred after his 
martyrdom in the Christian cemetery in the Vatican, and 
that Anacletus, the fourth bishop of Home, erected over 
his tomb a chapel or oratory. This chapel is said to 
have been converted by Constantine into a church, or 
Basilica, in honour of St. Peter, which was dedicated by 
Pope Sylvester in 324. According to the Liber Pontijicalis^ 
the Basilica was built on the site of a temple of Apollo. 
This temple is only legendary ; but when the Basilica was 
rebuilt at the beginning of the sixteenth century, inscrip- 
tions were dug up relating to the Taurobolia and Krio- 
bolia, showing that the worship of Cybele had formerly 
been celebrated here. This worship, in all its repulsive 
forms, maintained itself the longest at Home; and Pru- 
dentius, who flourished in the latter half of the fourth cen- 
tury, has described in his Hymn to S. Eomanus the horrible 
sacrifices with which it was attended. The latest of the 

^ A principal authority respecting is Ciampini, De iocrig tsdificiU a 
the churches erected by Constantine Condanitmo Magno extructis, 

u 2 


inscriptions referred to appears to belong to tbe year 
390;^ a fact which seems to militate very strongly 
against the possibility of the Basilica having been founded 
by CoiD5tantine. The original Basilica remained in exist- 
ence more than eleven centuries, when Pope Nicholas V. 
conceived the idea of erecting a new one. Little, how- 
ever, was done till the time of Julius EL, who laid the 
first stone of the new edifice in 1506. It was to be con- 
structed after the plans of Bramante, but many alterations 
were made in it by succeeding popes. Leo X. proceeded 
with the building with the assistance of Giuliano Giam- 
berti, Giocondo da Verona, and especially of Bafiaelle 
Sanzio ; after whose death in 1520 the work was intrusted 
to Baldassare Peruzzi. Pope Paid III. having ascended 
the papal chair called in Michelangiolo, who continued to 
direct the building under his three successors, Julius UL, 
Marcellus IE., and Paul IV. The Basilica, however, stiU 
underwent many alterations, and was not completely 
finished till the pontificate of Pius VI. (1775-1800). 
Paul V. (Borghese), who ascended the papal throne in 
1G05, wishing to include all the parts of the ancient 
Basilica in the new one, intrusted the work to Carlo 
Maderno. This architect, whose labours were completed 
by Bernini, converted the Greek cross of the Basilica into 
a Latin one by lengthening the entrance, and added the 
pra^^ent portico and fa9ade. The effect of these alterations 
has been most unfortunate. Besides other architectural 
defects of detail, the two following are most injurious to 
the general appearance of the Basilica : the drum of the 
cupola cannot be seen even from the furthest extremity 
of the Piazza, while on entering, instead of being struck 
by the majesty of the cupola, one perceives only a sort of 
gash in the roof.^ These defects are at once obvious even to 

' See Beugnot, Ilist, de la Dcgtruc- ^ Milizia, ap. Nibby, Roma Mod 
fton du Poffonisme, t. i. p. 169, note. t. i. p. 600. 

Sect, v.] CHRISTIAN BASHJC^ 298 

the unprofessional beholder, and require no architectural 
knowledge to be condemned. 

S. FAOLofuori le Mura^ or sulla Via Osiiense^y^2is erected 
in honour of the fellow-martyr of St. Peter. The tradition 
respecting the origin of this Basilica is precisely similar 
to that regarding St. Peter's; namely, that Anacletus 
erected an oratorium over Paul's sepulchre, which at the 
request of Sylvester was converted into a church by Con- 
stantine, an. 324. Valentinian 11. b^an to rebuild it in 
386, and the new edifice was completed by his successor 
Honorius. Some of the pillars which adorned it are said 
to have been taken from the Mausoleum of Hadrian. 
The ancient Basilica was burnt down in 1823, but has 
since been restored more magnificently than before. 

The Basilica of St A. Ceoce in Gerusalemme, close to the 
Amphitheatrum Castrense, is related to have been erected 
by Constantine in the imperial gardens called Sessorium. 
Hence it is sometimes called Basilica Sessoriana ; some- 
times also Heleniana, from Constantine's mother. Its 
more common name of Santa Croce is derived from a 
fragment of the cross preserved in it, supposed to have 
been discovered by Helena. 

The Basilica of Sta. Agnese (sulla Via Nomentana\ 
about two miles from Porta Pia, was, it is said, erected 
by Constantine at the prayer of his daughter Constantina. 
St. Agnes suffered martyrdom in 310, and the church was 
erected over the cemetery in which she had been buried, 
and which formed part of the imperial domains. This 
church, although it has been restored several times, is 
remarkable as the only one which has preserved the 
characteristic of the ancient Basilic©, by having an upper 
portico over a lower one. 

S. Lorenzo fuori le Mura is also one of the Basilic© 
ascribed to Constantine. It was built in the cemetery of 
S. Ciriaca, a Boman matron who caused the bodies of the 
martyrs to be buried there, and among them that of 


S. Lorenzo, first deacon of the Boman church. This Bs 
lica, as well as St. Paul's, has been celebrated in the ver 
of Prudentius.^ 

The Church of SS. Pibtro b Maecbluno, the last 
the seven, stood under the Cselian Hill, just outsi 
the ancient Porta Querquetukna, and not &r fix>m t 

We shall also mention here two other Basilicse to coi 
plete the number of all the Boman churches to whi- 
that name has been applied. These are the Basilica 
Sbbastiano fuori delle Mura, and Sta. Mabu Maogiobe. 

S. Sebastian, which stands about two miles beyond t 
gate of the same name, was built over what is commoi] 
called the cemetery of Calixtus, the most celebrated 
the ancient catacombs. The date of its foundation 
altogether uncertain, though by some writers it has be 
ascribed to Constantine. 

Sta. Maria Maggiore, one of the four patriarchal E 
silicas, the others being the Lateran, St. Peter's, and I 
Paul without the WaUs, is thought to have been found( 
in the middle of the fourth century, in the pontificate 
Liberius. It stands on the highest point of the Esquilii 
near the ancient Macellimi Liviae. It was sometim 
called Sta. Maria ad Nives, fix)m a prodigious fall of sno 
early in August on the spot where it stands; whic 
according to the legend, gave occasion to its foundatio 
Its name of Maggiore was derived from its being the fii 
Eoman church dedicated to the Virgin. 

The worship of the Virgin appears not, however, 
have been officially recognised at Eome till the foUowii 
century. The first prominent trace of Mariolatry is 
the reign of Pope Sixtus III. (432-440), who rebuilt ai 
enlarged the Basilica, adorned it with splendid mosaic 
and consecrated it to the Mother of God.^ 

^ Peristeph, Hymn. ii. 625 sqq., xii. 45-54. 
* AnastaaiuB, VUa SixU lit § 64. 


Of the churches above enumerated, seven, although 
they gave no title to a cardinal, were regarded as the 
chief and most venerable of Eome, and were, in the 
middle ages, the objects of the visits of the Western pil- 
grims. These were St. John Lateran, St. Peter's, St. 
Paul's, S. Lorenzo, Sta. Maria Maggiore, S. Sebastian in 
the Appian Way, and Sta. Croce in Gerusalemme. 

From describing the origin of the first Basilicse, and the 
conversion of heathen buildings into Christian churches, 
it is a natural transition to consider whether any of the 
rites of pagan worship also passed into the Christian ser- 
vice. The first Soman converts to Christianity appear to 
have had very inadequate ideas of the sublime purity of the 
Gospel, and to have entertained a strange medley of pagan 
idolatry and Christian truth. The Emperor Alexander 
Severus, who had imbibed from his mother Mammaea a sin- 
gular regard for the Christian religion, is said to have 
placed in his domestic chapel the images of Abraham, of 
Orpheus, of Apollonius, and of Christ, as the four chief 
sages who had instructed mankind in the methods of 
adoring the Supreme Deity. ^ Constantine himself, the 
first Christian emperor, was deeply imbued with the 
superstitions of paganism ; he had been Pontifex Maximus, 
and it was only a little while before his death that he was 
formally received by baptism into the Christian church. 
He was particularly devoted to the worship of Apollo, 
and he attempted to conciliate his pagan and his Christian 
subjects by the respect which he appeared to entertain for 
the religion of both. An edict enjoining the solemn ob- 
servance of Sunday was balanced in the same year by 
another directing that when the palace or any other 
public building should be struck by lightning, the ha- 
ruspices should be regularly consulted.^ There is indeed 
an edict of May 16th, 319, forbidding an haruspex to enter 

* Lampr. Alex, Sever, c. 29. • Codex Theod, xvi. 10, 1. 


a private house under pain of being burnt, whilst he who 
called him in was to be banished, and his goods were to 
be confiscated. But the secret exercise of this art for un- 
lawfiil purposes had been forbidden many centuries before 
by the Twelve Tables and afterwards by the Emperor 
Tiberius,^ and the edict referred to proceeds to allow its 
exercise in open day in the temples and at the pubUc 
filtars.^ It may be presumed that such a sovereign might 
behold without concern the intermixture of heathen with 
Christian rites ; nay, that he might have favoured such 
a mixture as a means of inducing his pagan subjects the 
more readily to obey his exhortations for the adoption of 
Christianity. Such a mode was perhaps also generally 
felt, so far as it could be allowed, to be a necessary com- 
promise in the rough transition from paganism to a rehgion 
of so opposite a character. 

Of the fact, however, whatever may have been its cause 
— and we can imagine no more probable one — there can 
be no doubt. The resemblance between some' of the 
pagan and the Eoman Catholic rites is too striking to be 
ignored even by the most careless observer. We shall 
here adduce some of the most remarkable instances, and 
leave the reader to form his own conclusion.^ 

The tonsure of the Eoman Catholic priests appears to 
have been borrowed from those of Anubis,^ the worship 
of which Egyptian deity had long been introduced at 
Eome. Thus we are told that the Emperor Commodus 
got his head shaved in order that he might carry the god 
in procession.^ 

The burning of lamps or candles was a frequent custom 
in the pagan worship, as it now is in that of the Eoman 
Catholic church,^ and the gifts of lamps and candlesticks to 

* ' Ilanispices sccrelo ac sine te- greater part of the following illus- 
Btibus consuli vetuit.' — Suet, Tiber, trations Jiave been taken. 

C3. * Ilcrod. ii. 3(5. 

* Cod, Theod, ix. 16, 1 and 2. ^ Lanipiid. Comm. 9. 

' See on this subject Middleton's • ' Placuere et lychnuchi pensilcs 

Letter from Home, from which the in dolubris.' — Plin. H. N, xxxiv. 8. 


temples and altars are frequently recorded in inscriptions. 
The burning of lights seems to have been originally sub- 
stituted for the sacrifice of human victims, and the altars 
of Saturn, which had once reeked with human blood, were 
afterwards adored instead with lighted candles.^ Lights 
appear to have been burnt in ancient Eome before the 
Compitalian Lares, just as we now see them before the 
images of the Madonna. So, too, the bearing of torches 
in monkish funeral processions was a heathen custom, as 
we see from VirgU's description of the funeral of Pallas : 

Arcades ad portas mere, et de more vetusto 
Funereas rapuere faces : lucet via loogo 
Ordine flammarum^ et late discriminat agros.' 

The ancient idols were dressed out in curious and costly 
robes, and the pagan priests carried them about in proces- 
sions just as their Eoman Catholic successors do at the 
present day.^ 

The pagans had a vessel of holy water, called by the 
Greeks Trspippavri^piov^ by the Latins aquiminarium or 
amula, placed at the entrance of their temples, wherewith 
to besprinkle themselves ; the water in which, as is still 
the custom, appears to have been mixed with salt Ion, 
in Euripides, alludes to this purgation, but froni the living 
fountain : 

aW* w ^oifiov ^cX^ol Cfpavfs 
rd^ KatrraXiag dpyvpoti^t'ig 
^liviTi ^I'vaCi KaBapaiQ Si SpotroiQ 
A^uipavafitvoiy ffrtlx^Ti vaovQ,^ 

Croesus sent two such vessels to the temple at Delphi : a 
golden one to stand on the right-hand side of the entrance, 
a silver one on the left^ The forbidding a person to 
approach the holy water was a method of excommunica- 

^ ' Quia non solum yirum sed et to a lamp : 

liimina < wra Bicmificat/ says Macro- -^ , . . 

1 • cf A ' 17 ai. • 1 * J. ^ If ^ quasi cniBoreB ntal UtmiMcbi trmiunt, 

biu8, Sat. 1. 7 — the mterpretation of «"!«• ta«u4.»w 

a genuine grammarian I Yet cen- * jEn, id. 143. 

turies before Lucretius (ii. 77^ had ' Tertullian, De Idolafr. 

coi«imred the fleeting life or man < ver.94. * Herod, lib. L t,// 1, 



hardly missed.^ The honour of a statue appears indeed 
to have been often too lightly conferred at Eome. The 
practice is noted and rebuked in an anecdote of Cato the 
Censor, who, when asked why he had no statue, replied: 
' I would rather that good men should inquire why I had 
not deserved it, than whisper among one another why I 
had obtained it.' ^ 

Ammianus Marcellinus has left us some sketches of 
Kome about the middle of the fourth century. Through- 
out the wcarld, he tells us, Eome was still looked up to as 
a mistress and queen, and the name of the Roman people 
was treated with reverence. But these sentiments were 
entertained only by foreigners living at a distance. Those 
who, like Ammianus himself, had a more intimate and per- 
sonal knowledge of the Eomans, were aware how little 
they merited respect. The reminiscences of a great name 
and the reahty of enormous wealth, combined with the 
utter want of any manly and honourable employment in 
public life, had rendered the nobles and senators proud, 
conceited, overbearing, idle, luxurious, and profligate, 
while the rabble, so far as their means extended, aped 
their superiors. The pictures of Ammianus may perhaps 
be a trifle overcharged, but, after due allowance on this 
head, enough remains to show to what a depth of degra- 
dation the former masters of the world had sunk. We 
shall here present the more salient traits recorded by this 


* There is an enumeration of the 
principal statues at Kome at the end 
of the Notitia. Zacharias^ who wrote 
an ecclesiastical histoiy of the latter 
half of the fifth century (translated 
from the Syriac hy Angelo Mai, 
Scripp, Vet. t. x. Prsef. xii. sqq.), 
enumerates among the ornaments of 
Eome, 1,360 fountains, 3,785 bronze 
fitatues of emperors, &c. See Grego- 
rovius, B. i. S. 78. 

* Amm. MarcelL xiv. 6, § 8. 

' Ibid, 9 sqq. and xxviiL 4, § 6 sqq. 
The reader will find a more elegant 
paraphrajse of these passages in Gib- 
Don's thirty-first chapter. But in one 
particular the great historian has 
somewhat distorted the account of 
Ammianus, by assigning the train of 
dressmakers, cooks, eunuchs, and 
idle plebeians, to the master in his 
journeys into the coimtry, instead of 
to the matron in her excursions about 
the town. 


The pride of some of the nobles lay in well-sounding 
names, and they bragged themselves off immensely as 
Eeburri, Fabunii, Pagonii, Geriones, Dalii, Taracii, or Per- 
rasii. Some boasted of their wealth and estates from 
morning to night, although nobody asked about them, 
while others gratified their pride by having a higher car- 
riage than their neighbours. When they went out for an 
airing, they hurried through the streets at a gallop, spur- 
ring on their horses as if bent on important public busi- 
ness, and followed by whole troops of domestics, like so 
many bands of robbers. In like manner the matrons, 
with veiled heads, were carried in litters through all the 
outskirts of the city, accompanied by the domestics, mar- 
shalled hke an army, and conunanded by officers with 
rods in their right hands. First came the domestics who 
attended to the weaving and clothing department ; then 
those attached to the kitchen, all dressed in black. These 
were followed promiscuously by the rest of the slaves, 
mixed with the idle plebeians of the neighbourhood. Last 
came a multitude of squalid repulsive-looking eunuchs 
of all ages, from old men to boys. These traits show to 
what an extent the manners of the East had been intro- 
duced at Eome. 

Some of the nobles went to the baths followed by a 
train of fifty servants, and gave their orders in a loud and 
insolent tone. But if they chanced to hear that some old 
harridan had arrived, formerly perhaps a mean slave or 
common prostitute, they immediately surrounded her, and 
loaded her with ftdsome praises such as the Parthians might 
have bestowed on Semiramis, or the Egyptians on Cleopa- 
tra. When one of these nobles had come out of the bath 
and dried himself with soft towels, he diUgently examined 
the wardrobe which he had brought with him, and 
selected a garment from a number sufficient for eleven 
men. Then having got back his rings, which he had 
given to the servant lest they should be injured by the 



hardly missed.^ The honour of a statue appears indeed 
to have been often too lightly confcired at Eome. The 
practice is noted and rebuked in an anecdote of Cato the 
Censor, who, when asked why he had no statue, replied: 
' I would rather that good men should inquire why I had 
not deserved it, than whisper among one another why I 
had obtained it.' ^ 

Ammianus Marcellinus has left us some sketches of 
Kome about the middle of the fourth century. Through- 
out the wcarld, he tells us, Eome was still looked up to as 
a mistress and queen, and the name of the Soman people 
was treated with reverence. But these sentiments were 
entertained only by foreigners living at a distance. Those 
who, like Ammianus himself, had a more intimate and per- 
sonal knowledge of the Eomans, were aware how little 
they merited respect. The reminiscences of a great name 
and the reahty of enormous wealth, combined with the 
utter want of any manly and honourable employment in 
pubhc life, had rendered the nobles and senators proud, 
conceited, overbearing, idle, luxurious, and profligate, 
while the rabble, so far as their means extended, aped 
their superiors. The pictures of Ammianus may perhaps 
be a trifle overcharged, but, after due allowance on this 
head, enough remains to show to what a depth of degra- 
dation the former masters of the world had sunk. We 
shall here present the more sahent traits recorded by this 

^ There is an enumeration of the 
principal statues at Home at the end 
of the Nctitia. Zacharias, who wrote 
an ecclesiastical histoiy of the latter 
half of the fifth century (translated 
from the Syriac by Angelo Mai, 
Scripp, Vet, t. x. Preef. xii. sqq.), 
enumerates among the ornaments of 
Home, 1,350 fountaios, 3,785 bronze 
fitatues of emperors, &c. See Grego- 
rovius, B. i. S. 78. 

* Amm. Marcell. xiy. 0, § 8. 

• Ibid, 9 sqq. and xxyiiL 4, § 6 sqq. 
The reader will find a more elegant 
paraphrase of these passages in Gib- 
l>on*s thirty-first chapter. But in one 
particular the great historian has 
somewhat distorted the account of 
Ammianus, by assigning the train of 
dressmakers, cooks, eunuchs, and 
idle plebeians, to the master in his 
journeys into the coimtry, instead of 
to the matron in her excursions about 
the town. 


The pride of some of the nobles lay in well-sounding 
names, and they bragged themselves oflf immensely as 
Eebnrri, Fabunii, Pagonii, Geriones, Dalii, Taracii, or Per- 
rasii. Some boasted of their wealth and estates from 
morning to night, although nobody asked about them, 
while others gratified their pride by having a higher car- 
riage than their neighbours. When they went out for an 
airing, they hurried through the streets at a gallop, spur- 
ring on their horses as if bent on important public busi- 
ness, and followed by whole troops of domestics, like so 
many bands of robbers. In like manner the matrons, 
with veiled heads, were carried in litters through all the 
outskirts of the city, accompanied by the domestics, mar- 
shalled like an army, and conunanded by officers with 
rods in their right hands. First came the domestics who 
attended to the weaving and clothing department ; then 
those attached to the kitchen, all dressed in black. These 
were followed promiscuously by the rest of the slaves, 
mixed with the idle plebeians of the neighbourhood. Last 
came a multitude of squalid repulsive-looking eunuchs 
of all ages, from old men to boys. These traits show to 
what an extent the manners of the East had been intro- 
duced at Eome. 

Some of the nobles went to the baths followed by a 
train of fifty servants, and gave their orders in a loud and 
insolent tone. But if they chanced to hear that some old 
harridan had arrived, formerly perhaps a mean slave or 
common prostitute, they immediately surrounded her, and 
loaded her with fulsome praises such as the Parthians might 
have bestowed on Semiramis, or the Egyptians on Cleopa- 
tra. When one of these nobles had come out of the bath 
and dried himself with soft towels, he diUgently examined 
the wardrobe which he had brought with him, and 
selected a garment from a number sufficient for eleven 
men. Then having got back his rings, which he had 
given to the servant lest they should be injured by the 





moisture, lie walked ofi^ holding out his fingers as if the 
had been measured. Nothing could equal the pains whicl 
they bestowed upon their dress. One thing was put ove 
another, and the whole so arranged as to display the looj 
rich tunics underneath with embroidered firinges, repn 
senting animals and other devices. 

When they went into the country to hunt, all th 
trouble of which, by the way, was done for them b; 
others, or if in hot weather they sailed in their painte 
galleys from Lake Avemus to PuteoU or Caieta, they cod 
sidered themselves to have equalled the marches c 
Alexander or Ceesar. K a fly settled on the silkei 
folds of their gilt fans, or a little sunbeam penetrate 
through a rent in their parasols, they &ncied themselve 
more unfortunate than if they had been bom in Cim 


Nothing could exceed the ridiculous haughtiness o 
their manners. Had one of them obtained some triflinj 
dignity, he walked along with head erect, eyeing hi 
former acquaintances askance, so that you might take hio 
for Marcellus returning from the capture of Syracuse 
Their flatterers were thought sufficiently happy if per 
mitted to kiss their hands or their knees. Foreigner 
especially were treated with supreme contempt. One wh< 
had been received on his arrival with apparent affability 
would be totally forgotten on the morrow. All the dutie 
of politeness were thought to be discharged, even toward 
one to whom they were under obligations, if they inquire( 
what baths he used, or at whose house he was staying 
Foreigners were seldom invited to dinner, except the] 
understood dicing and racing, or pretended to be in som< 
secrets, or were rich and childless ; while the learned anc 
sober were shunned as useless and unlucky companions 
Yet if you happened to receive an invitation from a sena 
tor, couched in well-weighed sentences, you would d< 
better to murder \m brother than dedine it; for tha 


would be considered an insiilt to his pedigree. The 
dinner itself was intended only for vain display. When 
the meal was on the table, the scales were called for, the 
fishes, birds, and dormice were weighed, and their weights 
discussed till the company were weary ; nay, sometimes a 
score or two of notaries took down the weights on their 
tablets. Such persons as we have described were natu- 
rally surrounded by idle and garrulous flatterers. And 
as the ancient Boman was to be pleased by alluding to 
his battles and sieges, so the modem one may be flattered 
into conceiving himself something more than human 
merely by praising his lofty columns, or his walls adorned 
with stones of variegated and well-chosen colours. 

Many of the Bomans were exceedingly rich, but many 
also were borrowers ; and all of them would condescend 
to the meanest arts to get money without trouble. They 
were all l^acrjr-hunters ; and when they had succeeded 
in being named in a will, the testator, it was said, some- 
times suddenly disappeared. They courted no friends 
but those from whom they expected to derive some bene- 
fit. They never thought of visiting sick friends, and ser- 
vants who had been sent to inquire after them were com- 
pelled to take a bath before they were readmitted into 
the house. Nevertheless, even when they were really 
sick, if bid forth to a wedding, they would go even as 
far as Spoleto, because on such occasions gold was oflfered 
in the hollow of the right hand. Hence also their friend- 
ship for dicers, whom they treated with the greatest dis- 
tinction ; by which these gamesters were so pufied up 
that if any low fellow, well up in the secret tiuns of the 
game, should be placed at table below a man of pro- 
consular dignity, you would see him walk ofi* with a 
composed gravity more sad and solemn than we may 
fancy Porcius Cato to have been after an unexpected re- 
pulse fix)m the pnetorship. 

It would be absurd to suppose tliat such men elioukl 


• t 



.: have had any taste for learning and the liberal arts. 

fact, letters were to them worse than poison ; and thoi 
they enjoyed an uninterrupted leisure, they opened 
books but those of Marius Maximus ^ and Juvenkl ; 1 

; reason of which it lay beyond the measure of Ammiai 

judgment to explain. In houses once celebrated for i 
cultivation of literature, nothing was now to be heard 1 
music and singing ; the singer had taken the place of I 
philosopher, and the teacher of the mimic arts that of I 
orator ; the hbraries appeared to be sealed up, like sep 
chres, for ever, and their place had been taken by hydra 
lie organs, lutes as big as coaches, and other portent( 
instruments. Nothing can more strongly show the < 
graded state of learning than the fact that when a little p 
viously, on the apprehension of a scarcity, foreigners w< 
expelled the city, mimes and their followers, or those w 
for a time pretended to be so, were allowed to remai 
together with three thousand female dancers, with their 
structors and corps de ballet in equal numbers. Where^ 
you turned yoiu* eyes you might see whole bevies 
frizzled women whirling round in interminable circl 
brushing the pavement with their feet, and imitating t 
pantomimic dances which they had seen in the theatre: 
But if the nobles had no taste for learning, they w< 
devoted to the study of astrology, and would do nothi 
without first consulting the stars. Some of them had su 
notions of justice, that if a slave was too slow in bringi 
them warm water, they would order him to have thi 
hundred lashes ; while if he committed a wilful homici 
and many persons pressed for his punishment, the mas 
would merely observe that he was a naughty good-f 
nothing fellow, and that if ever he did the like again 
should be corrected. 

Such were the nobles. Of the crowd of the baser s< 

* A yerboHC historian of the Ro- liiiown, and whose works Lave 
man emperors, of whom little is tirely perished. 



some were accustomed to spend the night in wine-shops, 
some under the awnings of the theatres, which Catulus 
first introduced in his sedileship in imitation of the luxury 
of Campania. Even among these some pretended to 
great names, although they had not shoes to their feet. 
They spent their whole time in drinking and dicing, in 
brothels, debauchery, and the public spectacles. The 
Circus Maximus was to them house and temple and forum, 
in short, the siun and end of their whole existence and 
desires. The streets and public places and clubs were 
filled with eager crowds angrily disputing about the event 
of the next race. Grey-headed and wrinkled old men, 
whom one would imagine to be weary of life, would cry 
out that the state could not go on if their favourite horse 
did not win. On the day of the games, before the sun 
was well risen, they hastened to the Circus at a pace that 
might beat even the chariots themselves, though many had 
lain awake all night from anxiety about the event In 
the theatres the actors were hissed off if they had not 
conciliated the baser populace with presents of money. 
By way of making a noise, they would cry out that all 
foreigners should be expelled the city ; yet by the sub- 
sidies and contributions of these foreigners they had 
always been supported. In short, the cries uttered by 
tliis degraded populace were altogether brutal and absurd, 
and veiy different from those of the ancient plebs^ of whom 
many good sayings are recorded. 

It will be observed that, in these pictures of Eoman 
manners, Ammianus does not once advert to the gladia- 
torial combats. They had been formally abohshed by an 
edict of Constantine in the year 325 ; ^ nevertheless they 
appear not to have gone entirely out of use till near a 
century later. 

Such were the manners of that epoch ; but the bar- 

* * Omnino gladiatores esse prohibemus.' — Cod, Theod, xv. 12, 1. 



barian hordes were now advancing to put an end to t 
splendid degradation, and indeed it was liigli time. 

We may gather from the description of the visit 
Constantius EL to Rome in 357, bv the same historia 
that, materially, the city retained almost unimpaired 
ancient air of splendour. After an absence of thirty-ti 
years, the palace became again for a few weeks the re 
dence of an emperor. The lapse of three centuries h 
now converted the master of the Eoman world into 
oriental desix)t. Constantius had been bred up in all t 
rules of Persian etiquette. During a long journey he sat 
his car immovable as a statue, without turning his head 
even his eyes to the right or to the left ; he was neither se 
to nod, to spit, to blow his nose, or even move his hand 
only, though he was a very little man,* he bowed 1 
head when he passed under the lofty gates of a cil 
as if they were not high enough for him. Yet this aut 
maton of an emperor endeavoured to make himself 
agreeable as he could to the Bomans. After addressii 
the senate in the Curia and the people from the Sosti 
he passed on to the palace amidst the acclamations of t 
multitude. At the Circensian games which he gave " 
seemed to enjoy the loquacity of the people ; nor did 
arbitrarily put an end to the sports, as he was accustom 
to do in other places, but left them to be terminated 1 
chance, according to the Roman custom. His admirati 
of the monuments of Eome was unbounded. The Ca] 
toline temple, the enormous extent of the various batl 
the lofty and solid mass of the Flavian amphitheatre, t 
magnificent vault of the Pantheon, the Temple of Eon 
the Forum of Peace, the theatre of Pompey, the Odeu 
the Stadium, and other similar structiu-es, by turns e 
cited his wonder. But when he arrived at Trajan's Fon; 
! he seemed almost confounded with astonishment. Th 

* A mm. Marcell. x\-i. 10. • ' Corpus perhumile.' — Amm. 


indeed, observes the historian, we take to be a work un- 
paralleled in the whole world ; a work that can scarcely be 
described, much less again imitated by man. Constantius, 
the master of the world, confined himself to the humble 
wish of imitating the horse of the equestrian statue of 
Trajan, which stood in the middle of the atrium. But 
the Persian prince Hormisda, who accompanied him, ob- 
served : ' First of all, Emperor, you must order a similar 
stable to be made for him, if that be possible : so that 
your horse may be lodged as magnificently as the one we 
behold.' In fact, so great was Constantius' siuprise at 
what he saw, that he complained of the weakness or ill- 
nature of rumour, who, though it is her custom to mag- 
nify everything, had but feebly described the wonders of 

Constantius resolved to present the Eomans with some 
mark of his favour ; and as he could not hope to get any- 
thing done that might vie with the ancient monuments, 
he determined to procure a ready-made one. His father, 
Constantine, had resolved to adorn Constantinople with 
the largest obelisk at Thebes, which, according to Ammia- 
nus, had been spared by Augustus, not because of its 
vast magnitude and the diflGiculty of transporting it, as 
Constantius was told by his flatterers, but from a feeUng 
of religion, because this obelisk was more especially dedi- 
cated to the sun-god, and stood within the sacred pre- 
cincts of the temple. It stiU remained in Egypt at the 
death of Constantine, and Constantius caused it to be 
transported to Eome. It was carried up the Tiber, and 
landed at a place called Vicus Alexandri, about three 
miles from the city, whence it was conveyed to Eome by 
the Via Ostiensis, and with much difficulty erected in the 
Circus Maximus. It was discovered in 1587 in the pon- 
tificate of Sixtus v., lying buried several feet under the 
ground, and broken into three pieces. Sixtus caused it 
to be repaired and re-erected in the piazza of the Lateran, 

X 2 


where it now stands. A Latin inscription on the pedestal, 
in twenty-four hexameter verses, published by Gruter,* 
contained • the history of the obehsk. The hieroglyphics 
on it record its erection by Thothmes HI. before the 
great temple of Thebes.* It is the tidiest obelisk in the 
world. Its length, as measured when lying on the ground, 
was 148 Roman palms. The base having been injured by 
fire, it was necessary to cut off four palms, or nearly three 
feet ; but it still measures 108 Boman feet, which is very 
little short of the same number in English measure. 

The sons of Constantine, hke their father, seem to have 
done all they could to favour Christianity, but without 
venturing completely to abohsh paganism. There are in- 
deed several edicts of Constantius for shutting up the tem- 
ples, «nd making sacrifice a capital offence.* We are told 
by liibanius* that this emperor often made a present of a 
tem[)le, just as he might give away a dog or a horse, a 
slave or a gold cup ; and Ammianus mentions some cour- 
tiers who had been enriched in this manner.^ But, on the 
wdiole, paganism was yet too strong to be violently put 
down. It was found prudent to tolerate, or at all events 
to connive at, the exercise of pagan rites ; and the edicts, 
if ever published, do not appear to have been executed. 
Symmachus, alluding to Constantius' visit to Rome, de- 
scribes him as maintaining the Vestal virgins in their 
privileges, investing the Iloman nobles with sacerdotal 

* clxxxvi. 3. to which belongs the Greek interpre- 

' See Anini. Marc. xvii. 4, § 6-23. tation of the inscription by Ilennii- 

Anuniiinuswiya that CouHtantine had pion. Let us further observe : first, 

destined it for Konie ; but the in- that not more than two obelisks are 

scription shows that he meant it mentioned in the Circus, and both 

for Constantinople. Dean Milman have been found ; second, that the 

(note, ap. Gibbon, vol. ii. p. 401, vast size of that at the Lateran agrees 

Smith's ed.) raises a very unneces- with the description of Ammianus: 

sary difficulty about the mscription. ' Ilunc recens advectum difficuttate 

As there were two obelisks in the magniUtdinis ierritus (Augustus) nee 

Circus, viz. that raised by Aupistus, 
and that raised by Constantius, the re- 

contrectare ausus est, nee movere.* 
» Cod. Theodos. xvi. 10, 4-0. 

tus ubelisctis referred to by Ammianus * Orat. pro TempUs^ p. 23. 

must necessarily bo the former, now * xxii. 4. 

standing in the' Piazza del Popolo ; 

Sect.\1.] the statue of victory. 309 

dignities, and granting the customary allowance for the 
pubhc worshijj and sacrifice?.^ The title and office of 
Pontifex Masimus was accepted by seven Christian empe- 
rora. Gratian was the first emperor who, in the latter 
part of liis reign, rejected that title;''' and it was under 
liinj that one of the last contests between paganism and 
Christianity was initiated. 

Constantius had caused to be removed from the Curia 
a statue of Victory, a masterpiece of Grecian art which 
Augustus had brought from Tarentum and adorned with 
Egyptian spoils.' Ever since the image had been erected 
no debate had been opened without a previous sacrifice 
on the altar which stood before it ; and hence it became 
the signal for contention between the pagan and Christian 
senators. Julian the Apostate, who in his short reign 
(301-363) did all that lay in his power to restore pagan- 
ism, but who never viaited Rome, ordered the statue to be 
replaced ; and it appears to have remained in the Curia 
till the year 382, when a decree of Gratian for its removal 
gave rise to a remarkable contest The pagan party in 
tlie senate despatched their leader, the pontifex and pre- 
fect Symmachus, on several embassies to the court of 
Milan, the residence of the emperors of the West, to pro- 
cure the restoration of the statue, and also of the privi- 
leges and revenues of the Vestal virgins, of which they 
had been deprived. The speech of Symmachus on his 
second embassy in 384, may be regarded as the last pro- 
test of expiring paganism. He was answered by Ambro- 
fiius, archbishop of Milan, in an Epistle to Valentinian H.,* 
whose arguments found favour with the emperor. But, 

■ Sjinmach. ^tiitt. x. 64. and Btretching forth \ laurel crown. 

* Sm Oibbon, DecUae tmd FaU, See Montfaucon, AjiI. L i. p. 341. 
vol. iii \. 100; -mtli Smith's note. • See Retat. »/mm. lib. x. ep. 54. 

' IJiun C««». li. '2± Vicliirv me Both pieces will bo found in Pruden- 

usiially represcntod by ft iiinji.'BtJC tius (t i. p. 101 aqq. ed. I'arm.J. Cf. 

female, with ezpsndHl win^n snd Beuguot, HitL de la Dulructton dii 

flowiag robo^BUDding Upoun globe Faganitme en Oecident,^\. viii. cb.O. 




in S02, Val^ndniia w^ mnnlered by Arbogastes, the 
Frank, who pUoed the rfaetoncttn Eugeniiis upon the 
thrxK:^ Bv this emperor the heathen party was courted, 
as a prop of his usurpation ; the ancient worship was for 
a whiie restored: the proetnite statues of the heathen 
deities were re-erected ; and the figure of Victory pre- 
sided once more over the debates of the senate. But 
in 304^ Theodoeius avei^ed his brother-in-law Valenti- 
nian by the overthrow of Eugenius and Arbogastes, and 
proceerling ty Rome, which he entered in triumph, again 
drr>ve out the heathen priesthood. 

Theo^losius, however, did not succeed, as it has been 
sometimes thought, in altogether extirpating paganismu^ 
This is manifest from the complaints of Prudentius^ and 
St. Jerome,* as well as from the repeated edicts of Theo- 
dosius himself, and of his sons Arcadius and Honorius, 
against the heathen temples and worship. At the com- 
mencement of the fifth century, the temples of Borne ap- 
pear to have still subsisted in all their majesty and splen- 
dour, though almost entirely deserted by their former 
worshippers. The youthftd emperor Honorius revived in 
tlie year 403 tlie reminiscences of pagan Eome by cele 
brating the last triumph ever seen within its walls. A 
whole century had elapsed since the Eomans had beheld 
such a spectacle — the triimiph of Diocletian in 303 ; nay, 
in that space they had only thrice beheld an emperor 
within their walls : 

> See Gibbon, ch. xxviii. (voL iii. 
p. 413), and compare Beugnot, t L 
p. 491, t. ii. p. 13i). The name of 
paf/nnuSf or pa^nn, first occurs in a 
law of Valentinian of the year 308 
(Cod. Theod, xvi. 2, 18, et ibi Gotho- 
frod, t. vi. p. 40). Whatever may be 
the disputed etymology of the word, 
the introduction of a now term for the 
followers of the ancient and formerly 
universal religion shows that they had 
now como to bo considered as a sect, 

and even a minority. But as pagoM* 
was already a good Latin word for 
rustic^ it seems most probable that it 
was applied in the sense of heathen 
because country people and villagers 
were the last to admit the new re- 
ligion. Of the God of the Christians 
it is said, ' MaynU qui colitur solus 
in urbibiis.^ Isidor. Oriff. viii. 10; 
Endelechius, ap. Lasaulx, p. 88. 

' Contra Symm. lib. ii. v. 443 sq. 
. ' Comment, in Isaiam, 



Jam flaTesoentia centum 
MessibiLB SBstivoB detoudent Gargara falces, 
Spectandosque iterum nulli celebrantia ludos 
Circumflexa rapit oentenuB siecula consul : 
His annis; qui lustra mihi bis dena recensent, 
Nostra ter Augustos intra pomoeria vidi 
Temporibus variis.^ 

The three emperors alluded to were Constantine, Constan- 
tius, and Theodosius. The Eomans had before solicited 
Honorius to visit their city and celebrate a triumph for 
the subjugation of the Numidian Gildo ; a victory, how- 
ever, due neither to Honorius, then a mere lad, nor even 
to his guardian Stilicho, but to their Heutenant Mascezel, 
Gildo's brother : and they appear even to have erected a 
triumphal arch, through which Honorius was to pass.^ 
But the invitation had been refused. In this neglect of 
their sovereigns, the imperial residence on the Palatine, 
winch had given its name to all other palaces, was falling 
to decay : 

Quern, precor, ad finem Laribus sejuncta potestas 
Exsulaty imperiumque suis a sedibus errat P 
Cur mea qum cunctis tribuere Palatia nomen 
Neglecto squalent senio^ nee creditur orbis 
mine posse regi ? ' 

Such were the complaints of Eoma, who is supposed by 
the poet to have visited in person Honorius at Ravenna to 
invite his presence. This time the emperor obeyed the 
summons ; and, leaving Ravenna, proceeded by the Via 
Flaminia and Fanum Fortunse to Rome. On his way ho 
visited the sources of the Clitumnus, so beautifully de- 
scribed by the younger Pliny,* which, according to the 
account of Claudian, had the singular property of remain- 
ing perfectly tranquil if noiselessly approached ; but if the 
visitor came with hasty footstep and clamour, the sympa- 
thetic water, as if agitated by human passions, bubbled 

' Claudian, De sexto Com, Honorii. y. 38d sqq. 

» IhuL 370. » Ibid. 407. < ^nsU. viU. a 


and frothed in like commotion. All Bome had put on its 
Ijest attire to receive the emperor. The road was lined 
with spectators from the Milvian bridge to the entrance of 
the palace ; the men filled the streets, the matrons occu- 
y)ied the housetops. StiUcho sat in the same chariot as 
his pupil and son-in-law ; and indeed the triumph was 
really his, for his victories at Verona and Pollentia. The 
senate had been spared the humiliation of preceding the 
imj)crial chariot on foot, and were addressed in a modest 
speech by Ilonorius in the Curia. The statue of Victory, 
it appears, still continued to occupy its ancient station : 

Adfuit ipsa suis ales Victoria templis 
KomanaD tutela togSB : qiue divite penna 
Patricii reverenda fovet sacraria coetus.* 

From the Curia Honorius proceeded by the Via Sacra to 
the palace, amidst the unbought acclamations of the 
peoj)le, to whom no largesses had been distributed. A 
like ai)plause rose from the crowded Circus with so prodi- 
gious a sound that all the seven hills reechoed the name 
of Augustus. The chariot races were followed by a 
venatio, and the games were concluded by a sort of mili- 
tarj^ dunce. At the opening of the new year (a. d. 404) 
and the assumption by Honorius of his sixth consulate, 
the Ilostra again beheld, for the first time since many cen- 
turies, the curule chairs, which had now become mere 
matters of tradition ; while the Forum of Trajan exhibited 
the luiaccustomed spectacle of the imperial lictors with 
their gilt fasces who stood around its sides. But whilst 
Ilonorius thus seemed to take a pleasure in reviving the 
ancient glories of Rome, Stilicho, it is said, gave the first 
example of desecration by stripping off the plates of gold 
which lined the doors of the Capitoline temple.^ 

Amongst the games which Claudian mentions as exhi- 

' riaud. De sexto Cons. Honorii, scription said to have been found upon 
T. f^^7, them, * Misero repi pervontur,' has 

' Zosimus, lib. v. c. f3d. The in* all the air of a fable. 

Sect. VI.] 



bited by Honorius, we find no notice of the gladiatorial 
combats ; and it would indeed have been difficult to in- 
troduce them with propriety into the panegyric of a 
Christian emperor. But we learn from another source 
tliat such combats were given. Theodoret^ tells the story 
of Telemachus, an Asiatic monk, who in the thickest of 
tlie fight rushed into the arena and endeavoured to sepa- 
rate the combatants. But the people, exasperated by the 
interruption of their favourite pastime, stoned the monk 
to death. Prudentius urged the emperor to put down so 
dreadful a custom ;^ and Honorius is said to have issued 
an edict to that effect, or at all events to have enforced 
the previous edicts of Constantine and Constantius, and to 
have bestowed on Telemachus the honour of martyrdom. 
Traces of this barbarous custom are, however, to be found 
long after this period ; and Salvianus, in his treatise De 
Providential written after the middle of the fifth century, 
complains of its continuance. 

We have nothing further to add respecting Honorius, 
except the repairs of Aurelian's walls. These were hur- 
ried on at the alarm of the advance of the barbarians, and 
were completed before Honorius entered the city in 303. 
Several gates, as we have already mentioned, still bear the 
names of Arcadius and Honorius. 

The walls had not been repaired too soon. In 405, 
Radagaisus assembled in the Alps an army of 200,000 
Goths and other barbarians, who, like an avalanche, 
threatened the fertile plains and populous cities of Italy 
with destruction. On this occasion they were dispersed 
by Stilicho, to whom the grateful Eomans erected at the 

' n. E. lib. V. c. 26. 

' Contra Symm. lib. ii. t. 11 1 3 sqq. 

' Lib. vi. ap. Lasaulx, Der XJnter^ 
gang de$ Heilmismus, p. 30. The 
value of Augustine's testimony (C<on- 
/«M. vi. 8), also dted by LasauLc, 
depends upon the time at which the 
Canfemona were written; and at all 

events will not extend much beyond 
the reign of Honorius. Muraton and 
Pagi (ad ann. 404) dispute the fact 
that Hononus revived the gladiato- 
rial shows. The story of Telemachus 
rests onlv on the authority of Theo- 
doret, who, however, was a con- 


foot of the Capitol a statue composed of silver and bronze. 
The cippus on which it stood was excavated iu later ages 
near the Temple of Concord ; and its pompous inscription 
in honour of Stilicho will be found in Lucius Faunus.^ A 
triumphal arch was also erected to the Emperors Arca- 
dius, Honorius, and Theodosius 11. ; but it seems to have 
been but a poor monument, and even its site is unknown. 
In 408, StiUcho, who had hitherto been the saviour of 
Bome, became so engaged in pohtical intrigues that he 
neglected to check the advance of the barbarians, and 
Alaric appeared with his hordes before the eternal city. 
The Gothic leader believed himself guided by the voice of 
heaven in this expedition, while the imagination of the 
Bomans painted him as urged on by some demon to tlie 
destruction of their city.^ Alaric did not assault the city. 
The new walls appear to have offered an insurmountable 
defence, and he therefore prepared to reduce Bome by 
famine. Stilicho had now been massacred at Bavenna ; 
and the frightened and infuriated Bomans, believing that 
his widow Serena, who resided among them, treasonably 
assisted the designs of Alaric, caused her to be strangled. 
So successful were the measures taken by the Gothic chief 
to cut off the supply of provisions, that Bome was soon 
reduced to a state of famine. Thousands of the lower 
classes died of hunger in the streets, and even the senators 
themselves discovered that their marble palaces, their 
gilded roofs, and their heaps of gold and silver, could not 
avert the approach of want. The public miseiy was 
augmented by the breaking out of a pestilence, tha effect 
of scanty and unwholesome diet and the stench of un- 
buried corpses. In this extremity of woe, some Tuscan 
liaruspices proposed to destroy the Gothic army by 

* De Ant* Urb. Horn, C 40. Alplbus ItalUe ruptis, penetnbis ad Urbem : 

Q UuG iter osque datur. 

HortanteehigaddeDoon. Non eomnia nobis -_ . » ,, „.. ,.. 

Noc volucres, ted clam palam vox ediU Inco ^^'*°°- ^"' ^^*^- •^*- 

RumiJe' omnei, Alarlce, moms ; hoc implgtr £^- Socwt. Hid. EccL lib. vii C. 10 ; 
anno, SSOZOXU. IX, U. 

Sect. VI.] ALARIO AT ROME. 815 

drawing down fire from heaven, provided sacrifices were 
offered to the gods. Pope Innocent, it is said, was in- 
clined to prefer the welfare of the city to the purity of the 
Christian faith, and to have secretly given them permission 
to do as they liked (Troisrv uTrsp Itratnv) ;^ but as the sacri- 
fices were to be performed publicly in the Capitol, in the 
presence of the magistrates, the senate refused to sanction 
an act which would have amounted to a solemn restora- 
tion of paganism. It was therefore determined to resort 
to negotiation. The ambassador despatched for that pur- 
pose attempted to alarm Alaric by an exaggerated picture 
of the numbers and the despair of the Eomans ; but the 
barbarian chief, with a loud contemptuous laugh, only 
answered, ' The thicker grows the hay, the more easily is 
it mown.' The Eomans now attempted to bargain with 
Alaric, as their ancestors had done many centuries before 
with Brennus ; but they found the Gotiaic chief even 
more exorbitant than the G^aul. Alaric would be content 
with nothing less than all their gold, silver, and precious 
moveables; and when the ambassadors humbly asked 
what then he proposed to leave them, the conqueror 
haughtily exclaimed, ' Your Hves ! ' He afterwards some- 
what abated his demands ; but in order to supply the 
5,000 pounds weight of gold, which formed only part of 
them, the Eomans were compelled to strip the statues of 
the gods of that precious metal. Alaric withdrew before 
the close of the year. His retiring host is said to have 
been joined by 40,000 barbarian slaves fi:om the city; 
a fact which shows how wealthy and populous Eome must 
still have been at that time.^ 

The Emperor Honorius, who resided at Eavenna, hav- 
ing refused to listen to the conditions proposed by Alaric, 
however modified, that conqueror again appeared before 

* ZosimuSy V. 41. mu8, lib. v. c. 38-42 j Sozomen^ lib. ix. 

* For this aege of Rome see Zosi- c 6 ; Philostor^us, lib. xii. c. 3. 


Borne in the year 409, and took possession of the port of 
Ostia. The Soman senate now submitted, and, at the 
dictation of Alaric, acknowledged the prefect Attains for 
their emperor, who, though baptised by an Arian bishop, 
still adhered to thQ heathen worship. Attains appointed 
Alaric generalissimo of the Western Empire, and bestowed 
other posts on the relations of that conqueror ; but this 
shadow of an emperor was very soon uncrowned by the 
barbarian who had set him up. Coins of his reign are, 
however, still extant. 

In August, 410, Alaric, irritated at his treatment by 
the coiut of Eavenna, appeared for the third time be- 
fore Eome, and fixed his head-quarters before the Porta 
Salaria, on the side of the Pincian Hill. Treachery pro- 
cured for the Goths entrance into the city ; but the 
method in which it was effected is not satisfactorily ascer- 
tained. According to Procopius,^ Alaric had given three 
hundred young Goths as pages to the senators, who, on an 
appointed day, cut down the guard at the Porta Salaria, and 
let in the soldiers of Alaric ; but the same author also 
mentions a story that the Goths were admitted by Proba, 
widow of the celebrated Petronius Probus. Even the 
date of the capture is not quite certain. Some autliors 
place the event in the year 409 ; but it most probably 
occurred August 24th, 410.^ The Goths entered in the 
night, and set fire to some houses adjoining the gate, 
including the magnificent palace which had belonged to 
Sallust. Alaric had commanded his Goths to spare the 
lives of the Eomans ; nevertheless, many massacres were 
perpetrated, though their number has perhaps been 
greatly exaggerated by historians. St. Augustin' says that 
but few senators were put to death ; Socrates alone speaks 
of many having been murdered. The city, however, ex- 

' Bell, Vand. i. 2. this work Au^stin justifies the de- 

' See Gregorovius, B. i. S. 148. crees of Providence in the destruction 

' De CivU. Dei, lib. iii. c. 29. Tn of the city and of Roman greatnosa. 


cept St. Peter's, St. Paul's, and the district of the Vatican, 
was abandoned to plunder.^ 

Alaric, from whatever motive, suffered his hordes to 
remain only three days at Eome ; a period which would 
not have sufficed for perpetrating much mischief on the 
monuments of the city. They could have carried away 
only portable articles of value ; but they may also, per- 
haps, have wantonly broken a few statues. Considerable 
damage may however have been done by fire, although 
the palace of Sallust, already mentioned, is the only one 
known by name to have suffered in this way. The ex- 
pressions of ecclesiastical historians are doubtless exag- 
gerated on this head ; as when Socrates asserts that ^le 
greater part of the wonderful monuments of the city was 
destroyed, and when St. Jerome, in his epistle to Gau- 
dentius,^ even goes so far as to say that the famous city, 
the capital of the Boman Empire, was exhausted by a 
single fire. The truth is, perhaps, to be sought between 
these authors and Jornandes, who admits only plunder 
and not arson ; ^ and Orosius, a contemporary historian, 
has probably hit the true mean. We may gather from 
him that some destruction was caused by fire, and he 
points to the Forum, with its false idols, as the scene of 
the conflagration, which, however, he attributes to the 
agency of lightning.'* Alaric, however, undoubtedly car- 
ried off a great booty, and a vast number of prisoners in 
his wagons, among them Placidia, the sister of Honorius, 
whom, however, he treated with respect.^ According to 
Procopius, the Jewish spoils which Titus had brought 
from Jerusalem were among the booty, and appear to 

» Orosius, lib ii. c. 19 J Socp. S. * Lib. ii. c. 19, p. 143. In another 

Ik:cl. lib. Til. c. 10. place he limitathe fire to a few houses 

» Epist. cxxviii. ; cf. Ca«dod. ^uU. or temples : ' facto quidem aliquan- 

EccL Tnpart. lib. u. c. 9 ; Philoetorg. tarum cedium incendio ' — Lib vii 

lib. xii. c. 3. c. 39. 

''Alaricojubente!»polianttantum; * Zosim. c. 12; Oros lib ii 

non autem, ut solent gentes, ignem c. 19 j laidor. Chron, Goth. ' ' ' 
supponunt.' — De Reb, Get. c. 80. 


have been conveyed into Qaul. Bui the whole of them 
at least cannot have been carried off, since part was 
plundered by Genseric, as we shall presently have occasion 
to relate. 

Alaric did not long survive the capture of Eome. He 
died in 410, and was buried by his followers in the river 
Busentinus. The Goths then chose his brother-in-law 
Ataulf, or Adolphus, for their king ; who, in 411, agreed 
with Honorius to leave Italy and march into Gaul against 
the usurper Jovinus. According to Jomandes, Ataulf 
again plundered Eome.^ Earlier writers, however, do not 
mention such an occurrence, which appears improbable 
from the league which he had formed with Honorius, 
whose sister Placidia he had married. In 417 Honorius 
again entered Eome in triumph, when the ex-emperor 
Attains was compelled to march before his chariot, and 
was afterwards banished to Lipara.^ Honorius appears 
to have aided in restoring the city.^ Fugitives were re- 
called from all parts of the world. Olympiodorus asserts 
that fourteen thousand returned in one day; but that, 
no doubt, is an exaggeration.* 

We find about this time edicts for the destruction of 
the heathen temples, or for their conversion to otlier pur- 
poses. Those situated on the property of private persons 
were to be destroyed ; those in towns or cities, or in 
the imperial domains, were either to be converted into 
Christian churches, or applied to some other use.^ This 
must have given a heavy blow to paganism. Meanwhile 
the church flourished. Its temporalities had been en- 
dowed by donations of landed property called patrimonia^ 
whilst its dogmatical system had been built up and 
consolidated by the talents and learning of the Fathers. 
But the functions of the Bishop of the Lateran were 

' De Beb, Get. c. 31. » Philostor^ . lib. xii. c. 6. 

' Prosper Aquit. Citron, 8p. Ore- * Ap. Photium. 

gorov. B. i. S. 171. » Cod. Theod, xvi. 10, 19, &c 



still almost exclusively confined to the administration of 
the church, though already, in the fifth century, he began 
to exercise a certain influence in civic aSairs. The ab- 
sence of the emperors firom Borne contributed to increase 
the authority of the bishop ; and as the city sank deeper 
and deeper in poverty and misery, he began gradually to 
be regarded as its father and protector. Under a prefect 
and senate, Bome assumed more and more every day a 
municipal character. Hence the bishop became its chief 
distinction, and his election, which was often contested, 
formed the most important business of the inhabitants. 

Honorius died at Eavenna August 15th, 423, but his 
remains were buried at Bome near those of St. Peter. 
After this event, while Theodosius was debating whether he 
should unite the Eastern and Western Empires, or bestow 
the latter on Valentinian, the minor son of Placidia by 
her second husband Constantius, he was surprised by 
the news that the purple had been seized by John, Primi- 
cerius of the Notaries of Bavenna, who was acknowledged 
as emperor by the Bomans. But in 425 John was de- 
feated and captiired by Ardaburius and Aspar, Theodo- 
sius' generals; when Valentinian and Placidia were es- 
tablished at Bavenna, and the usurper was executed. 
Placidia now proceeded with Valentinian, who was only 
seven years old, to Bome. Here he received the imperial 
purple from the hands of a plenipotentiary of Theodosius, 
and, under the guardianship of his mother, was declared 
Augustus, or emperor, with the title of Valentinian m. 
He then' returned to Bavenna to conduct the government 
under the guidance of his mother. 

The reign of Valentinian HL was marked by the advanc- 
ing encroachments of the barbarians. Between tlie years 
429 and 439, Africa was wrested from the Empire by the 
Vandals. Between the years 433 and 454, Aetius must 
be regarded as the bulwark of the Empire. Bome alarmed 
at the approach of the Huns, formed a league with the 




Alani and Western Goths, and in 451 Attila and 1 
Sarmatic hordes were overthrown on the Catalaunij 
plains. The king of the Huns retired into Lower Pa 
nonia to recruit his forces. In the spring of 452 he aga 
descended from the Julian Alps into Italy, whither, a 
cording to the story, he had been invited by Honori 
sister of Valentinian HI., with the offer of her hand. 1 
the approach of the Huns, Valentinian fled from Eavenr 
to Home. 

The Roman senate, despairing of a successful defenc 
decreed a solemn embassy to Attila for the purpose < 
imploring peace; for which mission were selected th 
consular Avienus, the chief of the senate, Trigetius, foi 
merly prastorian prefect of Italy, and Bishop Leo, wli 
had been elected to the chair of St. Peter in 440. Th 
ambassadors found Attila on the banks of the Minciu: 
The majestic aspect and fervid eloquence of Leo fille 
the breast of Attila with veneration, and the effect wa 
enhanced by the sudden apparition of St. Peter and Si 
Paul, who threatened the barbarian chieftain with im 
mediate death if he refused to listen to the prayer o 
their successor.^ The nodus was certainly worthy of th< 
vindices ; nor is the legend less noble, nor doubtless les 
true, than that of the apparition of the Diosciu-i at Ee 
gillus. Neither the one legend nor the other need, how 
ever, inspire doubts of the substantial truth of the storie 
which they embellish. It is that Attila made \ 
sudden retreat into Pamionia ; and tradition has ascribec 
it to a superstitious fear of incurring the fate of Alaric 
who expired very shortly after the captiu:e of Ilomt 
From Pannonia Attila threatened to destroy Italy anc 
Konie if Ilonoria and a suitable present were not de 
livered to him ; but a sudden death prevented him fron 
fullilliiig this threat. 

* Jomondes, Be Reh, Get. 42 ; Baroniiw, ap. Gibbon, ch. xxxr. 

Sect. VL] ATTILA AND LEO. 321 

Valentinian m., unlike ids predecessors, frequently in- 
habited the imperial palace at Borne. In the year 454 he 
stabbed Aetius in a quarrel, and the act was probably 
accompanied with a massacre of that general's adherents. 
Valentinian was himself assassinated, March 27th, 455, 
as he was reviewing his soldiers in the Campus Martins. 
The assassination had been contrived by the senator 
Petronius Maximus, whose wife he had outraged. Maxi- 
mus now caused himself to be proclaimed Caesar, but he 
had scarcely enjoyed the throne two months when the 
arrival of Genseric and his Vandals from Africa was 
annoimced. According to some accounts, the Vandals 
had been called in by Eudoxia, the widow of Valentinian, 
whom Maximus had compelled to marry him, and then 
revealed to her the secret that he had been the assassin 
of her husband, though with the gallant assurance that 
the murder had been committed for the sake of obtaining 
her hand. His own wife had died of vexation at the 

Scarce had the Vandal sails appeared before the har- 
bour of Portus, in June 455^ when the Eomans rose and 
miu'dered Maximus, and the Vandals advanced unopposed 
upon Kome. Leo tried once more the same method 
which had been so successful with Attila ; but Genseric 
was not so easily moved as that conqueror ; he could be 
persuaded only to promise that he would not bum or 
devastate Bome, but confine himself to plimdering its 
treasures. The third day after the murder of Maximus 
the Vandals entered Eome by the Porta Portuensis. The 
exact date of this event is uncertain, but it was probably 
at the beginning of June. These Vandal hordes, with 
whom were mixed Bedouins and Africans, plundered 
Rome at their leisure, for which purpose Genseric granted 
them a fortnight's furlough. The booty was carted off 

^ Prooop. B. V<md, i. 4; Evagrius, ii. 7 ; Nioepbor. zt. 11. 



methodically to the ships, thq Bomans oflfering no resis- 
tance. On this occasion the palace of the Cessars was 
completely emptied, even of its commonest utensils. The 
Temple of Jupiter, which still stood uninjured on the 
Capitol, was also plundered ; its statues were carried off 
to adorn the African residence of Genseric, and half the 
roof was stripped of its tiles of gilt bronze.^ Among the 
booty on this occasion was part, at least, of the Jewish 
spoils of Titus, which, as well as massive gold plate fix)m 
the Eoman churches, was discovered at Carthage eighty 
years later by Behsarius, and, together with other Van- 
dal booty, carried in triumph to Constantinople.* It is 
related that a clever Jew persuaded Justinian that the 
Jewish spoils would never find rest but in the place de- 
signed for them by Solomon ; that they had been the 
cause why Genseric had taken the palace of the Caesars, 
and why, in turn, the imperial army had conquered the 
palace of the Vandals ; upon which Justinian is said to 
have sent the spoils to a Christian church at Jerusalem. 

Genseric also carried off Eudoxia to Africa, with many 
thousand other captives. Eudoxia's daughter Eudocia 
was compelled to give her hand to Genseric's son ; her 
other daughter, Placidia, was set at Uberty after the death 
of the Emperor Marianus. Eudoxia founded at Eome a 
Basilica to St. Peter on the Carinae, near the Baths of 
Titus, which was called from her Titulus^ Eudoxice ; and 
at a later period S. Pietro ad Vincula^ or in Vincoli\ 
from a legend that the chains of St. Peter were preserved 
there. The Vandals are also charged by the Byzantine 
historians with having destroyed by fire some of the 
Eoman monuments ; * but they do not specify any build- 
ings, and the charge appears to be unfounded. Although 

' Procop. B, Vand. i. 5. parish churches, and give titles to 

* Theopnan. Chronogr. p. 03 ; Ce- cardinals, 
drenus, Hist, Comp, t. i. p. 649 j Pro- "* Evagrius, Hist. Eccl. ii. 7 ; Ni- 

cop. jB. Vand. ii. c. 4. cephorus, Eccl. Hid, xv. 11. 

^ The churches called Titulus are 


the plundering was thorough, the capture of Eome by the 
Vandals appears to have had no enduring consequences — 
it WBS merely a fortnight's razzia. 

Maximus was succeeded in the Western Empire by 
Avitus, a Gaul, July, 455. The Boman senate, in spite 
of their asserted right of election, were obliged to accept 
the nomination ; Avitus was invited from Aries to Rome, 
where he was formally recognised. Avitus was a man of 
much cultivation. On the 1st of January, 456, his son-in- 
law Sidonius Apollinaris read before the assembled fathers 
his poetical panegyric on the emperor, which procured for 
him the easOy won honour of a brazen statue in Trajan's 
library ; a fact which shows, at least, that the Vandals 
had committed ho destruction on the Ulpian library and 
statues.^ But in a little time the senate foimd means to 
expel Avitus, through Eicimer^ the leader of the Suevi, 
then all-powerful in Italy, and Avitus was slain on his 
return to Auvergne. The throne of the West was now 
allowed to remain ten months unoccupied, till, in the 
spring of 457, Eidmer bestowed the diadem on his fe* 
vourite Majorianus. An edict of Majorian from Eavenna* 
shows the care which that emperor devoted to Eome; 
but at the same time, by forbidding the application of the 
materials of ancient structiu:es to the erection of public 
buildings, betrays the fact that they had already suffered 
fix)m the practice, and had come to be regarded as mere 
stone quarries. Nay, by connivance of the magistrates, 
these materials seem also to have been applied to private 
uses. The edict ordained that magistrates who suffered 
such practices were to be fined in 50 lbs. of gcdd ; under- 
lings who assisted were first to be whipped, and then to 
have their hands amputated. 

In 461, Eicimer deposed Majorian, who soon after 
perished in a mysterious manner. Such was the end of this 

* Ep. xvi. ad Firminumy lib. ix. • Leq. Novell, Lib, at end of Cod, 

p. 284. Theod, Tit. vi. 1, De JEd.pubk 

T 2 


excellent emperor.^ Pope Leo the Great died in the same 
year. He was the first pope buried within the precincts 
of St. Peter's. Leo repaired several of the churches in 
Eome, and erected on the Via Latina, about three miles 
from the gates, a Basilica to St. Stephen. This building 
vanished in the middle ages, but was discovered in 1857, 
and identified by an inscription on marble to the proto- 
martyr Stephanus. 

Eicimer appointed as the successor of Majorian his 
creatiu'e Severus, whose unimportant reign lasted only 
till August, 465. The throne now remained vacant more 
than a year, when the senate elected to it the Greek Anthe- 
mius, whose daughter Eicimer was to marry. Anthemius 
entered Eome in a sort of a triumph, in April, 467. His 
accession was marked by the revival of the Lupercalia ; 
which festival was celebrated, according to ancient cus- 
tom, in February, before the eyes of the emperor and 

Eicimer, having quarrelled with Anthemius, betook 
himself to Milan, and frightened Eome by his reported 
alliance with the barbarians beyond the Alps. In 472 
he appeared before Eome with his barbarian hordes, and 
pitched his camp near the bridge over the Anio before 
the Porta Salaria.^ Eome was now reduced to a state 
bordering upon famine, which caused a pestilence. Gili- 
mer, the Gothic or Vandal commander in G^ul, hastened 
to the defence of the city ; but when he arrived, Eicimer 
was already master of the Trastevere. After a bloody 
battle, in which Gilimer fell, Eicimer forced the Aurelian 
gate, and his German hordes entered the city to plunder 
and slay. Thus Eome was captured for the third time, 
July 11th, 472. There are no accounts of any buildings 
being destroyed ; but the only parts of the city that 

* Procop. B, Vand. i. 7. 

' Sigomus, De Occ. Imp. lib. xiv. p. 245 (ed. 1693). 

Sect. VI.] RICIMER AT ROME. 326 

escaped plunder were those occupied by Kicimer, namely, 
the Janiculum and Vatican.^ The district of the Vatican 
appears at this time to have been filled with convents, 
churches, and hospitals. 

Eicimer, having caused Anthemius to be put to death, 
placed upon the throne Olybrius, the husband of Eudoxia's 
daughter Placidia. But this was the last act of this king- 
maker. He died suddenly soon after August 18th, 472. 
The church of Sta, Agata super Subnram, or in Subura, 
on the declivity of the Quirinal, which he either built or 
repaired, preserves the memory of this extraordinary 
man. This church, which was originaUy a church of the 
Arian Goths, and is thence also called Sta, Agata de' Goti, 
is the burial-place of John Lascaris. From its connection 
with the Irish College, it also contains the heart of Daniel 

On the death of Olybrius, October 23rd, 472, Gundo- 
bald, a nephew of Ricimer's, who had succeeded him in 
the command of the army, bestowed the imperial dignity 
on Glycerins. But Glycerius was overthrown in 474 by 
JuUus Nepos, who scarcely ruled a year ; when Orestes, a 
Eoman patrician of Pannonia, a sort of condottiere, caused 
his son Eomulus Momyllus Augustulus to be elected em- 
peror of the West. The reign of Augustulus was also of 
short dmration. Odoacer had now united under his stan- 
dards a vast army of barbarians,' who flocked to him from 
all parts ; and he demanded from Orestes a third of all 
the lands of Italy. Orestes with his son took refuge in 
Pa via, but the town was stormed and taken ; Orestes was 
beheaded, and Augustulus made prisoner.^ Odoacer now 
took the title of king, but not of any particular countr}% 
nor did he ever assume the purple or the diadem.^ Thej^e 

' Muratori, Amu eP Jialia, t. iv. • Cattiod. Chnm, a.d. 47C ; Tl*^'.- 
p. 308 sq. phan. Ckronogr, tip. 1<5J ^^-A- 

' Procop.^.Go^.ixut; Anon. Vales. Bonn). 



events occurred in 476, in the third year of the Easter 
emperor Zeno the Isaurian, and the ninth of Pope Sinn 
plicius.' Augustulus was compelled to announce his at 
dication before the assembled senate ; and that bod 
proclaimed in turn the Extinction of the Wester 

I » 







Odoacer fixed his residence at Eavenna. His reign of 
thirteen years was mild and beneficent, but is marked by- 
no memorable event. He made no change in the pohtical 
constitution of Eome, which continued to be governed by 
a prefect. At length Zeno, trembling for the security of 
his own empire, directed Theodoric and his Ostrogoths 
towards Italy, against Odoacer, whom he styled 'the 
tyrant' Theodoric entered Italy in 489, and Odoacer, 
after three defeats, shut himself up in Eavenna, Here he 
defended himself three years, but was at length compelled 
to open the gates to the Ostrogoths, March 5th, 493 ; 
when Theodoric caused Odoacer and his troops to be 
massacred. He now assumed the title of King of Italy, 
without seeking the confirmation of it by Anastasius, who 
had succeeded in 491 to the empire of the East ; and, 
like Odoacer, he took up his residence at Ravenna. 

The course of these events, in which the name of 
Eome is scarcely mentioned, shows that the former mis- 
tress of the world had now simk almost to the condition 
of a municipal town, governed by sovereigns who resi- 
ded at a distance. In the year 500, Theodoric paid a 
visit to Eome, which had from the first declared in his 
favour. He treated the senate, who were still addressed 
as ' Patres Conscripti,' with respect, but allowed them no 
share of power. Theodoric was received outside the 


gates by the senate, the people, and the pope at the hes 
of the clergy. After a prayer at the tomb of the apost 
at St. Peter's, which was not yet included within the waU 
Theodoric entered Eome in triumphal procession by tl 
Pons M\iu3 and Porta Aurelia. He then proceeded to tl 
Curia, and addressed the people at the place near it calle 
Ad Palmam ; which derived its name from a statue of th 
Emperor Claudius 11., which stood there, clothed in th 
timica palmata. In this speech he promised, with God 
assistance, to preserve inviolable whatever preceding Ec 
man princes had ordained.^ 

Although Theodoric did not fix his residence at Eom( 
and only paid that city a passing visit of six months, nc 
thing could exceed the care which he bestowed upon it 
monuments. He appointed an architect to superinten< 
the preservation of the ancient buildings, directed him t 
imitate their style in all new erections, and established 
fund to defray the expense of their repairs.^ He appointe 
an oflScer, or coimt, whose oflSce was called Comitiv 
Eomana, to take care of the statues ; of which there sti 
existed so great a quantity, both pedestrian and eque^ 
trian, that Cassiodorus likens them to a people.* The meta 
with which they were adorned, sometimes gold or silvei 
seems to have been a motive to theft ; to obtain whict 
those parts of the statues which bore them seem fre 
quently to have been broken off. Fourteen aqueduct 
still traversed the Campagna, and supplied the baths anc 
fountains as weU as the domestic purposes of Eome 
Theodoric took these also under his care, and as manj 
of them were overgrown and choked with ivy and brush 
wood, he appointed a Comes Formarum Urbis, or coun 
of the city aqueducts, to superintend and repair them 

* Amm.'M.aTC JSxcerpta de Odoacre ' 'Quidam populus copiosissimu 

^'0. c. 66 ; Treb. PoUio. Claud, c. 2. statuarum, greges etiam abundantia 

' Cassiod. Variar, lib. i. 26, ii. 7, simi equorum.' — Variar, viL 13. 
84, vii. 16, 17 J Anon. Valea. 67. 



with the aid of a staff of overseers and watchmen.^ The 
care of restoring the theatre of Pompey was committed 
to the patrician Symmachus, the most distinguished of the 

At this time the Forum of Trajan seems to have existed 
in all its pristine beauty, nor does the Capitol appear to 
have suffered much from decay.' Yet, in spite of all his 
care of the city, we find Theodoric conmiitting an act of 
spoliation, though not indeed upon what can properly 
be called a public monument, by directing the marble 
columns of the Pincian palace to be carried to Kavenna to 
adorn his residence in that city.* Yet, in general, Theodo- 
ric, as appears from the preceding epistle, seems to have 
made it a rule not to apply to his own use anything that 
could be repaired. 

The theatres were still frequented at Eome, but the 
spectacles given in them had degenerated into vulgar and 
obscene representations.* What could be ventured on 
the scene in the sixth centiuy may be learned from Pro- 
copius,^ in a passage which even Gibbon has not ventured 
to translate. We have already seen, in the description 
of Eoman manners by Ammianus Marcellinus, what a 
numerous band of female dancers was maintained, even 
in times of distress, for the diversion of the people. The 
public spectacles were under the control of a sort of 
master of the revels, called Tribunus Voluptatum.^ Theo- 
doric, during his stay at £ome, exhibited games both in 
the amphitheatre and the circus ; but though venationes^ 
or combats with wild beasts,® formed part of them, it 
does not appear that any gladiatorial shows were given. 
The Lupercalia also, which had continued to be celebrated 

1 Fartor. Tii. 6. ^ Ibid, m. 10, 

» lb. iy. 61. » Salvian. De veto Jud, vi. § 9. 

' *TrajamforumTelsabas8iduitate ^ Hid. Arc, c. 9. 

Tiderexmraculumest Capitolia celsa ^ Cassiod. vii. 10. 

conscendere, hoc est humana '"g^nia * Ibid, v. 42. 

superata yidoie.'-«*iMdL vii 6. 


down to near the end of the fifth century, though chiefly 
by the common people, seem now to have been abolished. 
Their suppression is ascribed to a treatise against them 
written by Pope Gelasius/ and addressed to Androma- 
chus, apparently the chief of the senate, and the apologbt 
of the heathen festival For even at this late period the 
senate appears to have contained some concealed pagans, 
and we find the consuls accused of keeping fowls for 
purposes of augury.^ To recompense the people for 
this deprivation, the festival of the purification of the 
Virgin was substituted, after the death of Gelasius, for 
the Lupercalia. It is celebrated on the 2nd of February, 
when there is a procession with lighted tapers. 

During the reign of Theodoric, Bome experienced for 
the last time the beneficent care of a monarch. He 
carefully provided for the food and comfort as well as for 
the amusement of the people ; the well-being of all classes 
was the object of his soUcitude, and even the Jews, who 
at that time dwelt in the Trastevere, were treated with 
mildness. But the unjust condemnation and death of 
Boethius and Symmachus must ever remain a blot upon 
his memory. He expired at Bavenna after a short illness, 
August 30th, 526. His daughter Amalasuntha now di- 
rected the government for her youthful son, Athalaric, 
and the Bomans are said to have been happy and con- 
tented under her sway. Unlike her father, who could 
not sign his own name, Amalasuntha was an accomplished 
as well as an amiable lady. She could converse both in 
Greek and Latin, as well as Gothic ; she understood philo- 
sophy, and favoiu'ed the cultivation of learning at Borne, 
which continued to be the high school of hterature. She 
honoured and protected the senate, whose numbers, how- 
ever, she increased by the addition of some Gothic 

^ It baa been published by Baro- ' SalTian. De vero Judicio, vi. 19, 

niuB from a MS. m the Vatican. An^ p. 62. 
nal. ad ann. 496, no. xxyiii. 


nobles ; and she made some atonement for the crime of 
Theodoric by restoring the possessions of Boethius and 
Symmachus to their children.^ 

The power and authority of the pope continued to in- 
crease during this period. He was regarded in the 
East, as well as at Eome, as the head of the Christian 
church. The residence of the Gothic sovereigns at 
Bavenna, as well as their Arian creed, which placed them 
without the pale of the church, were circimistances 
favourable to the papal see ; as the pope thus stood be- 
tween them and the orthodox emperor of the East, whom 
they recognised for their lawful sovereign. A rescript of 
Athalaric ^ confided to the pope the civil jurisdiction over 
the clergy ; a concession from which that body subse- 
quently pretended that they were by divine right exempt 
from secular jurisdiction. The Boman hierarchy had now 
begun to assume its modem form. At the end of the 
fifth century there were twenty-eight titular churches in 
Borne, that is, churches which gave titles to cardinals.^ 
The origin of the cardinalate is disputed and obscure. 
According to some writers, the title was in use before the 
time of Pope Sylvester, while others trace it to the ponti- 
ficate of Stephen.* At a later period the seven suburban 
bishops subject to the Lateran, namely, those of Ostia, 
Porto, Silva Candida or Sta. Bufina, Sabina, Prasneste, 
Tusculmn, and Albano, the fourteen regionary deacons, 
the four Palatine deacons, and the abbots of St. Paul 
and S. Lorenzo, had also the title of cardinal. At this 
period, however, the cardinals did not enjoy the power 
and consideration which they afterwards obtained. Theo- 
doric asserted his right to name the pope, and on the 

^ See Caaiiod. Variar, viii. 10, ^ ^e^Vtimmv^ De Presbyter, Car^ 

ix. 21, X. 7y xi 1 ; Procop. B, O, i. 2. dmal oriffine, cb. 2 ; Macer, Hiero^ 

* Cassiod. Var, yiii. ^. Lexicon ; Muratori, Dissert. 61. The 

' See a list and description of them name of cardinal is usually derived 

in Gregorovius, Oescn, der Stadt from incardinare ; that is^ addicere 

Rom, B. i. S. 267. alien! ecclesiae. 


death of John L m May, 526, he proposed to the senate, 
tlie clergy, and the people, Felix IV. as John's successor 
in tliat holy oflSce, who was accordingly appointed. The 
election was not vested in the college of cardinals till the 
time of Alexander IIL (1159). 

Athalaric died at Kavenna in 534, at the age of eighteen, 
leaving the throne of Theodoric without an heir. Amala- 
suntha continued, however, to direct the government^ 
though she ostensibly associated with herself as co-regent 
her cousin Theodatus, the son of Theodoric's sister Amal- 
frida. But the Boman manners and civilisation which 
Amalasuntha affected had alienated from her the affec- 
tions of the Goths ; and even the pusillanimous Theodatus 
found it no difficult task to procure her imprisonment in 
an island in the lake of Bolsena, where he soon after 
caused her to be strangled 

The Emperor Justinian, who now reigned at Constanti- 
nople, beheld with joy the dissensions and misfortunes of 
the Gothic family, and he employed the opportunity to 
regain the dominion of Italy. Theodatus seemed at first 
inclined to accept the humiliating conditions proposed by 
Justinian, and to abdicate the kingdom of the Goths and 
Eomans for a yearly pension of 1,200 pounds of gold. 
But the success of some of his generals caused him to 
alter his mind, and, when the ambassador of Justinian 
again appeared to demand the ratification of the compact, 
Theodatus threw him into prison. Belisarius, the general 
of Justinian, who was at this time employed in the reduc- 
tion of Sicily, was now directed to invade Italy. After 
the capture of Naples, Belisarius advanced against Rome, 
where Theodatus had shut himself up ; and, instead of 
marcliing against the enemy, he only made a feeble de- 
monstration with his cavalry along the Appian Way. 
The Goths, disgusted at his cowardice, deposoi him fi"om 
the throne, and elected Vitiges in his stead, a leader of 
tried valour and experience. Theodatus, who had fled at 


the news, was overtaken, and murdered on the Flaminian 
Way by a Goth whom he had injured. Vitiges, however, 
did not at first venture to oppose the victorious advance of 
Belisarius. He retired to Eavenna, with the view of ob- 
taining the hand of Amalasuntha's daughter ; and he with- 
drew all his troops from Kome, except a feeble garrison of 
four thousand men. The Eomans, taking advantage of 
these circumstances, despatched ambassadors with an in- 
vitation to Belisarius to enter their dty. The general of 
Justinian advanced -unopposed along the Via Latma ; and 
as he entered the Porta Asinaria, the Gothic garrison 
marched out by the Porta Flaminia, on the opposite side 
of the city, December 10th, 536. Leuderis, the com- 
mander of the Gothic garrison, who had refused to 
accompany their flight, was despatched a prisoner to Con- 
stantinople, to lay the keys of Eome at the feet of 

The winter passed at Eome in joy and festivity ; but the 
Gothic chief had employed the same period to organise a 
formidable army, and early in the spring he advanced upon 
Eome with 150,000 men. Belisarius on his side had not 
been remiss in strengthening the walls, and preparing all 
the means of defence. He relied especially on the diffi- 
culty the enemy would experience in passing the Milvian 
Bridge, which he had fortified with a tower ; and, beheving 
that it must prove a serious obstacle to their advance, he 
sallied forth with only 1,000 horse to reconnoitre. He 
had not, however, proceeded far, when he was suddenly 
attacked by the Gothic vanguard, who, through the 
cowardice or treachery of the guard at the bridge, had 
unexpectedly succeeded in forcing the passage ; and it was 
only by the exertion of the greatest activity and valour 
that Belisarius was able to make good his retreat into the 
city. The whole army of the Goths now advanced upon 
Eome, but the walls presented an insuperable obstacle 
to an assault, and defied all the military science of the 


barbarians. At one point alone, between the Fincian 
Flaminian gates, a defect or fissure in the wall, ca 
murus ruptus or tortus, seemed to present an opening ; 
this part, which had been confided to the special pro 
tion of St. Peter, was respected by the superstition of 
enemy.^ Vitiges principally directed his attack against 
northern and eastern side of the city ; but, after suffe 
great losses in several assaults, he converted the siege 
a blockade. The gates, seven in number, firom the B 
Flaminia to the Porta Pnenestina inclusive, were mena 
by six Gothic encampments. BeUsarius, in order to 
near the chief point of attack, fixed his head-quarters in 
Pincian palace, between the gate of the same name and 
Porta Salaria, Here he seems to have Uved with impel 
or rather oriental, magnificence ; * whence we may concli 
that, although Theodoric had carried off some of its n 
bles, the palace was still in a high state of preservati 
Another Gothic camp was formed on the right bank of 
river, in the district of the Vatican. The mole of Hadri 
which had been long since converted into a fortress, 1 
furiously assaulted, and the statues which adorned it, 
the most part masterpieces of Grecian art, were conver 
into weapons of defence, and hurled down upon the he 
of the assailants. In after ages, under Urban ViiL, 
sleeping Faun of the Barberini palace, which had dou 
less been employed in this way, was dug out of the dil 
which surrounds the mole in a mutilated state. ] 
though the Goths were masters of this side of Eome, th 
rehgion induced them to treat with respect the adjaa 
Basilica of St. Peter. Strong chains stretched across t 
Tiber prevented them fi-om penetrating into the city by t 
water. In this siege it was the aqueducts that principa 
suffered. The Goths broke- them all down, in order to c 

* Procop. BcU. Goth. lib. i. c. 14. tioned by Procopius, B, Goth, lil 
' As we may infer from the first 10-25. 
and second veils, or curtains, men- 


off the supply of water to the besieged ; and Belisarius 
walled up their mouths, to prevent the enemy from making 
them a means of entering the city. The inimediate con- 
sequence was, that the Eoman baths were rendered useless, 
while, what was a still more serious misfortime in the pre- 
sent state of the city, the stoppage of the water-mills 
deprived the besieged of their accustomed supply of flour. 
The place of the mills was, however, suppUed by barges 
moored in the river, and fitted up with mUl-stones which 
were turned by the current. But, though the care and 
foresight of BeUsarius had provided the city with a large 
supply of com, and though he had dismissed all the useless 
mouths, dearth and famine, and pestilence, their constant 
attendant, began at length to be felt. By the capture of 
Portus, the Goths had cut off the supply of com by sea ; 
while, by establishing 7,000 men in a fortified camp in the 
angles formed by two aqueducts between the Appian and 
Latin Ways, and six or seven miles from the city, Vitiges 
was enabled to intercept any convoys arriving by land fix)m 
the south. 

All sentiments of patriotism had long been extinct in 
the minds of the Bomans. The long and gentle rule of 
Theodoric had deprived the idea of a barbarian sovereign 
of much of its terrors ; and as they could no longer hope 
to be their own masters, it seemed almost a matter of 
indifference whether they should obey a Gothic king who 
resided at Eavenna, or a sovereign at Constantinople who 
still called himself a Eoman emperor. In the long agony 
of their distress and fear, they pressed Belisarius either to 
capitulate or to lead them to immediate battle ; and as he 
declined to Hsten to their prayers, they began to agitate 
the design of treacherously delivering the city to the 
Goths. Some of the leading men of Eome, including 
Pope Sylverius himself, seem to have been implicated in 
the conspiracy. A letter to Vitiges was intercepted, offer- 
ing to open the Porta Asinaria to his troops. Sylverius 


was convicted both by his own eignature and by the testi- 
mony of witnesses ; and after undergoing a bitter reproof 
from Antonina, the imperious wife of Belisarius, he was 
stripped of his pontifical robes, and sent into banishment 
lie was succeeded by the deacon Yigihus, who is said to 
have purchased the throne of St Peter by bribing Belisarius 
with 200 pounds of gold.^ 

The Goths, however, on their side were suffering finom 
want, from the effects of the dimate, and from their losses 
in numerous combats, in which a third of their whole force 
is said to have been consumed. Some seasonable rein- 
forcements received by Belisarius, the artful n^otiaticHis 
of that commander, and the news that his own capital was 
threatened, and the fideli^ of his wife corrupted, by John 
the Sanguinary, a Ueutenant of Belisarius, induced Vitiges 
to contemplate a retreat Some final attempts to take 
Home by treachery or assault having fiiiiled, the Ooths 
suddenly abandoned the si^e, in March, 538, a year and 
a few days after they had sat down before the city. Their 
retreat was so disorderly, that in the passage of the Milvian 
Bridge numbers precipitated themselves, or were driven by 
the pursuing Eomans, into the Tiber. Belisarius followed 
up this success by the capture of Bavenna and subjugation 
of the Gothic kingdom in Italy. 

But the great storehouse of nations was not easily ex- 
hausted. After a few years Eome was to see another 
Gothic army before her gates. Totila, who was elected 
by the Goths for their king in 541, imdertook to restore 
tlic Gothic kingdom of Italy. He first employed himself 
in reducing Naples and the southern provinces, which he 
cfft'Ctcd with wonderful celerity. It was on tliis occasion 
that he had an interview with St. Benedict, at Monte Ca- 
sino, in 542. In the year 529, Benedict had destroyed 
there the last temple of Apollo and the grove which 

^ Procop. B. Ooth. i. 25 ; Anaetas. p. ISO ; Baronius, Ann, ad aim. 5S6, 
VU, Poni. p. 30 ; Muratori, t. iii. no. cxxiii. ; 538^ no. iy. sqq. 


environed it, in which the neighbouring countrypeople 
still offered the ancient sacrifice ; and he founded in their 
place chapels to St. John and St. Martin, and the celebrated 
monastery which is the mother-convent of his order.^ 

Totila marched upon Rome at the end of the winter 
543-4.2 Justinian had recalled Belisarius from the Persian 
wars, to undertake again the defence of Italy against the 
Goths ; but while that general was employed in recruiting 
on the coasts of the Adriatic, Totila seized Tibur, through 
the treachery of the Isaurian garrison, and massacred the 
inhabitants. He deferred, however, the siege of Eome till 
he had reduced the more important towns of Tuscany, 
Picenum, and the -Emilia, in which he employed the re- 
mainder of the year 544 and part of the following one ; 
and it was not till the summer of 545 that he appeared 
l)efore the capital of the West* Eome was defended by 
Bessas, with a small garrison of 3,000 men. Totila, like 
Vitiges, blockaded rather than besieged Rome. He com- 
manded the course of the Tiber above it, and his fleet 
infested the mouth of that river. The passage up to Rome 
from the sea was secured by a strong bridge of timber 
built across the river at a narrow point about eleven miles 
below the city. The bridge was defended by two towers, 
manned by some chosen Gothic troops, and by a strong 
iron cliain stretched across the Tiber in front of it 
Nevertheless, Belisarius, proceeding up the river with his 
whole fleet, succeeded in forcing these formidable barriers, 
and burning one of the towers by means of a fire-ship ; 
and had Bessas supported the attack by a sally from the 
city, according to his instructions, the Goths would have 
been compelled to raise the siege. But Behsarius, find- 
ing himself unsupported, was compelled to retreat. The 

' Gregorius M. Dtal. \\. S (Oper, ' Gibbon (vol. ii. p. 220) places the 

t. ii. p. 230) ; Mabillon^ Ann. Bened, siege in 640 ; Muratori and Pagi in 

nd ann. 541 (t. i. p. 97). 546, See Gregorovius, B. i. S. 400. 

' Procop. B. G, iii. sq. 

338 inSTORY OF THE CITY OF ROME. [Sect. ^ 

chagrin of this repulse threw the Eoinan general int( 
violent fever, which disabled him from again attempt 
the relief of the city. Before the close of the j 
(Dec. 17, 546) the Goths were introduced into Borne 
the treachery of four Isaurian sentinels, who opened 
them the Porta Asinaria. When Totila had entered, 
ordered the trumpets to sound all night, to give notice 
the Eomans, so that they might save themselves by flig 
Bessas with his garrison immediately evacuated the ci 
and he was accompanied in his flight by most of the pr 
cipal Eomans. Totila, for the most part, spared the li^ 
of those that remained, and accepted their prayers : 
forgiveness ; but he abandoned the town to be plunder 
by his soldiers. With this exception, the inhabitants w( 
treated with almost paternal mildness,^ till the news ol 
! defeat of the Goths in Lucania excited his anger. ] 

i now threatened to turn Eome into a pasture for cattl 

i and it cannot be doubted that he threw down about a thi 

of the walls, especially between the Porta Pinciana ai 
I Porta Pranestina. He also prepared to destroy the tempi 

and otlier monuments of the city; but a letter frc 

Belisaiius, warning him not to sully his fame by so hi 

i barous an action, though it excited the momentary ang 

of the Gothic chief, had the effect of diverting him frc 
his purpose. But though the monuments were preserve 
several private houses appear to have been burnt, esj 
cially in the Trastevere.^ Hence several writers of t 
middle ages, and even some modem ones, have ascrib 
the destruction of Eome to Totila. 

Soon afterwards Totila suddenly evacuated Eome, a 
^ marched into Lucania, leaving only a small camp at Moi] 

Algidus, about fifteen miles from the city, to watch t 
motions of Belisarius. He took with him all the senate 
as hostages, and left Eome, it is said, in so desolate a sta 

' Anast. m VigOio; Procop. iii. 20. « Ibid. iv. 22, 23. 


that scarce a living human being was to be met in its 
etreets.^ On learning the departure of the Goths, Belisarius 
entered the deserted city, in the spring of 547, at the 
head of only 1,000 horse, after cutting in pieces the Goths 
who opposed his passage. He now summoned the greater 
part of his troops to join him, and hastily repaired the 
walls ; in which work it cannot be doubted that he used 
the materials of adjacent monuments. In less than a 
month the walls had at least the aspect of completeness, 
and many of the fugitive inhabitants returned to the 
city.^ At this news, Totila hastened back from ApuUa. 
But though the restoration of the gates was not yet com- 
pleted, the Goths were repulsed in three desperate assaults. 
These defeats proved very detrimental to the miUtary 
reputation of Totila, who now retreated to Tibur, which 
he fortified ; while Belisarius continued to fortify Eome at 
his leisure, and forwarded the keys a second time to the 
Emperor Justinian.^ 

In the wjnter of 547, Belisarius left Eome for the last 
time. Justinian had commanded him to proceed to Lu- 
cania, to support a revolt of the inhabitants against the 
Goths. During his stay at Eome he does not appear to 
have done much for the city besides repairing the walls, 
though it is possible that he may also have restored the 
Aqua Trajana. The Eoman aqueducts seem to have 
remained useless from the time of their destruction by 
Vitiges till the year 775. 

It falls not within our province to record the warlike 
operations in the south of Italy. It will suffice to state 
that the progress of the campaign compelled Belisarius to 
pass over into Sicily in the spring of 548. The fortune 
of war during that year was adverse to Belisarius, and he 
obtained his recall to Constantinople. Totila, after reducing 
a great part of Calabria, and capturing Perugia, appeared 

» Marcellin. Chron. p. 75. « Procop. B. G. iii. 24. ' Ibid, 37. 

z 2 


before Rome for the third time early in 549. The Gothic 
chief appears to have been incited to this step by the 
refusal of the king of the Franks to give him his daughter 
in marriage, on the ground that he was not worthy to be 
called the Kinjj of Italv till his title had been acknow- 
ledged by the Eomans. But Rome was vigorously defended 
by Diogenes and a garrison of 3,000 men, who appear on 
this occasion to have been well seconded by the inhabit- 
ants. A passage of Procopius,^ from which we learn that 
Diogenes had sown with com many of the vacant spaces 
within the walls, conveys a striking idea of the desolateness 
to which Rome had now been reduced. But Rome was 
again betrayed by some of its Isaurian garrison. In the 
darkness of night, while the Gothic trumpets sounded an 
assault on another side of the city, Totila and his soldiers 
were admitted at the gate of S. Paolo. The Greek gar- 
rison now fled by the Via Aurelia towards Centumcellae, 
but fell into an ambuscade, in Avhich most of them perished. 
Among the few that escaped was Diogenes, but jiot without 
a wound. All Rome was now in the power of Totila, 
except the Mole of Hadrian, in Avhich a few hundred 
cavalry, commanded by the Cilician Paulus, had taken 
refuge. But being surrounded, and in danger of starvation, 
this body, with the exception of their two leaders, took 
service under Totila. 

Once master of Rome, Totila no longer thought of de- 
stroying its monuments ; he endeavoured, on the contrary, 
to resuscitate the nominal seat of his kincrdom ; he sous^lit 
to repopulate it by inviting thither both Romans and 
Gotlis, and by recalling the fugitive senators. It was 
during liis residence that he exhibited for the last time 
the equestrian games of the Circus. Justinian, however, 
would not listen to any overtures for peace. lie even 
refused to receive the ambassadors of Totila ; and at the 
instance of Pope Vigilius, who was then at Constantinople, 

> B. G, lib. iii. c. 30. 


and of the patrician Cethegus, he resolved on a strenuous 
attempt for the recovery of Italy. Totila quitted Rome 
before the end of 549 on a naval expedition to Sicily ; 
but we cannot describe his conquest of that island, as 
well as of Sardinia and Corsica, and his attacks upon 
Greece itself. The war against the Goths had been con- 
ducted with some success by Justinian's lieutenant Ger- 
manus, whose career, however, was arrested by a premature 
death, when the conduct of the war was intrusted to the 
eunuch Narses. 

Narses assembled at Salona a motley army of Huns, 
Lombards, Heruli, Greeks, Gepid®, and even Persians, 
amounting altogether to about 100,000 men. Although 
the Goths had been defeated in a naval action, Narses 
was unwilling to risk upon the sea so numerous a host, 
for which indeed it would have been difficult to find 
transport. He therefore marched round the northern 
coast of the Adriatic to Ravenna, preceded by his fleet, 
which facilitated his progress by bridging over the mouths 
of rivers and estuaries. After resting his army nine days at 
Ravenna, Narses advanced against Totila, whom he met and 
defeated near Taginae, or Tadinum, in the Apennines, the 
present Gualdo, July, 552. Totila having been mortally 
wounded in his flight, the Goths elected Tejas for their 
king. Narses now pursued his victorious march to Rome. 
The Gothic garrison was not numerous enough to defend 
the whole circuit of the walls. Narses diverted their at- 
tention and divided their forces by three separate but 
simultaneous attacks ; and whilst they were engaged in 
repelling these, he directed a detachment to scale the 
walls in an undefended place, who then opened the gates 
to the Greek army. A portion of the Goths now fled to 
Porto, whilst the remainder shut themselves up in the 
Mole of Hadrian, which Totila had fortified.^ But being 
siuTounded, they surrendered on condition of their lives 

» Piocop. B. G. iv. 33. 


being spared ; and the keys of the city were again for- 
warded to Justinian. 

Narses remained at Eome during the winter of 552-3, 
and employed himself in reducing the neighbouring cities. 
We cannot follow the campaign in Southern Italy which 
resulted in the overtlirow of the Gothic kingdom. Tejas, 
the last king of the Goths, was defeated and killed in a 
battle near Cumas, March, 553 ; and a fresh body of 
70,000 Franks and Alemanni, who had invaded Italy under 
the conduct of two brothers, Leutharis or Lothaire, and 
Bucehn, were finally overthrown by Narses at Casilinum, 
near Capua. The arms and other spoils of the vanquished 
barbarians gave for the last time the semblance of a triumph 
to Narses* re-entry of Eome in 554. A decree of Jus- 
tinian's, called the Pragmatic Sanction, dated on the 13th 
of August in that year, settled the affairs of Italy. The 
Gothic kingdom was united to the Eastern Empire, and 
all the acts of Totila were reversed. But Eavenna, not 
Eome, continued to be the seat of the new government, 
which was administered by an exarch.^ Narses, however, 
the first exarch, resided a considerable time at Eome iu 
the palace of the Csesars. The Pragmatic Sanction in- 
trusted considerable power to the Eoman senate and to 
the pope. The former, therefore, must have continued to 
exist, but the old senatorial families were now alrao;!>t ex- 
tinct. Three hundred young patricians, seized by Totila as 
hostages, Avere put to death after his defeat by his suc- 
cessor Tejas. On the other hand, even by the decline of 
that body, as weU as by the privileges conferred by Jus- 
tinian, the papal power acquired a great accession of 
strength. The historian Procopius affords us a slight 
glimpse of Eome about this period.^ He had himself 
seen the Forum of Peace and the temple which, accord- 

* Progmatica Sanctio Justiniani (Novellee Constit App.). 
Iniperat. ap. Gothofred. Corpus Juris * B, O. lib. iv. c 21. 

dv. t ii. p. 684, ed. Pans, lG28j 

Sect. VII.] NARSES AT ROME. 843 

ing to him, had been struck by lightning, and still lay in 
ruins. He further states that many statues by Phidias 
and Lysippus remained extant at Eome. 

The Eomans found the Greek yoke more intolerable 
than that of the Goths. After the death of Justinian in 
565, they sent an embassy to his successor Justin and his 
consort Sophia to complain of the oppressions of Narses, 
whose avarice and exactions were intolerable, and prayed 
for his dismissal. Their prayer was granted. Narses 
was dismissed, and Longinus appointed exarch in his 
place. But Narses was still more hurt by the insulting 
language of the empress than by his dismissal. Sophia, 
in allusion to his unfortunate condition, bade him relin- 
quish to men the exercise of arms, and, resuming his 
proper station, spin wool among the maidens of the palace. 
Stung by this insult, Narses is said to have exclaimed 
that he would spin such a thread as she should not easily 
unravel, and, in pursuance of this threat, to have invited 
the Lombards into Italy. If, however, such a menace 
was uttered in the heat of passion, Narses appears to have 
been subsequently pacified by the intercession of Pope 
John m. ; he returned to Eome from Naples, whither 
he had retired, and died there shortly after. In 568 the 
storm broke over Italy. Alboin, at the head of his Lom- 
bards, with whom were intermixed warriors of several 
other races, and especially Saxons, overran the peninsula, 
commiting grfeat cruelties and devastations even in the 
very neighbourhood of Eome ; though that city, as well 
as Eavenna and a few other places, resisted their attempts.^ 
The history of Eome at this period is obscure and uncer- 
tain. Justin, being engaged in a war with Persia, could 
afford the Eomans no assistance ; but he advised them to 
bribe the Lombard chiefs, and, if that did not succeed, to 
call in the Franks.^ On the death of Pope John HI. 

^ Paul. Diac. De Ged. Langob. ii. 26. 
» Excerpta e Menandri Hist. c. 26. 


in 573, Rome was so closely pressed that it was impossible 
to send to Constantinople for the confirmadon of Bene- 
dict I., who had been elected his successor, and the papal 
throne remained vacant during a year. The same appears 
U) have been the case on the death of Benedict in 578, 
when Kome was held in siege by Zoto, duke of Bene- 
ventum, for the Lombard power had been distributed 
among thirty-six duchies. The particulars of this siege 
arc unknown, but it probably lasted two or three years. 
On withdrawing from Rome, 2k)to took and plundered 
the Benedictine convent on Monte Casino. The monks 
retired to Rome and established themselves in a convent 
near the Lateran, which they named after St. John Bap- 
tist, whence the Basilica of Constantine, or the Saviour, 
sul^sequently took its name. Tlie Emperor Tiberius 11., 
who acceded to the throne of the East in 578, sent a 
small army to the assistance of the Romans, together wth 
some money to buy off the Lombard chiefs. But neither 
of these methods was successful ; and though Autharis, 
after his assumption of the Lombard crown, had made a 
sort of peace with the Byzantine Empire, or rather with 
the exarch Smaragdus, Rome continued to be annoyed. 
Tlie misery of the Romans was aggravated by some 
natural calamities. Towards the end of 589 several 
temples and other monuments were destroyed by the 
flooding of the Tiber, and the city was afterwards afflicted 
by a devastating pestilence. In the year 590, which was 
that of the election of Pope Gregory I., or the Great, 
Rome seems to have reached the extremity of misfortune. 
But from this time her fortunes began to mend. It is to 
this year that is referred the legend of the angel that was 
seen to hover over the Mausoleum of Hadrian, as Gregory 
was passing it in solemn procession, and to sheathe his 
flaming sword as a sign that the pestilence was about to 
cease. At the same time three angels were heard to sing 
the antiphony liegina Cceli^ to which Gregory replied 


with the hymn: Ora pro nobis Deum aUtluja! This 
poetical legend is the invention of a later ceaXurx ; but it 
is still recorded by the figure of St Michael which sur- 
mounts the Mausoleum, and by the name of ' Cattle cA 
S. Angelo,' which it appears to have borne at least as 
early as the tenth century.^ 

Pope Gregory L, or the Great, must be regarded as 
having founded the temporal power of the papacy, and 
as having inaugurated the middle ages, of which the 
papacy may be called the life's breath and souL One of 
his chief objects was to stifle the little that remained of 
the spirit of classical hterature, and to substitute for it a 
grovelling superstition on which he might build up the 
power of the chiu-ch. Although he wrote a great deal, 
he disdained all elegance of composition, nay, even the 
correctness of grammar ; and held it to be beneath the 
dignity of an expounder of God's word to be bound by 
the syntactical rules of Donatus. His great merits — and 
they are no shght ones — are the correct view which he 
had taken of his age, and the ability with which he 
availed himself of it to build up his own power and that 
of the church. He had been originally destined for civil 
life, and had even fiUed the office of prsefectus urbL 
But his sagacity soon perceived that this was no longer 
the road to fame and power. A great change had taken 
place at Rome after the fall of the Gothic kingdom. The 
last vestiges of pubUc life were then obhterated The 
consuls, the senate, the public games were no longer men- 
tioned. The patrician houses were almost extinguished ; 
the few representatives of them that still remained had 
for the most part migrated to Constantinople. The 
church was beginning to be all in alL The populace no 
longer received distributions of food from the prefect in 
the theatres and porticoes, but at convent doors from the 

* Gregoroviufl, B. ii. S. 35 f. The bronze nngel wm erected by Pope 
Benedict XIV. (1740-68). 


hands of monks. The ancient tribunes, praetors, and con- 
suls had been supplanted by deacons, priests, and bishops. 
Such were the allurements offered by the idleness of 
monastic hfe, that the Emperor Mauritius found it neces- 
sary to issue an edict in 592 forbidding soldiers to assume 
the hood. Gregory, on the contrary, did all he could to 
forward monachism. He spent his large fortune in build- 
ing convents and founding other ecclesiastical establish- 
ments. Yet when the time came — a time which he must 
have well foreseen — when he was to reap the reward of 
his pious deeds by his elevation to the throne of St. Peter, 
he pretended the most coy reluctance. The future pope 
and saint ^ concealed himself in the ravines of a forest, but 
a pillar of Ught betrayed his liu-king place. The legends 
which usher in papal Eome are as numerous and as ex- 
traordinary as those which surround its regal and repub- 
lican period ; but there is this difference, that the pagan 
legends are commonly attached to some event that is 
worthy of them. Nobody, however, on account of the 
legend referred to, would think of questioning the fact 
that Gregory became pope. He describes the church, at 
the time of his accession, as an old wreck. But he saw 
that her condition was not hopeless ; and his abilities, 
assisted by some poUtical circumstances of the times, en- 
abled him to set her again afloat, and launch her on a 
more prosperous voyage. A great part of Europe re- 
ceived under his pontificate the Christian faith, and acknow- 
ledged the authority of Kome. We need not here repeat 
the well-known story of his sympathy for the Anglo- 
Saxon race being excited by seeing some of them in the 
Eoman slave market, and of his consequently effecting the 
conversion of England through the monk Augustin. He 
had also the glory of converting the West Goths of Spain, 
through Reccared, their king. Nearer home, the state of 

* Gregorovius (B. ii. S. 72, Anm.) in making Gregory the last pope 
indicates a strange mistake of Gibbon^ canonised dj the church. 


the Lombard kingdom helped to spread Christiamty and 
the authority of the pope in that direction. Theodelinda, 
who had succeeded to the Lombard crown on the death 
of her husband Autharis in 590, was devoted to the 
church, and contributed much to the progress of the 
Christian faith among the Lombards. All these events 
added greatly to the reputation and power both of Gregory 
and the church. 

Eome was now entering into a new phase of existence, 
which cannot be well understood without forming a 
general idea of its pohtical condition.^ 

After the overthrow of the Gothic kingdom in the 
reign of Justinian, Eavenna, which had been its capital, 
became the seat of the exarchs, the representatives of the 
emperors of the East. Here also resided the prefects of 
Italy, whose office cannot be very clearly defined, yet 
who must not be confounded with the prefects of Rome. 
During this period, therefore, Rome can hardly be re- 
garded as the capital of Italy. It was not, at all events, 
the seat of government ; yet neither had it quite sunk to 
the rank of a provincial town, as it formed a second resi- 
dence of the exarchs. The political and mihtary func- 
tions of the exarch were, in his absence, discharged at 
Rome by a high officer, commonly a magister militum, 
while civil affairs were administered by the prsefectus 
urbi. This officer, who was appointed by the emperor, 
was at the head of the senate ; he exercised the supreme 
judicial power, and appears to have discharged all the 
duties of a modem mayor. But after the time of Gregory 
the Great the importance of this office rapidly diminished, 
and the prefect sank at last into a mere criminal judge. 
The Roman senate continued to exist after the fall of the 
Gothic kingdom, but it was filled with new members ; it 
had nothing in common with the ancient senate but the 

^ For a summaTj view of this subject, see Papencordt, Gesch, der Stadt 
Rom im MittelaUer, S. 106 ff. 


name, and its functions were confined to the afiairs of 
the city. Nay, after the year 579, even its very name 
vanishes for nearly two centuries. During this period 
the letters of the popes never speak of senators^ but only 
ofoptimates; and when we again hear of a Senatus in 
757, it is, according to Gregovorius,^ no longer a reahty, 
but a mere name assumed by the optimates. 

The connection of Eome with the imperial court at 
Constantinople was maintained through the Exarchate, 
though direct embassies and communications were not 
unfrequent. On the accession of a new emperor, his por- 
trait was sent to Rome and received by the clergy and 
laymen with the accustomed acclamations, called lauded. 
It was then placed in a conspicuous situation, mostly in 
the Lateran ; and the name of the emperor was inserted 
in the pubhc prayers. 

An exact ceremonial appears to have been laid down 
for the reception of an emperor at Rome. When he as- 
cended the Capitol, he was to put on a white robe ; he 
was to be surrounded with musicians of all sorts, and was 
to be saluted with acclamations in the Hebrew, Greek, 
and Latin tongues. When he arrived on the summit, all 
those who were present were to prostrate themselves and 
bow thrice down to the earth. Such was the divine 
majesty of his presence, that if he chanced to throw his 
eyes on any condemned person, it was an instantaneous 

The supremacy of the Byzantine emperors appears to 
have been acknowledged more or less at Rome at least till 
the middle of the eighth century, when Pope Stephen IL 
called in the aid of the King of the Franks, and began a 
connection with that court which resulted in the re- 
erection of the Western Empire. Before this period, the 
position of the pope, whatever might have been his 

» B. ii. S. 476. 

• Graphia, p. 174 sqq. (Ozanam, Mon, inSdU$,) 


virtual power, was not much different from that of any 
other bishop ; although the Pragmatic Sanction of Jus- 
tinian had conferred upon him some pecuHar privileges, 
and given him a power co-ordinate with that of the 
senate in some important civil affairs. He was elected 
by the clergy and the principal citizens, and was then 
recognised by the acclamations of the people. But he 
could not be consecrated till his election had been con- 
firmed by the emperor, who for so doing received 
a stated sum of money. The Emperor Constantine 
Pogonatus remitted this payment in the year 678, and 
in 684 abandoned also his right of confirmation. Jus- 
tinian n., however, recalled this last concession, and 
required that the newly elected pope should be confirmed 
by the exarch before consecration ; a regulation which 
lasted as long as the Greek dominion in Eome.^ In fact, 
the influence of the Greek emperors on the papal elec- 
tions, from the accession of Justinian 11. in 685 down to 
the middle of the following century, is shown by the 
almost constant succession of Greek and Syrian popes. 
In that interval, out of t^n popes, only one is of Eoman 
birth. Even among these aliens, however, the spirit of 
their order often prevailed over the duties of allegiance. 
The popes gradually acquired a vast material support of 
their power in the many estates, or, as they were called, 
pairimonia^ presented or bequeathed to them by the piety 
of noble and wealthy proprietors. These domains were 
scattered through a great part of Europe : in South Italy 
and Sicily, Dalmatia, Ulyria, Gaul, Sardinia, Corsica, and 
other places. The pope had vast granaries in Eome, 
which served in a great measure to supply the daily wants 
of the people. From this store also the poor were fed, 
who appear at that time to have been entitled to a fourth 
of the revenues of the church. The same revenues 

* Liber ^urnusRom,Pont\ficumyC.2 Agatho. c. 2 ; Betted, ii. c. 3 ; Canon, 
(Paris, 1683), tit ii. and iii. j Anastas. c. 2. See Papencordt, S. 109. 


enabled the popes to perform many useful services ; as 
the repairs of the churches, the buying off of slaves that 
had been captured, the purchasing of peace from the 
Lombards, and other things of the like kind. 

The military power at Eome during the period we are 
contemplating, was also held by the Greek emperors, who 
paid the troops commanded by a magister militum. A 
Duke of Eome is first found early in the eighth century ; 
though, besides the proper Dux Eomanus, we also hear of 
military commanders and other persons bearing that title. 
The appointment of a duke was occasioned by the revolt 
of Eavenna and the Exarchate from Justinian IL, which 
was quelled by that emperor in 709. His province was 
called Ducatus Eomanus ; but it is impossible to assign 
any precise boundaries to it, as they appear to have varied 
according to the conquests of the Lombards. The duke, 
though at first appointed by the emperor, was afterwards 
elected by the pope and the Eoman people. He enjoyed 
the highest civil as well as military authority, and, like 
the earlier imperial magistrates, dwelt in the palace of the 
Caesars. The wars with the Goths and Lombards had 
somewhat revived the warlike spirit of the Eomans, and 
given them a military organisation. The whole popula- 
tion was divided into three classes, the clerus^ the exer- 
citus^ and the populics. In public ceremonies the clergy 
and the army appear only to have been named ; to the 
former was applied the epithet venerabilis^ to the latter 
that of felicissimiLS. The army, though, as we have 
said, paid by the emperor, consisted nevertheless of cives 
honesti, or the better class of citizens.^ Another division 
of the people was into trade unions, or guilds ; which 
institutions appear to have been handed down from an 
early period of Eoman history. Slavery and the slave 
trade continued to exist till the latter was aboUshed by 

* Gregorovius, B. ii. S. 198. 


After this brief sketch of the civil and social condition 
of the Eomans, we shall proceed to record such scanty 
facts as can be gleaned of the history of the city at this 
period. The continual wars with the Lombards had 
driven the inhabitants of the surrounding district to seek 
shelter within the walls ; and it is from this period that 
we must date the desolation of the Campagna with its 
attendant plague of malaria. Within the city many of the 
principal pubUc buildings were falling to decay. This 
seems to have been particularly the case with the baths ; 
and from the evidence which they sometimes present of 
wilful destruction, Gregory and some of his successors 
have frequently been accused of perpetrating it, and the 
charge receives a colour from Gregory's known aversion 
to classical taste and learning. It must, however, be 
recollected that the failure of the aqueducts had for the 
most part rendered the baths useless ; nor were they fit 
for any other purpose. The altered tastes of the Eomans 
no longer required them as gymnasia, as theatres for 
gladiatorial combats, or as halls for the disputations of 
philosophers and the recitations of poets. Hence they 
seem to have been amongst the first pubhc buildings that 
were made to serve the purpose of stone quarries. 

Pope Gregory was for maintaining peace with the 
Lombards ; and the devotion of TheodeUnda towards the 
Holy See, who had given her hand and the Lombard crown 
to Agilulf, bade fair to insure its continuance : but this 
purpose was crossed by the exarch Eomanus, who fo- 
mented another Lombard war. In 593, Eome was again 
besieged by Agilulf, in conjunction with Ariulf, Duke of 
Spoleto. Yet so ill was the art of besieging towns then 
understood, that, although Eomanus had visited Eome, 
and withdrawn nearly all the troops, the Lombards failed 
to take it. The city, however, was reduced to a most 
miserable condition, which Gregory has depicted in his 
homihes. On this occasion he purchased the departure of 


■ f 




\' the Lombards with a sum of money, and in 599 he s 

>; ceeded in arranging a peace with them. The state 

poUtical independence which the pope was now c 
sidered to have attained may be inferred from the circi 

V. stance of Agilulf requiring his signature to the trea 

which, however, Gregory declined to give. 

The murder of Mauritius, and the seizure of the thr 
of the East, by the centurion Phocas, in November, 6 
formed a crux for Gregory's conscience. In this ore 
the calculations of the politician triumphed over the f 
ings of the saint. The portraits of Phocas and his \ 
Leontia were received at Eome with those usual hone 
to which we have already adverted. They were presen 
to the clergy and senators assembled in the Basilica Ji 
an apartment or hall in the Lateran, with the accustor 
acclamation : ' Exaudi Christe, Phocae Augusto et Leon 
August© vita ; ' and the portraits were then placed in 
chapel of St. Csesarius in the palace. But Gregory 

'' not content himself with discharging what might hi 

been considered as only tlie necessary acts of routine, 
expressed the greatest joy at the accession of this basef 
cowardly assassin. * Tlie successor of the apostles,' 
serves Gibbon, * might have inculcated with decent fii 
ness the guilt of blood and the necessity of repentant 
he is content to celebrate the deUverance of the peo 
and the fall of the oppressor ; to rejoice that the pi 
and benignity of Phocas have been raised by Providei 
to tlie imperial throne ; to pray that his liands may 
strengthened against all liis enemies ; and to expres! 
wish, perhaps a prophecy, that, after a long and triumph 
reign, he may be transferred from a temporal to an e\ 
lasting kingdom.' ^ But Maurice had forfeited the sj 
pathy of Gregory by an attempt to abridge his po^ 
through the patriarch of Constantinople. Of tlie th 

' Decline and Fall, vol. v. p. 380 ; see Chvgorj-'s Letter to Pliocas, j^ 
lib. xiii. ep. 31. 


. 1 


monumental columns still extant at Rome, two were 
erected to the best, and one to the worst and basest, of the 
Eoman emperors. Their merits are aptly typified by the 
style of their monuments. In the age of Phocas the art 
of erecting a column like that of Trajan or of M. AureUus 
had been lost. A large and handsome Corinthian pillar, 
taken from some temple or basiUca, was therefore placed 
in the Forum, on a huge pyramidal basis quite out of pro- 
portion to it, and was surmounted with a statue of 
Phocas in gilt bronze. It has so Uttle the appearance of 
a monumental column, that for a long while it was thought 
to belong to some ruined building, till in 1813 the inscrip- 
tion was discovered. The name of Phocas had indeed 
been erased ; but that it must have been dedicated to him 
is shown by the date. Gregorovius ^ would hberate the 
memory of Gregory from the shame of this monument, 
which was erected after his death. Gregory expired in 
March, 604, and the colunm was not erected till 608. But 
a pope who could address to Phocas a letter like that to 
which we have alluded would not probably have very vio- 
lently resisted the giving him a monument. Let it however 
be remembered that Gregory's servihty towards Phocas 
is the only serious blot on the character of a man who, 
according to the measure of those times, deserved the 
epithet of * Great ; * and that his conduct on this occasion, 
as throughout his life, was probably guided by solicitude 
for the welfare of his people. Before we qvdt this column, 
we will remark two inferences that may be drawn from it, 
one regarding the political, the other the material, condi- 
tion of Bome. Its erection, which is thought to have 
been commanded by the exarch Smaragdus, shows that 
the Romans were still a good deal more than nominally 
under the dominion of the Greek emperors ; while the 
base of the column, discovered by the excavations of 1816 

» B. iL S. 72. 
A A 


to have rested on the ancient pavement of the Forum, 
proves that this former centre of Boman life was still, 
at the beginning of the seventh century, unencumbered 
with ruins. That the Forum of Trajan was also in a 
tolerable state of preservation, appears from the verses of 
Venantius Fortunatus, a contemporary of Gregory's, who 
speaks of the custom of reciting poems in it as still usual 
at that time : — 

Vix modo tarn nitido pomposa poemata cultu 
Audit Trajano Roma yerenda foro.^ 

Another fact which proves the absolute dominion of 
the Byzantine emperors over Some at this period is, tliat 
Pope Boniface IV., who ascended the throne of St. Peter 
in 608, obtained from Phocas tlie gift of Agrippa's Pan- 
theon, which he converted into a church, dedicated to the 
Virgin Mary and all Christian martyrs.* The Pantheou 
had been closed during the two or three previous cen- 
turies, and was regarded by the people with a sort of 
mysterious horror, as the abode of demons. According 
to a legend preserved in the Mirahilia Eomce, Agrippa 
had dedicated it to Cybele, the mother of the gods, to 
Neptune, and to all the gods (or demons) ; and many of 
the Christians had suffered martyrdom before it.^ 

From this time, during the first half of the seventh 
century, the history of the city is almost an entire blank. 
In this period we need only advert to the pontificate of 
Pope Honorius I. (625-40), to whom are attributed the 
building and repairing of numerous churches. This pon- 
tiff paid particular attention to tlie adorning of St. Peter's, 
and for tliis purpose committed an act of vandalism by 
begging from the Emperor Heraclius the gilt-bronze tiles 

» Carm. lib. iii. 23 ; cf. vii. c. 8. ad honorem Cybelis matris Deonim. 

" Anastas. in Botiif. iv. ante quod multoties a TJaemonibus 

» * Venit Bonifiw^iiis Pnpa tempore Christiani percutiebantur, rogavit 

PhooB Imperatoris (Christiani, Wdens Papa Imperatorem ut condonaret ei 

illud templum ita mirabile dedicatum hoc, &c.' — Mirab, 


forming the roof of Hadrian's Temple of Venus and Rome.^ 
From tliis anecdote we may infer that the temple was at 
that time in a good state of preservation, since otherwise 
tlie roof could not have existed ; while, on the other 
hand, the stripping off of the roof was a sure way to 
effect the destruction of the building. To Honorius is 
ascribed the foundation of the churcli of S. Adrian near 
the Forum, in the district called Tria Fata. 

At length, in 663, Some again, and for the last time, 
received an emperor within her walls — a rare occurrence 
in the monotonous history of her decadence. The wan- 
derings of Constans were perhaps partly caused by the 
pangs of a guilty conscience ; but he is also said to have 
contemplated making Rome again the seat of empire. 
Constans landed at Tarentum in the spring of 663, and 
after an unsuccessftd attempt to wrest Beneventum from 
its Lombard duke, he proceeded by the Via Appia to 
Rome. The Pope Vitalianus, the clergy, and the deputies 
of the people, met him at tlie sixth milestone, not in mili- 
tary array, but with crucifixes, banners, and burning tapers. 
Thus Rome had already put on all the external attributes of 
a theocratic state. Nothing but humiliation seemed to be 
reserved for the popes in their intercourse with the By- 
zantine court. Gregory had been compelled to flatter a 
low assassin ; and now Vitalianus had to receive with all 
the honours of the city a fratricide, and, what perhaps in 
liis eyes was almost as bad, a monothelite heretic. Con- 
stans exhibited no games, distributed no bread nor money. 
Instead of these, we hear of nothing but processions of 
priests and the emperor's visits to St. Peter's, Sta. Maria 
Maggiore, and the Lateran. The ancient temples had for 
the most part either been converted into churches, or had 
served as materials for erecting new ones. The two cen- 
tres of life at Rome were now at its extreme points, the 

* Anast. in Honor, * 

A A 2 


Lateral! and the Vatican. Between them lay the ancient 
city, deserted and ruinous, though interspersed here and 
there with modern churches. It is probable, however, 
that some part of the palace on the Palatine stiU remained 
habitable, and that Constans took up his abode there. 
Something, however, was still left to plunder. We have 
seen, from the precedents of the Pantheon and the Temple 
of Venus and Eome, that the ancient monuments of the 
city were regarded as the property of the emperors. In 
the twelve days which Constans spent at Rome, he carried 
off as many bronze statues as he could lay hands on ; and 
though the Pantheon seemed to possess a double claim to 
protection, as having been presented by Phocas to the 
pope, and as liaving been by him converted into a Chris- 
tian church, yet Constans was mean and sacrilegious 
enough to carry off the tiles of gilt bronze which covered 
it. Thus the Christian emperor contrived in this short and 
friendly visit to inflict upon the city almost as much damage 
as it had suffered from the repeated sieges of the Goths, 
Vandals, and Lombards. After perpetrating these acts, 
which were at least as bad as robberies, and attending mass 
at the tomb of St. Peter, Constans carried off his booty to 
Syi'acuse, where he heaped up other spoils from Sicily, 
Calabria, Africa, and Sardinia. But at this place he was 
murdered a few years after by a slave, while in the bath, 
and his plunder ultimately fell into the hands of the 

Towards the end of the seventh century, the diffusion 
of Cliristianity in Europe, and the fame of Rome as the 
seat of St. Peter and his successors, had produced a great 
increase in the pilgrimages to the city. Here each nation 
had its proper houses of reception, with guides to conduct 
the pilgrims to the churches, the catacombs, and other ob- 
jects of curiosity and interest. The pilgrims chiefly arrived 
at Easter, and generally brought with them valuable 
presents. Among 'the pagan monuments the Flavian 


amphitheatre was naturally the great object of their 
wonder and admiration. It was about this time that it 
obtained the name of Colosseum or Colysajus, which we 
first find mentioned by Beda in the famous prophecy re- 
specting Eome : ' Quamdiu stat Colysajus stat et Eoma : 
quando cadet Colysaeus, cadet et Roma, cadet et mundus.' ^ 
The prophecy, which seems to have been current among 
the Eoman populace, probably contributed, like many 
other prophecies, to its own fulfilment, and to the preser- 
vation, at least in great part, of the amphitheatre, whilst 
its fellows, as well as the other theatres and circuses, have 
been almost entirely swept away. That the name of 
Colosseum was derived from its size, and not from the 
Colossus of Nero, I am now inchned to think, from the 
fact mentioned by Gregorovius,'^ that the amphitheatre of 
Capua was also called Colossus. 

Among the pilgrims to Eome the Anglo-Saxons are 
conspicuous, who, after their conversion by Gregory the 
Great, continued to maintain a particular connection with 
the holy city. Ceadwald, king of the West-Saxons, after 
his wars with the Scots, proceeded in 689 to Rome to be 
baptised, and died there shortly after at the early age of 
thirty. His epitaph is still preserved.^ Ej^^g Conrad of 
Mercia, and Offa, son of the king of the East-Saxons, 
cutting ofi* and consecrating their long hair at the tomb of 
St. Peter, exchanged their royal robes for the garment of 
a monk, and entered a convent near the church of the 
apostle, where they also seem to have quickly died.* Ina, 
king of Wessex, like many of his Anglo-Saxon subjects, 
high as well as low, rich as well as poor, undertook a 
pilgrimage to Rome about the year 727, and, with the 
approbation of Pope Gregory 11., founded a church in 
honour of the Virgin, in order that the Anglo-Saxons 

» Ap. Gibbon, t viii. p. 281, note, Angl lib. v. c. 7 ; Paul Diac. Be 
« B. ii. S. 211. Ged. Langoh. lib. vi. c. 16. 

' See Beda, Hid, Eccl GevtU * Beda, ibid, c. 20. 


might have a place of prayer, and those that died a 
grave. ^ Ina likewise ordained that every house in Wes- 
sex should contribute, in honour of St. Peter, a penny a 
year towards the maintenance of the Anglo-Saxons settled 
at Eome. For this monarch appears to have founded 
there a Schola Anglorum, or sort of Anglo-Saxon colony ; 
which may be supposed to have principally consisted of 
monks and priests, and of young men being educated for 
the ecclesiastical profession. But all the principal foreign 
settlements at Rome appear to have been called scholae^ 
without any reference to objects of education. Thus we 
read of Scholai Francorum, Frisonum, and Longobardo- 
rum, as well as Saxoniun ; and even of a Schola Gnecorum 
and a Schola Juda^orum. But of all these the school of 
the Anglo-Saxons was the largest and most celebrated. 
Offa, king of Mercia, who made a pilgrimage to Rome in 
794, with a view to make atonement for his treacherous 
murder of the East-Anglian king, Ethelbert, and the 
seizure of his dominions, still further endowed the Saxon 
school at Rome, and extended the payment of the 
liomescot to a })art of his own dominions.'^ This Saxon 
settlement, called Burgus Saxonum, Vicus Saxonum, 
Schola Saxonum, and simply Saxia or Sassia, embraced 
a considerable district on the right bank of the Tiber, 
between the Gistle of S. Angelo and the Piazza di S. 
Pietro, which is still marked by the churches of S. Spirito 
in Sassia, and S. Michele in Sassia. The church founde<l 
by Ina, Sta. Maiia qua^ vocatur Schola Saxonum, is men- 
tioned as late as the year 854. Wlien Leo IV. enclosed 
this part of the city, it obtained the name of Borgo^ from 
the Burgus Saxonum, and one of the gates was called 
Saxonum Posterula.^ The present hospital of S. Spirito, 

» Matth. Westnionitst adann. 727, » ' Postcnila quff» rospicit ad sclio- 

p. 260 fed. 1570). lam Saxonum.'— Amistes. Leo IV. 

* Id. loc. cit et ad mm. 704. n, 534. 


founded by Pope Innocent rH., now occupies a consider- 
able portion of the Saxon quarter. 

The Schola Francorum, also in the Borgo, was the 
most celebrated after that of the Anglo-Saxons ; while 
those of the Frisians and Lombards were of minor import- 
ance. All these Schote disappeared between the ninth 
and eleventh centuries ; or at least shrank into mere hos- 
pitals for the reception of poor pilgrims, and burying- 
places for the respective nations. The Schola Saxonum 
disappeared in the hospital of S. Spirito, and the Schola 
Francorum vanished altogether. The Schola Graeca 
was situated at the spot now marked by the church of 
Sta. Maria in Cosmedin, and consequently in the ancient 
Forum Boarium. This church was originally called Sta. 
Maria in Schola Gra^ca. Its new name, ' in Cosmedin,' 
which it obtained after its rebuilding by Pope Adrian I., 
seems to have been derived either from its beauty (xoVp.0^) 
or from a place at Constantinople. The memory of the 
school is, however, still preserved by the Via della Greca. 
In the middle ages the whole bank of the river at this 
part appears to have been called Eipa Graeca.^ At the 
period of which we are now speaking, we hear nothing 
of the Jews. Their synagogue is mentioned for the last 
time under Theodoric ; after which they disappear alto- 
gether till the tenth century ; when, imder the Othos, we 
find them singing the praises of the emperor in Hebrew, 
and in the twelfth century they are mentioned under the 
title of Schola Judaeorum.*-^ Thus they survived all the 
other schools or colonies. 

The edict of Leo the Isaurian, in 726, against image 
worship, and the poUcy of the succeeding iconoclast em- 
perors, served to loosen the connection between Constan- 
tinople and Eome ; though the nominal sovereignty of the 

* Gregorov. R ii S. 448. 

' Ordo Bern, xiL ap. lUbillon, t ii. p. 195. 


Gtreek emperors continued to be acknowledged by the 
Eoman pontiff down to the time of Pope Adrian I. (772). 
Luitprand, who was now king of Lombardy, took advan- 
tage of this quarrel by seeking to extend his dominions. 
The conduct of this monarch towards the Holy See 
resembles that of a capricious lover. At one time we 
find him loading the pope with benefits, while at another 
he is threatening him with destruction. After taking 
Ravenna and other places, Luitprand penetrated into the 
Eoman duchy. But his advance was arrested by the touch- 
ing prayers and able negotiations of Pope Gregory IL ; 
Luitprand not only retired, but even presented to the 
church the town of Sutri, which he had taken and plun- 
dered (728). This was the first town possessed by the 
popes out of Home, and formed the nucleus of the States 
of the Church, so that Luitprand may be regarded as the 
founder of the temporal dominion of the popes. Grati- 
tude, however, does not appear to have been among the 
virtues of Gregory. He effected a coalition with the 
Greeks and Venetians, by which the Lombards were driven 
from the exarchate. Luitprand avenged himself in turn 
by forming with the Greeks a league for the reduction of 
Eome ; and in 729, accompanied by the exarch Euty- 
chius, he appeared with his army before the city, and 
encamped in the field of Nero near the Vatican. But 
Gregory, with a just confidence in his own eloquence and 
authority, and in his knowledge of Luitprand's cliaracter, 
imitating the example of Leo with Attila, proceeded to 
the Lombai'd camp.^ Luitprand fell on his knees before 
the successor of St. Peter, and suffered himself to be con- 
ducted to the apostle's tomb ; where he deposited as 
offerings his mantle and armlet, his belt, dagger, and 
sword, his silver cross and golden crown, and, breaking up 
his camp, returned without once entering the city. Yet, 

' Sigonius has composed a speech for him on this occasion (De Regno 
Italia, Ub. iii. p. 106 (ed. Basle, 1576). 



in 740, in the pontificate of Gregory lEL, we find the 
Lombards again encamped in the same place, to demand 
the delivery of the Duke of Spoleto, who had taken 
refuge at Eome. This time they appear to have plundered 
St Peter's and the adjoining district, and to have carried 
off many Eoman nobles as slaves.^ But the heat seems 
to have compelled them to retire. 

In the year 742, Zacharias, who had become pope in 
the preceding year, succeeded in making a long peace 
with the Lombards ; on which occasion many towns were 
ceded to the papal see. In this pontificate the power of 
the church obtained some signal triumphs. Carloman, 
eldest son of Charles Martel, came to Eome in 747, to 
relieve himself, by confession, of the burden of a guilty 
conscience. Assuming the habit of a monk, he took up 
his abode in a hermitage on Mount Oreste, the ancient 
Soracte ; which abode, however, he afterwards exchanged 
for Monte Casino. Two years afterwards the Lombard 
king Bachis also exchanged his crown and sword for the 
hood of St. Benedict. The time was now approaching 
when the church was not only to exhibit, by examples 
like these, the superiority of her rest over all worldly 
possessions, but even to assert her claim over the tempo- 
ral power of sovereigns. The retirement of Carloman 
having left Pepin sole heir of the Carlovingian house, this 
prince determined to usurp the throne of the Merovingian 
kings, those rois faineants who had long been nothing but 
puppets in the hands of the mayors of the palace. Such 
a usurpation, however, required the holy sanction of the 
church ; and Pepin and Zacharias soon came to an under- 
standing as to the reciprocal services which they might 
render to each other. To Pepin's casuistical question, 
whether he who virtually wielded the power and endured 
the responsibilities of sovereignty should not also enjoy 

* Anastas. VU, Oregor, et Zacharuie\ Papencordt, p. 80. 


its splendour and its rewards, Zacharias unhesitatingly 
answered in the affirmative (751). By this transaction the 
pope secured at once a powerful ally, and established an 
invaluable prerogative. The principle was admitted that 
the people possess the right of choosing their sovereign, 
but that the exercise of this right is subject to the con- 
firmation of the pope. The king was thus subordinated 
to the nation, and both were subordinated to the papal 
throne. A most important moment in the history of the 
papacy, and the first instance of the supremacy of papal 
power over kingly right. 

This compact was soon to bear its fruits. Astolphus, 
king of Lombardy, after reducing the Exarchate in 751, 
attempted the subjugation of Eome, and demanded a 
heavy tribute. Pope Stephen IE., who had now ascended 
the throne of St. Peter's, at first turned his eyes to Con 
stantinople ; but he soon perceived that no aid could be 
expected from that quarter. On the other hand, he and 
Pepin had naturally need of each other. Stephen pro- 
ceeded to Paris early in 754, where he crowned Pepin, 
his consort Bertrada, and his sons Charles and Carloman. 
He bade the Franks choose no king but of this race, and 
he and Pepin formed a league for mutual defence and 
support. The pope did not indeed formally renounce his 
allegiance to the Byzantine emperors, but he named the 
Prankish king protector, or advocate, of the church and 
its temporal possessions, and he invested Pepin and his 
sons with the title of Patricius, hitherto borne by the 
exarchs of Ravenna. In the course of the same year, 
Pepin, accompanied by Stephen, invaded Italy, shut up 
Astolphus in Pavia, and compelled him to cede Eavemia 
and other towns, which Pepin transferred to the pope. 

The Prankish king, however, had no sooner returned 
to his dominions than Astolphus not only refused to exe- 
cute the treaty, but even marched upon Eome to punish 



the pope for procuring it. In January, 755, the Lombards 
appeared before Eome, and invested it in three divisions. 
The principal one of these, commanded by Astolphus in 
person, approached by the Via Salaria, and threatened all 
that part of the city between the Porta Tiburtina and the 
Porta Flaminia. Another division, marching by the Via 
Triumphalis, menaced the Porta Portuensis, the Gate of 
S. Pancrazio, and Hadrian's Mole ; while a third, composed 
of Lombards from Beneventum, extended themselves from 
the Lateran gate to that of S. Paolo. Eome had not 
been so hard pressed since the time of Totila. Pope 
Gregory m. had fortunately repaired the walls a few 
years before, and to this circumstance, perhaps, the city 
owed its escape from capture. But the environs were 
plundered and devastated, and it is to this occasion that we 
must, in a great measure, attribute the desolation of the 
Campagna. Nothing escaped the hands of the ruthless 
Lombards but the Basilicas of St. Peter and St. Paul. 
The Greeks among their ranks displayed their icono- 
clastic zeal by breaking all the images they could find ; 
whilst the Lombards, in the midst of their fury and violence, 
dug up and carried off the bones of martyrs, or those 
w^hom they took to be martyrs, from their resting-places 
in tlie catacombs. These relics formed no mean part of 
their booty : at home they would be worth their weight 
in gold. Tliis trait is not more characteristic of the age 
tliaii the letter which St. Peter liimself addressed, at the 
instance of the pope, to the Prankish kings, clergy, and 
people, invoking their assistance. The Latin of it is rather 
bad for an inspired writer, nor are its inflated expressions 
altogether in accordance with the simpUcity of an apostle ; 
but it must be remembered that St. Peter knew only 
Hebrew and Greek, and he no doubt adapted his style 
to the taste of the age. St. Peter backed his request with 
those of the Virgin Mary and of all the heavenly host. 



including martyrs and confessors; and he concluded 
witli threats of eternal perdition and promises of ever- 
lasting happiness, according as his application should be 
rejected or entertained.^ Such an appeal could hardly 
be neglected by a warUke and victorious monarch. Pepin 
set his forces in motion, and Astolphus at the news of 
their approach abandoned a siege which had lasted three 
months. He shut himself up in Pavia, where he was 
again besieged by Pepin, and compelled to fulfil the con- 
ditions of the former treaty. A documentary gift is now 
said to have been made by Pepin to the pope, including 
the Exarchate and PentapoUs. That such a gift was 
made can hardly be doubted. It is assumed not only in 
the Liber Poniijicalisy but also in the Codex Carolinus. 
But the original document has never been produced ; the 
extent of the gift, which was probably only verbal, is un- 
defined, as indeed were the boundaries of the Exarchate ; 
nor can it be said whether the pope obtained the actual 
sovereignty or only the dominium utile. ^ From this 
period the Church of Home became a poUtic^ church. 
Before the end of the year, Folrad, the councillor and 
cliaplain of Pepin, is said to have laid the deed of gift, 
together with the keys of most of the towns of the Penta- 
polis, the jEmiha, and the Exarchate, before the confes- 
sional of St. Peter ; although the pope, now the virtual 
master of these districts as well as of Rome, had not yet 
formally renounced his allegiance to the Greek Empire. 

Astolphus died early in 756, from the effects of a fall 
while hunting.^ The Lombard army now elected Desi- 

* This singular letter is inscribed : 
'Petrus vocatus Apostolus a Jesu 
Christo Dei vivi filio, &c. &c. . . . 
vobis viris excellentissimis Hppino, 
Carolo et Carlomanno tribus regibus^ 
at«[ue sanctissimis Episcopis, Abbati- 
bus, Presbyteris, vel cunctis religio- 
sis monachis; verum etiam Ducibus, 
Comitibus^ et cuuctis gencralibus 

exercitibus et populo Franci® com- 
morantibus.' It will be found in the 
Codex Carolinus, epist iii. p. 98 (Cen- 
ni). Cf. Anastas. Vit, StcpK IL 

« Gregorov. B. ii. S. 828. 

' Pope Stephen announced his 
death toPepininthe following Chris- 
tian terms : ' Etenim tyrannus ille, 
sequax diaboli, Ilaistulphus devora- 



derius for their king. But the crown being attested by 
Eachis, who had taken the hood^ DesideriuB appealerl to 
the pope, promising him the cities which Astolphu^ had 
neglected to deUver ; and Stephen condemned Eachis to 
return to his cloister. Desiderius then took quiet poscK^ 
sioQ of the throne of Pavia, and the pope of Fai^iza, 
Gabellum, the whole duchy of Ferrara, and other places. 
Stephen IL died shortly after, April 24, 757, leaving the 
papacy a considerable temporal state. He was succeede^l 
by Paul L, his brother, who appears not to have sought 
the confirmation of his election by Pepin, though be wrote 
to that monarch protesting his devotion* 

The temporal dominion of the popes was, however, at 
first, anything but secure ; and the Lombard kings U^jg 
disputed with them the possession of the towns and d'm- 
tricts which Pepin had assigned to them. But we (orlMmr 
to relate the details of this contest, which was not aiXetithA 
with any important efiects on the city. Tlie contest viUwh 
ensued for the papacy after the death of Paul L, Hxifi the 
bloody scenes which sometimes took pkice on tliat i^TM- 
sion, show how much its possession had come t/> \Ht cjm- 
sidered as an object of worldly ambition* Under Stephen IL 
and Paul L, the building of many churches, c^>n vents, and 
pilgrims' houses had contributed to give Itome more and 
more the air of the capital of the [iopes. Under the 
former of these pontifls the first bell-tower yet s^^en at 
Eome had been erected at St Peter's ; an additi/jn wlikh 
began very much to alter the model of the ancient Basi- 
licas. During the reign of Paul, many cartU>ads of C4}r\mm 
were disinterred fi-om the catacombs, and is»^)rUA inU) the 
city by processions of monks, and amid the singing of 
hymns, in order to be again buried under the church<^; 
while ambassadors were constantly arriving from the Anglo- 
tor aanguinum ChrLrtunonim, Eccle- wrewmwt ttui, td in 'mtxmi ytfuu^i^m 
siarum Dei destructor; divino ictu denMntM/ — CodJJartA, vili/ i(^*tnn\), 


Saxons, Franks, and Germans, to beg the gift of some of 
these highly-prized rehcs.^ 

Charles, or Charlemagne, and his brother Carloman, 
jointly occupied the Frankish throne on the death of their 
father Pepin in 768. But the reign and life of the 
younger brother were soon brought to a close. The 
intervention of Charlemagne in the affairs of Italy was 
speedily required. When Adrian I., a pontiff of great 
energy and talent, ascended the papal throne, in 772, the 
disputes with the Lombard kings were still proceeding ; 
but Desiderius had been deterred from attacking Rome by 
a threat of excommunication: a striking proof of the 
dread which these spiritual thunders already inspired. 
Desiderius, nevertheless, would not comply with Charle- 
magne's demands for the restoration of the towns ceded 
to the Holy See ; and, in order to enforce them, Charle- 
magne entered Italy with his army in the autumn of 773, 
and invested Pavia. As the place still held out after a 
siege of six months, Charlemagne left it blockaded in the 
spring of 774, and marched with part of his army to 
celebrate Easter at Eome, where he arrived on Holv 
Saturday, April 2nd. The ceremonies observed on this 
occasion were entirely of a religious, or rather ecclesias- 
tical, nature. Adrian received the king at the main en- 
trance of St. Peter's church, who, falling on his knees, 
kissed every step of the ascent till he reached the pontifll 
After a mutual oath of surety at the tomb of the apostle, 
Charlemagne, who was dressed in the robes of a patrician, 
entered Eome by Hadrian's bridge, proceeded on foot lo 
the Lateran, and returned in the same manner to his 
camp near the Vatican. Easter Sunday was spent iii 

* A j^oodly collection must still have remains of 2,300 martyrs. It seems 

been left behind, since an inscrip- to have been assumed, as a matter 

tion in the church of Sta. Prassedo, of course, that all the bones found in 

founded more than half a century the catacombs belonged not onlv to 

afterwards by Paschal I., records the Christians, but to martyred Chrib- 

placing there by that pontiff of the tiaus. 



hearing the pope perform mass at Sta. Maria Maggiore ; 
after which the king dined with him at the Lateran. The 
festival was brought to a conclusion by a mass at St. Peter's 
on Monday, and another at St. Paul's on Tuesday. On 
Wednesday, Charlemagne confirmed his father's donation 
to the papal see. The document is said to have been 
drawn out anew with additions, to have been signed by 
the king and his peers, and to have been confirmed with 
a fearful oath at St. Peter's tomb. Nearly all Italy was 
made over to the pope, even places which had not fallen 
under the Prankish dominion, as Corsica, Venice, Bene- 
ventum, and others. But this document, like that of 
Pepin, has never been produced. Charlemagne claimed 
in turn all the rights and prerogatives of a Patricius, the 
title of Defensor, and the supreme jurisdiction in Eome 
and its duchy and in the Exarchate. Charlemagne now 
returned to Pavia, took that city, and put an end to the 
Lombard dynasty. Desiderius, who had been captured, 
was banished, and ended his days in the convent of Corbay. 
Charlemagne assumed the iron crown of Italy, styling 
himself henceforth King of the Franks and Lombards, 
and Patricius of the Romans. 

Charlemagne again visited Rome in 781 and 787; on 
the latter of which occasions, after reducing the duchy of 
Beneventum, he is said to have made the pope further 
presents of several towns, including Capua. But another 
and last visit to the eternal city is far more important in 
the history of Rome and the world. Leo III., who had 
filled the throne of St. Peter since the death of Adrian I. 
in 795, was deeply indebted to the protection of Charle- 
magne, when, flying from a conspiracy which threatened 
his life, he had taken refuge at the court of that monarch 
at Paderborn. Towards the end of 800, Charlemagne 
again approached Rome, when Leo HI. went out as far as 
Nomentum to meet him. The king passed the night at 
that place^ while the pope returned to Rome, in order to 


receive him next day on the steps of St. Peter's. On the 
last Christmas-day of the eighth century, Leo placed the 
imperial crown on the head of Charlemagne, and the crowd 
which filled the cathedral of St. Peter's saluted him with 
the title of Emperor of the Eomans. This revival of the 
Western Empire was afterwards confirmed by a formal 

While Rome was thus asserting her supremacy in the 
aflairs both of this world and the next, the state of her 
manners seemed hardly on a level with the loftiness of her 
pretensions. Since the time of Gregory the Great it had 
been a part of the papal policy to discourage profane 
learning. Literature flourished better in many of the 
provincial towns of Italy, and even in England and L-e- 
land, than at Rome ; and Virgil and Horace were better 
known at the Prankish court than in the city of the popes. 
The papal epistles of this period are wretched specimens 
both of logic and grammar. Poetry was unknown, unless 
the verses inscribed on tombstones may deserve that 
name. The only art which flourished at Rome was music. 
We have already seen, firom the description of Ammianus 
Marcellinus, the passionate fondness of the Romans for 
music several centuries before. Gregory the Great, whose 
object it seems to have been to render rehgion a thing of 
the senses, was the founder of the music of the church. 
He instituted a school for it in the Lateran, whence the 
Carlovingian monarchs obtained teachers of singing and 
organ-playing. The Prankish monks were sent thither for 
instruction. But the ItaUan masters complained that thev 
could not make the Franks trill their notes. They seemed 
to stick in their throats.^ 

" Annates Zaun'ss. ap. Gregorov. B. u, S. 456. 





From this period the history of the city and its ancient 
monuments, or rather their ruins, has httle interest but for 
professed antiquarians ; for it is hardly possible to connect 
them any longer with the life of the people. The civil 
history of Eome, too, during the long centuries of the 
middle ages, is obscure and perplexed, and could not pos- 
sibly be even fragmentarily developed within the compass 
of the present work. We must therefore content our- 
selves with selecting some of those events which had a 
more special influence on the city, and particularly on its 
monuments, and with endeavouring to ascertain the pro- 
gress of their decay. Eome was still to sufler at the hands 
of external enemies; but henceforth her own children, 
perhaps, were more destructive than these to her ancient 
monumental glories.^ 

The first half, or nearly so, of the ninth century presents 
almost a blank in the history of the city. But in the year 
846, in the pontificate of Sergius 11., the Saracens from 
Africa, having landed at Porto, appeared before Rome. It 
does not appear that they assaulted the walls, and, at all 
events, they did not succeed in entering the city. But the 
churches of St Peter and St. Paul, which lay almost de- 
fenceless outside the walls, invited and rewarded their 
attacks. In these holy places, enriched by ostentatious 

* In this part of his labonrs the au- ledge his ohligations to the works of 
thor must more particularly acknow- Papencordt and Gregoroyius. 

B B 


popes and pious benefactors, the followers of Mahomet 
might gratify at once their hatred of Christianity and their 
love of plunder. The Anglo-Saxons, Lombards, and 
Franks, who resided in the Vatican, attempted some re- 
sistance,^ but were speedily overcome. St. Peter's was then 
stripped of all its gold and silver ornaments ; the altar of 
sohd gold was carried off, and the ashes, or reputed ashes, 
of the apostle were doubtless profaned and dissipated. 
The BasiUca of St. Paul suffered a similar fate.^ Eome 
was dehvered by Guido of Spoleto and his Lombards. 
The Saracens plundered the Campagna in their retreat, 
and levelled to the ground the episcopal town of Silva 
Candida. Part of their host re-embarked at Ostia ; others, 
retreating by land, repulsed Guido under the walls of 
Gaeta, and took their departure from that place. 

Pope Sergius 11. died in January, 847, and was suc- 
ceeded by Leo IV. The pontificate of Leo is, for the 
history of the city, one of the most important in the whole 
series of the Eoman pontiffs. It commenced under gloomy 
auspices. To the constant apprehension of another visit 
of the Saracens were added an earthquake which occa- 
sioned much damage, and a fire which destroyed great 
part of the Anglo-Saxon quarter. The shingle roofs of 
the houses in this district rendered such a calamity both 
frequent and destructive. A great part of the Borgo had 
been consumed less than thirty years before in the ponti- 
ficate of Paschal I. On the present occasion the flames 
destroyed part of the portico of St. Peter's ; but Leo is 
said to have arrested their further progress by appearing 
on the balcony of the church, and conjuring them with 
the sign of the cross.^ This incident forms the subject of 
Eaffaelle's fresco in the Vatican, called the ' Licendio del 

One of the first cares of Leo TV. was to fortify Eome 

* Bist. Ignoti Casain. in Afon, * Anastas. VU. Leon. IV. n. 405. 

Germ. V. ap. GregoroV. B. il S. 97. ' Ibid. n. 606. 



against another attack of the Saracens. He urged on the 
repairing of the walls and the strengthening of the gates and 
towers, and superintended in person, on foot and on horse- 
back, the progress of the works. But the most important 
part of this undertaking was the enclosing of the Vatican 
district and the Basilica of St. Peter's in a wall. Thus 
arose, as it were, a new city, which received, after its 
founder, the name of Civitas Leonina. A project of the 
same kind had been entertained, and indeed some begin- 
nings had been made, by Leo HI. ; but the rising walls 
had been destroyed by the Eomans themselves. The un- 
dertaking of Leo. IV. had been sanctioned by the Emperor 
Lothaire, who also defrayed part of the expense. The 
circuit was not so extensive as that of the present walls, 
built by Urban VIII. The walls of Leo, commencing at the 
Castle of S. Angelo, proceeded so as to enclose St. Peter's, 
and then descended to the river below the modem gate of 
S. Spirito. They were bmlt of tufo and brick, were forty 
feet high and nineteen feet thick, and were defended by 
forty-four strong towers. They had three gates : a small 
one near the castle, called Posterula S. Angeli ; a large one, 
the chief entrance, named after the adjoining church Porta 
S. Peregrini, and later Porta Viridaria; while another 
small gate, called Posterula Saxonum, corresponding to the 
modem gate of S. Spirito, connected the Civitas Leonina, 
or Borgo as it was also called, with the Trastevere. Traces 
of the wall may still be recognised ; and a tower now ex- 
tant in the gardens of the Vatican will convey an idea of 
their strength. This fortification, commenced in 848, 
was not completed till 852. On the 27th of June of that 
year, the pope at the head of the clergy, barefooted and with 
ashes on their heads, walked in solemn procession round 
the new walls, invoking the Almighty to preserve the 
new town from the assaults of the infidels. The cardinal 
bishops sprinkled the walls with holy water, and at the 
third gate the pope himself offered up a solemn prayer. 

BB 2 


The ceremony was concluded with a high mass at 
St. Peter's ; after which Leo distributed among the Boman 
nobles presents of gold and silver, and costly silken 

The walls of the Leonine city had not been long com- 
menced when, in 849, the Saracens threatened another 
attack. Leo IV., to guard against such an invasion, had 
formed a league with the towns of Amalfi, Naples, and 
Gaeta, whose vessels had joined the Eoman squadron. 
Scarce had the pope bestowed his blessing on the allied 
fleet, when on the following day the vessels of the Saracens 
appeared off Ostia. The allies hastened to the attack, and 
were gaining the advantage when a terrible storm dispersed 
the combatants. But many of the Saracen vessels were 
stranded or captured, and the crews either put to death 
or made prisoners. The latter were employed in raising 
the walls of the new town.* This battle is also painted 
by EaffaeUe in the same apartment as the ' Licendio del 

Leo rV., besides these works in the city, enclosed Porto 
with a wall, and replenished its inhabitants with colonists 
from Corsica. For the inhabitants of Centumcellaj, 
which had been ruined by the Saracens in 812 and be- 
come almost a swamp, he built about twelve miles from 
that place a new town, called after him Leopolis. It 
found, however, no favour in their sight, and after a while 
they returned to their former residence, which, after the 
building of the new town, had obtained the name of Civiti 
Vecchia. Leo founded at Rome the church of S. Francesca 
Romana, partly on the site of Hadrian's Temple of Venus 
and Eome, besides other churches ; and he enriched the 
Basilica3 of St. Peter and St. Paul with various splendid 
gifts. It forms no part of our plan to record the visits 
of emperors and kings to the city of the popes ; but it 

* Anastas. d. 534 sq. > Md, n. 497. 

Sect. Vm.] ALFRED AT ROME. 878 

may be mentioned that the Anglo-Saxon king Ethelwolf 
went thither in the last year of Leo's reign with his son 
Alfred, then six years of age, and spent there a whole 
twelvemonth. In the course of this visit Ethelwolf was 
crowned by Leo IV. Ethelwolf endowed the Holy See, 
besides other hberalities, with a yearly grant of 300 
mancuses, two-thirds of which were appropriated to sup- 
port the lamps at St. Peter's and St. Paul's, while the 
remaining third went into the pocket of the pope. 
Ethelwolf is also said to have restored the Anglo-Saxon 

During the remaining half of the ninth century Home 
underwent a few more sieges, but the effects of them on 
the city do not appear to have been important, or at all 
events the details are unknown. The entry of the Em- 
peror Louis IL with his army in 864 inflicted much 
damage on the inhabitants, but we do not hear of the 
monimients having suffered. The same may be said of 
the surprise of Home by Lambert, Duke of Spoleto, after 
the death of Pope Nicholas L in 867. The invasion of 
the Saracens in 876 proved highly destructive to the 
country round Eome ; the Campagna was devastated, the 
farms and vineyards ruined ; those peasants who were 
unable to take shelter within the walls were either killed 
or carried into slavery. But though the Infidels often 
menaced the gates of the holy city, they were imable to 
effect an entry. John VIIL, who then occupied the chair 
of St. Peter, was a vigorous and warlike character, a pro- 
totype of JuUus n. He fitted out a fleet of galleys, or 
dromones^ a name which they still bore as in the time of 
Belisarius, and, taking the command in person, completely 
defeated the Saracen fleet off the promontory of Circe.^ 
But, in spite of this victory, he found it expedient to buy 
a peace of the Infidels with a yearly tribute of 25,000 

» Anaatas. Vita Leon, IV. • See Gregorov. Bf. iii. S. 201, 


niancuses} In 894 the Gterman king Arnulph appeared 
with an army before Eome at the invitation of Pope For- 
mosus, who had been imprisoned by the Eomans in the 
Castle of S. Angelo. Amulph's troops assaulted and took 
the Gate of S. Pancrazio and liberated the pope. Ar- 
nulph, who had remained at Ponte MoUe, was conducted 
into Borne the following day by a solemn procession of 
the clergy and people, among whom we find the Greek 
school still mentioned,^ 

In the tenth century, a new enemy, the Magyars, or 
Hungarians, frequently showed themselves before the 
gates of Rome and devastated the Campagna, but they do 
not appear to have penetrated into the city. During the 
same period Eome sustained several sieges by Hugo of 
Provence and Otho the Great ; the effects of which, how- 
ever, seem not to have been important, and at all events 
cannot be determined. Eome was now fast falling into 
the deepest abyss of political and moral degradation. The 
papacy, had been subjugated by the German emperors, 
who bestowed the chair of St. Peter on their ministers 
and favourites. The pope, however, was at this time 
little more than a name or shadow. The Eoman nobles, 
the captains and great feudatories of the church, wrested 
from him all his power, and contended for it with one 
another, and the Vatican and Lateran were often stained 
with the blood of hostile factions. Sometimes we find 
the tiara bestowed by two sister courtesans, Marozia and 
Theodora, sometimes seized by a patrician and converted 
into a family possession, and sometimes bartered and sold, 
as by Benedict IX. The papacy, observes Gregorovius,* 
at this period, hitherto an hereditary fief of the Counts of 
Tusculum, was morally and politically demohshed; the 
temporal dominion, that fatal present of the Carlovin- 

* The mancus was a silver coin of (Pertz) ap. Papencordt, p. 169. 
the value of about half a crcwn. ' B. iv. S. 61. 

^ Cont. Anftal, Fuldens. p. 411 sq. 



gians, the mother of a thousand evils, had vanished ; for 
the church could scarcely command the nearest fortresses 
in her dominions. A hundred small and greedy barons 
stood ready to fall upon Eome ; all the highways were 
infested with robbers, the pilgrims were plundered, and 
the churches lay in ruins, while the priests were wallowing 
in bacchanahan debauch. Daily assassinations rendered 
the roads unsafe; nay, the Eoman nobles even broke, 
sword in hand, into St. Peter's, and carried off the gifts 
which pious hands had laid upon the altar. 

In such a state of things there was no body of citizens, 
no respectable middle class, out of which a constitutional 
state might be formed. The export trade of Eome was 
confined to selling the corpses and reUcs of martyrs, or 
reputed martyrs, the images of saints, and perhaps a few 
old codices, the chief purchasers of which were the innu- 
merable pilgrims who resorted to the city. For although 
Rome was in such a dreadful state of dissolution and an- 
archy, the idea of it, as the head of Christendom, had still 
a mighty influence abroad. Thus we find King Canute 
making a journey thither in 1027, on which occasion he 
was present at the coronation of Conrad 11., and also met 
Eodolph in.. King of Aries, or Burgundy, from which 
monarchs he obtained a promise of protection for English 
pilgrims who might pass through their territories.^ A few 
years later (1050) Eome appears to have been visited by 
the Scottish king Macbeth. The trade to wliich we have 
alluded seems to have been a most lucrative one. The 
toe or the finger of a martyr might be a morsel for men of 
moderate wealth, but none but princes or bishops could 
afford to purchase a whole skeleton. Thus the catacombs 
were in those days the El Dorado of the popes, and a 
watch was constantly kept upon them to prevent their 
contents from being rifled. The bones of a martyr were 

» See his letter in V^illiam of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anghrum, 
lib. ii. § 183 (vol. i. p. 808, Hardy). 


the most valuable present that the pontiff could bestow 
upon a city. On such occasions they were conveyed from 
Borne in richly ornamented carriages, and escorted to some 
distance from the gates by long processions of monks 
singing hymns and bearing lighted torches. 

If Eome in this period of anarchy can be said to have 
had any constitution, it must be called an aristocratic re- 
public under the presidency of a head called Senator of 
all the Eoraans. But though the Eoman nobles claimed 
the title of senators, and even the female members of 
their families were sometimes called senatrices, it does 
not appear that any senate existed as a poUtical body. 
The nobles laid claim to elect the emperor as well as the 
pope. The decree of Pope Nicholas 11. in 1059, by 
which the election of a pope was assigned to the college 
of cardinals, subject only to the approval of the clergy and 
people, and afterwards to the confirmation of the emperor, 
was a great step towards the restoration of the papal 
power. This measure was the work of Hildebrand, the 
leader of the reform at Eome, who afterwards, as Pope 
Gregory VII., raised tlie papacy to an unexampled height 
of power. It would exceed, however, both the limits and 
the scope of this work to attempt to trace the vicissitudes 
of the papal domination, and we must content ourselves 
with recording some of the more immediate and striking 
effects produced on the city of Eome itself by this por- 
tentous struggle between the spiritual and temporal 

The excommunication of the Emperor Henry IV. by 
Pope Gregory VII., and the humiliation and penance of 
that monarch before the haughty pontiff at Canossa must 
be regarded as the most extraordinary triumphs of the 
papacy. But they were not achieved with impunity. 
The fortunes of the emperor rallied, and after causing 
Gregory to be deposed by a council held at Pavia in 1081, 
and Guibert to be appointed in his stead with the title of 


Sbct. Vm.] THE NORMANS AT ROME. 877 

Clement IH., he marched with his army to Eome, and 
encamped in the field of Nero, outside the district of the 
Vatican. This siege, however, as well as another which 
he attempted in the following spring, proved fiiiitless. A 
third siege in 1083 was more successful. The Leonine 
city was assaulted and taken, June 2nd. But Gregory 
found a secure refuge in the Castle of S. Angelo, where 
he held out so long that Henry was again obliged to retire. 
The indefatigable emperor, however, again appeared before 
the opposite side of the city in March, 1084, and hav- 
ing effected an entrance through the Porta S. Giovanni, 
he, in company with the anti-pope, took up his residence 
in the Lateran. He now caused Clement III. to be re- 
cognised as pope by a parliament of the Eomans, and on 
the 31st of March, being Easter-day, he and his consort 
Bertha were crowned by that pontiff in the Basilica of 
St. Peter. But, notwithstanding this, Henry was far from 
being master of Eome. Gregory himself was again safely 
sheltered in the Castle of S. Angelo, while some of the 
strongest places in the city were occupied by his adhe- 
rents. His nephew, Eusticus, held the Caelian and Capi- 
toline hills, the Corsi were posted on the Capitol, the 
Pierleoni on the Tiberine island. These fortresses, how- 
ever, would perhaps have been ultimately reduced but for 
the opportune appearance of Eobert Guiscard and his Nor- 
mans, whose assistance Gregory had invoked. Eusticus, 
after enduring a siege in the Septizonium, by which that 
building was much damaged and many of its columns 
overthrown, had been compelled to surrender. The 
Capitol also had been stormed and taken. But the ap- 
proach of Guiscard with 30,000 foot and 6,000 horse 
obliged Henry to retreat. On the 21st of May he de- 
parted with Clement IH. by the Via Flaminia, having 
first caused the walls of the Leonine city and the towers 
on the Capitol to be destroyed. A few days after Guiscard 
entered by the Porta Lorenzo and conducted Gregory VIL 


fix)m the Mole of Hadrian to the Lateran Palace. But 
a rising of the Eomans, who were for the most part of 
the imperial or Ghibelline faction, induced Guiscard to 
set fire to the city. This was the most terrible calamity 
that Kome had suffered for many centuries. A great 
part of the inhabitants were either killed or enslaved. 
With regard to the damage done to the city on this occa- 
sion, the accounts vary very much. On the whole, how- 
ever, it cannot be doubted that the destruction was very 
great, especially about the region of the Lateran. After 
this catastrophe the Lateran gate obtained the name of 
Porta Perusta, or the ' burnt gate.' Flavins Blondus attri- 
butes the decay of the city to this conflagration.^ The 
C»lian and Aventine hills ceased to be thickly inhabited, 
that part of Eome was almost abandoned, and the popu- 
lation pressed more and more towards the Campus Mar- 
tins. It seems probable, however, that the ancient monu- 
ments were not much damaged by this fire. Hildebert, 
bisliop of Tours, who visited Eome a few years after 
Guiscard's entry, speaks at least of the vast remains which 
still existed : 

Tantum restat adhuc, tantum ruit, ut neque pars stans 
^quari possit^ diruta nee refici.' 

Hildebert seems to have been particularly struck during 
this visit by the beauty of the statues with which the city 
seems still to have abounded : 

Hie superum formas superi mirantur et ipsi 

Et eupiunt fictis yiiltibus esse pares. 
Non potuit Natura deos hoe ore creare 

Quo miranda dedm signa creavit homo.' 

The breathing figures, which could no longer be imi- 
tated, appear indeed throughout the middle ages to have 
been the universal theme of wonder and admiration ; 
whence we often find them connected with the most fan- 

* Hist. Decad. ii. lib. iii. p. 204. 

8 Hildeberti Opera, col. 1336 (ed. Paris, 1708). » Urid. 




tastic legends. Thus the Emperor Julian is said to have 
been persuaded to return to paganism by the sophistical 
pleading of a statue of Faunus, which stood near the 
church of Sta. Maria in Fontana, on the Esquiline.^ An- 
other legend says that the Bomans had consecrated on the 
Capitol seventy statues representing the nations they had 
conquered. Each of these statues had on its neck a bell ; 
and when any nation revolted, the figure representing it 
moved and rang the beU.^ It seems not improbable that 
this legend may have been suggested by the bell which 
Augustus is said to have aflBxed to the Jupiter Tonans 
whose temple he founded on the Capitol. The equestrian 
statue of Marcus AureUus, which now adorns the Capitol, 
had also its legend. The statue was then commonly 
assigned to Constantine;* but those who pretended to 
know better aflSrmed that it was erected in memory of a 
warrior who, when the city was besieged during the re- 
publican times by a powerful king who had come from 
the East, went forth at midnight, and, guided by the sing- 
ing of a bird to a place which the king frequented, seized 
him and brought him prisoner to Eome. In Uke manner 
the colossal statues supposed to represent the Dioscuri, 
which now stand on the Quirinal, had also a story attached 
to them. At the time when the Mirahilia was compiled, 
that is, about the thirteenth century, they were believed 
to represent two young philosophers, Praxiteles and 
Phidias, who came to Eome during the reign of Tiberius, 
and promised to tell him his most secret words and actions 
provided he would honour them with a monument. 

^ ' Ad S. Mariam in Fontana tern- the site was appropriate for a statue 

plum Fauni ; quod simulacrum locu- supposed to represent him. It was 

turn est Juliano, et decepit eum.' — probably placea there by Pope Ser- 

MirabUia RonuBy sub fin. gius III. when he re-erected the Late- 

' Anonymus Salemitanus^ ad ann. ran, and dedicated it to St John. 

8d6y ap. Vertz^ Mon. Germ, Hist, Pope John XIII. employed the statue 

t iii. in a singular manner, by hanging on 

' In the middle ages this statue it by the hair a refractory prefect of 

stood near the Lateran. As this Ba- the city (ann. 966). 
silica was founded by Constantinei 


Having performed their promise, they obtained these statues, 
which represent them naked, because all human science 
was naked and open to their eyes. From this fable, wild 
and absurd as it is, we may nevertheless draw the infer- 
ence that the statues had been handed down from time 
immemorial as the works of Phidias and Praxiteles, though 
those artists had in the lapse of ages been metamorphosed 
into philosophers. May we not also assume the existence 
of a tradition that the statues were brought to Bome in 
the reign of Tiberius? In the middle ages the group 
appears to have been accompanied by a statue of Medusa, 
sitting at their feet, and having before her a shell. Ac- 
cording to the text of the Mirabilia^ as given by Mont- 
faucon in his Diarium Italicum^ this figure represented 
the Church. The snakes which surrounded her typified 
the volumes of Scripture, which nobody could approach 
unless he had been first washed — that is, baptised — ^in the 
water of the shell. But the Prague MS. of the Mirahilia^ 
interprets the female figure to represent Science, and the 
serpents to typify the disputed questions with which she 
is concerned. 

During these centuries the Eomans themselves did 
more damage to the ancient monuments than was occa- 
sioned by any foreign enemy, either by taking their ma- 
terials for building purposes, or by converting them into 
fortresses.' Towards the end of the ninth century, Cres- 
centius, whose aim it was to make himself master of 
Eome, drove out two popes, John XV. and Gregory V., 
and fortified himself in the Mausoleum of Hadrian. 
Cencius, who seems to have been a member of the same 
family, had in 1070 erected a tower close to the bridge 
which spans the Tiber here. This tower he filled with his 
retainers, and demanded toll from all who passed. The 
Orshii seem to have occupied in the eleventh and twelfth 

* PubliBhed by Ilofler, in bis edition of Papencordt, p. 40. 


centuries the theatre of Pompey, and to have succeeded 
the Crescentii at the Mausoleum of Hadrian. The Corsi 
occupied the Capitol, the Colonnesi the Mausoleum of 
Augustus and the Baths of Constantine, and so of others. 
But the most prominent of these families were the Frangi- 
pani and the Pierieoni. The Frangipani, whose name is 
said to have been derived from one of their ancestors 
having distributed bread among the poor during a famine, 
appear to be first authentically mentioned in the year 
1014. In the twelfth century we find them in possession 
of a large part of Eome, including the Colosseum and 
part of the Caelian and Palatine hills,^ the whole of which 
was converted into a fortress. The entrance to it was at 
the Arch of Titus, close to which was erected a strong 
brick tower, called the Turris Cartularia. Pope Urban 
XL, who was elected at Terracina in 1088, dwelt with 
John Frangipani in this tower when he came to Rome in 
1093. The Pierieoni, the rivals of the Frangipani, were 
of Jewish descent. Their fortress was near the present 
Ghetto, and consisted of the theatres of Marcellus and the 
Porticus Octavia, with some towers which they had erected 
near them. At the back they were secured by the Tiber. 
The memory of this family is still preserved by a street in 
the neighbourhood called Porta Leoni. The number of 
such fortresses in Rome and its vicinity may be inferred 
from the fact that the Bolognese Brancaleone, whom the 
Romans elected for their senator in 1252 on account of 
the feuds between the Colonna and Orsini, caused 140 of 
them to be destroyed.^ Modem Rome still retains some 
memorials of them in the names Tor de' Conti, Tor de' 
Specchi, &c. In the battles which occurred among these 
rival nobles within the walls of the city respecting the 
election of a pope or a prefect, in the revolution effected 

, ' In a bull of Pope Innocent IV., over to the Frangipani. Fea, Diss, 
the Colosseum is styled ' propriety $uUe Bovine di Mmoj p. 333. 
della sede ApoetoUca,' and is made * Matth. Paria p. 836 (ed. 1684). 



by Arnold of Brescia in 1145, and in other civil commo- 
tions of the like kind, the ancient monuments must no 
doubt have frequently suffered ; but any attempt to trace 
the damage actually inflicted would be utterly fiitile.^ Many 
ponderous tomes might be consulted for notices ; but after 
all, when the collected heap came to be winnowed, the 
result would be nz7, or next to it. We shall therefore 
endeavour in preference to obtain an idea of the Eoman 
remains at this period from two or three works professedly 
devoted to the subject. 

The works here alluded to seem to have been intended as 
guides for pilgrims or other persons visiting Eome ; they 
are, in short, the handbooks of the middle ages. Their con- 
tents are chiefly devoted to the ancient monuments, though 
modern ones are frequently mentioned in connection with 
them ; but the ignorance of the compilers, which is aggra- 
vated by the blunders of the copyists, frequently causes 
them to make strange havoc with the names and sites of 
the remains. The most ancient, and certainly the most 
correct, of these works is that of the Anonymus of 
Einsiedeln ; so called because the original MS. was dis- 
covered in the monastery of Einsiedeln in Switzerland.*^ 
It is supposed to belong to the age of Charlemagne, and 
must certainly have been written before the time of Pope 
Leo rV., since it takes no notice of the Leonine city. This 
performance, however, is not so much a guide-book as a 
kind of official description of the Eoman regions ;^ in 
fact, a dry catalogue, after the manner of the Curiosum^ 
of certain public buildings and other monuments. These 

* The beet accounts of the decay 
of the city during this period are 
that of the Ahbate Fea, ZHssertazione 
sulle Rovine diRoma, appended to the 
Italian translation of Winckelmann's 
Gesch. der Kimst des Alterthums ; the 
last chapter of Gibbon's Decline and 
FaU; and several chapters in Lord 
Broughton's Italy, But a perusal of 

these pieces will show how little that 
is tangible and certain can be said 
upon the subject. 

^ It is printed in Mabillon's 
Ancdectaj p. 564, and more correctiy 
in Haenel s Archivfiir Philohgie ttnd 
Pddagogik, B. v. S. 115 ff. 

' It is entitled Deacriptio Regio-' 
num Urbis KomcB, 



monuments, both ancient and modem, are mentioned as 
they occur to the right or left of a person walking from 
certain points of the city to other points. The chief routes 
are from St. Peter's to the church of Sta. Lucia in Orthea 
— apparently a corruption for Orpheo — a church lying 
near the fountain of Orpheus on the Esquihne ; from St. 
Peter's to the Porta Salaria ; from St. Peter's to the Porta 
Asinaria ; from the Porta Nomentana to the Forum 
Romanum ; ftx)m the Porta Flaminia to the Via Latera- 
nensis ; from the Porta Tiburtina to the Subura ; from the 
Porta AureUa to the Porta Praenestina, &c. The ancient 
monuments mentioned in the course of these routes are : 
the Circus Flaminius, the Eotunda (or Pantheon), the 
Baths of Commodus, the Forum and Colunm of Trajan, 
the statue of the Tiber, apparently that known as Mar- 
forio,^ the Capitol, the Umbilicus Romae, the Arch of 
Severus, the Baths of Constantine, the equestrian statue of 
Constantine (by which the author means that of M. Aure- 
lius), the Thermae Trajanae and Alexandrinae, the Anto- 
nine column, the Minervium, the Thermae Sallustianae and 
Diocletianae, the Claudian aqueduct and Forma Virginis, 
the Forum Romanum, the Flavian amphitheatre (the 
author does not appear to know, or refuses to recognise, 
the name of Colosseum), the theatre of Pompey, the arch 
of Titus and Vespasian, the arch of Constantine, the Meta 
Sudans, the Caput Africae, the Thermae Antoninianas 
(Caracalla's baths), the Circus Maximus, the Septizonium, 
whence there appears to have been a portico extending to 
the church of Sta. Anastasia. The porticoes about the 

^ This celebrated colossal statue^ 
well known as the vehicle for replies 
to the satires of Pasquin, stood, or 
rather reclined, in the middle ages, 
before the Mamertine prison, and 
gave name to the neighbouring 
ascent, the Salita di Marforio. It 
may now be seen in the court of the 
Capitoline Museum. It seems pro- 

bable, as Herr Gregorovius thinks, 
(B. iii. S. 570, Anm!) that the name 
of the statue was derived rather from 
corruption of Mavors than from 


Martis Forum. For though the 
Forum of Augustus contained a tem- 
ple of Mars U Itor, it does not appear 
to have been ever caUed lorum 


Via Lata, or modem Corso, appear also to have been ex- 
tant ; so that our author could walk through them from 
the church of St Silvester — apparently that near the Via 
della Vite — to the Antonine column ; and again fix)m that 
column, or near it, to the church of the Twelve Apostles. 

It is evident that this Ust does not exhaust the monu- 
ments which mujst have been at least partly extant in the 
time of the Anonymus, since several are omitted which 
may be seen at the present day, as the theatre of Marcel- 
lus, the Basilica of Constantine, the Temple of Venus and 
Eome, the column of Phocas, the Temples of Saturn, Con- 
cord, and other objects. This, however, affords a strong 
presumption that the monuments which the author does 
mention were actually extant.^ It is probable that a few 
may be concealed imder corrupt or fanciful names ; and 
thus the Arcus Eecordationis, for instance, may possibly 
be the Arch of Drusus. But though the list is not ex- 
haustive, it contains the names of many monuments, some 
of them very important ones, of which at present not a 
trace is to be found : as the Circus Flaminius, the Baths 
of Commodus, the Umbilicus Eomae, the Baths of Sallust, 
Trajan, and Alexander, the theatre of Pompey, the Circus 
Maximus, the Septizonium, and various porticoes. It is 
evident, therefore, that in the ninth century compara- 
tively large remains of ancient Rome were still extant ; 
but it is unfortunate that our author does not mention 
their condition ; and we can hardly doubt that most of 
them were in a ruinous state. 

It is still more provoking that the Anonymus, although 
in his collection of inscriptions he gives some that still 
existed on the Capitol, only cursorily mentions that object 
in his routes, without describing its state, or dropping tlie 

* Montfaucon was of opinion that have been at least partially extant 

the Anonymus Einsiedlensis men- appears from the fact that the 

tioned only existing monuments. Anonymus gives an inscription in 

See his Analecta, Monitum, p. 358. it (Inscrip, No. 50) recording its 

That the theatre of Pompey must restoration byArcadius and HoooiiiUL 



slightest hint which might lead us to determine the site 
of the Capitoline temple. The same complaint attaches 
to the later works of the same kind, the Graphia aurece 
urbis Romce, and the Mirahilia Romce ; though these, in- 
deed, from their greater Mness of context, aflford a some- 
what better clue to the researches of the topographer. 
How little can be done for the investigation of this per- 
plexing question through the notices afforded by the 
middle ages is evident from the treatment of it by Herr 
Gregorovius. This gentleman gives no decided opinion 
with regard to this much-agitated point ; but he evidently 
inclines to the German theory, which places the temple on 
Monte Caprino, or the south-western summit. But all 
that he can produce in support of this theory are the 
names of two churches, viz. Sta. Caterina sub Tarpeio, and 
S. Salvator in Maximis.^ The first of these instances is 
nothing to the purpose, since nobody ever doubted that 
the name of Jarpeius was more particularly applied to the 
south-western portion of the hill. The notice of the other 
church appears to be taken from an anonymous writer on 
the antiquities of the city in the time of Pope Eugene IV. 
(1431-1439). It runs thus : ' S. Salvatoris in Maximis 
in Capitolio ubi Jovis templum ; ' and the church itself is 
asserted to have stood on Monte Caprino till the year 
1587.^ It is singular, however, that in a list of all the 
Eoman churches contained in a MS. of the fourteenth 
century, preserved in the imiversity library at Turin, and 
published by Hofler in his edition of Papencordt's work, 
the name of this church does not appear at all on the 
Capitoline Hill, but further to the south.^ And this is 

^ Oeich, der Stadt Rom im MUtd- 
alter, B. iv. S. 446. 

> 'Diese Eirche stand bis 1687 
auf Monte Caprino gegen die Monta- 
nara hin.' — Ihid, Anm. 2. 

> The name appears in the district 
caUed SS. Cosma e Damiano. one 
of three regions into which Rome 

appears to have been divided for 
ecclesiastical purposesw The churches 
are enumerated in their order as 
they occur. Those near or on the 
Capitol are specified as follows : S. 
Adrian, S. Martina (at tbe eastern 
foot of the Capitol), S. Sergius and 
Bao^uB (on the site of the Temple 

C C 



confirmed by a passage of Lucius Faunus, which mentions 
the church at the foot of the hill.^ Wherefore, as the 
region of the Circus Maximus extended towards the 
Capitohne, and appears to have included the Velabrum, it 
seems probable that the church took its name fix)m the 

We are of opinion that a much more decisive testimony 
with regard to the site of the Capitoline temple may be 
extracted from the Mirahilia Romce. In the description 
of the Capitol in that work we read : ' Capitolium ideo 
dicitur, quia fuit caput totius mundi,' &c. Then, after the 
story about the statues with bells, which we have already 
related, it proceeds : ' erant enim et ibi plura templa ; 
nam in summitate arcis super porticum crinorum fiiit 
templum Jovis et Monetae,' &c. &c. So much for one 
summit of the hill ; the author then proceeds to describe 
the other as follows : ' Ex alia parte Capitolii supra Can- 
naparam templum Junonis/ Here, then, we have two 
summits of the hill distinctly specified, one overhanging 
the Porticus Crinorum, whatever that may be, the other 
overhanging, or standing upon, the Cannapara ; and tlie 
question arises, which was the north-eastern summit and 
which the south-western ? Herr Gregorovius solves this 
himself by stating that the Cannapara lay under Monte 
Caprino,^ from which it follows that the Temple of Juno 

of Concord)^ Sta. Maria de Ara Celi, 
Sta. Maria m Cannapara (the south- 
western summit of the Capitoline : 
see next note but one), Sta. Maria in 
Inferno (Sta. Maria Liiberatrice^ the 
title of which was * Sta. Maria libera 
nos a poenis inferni'), S. Theodore 
(under the Palatine), S. Giorgio in 
Velabro. Then, after several others 
in this direction, S. Salvator de Maxi- 
mis. I'apencordt, Stadt jRom^ S. 66. 
^ 'Quare multis post annis ad 
hujus collis radices S. Salvatoris 
cognomento in Maximis appellatum 
(templum) constat' — Ant. Urb. 
Jiomte, lib. ii. c. 4. This work waa 

published in 1548; hence a direct 
contradiction to the assertion that 
the church stood on the hiU in 1587. 
Indeed, the words of Faunus seem 
to imply that the church was not 
extant at all in his time. 

* 'Weiterhin die Canapara, und 
das Forum Olitorium, der heuti<re 
Platz Montanara.'— B. iv. S, 442. T\ e 
think, however, that Cannapara was 
the name of the south-western siun- 
mit itself. Thus, the ItaUan editor 
of the Mirahilia observes : — * Canrna- 
paria o Cannapara nomavasi quolla 
parte del Campidoglio che sovraitta 
all' ospedale deUa Conaolazione c sue 


stood on the south-western summit. The temple on the 
north-eastern height is called indeed in the Mirabilia 

* Templum Jo vis et Monetce' But this has no meaning. 
The Temple of Juno Moneta had no statue but of herself. 
The Temple of Jupiter Capitohnus, on the other hand, had, 
besides the image of Jove, one of Juno, but not Moneta, 
and another of Minerva. This has created some confusion 
in the ideas of the author of the Mirabilia. Nevertheless, 
it is plain from the whole context that by the * Templum 
Jovis et Monetae ' he means the great temple of Jupiter 
Optimus Maximus. In a passage of the Graphia, cited 
by Gregorovius, it is also called by the same name ; but 
some further characteristics are added which show that 
nothing but the great temple of the Capitoline Jupiter 
could have been meant. ' In summitate arcis, super por- 
ticum crinorum, fuit templum Jovis et Monetae, in quo 
erat aurea statua Jovis, sedens in aureo trono.'^ The 
golden statue and the golden throne, at that time of course 
only matters of tradition, could have belonged to no other 
temple than the splendid one of Jupiter Optimus Maximus. 

In opposition, therefore, to the somewhat late anony- 
mous writer adduced by Herr Gregorovius, the tradition 
of the earher middle ages, as represented by the Graphia 
and Mirabilia^ appear to favour the opinion that the Capi- 
tohne temple stood on the height of Ara Celi. But in fact 
we consider these mediaeval traditions worth very httle, 
and we will therefore give the supporters of the German 
theory the benefit of the following passage in the Graphia : 

* There are three pubUc prisons : one under the Capi- 
tol (by which is meant the career near the Church of 
St. Nicholas and Theatre of Marcellus) ; the second, the 

adiacenze^ siccome rileyasi dalla bolla anzi feces! menzione.' See the edi- 

delV Anti-papa Anacleto ii. riferita iion of the Mirabilia in the Effetneridi 

dal Padre Casimiro nella Storia di Letterarie di Homa, 1820; reprint^ 

S. Maria di Araceli. In tal caso il 1864, p. 61. 

Tempio di Giunone qui nominato h ^ GrapMa, ap. Ozanam; DocumetUs 

quello Btesso di Moneta del quale poc* InidiU, p. 165. 

cc 2 



Mamertine prison ; and the third, beyond the Appian Gate, 
near the Temple of Mars.'^ Though even here it might 
be said that ' sub Capitolio ' only means ' imder the Capi- 
tolii^e Hill/ for the Mirabilia, in enumerating the hilk, 
calls it Capitolium. We will now proceed to a more 
general examination of the two works just mentioned. 

The treatise entitled Graphia aurece urbis Romce * is 
evidently a compilation of anomalous materials at various 
intervals. In this view both Gregorovius and Ozanam, 
the editor of the Graphia^ agree.^ But as to the period 
over which the compilation extends, they entertain widely 
different opinions. That parts of it are of a later date 
than the middle of the twelfth century can indeed admit 
of no dispute, since it mentions the tombs of Popes Inno- 
cent n. and Anastasius IV., the first of whom died in 
1143, and the second in 1154. The question as to how 
far it reaches back presents more difficulty. The last 
part of it, which describes the ceremonial for the recep- 
tion of an emperor, the naming of a patrician, &c., Grego- 
rovius refers to the time of Otho II. or III. (973 to the 
end of the century) ; whilst Ozanam, we think with more 
probability, assigns it to the time of the Greek emperors, 
and consequently to a period earher than the middle of 
the eighth century, when the connection between Eome 
and Constantinople was broken off. We think that 
Ozanam's view is supported by the many Greek names of 
persons and things, though written with Latin letters, 
which occur in this part of the treatise, which would 
hardly have been used under the German emperors ; and 
also by the nature of the ceremonial enjoined. Take for 

* ' Tria sunt priyata pu'blica : unum 
Bub Capitolio ; alterum privata Ma- 
mertini; tertium foris portam Ap- 
piam juxta templum Martis.' — Ora- 
phta, ]p. 100. Tne passage does not 
occur m the Mirabma, 

* Urst published by Ozanam, from 
a MS. of toe 13th or 14th century in 

the Laurentian library at Florence, 
among his Documents In4dUs pour 
servir d VHigtoire h'tUraire de TItaik 
depuis le 8"* Steele jusnu au 13**. Paris, 

' See Ge$ch, der Stndt Rom, B. iii. 
S. 654, and Ozanam's introductoiy 




instance the explanation of the term Monocrator, or Em- 
peror : ' Monocrator appellatur a singularitate. Monos 
namque, grece, latine dicitur unus et singularis. Crator, 
grece, latine princeps/ What possible use could there 
have been for such explanations in connection with the 
German Caesars ? Nor can we believe that one of these 
emperors would have put on a chlamys, or a Dalmatica 
diarrhodina, and other extravagant dresses, crowns, and 
other ornaments described in this ceremonial ; or that he 
would have been accompanied by eunuchs, or have re- 
quired the people to bow down their heads before him to 
the ground. All these things bespeak the despotic and 
oriental manners of the Byzantine court ; and even the 
very name of the book, Graphia^ shows it to have had a 
Greek origin. 

The Graphia consists of three parts : a sort of historical 
introduction ; a description of the city and its monuments, 
which in the main coincides with the Mirabilia, but with 
many remarkable deviations ; and the imperial ritual to 
which we have akeady alluded. The introductory part 
recounts the origin of Eome in a series of absurd legends, 
in which Scripture is mixed up with the heathen mytho- 
logy. After the confusion of tongues at Babel, Noah is 
said to have passed into Italy, and to have founded a city 
named after himself, at a spot not far from Eome. Janus, 
who is made the son of Noah, with a grandson of the 
same name, the son of Japhet, and Cames,^ an aboriginal, 

^ Games ib also mentioned by Ma- 
crobius (Sat, i. c 7) as an indigenous 

Srince or hero^ who founded the 
aniculum. May he be the same 
personage as Camens, represented by 
Virgil (^n, X. 602) as kin^ of 
Amyclffi, and the greatest propnetor 
of liuid among the AusoniansF SeTe- 
ral of the Italian cities claimed an 
oriffin from the sons of Noah. Thus 
Milan traced its foundation to 8u- 
bres, a grandson of Ji^het ; Tuidl, 
son of Japhel^ was said to fasT^ hmH 

Ravenna; Florence ascribed its foun- 
dation to Jupiter, son of Uam, who 
came to Europe with his wife KUw^ 
toa, and his astrohwjf ApoJJo, ami 
built on the hill of fieMiT th^ «r.t 
aty in the wwld I Ozanam, /Ay^A 
menls IfUdUs, y HT, ^^ Am/f*lif,/ 
to th« same auth^/r, thwr nm ^t'^^ 
in the commuftaJ ynJ^M m V^^f^. « 



built soon after, on the other side of the Tiber, a palace 
called Janiculum ; while Nimrod, who is identified with 
Saturn, fortified the CapitoL Other personages of the 
heathen mythology are then introduced, but in strange 
confusion. Italus, at the head of a body of Syracusans, 
is related to have built a city on the Albula, or Tiber, 
which he called after himself. The construction of no 
fewer than seven cities at or near the same spot is then 
recorded — namely, an Argive city named Valentia under 
the CapitoUne Hill ; a city erected by Tibris, an aborigi- 
nal, near the river of the same name ; one on the Palatine, 
by the Arcadian Evander ; one in the valley, by Coribam, 
king of the Sacrani ; one by Glaucus, a descendant of 
Jove ; one by the daughter of jEneas, on the Palatine ; a 
palace and mausoleum by Aventinus Silvius, king of Alba, 
on the Aventine; lastly, aft;er the destruction of Troy, 
Romulus, a descendant of Priam, included aU these cities 
in a waU, and called the new one thus created Eome, 
after himself. Nearly all the nobles of the earth, with 
their wives and children, came to dwell- there — ^Etrurians, 
Sabines, Albans, Tusculans, Politanenses, Telenenses, Fica- 
nes, Janiculenses, Camerinenses, FaUsci, Lucani, and Itali ! 
One sees what may be expected from the learning and 
judgment of such an author. Nevertheless, if he and 
the compiler of the Mirabilia^ a book only less absurd 
because it is less long, had merely professed to tell us of 
the Roman monuments, what they themselves saw, we 
might have formed some idea of the state of Rome in the 
twelfth or thirteenth century, in spite of the extravagant 
legends which they have inserted. Unfortunately, how- 
ever, they do not confine themselves to this, but pretend, 
so far as their barbarous Latin is inteUigible, to give a 
description of pagan Rome, such as it existed in the time 
of the Republic and Empire ;^ and we have consequently 

' ' Haec et alia multa templa et Senatonim, Prefectonimque tempore 
palatia Imperatorum^ CoDsulum^ Paganorum (or Dictatorum) in hac 




^^ means of knowing, in their enumeration of the monu- 
ments, what were actuaUy in existence, and what were 
mentioned only from former works and from tradition. 

A few more specimens will serve to show how little 
the books we are noticing can be relied on. Hadrian's 
Temple of Venus and Eome was considered to be the 
Temple of Eomulus, and the two cells in it were thought 
to be dedicated to Piety and Concord. In this temple 
Eomulus was said to have placed a golden statue of him- 
self, with the affirmation, * It shall not fall till a virgin 
brings forth.' As soon as the Virgin Mary gave birth to 
Chrbt, the statue feU.^ The Arch of Severus was called 
the Arch of Julius Caesar and the Senators, which seems 
to show that the inscription on it must have been at that 
time hidden by buildings on or near the arch ; ^ and indeed 
in Montfaucon's edition of the Mirabilia we read that it 
was then occupied by towers called De Bratis.* Vespa- 
sian's and Titus' Temple of Peace is said to be ' juxta 
Lateranum ;'* while in another passage we find it indi- 
cated in the right place but under a wrong name.* But 
it would be needless to multiply instances to show how 
utterly untrustworthy are these topographical guides. 

The Ordo of the Canon Benedict {Ordo RomanusXL\ 
describing the route from St. Peter's to the Lateran taken 

Komffi urbe fuere, ricut in priscis statuam suam auream, dicens : Non 

annalibos legimus, et oculis nostris cadet donee virgo pariat. Statim ut 

yidimus, et ab antiquis audivimus. Virgo Maria pepent, ilia corruit.'— 

Quanta© easent pulcritudinis auri, Ibid, 158. The Mirabilia haa the 

argenti, »ri«, eboris ac pretiosorum same story, p. 18. 
lapidum, scriptM ad poeterum me- » *Arcus Julii CfiBsaris et sena- 

moriam melius reducere curavimus.' torum inter rodem Concordise et 

— 6^;iAta. ap. Ozanam^p. 171. The Templum Fatale' (the Temple of 

Mirabilia has a similar passage sub Janmy^Orapkia, p. 157. S^ also 

fin. the Mirabilia, 

' ' Areu. y«pM«m et Titi, .d • « Arou. Julii Caswrig «t Sonn- 

SancUm M»rttin >o«m, inter Pil- torum ante «. MwUnMu, uM u„A., 
lantern (PaUanteum, th« Vinnuaa aunt tmrM d« Itntu,' 
name for the Palatine^ «t teniplam * OrapUa, p, \l%i 

tia et Coocoidw, Hh liumfAm fmit fliHl ftefe*! Utmmf—UH. f, UTfi 



by the procession of the pope after hia coronation, in 
which the more striking ancient monuments were pur- 
posely visited/ also affords a gUmpse of them during the 
middle ages. This Ordo is addressed to Guido di Castello, 
who afterwards became Pope Celestine EL, and must, 
therefore have been written before the year 1143.^ The 
procession, which formed a sort of papal triumph, was 
commonly called II Possesso, and the route taken was 
named * Via Sacra,' like the sacerdotal road in ancient 
Eome. The pageant was repeated every year on the 
second holiday after Easter Sunday.* 

When mass was ended at St. Peter's, the pope was 
crowned in front of that Basilica. Here he mounted his 
horse with a crown on his head, and returned to the 
Palace of the Lateran by the following 'Sacra Via:' 
through the portico, over Hadrian's bridge, and under 
the triumphal arch of Theodosius, Valentinian, and 
Gratian, to the Palace of Chromatius,* where the Jews 
saluted him with a song of praise (faciunt laudem) ; then 
through the district called Parione between the Circus of 
Alexander (Piazza Navona) and the Theatre of Pompey, 
turning then to the Portico of Agrippina (apparently the 
Pantheon), so through the place or region called Pinea 
(Eione Pigna), near the Palatina ; ^ then passing in front 
of St. Mark's (adjoining the present Palazzo di Venezia), 
the procession passed through the arch called Manus 

* Gregorovius (B. iv. S. 614, 
Anm. 2) tliinks that the serpentine 
line taken hy the procession was 
adopted because the route was en- 
cumbered by rubbish. But the 
evident intention was to visit the 
moat remarkable ancient monuments 

^ See Mabillon, Musantm Ital, 
t. ii. p. 125 sqq. 

' See Cancellieri, Sloria de' solenni 
Possessi de^ sommi Pontefici. c. iii. 
§ 4, p. 10 (Koma, 1802). The ne- 
cessary extract from the Ordo will 
also be found in this work; and in 

Fea*8 Dissertasione S^, According 
to MabiUon (ap. Cancellieriy p. 1), 
the first coronation of a pope was 
that of Leo III. in 796. 

* The Grcmhia places this palace 
*ad S. Stephanum in Piscina,' p. 
170. Parts of this palace were dis- 
covered when the Cfhurch of S. Se- 
bastian in the Via S. Lucia was 
pulled down. Besckr, der Stadt Rmn, 
B. iii. 3, S. 84. 

* According to Gregorovius, B. iv. 
S. 613, a place anciently called ad 
PaUacenas, near St. Mark's. 



Cameae, ascended the Clivus Argentarius, between the 
insula of the same name and the Capitol (the Salita di 
Marforio)/ descending before the Mamertine prison. The 
pope then passed through the triumphal arch (that of 
Severus), which hes between the Templum Fatale (the 
Temple of Janus) and the Temple of Concord ; whence, 
proceeding between the Forum of Trajan and that of 
Caesar, he passed through the Arch of Nerva, between 
the temple of the same goddess and the Temple of Janus/^ 
He then proceeded along the paved road before the 
Asylum — ^it is impossible to say what may be meant by 
this evidently wild conjecture — where Simon Magus fell 
close to the Temple of Eomulus;^ then through the 
triumphal arch of Titus and Vespasian, or, as it is called, 
of the Seven Candlesticks; descending thence to the 
Meta Sudans, in front of the triumphal arch of Constan- 
tine, and turning to the left before the Amphitheatre, the 
procession returned to the Lateran by the Sancta Via, or 
Holy Way, close to the Colosseum. 

As the Ordo of Benedict is an official programme, we 
may be sure that the objects which it mentions were in 

^ By the insiila must be meant the 
place where the Basilica Argentaria 
once stood. Observe here the north- 
eastern summit of the Capitoline 
hill called Capitol, The *Arcus 
Manus CameiB cannot bo identified 
with any certainty, but the Mirahilia 
seems to attribute it to Antoninus. 
The Graphia explains its name by 
the following legend: — The Empe- 
ror Diocletian had ordered Sta. Lucia 
to be beaten to death here with rods. 
The man who beat her was turned 
into stone; but his hand has re- 
mained flesh to the present day ! 
P. 158. 

' The text has 'subintrat arcum 
Nervia)/ which is plainly an error 
for ' Nervffi.* The Forum Transito- 
rium of Nerva adjoined that of 
Csesar; and it appears from this 
passage that the archway between 

them was extant in the 12th century. 
But Benedict has evidently con- 
founded the Emperor Nor\'a with 
the goddess iJftnerva, We have seen 
that Domitian, whose Forum it really 
was, erected here a Temple of Mi- 
nerva, and also a Temple of Janus 
(see above, p. 248), quite distinct from 
the little oronze Temple of Janu.<4. 
These are the two temples which 
Benedict intends to specify. 

• Gregorovius (B. i. S. 614, Anm.), 
rejecting here both the conjecture of 
Becker that by this is meant the zBdes 
Penatium, and that of Bunsen, that 
the Temple of Venus and Rome is 
intended, thinks that the Basilica 
Constantini is meant. But I havo 
already shown that at this time, as 
Bunsen assumes, the Temple of 
Venus and Rome passed for that of 


existence ; and thus, so far as it goes, it is a more trust- 
worthy guide than the Graphia or Mirahilia as to the 
state of the Roman monuments in the twelfth century ; 
though, Uke the Descriptio Regionum of the Anonymus 
of Einsiedehi, it is not exhaustive, and mentions only those 
which occur on a certain route. We may gather from 
it that, in addition to the monuments which we still see, 
the following ones at least were then in existence : the 
triumphal arch of Theodosius, Valentinian, and Gratian ; 
the stadium of Domitian (or at least some remains of it), 
which seems then to have borne the name of the CJircus of 
Alexander, possibly from some restorations by Alexander 
Severus ; the theatre of Pompey, though doubtless in 
ruins, the very site of which is now uncertain ; an arch 
under the north-west side of the Capitol ; the little Temple 
of Janus, or at all events some memorial of the spot where 
it stood ; remains of the fora of Trajan, Caasar, and Nerva, 
with the arch leading into the last ; Domitian's Temple of 
Minerva (at the Colonnacce), and his Janus Quadrifrons, 
or archway with four gates. ^ 

Gibbon, in the last chapter of his great work, has 
enumerated the four following causes of the decay of the 
Eoman monuments : 1, the injuries of time and nature ; 

2, the hostile attacks of the barbarians and Christians; 

3, the use and abuse of the materials ; 4, the domestic 
quarrels of the Romans. That the lapse of time alone, 
unaided by the natural phenomena of hurricanes, earth- 
quakes, fires, and inundations, would have had but little 
efiect, is evident from the fine state of preservation of 
some of the Eoman monuments after a period of near 
2,000 years. Earthquakes and hurricanes, though not of 
a very destructive kind, have no doubt sometimes oc- 
curred at Rome ; but it would be impossible precisely to 
indicate any damage to the ancient monuments which they 
might have occasioned. The most destructive earthquake 

* See above, p. 249. 


recorded is that of the year 1349, mentioned by Petrarch 
in his letters.^ But the damage which he particularises 
was confined to comparatively modem buildings : the Tor 
de' Conti, the church of St. Paul, and the roof of the 
Lateran. The ruin of the south side of the Colosseum 
has indeed been sometimes attributed to this earthquake, 
but it does not appear that this opinion rests on any 
satisfactory authority. Tremendous overflowings of the 
Tiber are recorded in the time of Gregory the Great, in 
the seventh and eighth centuries, in 1345, in 1530, and 
other years. One which occurred in 791 is said to have 
carried away the Flaminian gate, and borne it a long 
way up the city.^ But inundations would act only on the 
low-lying parts of Some near the Tiber, and even here 
they would be powerless against the nobler and more 
soUd structures. The Mausolea of Augustus and Hadrian, 
the Pantheon, the theatre of Marcellus, the Janus near 
the Forum, and even the Arch of the Goldsmiths, and the 
two Uttle temples now converted into the churches of 
Sta. Maria del Sole and Sta. Maria Egiziaca, which are of 
no great strength, and stand close to the brink of the 
Tiber, have survived all the overflowings of that river. 
Fire would doubtless be a more destructive element, 
and when the city was in a tolerably perfect state it 
doubtless occasioned some damage : but in the middle 
ages, when only the more soUd monuments had survived, 
and when these had become in a great measure isolated 
from other buildings, the rbk from fire would have con- 
stantly diminished. 

We agree with Gibbon in thinking that the barbarians, 
however they may have plundered Eome, did compara- 
tively httle damage to its monuments. When we consider 
the state of their engineering science, how often they 
fruitlessly besieged Eome, where they seldom efiected an 
entry except through treachery and stratagem, we may 

* Lib. X. ep. 2. • Anostas. Vit. Adnani, § 366. 


confidently infer that, even admitting they had been 
inclined to destroy the buildings, they would not have 
wantonly undertaken a task which, before the use of 
gunpowder, must have presented enormous difficulties and 
labour. The accusations against the barbarians on this 
head are for the most part couched in vague and general 
terms, and many of them are evident exaggerations : as 
when Pope Gelasius says that 'Alaric overturned the 
city;' when Cassiodorus, and after him Philostorgius, 
says that most of the wonders of Kome were burnt, &c.^ 
If we analyse these accounts, we find only three specific 
cases of damage to the ancient monuments : the burning 
of the house of Sallust near the Salarian gate by Alaric ; 
the stripping of the gilt tiles from the Capitoline Temple 
by Genseric ; and the destruction of the aqueducts by 
Vitiges, The second instance shows that the barbarian 
conquerors cared only for such objects as were of market- 
able value. The destruction of the aqueducts was a 
mere strategical act for the purpose of forcing the city to 
surrender ; and though its efiect was to cause the ruin of 
the baths, Vitiges cannot be justly charged with having 
maliciously sought that result. 

We cannot agree with Gibbon in thinking that ' the 
most potent and forcible cause of destruction was the 
domestic hostilities of the Eomans themselves.' Tliis 
cause he finds in the custom of the nobles of erecting 
their towers on the ancient temples and arches. But 
bfeore the use of gunpowder, or even after, the attack of 
a fortress was very far from implying its total destruction. 
The fortification, if it could be taken at all, was generally 
carried by assault and scaling. The very number of these 
towers during the middle ages, not only in Eome, but also 
in other Italian cities, and indeed through a great part of 

* See the passages collected by inyestigated the causes of the de- 
Lord Broughton, Italy, vol. i. ch. 9. struction of Roman monumenta 
Lord Broughton has very carefully 


Europe, proves how impregnable they were. At Eome, 
tlie same fortresses seem to have remained in the posses- 
sion of the same families for several generations. Hence, 
in spite of the battering-rams and enormous stones which 
we read of as being employed in this domestic warfare, 
we are incUned to adopt, what may seem a very para- 
doxical opinion, that the appropriation of the ancient 
monuments by the nobles, and the conversion of them 
into strongholds, rather tended, on the whole, to their 
])reservation. It saved them from neglect and decay, 
from pillage and appropriation for the sake of their build- 
ing materials, or the lime which they afforded. An argu- 
ment in confirmation of this view may be adduced from 
the fact that nearly all the monuments which Gibbon 
mentions as having been converted into fortresses are 
among the best preserved. The ' triumphal monument 
of Julius C«sar ' is, as we have seen, no other than the 
arch of Septimus Severus. The arch of Titus is in a very 
tolerable state of preservation, although it formed part of 
the fortress of the Frangipani ; and the same may be said 
of the Colosseum, which was included in their enceinte. 
The Colosseum probably came into the possession of the 
Frangipani in the eleventh century. In the following 
century we find them sheltering two popes in it. Inno- 
cent n. and Alexander III. About the middle of the 
thirteenth century, the Frangipani were driven out by the 
Annibaldi, who held it to 1312 ; after which it appears 
to have again become the property of the State. The 
defective portions of that building were not knocked 
down by battering-rams, but were most probably carried 
off peaceably and leisurely to build modern palaces and 
churches. Nothing can impress us with a stronger idea of 
this magnificent structure, than the fact that some of the 
finest palaces in Eome were built out of a small part of its 
materials. The arch of Antoninus, if it ever existed, has 
certainly disappeared, but in what manner is unknown. 


The Mole of Hadrian, which has endured more si^es 
than any fortress in Eome, still subsists. The Septizonium 
of Severus, which, as Gibbon observes, ' was capable of 
standing against a royal army,' survived to be pulled down 
by Pope Sixtus V. The sepulchre of Metella, which the 
liistorian describes as having ' sunk under its outworks,' 
is still standing. Of the theatres of Pompey and Mar- 
cellus, the strongholds of the Savelli and Ursini famihes, 
the former has vanished, but a good portion of the latter 
exists. But the theatre of Pompey can hardly have been 
destroyed by a siege ; and out of the whole list of monu- 
ments mentioned by Gibbon, there is not one the destruc- 
tion of which can with any certainty be referred to such 
a cause. 

We are, therefore, inclined to think that to Gibbon's 
third cause, the use and abuse of the materials, the de- 
struction of the Eoman monuments must principally be 
referred. Under this head we include the destruction of 
the pagap temples and monuments through the zeal of 
the early Eoman Christians, the conversion of them into 
churches by the emperors and popes, the appropriation of 
the materials either for building piuposes, or for making 
lime ; as well as the removal of buildings for what was 
considered to be the improvement of the city. We do 
not mean to deny that all the causes enumerated by Gib- 
bon may, in a greater or less degree, have contributed to 
the destruction of the Eoman monuments. We only 
mean to assert that by far the most destructive cause was 
the use, or abuse, of the materials, and that the Romans 
were thus the principal demolishers of their own city. 
This spoliation was at least as early as the time of Con- 
stantino, who robbed an Arch of Trajan to deck his own, 
and even carried off some objects to Byzantium. After 
the introduction of Christianity at Eome, the temples 
suffered through the neglect, as well as through the 
violence, of the Christians. An exulting passage of St 


Jerome paints in lively colours their state in the fourth 
century. ' The once golden Capitol is now squalid. All 
the Boman temples are covered with soot and cobwebs ; 
and an overflowing population rushes past the half- 
demolished shrines to repair to the tombs of the mar- 
tyrs.'^ The early Christians were prompted both by 
religion and economy to convert the pagan temples into 
churches. Fabricius, in his Description of liome^ mow- 
tions fifty-eight churches which had been erected on Mites 
where temples had previously stood.^ In sucli cases even 
their very names were for the most part obliterated by 
those given to the new structures. 

The process of spoliation, conversion, and deHtruction 
was pursued by the emperors and the po[)es, and (jvcu by 
private individuals. We read of a widow making u \UV' 
sent of eight columns, belonging to a ruined tinnple on tlu< 
Quirinal, to the Emperor Justinian, for the chunili of Stii. 
Sophia at Constantinople.* From this anecdotiJ wn u\\\y 
conclude that pieces of ground containing very coiiHiilnr 
able ancient ruins were liable to come into the p(»HHt'HHion 
of private individuals, who might dispose of tluj n*nminH 
as caprice or cupidity dictated. The edicts (Vtiriiuiilly 
promulgated by ihe emperors forbidding the destrurtitMi 
of the ancient monuments show that the |)i'a(*-ti(UJ was 
common. The lead, iron, and bronze were frecjuently 
extracted by common pilferers; a practice which ImstttncMl 
the decay of the structures. The emperors always cliiinuul 
a property in the public buildings of llom(j, and in tins 
respect the popes appear to have become their heiiu 
We have akeady mentioned that the sanction of Tliooas 
was obtained for the conversion of the Tantheon into a 
Christian church. Amongst instances of spoliation by 
emperors and popes, we hear of Ileraclius granting to 

* JSpisL ^-ii. ad Latam (Ep. 57, cd. ap. OmRV. AnL lionu t. iii. p. 410 aqn. 
Benedict). ' Fea, Uisutrlazione ^c\ p. a02, 

' FabriciuSy Descrip, HonuB, c. ix. Dote. 


Pope Honorius the bronze tiles either on the Temple of 
Venus and Eome, or on that assigned to Eomulus, for 
the roof of St. Peter's.^ Charlemagne carried off many 
columns from Eome to decorate his Basilica at Aix-la- 
Chapelle.^ During the dark ages, the Eoman people, after 
the establishment of a popular and senatorial government 
in 1144, appear to have had a much greater veneration 
than their magistrates for the ancient monuments. • By a 
decree of the senate and people in 1162, it was ordained 
that death and confiscation should be the penalties for any 
injury wantonly inflicted on the column of Trajan. But 
this good example did not become a precedent, or, at all 
events, was not extended to other monuments. The 
column of Trajan belonged at that time to the nuns of 
S. Ciriacus, while that of M. AureUus was attached to the 
convent of S. Sylvester.^ Otto, senator of Eome, about 
the middle of the fourteenth century granted tlie marble 
of a temple on the Quirinal for the steps forming the 
ascent to the church of Araceli. The following are some 
of the more prominent instances, collected by Lord 
Broughton, of the appropriation by the popes of ancient 
materials to modern buildings or other acts of destruc- 
tion^ : — Gregory III. transferred nine columns from some 
ancient building to St. Peter's. Adrian I., in order to en- 
large the church of Sta. Maria in Cosmedin, pulled down 
a building of Tiburtine stone of such vast dimensions that 
the labour of a great number of men was employed a 
whole year in demolishing it. In more modern times, 
Paul II. (Pietro Barbo) built a palace out of the stones of 
the Colosseum. The same structure served as an inex- 
haustible quarry to Paul HL (Famese) and his nephews. 
Paul in. also contributed to the destruction of the theatre 
of Marcellus, Trajan's Forum, the temple of Faustina, and 

* Anastas. lion, sub init, » Fea, DisBertazione, p. 855, sq. ; 

* See the authorities cited by Gregorov. B. iv. S. 641. 
Gibbon, ch. Ixxi. note 30. * jfto/y, ch. ix. 


other buildings. Sixtus IV. (della Eovere) demolislied an 
ancient temple near Sta. Maria in Cosmedin, the remains 
of a bridge, and the tomb of the Domitii, near the present 
Porta del Popolo : the burial-place of Nero.^ Alexan- 
der VI. (Borgia) demolished a pyramid, apparently that 
vulgarly called the tomb of Romulus, to make way for a 
gallery between the Vatican and S. Angelo. The same 
pyramid had been stripped of its marble many centuries 
before by Pope Donus I. Sixtus V. (Peretti) demolished 
the remains of the Septizonium and used them at St. Peter's, 
besides destroying other buildings. Urban VIII. (Barbe- 
rini) stripped the portico of the Pantheon of its bronze, 
and carried off part of the base of the tomb of CeciUa 
Metella to construct the Fontana Trevi. Paul V. (Bor- 
ghese) placed the only remaining column of the Temple of 
Peace before the BasiUca of Sta. Maria Maggiore, and took 
for his fountain on the Janiculum the entablature and 
pediment of a building in the Forum of Nerva. The last 
vestiges of the Circus Maximus seem also to have been 
removed in the time of Paul V. From the instances 
given, to which many more might be added, it is hardly 
too much to assume that the columns and marbles which 
adorn the Eoman churches are nearly all the spoils of 
ancient temples and other structures. The last act of 
spoUation committed by a pope appears to be the pulling 
down of an ancient arch in the Corso, under the Palazzo 
Fiano, by Alexander VII. (Chigi, 1655-1667). From bas- 
reUefs preserved in the Palazzo de' Conservatori, it appears 
to have been an arch of M. Aurehus. 

Besides the appropriation of the materials of ancient 
monuments to new structures, another fatal cause of de- 
struction was the practice of converting them into lime. 

* Domitian was buried in the (above, p. 24S\ Nero was buried on 

temple, or mausoleum, of the Flavian tlie Pincian IIill, in the tomb of the 

family (Suet. Domit 17), which, as Domitii (above, p. 233). 
we have seen, lay on tne Quirinal 

D D 


Flavio Biondo, the earliest author who wrote a book on 
the antiquities of Kome, in the first half of the fifteenth 
century, complains that when he saw vineyards existing 
on the former sites of magnificent buildings, the square 
Tiburtine stones of which had been reduced to lime, he 
felt incUned to loathe Eome as a residence.' -tineas 
Sylvius, afterwards Pope Pius 11., in a poem addressed to 
Bartolommeo Eoverella, makes a similar complaint : 

Oblectat me, Roma, tuas spectare ruinas^ 

Ex cujus lapsu gloria prisca patet. 
Sed tuus hie populus muris defossa yetuatis 

Calcis in obsequium marmora dura coquit. 
Impia tercentum si sic gens egerit annos. 

Nullum huic indicium nobilitatis erit* 

About the same period, or rather earlier, Manuel Chryso- 
loras, in a letter to John Palaeologus in which he institutes 
a comparison between modern and ancient Eome, adverts 
to the same deplorable practice, and remarks that the dty 
seemed to Uve on itself and to be nourished by its own 
destruction.^ The Florentine Poggio, whose treatise De 
Varietate Fortance^ describing the ruins of Eome, was 
written just before the death of Pope Martin V. in 1430, 
complains that the whole Temple of Concord, which, when 
he first came to Eome, was almost entire, had been re- 
duced to lime within his memory.* If this process was 
carried on at so fearful a rate, it is easy to infer how great 
must have been the destruction from it. The same destruc- 
tive process was continued at least down to the time of 
Pope Leo X. CastigUone, or rather Eafiaelle, in the letter 
to that pontiff on the state of Eome before quoted, com- 
plains that the monuments had been destroyed by the 
popes ; that their foundations had been undermined to pro- 

* Roma Instaurata, lib. iii. p. 83. * ' Romani postmodum ad calcem 

' Mabillon, Mm, Ital. t i. p. 06. rcdem totam et porticus partenij 

' avrt)v i/^' iavrfiQ rpitpiaBai icni disjectis columnia, sunt demolitL* — 

a^'iiXuifrOai, — 'ETriffToXij 'rrpog T6v*litfdi ' Ap. Salleng^^ Nov. Thesow, t. i- 

t'tjv fiiimXia, p. 109 (Paris, 1055). p. 505 A. 


cure pozzolano ; that modem Eome was almost entirely 
composed of the remains of ancient marble ; that many 
monuments had been destroyed during the eleven years 
in which he had lived in the city ; as an obeUsk in the Via 
Alessandrina, an unfortunate arch, and many columns and 
temples. The chief perpetrator of all this mischief was a 
certain M. Bartolommeo della Eovere.^ 

After this enumeration it will hardly perhaps be denied 
that the Eomans themselves, their emperors, popes, and 
magistrates, were by very far the principal destroyers of 
Eome; and that not by their civil wars, but by their 
works in time of peace. 

Poggio has fortunately left us in the treatise before cited 
a description of the Eoman ruins as they existed in his 
time ; from which it appears that they were not much 
more than what may still be seen. He sat down to con- 
template them among the fragments of the Tarpeian cita- 
del itself, behind the huge marble threshold of some gate 
that has now disappeared; where his eyesight or his 
memory supplied him with the following catalogue.^ 

There was then extant a double row of arches belong- 
ing to the Tabularium, of which only one now remains. 
The building was then used as a public depot for salt, 
and contained an inscription recording its building by 
the consuls Q. Lutatius and Q. Catulus. The tomb of C. 
Publicius Bibulus near the Capitol. The Pons Fabricius 
at the Insula Tiberina. An arch of Tiburtine stone which 
has now disappeared over a road near the Aventine, 
erected by P. Lentulus Scipio and T. Quinctius Crispinus. 
This arch is not mentioned in the Mirabilia and Graphia. 
The so-called trophies of Marius on the Esquiline. The 
pyramid of Cestius. 

These were all the remains of repubUcan Eome. It 
may be observed that the author takes no notice of regal 

' Letfere di Castiglione, p. 160. 

* See Sallengre, Nov. Themur, Ant, Hotn, t. i. p. 501 sqq. 

DD 2 


Eome, of the Cloaca Maxima or Servian walls. Of the 
works of the time of Augustus, all that remained entire 
were the Pantheon and an arch of Tiburtine stone, in- 
scribed with the name of Augustus, between the Palatine 
Hill and the Tiber. This arch has also vanished, nor is 
it mentioned in the topographies just cited, though they 
give an arch of Octavian at the church of S. Lorenzo 
in Lucina. But this is the arch of Marcus AureUus 
pulled down by Alexander VII. 

Of a later period, three arches nearly entire out of six of 
Vespasian's Temple of Peace and one column. It may be 
suspected that these were the three arches still extant of 
the Basilica Constantini, which Poggio does not mention 
and could not have overlooked. Part of the ancient wall 
of what he calls the Temple of Eomulus, at the church of 
SS. Cosma e Damiano. Some columns of the portico of the 
Temple of Antoninus and Faustina, which are still extant. 
Eemains of the Temple of Castor and Pollux — ^mistakenly 
so called for Venus and Eome — at Sta. Maria Nova. The 
round temple near the Tiber and Aventine — it is a good way 
from that hill — which he assigns to Vesta. A portion of a 
temple of Minerva, near the present Piazza Minerva, and a 
portico close to it buried under ruins, which served as a 
quarry for stones to make chalk. The walls of this temple 
were still standing in the time of Andreas Fulvius.^ A part 
of the portico of the Temple of Concord, to which we have 
before adverted. But this temple is now generally held 
to be that of Saturn, which Poggio places at S. Adrian : 
thinking probably that the Forum ran north and south, 
instead of east and west. The Temple of Concord, as we 
have seen, lay behind the arch of Severus. Poggio does 
not mention the three columns of the Temple of Titus 
and Vespasian. A portico of the Temple of Mercury at 
the fish-market. This, no doubt, is the Porticus Octavia 

' See his Ant. Urb. JRojn, 



in the Pescheria. A Temple of ApoUo at St. Peter's. 
Whatever may have been this temple, it has been de- 
stroyed by tlie enlargement of the Basilica. A very an- 
cient temple of Tiburtine stone with a single vault ; then 
occupied by the churcli of S. Michele in Statera, undet 
the Tarpeian. From its name it was erroneously taken 
to be the Temple of Jupiter Stator. A Temple of Juno 
Lucina was thought to have existed at S. Lorenzo in 
Lucina ; of course, also from the name. There were no 
remains. Very large and well-preserved remains of the 
baths of Diocletian and Severus Antoninus (Caracalla). 
Portions of the baths of Constantine on the Quirinal, 
much inferior to those just mentioned. They were iden- 
tified by an inscription. Large and handsome remains of 
the baths of Alexander Severus, near the Pantheon. A 
few ruins of the baths of Domitian (Titus). The trium- 
phal arches of Severus, Titus, and Constantine, almost 
entire, as they are now. The remains of an arch of Nerva, 
perhaps in the Forum Nerval, and the same arch appa- 
rently which Eaflaelle mentions as having been carried off 
from the Via Alessandrina. Parts of an arch of Trajan 
near what Poggio calls the Comitium. This was, perhaps, 
at the entrance of Trajan's Forum. Two arches on the Via 
Flaminia, or Corso : one near S. Lorenzo in Lucina, vulgarly 
called Triopolis^ was the arch of M. Aurelius already 
mentioned. The name of the other could not be deci- 
phered. It was probably that vulgarly known as the 
Arcus Manus Carneaj near St. Mark's, quite at the top of 
the Corso.^ Another of Gallienus, which Poggio places 
on the Via Nomentana, but which really stands on the 
ancient Via Prsenestina, near the church of S. Vito. Of 
all the aqueducts the Aqua Virgo alone was in use ; the 
rest were in ruins, and the course of some could not even 
be conjectured. Poggio describes the Colosseum as having 

* See above, p. 393. 

406 raSTORY OF THE CITY OF ROME. [Sict. Vm. 

been more than half destroyed to make lime ; an evident 
exaggeration. A portion of another theatre between the 
Tarpeian and the Tiber, which our author describes as 
having been projected by Julius Caesar. This must have 
been the theatre of Marcellus, which appears not to have 
been known by that name in the middle ages. The 
Mirabilia and Graphia call it Theatrum AntoninL Op- 
posite to it were several marble columns, said to be a 
portion of a roimd Temple of Jupiter, then occupied with 
new buildings and gardens. A third amphitheatre of 
brick, let into the walls, near Sta. Croce in Gerusalemme. 
A large open space for sports and spectacles called Agonis 
(the Piazza Navona). The mausolea of Augustus and 
Hadrian and the bridge of the latter emperor. The 
mausoleum of Augustus looked Uke a hill, was covered 
with vines, and bore the name of Augusta. That of 
Hadrian, called the Castle of S. Angelo, in great part de- 
stroyed, though the inscription was extant The column 
of Trajan with part of the inscription, and that of Anto- 
ninus (M. Aurelius), of which the inscription was obUte- 
rated. The tomb of Caicilia Metella on the Via Appia, 
the greater part of which had been reduced to lime (an 
evident exaggeration). Also a sepulchre of M. Antius 
Lupus on the Ostian Way. 

The enumeration of Poggio, though ample, is evidently 
incomplete. He omits the Circus of Maxentius, near the 
tomb of Cajcilia Metella, the Circus Maximus, some rem- 
nants of which seem to have been in existence nearly two 
centuries later, the double Janus in the Forum Boarium, 
the Septizonium, destroyed by Sixtus V., the ruins of the 
imperial palace, and perhaps two or three minor objects. 
Yet we may infer that some parts of the palace of the 
Caesars must have existed in the time of Poggio in a tole- 
rable state of preservation ; since even as late as the pon- 
tificate of Innocent X. (1644-55), a room was discovered 
adorned with gold tapestry, and others the walls of which 


were covered with silver leaf.^ All trace of the theatre 
of Pompey may then liave vanished ; while the tomb of 
the Scipios and the adjacent Columbarium were not yet 

At the time when Poggio wrote, the popes had returned 
from Avignon, but the schism was not yet entirely healed, 
nor the papal authority indisputably estabUshed. The 
Eomans rose against and expelled Eugenius IV. in 1434, 
but were soon glad again to submit to a sway which they 
found to be milder than that of the Ghibehne nobles. 
After the doings which we have recorded of some of the 
popes, we cannot but agree with Lord Broughton's opinion 
that their absence was on the whole rather favourable 
than otherwise to the ancient monuments : though, no 
doubt, the modem city suffered by their residence at 
Avignon. At Urban VL's return Eome numbered only 
17,000 inhabitants.^ In the time of Eugenius IV., Rome, 
observes a modem historian, ' was become a city of herds- 
men; its inhabitants were not distinguishable from the 
peasants of the neighbouring country. The hills had 
long been abandoned, and the only part inhabited was the 
plain along the windings of the Tiber; there was no 
pavement in the narrow streets, and these were rendered 
yet darker by the balconies and the buttresses which 
propped one house against another ; the cattle wandered 
about as in a village. From S. Silvestro to the Porta del 
Popolo, all was garden and marsh, the haunt of flocks 
of wild ducks. The very memory of antiquity seemed 
almost effaced : the Capitol was become the Goats' Hill 
(Monte Caprino), the Forum Romanum the Cows' Field 
(Campo Vaccino). The strangest legends were associated 
with the few remaining momunents.* ^ 

With the return of the popes the prosperity of the city 

* Gregorovius, B. iii. S. 507. ' Ranko's PopeSy vol. i. p. 480 

* Cancellieri, ap. Lord Brou^hton, (Mrs. Austin's translation). 
YoL Lp. 407; cfl Quicciardini, lib. xt. 


revived ; but the repairs of ancient buildings and erection 
of new ones which were the consequence of it, must have 
been fatal to many an ancient reUc. Pope Boniface EL 
(1389-1394) first erected on the Capitol, on the ruins of 
the Tabularium, a residence for the senator and his asses- 
sors. ^ The traditions attached to this spot naturally ren- 
dered it an object of attraction in all popular movements. 
It was here that the revolutionary government of Arnold 
of Brescia estabUshed itself (1144) ; when Pope Lucius XL, 
in a desperate attempt to regain his temporal power, was 
slain with a stone while assaulting it. Here, Petrarch had 
received his laurel crown (1341) ; here, the tribune Eienzi 
had promulgated the laws of the ' good estate.' At this 
period nothing existed on the Capitol but the church and 
convent of Ara CeU and a few ruins. Yet the cry of the 
people at the coronation of Petrarch, * Long life to tlie 
Capitol and the poet ! ' ^ shows that the scene itself was 
still more present to their minds than the principal actor 
on it. The repairs of ancient buildings and the erection 
of new ones, afterwards vigorously prosecuted by Martin V., 
Eiigenius IV., Nicholas V., and other pontiffs, must have 
been destructive to many ancient remains. Of Nicholas 
especially, the constructive energy had been so pernicious 
that uEneas Sylvius, whose poetical feeling and classical 
taste had been offended by the wholesale destruction of 
ancient monuments, issued in 1462 a bull prohibiting the 
practice.^ Nevertheless, a good deal was done in this 
way by Sixtus IV., the chief founder of the modem city, 
and by other succeeding pontiffs. Even the revival of 
literature and good taste in the pontificate of Leo X. did 
not at once put an end to this barbarous practice ; on 
which head we have already quoted the complaints of 

* At this period the administration foreigners. The municipal govern- 

of justice at Rome was intrusted to a ment was conducted by three Co«- 

sinatory the native of a place at least servators. 

forty miles from Rome, and annually * Gibbon, vol. viii. p. 227. 

elected, assisted by three judges, also ' Fea, Dissertasione ^c. p. 373. 


Eaffaelle. A little after, Paul III. (Farnese) (1534-1550) 
employed Michael Angelo to lay out the Piazza del Cam- 
pidoglio ; when he designed the Capitoline Museum and 
the palace of the Conservators. Pius IV., Gregory XIII., 
and Sixtus V., added the sculptures and other ornaments 
that now, with questionable taste, adorn the steps and 
balustrade. The equestrian statue of M. AureUus was re- 
moved from the Lateran to the Capitol by Michael Angelo 
in 1538. That artist had also designed the modern ap- 
proach on the occasion of the visit of the emperor Charles 
V. m 1536. Kabelais, who was at Eome at that time, has 
described in one of his letters the new road which was 
made for Charles's entry : viz., from the Gate of S. Sebas- 
tian to the Temple of Peace, the Amphitheatre, and the 
Capitol, passing through the triumphal arches of Con- 
stantine, Vespasian and Titus, Numetianus (?), and others. 
Then, by the Palace of St. Mark, the Campo di Fiori, and 
before the Farnese Palace, where the pope was accus- 
tomed to reside, by the banks (?), and under the Castle of 
S. Angelo. In order to make this road, more than 200 
houses and three or four churches were levelled to the 
ground ; ^ and thus, for this peaceable entry, more de- 
struction was doubtless committed than by the troops of 
Charles* coadjutor Bourbon at the capture of Eome some 
years before. 

After the time of Alexander VII., the popes cannot be 
charged with any further desecration of the monuments ; 
on the contrary, they have devoted considerable care to 
their preservation. Among the most notable acts of this 
sort may be mentioned the restoration of the arch of 

^ ' Et Ton a fait par lo commande- c6t^ du Palais S. Marc, et de U par 

ment du Pape un chemin noureau camp de Flour et dovant le Palais 

§ar le(niel il doit entrer : s^avoir est, Fam^se, ou soulait demourer le Pape ; 
e la Porto S. S^bastien tirant au puis par les Banques et dessous le 
Champ^oly, Templum Pacis et TAm- Chateau S. Ange. Pour lequel che- 
phith^tre. Et le fait-on passer sous min dresser et ^c^aler on a demoly et 
les antiques Arcs Triomphaux de abbattu plus de deux cens maisons, et 
Constantin, de Vespasian et Titus, trois ou quatre ^lises ras terre.' — Ha- 
de Numetianus et autres. Puis k belais, Lettre viii. p. 20 (Brux. 1710.) 


Constantine by Clement XII., and the wall built by 
Pius VIL to support the Colosseum. In 1750, Benedict 
XrV. had consecrated that structure to the Christians, 
who had suffered martyrdom in it. It may be doubtful 
whether the re-erection of an obelisk on a place where it 
had not originally stood may be appropriately termed a 
restoration, but it may, at all events, be deemed an im- 
provement. Sixtus V. re-erected no fewer than four obe- 
lisks. Innocent X., Alexander VII., Clement XI., and 
Pius VI. also distinguished themselves in this way. Pius 
re-erected three obelisks. 

A vast deal remains to be done at Home in the way of 
discovery and restoration, and many inestimable treasures 
of art, as well as important fragments and inscriptions, 
might doubtless be disinterred from the huge mass of soil 
and rubbish imder which the ancient city is buried, if any 
adequate funds could be provided for such a purpose. The 
Emperor Napoleon III. has set a noble example in this 
direction by his operations on the Palatine, which entitle 
him to the gratitude of all the lovers of antiquity. 



Ad Busta Gallica, 76 ; Capita Bu- 
bula^ 108 ; Malum Punicum, 248 ; 
Palmam, 328 

iEdes Sacra (see Temple); distin- 
guished from Templum, 30 

^quimselium, 68 

^rarium^ 4, 161 

Agger of Servius, 48 

Amphitheatre, Castrense, 268 ; Fla- 
yiaiiy 244 sq. ; of Statilius Taurus, 
168, 211 

Angelo, S., castle of, 345 

Apollinare, 68 

Aqueducts: Alexandrina, 268; Al- 
sietina, 107; Anio Vetus, 07; 
NoYUS, 225; Antoniniana, 267; 
Appia, 03; Augusta, 117, 107; 
Claudia, 225 ; Julia, 228 ; Marcia, 
117; Seyeriana, 265; Tepidn, 
107; Trajana et Ciminia, 253; 
Virgo, 208 

Ara, of Aius Locutius, 84; Martis, 
53 ; Maxima, 6 

Arcus (see Fornix) 

Area Apollinis, 18, 201 ; Capitolina, 

Argentariffi Novae, 107, 110 

Argive chapels, 36 

Armilustrium, 32 

Arx, 76, 174 

Asylum, 23 


Atrium Libertatis, 161; MinervsD, 

181 ; Regium, or Vestie, 34 
Ayentine, the, 5, 12, 66 

Basilica described, 108 ; iEmilia, or 

PauUi, 141 ; Argentaria, 120 ;. 

Constantini, 280; Fulvia, 110; 

Julia, 162, 170, 107; Marcianea, 

253 ; MatidisB, 261 ; Opimia, 120 ; 

Porcia, 100, 155 ; Sempronia, 111 ; 

Ulpia, 254, 256 
Baths (see Thermae) 
Bibliotheca Grseca et Latina (of 

Augustus), 202 ; of Trajan, 255 
Bridges (see Pons) 
Burgus Saxonum, 358 

Caeliolus, 30 

Caianum, 224 

Campus AgrippsB, 210; Esquilinus, 

215 ; Martialis, 185 ; Martius, 53, 

57 ; Sceleratus, 00 
Capitolium Vetus, 36 ; Novum, 55 ; 

taken, 65; burnt, 235; rebuilt, 

237 ; restored, 248 ; plundered bj 

Genseric, 322 
Caput Africsi, 383 
Career Mamertinus, 42 
Carinse, 65, 137 
Casa Komuli, 22 
Castra Prsetoria, 103 





Catacombs, 288 

Centum Gradus, 230 

Cenualus (see Oenualus) 

Chalcidicum, 181, 198 

Churches, seven primeval, 290 ; Sta. 
Agnese, 293; Sta. Croce in Gerusa- 
lemme, 293 ; Lateran, 290 ; S. Lo- 
renzo, 293 ; Sta. Maria Maggiore, 
204 ; S. Paolo, 293 ; S. Pietro, 291 ; 
in Viucoli,322 ; e Marcellino, 294 ; 
Sta. Prassede, 287 ; Sta. Puden- 
tiana, 287 ; S. Sebastiano, 294 

Cicero's Villas, 148 

Circus Agonalis (see Stadium) 
Elagabali, 267; Flaminius, 98 
Mazentii, 281 : Maximus, 40 
Neronis, 224 ; Sallustii, 141 

Cispius, 20 

Civitas. Loonina, 371 

Clivus Argentarius, 393 ; Asyli, 205 ; 
Capitolinus, 180 ; Publicius, 71 ; 
Sacer, 35, 175 ; Urbius, 54 ; Vic- 
toriae, 21 

Cloaca Maxima, 45 

Cohortes Vigilum, 192 

Colles and Montes distinguished, 40 

Collis Agonus or Quirinalis, 29; 
Pincianus or Hortorum, 139 

Colosseum or Colysseus, 357 

Colossus of Nero, 230, 240 

Columna M. Aurelii, 202; Bellica, 
94; Mtenia, SS-, Phocae, 363; 
Rostrata, 97 ; Trajani, 254 

Comitium, 39, 179 

Compita Larum, 190 

Curia Cornelia, 155; Hostilia, 38; 
Julia, 102, 181, 198 ; Pompeii, 159, 
160 ; Saliorum, 35, 39 

Curiae Veteres, 17 

Diseta ad Mammam, 208 
Diribitorium, 209 
Doliola, 73 
Domus (see House) 

Egeria, grove of, 37 
Emporium, 111 

Equiria, 54 
Esquiline, the, 215 

Ficus Ruminalis, 22, 179 

Fornix or Arcus Triumphalis : Ar- 
gentarius, 266; Augusti, 207; 
Aurelii, 202; Constantini, 281; 
Dolabellae, 231 ; Drusi, 384 ; Fa- 
bianus, 118, 177; GaUieni, 269; 
Manus Camea), 392 ; Septem Lu- 
cemarum, 250 ; Severi,264 ; Theo- 
dosii, 394; Tiberii, 222; Titi, 
250 ; Trajani, 266 

Forum Augusti, 203 ; Boarium, 14 ; 
Esquilinum, 127 ; Julii, 183, 197 ; 
Nervas (also Palladium and Tran- 
sitorium), 248 ; Pacis, 240 ; Pis- 
catorium, 109, 183 ; Komanum, 45, 
182;Trajani, 254, 250 

Fossa Quiritium, 42 

Gardens (see Ilorti) 
Gates (see Porta) 
Germalus, 19 
Gladiatorial schools, 246 
Gnecostasis, 106 

Ilorti Adonidis, 251 ; Agrippinjc, 
224; Lamiani, 224 ; Luculli, 139; 
Maecenatis, 210 ; Sallustiaui, 140 ; 
Servilii, 140 ; Tigellini, 227 

House of Atticus, 150 ; Catiline, 
144; Catulus, 138; Cicero, 147, 
152; Cilo, 200; Clodius, 147; 
Crassipes, 149 ; Crassus, 138 ; 
Drusus, 124; FulviusFlaccus, 124; 
Galen, 203 ; C. Gracchus, 124 ; 
Hadrian, 258 ; Horace, 217 ; Hor- 
tensius, 143; Lateranorum, 2()o; 
Lepidus, 138; Lucullus, 138; 
Maecenas, 200; Martial, 257; 
Milo, 154; Octavius, Cn., 113; 
Ovid, 218 ; St. Paul, 288 ; Pedo 
Albinovanus, 218; Pliny, junr., 
218; Pompey, 159; Propertius,21 7; 
Publicola, 5S; Pudens and Pris- 
cilla, 287 ; Scaurus, 147 ; Septem 




Parthorum, 206 j Sulla, 138 ; Vir- 
gil, 217 

Insula Argentaria, 121 ; Tiberina, 

Insulae, 170 

Janiculum, 41 

Janus, district or street, 121,180; 

Quadrifrons, 249 ; Quadrifrons in 

Forum Boarium, 282 

KaX») 'Acr^, 21, 22 

Lacus Curtius, 26, 46 ; Orphei, 218 j 

Servilius, 137 
I^auretum, 32 
Lautumise, 100 
Lucus Furinae, 119; Poetelinus, 80; 

Vesta), 36 
Lupercal, 22 

Macellum Livianum, 206; Mugnum, 

Ma^niana, 170 

Mausoleum Augusti, 219 ; Hadriani, 
269 ; Seven, 266 

Meta Sudans, 246 

Mica A urea, 261 

Milliarium Aureum, 178, 203 

Mons Aventinus : Ccelius and Cse- 
liolus, 29 ; Capitolinus, 66 ; Jani- 
culus, 3 ; Querquetulanus, 49 ; 
Sacer, 67; Satumius, 4, 6; Tar- 
peius, 6, 26 ; Vaticanus, 184 

Naumachia of Augustus, 213; of 

Domitian, 261 
Navalia, 186 
Nemus Cajsarum, 213 

Obelisk of Constantius, 307 
Odeum, 260 
OppiuB, 20 
Ostia, 42 
Ovile, 98 

Palace of Augustus, 109 ; Caligula, 
223; Domitian, 261 ; Nero (Domus 

Transitoria and Aurea), 220, 230 ; 
Tiberius, 222 ; Pincian, 334 
Palatine Hill, name, 1 ; excavations, 

Palatium, 19, 199 (see Palatine) 
Palus Caprew, 33 
Piscina Publica, 209 
Platea;, 170 

Pomcerium Homuli, 14 sq. 
Pons ^lius, 260; ^milius, 111; 
Sublicius, 41 • 

Population of Rome, 193 
Porta Appia, 272; Asinaria, 272 J 
Aurelia, 273 ; Belisaria, 270 ; Cce- 
limontana, 49 ; Capena, 49 ; Car- 
mentalis, 60; Clausa,271; Collina, 
48 ; Esquilina, 48 ; Flaminia, 270; 
Flumentalis, 60 ; Fontinalis, 48 ; 
Latina, 272 ; Lavemalis, 49 ; Me- 
tronis, 272; Minucia, 60; Mu- 
gionis,20; Nee via, 60; Nomentana, 
271 ; Ostiensis, 272 ; Pandana, 6 ; 
Pinciana, 270; Portuensis, 273; 
PraDuestina, 271 ; Querquetulana, 
49; Kauduscidana, 49; Katumena, 
48 ; Romanula, 21 ; Salaria, 270 ; 
Salutaris, 48 ; Sanqualis, 48 ; Sce- 
lerata, 69 ; Stercoraria, 4 ; Tibur- 
tina, 271 ; Trigemina, 60 ; Trium- 
phalis, 60; Viminalis, 48 
Porticus Emilia, 111 ; Argonauta- 
rum, 209 ; Catuli, 126 ; EuropsB, 
209; Ilecatostylon, 169; LivisB, 
206; MetelU, 116; Minucice (Ve- 
tus and Frumentaria), 126; Na- 
tionum, 169; Octavia or Corinthia, 
113 ; Octavi®, 206 sq. ; Philippi, 
211 ; Pol», 210 ; Pompeii, 169 ; 
Vipsania, 210 
Prata Flaminia, 68, 98 ; Mucia, 61 ; 

Quinctia, 66 
Pulnnar, 197 
Puteal Libonis or Scribonianum, 142 

Quirinal, the, 29 

l^egia, 34 sq. 




Regions of Servius Tullius, 61 j of 
Augustus, 188 sq. 

Homa Quadrata, 14 sq. ; Sig. Kosa's 
theory of, 16 sq. 

Home, foundation legends, 12 sq. ; 
secret name, 22 ; becomes a Re- 
public, 67; taken by the Gauls, 
74 ; rebuilding of, 86 ; general 
aspect, 169 ; population, 193 ; Ne- 
ro's fire, 226 ; rebuilt, 228 ; fire 

• under Titus, 247 ; under Commo- 
dus, 263 ; transfer of the capital 
to Byzantium, 283 ; taken by 
Alaric, 816 ; second and third 
capture, 316 ; taken by Genseric, 
821 ; by Ricimer, 824 ; entered by 
Belisarius, 838; besieged by Viti- 
ges, 386 sq. ; captured by Totila, 
837 sq. ; by Narses, 841 ; besieged 
by the Lombards, 363 ; threatened 
by the Saracens, 869-872 ; at re- 
turn of the Popes, 807 ; entry of 
Charles V., 409 

Rostra, 88 ; CsBsar's, 162 ; Julia, 

Rupes Tarpeia, 26 

Sacellum Ditis, 4; Statte Matris, 191 ; 

StrenisB, 176 ; Volupise, 22 ; Vul- 

cani Quieti, 191 
Sallustricum, 141 
Scalre AnnularisB, 199 ; Caci, 7, 21 

sq. ; Gemoniee, 62 
Schola Anglorum, Francorum, Grse- 

corum, &c., 868; Xantha, 178 
Senaculum, 39 
Septa Julia, 162, 184 
Septem Pagi, 32 
Septimontium, 61 
Septizonium, 264 
Sepulcrum Romuli, 261 
Solarium Augusti, 219 
Stadium Domitiani, 250 
Statues, Hercules Victor, or Sulln- 

nus, 136 ; Sulla, 185 ; Vertumnus, 

191; Domitian, 262; Greek, at 

Rome, 288 ; number of, 299, 313, 

828, 348, 878; of Victory, 309; 

of Stilicho, 813 ; of the Dioscuri, 

Sub Velia, 68 
Subura, 218 

Tabemae Veteres, 46 ; Novae, 67 

Tabularium, 160 

Tarentum, 99 

Tarpeian rock, 178 

Temple of ./Esculapius, 96 ; Antoni- 
nus, 262 ; Apollo, 68, 201 ; Au- 
gustus, 221 ; Bellona, 93 ; Bon® 
Deae Subsaxonese, 268; the Ca- 
menie, 147 ; Castor and Pollux, 
62, 116, 180; Ceres, Liber and 
Libera, 63 ; Claudius, 240 ; Con- 
cord, 120, 206; Cybele, 104, 197; 
Dijma, 61, 116 ; Divus Julius, 202 ; 
Fatale, 393 ; Faustina, 261 ; Fides 
Publica, 37 ; Flora, 71 ; Fortuna, 
126; Equestris, 116; Fortis, 62, 
222 ; Muliebris, 63 ; Gentis Fla- 
viee, 248 ; Hadrian, 261 ; Hercules 
Custos, 136 ; Hercules Musarum, 
136 ; Victor, 136 ; Honos et Virtus, 
103; Isis and Serapis^ 238 ; Janu^, 
31 ; Juno Moneta, 87 ; Juno Re- 
gina, 71, 116 ; Jupiter Capitolinus 
(Vetus), 36, 64 (cf. 67, 131, 160) ; 
Jupiter Custos, 236, 248 ; Jupiter • 
Feretrius, 26 ; Jupiter Latialis, 56; 
Jupiter and Libertas, 195; Jupiter 
Stator, 26, 116 ; Jupiter Tonnns, 
203 ; Juventus, 203 ; Larium, 42, 
107; Libertas, 118; Luna, 52; 
^fars, 53, 85, 116; Mars Ultor, 
203 ; Mater Matuta, 52, 71 ; Mens, 
99 ; Minerva, 103, 157 ; Neptunus, 
210 ; Pantheon, 207, 354 ; Peace, 
240; Pcnatium, 197; Pudicitia 
Patricia, 94 ; Pudicitia Plebeia, 
94; Quirinus, 35; Satumus, 46, 
57 ; Semo Sancus, 31 ; Sol, 277 ; 
Tellus, 64; Tempestas, 97; Tra- 
jan, 254 ; Venus Erycina, 99 ; Ve- 
nus Gcnitrix, 161 ; Venus ^'ictrix, 




158 ; Venus and Roma^ 258, 3G5 ; 

Vespasian and Titus^ 248 ; Vesta, 

84 J Vica Pota, 58 5 Victory, 105 j 

Vulcan, 116 
Theatre of Balbus, 211 ; Marcellus, 

205; Pompey, 158; Scaurus, 157, 

Trajan, 253 
Tbcrmfi) Agrippas, 208; Alezandrinse, 

2«32; Antoninianaa or Caracallfie, 

207 ; Commodi, 263 ; Constantini, 

282; Diocletiani, 279; Neronis, 

232 ; Sallustiante, 141 ; SeveriansB ; 

265 ; Titi, 245 ; Trajani, 253 
Tigillum Sororium, 40 
Tomb of Bibulus, 48 ; Cestius, 272 ; 

the Domitii, 233 ; Eurysaces, 272 ; 

the Scipios, 106 
Tria Fata, 365 
Tnbunal Aurelium, 142 ; of the 

Praetor, 142 


Troprea Marii, 125 
Tugurium Faustuli, 22 
Tullianum, 52 

Vallis Murcia, 24, 30 

Velabrum, 20 

Velia, 19, 21 

Via Appia, 92 ; Flaminia, 98, 184 ; 
Lata, 184 ; Latina, 93 ; Nova, 179, 
267 ; Sacra, 27, 35, 175, 180 

Vicinia, what, 190 

Vicus Cyprius, 54; Jugarius, 179; 
Longus, 169 ; Patricius, 287 ; Sce- 
leratus, 54 ; Tuscus, 30, 179 

Villa Publica, 70 

Vulcanal, 31 

Walls of Bomulus, 14 sq. ; Servius 
Tullius, 47; Aurelian, 270; re- 
stored by Honorius, 313 




39 Patbkxostih Row, E.C. 
London, July 1865. 




Messrs. LOir&MJirS, aEEEN, EEASER, aoid BTES. 


Arts, Manufactures, &c 

Astronomy, Mbtborologt, Populab 

Gkooraphy, &c 

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Chemistry, Mbdicinb, Surgery, and 

TiiB Ai.LiED Sciences 

Commerce, Navigation, and Mercan- 

TILE Affairs , 

Criticism, Philology, &c 

Fine Arts and Illustrated Editions 

General and School Atlases 

Historical Works 

Index 21- 








Knot^'ledge for the Yol'no 20 

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Periodical Pudlications 20 

Poetry and the Drama 17 

Beuoious Works 12 

Rural Sports, &c • 17 

Travels, Voyages, &c 15 

Works of Fiction 16 

Works of Utility and General In- 
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The History of England from 

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