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EGYPT   UNDER   THE   PHARAOHS 

VOL.  n. 


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u>n)oir  I  PREsno  bt 

SPORMWOODB   AHD   CO.,    KBW-BnUElT    BQUABI 
AMO   PAKUAJtSKT    8T&KKT 


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THE  SECOND  VOLUME.  XV 


CHAPTER  XX. 

FALL  OF  THS  EXETeSOX  OF  THB  PHABAOHS. 

B.C.  PAOB 

332      Inscription  of  the  priest  Sam-taui  Taf-nakht,  tinder  Darius 

(cir,)           in.  and  Alexander  the  Great 319 

Its  allusion  to  the  yictory  of  Alexander  oyer  Darius        .     .  320 

SUPPLEMENTARY  NOTE  BY  THE  EDITOR. 

HI8T0BT  OF  EGYPT  FBOX   PSAMMETIOHUS  I.   TO  PTOLEXT   I. 
$  I.  EeTPl's  BBOOTEBBD  iKBBPEirDBNCB  THHiXR  TEE  TWBlfTT-SlXIH 

Dtwastt  of  Sais  :  B.C.  666-627. 

Trustworthiness  of  the  history  and  chronology .        .        .  .  32 1 

666. 1.  Reign  of  PsAXBTEmL,  son  of  Neku,B.c.  666-612               .  322 

First  commercial  intercourse  with  the  Greeks  .        .        .     .  322 

His  force  of  Greek  mercenaries 322 

Desertion  of  the  Egyptian  military  caste      ....  822 

His  fleet  manned  hy  Phoenician  sailors 322 

Long  siege  and  capture  of  Azotus  (Ashdod)         .        .        .  322 

612. 8.  NxKxr  or  Nbghao  H.  :  Phabaoh-Nboho  (SS.)  b.o.  612-696.  322 

'    Defeats  and  slays  King  Josiah  at  Megiddo   ....  322 

610.     Conquers  Western  Asia  as  far  as  the  Euphrates               .     .  322 

606      Its  reconquest  by  Nebuchadnezzar 323 

604.     HiB  recal  to  Babylon  and  peace  with  Necho                          .  323 

Necho*8  fleets :  circunmayigation  of  Aj&ica  (P)         ...  323 

Attempt  to  reconstruct  the  canal  of  Sesostris               .        .  323 

696-1.  8.  PsAXETHiK  n.,  Psammis  (Herod.),  Psammuthis  (Man.)  .  323 

War  with  the  Ethiopians  of  Napata 323 

691. 4.  Uahabba,    Phabaoh-Hophba    (SS.),  Vaphbbs    (Man.), 

Apbibs  (Herod.)  B.o.  691--672 324 

His  great  prosperity  and  arrogance 324 

Successful  war  with  Sidon  and  Tyre 324 

League  with  ZedeMah  against  Nebuchadnezzar    .        .        .  324 

686.     Receives  the  Jewish  lemnant  in  E^^t 324 

Prophecies  of  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel  fulfilled  by  Nebuchad- 
nezzar's conquest  of  Egypt  and  the  death  of  Apries     .    .  326 

TheEgyptianstory  of  hisfaU 326 

Inyasion  of  Gyrene:  revolt  of  Egyptian  army                   .    .  326 

Amasis  chosen  king  by  acclamation 326 

Defeat  and  death  of  Apries 326 

Probable  intervention  of  Nebuchadnezzar    ....  326 

672.  5.  AxASis :  EjsonTM-AB-B'A  Aahicbb  Si-Nxit  :  B.C.  672-628    .  326 

At  first  a  vassal  of  Nebuchadnezzar 326 

Babylonian  marriage  of  the  Princess  Nitocris  .                .    .  326 

AmasiB  marries  the  daughter  of  Psamethik  H.    .        .        .  326 


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XVI  CONTENTS  OF 

B.C.  PAGE 

His  personal  habits  and  goveniment 827 

Encourages  Greek  commerce^  settlers,  and  art      .        .        .  327 

Unexampled  prosperity  of  his  reign 327 

His  probable  revolt  against  Nebuchadnezzar  learnt  from  a 

Babylonian  record 328 

Navy  of  Amasis-r-Conquest  of  Cyprus 328 

Relations  with  Greeks— The  » Ring  of  Polycrates  *      .        .328 

Alliance  with  Lydia  and  Babylon  against  Cyrus     .        .     .  328 

Preparations  of  Cambyses  against  E^rypt      ....  329 

527. 6.  PsAMBimx  HI. :  the  Psaxmbnttus  of  Herodotus  .        .    .  329 

Defeated  and  put  to  death  by  Cambyses       ....  329 

S  n.    Egypt  xnimBB  the  Pbbsian  Kings.    Dtit.  XXVH.  b.o.  627-414P 

627. 1.  CiJCBTSBS :  Kaxbathbt  or  Kakbttza  :  b.c.  629-522  .  329 
His  respect  for  Egyptian  institutions 329 

622.     Aryandes,  viceroy  of  Egypt 329 

Death  of  Cambyses  in  Syria 329 

(The  Magian  pseudo-Smerdis  not  in  the  list)       .        .        .  329n. 

621.2.  DawttsL:  Nthamttsh:  b.c.  621-486 329 

His  surname  of  Ssttuba,  Sesostris  ....  329, 330 
Conciliates  the  Egyptians :  promotes  education  .  .  .  .330 
His  temple  of  Amon  in  the  Great  Oasis  ....  330 
Attempt  to  reopen  the  Red  Sea  Canal  .  .  .  .  '  .  330 
Story  of  his  visit  to  Egypt^  and  piety  towards  an  Apis, 

tested  by  the  Apis-tablets 330,331 

His  claim  to  a  sttftue  at  Memphis  beside  Sesostris  .        .     .    331 

487.     Revolt  of  Egypt  under  king  Ehabbash       .        .        .        .331 

427.  8.  XxBXBB  1. :  Eshiabsh  or  Ehshsbish:  b.c.  486-466      .     .    332 

Subdues  the  revolt :  Achsemenes  satrap      ....    332 

Evidence  of  continued  resistance 332 

466. 4.  Artaxerxxs  I.  Arta-Efshbbesh  :  b.c.  466-426               .    332 
461.     Revolt  under  the  Libyan  Inaros 332 

He  defeats  and  kills  Achssmenes  at  Papremis      .        .  332 

Aid  from  the  Athenians — Siege  of  Memphis    .        .        .     .    332 

Defeat  of  the  allies  by  Megabyzus 332 

466.     AmyrtfiBuSy  of  Sai's,  holds  out  in  the  marshes  .  .    .    333 

426. 5.  Xerxes  U.  :  b.o.  425-4  .        .        .        .        .        .333 

424. 6.  SoeDiANTTS,  usurper  in  Persia 333 

424. 7.  Daritts  II.  Nothus:  Ntharixtbh,  b.c.  424-406  .  .  .  333 
His  works  at  the  temple  in  the  Great  Oasis  ...  333 
Successful  revolt  of  %ypt 333 

§  III.    Dtkastt  XXVm.,  OF  Saw. 

506  f    Amtrtbs  or  Aktrt^sitb  :  6  years  333 

Questions  relating  to  him '     .     333,334 


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THE  SECOND  VOLUME. 


XVll 


$  IV.    Thb  last  natiyib  Phabiohs  :  b.c.  899-^840. 


B.C. 

899.1. 


391. 
887. 

380.8. 
87«.4. 


A.  Dtnabty  XXIX.^  of  Mbetsib:  b.o.  309-878. 


NATFAtnEtOT  I. :  Nhphskitib  I. :  b.o.  899-898 

Alliance  with  tbe  LacedsBmonians  against  Persia 

Nayal  defeat  by  the  Athenians 

Hagab  or  Hakoki  :  Achoris  :  B.C.  398-880 

Alliance  with  Evagoras,  tyrant  of  Cyprus 

Peace  of  Antalcidas  between  the  Greeks  and  Persia 

Egyptian  preparations  for  defence    . 

Psamxjt:  PsAJDnrTHis:  b.c.  880-879 

Naifaubot  II.  :  Nsphbritbs  II.:  b.c.  879-8 


B.  Btwastt  XXX.,  OP  SEBEinrTTVB :  b.c.  878-340. 

378.  LNakht^hor-hib:  Nbctaitbbo  I. :  B.C.  378-360  . 
376.     Egypt  inyaded  by  Phamabazus  and  Chabrias 
375.     Complete  failure  of  the  attack    .... 

Twenty-five  years'  peace— Last  revival  of  Egyptian  art 

Works  of  Nectanebo  throughout  all  Egypt . 

Restoration  of  the  temple  of  Anhur  at  Sebennytus . 
864. 2.  Zmo :  Tbos  :  Tachos  :   B.C.  364-361 

Preparations  against  Artaxerxes  II. 

Aid  from  Greeks  under  Agesilaus  and  Chabrias  . 

Teos  insults  Agesilaus 

Leads  his  fleet  and  army  against  Phoenicia . 

Eevolt  of  Egypt  and  mutiny  of  the  army 

Desertion  of  Agesilaus  and  the  Greeks 

Teos  flies  to  Artaxerzes 

361.  8.  Nakht-iteb-sf  :  Nsotaitebo  II. :  b.c.  861-340  . 

Victory  over  a  rival  prince  of  Mendes 
860.     Departure  of  Agesilaus  and  Chabrias  . 

Nectanebo's  unwarlike  tastes 

His  fine  monuments  throughout  Egypt 

Famed  as  a  builder  and  magician   .... 

First  unsuccessful  attack  of  Ochus  (Artaxerxes  III.) 

Desertion  of  Mentor  and  his  mercenaries . 

Invasion  of  Egypt  by  Ochus        .... 
840.     Nectanebo,  the  last  of  the  Pharaohs,  flies  to  Ethiopia 


$  V.  Dtkasty  XXXL,  of  Pkrsiaws:  b.c.  840-382. 

340. 1.  OcHUB  (reign  in  Egypt),  B.C.  840-838    .... 

338.8.  Absbb:  B.C.  838-336 

386. 8.  Dabitb  HI.  Codoxaknvb  :  b.c.  886-382 
332.      Egypt  submits  to  Alexander  the  Great 

VOL.  II.  a 

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XVIU 


CONTENTS  OF  THE  SECOND  VOLUME. 


§  VI.   Dtkabtt  XXXTT.,  of  MACBDOiriAirs :  b.o.  332-^11. 

B.C.  PAOl 

332. 1.  AuszAirDEB  thx  GsBiiT :  b.o.  382-323     ....  339 

323.  8.  Pmr.TP  Abbhibjiub  :  b.c.  323--317 339 

323. 8.  AuQUHDBB  Mqvb:  B.a  323-311                               .        .  339 

323.     Ptolemy  son  of  Lagus, '  Satrap/  but  in  fact  apyereign    .    .  340 

306.     AjBsnmes  the  crown  as  Ptoluubvs  I.  Soteb                        .  340 

$  Vn.  Dtkabtt  XXXIU.,  of  thb  Qbbbk  PioLsiaBB :  b.o.  323-330. 

323.     The  years  of  Ptolxmt  L  date  from  the  beginning  of  his 

actual  rule  over  Egypt 340 

30.     Victory  of  Octavian  and  death  of  Clbopatba.,  the  last  of  the 

line  of  the  Ptolemies 340 

»f     ^fSJV^  made  a  Roman  Province 340 

APPENDIX. 

A.  List  of  the  Euros,  with  theib  Epochs    ....  341 

B.  Thb  Nomxb  of  Eotpt,  accobdiko  to  thb  MoiriricBNTB  .    .  347 

C.  TBAjrscBiPTioir  of  thb  Ascnarr  EoTPriAir  Names               .  360 
SpBcncEir  text,  with  litebal  aits  fbee  TBAirsLATioirB  .    .  362 

DlSOOITBfiB  OE  THB  EXODVB  AED  EoTPTIAE  MoETTMENTS        .           .  367 

Additioeb  A2n>  Notes  coeteibuted  bt  the  Authob.               .  401 

Ikbex 433 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS, 

Plan  of  the  Great  Temple  of  Amon  at  Thebes  (Eamak) 
Plan  of  the  Temple  of  Seti  I.  and  Ramses  II.  at  Abydus . 
Plan  of  the  Ramesseum,  or  Memnonium,  at  Thebes 
Plan  and  Section  of  the  Temple  of  Abou  Simbel,  or  Ibeamboul 
Tomb  at  Saqqarah,  inscribed  with  the  name  of  Psammetichus 


11 
30 
93 
96 
318 


GENEALOGICAL  TABLES  AND  MAPS. 

AT  EEB  OF  THE    TOLUME. 

Table  I. — Genealogy  of  a  Distinguished  Family,  related  to  some 
Members  of  the  Thirteenth  Dynasty. 
,1      IT. — Genealogy  of  the  Ramessids. 
,,     ni. — Genealogy  of  Amen-em-an,  the  architect  of  the  city  of 

Ramses. 
„     IV.— Genealogy  of  Royal  Families  of  Dynasties  XX.  to  XXVI. 
Map  of  Lowxb  Eoipt At  the  end  m  Pocket 


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Page  20,  line  25.    For  '  Ajsliur '  reaa  <  Asher.' 

Pages  91>2.    For  '  a  pictured  lamily  group '  read  '  a  family  group  of 

many  figures.' 
Page  99,  line  1.    For  'united,  &c.'  read  'taken  as  a  model,  boCh  in  his 

likeness  and  his  names.' 
Page  100,  note.    It  should  have  been  stated  that  the  letter  of  Panbesa 

is  in  the  Papyrus  Anastasi  UI. 
Pftge  145,  title.    Iruert '  I.'  before  '  Raxbrb  UI.' 
Page  153,  note.    The  real  meaning  is  that  '  the  peoples '  touched  bj  the 

inTaders  in  tiieir  progress  trembled  with   fear;   'and  they  (the 

invaders)  came  up/  &c. 
Page  190,  end.    Before  the  names  of  the  kings ; 

far  Vin.,  IX.,  X.,  read  IX ,  X.,  XI. 
Page  192,  foil.    For  'Khonsu  the  oracular,'  read  *  Ehonsu  the  admini- 
strator.' 
Page  195,  mid.    For  XI.,  read  XII. 

Pftge  225.    Before  names  of  kings ;  for  IV.  and  V.,  read  V.  and  VI. 
Page  228.    For  VI.,  VII.,  VIII.,  read  VU.,  VHI.,  IX. 
Page  246,  end.    For  '  Achnimi '  read  *  Akhmun.' 
Page  277,  line  5.    For  '  son '  read  *  grandson.' 
Page  287,  lines  4  and  7.    For  '  Naif-an-rot '  read '  Naif-au-rot.' 
Page  827,  note  9.    For  298,  read  297. 

Page  8d6,  line  2  and  note  7.    For '  Nakht-hor-ib '  read  '  Nakht-hor-hib.' 
Page  365.    To  the  references  to  Exodus  for  the  stages,  add  Numbers 

zxxiiL  3-^. 
Page  365,  line  7 ;  and  876,  line  6.    For  '  Sea  of  Sea-weed,'  read '  Sea  of 

Weeds.' 


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HISTORY    OF    EGYPT 

UNDER    THE    PHARAOHS 

DBRIVBD    ENTIRELY    FROM    THE    MONUMENTS 

TO   WHICH   IB  ADDED 

A   DISCOUBSB   ON  THB   BXODUS  OF  THB  ISBABLITBS 

By  dr  henry  BRUGSCH-BEY 

t 

PBOrasaOR  TK  TBI  UJUVEHMTH  OF  BMKLsk 

ooBSUPO]n>D»  wnniBR  or  thb  b.  aoad.  or  soiehok  biblin,  nc. 

TRANSLATED  AKD  EDTTSD  FROM  THB  OEBHAK 
iJI/ter  tHe  w^M*Ml  Traiulatitm  bif  the  UOt  Henry  DatOy  Seymour,  FJLO^.) 

Bt  PHILIP  SMITH,  B.A. 

AUTHOR  or  *TBB  BTUDDn'S  AVGXBNT  HIROBT  OT  THH  HAffT* 

SECOND    EDITION 

WITH  A  NHW  PBEFACB,  ADDITIONS,  AND  ORIGINAL  NOTES  BT  THE  AUTHOR 
IN   TWO     VOLUMES VOL,   11. 

Paps  aniir  lUitslrdtona 

LONDON 
JOHN     MURRAY,    ALBEMARLE    STREET 

1881 

Alt    rights    reserved  (!  wl   '•     /  - 


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CONTENTS 

OF 

THE    SECOND    VOLUME. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


THB  KINBTEEZTTH  DYKASTT. — THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  KHITA. 


Review  of  the  recent  Schism 

Rise  of  the  Khita,  to  thi  N.E.  of  Egypt 

They  appear  as  early  as  Thatmee  IIL 

They  are  the  Hittites  of  Scripture 

Their  locality,  and  supremacy  in  Western  Asia    . 

Mention  of  them  and  their  gods  in  Egyptian  inscriptions. 

Thdr  kings,  Sapalili,  Maurosur,  Mautiianar,  and  Ehitasar, 
contemporary  with  Ramses  1.,  Seti  I.,  and  Ramses  U. 

Their  deities,  Sntekh  and  his  warrior  wife,  Astartha-Anatha. 

Thdr  towns,  Daphne  and  Haleb,  certainly  fixed     . 

Thdr  military  array ;  nan'SemUic  names    . 

Idst  of  their  peoples  and  cities  on  the  inscriptions 

Th^  supremacy  in  Western  Asia  before  the  Assyrians 
1400.  L  Ramses  I. :  h^  unknown  relation  to  Dynasty  XVIII.  . 

His  reign  neither  long  nor  remarkable .... 

Memorial  of  his  coronation,  at  Eamak 

War  and  Treaty  with  the  king  of  the  Ehita 

Monument  at  Wady  Halfah.    Tomb  at  Biban-el-Molouk 
1366.  n.  Ma-icxn-ba  Mineptah  I  Seti  I.  (Sethob) 

Celebrated  on  the  national  temple  at  Thebes  . 

His  Great  Hall  of  Columns  at  Eamak 

Wars  of  Seti  depicted  on  the  N.  outer  wall     . 

Inroads  of  the  E.  border  nations  on  the  Delta     . 

War  of  his  first  year  against  the  Shasu 

His  route  traced  from  Ehetham  to  Ean'aan 

In8criptk>ns  recording  his  yictories         .... 


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VI  CONTENTS  OF 


B.C.  PAGX 

Fellingof  cedars  in  Lebanon 18 

Oelebration  of  his  return  home 19 

list  of  nations  conquered  by  him 20 

His  other  campaigns  in  Asia  21 

His  wars  against  the  Libyans 21 

Heoord  of  prisoners  and  spoils,  showing  high  art  .  .  .  22 
Connection  of  the  Ruthen  and  the  Ehita  ....  23 
Services  of  Seti  to  the  temple  of  Amon  .  .     .23,24 

His  wife,  Tui,  heiress  of  the  old  line  of  kings  ...  24 
Worship  of  Baal-Sutekh  by  kings  of  XlXth  Dynasty  .  .  24 
Association  of  Ramses  H.  as  the  legitimate  heir  ...      25 

Related  in  the  inscriptions  of  Ramses  If 26,26 

Wars  with  the  ooimtries  of  Kush  and  Pont         ...      26 

Viceroys  or  '  King's  Sons  of  Kush ' 27 

Climax  of  Egyptian  art.    Works  of  Seti  I.  .  27 

His  tomb :  its  pictures  and  inscriptions 27, 28 

The  *  Memnonium '  in  honour  of  Ramses  1 28 

The  king's  name  of  Usiri,  in  honour  of  Osiris  .        .    .  27, 28 

The  temple  of  Osiris  at  Abydus,  finished  by  Ramses  H.       .  29, 30 

The  Table  of  Kings  at  Abydus 20 

Temples  at  Memphis,  Heliopolis,  El-Kab,  &c.  .  .  .29, 31 
Records  of  the  sculptor  Hi  and  the  painter  Amen-uah-su  .  31 
Tributes  and  taxes.  Gold  mines  in  Egypt  and  Nubia.  .  32 
Road  from  the  Kile  to  Coptos.    Gbld  washing  .    .      32 

Inscriptions  of  the  temple  at  Redesieh         .        .        .        .  32, 33 

Death  and  apotheosis  of  Seti  1 35 

1333.  ni.  Rajcbbsu  II.  Miamuk,  RAxeoB  H.,  Ssbosibis  35 

Vast  number  of  his  monuments  over  all  Egypt  .  .  .  35 
Completion  of  the  temple  at  Abydus. — ^Inscription  .  .36-44 
Journey  to  Thebes  for  the  feast  of  Amon  .  .  .  .  45 
Return  to  his  royal  residence  at  Zoan-Tanis  ...  45 
Age  of  Ramses.    His  60  sons  and  59  daughters  .    .      46 

Inferiority  of  his  buildings  and  sculptures  ....  46 
His  great  war  with  the  Khita,  in  his  5th  year  .  .  .  46 
The  heroic  poem  of  Pentaur :  its  many  copies      .        .        .  47-48 

First  translation  of  it  by  E.  de  Roug^ 48 

Pictures  of  the  camps,  armies,  and  battle  of  Kadesh  .  .  48-51 
Record  of  the  battle  on  the  temple  walls  at  Kamak  .  .  52-64 
Pentaur's  poem  engraved  on  the  temple  walls      ...      55 

Its  style  compared  with  that  of  Moses 65 

Translation  of  the  poem  of  Pentaur 56-65 

Preidous  campaigns  of  Ramses  against  Kadesh  .  .  .  65 
Rock  tablets  of  fieyrout  -,  the  *  Columns  of  Sesostris '  .  .65 
War  with  Tunep — Inscription  in  the  Theban  Ramesseum  .  66 
Campaign  in  Canaan  in  his  8th  year  .....      66 


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Names  of  places — The  storming  of  Ashalon  .     .67,68 

lists  of  prisoners  inscribed  at  Lnqsor 69 

Maritime  wars  proTed  by  an  inscription  at  Ibsamboul      .    .      70 

Pressure  of  Semitic  tribes  upon  Egypt 70, 77 

Treaty  between  Ramses  II.  and  Khitasir  of  Khita  .  71 

Its  inscription  on  a  silver  tablet  (comp.  p.  410)  .        .    71, 74, 76 

Ramses  honoured  as  a  god  by  the  Khita 77 

Ramses  11.  marries  the  daughter  of  the  king  of  Khita  78 

Pictures  at  Berr  and  Beit-el-Walli 78 

Negro-hunting  razzias  and  wars  with  Kush  ...  78 
Victories  oyer  the  Marmaridse  and  Phoenicians  .     .      79 

Pictures  of  courts  held  after  these  victories  79,80 

Names  of  Ethiopian  and  Libyan  tribes  subdued  .  .  .  81 
Names  of  viceroys  of  the  South  under  Ramses  II.  81 

The  Nubian  gold-mines  in  the  land  of  Akita  .  .  .  .  81 
Well  and  gold-washing  works  of  Ramses  11.  .  .  .82 
Inscription  about  them  at  Kouban  ....      83-87 

Earlier  weUs  in  the  valley  of  Hammamat  ....  87 
Temples  built  at  Abydus,  Thebes,  and  Memphis  .  .  .  87 
The  memorial  tablet  at  Ibsamboul,  d5th  year  of  Ramses  II.  88 
Relations  between  Egypt  and  the  E^hita  ....  88 
Temple  of  Ptah  at  Memphis  (near  Qasrieh)     .  .    .      80 

The  great  torso  of  Ramses  at  Mit-Rahineh  ....  90 
Labours  of  the  Ajmirui,  i.e.  Erythneans,  not  Hebrews  .  .  91 
The  architect  Ameneman  and  his  family  ....  91 
PrchMy  the  overseer  of  the  IsraditeB  in  Egypt  .        .     .      91 

Great  works  of  Ramses  11.  at  Thebes 92 

At  Kamak :  the  Hall  of  Columns  completed  .  .  .  .  92 
At  Luqsor:  the  Temple  of  Amon,  obelisks  and  statues  .  92 
At  Old  Qumah :  sepulchral  temple  of  Seti  I.  .     .      92 

The  Ramesseum,  with  the  greatest  colossus  of  Ramses,  said 

to  haye  been  thrown  down  by  Oambyses  .        .         92, 93 

Boast  of  Ramses,  that '  he  made  Egypt  anew '  .  .  .  94 
Numerous  temples  and  towns  in  Nubia        ....      94 

The  great  rock  temple  of  Ibsamboul 94 

Derivation  of  the  name  from  Pimas  (Qreek,  Psampolis)       .      96 

Pictures  on  the  waUs 96 

Ramesseum  and  obelisks  at  Heliopolis ;  the  architect  .      98 

Zoan-Tanis  the  tpecial  rendenee  of  HartueB  II,  .  .  .  98 
Its  locality— the  key  of  Egypt  on  the  East  ....  98 
New  temple-city  built  by  Ramses  to  the  gods  of  Egypt,  with 

Baal-Sutekh,  and  himself 99 

Memorial  stone  of  the  400th  year  of  king  Nub  ...  99 
Plesent  aspect  of  the  ^fM  of  Zoan ' :  ruins  and  inscriptions  99 
Inscriptionsin  honour  of  Ramses  II 99 


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B.O.  FAOB 

New  name  of  Zoan,  JPi^BamessUf  the  CUyof  Ramsei  .  100 

New  capital  of  Egypt :  '  here  is  the  seat  of  the  court '  .    .    100 

Vivid  description  in  an  old  Egyptian  letter  .        «        .  100-102 

It  is  the  9ame  as  the  <  temple-city '  JRaamees  (Ex.  i.  13)  .    .     102 

ThB  PhABAOH  op  the  OPPBBBSIOK  is  90  OTHXE,  CAS  BB  KO 

OTHBB,  TEAir  RaMSBS  11. 103 

Absence  of  the  name  of  the  Israelites  explained  .  .  .  103 
Importance  of  Zoan-Tanis  in  Egyptian  history     .        .  104 

Immense  number  of  foreign  prisoners  in  Egypt  .  .  .  104 
Their  various  employments:  soldiers;  sailors;  slaves  .  .  105 
Semitic  influence  on  religion,  manners,  and  language  .  .  106 
Introduction  of  Semitic  words  by  the  scribes  .    106 

Remarkable  letter  satirizing  the  new  literature  .  107-114 

Long  reign  of  Ramses  IL,  67  years — ^His  30  years'  jubilee  .  114 
Family  of  Ramses :  60  sons  and  69  daughters  .    116 

His  eldest  eon  Khamus,  and  14th  son  Mineptah  .    .    116 

His  daughters :  Meri  (Merris)  probably  the  rescuer  of  Moses  117 
The  name  of  Moses  preserved  in  I-en-Moshd  •  .  .117 
Contemporariesof  the  king:  especially  Bekenkhonsu      .    .    117 

Inscription  on  his  statue  at  Munich 118 

Seeds  of  trouble  at  the  death  of  Ramses  II 119 

His  tomb  in  the  Biban-el-Molouk :  a  poor  work  .        .        .119 
1300.   IV.  MnniPTAH  II.  Hotbp-hi-xa  (Mbnephthbs)    .       .    .    120 
Mean  character  of  his  architectural  works  ....    120 
He  carved  his  own  name  on  ancient  monuments  .    .    121 

His  great  inscription  in  the  temple  of  Amon  relating  the  in- 
vasion and  defeat  of  the  Libyans  at  Prosopis  .  121-128 
The  alliesof  the  Libyans  Asiatic,  not  European  .  128, 129 
Names  of  Libyan  tribes  W.  of  the  Delta  ....  130 
Peaceful  relations  with  the  Ehita  or  Oanaanites  .  130,131 
Oanaanites  employed  as  bearers  of  official  despatches   .        .    131 

Copies  of  such  papers 131, 132 

Nomad  Shasu  received  into  the  Delta  ....  132 
MmxPTAH  n.  xusi  Bx  THS  Phabaoh  of  thx  ExoDirs  .  .  133 
His  special  title,  Pib'ao,  '  great  house,  high  gate '  ^  .  .  133 
The  'field  of  Zoan '  (Ps.  Ixzviii  43)  his  usual  residence  .  .  133 
The  ^ApsTj  Apwf'a,  or  *Apenu  proved  to  be  no^  the  Hebrews  134 
Troubles  of  his  reign :  its  end  unrecorded  ....  136 
His  contemporaries:  Mas,  viceroy  of  Ethiopia  .    .    136 

Pinehas;  Lui  (Levi),  priest  and  chief  architect  .        .        .    136 

^  Dr.  Brugsch  identifies  Mineptah  H.  with  the  Pheron,  or  JPheroe, 
son  of  Sesostris,  of  Herod.  iL  111.  It  is  a  remarkable  coincidence  that 
this  *  Fharaoh '  should  be  the  one  so  called  by  the  Egyptian  informants  of 
the  historian. — Ed. 


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IX 


B.C. 


1266. 


]238. 


The '  Doge '  of  Minept&h :  its  refeienoe  doubtful  .  .  . 
Men  of  letters  under  BamBes  n.  and  Mineptah  II. 
Y.  SbtiII.  MiiniPTAHlII.,8onof  Mineptahll.  .  .  . 
Beoords  of  the  first  two  yean  of  his  reign  .... 
Zoan-Tanis  still  the  captal—Boyal  road  to  the  East  .  . 
Beport  coneermng  fuffitive  ierwmU,  an  exact  parallel  to  the 

Exodm  (compare  p.  889) 

Temple  of  Seti  U.  at  Thebes.— FaTonr  of  the  Priests      .    . 
The  TaU  of  the  Two  Brothers,  a  parallel  to  the  life  of  Joseph, 

written  for  him  (compare  Vol.  L  p.  908)  .... 
His  magnificent  sepulchre  in  the  Biban-el-Molouk  .        .    . 
YL  SEXNAXHT-MsKEB-MiAXinr  II.,  son  of  Seti  H. 
Time  of  trouble— The  anti-king  Mineptah  Siptah    .        .     . 
Inscriptions  of  Siptah's  supporter,  Seti         .... 
Inscriptions  of  Siptah  erased  by  Setnakht 
Usurpation  of  a  Phoenician,  Ansa  or  Alisu 
Account  of  these  troubles  by  Ramses  III.,  son  of  Setnakht, 
in  the  great  Harris  Papyrus 


PAeB 
136 
137 
137 
187 
188 

138 
130 


139 
.     .    130 

.  140 
.     .    140 

.  141 
.141,142 

.    142 


143 


1200. 


CHAPTER   XV. 


THE  TWENTIBTH  DYNASTY. 


I.  Ramsbs  hi.  Haq-On,  i.e. '  Prince  of  Heliopolis  * 
Commonly  called  Ramessu-pa-nuti,  'Ramses  the  god, 

RHAXPaiKiTUB  of  Herodotus'      .... 
Account  of  his  reign  in  the  Harris  Papyrus 
Restoration  of  the  several  ranks  in  the  state    . 
Punishment  of  the  late  invaders  of  Egypt    . 
Yictory  oyer  the  Sahir,  the  Seirites  of  SS. 
New  war  with  the  Libyan  and  Mazyan  invaders 
Great  fortress  and  well  in  the  land  of  the  Aperiu    . 
Fleet  on  the  Red  Sea — ^Yoyages  to  the  Indian  Ocean 
Mines  of  'Athaka  and  the  peninsula  of  Sinai   . 
Planting  of  trees :  peace  and  security  in  Egypt     . 
Memorials  in  his  Ramesseum  at  Medinet-Abou 
Immense  wealth  in  this  *  treasury  of  Rhampsinitus ' 
Troubled  state  of  Egypt  at  his  accession 
Yictory     over    the    Libyans    under     kings    Zamar 

Zautmar 


145 


the 


.    .    145 

.    145 
.    .    146 

.    146 
.    .    147 

.    147 
.  147, 148 

.     148 
.  148, 140 

.    149 
.    .    160 

.    151 
.    .    152 
and 
.  152, 153 


*  Dr.  Brugsch  identifies  Ramses  IH.  also  with  the  king  Proteus, 
named  by  several  Greek  authors,  in  whose  reign  E^ypt  was  risited  by 
Paris,  Helen,  and  Menelaus  (Herod,  ii.  112, 118). — Ed. 


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B.C.  FAGS 

Great  victory  by  sea  and  land  at  Migdol  oyer  the  Carian- 

Golchian  invaders  from  Oilicia  and  Armenia  .  .  163-155 
Victory  over  the  Mazyes  under  king  Mashashal .  .  155, 156 
Detailed  lists  of  slain,  captives,  and  booty  .  .  .  .  156 
Pictures  and  names  of  defeated  kings,  at  Medinet-Abou  *  157, 158 
Names  of  conquered  cities  and  countries  on  the  coasts  and 

islands  of  A^sia  Minor 158, 159 

Booty  and  captives  devoted  to  the  temples  ....  160 
List  of  the  Bamessea  of  Ramses  111.  (Oomp.  Additions)  .  160, 161 
Grand  temple  of  Amon  at  Medinet-Abou,  its  reliefs  .  161, 162 
The  Egyptian  calendar  and  holidays  ....  162, 163 
Other  works  at  Thebes — Ramessea  in  foreign  lands  .  163, 164 
Remarkable  account  of  a  conspiracy  at  court  .        .  164-1 72 

Foreign  names  of  Kamses's  chief  wife  and  her  father  .  .  172 
His  sons  and  the  order  of  their  succession  ....  173 
Hjs  rock-hewn  tomb  and  its  coloured  pictures  .  .  .  174 
1166.  II.  Ramessu  IV.  MiAMUir  m.  (Ha(i  Maa  or  Mama)  .  .  174 
His  expeditions  to  the  rocky  valleys  of  Arabian  Eigypt  .  .  174 
Great  memorial  tablet  at  Hammamat  .        .        .      175-178 

Insignificance  of  his  architectural  works 178 

His  rival  and  successor,  HI.  Ramessu  V.  AMrnraiXHOPSSHEF, 

not  of  the  fisuuily  of  Ramses  III 178 

His  inscribed  rock-tablet  at  Silsilis 178-179 

V.  Rambssu  MiAMinr  Mbbitttm  (7th  son  of  Ramses  IH.), 

probably  viceroy  of  his  brother,  IV.  Rambsbtj  VI.  .  .180 
Astronomical  and  chronological  value  of  this  king's  tomb  .  186 
Record  respecting  boundaries  of  lands  in  Nubia  .  .  181-182 
The  district  of  Wawa  and  its  sun-city  Pira  (Dirr)  ,  .  183 
The  Adon  Penni,  and  Men  the  viceroy  of  Kush  .  .  .  183 
Historical  importance  of  family  records  ....  184 
Dominion  S.  of  the  tropic  stiU  maintained  .  .  .  .  185 
VI.,  Vn.  Rambsstj  VIL  and  Rambsbit  VOL  insignificant  .  185 
1133.  Vin.  Ramessu  IX. — Growing  power  of  the  priests  of  Amon  185 
Inscription  of  the  chief  priest  and  architect,  Amenhotep  .  186-189 
Burglaries  hi  the  royal  tombs  at  Biban-el-Molouk  .  189, 190 
IX.,  X.,  XI.  Ramessu  X.,  Ramessu  XI.,  and  Ramessu  XH.  190 
Their  names  in  the  oracle-temple  of  EJionsu         .        .        .    191 

Curious  inscription  of  Ramses  XTT. 101 

His  visit  to  Naharain,  and  marriage  to  the  daughter  of  the 

tributary  king  of  Bakhatana 191 

The  god  Ehonsu  sent  to  cure  the  queen's  demoniac  sister  .  193 
Agreement  between  the  spirit  and  the  god  ....     193 

Retumof  the  ark  of  Ehonsu  to  Thebes 194 

Difficulty  of  identifying  Bakhatana 194 


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B.C.  PAGB 

XII.  Rakhsit  Xin.  apparently  ends  the  Twentietli  Dynasty : 
bat  petty  kings  of  tiie  Ramessid  family  still  under  the 
Twenty-first  and  Twenty-second  Dynasties  .    .    196 

The  temj^e  of  Ehonsu  the  family  chapel  of  the  Bamessids  .  195 
Deposition  of  Ramessu  XIII.  by  the  priest  Hirhor       .  196 

Letter^  (probable)  autoffraph  of  Ramses  XUI .  ...  196 
Memorial  of  27th  year  of  Ramses  XIII.  at  Abydus  .  196, 197 
list  of  Values  and  Prices  about  B.C.  1000       .        .        .  196-199 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE  TWENTY-FIRST  DYNASTY. 
THE   PBIE8T  HIRHOB  AND  HIS   8UCCE880BS. 


1100-966.  Usurpation  of  HiBHOB  Si-AMON  (son  of  Amon)    .        .    200 

His  preTious  high  position  at  the  court 200 

The  Rameasids  banished  to  the  Great  Oasis ....  201 
Sue  of  the  Astynan  Empire  in  Mesopotamia  .  .  .  .  201 
Alliance  of  its  kings  with  the  Ramessids  ....  202 
Marriage  of  Ramessu  XVI.  with  an  Assyrian  princess  .  .  202 
The  Assyrians  under  King  Nimrod  invade  Egypt  .    202 

PiNOTBU  I.  king,  of  the  line  of  Hirhor 203 

His  son,  Men-kheper-ra,  recals  the  banished  Ramessids  .  208-6 
Death  of  Nimrod  (Naromath) — His  burial  at  Abydus  .  206 
PiBXBEHAN  I.,  son  of  Hirhor,  under-king  at  Tanis  .  .  .  207 
Shashanq,  father  of  Nimrod,  visits  Thebes  and  Abydus        .    207 

Avenges  the  neglect  of  Nimrod's  tomb 207 

His  inscription  at  Abydus :  an  historical  revelation  .  208,/ 
A  real  Assyrian  conqttest  ofJSgypt,  and  a  new  foreign  dynasty, 

with  Shashanq,  son  of  Nimrod,  as  king  207  and  211 

Statue  of  Nimrod  in  the  Museum  at  Florence  .  .  .  212 
Earamat,  wife  of  Shashanq  I.,  an  E^n^tian  princess  .  .  213 
Inscription  concerning  her  property  in  Egypt       .        .    213,  214 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE  TWENTY-SECOND  DYNASTY. 


Their  names  purely  Assyrian 215 

L  Shashanq  I. — ^His  royal  residence  at  Bubastas  .  207,  215 
His  good  understanding  with  the  Ramessids  .  .  .  .  215 
Shashanq  (Shiahak)  receives  the  fugitive  Jeroboam     .        .216 


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B.C.  PAGB 

His  invasion  of  Judah  recorded  at  Kamak      .  .    .  217 

Long  list  of  conquered  towns  and  districts  .        .  .217 

Close  relations  of  the  Fenekh  (Phoenicians)  to  the  Hebrews  219 

Shashanq's' Hall  of  the  Bubastids' at  Kamak    .        .        .  219 

Record  of  its  building  preserved  at  Silsilis      .        .        .    .  219 

Its  architect,  Hor-em-saf,  and  hi^  genealogy  220 
Memorial  tablet  of  Shashanq  and  his  eldest  son  Auputh  221,  222 

938.     II.  UsABKON  I.  (Sargon),  son  and  successor  of  Shashanq  I. .  223 

His  second  wife,  daughter  of  the  Tanite  king,  Fisebkhan  II.  223 

Her  son,  Shashanq,  high-priest  of  Amon      ....  223 

Contest  between  Usarkon's  two  sons  for  the  crown  .        .    .  223 

900.     III.  Succession  of  the  elder,  Thaebloth  I.  (Tiglath)  .        .  224. 

866.     ly.  His  son  UsABXOir  n.,  last  king  of  the  elder  line        .    .  224 

His  sons,  Shashanq  and  Naromath,  high-priests  .  .  224 

888.     v.   SHASHAKft  n.,  grandson  of  the  high-priest  Shashanq, 

the  second,  son  of  Usarkon  L 225 

800.     VI.  Thaiubloih  H.  marries  the  priest  Nimrod's  daughter     .  226 

Inscription  of  his  son,  the  high-priest  Usarkon     .  .  226 

Record  of  an  ominous  eclipse  of  the  moon       .        .        .    •  226 

766. 1  Irruptions  of  the  Ethiopians  and  Assyrians  .        .        .       226-27 

788.  [yTL,  Vm.,  IX.  SHASHAsra  HI.,  Pdcai,  and  SHASHAjra  IV.    228 

700.  J  Residence  transferred  from  Bubastus  to  Memphis  .  .  228 
Four  tombstones  of  an  Apis  bull  under  these  kings  .  229,  280 
Petty  kings  appearing  as  Assyrian  satraps  ...  *  231 
The  supreme  royal  power  confined  to  Lower  Egypt .  .  .  281 
Upper  Egypt  under  UsASEOir,  king  and  high-priest  of  Amon    232 

Calculation  of  the  life  of  the  Apis 282 

The  three  kings  of  Dynasty  XXIU.,  of  Tanis       .        .        .288 
Note  on  BocoHOBiB,  sole  Idng  of  Dynasty  XXIV.    .        .    .    228 


CHAPTER  XVin, 

THE  TWBNTY-FIFTH  DYNASTY. — THE  ETHIOPIANS. 

1000    The  dethroned  line  of  Hirhor  retire  to  Ethiopia  .        .        .224 
(about)  Loss  of  Egypt's  dominion,  but  permanence  of  Egyptian  civi- 
lization and  religion,  in  Ethiopia 285 

Nap  or  Napata,  at  Mount  Barkd,  the  new  capital       .  235 

Piankhi,  son  of  Hirhor:  meaning  of  the  name        .        .    .  286 

Political  and  religious  constitution  on  the  Egyptian  model  .  286 

Distinguished  position  of  the  women  of  the  royal  house  '.    .  286 

Extension  of  the  kingdom  to  Upper  Egypt,  Patorie      .        .  287 

Petty  kings  in  Lower  Egypt,  Mutur,  under  the  Assyrians    .  237 

Middle  Egypt  a  '  march '  between  the  two  powers        .        .  287 


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B.C.  PAOB 

The  Ethiopians  the  '  Princes  of  Noph '  of  Scriptuie .  .  .  237 
766.     Tatsaxbtk  (Tnephachthus),  king  of  Sua  and  Memphis^ 

conquers  the  Ethiopian  yassals  in  Middle  £^pt  .    238 

List  of  petty  kings  and  satraps  in  Lower  Egypt  .    .    239 

The  great  inscription  of  king  Piankhi  at  Mount  Barkal, 

recording  his  conquest  of  Middle  and  Lower  Egypt  240-257 
MiAinTir  Nut,  son  (P)  and  successor  of  Piankhi  .    .    257 

JBGs  dream,  and  campaign  against  Lower  Egypt  .  .    257 

HiB  moniunent  and  inscription  at  Mount  Barlod  .  .  258-263 
The  success  not  lasting — Schism  in  Ethiopia       •  .    264 

The  three  divisions  of  Patoris  (Thehes),  Takhont  or  Meluhha 

(Nubia),  and  Rush  (capital  Napata) 264 

700.  Tahasaqa,  Tirhaka,  Tearko,  Tarkus,  Etearchus  ...  265 
New  light  from  the  Assyrian  cuneiform  inscriptions         .    .    265 

Victory  of  Sennacherib  at  Altaku 265 

The  AsvAJ£  ov  Absubbaiopal  son  of  Sennacherib  .  .  266 
Conquest  of  Lower  Egypt  by  Tirhaka,  and  its  reconquest  by 

Assurbanipal 267-270 

Assyrian  list  of  the  petty  kings  and  satraps  .    270 

M.  Oppert's  summary  of  the  narrative 272 

Campaign  against  Urdakaitbh  or  Rttdaxon,  the  successor 

of  Tirhaka,    and  twofold   capture   of   Thebes   by    the 

Assyrians 272-276 

Keview  of  events  under  Assarhaddon  and  Assurbanipal  275-277 
Important  part  played  by  Nikuu  (Necho)  grandson  of  Taf- 

nakht,  king  of  Memphis  and  Sus,  father  of  Psamethik  I.  .    277 

Obscurity  of  the  succeeding  period 277 

Taharaqa,    Piankhi    and    his    wife    Ameniritis,    Shabak 

(Sabaco),  Shabatak  (Sebichus),  all  contemporary  .  .  277 
Sitting  statue  of  Shabatak,  at  Memphis  ....  278 
Monuments  at  Thebes  of  Taharaqa  and  Monthemha  .  .  278 
Rudamon,  stepson  of  Taharaqa,  and  an  earlier  Rudamon  .  279 
Dynasty  XXIV,  \  the  Bocohorib  of  Manetho,  discovered  in 

Bek-en-ran-ef  (in  the  Assyrian  list,  Bu-kur-ni-ni-ip)  .  280 
Family  relationships  of  Dynasties  XXI.— XXVI.  .  .  .  280 
Psamethik,  of  Sfus,  unites  the  rival  claims  ....  281 
Statue  and  inscription  of  queen  Ameniritis     .        .  281-2 

Etymology  of  the  Ethiopian  proper  names  illustrated  from 

the  existing  language  of  the  Nubian  Baiabra       .        .     282-5 


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XIV  CONTENTS  OF 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

BYNA8IIEB  TWENTT-SHIH  TO  THIBTY-FIB8T. 
B.C.  PAe« 

666.     List  of  the  Kings,  with  the  Dates  of  their  Aocesaion  .  286, 287 

Dedine  and  fall  of  the  Egyptian  monarchy          .        .  .    287 

Sau  succeeds  to  Thebes ;  Alexandria  to  Sais  .        .  .  288, 289 

Causes  of  the  fall  of  the  Pharaohs       ....  289,290 

§  I.      THB  TWENTT-4IXTH  DT»ABTT,  OF  SAIS. 

Character  of  its  monuments  :  return  to  ancient  models  .  291 
Lmoyations  in  religion — ^Demons  and  magic  .  .  .  .  293 
New  historical  light  from  the  Apis  Tablets  .        .        .    290 

—  of  Psamethik  I. :  his  additions  to  the  Serapeum.        .  296, 296 

—  of  Neku  II.  Uah-ab-ra  (Apries),  and  Amasis  .  ,  296, 297 
Care  bestowed  on  the  burial  of  the  bulls  .  .  .  .  298 
The  Greek  story  of  Cambyses  and  the  Apis  refuted    .      299, 300 

Honour  paid  by  Darius  to  the  Apis 301 

Ehabbash,  the  Egyptian  king,  rival  to  Xerxes     .        .  302 

His  sarcophagus  intended  for  an  Apis 802 

366.     Latest  Apis  tablet  of  king  Nakht-neb-ef     ....    302 

§  n.     THB  PBBSIAITB  IS  E6TPT.      DTITABTT  XXYH. 

Readiness  of  Egyptian  nobles  to  serve  the  Ghreat  Ejng         .    303 
Inscription  of  Uzahorenpiris,  imder  Cambyses  and  Darius,  on 
the  statue  called  the  Pastophorus  of  the  Vatican         .  303-306 

CAXBTBEsplacedin  anewlight 307 

Egyptian  learning  fostered  by  Dabiits  1 307 

His  temple  at  Hibis  (El-Khargeh)  in  the  Great  Oasis  .    307 

Works  and  inscriptions  of  Daritb  U.  at  the  temple  .  307, 308 
Pedigree  of  the  architect  Ehnum-ab-ra        .        .        .     308-310 

Other  inscriptions  of  the  same  architect 310 

Inscriptions  relating  to  the  attempted  Canal  of  Darius  I. 

through  the  Isthmus  of  Suez  ....     310,311 

Inscriptions  of  the  Persian  officers  Ataiuhi  and  Aliurta      312-14 

627.     The  true  date  of  the  conquest  by  Cambyses     .        .        .    .    316 
Xbbzbb  I.  and  the  anti-ldng  Ehabbash        .  .316 

311.     Inscription  of  the  satrap  Ptolemy,  son  of  Lagus       .        .316,316 

§  in.      THB  LAST  PHABAOHB. 

Dynasties  XXIX.  and  XXX.  at  Mendes  and  Sebennytus.    316 

36&-340.  The  last  Pharaoh,  Nakht-itbb-bf 317 

280  {dr,)  The  sarcophagus  of  his  grandson,  Nahkt-neb-ef .  .    317 


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Mcn-pehuti-n. 


Hotep-hi-ma. 


HISTOKY    OF    EGYPT. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE  NINETEENTH  DYNASTY. 
THE   PEOPLE   OF   THE   KHITA. 

After  the  death  of  King  Horemhib,  the  Eighteenth 
Dynasty  ended  its  eventful  history.  The  heretic  king 
Khunaten  had,  by  his  novelties  in  the  teaching  about 
the  being  of  the  gods,  somewhat  diminished  its  splen- 
dour in  the  eyes  of  the  orthodox  priests  and  people, 
and  had  created  a  schism  in  the  internal  life  of  the 
nation,  which  the  immediate  successors  of  Khunaten 
found  it  difficult  to  heal.  The  new  teaching,  with  its 
Semitic  foundation,  had  at  once  gained  many  adherents 
among  the  susceptible  Egyptians.  Its  banishment  and 
extirpation,  under  the  guidance  of  the  Theban  priests 
of  Amon,  whose  power  and  influence  were  now  for 
the  first  time  used  against  the  kings,  formed  the  sad 
tenor  of  the  internal  events  in  the  next  portion  of 
1»^V0L.  n.  B 


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2  THE  NINETEENTH  DYNASTY.  0Rk3f.  xit. 

Egyptian  history.  How  peace  and  reconciliation  were 
brought  about,  it  is  now  difficult  to  say  ;  but  Horem- 
hib  certainly  appeared  in  the  light  of  a  happy  me- 
diator between  the  ruling  adherents  of  the  doctrine 
of  Amon  and  the  severely  persecuted  servants  of  the 
living  god  of  the  sun's  disk. 

While  the  kingdom  was  disturbed  by  such  a  schism, 
and  the  excitable  spirits  of  the  Egyptians  were  highly 
roused  on  each  side  of  the  question,  a  great  nation 
had  in  the  meantime  been  growing  up,  beyond  the 
frontier  on  the  north-east,  to  an  importance  and  power 
which  began  to  endanger  the  Egyptian  supremacy  in 
Western  Asia. 

Already,  during  the  wars  undertaken  by  Thutmes 
ni.  against  the  Syrian  peoples  and  towns  of  that 
region,  the  Kheta  or  Khita  had  shown  themselves  on 
the  scene  of  those  yearly  repeated  and  long-enduring 
struggles,  under  the  leadership  of  their  own  kings,  as 
a  dominant  race.  The  contemporary  Egyptian  inscrip- 
tions designate  them  as  '  the  great  people,'  or  '  the 
great  country,'  less  with  respect  to  the  space  they 
occupied,  than  from  their  just  reputation  for  those 
brave  and  chivalrous  qualities,  which  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Khita,  a  race  as  noble  as  the  Egyptians, 
were  acknowledged  even  by  their  enemies  to  possess. 
We  believe  we  are  falling  into  no  error  if  we  perse- 
vere in  our  opinion,  which  recognises  in  these  people 
the  same  Khethites  (Hittites)  about  whom  Holy 
Scripture  has  so  much  to  tell  us,  from  the  days  of 
the  patriarch  Abraham  till  the  time  of  the  Captivity. 
When  Thutmes  HI.  fought  with  them  and  conquered 


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DTir.  m.  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  KHITA.  3 

their  towns,  they  \7ere  seated  as  an  important  people 
in  the  most  northern  parts  of  the  land  of  Syria.  At 
the  commencement  of  the  Nineteenth  Dynasty,  the 
power  of  the  Khita  had  been  extended  over  the  whole 
of  the  surrounding  nations.  These  predecessors  of 
the  Assyrian  Empire  held  the  first  place  in  the  league 
of  the  cities  and  kings  of  Western  Asia.  Their  im- 
portance grew  from  year  to  year  in  such  a  way,  that 
even  the  Egyptian  .inscriptions  do  not  hesitate  to 
mention  the  names  of  the  kings  of  the  Khita  in  a  con- 
spicuous manner,  and  to  speak  of  their  gods  with 
reverence.  When  Bamses  I.  ascended  the  throne  of 
Egypt,  Sa-pa-li-li,  Saplel,  or  Saprer,  ruled  as  king  of 
the  Khita.  He  was  followed  by  his  son  and  heir  in 
the  empire,  Maurosar,  who  after  his  death  left  two 
sons  behind  him,  of  whom  the  elder  was  that  Mau- 
thanar,  who  appears  as  a  contemporary  of  Seti  I.  and 
an  enemy  of  Egypt,  while  the  younger,  Khitasar  or 
Khitasir,  appears  as  the  friend,  ally,  and  father-in-law 
of  the  Pharaoh  Bamses  11.  At  the  head  of  their 
divinities  stood  the  glorious  god  of  war,  Sutekh  (the 
Khethite  counterpart  of  Amon),  and  his  wife,  the 
steed-driving  queen  of  heaven,  Astartha-Anatha. 

Among  the  towns  of  the  Khita,  Tunep  (Daphne) 
and  Khilibu  (Haleb)  are  two  points  certainly  fixed  by 
their  definite  position,  and  both  with  temples  of  the 
f^reat  Baal-Sutekh.  On  the  other  hand,  the  name  of 
tlie  country  of  Qazauatana  points  with  infalUble  cer- 
tainty to  the  region  of  Gozan  (Gauzanitis)  to  the  east 
of  the  Euphrates,  between  the  towns  of  Circesium  in 
the  south  and  Thapsacus  in  the  north.     The  situation 

b2 


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4  THE  NINETEENTH  DYNASTY.  chap.  xtt. 

of  the  places  or  countries  of  the  Khita — ^Zaranda, 
Pirqa  or  Pilqa  (Peleg,  Paliga  ?),  Khissap,  Sarsu,  Sarpina, 
Zaiath-khirra  (hinder  Zaiath) — and  others  named  at 
the  same  time  as  those  just  mentioned,  must  be  deter- 
mined by  future  enquiries.  Perhaps  we  may  find  an 
answer  to  these  questions  in  the  Assyrian  inscriptions. 

If  it  is  allowable  to  form  a  judgment  on  the  origin 
of  this  cultivated  and  powerful  people  from  its  out- 
ward bearing  and  appearance,  it  seems  to  us,  under 
the  guidance  of  the  monuments,  to  be  at  least  very 
doubtful  whether  we  should  reckon  this  chivalrous 
race  among  the  Canaanites.  Beardless,  armed  in  a 
difierent  manner,  fighting  three  men  on  each  chariot 
of  war,  arranged  in  their  order  of  battle  according  to 
a  well-considered  plan  previously  laid  down,  the  Khita 
present  a  striking  contrast  to  their  Canaanite  allies. 
In  the  representations  of  the  wars  of  Eamses  11.  against 
Khitasar,  the  prince  of  the  Khita,  the  great  foreign 
king  appears  surrounded  by  his  generals  and  servants, 
who  are  mentioned  by  name,  down  to  the  'letter- 
writer  Khirpasar.'  His  warriors  were  divided  into 
foot-soldiers  and  fighters  on  chariots,  and  consisted 
partly  of  native  Khethites,  partly  of  foreign  merce- 
naries. Their  hosts  were  led  to  battle  by  Kasans,  or 
'  commanders  of  the  fighters  on  the  chariots,'  by 
'  generals,'  and  Hirpits,  or  '  captains  of  the  foreigners.' 
The  nucleus  of  the  army  was  formed  of  the  native- 
bom  Khita,  under  the  designation  of  Tuhir,  or  '  the 
chosen  ones.'  In  the  battle  at  Kadesh,  8,000  of  these 
stood  in  the  foremost  rank,  under  the  command  of 
Kamaiz ;  while  9,000  others  followed  their  king.     In 


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DTK.  XIX-  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  KHTTA.  5 

the  same  battle,  the  noblemen  Thargannas  and  Pais 
led  the  chariots  in  the  fight ;  Thaadar  commanded  the 
mercenaries  of  the  IQiita ;  l^ebisuanna  was  at  the 
head  of  the  foreign  warriors  from  Annas ;  another 
chief  appears  as  the  general  of  the  mercenaries  from 
Nagebus.  Sapzar  and  Mazarima  appear  as  brothers 
of  the  king  of  Khita ;  whether  real  brothers,  or  per- 
haps only  allies.  Among  other  names  of  Khethite 
origin,  the  following  are  mentioned  :  Garbitus,  Thar- 
gathazas,  Tadar  or  Tadal,  Zauazas,  Samarius,  and  that 
of  the  '  ambassador '  Tarthisebu.  It  is  evident  at  once 
that  these  names  do  not  bear  a  Semitic,  or  at  any  rate 
not  a  pure  Semitic  stamp.  The  endings  in  «,  r,  and  w, 
prevail.  In  the  proper  name  Thargatha-zas,  in  which 
the  ending  zds  plays  the  same  part  as  in  the  proper 
name  Zaua-zas,  Thargatha  seems  to  answer  to  the 
goddess  called  by  the  Greeks  and  Romans  Atargates 
or  Atargatis,  Derketo  and  Dercetis,  who  possessed 
very  celebrated  temples  in  Askalon  and  Astaroth- 
Kamaim,  as  well  as  in  the  Syrian  town  of  Hierapolis 
(Mabog). 

The  unmistakable  peculiarities  of  the  language,  to 
which  I  have  now  called  the  attention  of  the  reader,  are 
for  the  most  part  found  in  that  unexplained  series  of 
names  of  towns,  which  form  the  second  division  of 
the  northern  peoples,  or  northern  cities,  in  the  lists  of 
the  victories  of  Thutmes  III.  at  Karnak.  As  examples, 
to  show  their  foreign  formation,  let  us  cite  the  follow- 
ing names,  which  can  be  read  with  certainty,  on  the 
basis  of  M.  Mariette's  deciphering  of  the  series  : — 


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THE  NINETEENTH  DYNASTY. 


CHAP.  ht. 


20.  Pirkheta 

21.  Ai 

22.  Amau 

24.  Thnka 

25.  Thel-manna 

26.  Legaba 

27.  Tunipa  (Daphne) 
32.  Nfi 

34.  Ar 

35.  Zizal 

36.  Zakal 

39.  Arzakana 

40.  Kharkakhi  (or  Kliarkaka) 

41.  Bursu 

42.  Lerti 

45.  Unai 

46.  'Annfer 

47.  Ithakhab 

48.  TJniuqa 

50.  Sakti 

51.  Anbillina 

52.  Zanruisu  (Zarmisn) 

53.  Suka 

54.  Pazala 

55.  Sathekhbeg 

56.  Amarseki 

57.  Khalros 

58.  Nenuran'aantha 

59.  Shauirantha 

60.  Mairrekhnas 

61.  Zagerel 

63.  Kanretu 

64.  Tariza 

66.  Anriz 

67.  A'aree 

68.  Khazrezaa 

69.  Amir 

70.  Ehatha'ai 
73.  Thenrmiru 
84.  Anauban 


185.  Khatuma 

186.  Magnas 

187.  Thepkanna 

188.  Thuthana  (Susan  ?) 

189.  Nireb 

190.  Theleb  (Thalaba) 

191.  Atugaren 

196.  Niahapa  (Nisibis) 

197.  Tarzeker 

198.  Abatha 

199.  Ziras 

200.  'Authir 

201.  Natub 

202.  Zetharseth 

203.  Aithna 

204.  Sukaua 
206.  Tuaub 

206.  Abir[na]th 

207.  Shainarkai 

208.  'Aurma 

212.  Kalnab 

213.  Ares 

214.  Anautasenu 

215.  Azana 

216.  Zetharsetha 

217.  Tulbentha 

218.  Mauthi 

221.  Atur 

222.  Eartha-meruth 

223.  A-siiha 

224.  Taniros 

226.  Athebena 

227.  Ashameth 

228.  Athakar 

229.  Tazet 

230.  Athnm 

231.  Thnkamros 

232.  'Abetha 

235.  Ansakeb 

236.  Area 


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iTir.  XIX. 


THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  KHITA. 


237.  Arfeha 
247.  Fama 

252.  Sur 

253.  Papaa 

254.  Nnzona 

255.  Zamanlra 
259.  Suki-beki 

263.  A-thini 

264.  Karshaua 

265.  Retama 

271.  Zazker 

272.  Maurmar 

279.  Khaitn 

280.  Pederi  (Pethor  ?) 

281.  Athrithan 

282.  Mashana 

283.  A-anreka 

284.  Nepiriiiriu  (Nipur) 

285.  Nathkiiia 

286.  Athetama 

287.  AbeLlenu 

288.  Airanel 

289.  Airanel  (jtie) 


290.  Ann'aui 

292.  Thaiekh 

293.  Aurna 
296.  Papabi 

306.  Aiber 

307.  Kel-maitha  (Ehilmod) 

308.  Amak 

309.  Kaxel 

310.  Amnai 

311.  Ehalbn  (Haleb) 

312.  Piananel  (Pnuel) 

315.  Aukam 

316.  Puroth 
318.  Aripenekha 
320.  Puqiu 

322.  Thinnur 

323.  Zamaa 
333.  lurima 
338.  Thethup. 
343.  Shusaron 

347.  Thamaqur 

348.  Retep(?)(Re-ap!) 

349.  Maurika 


It  is  clear  that  this  list  exhibits  in  their  oldest  or- 
thography the  greater  number  of  these  towns,  which 
are  afterwards  mentioned  so  frequently  in  the  records 
of  wars  in  Assyrian  history,  in  the  cuneiform  inscrip- 
tions which  have  been  deciphered.  They  are  the  old 
allied  cities  of  those  Khita,  of  unknown  origin,  who, 
long  before  the  rise  of  Nineveh  and  Babylon,  played  the 
same  part  which  at  a  later  period  the  Assyrians  under- 
took with  success.  Though  we  are  not  yet  in  a  position 
to  solve  the  obscure  problem  here  suggested,  yet  future 
discoveries  will  doubtless  afford  convincing  proofs,  that 
the  rule  of  the  Khita  in  the  highest  antiquity  was  of  an 


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8  BAMSES  L  CHAP.  xiT. 

importance  which  we  can  now  only  guess  at.  This  list 
of  towns  will  therefore  remain  a  monument  of  the 
greatest  value,  as  a  memorial  of  times  and  peoples 
long  since  vanished,  whose  lost  remembrance  is  awak- 
ened to  new  life  by  the  dead  letters  of  these  numerous 
names.  With  such  a  perception  of  their  value,  the 
reader  may  cast  his  eye  over  the  long  catalogue  of 
those  very  ancient  names  which  we  have  transcribed, 
even  if  his  own  science  should  not  avail  him  better  than 
ours  for  subjecting  them  to  a  comparative  investigation. 
For  in  these  names,  so  far  as  they  are  not  demonstrably 
of  Semitic  origin,  fies  the  key  to  their  language.  The' 
right  understanding  of  them  offers,  therefore,  the 
surest  means  of  fixing  the  place  of  the  Khita  in  the 
life  of  the  ancient  nations. 


I.  MEN-PEHUn-RA  RAMESSU  I.  (RAMSES  I.)    1400  B.C. 

Although  we  possess  no  information  from  the 
monuments  about  the  family  ties  which  united  the 
king,  who  was  the  head  and  founder  of  the  Nineteenth 
Dynasty,  with  his  predecessor  Horemhib,  there  must 
have  been  nevertheless  a  close  connection  between 
thenL  Whether  Ramses  was  the  son,  son-in-law,  or 
brother  of  Horemhib,  is  as  yet  undecided.  If  I  say 
the  brother,  I  am  led  to  this  as  a  possible  supposition 
by  the  testimony  of  the  memorial  stone  of  a  contem- 
porary family,  which  mentions  the  brothers  Horemhib 
and  Bamses  among  the  sons  of  a  certain  Ha-Aai,  an 

*  overseer  of  the  cutters  of  hieroglyphs '  of  his  unnamed 

*  lord  of  the  land  '  (Ai  ?  see  Vol.  I.  c.  xiii.  near  end). 


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DTK.  in.        WAR  AND  ALLIANCE  WITH  KHITA.  9 

The  reign  of  Ramses  I.  seems  to  have  been  neither 
of  long  duration,  nor  to  have  been  filled  with  remark- 
able deeds.  His  fame  consists  chiefly  in  the  place  he 
occupies  in  the  historical  series,  as  the  father  of  a  very 
celebrated  son,  and  the  grandfather  of  one  who  was 
covered  with  glory  and  sung  of  as  a  hero  to  the  latest 
ages.  His  recognition  as  the  legitimate  king  by  the 
priests  of  Amon  is  authenticated  by  the  representa- 
tion of  his  solemn  coronation  on  the  entrance  gate  of 
the  temple  of  Karnak.^ 

He  had  a  war  with  the  IQiita,  although  we  only 
learn  this  fact  incidentally  from  the  contents  of  the 
treaty  of  peace  concluded  by  Ramses  H.  with  the 
Khita.^  His  royal  opponent  Saplel  had,  after  the  end 
of  the  war,  made  an  offensive  and  defensive  aUiance 
with  Ramses  I.,  and  so  the  IQiita  and  the  Egyptians 
continued  to  exercise  their  sovereignty  within  their 
own  boundaries,  without  molesting  one  another  any 
further. 

A  memorial  stone  of  the  second  year  of  his  reign, 
found  at  the  second  cataract  at  Wady-Halfa  (the 
place  was  then  called  Behani,  and  is  the  Boon  of 
Ptolemy),  informs  us,  that  king  Ramses  I.  founded 
there  a  storehouse  for  the  temple  of  his  divine  father 
Hor-khem,  and  filled  it  with  captive  men-servants 
and  maid-servants  from  the  conquered  countries.     Of 

'  For  the  better  understanding  of  the  frequent  allusions  in 
the  following  pages  to  the  parts  of  the  temple  of  Kamak,  the  reader 
may  consult  the  description  in  Murray's  Handbook  for  Egypty 
p.  496.     The  plan  of  the  temple  is  given  on  page  11. — Ed. 

'  This  treaty  is  translated  in  full  under  the  reign  of  Bamses  II. 
(See  pp.  71,  f.)— Ed. 


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10  MINEPTAH  SETI  I.  chap.  xiv. 

whatever  consequence  the  fact  thus  recorded  may 
have  been  to  tlie  ancient  inhabitants  of  the  temple  at 
Behani,  the  history  of  his  times  gains  Uttle  by  it. 

After  his  death,  Ramses  I.  was  laid  in  his  own 
tomb-chamber  in  the  valley  of  the  kings'  sepulchres, 
and  he  was  succeeded  in  the  kingdom  by  his  son,  to 
whom  the  monuments  give  the  name  of 

II.  MA-MEN-RA  MINEPTAH  I.  SETI  I.  (SETHOS).    1866  B.C. 

After  a  long  interval,  there  rises  again  a  brilliant 
star  on  the  horizon  of  Egyptian  history.  The  voice 
of  the  monuments  begins  anew  to  speak  of  the  victories 
of  Pharaoh,  and  to  sing  the  glory  of  the  empire.  It  is 
chiefly  the  great  national  temple  at  Thebes  which  re- 
cords the  honours  of  Seti  by  inscriptions  and  by  pic- 
tures ;  for  the  king  executed  Works  to  the  glorious  god 
Amon,  the  finished  splendour  of  which  is  only  surpassed 
by  their  extraordinary  size.  We  refer  to  the  building 
of  that  wonderful '  Great  Hall '  in  the  temple  at  Karnak, 
where  134  <5olumns  of  astonishing  height  and  circum- 
ference still  attract  the  admiration  of  our  fastidious  age. 
As  the  description  of  this  building  does  not  come 
within  the  hmits  of  our  historical  work,  we  are  obhged 
to  refer  our  readers  to  the  excellent  accounts  of 
Egyptian  travellers.  The  outer  wall,  however,  on  the 
north  side  of  this  hall,  must  have  our  full  attention, 
since  its  representations  stand  in  the  closest  connection 
with  the  wars  of  Seti,  beginning  with  the  first  year  of 
his  reign. 

These  wars  arose  from  the  constant  advances  of 
the  neighbouring  peoples,  to  the  east  of  Egypt,  upon 


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DTS.  m. 


mS  FIRST  CA2tfPAIGN. 


11 


the  Delta.  The  long 
duration  of  peace, 
as  well  perhaps  as 
the  weak  reign  of 
Ramses  L,  had  in- 
duced these  neigh- 
bours,    and    espe- 
cially the  Arabian 
Shasu,  to  take  the 
bold  resolveof  press- 
ing forward  over  the 
eastern   frontier  of 
Egypt,  *  to  find  sus- 
tenance  for    them- 
selves    and      their 
cattle  on  the  posses- 
sions  of  Pharaoh/ 
Six  battle  paintings, 
ranged  in  a  series, 
give   us  a  view  of 
the  principal  events 
of    this    campaign. 
We  will  endeavour, 
under  the  guidance 
of  the   inscriptions 
annexed  to  them,  to 
put  their  contents 
faithfully  before  our 
readers. 

The  wars  of  Seti 
in  the  East  began. 


W09* 


KoHh 


Jfant 

PLAN  OP  GRKAT  TfEMPLE  OF  KARNAK. 

A.  First  Propylon.  B.  Open  Area,  with  corridors, 
and  a  single  colomn  erect.  0.  Second  Propylon. 
D.  Great  Hall.  B.  Third  Propylon.  P.  Fourth  Pro- 
pylon. G.  Hall  with  Oairid  figures.  H.  Granite 
Sanctuary  and  adjoining  chambers.  I.  Open  Court. 
K.  Columnar  Edifice  of  Thutmos  m.  L.  Temple  of 
Bamseani. 

a.  Sculptures  of  Seti  I.  b.  Sculptures  of  Shishak. 
e.  Sculptures  of  Ramses  n.  d.  Small  Obelisks. 
e.  Large  Obelisks,  f.  PIUaraijLIIilKtesen  I.  g.  HaU  of 
Ancestors. 


.V 


'^~c\ 


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t",- 


'■t^ 


12  MINEPTAH  SETI  L  chap.  xiv. 

as  we  have  already  remarked,  in  the  very  first  year 
of  his  reign.  Their  theatre  was  formed  by  the 
countries  and  fortresses  in  the  region  of  the  Shasu 
Bedouins,  '  from  the  fortress  of  Khetam  (the  Etham 
of  the  Bible),  in  the  land  of  Zalu  (that  is,  the  Tanitic 
nome),  as  far  as  the  place  Kan'ana  or  Kan'aan.'  By 
these  data  the  scene  of  the  struggle  is  very  closely 
fixed,  and  at  the  same  time  proof  is  afibrded  that  the 
Shasu  had  pressed  forward  westward  quite  into  the 
proper  Egyptian  territory,  to  make  good  their  claims 
derived  from  the  times  of  the  Hyksos.  The  king 
assembled  his  army,  put  his  chariots  of  war  in  array, 
and  himself  rode  in  his  two-horse  chariot  against  the 
invading  Bedouins.  The  road  which  the  Egyptian 
army  took  is  clearly  indicated  by  the  pictures  and 
the  inscriptions. 

The  campaign  was  begun  from  the  fortress  of 
Khetam,  which  we  have  just  mentioned,  and  which 
was  situated  on  both  sides  of  an  arm  of  the  Nile, 
swarming  with  crocodiles,  and  with  banks  covered 
with  reeds.  The  king  took  thence  the  direction  of 
the  biblical  *road  of  the  Phihstines,' '  and  first  reached 
the  fortified  but  otherwise  unknown  place,  Ta'a-pa- 
mau,  *  the  house  of  lions,'  Leontopolis,  near  a  small 
fountain  of  sweet  water  enclosed  by  a  wall.  His 
march  was  next  directed  to  the  Egyptian  fortress  of 
Migdol,  mentioned  in  Holy  Scripture,   close   to  the 

'  Respecting  this  important  road,  and  the  localities  by  which 
its  course  is  determined,  see  farther  in  the  author's  Discourse  on 
the  Exodus  and  the  Egyptian  Monuments  at  the  end  of  this 
volume. — Ed. 


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DTK.  m.  HIS  LINE  OF  MARCH.  13 

springs  in  the  country  of  Hazina  or  Hazian  (the 
Kasion  or  Mount  Casius  of  the  ancients),  and  along  the 
road  to  the  *  north '  fortress  Uti  (Buto,  as  the  Greeks 
would  write  it),  also  near  a  spring.  Uti  denotes 
the  fortified  place  where  stood  the  often-mentioned 
temple  on  Mount  Casius,  in  which  a  Jupiter  (Amon) 
was  worshipped,  who  was  the  Baal  Zapuna  of  the 
Egyptian  inscriptions,  that  is,  the  Baal  Zephon  of  Holy 
Scripture.  The  army  passed  along  the  seashore  to 
Ostracine,  where  there  was  a  Bekhen,  or  tower,  which 
the  inscriptions  designate  as  Pa-nakhtu,  or  '  the  con- 
queror's tower'  of  King  Seti.  At  this  point  the 
proper  Egyptian  boundary  ended,  and  the  territory  of 
the  land  of  Zahi,  which  was  afterwards  the  land  of 
the  Philistines,  began.  The  next  halting-place  on 
their  territory  was  a  fortified  spot,  newly  built  by 
King  Seti,  situated  at  the  water  of  Absaqab.  Two 
other  fortresses  lay  on  either  side  of  the  road.  The 
one,  which  was  also  the  larger,  is  called  '  the  town, 
which  the  king  had  built  at  the  spring  of  ...  ,  tha.' 
It  is  called  '  a  strong  place '  in  a  second  passage,  and 
its  water  is  designated  as  that  of  Eibatha,  without 
doubt  the  Eohoboth  of  the  Bible,  to  the  south-west 
of  Beersheba,  in  Negeb  or  the  south  country  of 
Palestine.  The  smaller  fortress  stood  near  Ta- 
khnum-notem,  that  is  *  the  pleasant  (or  sweet)  spring.' 
It  is  called  'A-nakhtu,  that  is,  *  the  fortress  of  vic- 
tory.' Passing  by  a  new  fortress  (the  name  is  unfor- 
tunately destroyed),  the  end  of  the  road  was  reached, 
and  at  the  same  time  the  eastern  boundary  of  the 
land  of  the  Shasu,  marked  by  the  hill-fortress  of 


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14  MINEPTAH  SETI  I.  chap.  xiv. 

Kan'aan,*  near  which  a  stream  seems  to  have  fallen 
into  a  lake. 

We  find  ourselves  here,  as  it  appears,  in  the 
Arabah,  and  we  have  the  choice  between  one  or  other 
of  the  fortresses  situated  there.  In  spite  of  many 
obscurities,  the  direction  of  the  road  is  precisely  de- 
termined. The  king  had  taken  possession  of  the 
land  of  the  Shasu  to  its  extremest  boundary.  The 
fortress  of  Kan'aan  was  stormed  by  Seti  and  his  army, 
and  thus  Pharaoh  became  the  lord  of  the  whole  of 
the  Edomitish  Negeb. 

This  first  victory  is  celebrated  by  the  following 

inscription : — 

'  In  the  first  year  of  King  Seti,  there  took  place  by  the  strong 
arm  of  Pharaoh  the  annihilation  of  the  hostile  Shaflu,  from  the 
fortress  of  Khetam,  of  the  land  of  Zalu,  as  far  as  Kan'aan.  The 
king  was  against  them  like  a  fierce  lion.  They  were  turned  into 
a  heap  of  corpses  in  their  hill  country.  They  lay  there  in  their 
blood.    Not  one  escaped  to  tell  of  his  strength  to  the  distant  nations.' 

The  warriors  of  the  Shasu,  driven  out  of  their 
own  land,  attempted  to  make  head  against  king  Seti 
and  his  army,  after  they  had  marched  on  northwards, 
and  had  made  a  stand  in  the  territory  of  the  Phoe- 
nicians or  Kharu.  The  king  mounted  his  chariot  of 
war,  whose  pair  of  horses  bore  the  name,  'Amon 
gives  him  strength,'  and  dashed  into  the  crowds  of  the 
scattered  enemies,  who  were  this  time  completely 
beaten  and  overcome.  The  inscription  goes  on  as 
follows : — 

^  In  the  great  Harris  papyrus  of  the  time  of  Ramessu  III. 
Kan'aan  is  called  a  fortress  '  of  the  land  of  Zahi.'  Did  this  land 
then  extend  as  £ar  as  the  shores  of  the  Dead  Sea) 


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DTK.  nx.  VICTORIES  IN  SYRIA.  15 

'In  the  first  year  of  King  Seti,  they  came  to  report  to  his 
Holiness  that  the  hostile  Shasu  intended  mischief,  that  the  elders 
of  their  tribes  had  assembled  together,  and  had  made  a  stand  in  the 
territory  of  the  Phoenicians  (Ehal).  They  were  seised  with  the 
curse  of  discord,  and  slew  one  another.  To  those  only  who  had 
not  forgotten  the  orders  of  the  royal  court  was  the  king  gracious 
on  that  account/ 

The  prisoners  were  carried  to  Egypt  by  the  king, 
as  will  be  related  more  at  length  presently. 

It  seems  to  be  indubitable  that  the  population  also 
of  (southern  ?)  Phoenicia  did  really  assist  the  Shasu 
in  their  wars  against  this  Pharaoh.  But  vengeance 
quickly  overtook  them  also.  In  the  furious  encounter 
of  the  chariots  of  war,  which  were  launched  against 
one  another  on  both  sides,  the  Phoenicians  succumbed 
in  the  battle  at  Inu'amu  (Jamnia),  and  *  Pharaoh  anni- 
hilated the  kings  of  the  land  of  the  Phoenicians.' 

From  hence  the  Egyptian  army  turned  against 
the  inhabitants  of  the  interior  country,  the  Ruthen  of 
Canaan.  The  kings  of  the  several  cities  were  suc- 
cessively overcome  in  many  battles,  in  which  a  son  of 
Seti  fought  by  the  side  of  his  father,  and  the  inhabi- 
tants were  reduced  under  the  Egyptian  sceptre. 
Pharaoh  himself  took  especial  delight  in  the  combat, 
for  the  inscription  says  that 

'  His  joy  is  to  undertake  the  battle,  and  his  delight  is  to  dash 
into  it.  His  heart  is  only  satisfied  at  the  sight  of  the  stream  of 
blood  when  he  strikes  off  the  heads  of  his  enemies.  A  moment  of 
tiae  struggle  of  men  is  dearer  to  him  than  a  day  of  pleasure.  He 
alays  them  with  one  stroke,  and  spares  none  among  them.  And 
whoever  of  them  is  left  remaining  finds  himself  in  his  grasp,  and 
is  carried  off  to  Egypt  alive  as  a  prisoner.' 

In  his  victorious  campaign  throughout  the  whole 

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16  MINEPTAH  SETI  I.  chap,  xit, 

land  of  Canaan,  through  which  he  was  borne  by  his 
pair  of  horses  named  '  big  with  victory/  the  great 
fortress  of  Kadesh,  which  had  abeady  played  such 
an  important  part  under  Thutmes  HE.,  was  reached 
by  the  Egyptian  army.  The  inscription  thus  desig- 
nates the  campaign : — 

'This  is  the  going  np  of  Pharaoh,  to  conquer  the  land  of 
Kadesh  in  the  territory  of  the  Amorites.' 

The  arrival  of  the  army  was  unexpected.  The 
herdsmen  were  even  pasturing  their  cattle  under  the 
trees  which  surrounded  the  city,  when  Pharaoh  ap- 
peared on  his  war-chariot.  Each  seeks  to  save  himself; 
the  herds  flee  with  their  keepers ;  the  warriors  of 
Kadesh,  as  they  sally  out,  are  pierced  by  the  arrows  of 
Seti,  and  fall  from  their  war-chariots.  The  defenders 
in  the  interior  of  the  fortress  fare  no  better.  They  also 
give  way  before  the  violent  assault  of  the  Egyptian 
army,  and  fortress  and  people  fall  into  the  hands  of 
Pharaoh's  warriors. 

From  Kadesh  onwards,  the  land  of  the  Khita  lay 
open  before  the  hosts  of  Pharaoh.  The  then  king  of 
the  country,  Mauthanar,  had  broken  the  existing 
treaties,  which  had  been  made  between  his  predecessor 
and  the  Egyptians,  and  had  given  notice  to  Pharaoh 
of  the  termination  of  their  aUiance.  Seti  made  no  delay 
in  faUing  upon  the  territory  of  the  Khita,  as  the 
avenger  of  the  broken  treaties.  Success  crowned  his 
enterprise.  Although  the  well-ordered  hosts  of  the 
beardless  light-red  Khita,  on  foot,  on  horseback,  and 
on   chariots,  offered  a  determined  resistance  to  the 


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Dm  m.  VICTORY  OVER  THE  KHTTA.  17 

Egyptians,  yet  for  all  this  the  Pharaoh  triumphed. 
The  inscription  describes  this  victory  in  the  brief 
words : — 

'  These  are  the  miserable  inhabitants  of  the  land  of  the  Khita ; 
the  king  has  prepared  for  them  a  great  overthrow/ 

And  then  the  song  of  praise  to  Seti  sounds  forth 
with  the  most  vigorous  choice  of  plirases.  Thus  it 
is  said  of  Pharaoh  : — 

'  He  is  a  jackal  which  rushes  prowling  through  this  hmd,  a 
grim  lion  that  frequents  the  most  hidden  paths  of  all  regions,  a 
poweriiil  bnll  with  a  pair  of  sharpened  horns.'  '  He  has  struck 
down  the  Asiatics,  he  has  thrown  to  the  ground  the  Khita ;  he 
has  slain  their  princes.'  ^ 

After  the  main  battle  had  been  fought,  the  king 
(whose  pair  of  horses  this  time  bokre  the  name  '  Amon 
gives  him  strength ')  had  taken  an  immense  number 
of  prisoners,  and  prepared  deliberately  for  his  return 
home.  Peace  was  concluded  with  the  powerful  Khita, 
and  so  the  inscriptions  could  sing  of  him  : — 

'The  king  was  victorious,  great  was  his  strength.  His  war- 
cry  was  like  that  of  the  son  of  Nut  (that  is,  Baal-Sutekh).  He 
returns  home  in  triumph ;  he  has  annihilated  the  peoples,  he  has 
struck  to  the  ground  the  land  of  Khita,  he  has  made  an  end  of  his 
adversaries.  The  enmity  of  all  peoples  is  turned  into  friendship. 
The  terror  of  the  king  has  penetrated  them,  his  boldness  has 
opened  their  hearts.  The  kings  of  the  countries  find  themselves 
bound  before  him.' 

On  his  return,  which  took  place  by  the  great  royal 
highway  through  Kadesh,  Seti  made  a  diversion  to 

'  An  engraving  of  the  picture  at  Kamak  of  Seti  I.  destroying 
the  Khita  in  battle,  is  given  in  Wilkinson's  Ancient  Egyptians, 
2nd  ed.  vol.  L  p.  43,  Plate  IV.— Ed. 
VOL.  n.  C 


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18  MINEPTAH  SETI  I.  chap.  xrr. 

the  land  of  Limanon,  the  position  of  which  answers 
exactly  to  the  better  known  name  of  Mount  Lebanon. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  country,  Canaanites  of  the 
purest  race,  received  the  king  in  the  most  reverential 
manner,  hfting  up  their  hands  to  hail  the  conqueror. 
A  short  annexed  inscription  says : — 

*  The  priests  aod  elders  of  the  land  of  limanon^  they  speak  thus, 
while  they  pray  before  the  lord  of  the  land  to  exalt  his  renown  : 
''  Thou  appearest  like  thy  father,  the  Sun-god,  men  live  in  thy 
glance."' 

The  king  himself,  as  it  appears,  had  made  known 
certain  intentions,  for  an  Egyptian  scribe  assures  him, 
*  All  shall  be  accomphshed  as  thou  hast  said.'  The 
question  related  to  the  feUing  of  cedars  in  the  wooded 
mountain-region  of  Lebanon,  for  the  building  of  a  new 
great  ship  on  the  river  of  Egypt  for  the  service  of  the 
Theban  Amon,  and  for  the  fabrication  of  those  tall 
masts  which  were  wont  to  adorn  the  front  of  the 
propyla  before  the  temples.  In  fact  we  see,  in  the 
Uvely  representation  here  preserved,  the  Canaanites 
actively  employed  in  felling  the  highest  and  straightest 
trees  with  their  axes.  An  inscription,  though  half- 
destroyed,  nevertheless  enables  us  to  understand 
clearly  the  object  of  their  labours.  It  runs  as 
follows  (shghtly  fiUing  up  the  parts  wanting) : — 

'  [The  inhabitants  of  the  land  of]  Limanon  fell  |  [the  trees  for 
the  building  of  a]  great  ship  on  the  river  |  [in  Thebes  of  the 
South],  and  in  like  manner  for  |  [King  Seti's]  high  masts  at 
Amon's  |  [temple  in  Thebes].' 

With  this  the  deeds  of  Setiin  the  East  had  reached 
heir  conclusion. 


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DTK.  DX.  HIS  TRIUMPHAL  RETURN.  19 

'  He  had  smitten  the  wandering  peoples  (An),  and  struck  to 
the  ground  the  agi-lcultural  peoples  (Menti),  and  had  placed  his 
boundaries  at  the  beginning  of  the  world,  and  at  the  utmost 
borders  of  the  river-land  of  Naharain/ — '  which  the  great  sea 
encircles.' 

His  return  took  the  form  of  a  specially  festive 
triumphal  procession.  Laden  with  rich  booty  from 
the  land  of  Ruthen,  with  silver  and  gold,  with  blue, 
green,  red,  and  other  precious  stones  of  the  foreign 
country,  accompanied  by  numerous  captives  of  all 
lands,  which  he  had  again  subjected  to  the  supremacy 
of  Egypt,  Seti  reached  the  plains  of  his  home  by  the 
same  road  which  had  led  him  from  Egypt  into  the 
foreign  countries.  At  the  frontier,  near  Khetam,  the 
priests  and  great  men  of  the  land  waited  to  meet  him 
with  rich  gifts  of  flowers.  The  following  inscription 
will  give  the  best  account  of  the  object  of  this  festive 
gathering : — 

'  The  priests,  the  great  ones,  and  the  most  distinguished  men 
of  South  and  North  Egypt  have  arrived  to  praise  the  divine  bene- 
&ctor  on  his  return  from  the  land  of  Ruthen,  accompanied  by  an 
immensely  rich  booty,  such  as  never  had  happened  since  the  time 
of  the  sun-god  Ra.  They  speak  thus  in  praise  of  the  king  and  in 
glorification  of  his  fame  : 

*  "  Thou  hast  returned  home  from  the  foreign  countries  which 
thou  hast  overcome.  Thou  hast  triumphed  over  thy  enemies  which 
are  subjected  to  thee.  May  the  duration  of  thy  life  as  king  be  as 
long  as  the  sun  in  heaven  !  Thou  hast  quenched  thy  wrath  upon 
the  nine  foreign  nations.  The  Sun-god  himself  has  established  thy 
boundaries.  His  hand  protected  thee,  when  thy  battle-axe  was 
raised  above  the  heads  of  all  peoples,  whose  kings  fell  under  thy 
sword." ' 

United  with  these  representations,  the  richness  of 
which  we  can  only  lay  before  our  readers  in  a  cursory 
description,  are  the  lists  of  the  nations  conquered  by 

c2 


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20  MINEPTAH  SETI  I.  chap.  xiv. 

Seti.  We  will  confine  ourselves  to  those  names,  out 
of  the  whole  number,  that  appear  in  the  more  distinct 
forms  in  which  they  are  henceforward  generally  men- 
tioned on  the  monuments. 

1.  Khita,  the  land  of  the  Khita. 

2.  Naharam,  the  riveivlaiid  (Mesopotamia). 

3.  Upper  Ruihen,  Canaan. 

4.  Lower  Kuthen,  Northern  Syria. 

5.  Singar,  the  city  and  the  land  of  Singara,  the  Sinear  of  Holy 

Scripture. 

6.  TJnu,  an  unknown  island  or  coast  land. 

7.  Kadesh,  in  the  land  of  the  Amorites. 

Q    TCuA    f  I  ^^  n&mes  require  to  be  more  accurately  defined. 

10.  Asebi,  the  island  of  Cyprus. 

11.  Mannus,  the  city  and  land  of  Mallos. 

12.  Aguptha,  the  land  of  Cappadocia. 

13.  Balnu,  Balane®,  to  the  north  of  Aradus. 

To  these  we  may  add  the  names  of  the  cities  of 
Canaan  mentioned  in  Seti's  temple  at  Abydus  (see  be- 
low, p.  29),  and  which  were  conquered  by  Seti : — 

Zithagael. 

Zor  or  Tyre. 

Inua'm  or  Jamnia. 

PsrHir  (Hil)  GaKleel  or  Hali  in  the  tribe  of  Ashur. 

Bitha-'antha  or  Beth-anoth  (in  what  was  afterwards  Judah). 

Qartha-Wbu  or  Kiriath-eneb  (in  Judah). 

That  the  wars  and  victories  of  the  king  in  the  East 
did  not  take  place  only  in  the  first  year  of  his  reign 
is  self-evident,  and  is  sufficiently  confirmed  by  several 
repetitions  in  the  sculptures.  The  memorial  wall  at  Kar- 
nak  may  be  expected  to  unite  together  in  one  general 
representation  everything  glorious  which  the  Pha- 
raoh Seti  had  performed,  as  hero  and  favourite  of  the 


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Dm  HI,  WAKS  WITH  THE  LIBYANS.  21 

gods,  up  to  the  building  of  the  great  Hall  of  Columns. 
This  is  proved,  not  only  by  the  wars  against  the  Li- 
byan peoples,  which  will  be  spoken  of  further  on,  but 
also  by  several  inscriptions  with  dates  later  than  his 
first  year ;  as,  for  example,  the  historical  record  in 
the  temple  in  the  desert  of  Eedesieh,  which  was  built 
in  the  ninth  year  of  the  reign  of  Seti,  and  which 
cites  the  following  names  of  the  peoples  which  had 
then  been  conquered :  1.  Sangar,  i.e.  Singara ;  2.  Ka- 

deshu ;   3.  Makita,  i.e.  Megiddo ;  4.  Ha ; 

5.  the  Shasu  Arabs  of  Edom ;  6.  Asal  or  Asar,  a  name 
which  we  can  hardly  venture  to  identify  with  Assur. 
Seti  carried  on  his  wars  not  only  in  the  East  but  in 
the  West,  and  in  particular  against  the  Libyan  tribes, 
who  now  accordingly  appear  for  the  first  time  on  the 
Egyptian  monuments.  The  double  plume  on  the 
crown  of  the  head  and  the  side  locks  of  hair  mark  in 
the  most  striking  manner  these  races,  which  the  in- 
scriptions designate  by  the  name  of  Thuhi,  Thuhen, 
or  Thuheni — that  is,  '  the  light  or  fair  '  people  ;  and 
they  likewise  denote  by  the  same  name  the  later 
Greeks,  for  the  expression  Marmaridas,  inhabitants 
of  the  country  of  Marmarica,  always  means  these 
people.  Li  this  campaign  Seti  took  his  son  and  heir, 
fiamessu,  among  the  company  of  his  followers.  The 
kings  of  the  Marmaridae  were  thoroughly  beaten.  In 
the  battle  itself  Seti  appears  on  a  chariot,  whose 
pair  of  horses  bore  the  name,  *  Victorious  is  Amon.* 
The  campaign  reached  a  mountainous  country,  full 
of  caverns ;  so,  at  least,  the  contents  of  the  appended 
inscription  lead  us  to  conclude  : — 


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22  MINEPTAH  SETI  L  chap.  xrv. 

*  He  (the  king)  utterly  destroyed  them,  when  he  stood  on  the 
field  of  battle.  They  could  not  hold  their  bows,  and  remained 
hidden  in  their  caves  like  foxes,  through  fear  of  the  king/ 

It  may  be  well  supposed  that,  after  these  extensive 
campaigns,  which  brought  such  a  copious  booty  to 
Egypt,  besides  captives,  Amon,  the  god  of  the  empire, 
and  his  much  venerated  temple  in  Ape,  would  be  the 
first  to  be  remembered ;  and  the  memorial  wall  of  the 
temple  decisively  confirms  this  supposition.  The 
booty  as  well  as  the  prisoners  were  solemnly  dedi- 
cated to  the  god  and  to  his  wife  Mut,  and  to  the  young 
son  of  Amon,  Khonsu.  In  confirmation  of  this  I 
may  bring  to  the  reader's  knowledge,  in  an  exact 
translation,  a  few  of  the  inscriptions  : — 

*  The  king  presents  the  booty  to  his  father  Amon,  on  hLs  return 
from  the  miserable  land  of  Buthen,  consisting  of  silver,  gold,  blue, 
green,  red,  and  other  precious  stones,  and  of  the  kings  of  the 
peoples,  whom  he  holds  bound  in  his  hand,  to  fill  therewith  the 
storehouse  of  his  father  Amon,  on  account  of  the  victory  which  he 
has  granted  to  the  king.' 

The  following  is  added  with  regard  to  the  pri- 
soners : — 

'  The  kings  of  the  peoples  which  had  not  known  "Egy^t  are 
brought  by  Pharaoh  in  consequence  of  his  victory  over  the  mise- 
rable land  of  Buthen.  They  speak  thus  to  glorify  his  Holiness  and 
to  praise  his  great  deeds : 

* "  Hail  to  thee !  mighty  is  thy  name,  glorious  thy  renown.  The 
people  may  well  rejoice  which  is  subjected  to  thy  will;  but  he 
appears  in  fetters  who  oversteps  thy  boundaries.  By  thy  name  ! 
We  did  not  know  Egypt;  our  fathers  had  not  entered  it.  Grant 
us  freedom  out  of  thy  hand !  " ' 

Gold,  silver,  and  precious  stones,  in  purses,  golden 
vessels,  even  to  drinking-horns  with  wonderful  handles 


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DTO.  m.  VICTORIES  OVER  THE  RUTHEN.  23 

in  the  shape  of  heads  of  animals  and  other  ornaments 
fall  of  taste,  display  to  the  spectator  the  generosity 
of  the  king  towards  the  temple,  and  confirm  afresh 
the  remarks  we  made  on  the  artistic  excellence  and 
skill  of  the  Western  Asiatic  world.  The  inscriptions 
contribute  their  part  to  the  explanation.  Among 
others  is  the  following : — 

*  The  prisoners  are  presented  by  the  divine  benefactor  to  his 
fikther  Amon,  from  the  hostile  kings  of  the  nations  which  had  not 
known  £^gypt — ^their  gifts  rest  on  their  shoulders, — ^tofill  therewith 
aU  the  storehouses,  as  men-servants  and  maid-servants,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  victories  which  the  god  has  given  the  king  over  all 
lands!' 

The  following  inscription  is  remarkable,  in  relation 
to  the  connection  between  Euthen  and  Khita : — 

*  The  great  kings  of  the  miserable  land  of  Kuthen  are  brought 
by  the  king  in  consequence  of  his  victory  over  the  people  of  the 
Elhita,  to  fill  with  them  the  storehouse  of  his  noble  father,  Amon- 
Ra,  the  lord  of  Thebes,  because  he  has  given  him  the  victory  over 
the  southern  world  and  the  subjection  of  the  northern  world. 

'  Hie  kings  of  the  nations  speak  thus,  to  praise  Pharaoh  and  to 
exalt  his  glory : 

'  "  Hail  to  thee  !  king  of  Kemi,  sun  of  the  nine  peoples,  exalted 
be  thou  like  the  gods ! " ' 

In  this  tone  the  hieroglyphs  describe  with  great 
fulness,  as  well  as  with  the  inevitable  repetitions,  the 
king's  glory  and  his  services  to  the  temple  of  Amon 
of  Thebes. 

Seti  I.  must  have  proved  his  entire  devotion  to 
the  Theban  priests,  or,  to  speak  in  official  tone  like 
the  I^yptians,  to  the  Theban  Amon ;  at  least,  the 
inscriptions  leave  this  impression.  His  buildings, 
wonderfully    beautiful    creations    of    the   unknown 


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24  MINEPTAH  SETI  L  chap.  xtv. 

masters  of  his  time,  bespeak  the  efforts  of  the  Pharaoh 
to  express  his  gratitude  for  the  distinguished  position 
which  the  priests  had  allowed  him.  His  rich  presents 
complete  the  proof  of  the  regard  of  the  king  for  the 
temple  at  Ape.  A  special  reason  for  this  lay  in  the 
peculiar  position  of  Seti  with  regard  to  the  great 
question  of  the  hereditary  right  to  the  throne. 

The  monuments  name  as  the  wife  of  the  king,  or 
rather  as  mother  of  his  great  son  and  successor  Eam- 
ses  n.,  the  queen  Tua  or  Tui,  whose  name  at  once 
reminds  us  of  the  family  of  the  heretical  Pharaoh, 
Khunaten.  In  genealogical  succession,  she  was  a 
granddaughter  of  that  heretical  king,  whom  the 
Theban  priests  had  so  bitterly  excommunicated,  al- 
though he  belonged  to  the  legitimate  race  of  kings. 
But  however  hateful  this  connection  might  be  to  the 
priests,  yet  it  was  in  accordance  with  the  law  of  the 
hereditary  succession.  Her  grandfather's  blood  flowed 
in  her  veins,  although,  on  the  other  hand,  there  was 
entailed  on  her  from  her  ancestress  of  the  same  name 
the  curse  of  a  foreign  descent.  The  remembrance  of 
this  origin  must  further  have  appeared  all  the  more 
distasteful  to  the  priests,  as  king  Seti  and  his  race 
worshipped  the  foreign  gods  in  the  most  obtrusive 
manner,  and  at  the  head  of  them  all  the  Canaanitish 
Baal-Sutekh  or  Set,  after  whose  name  his  father, 
Eamses  I.,  had  called  him  Seti — that  is,  *  the  Setish,' 
or  the  '  follower  of  Set.*  Thus  he  had  to  avoid  an 
open  breach,  and  to  soothe  the  stubborn  caste  of  the 
priests  of  Amon.  As  a  conqueror  Seti  had  done  his 
part  for  Egypt,  and  he  was  bound  to  try  *o  win  over 


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DOT.  HX.  KAMSES  n.  ASSOCIATE  KING.  25 

the  priests  as  a  benefactor  and  a  generous  king.  And 
yet  he  seems  to  have  had  less  success  than  he  hoped, 
since  at  an  early  period  he  conferred  the  highest 
dignity  of  the  empire  on  his  infant  heir,  his  son 
Bamessu,  as  associated  king.  In  the  great  historical 
inscription  of  Abydus,  Eamses  11.  relates  the  pro- 
ceeding in  his  own  words  : — 

'The  lord  of  all  himself  nurtured  me,  and  brought  me  up.  I 
was  a  little  boy  before  I  attained  the  lordship ;  tiien  he  gave  over 
to  me  the  land.  I  was  yet  in  mj  mother's  womb,  when  the  great 
ones  saluted  me  full  of  veneratioiL*  I  was  solemnly  inducted  as 
the  eldest  son  into  the  dignity  of  heir  of  the  throne  on  the  chair  of 
the  earth-god  Seb.  And  I  gave  my  ordei*8  as  chief  of  the  body- 
guard and  of  the  chariot-fighters.  Then  my  father  presented  me 
publicly  to  the  people  :  I  was  a  boy  on  his  lap,  and  he  spake  thus : 
"I  will  have  him  crowned  as  king,  for  I  desire  to  behold  his 
grandeur  while  I  am  still  alive."  [Then  came  forward]  the 
officials  of  the  court  to  place  the  double  crown  on  my  head  (and  my 
£ather  spake),  "  Place  the  regal  circlet  on  his  brow."  Thus  he 
spake  of  me  while  he  still  remaLned  on  earth,  ''  May  he  restore 
order  to  the  land ;  may  he  set  up  again  [what  has  fallen  into 
decay].  May  he  care  for  the  inhabitants."  Thus  spake  he  [with 
good  intention]  in  lus  very  great  love  for  me.  Still  he  left  me  in 
the  house  of  the  women  and  of  the  royal  concubines,  alter  the  manner 
of  the  damsels  of  the  palace.  He  chose  me  [women]  from  among 
the  [maidens],  who  wore  a  harness  of  leather.' 

We  stop  here,  for  the  above  translation  is  quite 

enough  to  serve  as  a  proof  of  our  assertion.     Eamses 

was,  as  a  tender  child,  associated  in  the  kingly  office 

with  his  father,  and  a  band  of  Amazons  formed  his 

court. 

^  In  the  Bamesseum  at  Medinet-Abou,  Hhere  is  a  curious 
tableau  representing  the  conception  of  Ramses,  and  even  here  he 
is  represented  wearing  the  crown  of  sovereignty.  This  difficult 
subject  is  in  allegorical  form ;  it  is  most  delicately  and  ingeniously 
managed.'    (Yilliers  Stuart,  N^Ue  Gleanings,  p.  248.)— Ed. 


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26  SETI  I.  AND  RAMSES  H.  chap.  xrv. 

In  another  inscription  of  the  times  of  Eamses  II., 
the  early  reign  of  the  king  is  mentioned  in  like  manner 
by  the  writer  in  the  following  words : — 

*  Thou  wast  a  lord  (Adon)  of  this  land,  and  thou  actedst  wisely, 
when  thou  wast  still  in  the  egg.  In  thy  childhood  what  thou 
saidst  took  place  for  the  welfoj^e  of  the  land.  When  thou  wast 
a  boy,  with  the  youth's  locks  of  hair,  no  monument  saw  the  light 
without  thy  command  ;  no  business  was  done  without  thy  know- 
ledge. Thou  wast  raised  to  be  a  governor  (Rohir)  of  this  land 
when  thou  wast  a  youth  and  countedst  ten  full  years.  All  build- 
ings proceeded  from  thy  hands,  and  the  laying  of  their  foundation- 
stones  was  performed.* 

When  Ramses  11.  ascended  the  throne,  he  may  have 
been  about  twelve  years  old,  or  a  little  more.  From 
this  epoch  we  should  count  the  years  of  his  reign  up 
to  its  sixty-seventh  year,  so  that  he  was  an  old  man  of 
eighty  when  he  left  this  mortal  scene. 

After  Seti  had  assured  the  birthright  of  his  race,  in 
the  manner  we  have  described,  by  the  joint  elevation 
of  his  eldest  son  to  the  throne,  it  must  have  been  easy 
for  him  to  meet  the  reproach  that  he  was  not  of  royal 
descent.  While  he  actually  ruled  the  land  as  king, 
Ramses,  his  son,  as  legitimate  sovereign,  gave  authority 
to  all  the  acts  of  his  father. 

It  seems  to  have  been  under  their  double  reign 
that  the  wars  took  place,  of  which  we  have  not  yet 
spoken,  and  which  were  waged  against  the  nations  to 
the  south  of  Egypt.  When  Seti,  however,  in  the  great 
list  of  conquered  peoples,  on  his  wall  of  victories  at 
Kamak,  mentions  the  countries  of  Kush  and  Punt,  with 
all  the  great  and  small  races  of  the  southern  lands  of 
Africa,  as  the  subjects  of  his  crown,  we  must  not  forget 


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BW.  m.  WARS  WITH  KUSH  AND  PUNT.  27 

that  here,  as  so  often  on  the  monuments,  the  ancient 
usage  was  followed  of  exhibiting  before  the  eyes  of  the 
vain  I^yptians,  in  a  renewed  publication  with  more 
or  less  detail,  the  whole  catalogue  of  those  peoples, 
transcribed  jfrom  the  temple-books  of  the  '  subjects  of 
Egypt.'  Nevertheless,  several  records  of  the  time  of 
Seti  bear  witness  to  campaigns  of  the  Egyptian  army 
beyond  the  frontier  city  of  Syene  (as  those  of  Doshe 
and  Sesebi).  Egyptian  viceroys,  already  well  known 
to  us  under  the  name  of  King's  sons  of  Kush,  acted  as 
governors  in  the  place  of  Pharaoh  in  the  south,  and 
took  care  that  the  tributes  imposed  were  regularly  paid. 
As  such  are  mentioned,  in  the  joint  reign  of  Seti  and 
Ramses  11.,  governors  named  Ani  and  Amenemape, 
a  son  of  Pa-uer.  The  family  of  the  latter,  consisting 
of  numerous  members,  will  occupy  us  hereafter,  for 
a  special  reason. 

The  reign  of  Seti  belongs  to  that  period  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  country,  in  which  Egyptian  art  enjoyed  the 
peculiar  care  and  favour  of  the  king,  and,  on  the  other 
hand,  answered  to  this  patronage  in  the  most  worthy 
manner  by  the  creation  of  real  masterpieces.  The 
Hall  of  Columns  of  Kamak,  in  so  far  as  it  was  carried 
out  while  Seti  was  alive,  and  the  temple  of  Osiris,  in 
the  desert  at  Abydus,  are  master-works  of  the  first 
order,  the  splendour  of  which  consists,  above  all  else,  in 
the  lavish  profusion  and  beauty  of  the  sculpture,  even 
to  the  hieroglyphic  characters.  The  celebrated  tomb 
also  of  Seti  (or,  as  the  Pharaoh  is  there  called,  to  avoid 
the  hated  name  of  Seti,  Usiri)  belongs  to  the  most 
remarkable  performances  of  Theban  art,  even  to  the 


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2S  SETI  I.  AND  RAMSES  U.  chap.  xty. 

variegated  ornamentation  in  colours,  which  adds  an 
abundance  of  rich  life  to  the  pictures  and  writing.  It 
is  the  one  called  after  the  name  of  its  discoverer, 
'  Belzoni's  tomb/  which  still  to  this  day  forms  the  chief 
point  of  attraction  to  all  visitors  to  the  Valley  of  the 
Kings  at  Thebes.  Its  artistic  importance  is  enhanced 
by  the  rich  abundance  of  pictures  and  inscriptions, 
which  are  for  the  most  part  of  a  mythological  character, 
but  which  also  involve  a  special  significance  in  relation 
to  astronomy,  as  do,  above  all,  the  very  instructive 
roof-pictures  of  the  so-called  Golden  Chamber.  Unique 
in  its  kind  is  the  mythological  substance  of  a  long  text, 
which  is  found  in  a  side  chamber  of  the  same  tomb, 
and  which  (as  M.  Naville  has  lately  proved)^  has  for  its 
subject  a  description  of  the  destruction  of  the  corrupt 
human  race,  according  to  the  Egjrptian  view. 

As  Seti  had  erected  one  of  the  most  splendid  works 
to  the  god  Amon  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Theban 
metropolis,  so  also  at  his  command  there  rose  on  the 
western  bank  of  the  river  that  wonderful  temple,  which 
he  dedicated  to  the  memory  of  his  deceased  father 
Eamessu  I.  I  mean  the  '  Menmonium '  of  Seti  at  old 
Qumah.  Again,  in  many  places  on  this  monument, 
which  belonged  to  the  West  country  and  consequently 
to  the  realm  of  Osiris,  the  king  avoids  giving  himself 
the  name  of  Seti.  He  calls  himself  generally  Usiri,  or 
Usiri  Seti  (in  the  last  phrase  Seti  is  another  word,  and 
not  the  name  of  the  god  Set).     The  sanctuary  bore  the 

^  Trcmsactions  of  the  Society  of  BMical  ArcfuBohgy^  vol.  iv. 
pp.  1,  foil.  1875.  [See  also  Yilliers  Stuart,  NUe  Gleanings^ 
p.  260.— Ed.] 


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i>m  TTL.  TEMPLE  AT  ABYDUS.  29 

designation,  *  the   splendid   temple-building   of  king 

Mneptah  Seti,  in  the  city  of  Amon,  on  the  western 

side  of  Thebes ; '  frequently  also  with  the  addition  '  in 

sight  of  Ape '  (namely,  of  the  temple  of  Kamak).     The 

temple,  as  has  been  remarked  above,  was  dedicated  to 

his  deceased  father,  but  also,  moreover,  to  the  gods 

of  the  dead,  Osiris  and  Hathor,  besides  Amon  and  his 

company.     The  death  of  King  Seti  took  place  while 

the  temple  was  in  course  of  building.    So  we  are  told 

by  the  inscription  which  Ramses  11.  put  up,  as  the 

finisher  of  the  building,  since  it  is  there  stated  as 

follows : — 

*  King  Ramses  II.  executed  this  work,  as  his  monument  to 
his  father  Amon-ra,  the  king  of  the  gods,  the  lord  of  heaven,  the 
ruler  of  Thebes ;  and  he  finished  the  house  of  his  Either  King 
Mineptah  (Seti).  For  he  died,  and  entered  the  realm  of  heaven, 
and  he  united  himself  with  the  sun-god  in  heaven,  when  this  his 
house  was  being  built.  The  gates  showed  a  vacant  space,  and  all 
the  walls  of  stone  and  brick  were  yet  to  be  raised ;  all  the  work 
in  it  of  writing  or  painting  was  unfinished.' 

In  similar  expressions  does  the  inscription  of  Eamses 
at  Abydus  describe  the  unfinished  building  of  the 
temple  in  the  desert  of  that  city,  which  was  dedicated 
to  Osiris  and  his  associate  gods,  Isis,  Hor,  Amon, 
Hormakhu,  and  Ptah.  Seti  also  dedicated  a  special 
document  to  the  memory  of  his  royal  ancestors  in  the 
temple  of  Abydus,  namely,  the  very  celebrated  Table 
of  the  Kings,  called  that  of  Abydus,  containing  the 
names  of  seventy-six  kings,  up  to  the  founder  of  the 
empire,  Mena.     (See  Appendix,  A.) 

In  Memphis  and  Heliopolis,  king  Seti  I.  raised 
temples,  or  added  new  parts  to  temples  already  existing, 


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30 


SETI  I.  AND  RAMSES  II.  chap.  xit. 


North 


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imr.  XIX.  RECORDS  OF  ARTISTS.  31 

which  are  likewise  designated  as  '  splendid  buildings.* 
Even  though  their  last  remains  have  now  disappeared 
from  the  earth  without  leaving  a  trace,  nevertheless 
their  former  existence  is  most  surely  proved  by  the 
testimony  of  inscriptions.  In  the  same  way,  at  the 
foot  of  the  mountain  behind  the  old  town  of  El- 
kab,  he  erected  a  special  temple  to  the  goddess,  of 
the  South,  the  heavenly  Nukheb,  and  a  similar  one, 
in  the  form  of  a  rock-grotto,  to  the  goddess  Hathor, 
in  her  shape  of  a  lioness,  as  Pakhith,  in  the  cavern 
called  by  the  ancients  Speos  Artemidos  (the  cave  of 
Artemis). 

On  these  and  similar  works,  the  Theban  school  of 
artists,  who  were  in  the  service  of  the  temple  of  Amon, 
and  applied  themselves  to  the  highest  style  of  art,  were 
especially  occupied.  Among  the  sculptors  of  the  time, 
the  nanie  of  a  certain  Hi  has  been  preserved  ;  among 
the  painters,  Amen-uah-su  is  expressly  celebrated  as 
the  '  first  painter.'^  Both  worked  by  the  king's  order 
in  the  decoration  of  the  tomb  which  was  destined  for 
the  then  governor  of  Thebes,  by  name  Pa-uer,  the  son 
of  the  chief  priest  of  Amon,  Neb-nuteru  sumamed 
Thera,  and  of  the  oldest  among  the  holy  wives  of  the 
god,  Mer-amon-ra ;  and  also  for  his  brother  Tathao.^ 
Such  records,  which  relate  to  the  most  important 
contemporaries  of  the  kings,  are  useful  and  precious, 
for  they  frequently  render  good  service  in  fixing  the 
contemporary  circumstances  and  events  in  Egyptian 
history  nearly  in  their  chronological  order.  They 
serve  to  keep  open  the  sources  which  are  destined 
^  Compare  DenknMer,  iii.  pp.  132,  &c,  ^  Ibid. 


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32  SETI  L  AND  RAMSES  H.  chap.  ht. 

sooner  or  later  to  bring  the  hidden  stagnant  waters  of 
Egyptian  chronology  and  the  succession  of  the  kings 
into  a  united  current. 

The  tributes  and  the  taxes,  which  under*  the  third 
Thutmes  were  yearly  contributed  in  rich  abundance  to 
the  Pharaoh  by  the  conquered  nations  and  his  own 
subjects,  seem  henceforward,  from  the  reign  of  Seti, 
to  have  flowed  in  less  abundantly,  while  the  wants  of 
the  kings  were  the  same,  and  the  erection  of  costly 
buildings  required  a  great  expenditure.  New  sources 
must  needs  therefore  be  opened  for  the  requisite  means. 
So  they  began  to  devote  special  care  to  the  regular 
working  of  the  existing  gold-mines  in  Egypt  and 
Nubia,  and,  what  was  of  the  first  importance,  to  give 
the  needful  attention  to  the  formation  of  wells  in  the 
midst  of  the  parched  mountain  regions,  from  which 
the  gold  was  to  be  won.  One  of  these  regions  was 
the  extent  of  desert  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Nile, 
opposite  Edfou,  which  at  this  day  bears  the  name  of 
Eedesieh,  and  contains  the  remains  of  an  old-Egyptian 
rock-temple.  It  marks  the^site  of  one  of  the  resting- 
places  on  the  great  road  of  commerce,  which  in  ancient 
days  led  straight  through  the  desert  from  the  town  of 
Coptos,  on  the  Nile,  to  the  harbour  of  Berenice  on  the 
Eed  Sea.  The  inscriptions  on  the  temple  date  from 
the  times  of  Seti.  They  not  only  estabhsh  the  exist- 
ence of  gold  ore  in  the  interior  of  the  mountain,  but 
also  the  position  of  a  well  {hydreuma^  as  the  Greeks 
called  it),  made  at  the  command  of  the  king.  They 
relate  how,  in  the  ninth  year  of  king  Seti,  in  the  month 
Epiphi,  on  the  20th  day,  the  Pharaoh  undertook  a 


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j)m  m.  INSCRIFnON  AT  REDESIEH.  33 

journey  to  the  solitary  mountain  region,  as  it  was  his 
wish  to  see  for  himself  the  gold-mines  which  existed 
there.  After  he  had  mounted  up  many  miles,  he  made 
a  halt,  to  teke  counsel  with  himself  and  to  come  to  a 
conclusion  upon  the  information  he  had  received,  that 
the  want  of  water  made  the  road  almost  impassable, 
and  that  travellers  by  it  died  of  thirst  in  the  hot  season 
of  the  year.  At  a  proper  place  a  well  was  bored  deep 
in  the  rocky  ground,  and  a  small  rock-temple  was 
made  there,  *  to  the  name  of  King  Seti,'  by  the  express 
order  of  the  Pharaoh.  Thereupon  everything  was 
done  to  carry  on  the  gold-washing  with  success.  The 
people  who  followed  this  laborious  occupation  were 
placed  under  the  supervision  of  a  hir-pit  or  *  overseer 
of  the  foreign  peoples,'  and  all  other  measures  were 
taken  to  ensure  for  all  future  time  the  keeping  up  of 
the  temple  and  the  worship  of  its  divine  inhabitants, 
Osiris,  Isis,  and  Horus,  besides  the  three  great  divini- 
ties of  the  country,  Amon  of  Thebes,  Ptah  of  Memphis, 
and  Hormakhu  of  Thebes. 

That  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  were  highly 
pleased  with  this  work  is  declared  by  the  inscriptions 
on  the  temple : 

'  King  Seti  did  this  for  his  memorial  for  his  fiather  Amon-Ea 
and  his  company  of  gods,  namelj,  he  built  anew  for  them  a  house 
of  god,  in  the  interior  of  which  the  divinities  dwell  in  full  content- 
ment. He  had  the  well  bored  for  them.  Such  a  thing  was  never 
done  before  by  any  king,  except  him,  the  king.  Thus  did  King 
Seti  do  a  good  work,  the  beneficent  dispenser  of  water,  who  pro- 
longs life  to  his  people ;  he  is  for  every  one  a  father  and  a  mother. 
They  speak  from  mouth  to  mouth,  '^  Amon  grant  him  (a  long  exist- 
ence), increase  to  him  an  everlasting  duration.  Ye  gods  of  the 
well !  assure  to  him  your  length  <^  life,  since  he  has  made  for  us 
VOL.  n,  D 


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34  SETI  I.   AND  RAMSES  H.  chap.  xit. 

the  road  to  travel  upon,  and  h^js  opened  what  lay  shut  up  before 
our  face.  Now  can  we  travel  up  with  ease,  and  reach  the  goal 
and  remain  living.  The  difficult  road  lies  open  there  before  us, 
and  the  way  has  become  good.  Now  the  gold  can  be  carried  up, 
as  the  king  and  lord  has  seen.  All  the  living  generations,  and 
those  which  shall  be  hereafter,  will  pray  for  an  eternal  remembrance 
for  him.  May  he  celebrate  the  thirty  years'  jubilee-feasts  like 
Tum ;  may  he  flourish  like  Horus  of  Apollinopolis;  because  he  has 
founded  a  memorial  in  the  lands  of  the  gods,^  because  he  has  bored 
for  water  in  the  mountains,' 

In  the  execution  of  the  work,  the  utility  of  which 
the  inhabitants  of  the  country  so  frequently  recog- 
nize, Ani,  the  King's  son  of  Kush  of  that  time,  as 
well  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  Mazai,  was  present 
as  the  directing  architect.  This  fact  is  attested  by 
rock-inscriptions,  accompanied  by  pictorial  represen- 
tations, as  for  example  that  of  the  warlike  foreign 
goddess  Antha,  the  Anaitis  of  the  ancients,  who  rides 
on  horseback  wielding  a  battle-axe  and  shield,  like 
Bellona. 

Whether,  after  all,  the  gold-mines  yielded  rich 
produce,  whether  the  gold-washers  delivered  to  the 
*  reckoner  of  silver  and  gold  of  the  land  of  the  country 
of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt,  Hi-shera,'^  the  shining 
grains  of  their  laborious  employment  in  satisfactory 
quantity,  on  these  points  the  lay  of  the  poet  on  the 
monuments  is  for  ever  silent. 

As  Seti's  reign  flows  on  parallel  with  that  of  his 

^  I  will  here  call  the  attention  of  the  reader  to  the  fact,  that 
in  this  and  other  places — for  example,  in  the  rock-inscriptions  of 
Hammamit — ^the  Arabian  desert  and  the  coast  adjoining  it,  on  the 
Red  Sea,  is  designated  as  *  the  land  of  the  gods.' 

^  See  lieblein's  Dictionary  of  Proper  NcuineSy  No.  882, 


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DTir.  XIX.       RAMSES  11.,  THE  GREEK  SESOSTRIS.  35 

great  son  Eamses,  as  king  of  the  country,  we  will 
leave  his  end  untouched,  and  suppose,  with  the 
ancients,  that  his  soul  suddenly  flew  up  like  a  bird  to 
the  !E^yptian  heaven,  to  enjoy  a  better  existence  in 
the  bark  of  the  sun.  His  decease  took  place  before 
his  own  tomb  and  his  buildings  in  honour  of  the  im- 
mortal ones  were  finished.  The  temples  of  Abydus 
and  of  old  Qumah  have  already  afibrded  us  proofs 
of  this. 

His  son  and  associated  king,  Bamessu,  bore  the 
names — 

nr.  RA-USERMA  SOTEP-EN-RA  RAMESSU  H.  MIAMtJN  I. 
(RAMSES  MIAMUN).     ABOUT  1833  B»0. 

This  is  the  king  who  above  all  others  bears  the  name 
•of  honour  of  A-nakhtu, '  the  Conqueror,'  and  whom  the 
monuments  and  the  rolls  of  the  books  often  designate 
by  his  popular  names  of  Ses,  Sestesu,  Setesu,  or  Ses- 
tura,  that  is,  the  *  Sethosis  who  is  also  called  Eamesses ' 
of  the  Manethonian  record,  and  the  renowned  legen- 
dary conqueror  Sesostris  of  the  Greek  historians. 

The  number  of  his  monuments,  which  still  to  the 
present  day  cover  the  soil  of  Egypt  and  Nubia  as 
the  ruined  remnants  of  a  glorious  past,  or  are  daily 
brought  to  Ught  from  their  concealment,  is  so  great 
and  almost  countless,  that  the  historian  of  his  life 
and  deeds  finds  himself  in  a  difficulty  where  to 
begin,  how  to  spin  together  the  principal  threads, 
and  where  to  end  his  work.  K  to  honour  the 
memory  of  his  father  be  the  chief  duty  and  the  first 
;    work  of  a  dutiful  son — and  we  shall  see  that  this  was 

b2 


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36  RAMSES  U.  MIAMUN.  chap.  xit. 

the  persuasion  of  Eamses  H. — the  beginning  is  made 
easy  for  us,  and  we  shall  honour  the  king's  memory  in 
the  worthiest  manner  by  using  the  very  words  of  the 
great  Sesostris  about  his  first  acts  on  entering  upon 
his  sole  reign. 

King  Seti  had  died.  The  temple  of  Abydus  stood 
half  finished.  The  first  royal  care  of  Eamses  was  to 
complete  the  work,  and,  in  a  long  inscription  on  the 
left  wall  of  the  entrance,  to  record  the  intention  with 
which  his  heart  was  charged,  for  the  imitation  of  his 
contemporaries  and  of  posterity. 

^  The  lord  of  the  land  arose  as  king,  to  show  honour  to  his 
father,  in  his  first  year,  on  his  first  journey  to  Thebes.  He  had 
caused  likenesses  of  his  father,  who  was  king  Seti  I.,  to  be  sculp- 
tured, the  one  in  Thebes,  the  other  in  Memphis  at  the  entrance 
gate,  which  he  had  executed  for  himself,  besides  those  which  were 
in  Nifur,  tiie  necropolis  of  Abydus.  Hius  he  fulfilled  the  wish 
which  moved  his  heart,  since  he  had  been  on  earth,  on  the  ground 
of  the  god  TJnnofer.  He  renewed  the  remembrance  of  his  father, 
and  of  those  who  rest  in  the  under  world,  in  that  he  made  his  name 
to  Uve,  and  caused  his  portraits  to  be  made,  and  fixed  the  revenues 
set  apart  for  his  venerated  person,  and  filled  his  house  and  richly 
decked  out  his  altars.  The  walls  were  rebuilt,  which  had  become 
old  in  his  favourite  house,  the  halls  in  his  temple  were  rebuilt,  its 
walls  were  covered,  its  gates  were  raised  up ;  whatever  had  fallen 
into  decay  in  the  burial-place  of  his  father  in  the  necropolis  was 
restored,  and  [the  works  of  art  which]  had  been  carried  away 
were  brought  back  into  the  interior. 

^  All  this  did  the  Conquering  King  Bamses  II.  for  his  father 
Seti  I.  He  established  for  him  the  sacrifices  in  rich  profusion,  in 
his  name  and  in  that  of  the  (earlier)  kings.  His  breast  had  a 
tender  feeling  towards  his  parent,  and  his  heart  beat  for  him  who 
brought  him  up. 

'On  one  of  these  days,  it  was  in  the  first  year,  on  the  23rd  day 
of  the  month  Athyr,'  on  [his  return  home]  after  (the  conclusion) 

<  The  feast  began  on  the  19th  of  PaophL     It  lasted  twenly-six 


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i>m  lEt.  INSCBIPnON  AT  ABYDUS.  37 

of  the  feast  of  the  voyage  of  Amon  to  Thebes,  then  he  went  out, 
endowed  with  power  and  strength  by  Amon  and  by  Tarn,  out  of 
the  city  of  Thebes.  They  had  assured  him  a  recompense  through 
neyer-ending  years,  as  long  as  the  duration  of  the  existence  of  the 
sun  in  heaven. — 

'  He  raised  his  hand,  which  bore  the  incense- vessel,  up  towards 
the  heavenly  orb  of  light  of  the  living  god.  The  sacrificial  gifts 
were  splendid,  they  were  received  with  satisfaction  in  all  his  ...  (t) 
The  king  (now)  returned  from  the  capital  of  the  land  of  the  South. 
[AlS  soon  as]  the  sun  [had  risen],  the  journey  was  commenced.  As 
the  ships  of  the  king  sailed  cm,  they  threw  their  brightness  on  the 
river.  The  order  was  given  for  the  journey  down  the  stream  to 
the  stronghold  of  the  city  of  Ramessu,  the  Conqueror. 

*  Then  the  king,  in  ordar  to  behold  his  father,  made  the  rowers 
enter  the  canal  of  Nifur,  with  the  intention  of  offering  a  sacrifice 
to  the  beneficent  god  Unnc^er  with  his  choicest  libations,  and  of 
praying  to  [the  divinity]  of  his  brother  Anhur,  the  son  of  Ra  in 
...  as  which  he  abides  there. 

'  There  he  found  the  halls  of  the  dead  of  the  former  kings,  and 
their  graves,  which  are  in  Abydus,  hastening  to  the  beginning  of 
desolation*  Their  burial-places  had  become  dilapidated  from  the 
foundations.  [The  stones  were  torn  away]  out  of  the  ground, 
their  walls  lay  scattered  about  on  the  road,  no  brick  held  to  an- 
other, the  hall  "  of  the  second  birth  "  lay  in  ruins,  nothing  had 
been  built  up  [for  the  father  by  his  son],  who  should  have  been 
busied  in  preserving  it  according  to  his  expectations,  since  its  pos- 
sessor had  flown  up  to  heaven.  Not  one  son  had  renewed  the 
memorial  of  his  fsither,  who  rested  in  the  ^(rave. 

*  There  was  the  temple  of  Seti.  The  front  and  back  elevations 
were  in  process  of  building  when  he  entered  the  realm  of  heaven. 
Unfibushed  was  his  monument;  the  columns  were  not  raised  on 
their  bases,  his  statues  lay  upon  the  earth ;  they  were  not  sculp* 
tured  according  to  the  corresponding  measure  of  "the  golden 
chamber  "  His  revenues  failed.  The  servants  of  the  temple  with- 
out distinction  had  taken  what  was  brought  in  from  the  fields, 
the  boundary  marks  of  which  were  not  staked  out  on  the  land. 


days^  and  it  ended  on  the  12th  of  Athyr.  On  the  17th  of  Athyr 
the  feast  of  the  fifth  day  after  it  took  place ;  so  that  the  journey 
of  the  king  to  Abydus  is  fixed  precisely  to  the  23rd  of  Athyr. 


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38  RAMSES  n.  MTAMUN.  cup.  xit. 

'  The  king  speaks  to  the  chamberlain  at  his  side :  **  Speak, 
that  there  may  be  assembled  the  princes,  the  fiavoorites  of  the 
king,  the  commanders  of  the  body-guards,  as  they  are  (i.e.  all  of 
them),  the  architects,  according  to  their  number,  and  the  superin- 
tendents of  the  house  of  the  rolls  of  the  books.** 

'  When  they  had  come  before  the  king,  their  noses  touched  the 
ground,  and  their  feet  lay  on  the  ground  for  joy ;  they  fell  down 
to  the  ground,  and  with  their  hands  they  prayed  to  the  king. 
They  praised  this  divine  bane&ctor,  while  they  exalted  his  grace 
in  his  presence.  They  related  exactly  what  he  had  achieved,  and 
recited  his  glorious  deeds  as  they  had  been  done.  All  words  that 
proceeded  out  of  their  mouths  were  employed  to  describe  the  deeds 
of  the  lord  of  the  land  in  full  truth.  Thus  they  lay  prostrate  and 
touching  the  earth  befoi^e  the  king,  speaking  thus  : 

* "  We  are  come  before  thee,  the  lord  of  heaven,  lord  of  the 
earth,  s«n,  life  of  the  whole  world,  lord  of  time,  measurer  of 
the  course  of  the  sun,  Tum  for  men,  lord  of  prosperity,  creator  of 
the  harvest,  feushioner  and  former  of  mortals,  dispenser  of  breath  to 
all  men ;  animator  of  the  whole  company  of  the  gods ;  pillar  of 
heaven,  threshold  of  the  earth,  weigher  of  the  balance  of  the  two 
worlds,  lord  of  rich  gifts,  increaser  of  the  com,  at  whose  feet  the 
Ranen  (the  Egyptian  Ceres)  waits ;  thou  former  of  the  great,  creator 
of  the  small,  whose  words  engender  the  most  splendid  abundance ; 
thou  who  watchest  when  other  men  rest,  whose  strength  over- 
shadows Egypt,  conqueror  of  the  foreigners,  who  hast  returned 
home  victorious,  whose  arm  protects  the  Egyptians,  who  loves 
justice,  in  which  he  lives  by  his  laws ;  protector  of  the  land,  rich 
in  years;  the  conqueror  whose  terror  has  stncken  down  the 
foreigners;  thou  our  Lord,  our  sun,  by  whose  words  out  of  his 
mouth  Tum  lives.  Here  we  are  all  assembled  before  thee ;  grant 
us  life  out  of  thy  hands,  O  Pharaoh,  and  breath  for  our  nostrils ; 
all  men  live,  on  whom  he  has  risen  (like  the  sun)." 

<  The  king  speaks  to  them  after  an  interval :  "  I  have  called  you 
because  of  a  determination  regarding  that  which  I  am  about  to  do. 
I  have  beheld  the  houses  of  the  Necropolis,  the  graves  of  Abydus. 
The  buildings  of  them  require  labour  from  the  times  of  their  pos- 
sessors down  to  the  present  day.  When  the  son  arose  in  the  place 
of  his  father,  he  did  not  I'enew  the  memorial  of  his  parent.  In 
my  mind  I  have  pondered  with  myself  the  splendid  occasion  for 
good  works  for  coming  times  (1).     The  most  beautiful  thing  to 


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DTH.  m.  THE  TEMPLE  AT  ABYDUS.  39 

behold,  the  best  thing  to  hear,  is  a  child  with  a  thankful  breast, 
whose  heart  beats  for  his  &ther.  Wherefore  my  heart  ui^ges  me  to 
do  what  is  good  for  Mineptah.  I  will  cause  them  to  talk  for  ever 
and  eternally  of  his  son,  who  has  awakened  his  name  to  life.  My 
&ther  Osiris  wiU  reward  me  for  this  with  a  long  existence,  like  his 
son  Horus.  Let  me  do  what  he  did ;  let  me  be  excellent,  just  as 
he  was  excellent,  for  my  parent,  I,  who  am  a  scion  of  the  sun- 
god  Ra. 

*  **  Let  me  speak  to  you  of  SetL  The  lord  of  all,  he  himself 
nourished  me  and  brought  me  up.  I  was  a  little  boy  before  I 
attained  to  the  government ;  then  be  gave  over  to  me  the  country. 
I  was  yet  in  my  mother's  womb  when  the  great  ones  greeted  me 
with  veneration.  I  was  solenmly  inducted  as  eldest  son  into  the 
dignity  of  an  heir  of  the  throne,  on  the  chair  of  the  earth-god  Seb. 
And  I  gave  my  orders  as  the  chief  of  the  life-guards  and  of  the 
fighters  on  chariots.  Then  my  father  showed  me  publicly  to  the 
people,  and  I  was  a  boy  on  his  lap,  and  he  spake  thus :  '  I  will 
cause  him  to  be  crowned  as  king,  for  I  will  behold  his  excellence 
while  I  am  yet  alive.'  [Then  came  forward]  the  officials  of  the 
court  to  place  the  double  crown  on  my  head  (and  my  father  spake)  : 
'  Place  the  regal  circlet  on  his  brow.'  Thus  he  spake  of  me  while 
he  stiU  remained  on  earth :  '  Let  him  establish  order  in  the  land,  let 
him  raise  up  again  what  has  fidlen  into  decay,  let  him  take  care  of 
the  inhabitants.'  Thus  spake  he  [with  kind  intention]  in  his  very 
great  love  for  me ;  yet  he  left  me  in  the  house  of  the  women  and 
of  the  royal  concubines,  after  the  manner  of  the  maidens  of  the 
palace.  He  chose  for  me  women  among  the  maidens,  who  wore  a 
harness  of  leather.  ...  It  was  the  house  of  the  women  that  took 
care  of  and  nourished  me. 

*  **  Thus  was  I  like  the  sun-god  Ba,  the  first  of  mortals.  The 
inhabitants  of  the  South  and  of  the  North  lay  at  my  feet.  [I  gave 
orders  for  the  buildings],  I  myself  laid  their  foundation-stone  to 
build  [the  work.  I  had  an  image]  made  of  him  who  begat  me, 
my  fitther,  of  gold,  quite  new. 

<  *'  In  the  first  year  of  my  reign  as  king  I  had  given  orders 
to  provide  his  temple  with  stores.  I  secured  to  him  his  fields, 
[and  fixed  their  boundaries],  and  appointed  him  revenues  for  his 
worship,  [and  arranged  the  sacrifices  of  oxen  and  geese  and  bread] 
and  wine  and  incense  and  other  things.  I  planted  for  him  groves 
to  grow  up  for  him.    Thus  was  his  house  under  my  protection ;  I 


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40  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  oea#.  xiv* 

took  upon  myself  all  his  buildingB  from  the  time  that  [I  was 
crowned  as  king].  And  thus  I  was  a  child  [whose  heart  was  full 
of  thanks  towards]  his  &ther  who  had  exalted  me. 

'  '^  I  will  renew  the  memorial.  I  will  not  neglect  his  tomb  as 
children  are  accustomed  to  do,  who  do  not  remember  their  father. 
[Men  shall  speak  of  me]  as  of  a  son  who  did  good,  and  shall  estimate 
the  strength  of  my  fjEither  in  me  his  child.  I  will  complete  it 
because  I  am  lord  of  the  land.  I  will  take  care  of  it  because  it  is 
fitting  and  right. 

^  ^*  I  clothe  the  walls  in  the  temple  of  my  parent.  I  will  com* 
mission  the  man  of  my  choice  to  hasten  the  buildings  for  him,  to 
build  up  again  what  was  sunken  of  its  walls,  [and  to  raise  up]  his 
temple  wings  on  the  [front  side],  to  clothe  his  house,  to  erect  his 
pillars,  and  to  place  the  blocks  on  the  places  of  the  foundation- 
stone.  Beautifully  shall  the  most  splendid  double  memorial  be  made 
at  once.  Let  it  be  inscribed  with  my  name,  and  with  the  name  of 
my  father.     As  the  son  is,  so  was  the  father  [who  begat  him]." 

'  The  king's  friends  speak  in  answer  to  the  divine  bene&ctor : 
**  Thou  art  the  Sun-god,  thy  body  is  his  body,  no  king  is  like  to 
thee,  thou  alone  art  like  the  son  of  Osiris.  What  thou  hast  done 
is  like  his  story.  The  mother  Isis  [never  saw]  such  a  king  since  the 
Sun-god,  except  thee  and  her  son  Horus.  Greater  is  that  which 
thou  hast  done  than  what  he  did  when  he  ruled  as  king  after 
Osiris.  The  laws  of  the  land  continue  fixed.  Such  a  son  Ls 
dear  to  his  fiGither.  The  holy  offiipring  [of  Ea],  who  has  formed 
him  in  the  mother  ^g,  [his  heart]  beats  for  him  who  brought  him 
up.  Glorious  is  he.  None  has  done  the  deeds  of  Horus  for  his  father 
up  to  the  present  day,  except  thou,  O  king !  Thou  loved  one  I  Thou 
hast  performed  more  than  it  was  necessary  to  do ;  no  permission 
for  good  [is  necessary  any  more  for  thee.  May  such  a  king  as 
thou  be]  our  leader,  whose  word  we  may  obey!  Was  not  that 
which  has  just  come  to  pass,  to  remember  him,  an  example  for 
thee  ?  Thou  didst  refuse  to  forget  [thy  father].  Thy  heart  was 
true  to  thy  father,  King  Seti,  father  of  the  divine  one,  the  heavenly 
Mineptah. 

* "  Since  the  time  of  Ea,  since  kings  have  reigned,  no  other  is 
to  be  compared  to  thee.  Never  was  seen  fiu^e  to  face,  nor  was 
heard  of  in  story,  [any  other  son]  who  has  busied  himself  in  re- 
newing the  memorial  of  his  father.  None  who  rose  up  woum 
honour  his  &ther.    Each  one  worked  for  his  own  name,  except 


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Dm  XIX.  ADDRESS  TO  THE  KING.  41 

only  thee  alone  and  Horus.  As  thou  hast  done,  so  did  the  son  of 
Osins. 

'  *'  Therefore  thou  art  a  beautiful  heir,  like  to  him ;  his  kingdom, 
thou  guidest  it  in  the  same  way.  If  any  one  does  according  as 
the  god  did,  there  will  be  to  him  a  duration  of  life  for  that  which 
he  has  done.  The  god  Ea  in  heaven  [is  highly  delighted],  his 
company  of  gods  is  full  of  joy,  the  gods  are  friendly  disposed  towards 
Egypt,  since  thy  rule  as  king  of  the  land. 

' "  Noble  is  thy  just  disposition ;  it  has  reached  as  &r  as  the 
heights  of  heaven.  Thy  upright  wisdom  pleases  the  sim-god  Ka. 
Tum  is  full  of  delight  [because  of  thy  conduct] ;  TJnnofer  triumphs 
because  of  thy  deeds,  O  king,  for  his  name.  He  speaks  thus : 
'  [My  dear  son],  let  there  be  granted  to  thee  the  duration  of  heaven, 
the  power  of  the  gods,  the  secret  of  the  lord  of  the  depth,  so  long 
as  thou  shalt  remain  on  earth,  like  the  disk  of  the  sun.' 

'  ^*  Moved  is  the  heart  of  Mineptah,  his  name  lives  anew ;  thou 
hast  caused  him  to  be  made  in  gold  and  precious  stones,  [and  thou 
hast  set]  up  his  [statues]  of  silver.  [And  his  temple]  thou  hast  built 
for  him  anew  in  thy  name,  and  in  the  name  of  all  the  kings  who 
are  in  heaven,  and  whose  chambers  need  the  work.  No  son  has 
done  what  thou  hast  done  since  the  time  of  Ka  down  to  the  [pre- 
sent day]. 

* "  [That  which  thou  hast  determined],  0  king,  do  it.  Eemem^ 
ber  that  which  was  sunk  in  forgetfulness,  renew  the  monuments  in 
the  Necropolis,  and  all  the  plans  which  were  behindhand,  execute 
them  as  is  right  and  fitting. — Thou  art  now  king  of  Upper  Egypt 
and  Lower  Egypt.  Do  good  even  as  thou  wiliest.  Let  thy  heart 
be  satisfied  in  doiog  what  is  right.  For  that  which  is  done  for  the 
honour  of  the  gods,  that  will  be  accepted  and  [rewarded  by  the 
immortals]  when  thou  hereafter  shalt  rise  to  heaven.  When  thy 
grace  raises  himself  to  the  orb  of  light,  then  shall  the  eyes  see  thy 
glorious  virtues  in  the  sight  of  gods  and  men.  Thus  do  thou!  Benew 
memorial  after  memorial  to  the  gods.  Therefore  shall  thy  father 
Ha  command  that  thy  name  shall  resound  in  all  lands,  beginning 
in  the  south  with  Khonti-hon-Nofer,  northwards  from  the  shores 
of  the  sea  as  far  as  the  nations  of  Ruthen.  The  foreign  fortresses 
and  towns  d  the  kiog  and  the  cities,  well  guarded  and  occupied 
with  their  inhabitants,  and  [the  dwellers  in  all  places,  they  speak 
of  thee],  that  thou  art  as  a  god  for  every  one.  They  awake  to 
ofibr  incense  to  thee.     Thus  according  to  the  will  of  thy  father 


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42  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  ghap.  xit. 

Tttin,  the  black  land  (Egypt),  and  the  red  land  (the  Erythneans), 
praise  thee,  O  king." 

'  When  [this  speech]  from  the  lips  of  the  princes  before  their 
lord  [was  ended],  then  the  king  commanded,  and  gave  commission 
to  the  architects,  and  separated  the  people  of  the  masons  and  of  the 
stone-cutters  with  the  help  of  the  graver,  and  the  draughtsmen, 
and  all  kinds  of  artists,  to  build  the  most  holy  place  for  his  fiather, 
and  to  raise  up  what  had  fallen  into  decay  in  the  Necropolis,  and 
in  the  temple  of  his  father,  who  sojourns  among  the  deceased  ones. 

^  Then  [he  began]  to  have  the  statues  of  his  father  carved,  from 
the  first  year.  The  revenues  were  doubled  for  his  worship,  his 
temple  was  enriched  according  to  the  number  of  its  wants.  He 
appointed  its  register  of  fields  and  peasants  and  herds.  He  named 
its  priests  according  to  their  service,  and  the  prophet,  to  raise  in 
his  hands  [the  incense-vessel],  and  he  appointed  the  temple  ser- 
vants for  the  performance  of  the  works  for  him.  His  bams  were 
many,  full  of  wheat  [and  his  storehouses  in  all  plenty].  His  do- 
main was  immense  in  the  South  and  in  the  North,  and  was  placed 
under  the  administration  of  the  superintendent  of  his  temple.  In 
such  wise  did  King  Bamses  II.  for  his  father.  King  Seti,  under 
the  protection  of  Unnofer. 

*  He  repeated  what  he  had  done  for  his  honour  in  Thebes,  in 
On,  and  in  Memphis,  where  his  statues  rested  in  their  places,  and 
in  all  the  places  of  the  granaries. 

*  Hiese  are  the  words  of  King  Bamses  II.,  [to  sing]  what  he 
did  for  his  father,  the  Osiris-king  Seti.     He  speaks  thus  : 

'  '*  Awake,  raise  thy  fiuse  to  heaven,  behold  the  sun,  my  father 
Mineptah,  thou  who  art  like  God.  Here  am  I,  who  make  thy 
name  to  live.  I  am  thy  guardian,  and  my  care  is  directed  to  thy 
temple  and  to  thy  altars,  which  are  raised  up  again.  Thou  restest 
in  the  deep  like  Osiris,  while  I  rule  like  Ba  among  men  (and 
possess)  the  great  throne  of  Tum,  like  Horus,  the  son  of  Isis,  the 
guardian  of  his  fiGither.  Beautiful  is  that  which  I  have  done  for 
thee. — 

^  '^  Thou  enterest  on  a  second  existence.  I  caused  thee  to  be 
fashioned,  I  built  thy  house  which  thou  didst  love,  in  which  thy  image 
stands,  in  the  Necropolis  of  Abydus  for  ever.  I  set  apart  revenues  for 
thee  for  thy  worship  daily,  to  be  just  towards  thee.  If  anything 
is  in  my  power,  which  seems  to  be  wanting  to  thee,  I  do  it  for 
thee.    Thy  heart  shall  be  satisfied,  that  the  best  shall  be  done  for 


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DTK.  XIX-  HIS  ADDRESS  TO  HIS  FATHER.  43 

thy  name.  I  appoint  for  thee  the  priests  of  the  vessel  of  holy  water, 
provided  with  everything  for  sprinkling  the  water  on  the  ground, 
besides  meat  and  drink.  I  myself,  I  myself  am  come  here  to 
behold  thy  temple  near  that  of  XJnnofer,  the  eternal  king.  I 
nrged  on  the  building  of  it,  I  clothed  [the  walls],  I  did  that  which 
thou  didst  wish,  that  it  may  be  done  for  thy  whole  house.  I  esta- 
blished thy  name  therein  to  all  eternity.  May  it  be  done  in  truth, 
may  it  succeed  according  to  my  intention.  I  dedicated  to  thee  the 
lands  of  the  South  for  the  service  of  thy  temple,  and  the  lands  of  the 
North,  they  bring  to  thee  their  gifts  before  thy  beautiful  counte- 
nance. I  gathered  together  the  people  of  thy  service  one  and  all, 
assigning  them  to  the  prophet  of  thy  temple.  All  thy  property 
shall  remain  in  one  great  whole,  to  keep  up  thy  temple  for  all  time. 
I  made  presents  to  thy  silver  chamber ;  it  is  rich  in  treasures  which 
are  well  pleasing  to  the  heart,  and  I  apportioned  to  thee  the  tri- 
butes at  the  same  time.  I  dedicated  to  thee  ships  with  their 
freight  on  the  great  sea,  which  should  bring  to  thee  [the  wonderful 
productions]  of  the  holy  land.  The  merchants  carry  on  their  com- 
merce with  their  wares,  and  their  productions  of  gold  and  silver 
and  bronze.  I  fixed  for  thee  the  number  of  the  fields  according  to 
the  proportion  of  the  claims  [of  thy  temple].  Great  is  their  number 
according  to  their  valuation  in  acres.  I  provided  thee  with  land- 
surveyors  and  husbandmen,  to  deliver  the  com  for  thy  revenues.  I 
dedicated  to  thee  barks  with  their  crews,  and  labourers  for  the 
felling  of  wood,  for  the  purpose  of  building  what  is  wanting  in 
ships  for  thy  house.  I  gave  thee  herds  of  all  kinds  of  cattle  to 
increase  thy  revenues,  according  to  what  is  right.  I  fixed  for  thee 
the  tribute  of  birds  in  the  marshes  for  thy  necessary  sustenance. 
I  [caused  to  be  delivered  to  thee]  living  geese,  to  keep  up  the 
breed  of  the  birds.  I  gave  to  thee  fishermen  on  the  river  and  on 
all  the  lakes,  to  feed  the  workmen  who  load  the  sea-going  ships. 
I  have  provided  thy  temple  with  all  kinds  of  guilds  of  my  handi- 
[craftsmen].  Thy  temple  servants  have  been  made  up  to  their  full 
number  fit>m  the  best  people,  and  the  peasants  pay  their  taxes  in 
woven  stufi^  for  thy  drapery.  Thy  men-servants  and  maid-servants 
work  in  the  fields  in  all  the  town  districts.  Each  man  thus  per- 
forms his  service,  to  fill  thy  house. 

*  '*  Thou  hast  entered  into  the  realm  of  heaven.  Thou  acoom- 
paniest  the  sun-god  Ra.  Thou  art  united  with  the  stars  and  the 
moon.     Thou  restest  in  the  deep,  Uke  those  who  dwell  in  it  with 


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44  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  chap.  xrv. 

Unnofer,  the  eternal.  Thy  hands  move  the  god  Turn  in  heaven 
and  on  earth,  like  the  wandering  stars  and  the  fixed  stars.  Thoa 
remainest  in  the  forepart  of  the  bark  of  millions.  When  the  sun 
rises  in  the  tabernacle  of  heaven,  thine  eyes  behold  his  splendour. 
When  Turn  (the  evening  sun)  goes  to  rest  on  the  earth,  thou  art 
in  his  train.  Thou  enterest  the  secret  house  before  his  lord.  Thy 
foot  wanders  in  the  deep.  Thou  remainest  in  the  company  of  the 
gods  of  the  under  world. 

'  '*  But  I  obtain  by  my  prayers  the  breath  (of  life)  at  thy  awaking, 
thou  glorious  one !  and  I  praise  thy  numerous  names  day  by  day, 
I  who  love  my  father. — I  let  myself  be  guided  by  thy  virtue.  So 
long  as  I  stay  on  earth,  I  will  offer  a  sacrifice  to  thee.  My  hand 
shall  bring  the  libations  for  thy  name  to  thy  [remembrance]  in  all 
thy  abodes. 

'  '^  Come,  speak  to  Ea  [that  he  may  grant  long  years]  of  life  to 
his  son,  and  to  TJnnofer,  with  a  heart  full  of  love,  that  he  may  grant 
length  of  time  upon  length  of  time,  united  to  the  thirty-years'  feasts 
of  jubilee,  to  King  Ramses.  Well  will  it  be  for  thee  that  I  should  be 
king  for  a  long  time,  for  thou  wilt  be  honoured  by  a  good  son,  who 
remembers  his  father.  I  will  be  a  [protector  and]  guardian  for  thy 
temple  day  by  day,  to  have  regard  to  the  wants  of  thy  worship  in 
every  way.  If  I  should  hear  of  any  injury  which  threatens  to  in- 
vade it,  I  will  give  the  order  immediately  to  remove  it  in  every  way. 
Thou  shalt  be  treated  as  if  thou  wert  still  alive.  So  long  as  I  shall 
reign,  my  attention  shall  be  directed  continually  to  thy  temple.  My 
heart  beats  for  thee ;  I  will  be  thy  guardian  for  the  honour  of  thy 
name.  If  thou  also  remainest  in  the  deep,  the  best,  the  very  best 
shall  be  thy  portion  as  long  as  I  live,  I,  King  Ramses." ' 

The  reader  will  perhaps  permit  me  to  spare  him  the 
long  answer  of  the  father,  Seti,  as  we  can  hardly  cover 
the  whole  breadth,  as  well  as  go  deep  into  the  essential 
substance,  of  the  old  Egyptian  records.  In  short,  I 
will  only  mention  this  one  point,  that  the  spirit  of  the 
deceased  king  appears  from  the  world  below,  to  give 
the  most  satisfactory  answer,  in  the  way  which  was  ex- 
pected, to  the  vows  of  Ramses  his  son.  To  him,  the 
son,  all  good  fortune,  all  glory,  health  and  joy,  and 


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©m  XIX.  VALUE  OF  THE  mSCRIPTION.  45 

whatever  else  a  man,  especially  if  he  were  an  old-Egyp- 
tian Pharaoh,  could  wish  besides,  should  be  granted 
most  richly  by  the  gods,  but  above  all,  what  Ramses 
most  coveted,  a  very  long  term  of  life,  to  be  measured 
as  long  as  possible  by  the  thirty  years'  feast  of  jubilee. 

What  gives  this  inscription  its  special  value  in 
relation  to  history,  may  be  stated  in  a  few  words,  al- 
though those  who  have  hitherto  interpreted  the  docu- 
ment seem  to  have  been  in  the  dark  upon  this  point. 

In  the  first  year  of  his  real  reign  as  sole  king,  Ramses 
n.  undertook  with  great  splendour  a  journey  to  Thebes, 
to  celebrate  the  customary  great  feast  there  to  the  god 
Amon.  On  his  return  to  the  city  of  Ramses,  the  biblical 
Raamses  (Zoan-Tanis),  where  he  had  fixed  his  royal 
residence,  the  wish  came  upon  him  to  travel  to  Abydus, 
to  visit  the  temple  and  the  tomb  of  his  father  Seti. 
Here  he  had  to  learn  the  melancholy  news,  that  the 
buUdings  and  service  of  the  temple  of  his  deceased 
father  were  in  a  very  decayed  condition,  not  to  speak 
of  the  forgotten  and  dilapidated  tombs  of  the  former 
kings.  (Here  we  may  ask.  Which  kings  ?)  Hence, 
Seti  was  first  buried  in  Abydus,  whose  soil,  impreg- 
nated with  salt,  is  favourable  to  the  preservation 
of  the  dead,  and  the  position  of  his  temple  to 
Osiris  quite  agrees  with  this ;  but  he  was  probably 
afterwards  removed  to  the  vaUey  of  the  royal  tombs 
at  Thebes.  We  are  here  in  presence  of  a  riddle, 
which  the  documents  known  do  not  as  yet  suffice  to 
explain. 

It  is  scarcely  worth  while  to  relate  what  Ramses  II. 
did  for  the  buildings  of  his  father  at  Abydus.     In  the 


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46  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  chap.  ht. 

course  of  his  long  reign  the  king  completed  the  temple. 
When  the  great  building  was  entirely  finished, 
Eamses  must  have  been  already  advanced  in  years, 
since  not  less  than  sixty  sons  and  fifty-nine  daughters 
of  Eamses  11.  greeted  in  their  effigies  the  entrance 
of  the  pilgrims  at  the  principal  gate. 

In  proportion  as  the  works  executed  under  Seti, 
the  father,  present  to  the  astonished  eyes  of  the  be- 
holder splendid  examples  of  Egyptian  architecture 
and  sculpture,  just  so  poor  and  inferior  are  the  build- 
ings which  were  executed  under  the  reign  of  Eamses, 
and  which  bear  the  names  of  the  Conquering  King. 
The  feeling  also  of  gratitude  towards  his  parent 
seems  to  have  gradually  faded  away  with  Eamses,  as 
years  increased  upon  him,  to  such  a  degree  that  he 
did  not  even  deem  it  wrong  to  chisel  out  the  names 
and  memorials  of  his  father  in  many  places  of  the 
temple  walls,  and  to  substitute  his  own. 

As  we  wish  to  leave  it  to  our  readers  to  form  their 
own  opinion  on  the  boastful  Eamses,  we  will  turn  to 
another  field  of  his  activity,  and  follow  him,  in  the 
oth  year  of  his  reign,  to  the  stream  of  the  Orontes  in 
Syria,  the  waters  of  which  washed  the  fortress  of 
Kadesh  on  all  sides. 

A  great  war  had  broken  out  between  Egypt  and 
the  land  of  Khita.  The  king  of  the  latter  had 
assembled  his  allies  to  check  the  Egyptians.  Kadesh 
was  the  rallying-place  of  the  confederates.  There 
appeared,  besides  the  prince  of  Khita,  the  kings  and 
peoples  of  Arathu  (Aradus),  Khilibu  (Haleb),  of  the 
river-land  of  Naharain,  of  Qazauadana  (Gauzanitis),  of 


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BTH.  OT.        GREAT  WAR  WITH  THE  KHTTA.  47 

Malunna,  of  Pidasa  (Pidasis),  of  Leka  (the  Ligyes),* 
of  the  Dardani,  or  Dandani  (Dardanians  in  Kurdistan),^ 
of  the  Masu  (the  inhabitants  of  Mount  Masius),  of 
Eerkesh  (the  GKrgesites  ?)  or  Keshkesh,  of  Qirqimosh 
(Carchemish),  of  Akerith,  of  Anau-gas  (Jenysus),  of 
Mushanath,  all  *  peoples  from  the  extremest  end  of 
the  sea  to  the  land  of  the  £hita.' 

It  was  a  slaughter  of  peoples,  in  the  fullest  sense 
of  the  word,  that  was  prepared  at  Kadesh. 

Since  we  prefer  to  follow  the  inscriptions  them- 
selves as  the  historians  of  the  remarkable  events  which 
form  the  chief  subject  of  the  Egyptian  record,  we 
wish  first  to  estabUsh  the  fact  that  Bamses  came  out 
of  the  fight  at  Kadesh  a  doubtful  conqueror,  and  had 
to  thank  his  own  personal  bravery  for  his  life  and 
preservation,  since  '  he  was  all  alone  and  no  other  was 
with  him.'  This  heroic  feat  gave  the  occasion  for 
poets,  sculptors,  and  painters,  to  make  the  most  of 
such  fortunate  materials,  in  order  to  immortalize  in 
words  and  pictures  the  great  deeds  of  the  *  Conqueror  '- 
king.  The  temple-scribe,  Pentaur,  a  jovial  companion, 
who,  to  the  special  disgust  of  his  old  teacher,  mani- 
fested a  decided  inclination  for  wine,  women,  and 
song,  had  the  honour,  in  the  7  th  year  of  Ramses  11., 
to  win  the  prize  as  the  composer  of  an  heroic  song,  of 
whiiph  we  not  only  possess  a  copy  in  a  roll  of  papyrus, 
but  (its  words  cover  the  whole  surface  of  walls  in  the 

I  See  Herodotus,  vii.  72,  where  the  ligyes  ore  mentioned  as  a 
peoplle  of  Asia  Minor,  next  to  the  Matieni  and  the  Mariandyni,  as 
tdiie§B  in  the  Persian  host. 

Compare  Herodotus,  i.  189. 


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48  KAMSES  n.  AQAMUN.  chap.  iiv. 

temples  of  Abydus,®  Luqsor,  Kamak,  the  Eamesseum 
at  Ibsamboul,  in  order  to  call  the  attention  of  the 
visitor,  even  at  a  distance,  to  the  deeds  of  Eamses. 

The  fame  of  having  for  the  first  time  brought  to 
the  knowledge  of  science  in  a  complete  translation 
this  the  oldest  heroic  song  of  the  world,  belongs  with 
the  most  perfect  right  to  the  French  scholar,  E.  de 
Eoug^.  If  in  our  own  translation,  which  we  shall 
presently  lay  before  the  reader,  we  have  in  many 
places  made  essential  corrections  of  the  version  of  that 
master,  we  have  herein  only  responded  to  the  require- 
ments of  science,  by  giving  efiect  to  the  latest  acquisi- 
tions in  the  field  of  old-Egyptian  decipherment,  as 
applied  to  the  interpretation  of  this  heroic  song. 

Prom  the  poet  we  pass  to  the  unknown  painter  and 
sculptor,  who  has  chiselled  in  deep  work  on  the  stone 
of  the  same  wall,  with  a  bold  execution  of  the  several 
parts,  the  procession  of  the  warriors,  the  battle  before 
Kadesh,  the  storming  of  the  fortress,  the  overthrow 
of  the  enemy,  and  the  camp  Hfe  of  the  Egyptians. 
The  whole  conception  must  even  at  this  day  be  ac- 
knowledged to  be  grand  beyond  measure,  for  the 
representation  sets  before  our  eyes  the  deeds  which 
were  performed  more  vividly  than  any  description  in 
words  and  with  the  finest  handling  of  the  mateirial, 
and  displays  the  whole  composition  even  to  its  snnall- 
est  details.  1 

Here  in  the  camp  of  the  Egyptians,  which  I  was 
laid  out  as  a  square,  and  was  surrounded  by  an  ;krti- 

^  The  parts  of  this  temple  which  were  dug  oat  have  heen  a\g&ui 
carefuUj  covered  up  with  sand.  I 


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BTir.  DX.       PICTUBE  OF  THE  SIEGE  OF  KABESH.         49 

ficial  wall  of  the  shields  of  the  Egyptian  warriors 
placed  aide  by  side,  we  see  displayed  the  actions  and 
life  of  the  soldiers  and  the  camp-servants,  who  rest  on 
the  ground  by  the  side  of  the  baggage  and  the  numerous 
necessaries  for  a  long  journey.  Among  them  wander 
asses,  and  even  the  favourite  hon  of  the  king  has  his 
place  within  the  enclosure.  The  tent  of  Pharaoh  is 
seen  in  the  middle  of  the  camp,  and  near  it  the  mova- 
ble shrine  of  the  great  gods  of  Egypt.  Above  the 
whole  is  placed  the  inscription  : — 

'This  is  the  first  I^on  of  Amon,  who  bestows  victoiy  on 
King  Kamses  II.  Pharaoh  is  with  it.  It  is  occupied  in  pitching 
its  camp.' 

Not  far  off  the  king  sits  on  his  throne,  and  receives 
the  report  of  his  generals,  or  gives  the  necessary  orders 
to  his  followers.  Important  episodes  are  not  want- 
ing. Thus  the  Egyptians  are  dragging  forward  two 
foreigners,  about  whom  the  appended  inscription  thus 
informs  us : — 

'  This  is  the  arrival  of  the  spies  of  Pharaoh ;  they  hring  twa 
Fipies  of  the  people  of  the  Khita  before  Pharaoh.  They  are  beating 
them  to  make  them  declare  where  the  king  of  Khita  is.' 

There  the  chariots  of  war  and  the  warriors  of  the 
king  are  passing  in  good  order  before  Pharaoh  :  among 
them  the  legions  of  Amon,  Ptah,  Pra,  and  Sutekh. 
Then,  after  the  gods,  the  hosts  of  the  warriors  are  for 
the  most  part  mentioned  by  name.  Mercenary  troops 
also  are  not  wanting,  for  the  Colchian  Shardana,  whose 
fine  linen  was  well  known  to  antiquity  under  the  name 
of  Sardonian,  appear  among  the  Egyptian  allies.     They 

VOL.  II.  B  .  • '    —'-r^- 


50  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  chap.  xiv. 

are  particularly  distinguished  by  their  helmets  with 
horns  and  a  ball-shaped  crest,  by  their  long  swords 
and  the  round  shields  on  their  left  arm,  while  their 
right  hand  grasps  a  spear. 

The  host  also  of  the  IQiita  and  of  their  allies  are 
represented  with  a  lively  pictorial  expression,  for  the 
artist  has  been  guided  by  the  intention  of  bringing 
before  the  eyes  of  the  beholder  the  orderly  masses  of 
the  Khita  warriors,  and  the  less  regular  and  warlike 
troops  of  the  allied  peoples,  according  to  their  costume 
and  arms.  The  Canaanites  are  distinguished  in  the 
most  striking  manner  from  the  allies,  of  races  unknown 
to  us,  who  are  attired  with  turban-like  coverings  for 
the  head,  or  with  high  caps  such  as  are  still  worn  at 
the  present  day  by  the  Persians.  Short  swords,  lances, 
bows  and  arrows,  form  the  weapons  of  the  enemies  of 
the  Egyptians.  We  have  already  made  the  necessary 
observations  on  the  warlike  and  truly  chivalrous 
appearance  of  the  Khita,  and  must  now  particularly 
mention  the  Tuhir,  or  '  chosen  ones,'  who  follow  in 
the  train  of  their  king.  Among  these  are  the  Qel'au, 
or  slingers,  who  attended  close  about  the  person  of 
their  prince. 

Wonderfully  rich  is  the  great  battle-picture  which 
represents  the  fight  of  the  chariots  before  Kadesh  on 
the  banks  of  the  Orontes.  While  the  gigantic  form 
of  Ramses,  in  the  very  midst  of  the  mass  of  hostile 
chariots,  performs  deeds  of  the  highest  prowess,  to  the 
astonishment  of  the  Egyptians  and  of  their  enemies, 
his  brave  son,  Prahiunamif,  as  the  chief  commander 
of  the  chariots,  heads  the  attack  on  the  chariots  of  the 


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;)IK.  nx.  THE  BATTLE  OF  KADESH.  51 

enemy.  Several  of  his  brothers,  the  children  of  Eamses, 
take  part  in  the  battle.  The  chariots  of  the  Khita 
and  their  warriors  are  thrown  into  the  river;  and 
among  them  the  King  of  KhiKbu,  whom  his  warriors 
have  just  dragged  out  of  the  water,  and  are  endeavour- 
ing to  restore  to  animation  while  the  battle  is  raging. 
They  hold  their  lord  by  the  legs,  with  his  head 
hanging  down.  The  inscription  by  the  side  runs 
thus : — 

'  This  is  the  T^ing  of  Khilibu.  His  warriors  are  raising  him 
up  after  Pharaoh  has  thrown  him  into  the  water.' 

The  battle,  or  rather  its  beginning,  is  described  in 
the  following  manner  in  a  short  inscription  annexed 
to  the  picture  : — 

'  When  the  king  had  halted,  lie  sat  down  to  the  north-west  of 
the  town  of  Kadesh.  He  had  oome  up  with  the  hostile  hosts 
of  Elhita,  being  quite  alone,  no  other  was  with  him.  There  were 
thousands  and  hundreds  of  chariots  round  about  him  on  all  sides. 
He  dashed  them  down  in  heaps  of  dead  bodies  before  his  horses. 
He  killed  all  the  kings  of  all  the  peoples  who  were  allies  of  the 
(king)  of  Khita,  together  with  his  princes  and  elders,  his  waniors 
and  his  horses.  He  threw  them  one  upon  another,  head  over 
heels,  into  the  water  of  the  Orontes.  There  the  king  of  Khita 
tamed  round,  and  raised  up  his  hands  to  implore  the  divine 
bene&ctor.' 

The  battle,  or  rather  butchery,  seems  to  have 
been  as  little  agreeable  to  the  people  of  the  Khita  as 
to  their  lords,  for — 

'  The  hostile  Khita  speak,  praiedng  the  divine  benefactor  thus : 
"  Give  us  freedom  (literally,  breath)  from  thy  hand,  O  good  king  ( 
Let  us  lie  at  thy  feet ;  the  fear  of  thee  has  opened  tiie  land  of 
Elhita.  We  are  like  the  foals  of  mares,  which  tremble  in  terror  at 
the  sight  of  the  grim  Uon." ' 

b3 


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52  ItAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  ohap.  hy. 

In  the  customary  manner,  as  already  described, 
the  inscriptions  sing  the  praise  of  their  king  : — 

'  The  brave  and  bold  conqueror  of  the  nations,  of  the  highest 
Talonr  in  the  field  of  battle,  firm  on  horseback,  and  glorious  on 
his  chaiiot,  whom  none  can  escape  when  he  seizes  his  bow  and 
arrows.' 

A  less  poetical  and  ornate  description  of  the  great 
event,  which  is  expressly  stated  to  have  happened 
before  Kadesh,  is  preserved  in  a  record  repeated 
several  times  on  the  walls  of  the  temple.  We  will 
not  withhold  it  from  our  readers,  if  only  because  it 
shows  with  what  clearness,  in  spite  of  their  simple 
phraseology,  the  writers  of  thirty-two  centuries  ago 
were  able  to  place  before  their  contemporaries  an 
historical  description,  in  order  to  depict  to  their  imagi- 
nation, in  true  Homeric  style,  the  fame  and  exploits 
of  their  hero. 

'(1)  In  the  5th  year,  in  the  month  Epiphi,  on  the  9th  day, 
in  the  reign  of  king  Ramses  II.,  the  Pharaoh  was  (2)  in  the  land 
of  Zahi,  on  his  second  campaign.  Good  watch  was  kept  orer  the 
king  in  the  camp  of  Pharaoh  on  the  heights  to  the  south  of  (3)  the 
city  of  Kadesh.  Pharaoh  came  forth  as  soon  as  the  snn  rose,  and 
put  on  the  (war)  array  of  his  father  Monthu.  And  the  sovereign 
went  further  (4)  upwards,  and  came  to  the  south  of  the  town  of 
Shabatun.  There  came  to  meet  him  two  Shasu,  in  order  to  speak 
to  (5)  Pharaoh  thus  : 

'  **  We  are  brothers,  who  belong  to  the  chiefs  of  the  tribes  of 
the  Shasu,  which  are  (6)  in  the  dominion  of  the  king  of  Khita. 
They  commanded  us  to  go  to  Pharaoh,  to  speak  thus :  We  wish  to 
be  servants  (7)  to  the  house  of  Pharaoh,  so  that  we  may  separate 
ourselves  from  the  king  of  Khita.  But  now  (8)  the  king  of 
Khita  stays  in  the  land  of  Khilibu,  to  the  north  of  Tunep,  for 
he  fears  Pharaoh,  intending  forwards  (9)  to  advance.'' 

'  Thus  spake  the  two  Shasu.  But  the  words  which  they  had 
spoken  to  the  king  were  vain  lies ;  (10)  for  the  king  of  Khita  had 


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Dm  XII.  INSCRIPTION  AT  KARNAK.  53 

sent  them  to  spy  eat  where  Pharaoh  was,  so  that  the  (11)  soldiers 
of  Pharaoh  should  not  prepare  an  ambush  in  the  rear,  in  order 
to  fight  with  the  king  of  Khita.  For  the  king  of  Khita  had 
(12)  come  with  all  the  kings  of  all  peoples,  with  horses  and  riders, 
which  he  brought  with  him  in  great  numbers,  and  stood  there 
ready  (13)  in  an  ambush  behind  the  town  of  Kadesh,  the  wicked. 
And  the  king  did  not  discover  the  meaning  of  their  words. 

'  And  Pharaoh  went  further  downwards,  and  came  to  the  re- 
gion to  the  north-west  of  Kadesh,  where  he  stayed  to  rest  on 
( 1 4)  a  golden  couch  of  repose.  There  came  in  the  spies,  who  belonged 
to  the  servants  of  the  king,  and  brought  with  them  two  spies  of 
the  king  of  (15)  Elhita.  When  they  had  been  brought  forward, 
Pharaoh  spake  to  them  :  "  Who  are  ye  I "  They  said,  "  We  be- 
long to  (16)  the  king  of  Khita,  who  sent  us  to  see  where  Pharaoh 
is."  Then  spake  to  them  (17)  Pharaoh  :  "  He,  where  stays  he,  the 
king  of  ELhitat  For  I  have  heard  say  that  he  is  in  the  land  of 
Khilibu."  They  said :  ''  Behold  (18)  the  king  of  Khita  stays 
there,  and  much  people  with  him,  whom  he  has  brought  with  him 
(19)  in  great  numbers  from  all  countries  which  are  situated  in  the 
territory  of  the  land  of  Khita,  of  the  land  of  Naharain  (20)  and  of 
all  the  KitL^  They  are  provided  with  riders  and  horses,  who 
bring  with  them  (21)  the  implements  of  war,  and  they  are  more 
than  the  sand  of  the  sea.  Behold,  they  stay  there  in  ambush  to 
fight  behind  the  town  of  Kadesh,  (22)  the  wicked/' 

*  Then  Pharaoh  called  the  princes  before  him,  that  they  might 
hear  (23)  all  the  words  which  the  two  spies  of  the  land  of  Khita, 
who  were  present,  had  spoken.  The  king  spake  to  them  :  ''  Be- 
hold the  wisdom  (24)  of  the  governor  and  of  the  princes  of  the  lands 
of  the  house  of  Pharaoh  in  this  matter !  They  stood  there  speak- 
iag  daily  thus  to  Pharaoh — (25)  *  The  king  of  Khita  is  in  the  land 
of  Khilibu ;  he  has  fled  before  Pharaoh  since  he  heard  say  that 
he  would  come  to  him  according  to  the  words  of  Pharaoh  dailyi' 
(26)  Now  behold  what  I  have  had  to  hear  in  this  hour  from  the 
two  spies.  The  king  of  Khita  is  come  up  with  much  people, 
who  are  with  him  with  horses  and  riders  (27)  as  many  as  the 
sand.  They  stand  there  behind  the  town  of  Kadesh,  the  wicked. 
Thus  haa  it  happened  that  the  governor  and  the  princes  knew 
nothing,  to  whom  (28)  the  countries  of  the   house  of  Pharaoh 


'  Kit!  means  '  circle,'  like  the  Hebrew  Galil,  Galilee. 

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54  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  chap.  xiy. 

are  entrusted.  (29)  It  was  their  duty  to  have  said,  They  are 
come  up." 

'  Then  the  princes  who  were  before  Pharaoh  spake  thus :  '^  The 
fkxHt  (30)  is  great  which  the  governor  and  the  princes  of  the  house 
of  Pharaoh  have  committed,  that  they  did  not  make  enquiries 
(31)  where  the  king  of  Khita  stayed  at  each  time,  (32)  that  they 
might  have  given  notice  daily  to  Pharaoh." 

'  Then  (33)  was  the  commission  given  to  a  captain  to  urge  on 
in  haste  the  army  of  the  king,  which  entered  into  the  country 

(34)  to  the  south  of  Shabatun,  to  direct  them  to  the  spot  where 

(35)  Pharaoh  was^  For  Pharaoh  had  relied  on  the  words  of  the 
princes,  while  in  the  meantime  the  king  of  Khita  came  up  with 
much  people  that  were  with  him,  with  riders  (36)  and  horses.  So 
exceeding  great  was  the  number  of  the  people  that  was  with  him. 
They  had  passed  over  the  ditch,  which  is  to  the  south  of  the  town 
of  Kadesh,  and  they  fell  upon  the  army  of  Pharaoh,  which  entered 
in  without  having  any  information.  And  (37)  the  army  and  the 
horses  of  Pharaoh  gave  way  before  them  on  the  road  upwards 
to  the  place  where  the  king  was.  Then  the  hostile  hosts  of  the 
king  of  Khita  surrounded  the  (38)  followers  of  Pharaoh,  who 
were  by  his  side. 

*  When  Pharaoh  beheld  this,  he  became  wroth  against  them, 
and  he  was  like  his  father  Monthu.  He  put  on  his  war  array 
(39)  and  took  his  arms,  and  appeared  like  the  god  Baal  in  hid 
time.  And  he  mounted  his  horse,  and  hurried  forth  in  a  qmck 
course.  (40)  He  was  all  alone.  Qe  rushed  into  the  midst  of  the 
hostile  hosts  of  the  king  of  Khita  and  the  much  people  that  were 
with  him.  (41)  And  Pharaoh,  like  the  god  Sutekh,  the  glorious, 
cast  them  down  and  slew  them.  And  I  the  king  flung  them  down 
head  over  heels,  one  after  the  other,  into  the  water  of  the  Arantha. 
I  (42)  subdued  all  the  people,  and  yet  I  was  alone,  for  my  war- 
riors and  my  charioteers  had  left  me  in  the  lurch.  None  of  them 
stood  (by  me).  Then  the  king  of  Khita  raised  his  hands  to  pray 
before  me. 

'  (43-44)  I  swear  it  as  truly  as  the  Sun-god  loves  me,  as  truly 
as  my  father,  the  god  Turn,  blesses  me,  that  all  the  deeds  which  I 
the  king  have  related,  these  I  truly  performed  before  my  army, 
and  before  my  charioteers.' 

About  two  years  after  the  events  which  we  have 

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iiTF,  m.  HEROIC  POEM  OF  PENTAUR.  55 

just  described,  Pentaur,  the  Theban  poet,  had  finished 
his  heroic  song.  The  fact  that  it  was  engraved  on  the 
temple  walls,  and  on  the  hard  stone,  may  serve  as  a 
proof  of  the  recognition  which  was  accorded  to  the 
poet  by  the  king  and  his  contemporaries.  And,  indeed, 
even  our  own  age  will  hardly  refuse  to  applaud  this 
work,  although  a  translation  cannot  reach  the  power 
and  beauty  of  the  original.  Throughout  the  poem  the 
peculiar  cast  of  thought  of  the  Egyptian  poet  fourteen 
centuries  before  Christ  shines  out  continually  in  all  its 
fulness,  and  confirms  our  opinion  that  the  Mosaic 
language  exhibits  to  us  an  exact  counterpart  of  the 
Egyptian  mode  of  speech.  The  whole  substance  of 
thought  in  minds  living  at  the  same  time,  and  in 
society  with  each  other,  must  needs  have  tended  to- 
wards the  same  conception  and  form,  even  though  the 
idea  which  the  one  had  of  God  was  essentially  different 
from  the  views  of  the  other  concerning  the  nature  of 
the  Creator  of  all  things. 

We  cannot  forego  the  opportunity  of  rendering 
with  all  fidehty,  and  laying  before  our  readers  in  an 
(English)  garb,  the  contents  of  this  wonderful  docu- 
ment, precious  ahke  for  its  form  and  as  a  record. 
With  this  object,  we  have  repeatedly  compared  with 
one  another  the  copies  extant  on  the  monuments, 
and,  as  the  foundation  of  all,  we  have  given  the  pre- 
ference to  the  well-known  papyrus  of  the  British 
Museum.  Following  the  example  of  E.  de  Eoug^,  we 
have,  however,  transposed  to  a  suitable  place  the  Uttle 
episode  which  relates  to  the  charioteer  Menna, 


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56  RAltSES  IL  MIAMUN.  ohap.  xiv. 


THE  HEROIC  POEM  OF  PENTATJR.« 

*  BeginiuDg  of  the  victory  of  king  Ramses  Miamon — may  lie 
live  for  ever  I — which  he  obtained  over  the  people  of  the  Khita, 
of  Naharain,  of  Malunna,  of  BLdasa,  of  the  Dardani,  over  the  people 
of  Masa,  of  Elarkisha,  of  Qasnatan,  of  Qarkemish,  of  EAti,  of 
Anaugas,  over  the  people  of  Akerith  and  Mushanath. 

'  The  youthful  king  with  the  bold  hand  has  not  his  equal.  His 
arms  are  powerful,  his  heart  is  firm,  his  courage  is  like  that  of  the 
god  of  war,  Monthu,  in  the  midst  [of  the  fight.  He  leads]  his  war- 
riors to  unknown  peoples.  He  seizes  his  weapons,  and  is  a  wall  [of 
iron  far  his  warriors],  their  shield  in  the  day  of  battla  He  seizes 
his  bow,  and  no  man  offers  opposition.     Mightier  than  a  hundred 

thousand  united  together  goes  he  forwards 

His  courage  is  firm  like  that  of  a  bull  which  seizes  [the 

* He  has  smitten]  all  peoples  who  had  united  themselves 

together.  No  man  knows  the  thousands  of  men  who  stood  against 
him.  A  hundred  thousand  sank  before  his  glance.  Terrible  is  he 
when  his  war-cry  resounds ;  bolder  than  the  whole  world ;  [dread- 
ful] as  the  grim  lion  in  the  valley  of  the  gazelles.  His  command 
[will  be  performed.  No  opponent  dares]  to  speak  against  him. 
Wise  is  his  counsel.  Complete  are  his  decisions,  when  he  wears 
the  royal  orown  Atef  and  declares  his  wOl,  a  protector  of  his  people 
[against  unrighteousness].  His  heait  is  like  a  mountain  of  iron. 
Such  is  king  Ramses  Miamun. 

'  After  the  king  had  armed  his  people  and  his  chariots,  and  in 
like  manner  the  Shardonians,  which  were  once  his  prisoners  .... 
.  .  .  then  was  the  order  given  them  for  the  battle.  The  king  took 
his  way  downwards,  and  his  people  and  his  chariots  accompanied 
him,  and  followed  the  best  road  on  their  march. 

'  In  the  fifth  year,  on  the  ninth  day  of  the  month  Payni,  the 
fortress  of  Khetam  (Etham)  of  the  land  of  Zar  opened  to  the 
king As  if  he  had  been  the  god  of  war,  Monthu  him- 
self, the  whole  world  trembled  [at  his  approach],  and  terror  seized 
all  enemies  who  came  near  to  bow  themselves  before  the  king. 
And  his  warriors  passed  by  the  path  of  the  desert,  and  went  on 
along  the  roads  of  the  north. 


^  A  translation  of  this  poem  by  Professor  E.  L.  Lushington, 
is  given  in  Records  of  the  Fctst,  vol.  ii  pp.  65,  foil. — Ed. 


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»ra.  XIX.  HEROIC  POEM  OF  PENTAUR.  5Y 

'Many  days  after  this  the  king  was  in  the  city  of  Ramses 
Miamnn  [which  is  situated  in  Zahi].    After  the  king  had  marched 

upwards,  he  reached and  arrived  as  fiur  as  Kadesh.   Then 

the  king  passed  by  in  their  sight  like  his  &ther  Mentha,  the  lord 
of  Thebes.  He  marched  through  the  YsXliy  of  the  river  Arunatha, 
(with  him)  the  first  legion  of  Amon,  who  secures  victory  to  the 
king  Ramses  Miamun.  And  when  the  king  approached  the  city, 
behold  there  was  the  miserable  king  of  the  hostile  Ehita  (already) 
arrived.  He  had  assembled  with  him  all  the  peoples  from  the 
uttermost  ends  of  the  sea  to  the  people  of  the  Khita.  They  had 
arrived  in  great  numbers :  the  people  of  Nahandn,  the  people  of 
Arathu,  of  the  Dardani,  the  Masu,  the  Pidasa,  the  Malunna,  the 
Karkish  (or  Kashkish),  the  Leka,  Qazuadana,  Kirkamish,  Akarith, 
Katiy  the  whole  people  oi  Anaugas  every  one  of  them,  Musha^ 
nath,  and  E^adesh.  He  had  left  no  people  on  his  road  without 
bringing  them  with  him.  Their  number  was  endless;  nothing 
like  it  had  ever  been  before.  They  covered  mountains  and  valleys 
like  grasshoppers  for  their  number.  He  had  not  left  silver  nor 
gold  with  his  people ;  he  had  taken  away  all  their  goods  and  posses- 
sions, to  give  it  to  the  people  who  accompanied  him  to  the  war. 

*  Now  had  the  miserable  king  of  the  hostile  Khita  and  the  many 
peoples  which  were  with  him  hidden  themselves  in  an  ambush 
to  the  north-west  of  the  dty  of  Eladesh,  while  Pharaoh  was  alone, 
no  other  was  with  him.  The  legion  of  Amon  advanced  behind 
him.  The  legion  of  Phra  went  into  the  ditch  on  the  territory 
which  lies  to  the  west  of  the  town  of  Shabatuna,  divided  by  a  long 
interval  from  the  legion  of  Ptah,  in  the  midst,  [in  the  direction] 
towards  the  town  of  Amama.  The  legion  of  Sutekh  marched  on  by 
their  roads.  And  the  king  called  together  all  the  chief  men  of  his 
warriors.  Behold,  they  were  at  the  lake  of  the  land  of  the 
Amorites.  At  the  same  time  the  miserable  king  of  Khita  was  in 
the  midst  of  his  warriors,  which  were  with  him.  But  his  hand 
was  not  so  bold  as  to  venture  on  battle  with  Pharaoh.  Therefore 
he  drew  away  the  horsemen  and  the  chariots,  which  were  numerous 
as  the  sand.  And  they  stood  three  men  on  each  war-chariot,  and 
there  were  assembled  in  one  spot  the  best  heroes  of  the  army  of 
Khita,  well  appointed  with  all  weapons  for  the  fight.  They  did  not 
dare  to  advance.  They  stood  in  ambush  to  the  north-west  of  the 
town  of  Kadeslu  Then  they  went  out  from  Kadesh,  on  the  side  of 
the  souUiy  and  threw  themselves  into  the  midst  of  the  legion  of 


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68  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  chap.  xrr. 

Pra-Hormakhu,  which  gave  way,  and  was  not  prepared  for  the  fight. 
There  Pharaoh's  warriors  and  chariots  gave  way  before  them.  And 
Pharaoh  had  placed  himself  to  the  north  of  the  town  of  Kadesh,  on 
the  west  side  of  the  river  Amnatha.  Then  they  came  to  tell 
the  king.  Then  the  king  arose,  like  his  father  Month;  he 
grasped  his  weapons  and  put  on  his  armour,  just  like  Baal  in  his 
time^  And  the  noble  pair  of  horses  which  carried  Pharaoh,  and 
whose  name  was '  Victory  in  Thebes,'  they  were  from  the  court 
of  King  Ramses  Miamun.  When  the  king  had  quickened  his 
course,  he  rushed  into  the  midst  of  the  hostile  hosts  of  Khita,  all 
alone,  no  other  was  with  him.  When  Pharaoh  had  done  this,  he 
looked  behind  him  and  found  himself  surrounded  by  2,500  pairs 
of  horses,  and  his  retreat  was  beset  by  the  bravest  heroes  of  the  king 
of  the  miserable  Khita,  and  by  all  the  numerous  peoples  which  were 
with  him,  of  Arathu,  of  Masu,  of  Pidasa,  of  Keshkesh,  of  Malunna^ 
of  Qazauadana,  of  Khilibu,  of  Akerith,  of  Kadesh,  and  of  Leka. 
And  there  were  three  men  on  each  chariot,  and  they  were  all 
gathered  together. 

'  And  not  one  of  my  princes,  not  one  of  my  captains  of  the 
chariots,  not  one  of  my  chief  men,  not  one  of  my  knights  was 
there.  My  warriors  and  my  chariots  had  abandoned  me,  not  one 
of  them  was  there  to  take  part  in  the  battle. 

'  Thereupon  speaks  Pharaoh  :  '*  Where  art  thou,  my  father 
Amon  ?  If  this  means  that  the  father  has  forgotten  his  son,  behold 
have  I  done  anything  without  thy  knowledge,  or  have  I  not  gone 
and  followed  the  judgments  of  thy  mouth)  Never  were  the 
precepts  of  thy  mouth  transgressed,  nor  have  I  broken  thy  com- 
mands in  any  respect.  The  noble  lord  and  ruler  of  Egypt, 
should  he  bow  himself  before  the  foreign  peoples  in  his  way? 
Whatever  may  be  the  intention  of  these  herdsmen,  Amon  should 
stand  higher  than  the  miserable  one  who  knows  nothing  of  God. 
Shall  it  have  been  for  nothing  that  I  have  dedicated  to  thee  many 
and  noble  monuments,  that  I  have  filled  thy  temples  with  my 
prisoners  of  war,  that  I  have  built  to  thee  temples  to  last  many 
thousands  of  years,  that  I  have  given  to  thee  all  my  substance  as 
household  furniture,  that  the  whole  united  land  has  been  ordered 
to  pay  tribute  to  thee,  that  I  have  dedicated  to  thee  sacrifices  of  ten 
thousands  of  oxen,  and  of  all  good  and  sweetHsmeUing  woods) 
Never  did  I  withhold  my  hand  from  doing  that  which  thy  wish 
required.     I  have  built  for  thee  propyla  and  wonderful  works 


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jm  m.  :  EXPLOIT  OF  RAMSES.  59 

of  stone,  I  have  raised  to  thee  masts  for  all  times,  I  have  conveyed 
obelisks  for  thee  from  the  island  of  Elephantine.  It  was  I  who  had 
brought  for  thee  the  everlasting  stone,  who  caused  the  ships  to  go 
for  thee  on  the  sea,  to  bring  thee  the  productions  of  foreign 
nations.  Where  has  it  been  told  that  such  a  thing  was  done  at  any 
other  time  %  Let  him  be  pnt  to  shame  who  rejects  thy  commands, 
but  good  be  to  him  who  acknowledges  thee,  O  Amon  I  I  have  acted 
for  thee  with  a  willing  heart ;  therefore  I  call  on  thee.  Behold  now, 
Amon,  I  am  in  the  midst  of  many  unknown  peoples  in  great  numbers* 
All  have  united  themselves,  and  I  am  all  alone;  no  other  is  with  me ; 
my  warriors  and  my  charioteers  have  deserted  me.  I  called  to  them, 
and  not  one  of  them  heard  my  voice.  But  I  find  that  Amon 
is  better  to  me  than  millions  of  warriors,  than  hundreds  of  thou- 
sands of  horses,  than  tens  of  thousands  of  brothers  and  sons,  even  if 
they  were  all  united  together  in  one  place.  The  works  of  a  mul- 
titude of  men  are  nothing;  Amon  is  better  than  they.  What  has 
happened  to  me  here  is  according  to  the  command  of  thy  mouth,  O 
Amon,  and  I  wiQ  not  transgress  thy  command.  Behold  I  call 
upon  thee  at  the  uttermost  ends  of  the  world." 

*  And  my  voice  found  an  echo  in  Hermonthis,  and  Amon  heard 
it  and  came  at  my  cry.  He  reached  out  his  hand  to  me,  and  I 
shouted  for  joy.  He  called  out  to  me  from  behind:  "I  have 
hastened  to  thee,  Bamses  Miamun.  I  am  with  thee.  I  am  he, 
thy  father,  the  sun-god  Ba.  My  hand  is  with  thee.  Yes  1  I  am 
worth  more  than  hundreds  of  thousands  united  in  one  place.  I 
am  the  lord  of  victory,  the  friend  of  valour ;  I  have  foimd  in  thee 
a  right  spirit,  and  my  heart  rejoices  thereat." 

'  All  this  came  to  pass.  I  was  changed,  being  made  like  the  god 
Monthu.  I  hurled  the  dart  with  my  right  hand,  I  fought  with  my 
left  hand.  I  was  like  Baal  in  his  time  before  their  sight.  I  had 
fonnd  2,500  pairs  of  horses;  I  was  in  the  midst  of  them;  but  they 
were  dashed  in  pieces  before  my  horses.  Not  one  of  them  raised  his 
hand  to  fight;  their  courage  was  sunken  in  their  breasts,  their 
limbs  gave  way,  they  could  not  hurl  the  dart,  nor  had  they  the 
courage  to  thrnst  with  the  spear.  I  made  them  fall  into  the  waters 
just  as  the  crocodiles  fall  in.  They  tumbled  down  on  their  faces 
one  after  another.  I  killed  them  at  my  pleasure,  so  that  not 
one  looked  back  behind  him,  nor  did  another  turn  round.  Each 
one  fell,  he  raised  himself  not  up  again. 

<  There  stood  still  the  miserable  Idngof  Eliita  in  the  midst  of  his 


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60  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  chap.  xir. 

warriors  and  bis  chariots,  to  behold  the  fight  of  the  king.  He  was 
all  alone ;  not  one  of  bis  warriors,  not  one  of  his  chariots  was  with 
him.  There  he  tamed  round  for  fright  before  the  king.  There- 
upon he  sent  the  princes  in  great  niunbers.  each  of  them  with  bis 
chariot,  well  equipped  with  all  kinds  of  offensive  weapons :  the  long 
of  Arathu  and  him  of  Masa,  the  king  of  Malunna  and  him  of 
Leka,  the  king  of  the  Dardani  and  him  of  Kesbkesh,  the  king  of 
Qarqamasb  and  him  of  Elbilibu.  There  were  all  together  the 
brothers  of  the  king  of  EJiita  united  in  one  place,  to  the  number  of 
2,500  pairs  of  horses.  They  forthwith  rushed  right  on,  their 
countenance  directed  to  the  flame  of  fire  (i.e.  my  &ce). 

'  I  rushed  down  upon  them^  Like  Monthu  was  I.  I  let  them 
taste  my  band  in  the  space  of  a  moment.  I  dashed  them  down, 
and  killed  them  where  they  stood.  Then  cried  out  one  of  them  to  bis 
neighbour,  saying,  ''  This  is  no  man.  Ah  I  woe  to  us !  He  who  is  in 
our  midst  is  Sutekh,  the  glorious ;  Baal  is  in  all  his  limbs.  Let  us 
hasten  and  flee  before  him.  Let  us  save  our  lives;  let  us  try 
our  breath."  As  soon  as  any  one  attacked  him,  his  hand  fell  down 
and  every  limb  of  his  body.  They  could  not  aim  either  the  bow 
or  the  spear.  They  only  looked  at  him  as  he  came  on  in  his 
headlong  career  from  afar.  The  king  was  behind  them  like  a 
griffin. 

*  (Thus  speaks  the  king) : — 

'  I  struck  them  down ;  they  did  not  escape  me.  I  lifted  up 
my  voice  to  my  warriors  and  to  my  charioteers,  and  spake  to  them, 
**  Halt !  stand !  take  courage,  my  warriors,  my  charioteers  1  Look 
upon  my  victory.  I  am  alone,  but  Amon  is  my  helper,  and  bis 
hand  is  with  me." 

'  When  Menna,  my  charioteer,  beheld  with  Ids  eyes  bow 
many  pairs  of  horses  surrounded  me,  his  courage  left  him,  and 
his  heart  was  afraid.  Evident  terror  and  great  fright  took  posses- 
sion of  his  whole  body.  Immediately  he  spake  to  me :  "  My  gracious 
lord,  thou  brave  king,  thou  guardian  of  the  Egyptians  in  the  day  of 
battle,  protect  us.  We  stand  alone  in  the  midst  of  enemies.  Stop, 
to  save  the  breath  of  life  for  us.  Give  us  deliverance,  protect  us, 
O  King  Ramses  Miamun." 

<  Then  spake  the  king  to  bis  charioteer :  ''  Halt  I  stand !  take 
courage,  my  charioteer.  I  wiU  dash  myself  down  among  them 
as  the  sparrow-hawk  dashes  down.  I  will  slay  them,  I  will  cut 
them  in  pieces,  I  will  dash  them  to  the  ground  in  the  dust    Why, 


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©mux.     THE  KING  REPROVES  HIS  WARRIORS.  61 

then,  is  sncli  a  thought  in  thy  heart)  Theee  are  unclean  ones  for 
Amon,  wretches  who  do  not  acknowledge  the  god." 

'  And  the  king  hurried  onwards.  He  charged  down  upon  the 
hostile  hosts  (tf  Khita.  For  the  sixth  time,  when  he  charged  upon 
Uiem,  (says  the  king)  "  There  was  I  like  to  Baal  hehind  them  in  his 
time,  when  he  has  strength.     I  killed  them  ;  none  escaped  me." 

'  And  the  king  cried  to  his  warriors,  and  to  his  chariot-fighters, 
and  likewise  to  his  princes,  who  had  taken  no  part  in  the  fight, 
"  Miserable  is  your  courage,  my  chariot-fighters.  Of  no  profit  is 
it  to  have  you  for  friends.  If  there  had  been  only  one  of  you  who 
had  shown  himself  a  good  (warrior  9)  for  my  country !  If  I  had  not 
stood  firm  aa  your  royal  lord,  you  had  been  conquered.  I  exalt  you 
daily  to  be  princes.  I  place  the  son  in  the  inheritance  of  his  father, 
warding  off  all  injury  from  the  land  of  the  Egyptians,  and  you  for- 
sake me  !  Such  servants  are  worthless.  I  made  you  rich,  I  was  your 
protecting  lord,  and  each  of  you  who  complained  supplicating  to  me, 
I  gave  him  protection  in  his  affairs  every  day.  No  Pharaoh  has 
done  for  his  people  what  I  have  done  for  you.  I  allowed  you  to 
remain  in  your  villages  and  in  your  towns.  Neither  the  captain  nor 
his  chariot-horses  did  any  work.  I  pointed  out  to  them  the  road 
from  their  city,  that  they  might  find  it  in  like  manner  at  the  day  and 
at  the  hour  at  which  the  battle  comes  on.  Now  behold  1  A  bad 
aervioe  altogether  has  been  performed  for  me.  None  of  you  stood 
by,  ready  to  stretch  out  his  hand  to  me  when  I  fought.  By  the  name 
of  my  j&ther  Amon  !  O  that  I  may  be  for  llgypt  like  my  fiither, 
the  sun-god  Ba!  Not  a  single  one  of  you  would  watch,  to  attend 
to  what  concerns  his  duty  in  the  land  of  Egypt.  For  such  ought  to 
be  the  good  kind  of  men,  who  have  been  entrusted  with  work  for  the 
memorial-places  in  Thebes,  the  city  of  Amon.  This  is  a  great  fault 
which  my  warriors  and  chariot-fighters  have  committed,  greater 
than  it  is  possible  to  describe.  Now  behold,  I  have  achieved  the 
victory.  No  warrior  and  no  chariot-fighter  was  with  me.  The 
whole  world  frt>m  afar  beholds  the  strength  of  my  arm.  I  was  all 
alone.  No  other  was  with  me.  No  prince  was  by  my  side,  of  the 
captains  of  the  chariots,  no  captain  of  the  soldiers,  nor  any  horseman. 
The  foreign  peoples  were  eye-witnesses  of  this.  They  publish  my 
name  to  thd  furthest  and  most  unknown  regions.  All  the  com- 
batants whom  my  hand  left  surviving,  they  stood  there,  turning 
themselves  to  wonder  at  what  I  did ;  and  though  millions  of  them 
had  been  there,  they  woidd  not  have  kept  their  feet,  but  would 


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62  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  chip,  xrr, 

have  run  away.     For  every  one  who  shot  an  arrow  aimed  at  me,  his 
own  weapon  failed,  which  should  have  reached  me." 

*  When  now  my  warriors  and  my  charioteers  saw  that  I  was 
named  like  Monthn  of  the  victorious  arm,  and  that  Amon  my 
fieither  was  with  me,  and  the  special  favour  he  had  done  for  me, 
and  that  the  foreigners  all  lay  like  hay  before  my  horses,  then 
they  came  forward  one  after  another  out  of  the  camp  at  the  time 
of  evening,  and  found  all  the  people  which  had  come  against 
them,  the  best  combatants  of  the  people  of  Khita,  and  of  the  sons 
and  brothers  of  their  king,  stretched  out  and  weltering  in  their 
blood.  And  when  it  was  light  on  the  (next  morning)  in  the  plain 
of  the  land  of  Kadesh,  one  could  hardly  find  a  place  forliis  foot  on 
iuxx>unt  of  their  multitude. 

'  Then  came  my  warriors  forward  to  praise  highly  my  name, 
full  of  astonishment  at  what  I  had  done.  My  princes  came  forward 
to  honour  my  courage,  and  my  chariot-fighters  also  to  praise  my 
strength. 

^  **  How  wast  thou,  great  champion  of  firm  courage,  the  saviour 
of  thy  warriors  and  of  thy  chariot-fighters  I  Thou  son  of  Amon, 
who  came  forth  out  of  the  hands  of  the  god,  thou  hast  annihilated 
the  people  of  Khita  by  thy  powerful  arm.  Thou  art  a  good 
champion,  a  lord  of  victory ;  no  other  king  fights  as  thou  dost  for 
his  warriors  in  the  day  of  battle.  Thou,  O  bold  one,  art  the  first 
in  the  fight.  The  whole  world  united  in  one  place  does  not  trouble 
thee.  Thou  art  the  greatest  conqueror  at  the  head  of  thy  warriors 
in  the  sight  of  the  whole  world.  No  one  dares  to  contend  with 
thee.  Thou  art  he  who  protects  the  Egyptians,  who  chastises 
the  foreigners.  Thou  hast  broken  the  neck  of  Khita  for  everlasting 
times." 

'  Thereupon  the  king  answered  his  warriors  and  hjs  chariot- 
fighters,  and  likewise  his  princes  :  "  My  warriors,  my  charioteers, 
who  have  not  taken  part  in  the  fight,  a  man  does  not  succeed  in 
obtaining  honour  in  his  dty  unless  he  comes  and  exhibits  his  prowess 
before  his  lord,  the  king.  €k>od  will  be  his  name,  if  he  is  brave 
in  the  battle.  By  deeds,  by  deeds,  will  such  a  one  obtain  the 
applause  [of  the  land].  Have  I  not  given  what  is  good  to  each  of 
you,  that  ye  have  left  me,  so  that  I  was  alone  in  the  midst  of  hostile 
hosts?  Forsaken  by  you,  my  life  was  in  peril,  and  you  breathed 
tranquilly,  and  I  was  alone.  Could  you  not  have  said  in  your 
hearts  that  I  was  a  rampart  of  iron  to  youf    Will  any  one  obef^ 


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Bnr.  HZ.  VICTORY  OVER  THE  KHTTA.  63 

bim  who  leaves  me  in  the  lurch  when  I  am  alone  without  anj 
follower  t  when  nobody  comeB,  of  the  piinoes,  of  the  knights,  and 
of  the  chief  men  of  the  army,  to  reach  me  out  his  hand  f  I  was 
alone  thus  fighting,  and  I  have  withstood  millions  of  foreigners,  I 
all  alone. 

^ "  *  Victory  in  Thebes,'  and  *  Mut  is  satisfied,'  my  pair  of 
horses,  it  was  they  who  found  me,  to  strengthen  my  hand,  when  I 
-was  all  alone  in  the  midst  of  the  raging  multitude  of  hostile  hosts. 
I  will  myself  henceforth  have  their  fodder  given  to  them  for  their 
nourishment  in  my  presence,  when  I  shall  dwell  in  the  palace, 
because  I  have  found  them  in  the  midst  of  hostUe  hosts,  together 
with  the  captain  of  the  horsemen,  Menna,  my  charioteer,  out  of  the 
band  of  the  trusted  servants  in  the  palace,  who  stay  near  me.  Here 
are  the  eye-witnesses  of  the  battle.     Behold,  these  did  I  find.'' 

<  The  king  returned  in  victory  and  strength ;  he  had  smitten 
hundreds  of  thousands  all  together  in  one  place  with  his  arm. 

*  VThen  the  earth  was  (again)  light,  he  arranged  the  hosts  of 
warriors  for  the  fight,  and  he  stood  there  prepared  for  the  battle, 
like  a  bull  which  has  whetted  his  horns.  He  appeared  to  them  a 
likeness  of  the  god  Monthu,  who  has  armed  himself  for  the  battle. 
Lfikewise  his  brave  warriors,  who  dashed  into  the  fight,  just  as 
the  hawk  swoops  down  upon  the  kids. 

*  The  diadem  of  the  royal  snake  adorned  my  head.  It  spat  fire 
and  glowing  flame  in  the  face  of  my  enemies.  I  appeared  like  the 
sun-god  at  his  rising  in  the  early  morning.  My  shining  beams  were 
a  consuming  fire  for  the  limbs  of  the  wicked.  They  cried  out  to 
one  another,  ''  Take  care,  do  not  fall !  For  the  powerful  snake  of 
royalty,  which  accompanies  him,  has  placed  itself  on  his  horse.  It 
helps  him.  Every  one  who  comes  in  his  way  and  fiiils  down,  there 
oomes  forth  fire  and  fiame  to  consume  his  body." 

<  And  they  remained  afar  off,  and  threw  themselves  down  on  the 
earth,  to  entreat  the  king  in  the  sis^ht  [of  his  army].  And  the  king 
bad  power  over  them  and  slew  them  without  their  being  able  to 
escape.  As  bodies  tumbled  before  his  horses,  so  they  lay  there 
stretched  out  all  together  in  their  blood. 

*  Then  the  king  of  the  hostile  people  of  Ehita  sent  a  messenger 
to  pray  piteonsly  to  the  great  name  of  the  king,  speaking  thus : 
*'  Thou  art  Ea-Hormakhu.  Thou  art  Sutekh  the  glorious,  the  son 
of  Nut»  Baal  in  his  time.  Thy  terror  is  upon  the  land  of  Khita, 
for  thou  hast  broken  the  neck  of  ELhita  for  ever  and  ever." 


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64  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  oeip.  ziy. 

'Thereupon  he  allowed  his  messenger  to  enter.  He  bore  a 
writing  in  his  hand  with  the  address,  *'  To  the  great  double-name  of 
the  king  "  (and  thus  it  ran)  : 

<  '*  May  this  suffice  for  the  satisfaction  of  the  heart  of  the  holiness 
of  the  royal  house,  the  Sun-Horus,  the  mighty  Bull,  who  loves 
justice,  the  great  lord,  the  protector  of  his  people,  the  brave  with 
his  arm,  the  rampart  of  his  life-guards  in  the  day  of  battle,  the 
king  Ramses  Miamun. 

*  "  The  servant  speaks,  he  makes  known  to  Pharaoh,  my  gracious 
lord,  the  beautiful  son  of  Ra-Hormakhu,  as  follows  : 

* ''  Since  thou  art  the  son  of  Amon,  from  whose  body  thou  art 
sprung,  so  has  he  granted  to  thee  all  the  peoples  together. 

'  '*  The  people  of  Egypt  and  the  people  of  Khita  ought  to  be 
brothers  together  as  thy  servants.  Let  them  be  at  thy  feet.  The 
sun-god  Ra  has  granted  thee  the  best  [inhabitants  of  the  earth]. 
Bo  us  no  injury,  glorious  spirit,  whose  anger  weighs  upon  the 
people  of  Khita. 

*  *'  Would  it  be  good  if  thou  shouldst  wish  to  kill  thy  servants, 
whom  thou  hast  brought  under  thy  power  f  Thy  look  is  terrible, 
and  thou  art  not  mildly  disposed.  Calm  thyself.  Yesterday  thou 
camest  and  hast  slain  hundreds  of  thousands.  Thou  oomest  to- 
day, and — ^none  will  be  left  remaining  [to  serve  thee]. 

* ''  Do  not  carry  out  thy  purpose,  thou  mighty  king.  Better 
is  peace  than  war.     Give  us  freedom." 

'  Then  the  king  turned  back  in  a  gentle  humour,  like  his  fiither 
Monthu  in  his  time,  and  Pharaoh  assembled  all  the  leaders  of  the 
army  and  of  the  chariot-fighters  and  of  the  life-guards.  And  when 
they  were  all  assembled  together  in  one  place,  they  were  permitted 
to  hear  the  contents  of  the  message  which  the  great  king  of  Khita 
had  seat  to  him.  [When  they  had  heard]  these  words,  which  the 
messenger  of  the  king  of  Khita  had  brought  as  his  embassy  to 
Pharaoh,  then  they  answered  and  spake  thus  to  the  king : 

' ''  Excellent,  excellent  is  that !  Let  thy  anger  pass  away,  O 
great  lord  our  king !  He  who  does  not  accept  peace  must  offer  it. 
Who  would  content  thee  in  the  day  of  thy  wrath  I " 

'  Then  the  king  gave  order  to  listen  to  the  words  of  him  (the 
king  of  Khita),  and  he  let  his  hands  rest,  in  order  to  return  to 
the  south.  Then  the  king  went  in  peace  to  the  land  of  Egypt 
with  his  princes,  with  his  army,  and  his  charioteers,  in  serene 
humour,  in  the  sight  of  his  [people].     All  countries  feared  the  power 


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BTN.  XIX.  ROCK-TABLETS  NEAR  BEYROUT.  65 

of  the  king,  as  of  the  I6rd  of  both  the  worlds.  It  had  [protected]  his 
own  warriors.  All  peoples  came  at  his  name,  and  their  kings  fell 
down  to  pray  before  his  beantiful  countenance.  The  king  reached 
the  city  of  Ramses  Miamun,  the  great  worshipper  of  Ra-Hor- 
makhn,  and  rested  in  his  palace  in  the  most  serene  humouTy 
just  like  the  snn  on  his  throne.  And  Amon  came  to  greet  him, 
speaking  thus  to  him :  **  Be  thou  blessed,  thou  our  son,  whom  we 
love,  Ramses  Miamun  I  May  they  (the  gods)  secure  to  him  with- 
out end  many  thirty-years'  feasts  of  jubilee  for  ever  on  the  chair 
of  his  &ther  Tum,  and  may  aU  lands  be  under  his  feet ! " ' 

Thus  did  the  poet  on  the  banks  of  the  holy  river 
sing  the  heroic  deed  of  King  Eamses  before  Kadesh. 
We  are  indebted  to  the  Egyptian  Homer  for  full  infor- 
mation about  this  historical  event,  the  knowledge  of 
which  was  never  transmitted  by  tradition  to  the 
memory  of  men. 

The  wars  of  the  king  in  Syria  and  Canaan  cer- 
tainly did  not  begin  in  the  fifth  year  of  his  reign,  in 
which  the  great  battle  of  Kadesh  took  place ;  but  as 
early  as  the  preceding  years  Ramses  had  extended  his 
first  campaign  as  far  as  these  countries.  The  three 
celebrated  rock-tablets  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bey- 
rout — ^which  were  as  well  known  to  the  Greek  tra- 
vellers in  the  fifth  century  before  our  era  (they  are 
the  steke  of  Sesostris  mentioned  by  Herodotus  H.  102), 
as  they  are  still  in  our  own  day  the  goal  of  enquiring 
pilgrims  in  the  land  of  Palestine — testify  to  the 
presence  of  king  Ramses  at  this  very  place  in  the 
second  year  and  first  campaign,  and  in  the  fifth  year 
and  second  campaign,  of  his  reign. 

After  peace  had  been  made  with  the  Khita,  their 
frontiers  were  henceforth  spared,  although  several 
cities  could  not  prevail  upon  themselves  to  acknow- 

VOL.  II.  F 


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66  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  chap.  xiv. 

ledge  the  Egyptian  supremacy.  In  one  of  these, 
*  Tunep,  in  the  land  of  Naharain/  where  Ramses  had 
set  up  his  eflSgies  as  visible  memorials  of  his  cam- 
paigns against  Khita,  the  opposition  of  the  population 
assumed  such  a  serious  aspect,  that  Ramses  saw 
himself  obliged  to  lead  his  anny  and  his  chariots  in 
person  against  Tunep.  The  memorial  inscription 
preserved  in  the  Ramesseum  at  Thebes,  unfortunately 
destroyed  in  its  upper  part,  describes  this  campaign 
in  the  following  terms : — 

*  [There  arose  a  new  9]  war,  which  was  against  a  city  of  Khita, 
in  which  the  two  statues  of  Pharaoh  were  set  up.  The  king  had 
reduced  them  [under  his  power.  Then  the  king  assembled]  his 
warriors  and  his  chariots,  and  gave  orders  to  his  warriors  and  his 
chariots  [to  attack]  the  hostile  Khita,  who  were  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  city  of  Tunep,  in  the  land  of  NaJiarain.  And  the 
king  put  on  his  armour  [and  mounted  his  chariot].  He  stood  there 
in  the  battle  against  the  town  of  the  hostile  Elhita  at  the  head  of 
his  warriors,  and  of  his  [chariots.  His]  armour  was  upon  him. 
And  the  king  came  again  to  take  his  armour,  and  to  put  it  on. 
(And  he  utterly  smote]  the  hostile  Khita,  who  were  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  city  of  Tunep  in  the  land  of  Naharain« 
After  that  he  no  more  put  on  his  armour.' 

In  the  eighth  year  we  again  find  the  king  on  the 
soil  of  the  land  of  Canaan,  where,  in  the  territory  of 
what  was  afterwards  Galilee,  as  well  as  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  that  ill-famed  country,  the  inhabitants 
mocked  at  Pharaoh's  highness,  and  at  length  tired  out 
his  patience.  They  were  punished  by  the  capture  of 
their  fortresses ;  and  their  kings  and  elders,  together 
with  the  men  capable  of  bearing  arms,  were  carried 
away  to  the  land  of  Kemi,  after  the  Egyptian  warriors 
had  grossly  insulted  them,  beaten  them,  and,  in  token 


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rm  XII.  VICTORIES  IN  CANAAN.  67 

of  shame,  had  plucked  out  the  long  beards  of  the 
Canaanites.  The  representation  of  the  conquest  of 
the  fortresses  had  its  place  on  the  northern  flanking- 
tower  at  the  comer  of  the  west  side  of  the  temple  of 
Eamses  on  the  west  side  of  Thebes.  An  inscription 
was  annexed  to  every  fortress,  beginning  with  the 
words,  '  This  is  the  city  which  the  king  took  in  the 
eighth  year,'  to  which  the  particular  designation  of 
the  place  was  added.  In  what  has  been  preserved 
we  can  make  out  the  names :  Shalama  (that  is  the 
town  of  peace),  the  place  Salem,  or  Saleim,  to  the 
south  of  Scythopolis ;  Maroma,  that  is  Merom ;  'Ain- 
'Anamim,  that  is,  Anim  or  Engannim ;  *  Dapur  in  the 
land  of  the  Amorites,'  the  well-known  fortress  on 
Mount  Tabor ;  *  the  town  Kalopu,  on  the  mountain  of 
Beitha-Antha,'  that  is,  the  Bethanath  of  Scripture,  in 
the  land  of  Cabul. 

That  Eamses  was  the  ruling  lord  '  of  the  foreign 
peoples  of  Singara  and  Khita,'  that  he  had  conquered, 
and  probably  also  had  occupied,  the  greater  number 
of  their  cities,  is  proved  especially  by  the  names  of 
the  conquered  places  which  the  monuinents  of  Eamses 
at  Karnak  exhibit,  and  the  appearance  of  which 
entirely  corresponds  with  the  appellations  of  the  places 
of  the  Khita  in  the  list  of  nations  of  Thutmes  III.  I 
may  adduce  as  examples  Qa-sa-na-litha,  Qa-li-pa,  Khi- 
ri-za,  Pa-rihi,  Ab-el,  Qa-ro-ma-na,  Qa-si-ri-ba-na,  Sha- 
ma-sha-na,  Ei-hu-za,  Sa-a-bi-tha,  Ka-za-a,  Qa-sa-ri-'a, 
Qau-zas,  Ka-ri-ka,  Qa-ma-sa-pui,  A-zar  or  A-zal. 

As  in  the  north,  so  also  in  the  south,  the  wars 
against  the  cities  of  Canaan  called  into  play  all  the 


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68  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  ch^.  xiv. 

warlike  activity  of  Ramses.  Here  above  all  the  storm- 
ing of  As-qa-li-na,  that  is,  Askalon,  appeared  to  the 
Egyptians  a  great  exploit,  worthy  of  being  perpetuated 
by  a  representation  on  the  stone  walls  of  the  temple 
of  Kamak. 

The  fortress  of  Askalon,   which  in  the  time   of 
Joshua  was  counted  among  the  five  princely  cities  of 
the  Philistines,  lay  on  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  in  a 
fertile  district.    It  was  strongly  fortified,  and  belonged 
sometimes  to  the  Syrians  and  sometimes  to  the  Egyp- 
tians, according  as  the  one  or  the   other  held  the 
supremacy  of  the  lands  and  peoples  of  Western  Asia. 
According  to  our  Egyptian  representation,  it  was  situ- 
ated on  a  height,  and  was  inhabited  by  pure  Canaanites, 
who  outwardly  differed  in  nothing  from  the  rest  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Ruthen.     The  attack  of  Pharaoh, 
who,  in  his  court-chariot,  drawn  by  his  pair  of  horses 
called  '  Amon-neb-nakhto,'  that  is,  '  Amon  is  the  lord 
of  victory,'  personally  directed  his  warriors,  resulted 
in  a  speedy  capture  by  storm.     The  warriors  of  Pha- 
raoh mounted  the  walls  of  the  city  on  ladders,  and 
beat  in  the  barricaded  doors  with  bright  axes.     Men 
and   women   are  trying  to  appease   the  victors  by 
their  prayers.     The  king  of  '  the  miserable  city '  ac- 
knowledges his  fault  with  the  words :  *  He  rejoices, 
who  acts   according   to   thy  will,  but  woe  to  him 
who   transgresses  thy  boundaries.     We  will  make 
known  thy  glory  to  all  the  nations  who  know  not 
Egypt.' 

Thus  was  Askalon  punished  for  its  revolt  from 
Egypt,  and  again  subjected  to  the  sceptre  of  Pharaoh. 


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DYW.  XII.  PRISONERS  OF  WAR-  69 

This  seems  to  have  been  the  only  instance  in  the  an- 
cient history  of  Egypt,  in  which  Askalon  broke  faith 
with  the  house  of  Pharaoh. 

As  a  consequence  of  the  wars  of  king  Kamses  in 
Western  Asia,  besides  the  booty  (about  which,  however, 
the  inscriptions  are  silent),  a  great  number  of  prisoners 
were  transplanted  to  the  valley  of  the  NUe.  On  the 
front  wall  of  the  temple  of  Luqsor,  behind  the  obelisks 
and  the  splendid  sitting  figures  of  the  king,  there  is  a 
scene  relating  to  this,  with  the  superscription,  *  Cata- 
logue of  the  princes  of  the  people  of  Khita,  whom 
Pharaoh  has  brought  back  as  living  prisoners,  to 
fill  the  house  of  his  father  Amon,  and  of  the  people 
of  the  Dardani,  of  Pidasa,  and  others.'  As  leaders  of 
the  band  of  the  prisoners  there  appear  the  king's  sons, 
who  had  taken  part  in  the  campaign  against  Khita, 
and  had  distinguished  themselves  at  the  storming  of 
Tabor  :  Amon-hi-khopesh-ef,  Kha-m-us,  Miamun,  and 
Seti.  The  foreigners  are  brought  by  the  Pharaoh  in 
person  to  the  god  Amon ;  and,  as  usual,  the  action  is 
designated  as  the  *  bringing  of  the  prisoners  from 
all  countries  to  which  the  king  has  come,  to  bind  them, 
and  whom  the  king  has  conquered.  He  brings  their 
inhabitants  with  him  as  Uving  prisoners,  to  fill  with 
them  the  house  of  his  father  Amon/ 

While  Bamses  in  the  representations  and  inscrip- 
tions, so  far  as  they  have  escaped  the  destructive  hand 
of  man  and  the  all-devouring  tooth  of  time,  appears 
before  our  sight  as  a  champion  of  the  first  rank  on 
land,  fighting  on  his  wax  chariot,  represented  in 
heroic  form,  with  his  warriors  by  his  side,  and  hib 


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70  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  ckap.  xiv. 

grown-up  sons  accompanying  him,^  in  the  face  of  a 
great  confederacy  of  nations  whose  representatives 
belong  to  the  most  distant  and  unknown  lands, — it  is, 
on  the  other  hand,  beyond  doubt  that  his  campaigns 
were  also  carried  on  by  water,  and  that  his  ships 
measured  themselves  in  sea-fights  with  the  most  power- 
ful maritime  nations,  for  the  dominion  of  the  sea.  A 
short  but  precious  notice  on  the  long  rock-tablet 
(without  date)  on  the  outside  of  the  temple  of  Abusim- 
bel  (or  rather  Ibsamboul),  places  this  fact  apparently 
beyond  doubt.  Unfortunately,  the  extant  monuments 
contain  no  other  indications  which  might  serve  as  a 
further  support  for  a  fact  of  such  historical  importance. 
The  increasing  movements  of  the  nations,  and  the 
growing  troubles  in  Canaan,  the  pushing  forward  of 
whole  races  in  Western  Asia,  owing  to  the  immigration 
of  warlike  tribes  of  foreign  origin,  seem  to  have  at- 
tracted the  serious  attention  of  the  kings  of  Khita,  as 
well  as  of  the  Egyptian  Pharaoh.  The  then  lord  of 
Khita,  Khita-sir,  was  the  first  to  make  to  his  Egyptian 
friend  the  proposal,  written  on  a  tablet  of  silver,  for 
an  offensive  and  defensive  alUance.  Kamses  IE.  was 
prudent  enough  not  to  refuse  such  a  proposal,  and  a 
treaty  was  made,  which  laid  the  foundation  of  the 
intimate  friendship,  so  often  mentioned  by  the  chroni- 
clers of  the  time,  between  the  two  great  empires  of 
Asia  and  Africa. 

•  The  preeenoe  of  these  grown-up  sons  will  prove  to  a  French 
adholar  that  Ramsee  II.  could  not  have  fought  at  Kadesh  as  a 
hoy  of  ten  yetvrs  old, — [A  bas-relief  at  Abusimbel,  representing 
Bomses  the  Great  in  battle,  followed  hj  six  of  his  sons  on  three 


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DTK.  XIX.         TREATY  WITB  KING  OF  KHTTA.  71 

The  historical  account  of  this  treaty  has  been 
handed  down  to  us  in  a  clear  and  intelligible  manner^ 
although  with  some  breaks.  The  inscription  con- 
cerning it,  the  translation  of  which  we  now  give,  will 
make  our  readers  acquainted  with  the  contents  of  this 
remarkable  document  better  than  any  further  exr 
planation :  ^ — 

'Offensive  and  Defensive  Alliance  between  Khita  and 

Kemi. 

'  In  the  year  21,  in  the  month  Tjbi,  on  the  21st  day  of  the 
month,  in  the  reign  of  King  Bamessu  Miamnn,  the  dispenser  of  life 
eternally  and  for  ever,  the  worshipper  of  the  divinities  Amon-ra 
(of  Thebes),  Hormakhu  (of  Heliopolis),  Ptah  (of  Memphis),  Mut, 
the  lady  of  the  Asher-lake  (near  Kamak),  and  Khonsu,  the  peace- 
loving,  there  took  place  a  public  sitting  on  the  throne  of  Horns 
among  the  living,  resembling  his  father  Hormakhu  in  eternity, 
in  eternity,  evermore. 

'  On  that  day  the  king  was  in  the  diy  of  Kamses,  presenting  his 
peace-offerings  to  his  father  Amon-ra,  and  to  the  gods  Hormakhu- 
Tnm,  the  lord  of  Heliopolis,  and  to  Amon  of  Eamessu  Mia- 
mun,  to  Ptah  of  Ramessu  Miamun,  and  to  Sutekh,  the  strong,  the 
son  of  the  goddess  of  heaven  Nut,  that  they  might  grant  to  him 
many  thirty  years'  jubilee  feasts,  and  innumerable  happy  years, 
and  the  subjection  of  all  peoples  under  his  feet  for  ever. 

'  Then  came  forward  the  ambassador  of  the  king,  and  the  Adon 
[of  his  house,  by  name  ......  and  prasented  the  ambassadors] 

of  the  great  king  of  Khita,  Khitaair,  who  were  sent  to  Pharaoh  to 
propose  friendship  with  the  king  Kamessu  Miamun,  the  dispenser 
of  life  eternally  and  for  ever,  just  as  his  fisither  the  Sun-god  [dis- 
penses it]  each  day. 

*  This  is  the  copy  of  the  contents  of  the  silver  tablet,  which  the 
great  king  of  Khita,  Elhitasir,  had  caused  to  be  made,  and  which 
was  presented  to  the  Pharaoh  by  the  hand  of  his  ambassador  Tar- 
chariots,  is  engraved  from  a  sketch  by  Mr,  Villiers  Stuart,  J^ile 
Gleanings,  PL  XIII.  p.  176.— Ed.] 

*  This  treaty  has  been  translated  by  Mr,  0.  W.  Goodwin,  in 
Records  of  the  Past,  vol.  iv.  p.  25,  foil.— Ed. 


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72  RAMSES  11.  MIAMUN.  chap.  xtv. 


thi-sebu  and  his  ambassador  Ha-mes,  to  propose  friendship  with 
the  king  Ramessu  Miamun,  the  bull  among  the  princes,  who  places 
his  boundary-marks  where  it  pleases  him  in  all  lands. 

*  The  trea:ty  which  had  been  proposed  by  the  great  king  of 
Khita,  Khitasir,  the  powerful,  the  son  of  Maro-sir,  the  great  king 
of  Khita,  the  powerful,  the  son  of  the  son  of  Sapa-li-li,  the  great 
king  of  Khita,  the  powerful,  on  the  silver  tablet,  to  Kamessu  Mia- 
mim,  the  great  prince  of  Egypt,  the  powerful,  the  son  of  Mineptah 
Seti,  the  great  prince  of  Egypt,  the  powerful,  the  son's  son  of 
Kamessu  I.,  the  great  king  of  Egypt,  the  powerful, — this  was  a 
good  treaty  for  friendship  and  concord,  which  assured  peace  [and 
established  ooncordj  for  a  longer  period  than  was  previously  the 
case,  since  a  long  time.  For  it  was  the  agreement  of  the  great 
prince  of  Egypt  in  common  with  the  great  king  of  Khita,  that  the 
god  should  not  allow  enmity  to  exist  between  them,  on  the  basis 
of  a  treaty. 

*  To  wit,  in  the  times  of  Mau-than-er,  the  great  king  of  Khita, 
my  brother,  he  was  at  war  with  [Mineptah  Seti]  the  great  prince 
of  Egypt. 

*  But  now,  from  this  very  day  forward,  Khitasir,  the  great 
king  of  Khita,  shall  look  upon  this  treaty,  so  that  the  agreement 
may  remain,  which  the  god  Ea  has  made,  which  the  god  Sutekh 
has  made,  for  the  people  of  ^gypt  and  for  the  people  of  Khita, 
that  there  should  be  no  enmity  between  them  for  evermore. 

*  And  these  are  the  contents  : — 

*  Khitasir,  the  great  king  of  Khita,  is  in  covenant  with  Eamessu 
Miamun,  the  great  prince  of  Egypt,  from  this  very  day  forward, 
that  there  may  subsist  a  good  friendship  and  a  good  understanding 
between  them  for  evermore. 

'  He  shall  be  my  ally ;  he  shall  he  my  friend  : 

*  I  will  be  his  ally ;  I  will  be  his  friend  :  for  ever. 

*  To  wit,  in  the  time  of  IViau-than-er,  the  great  king  of  Khita, 
his  brother,  after  his  murder,  Khita-sir  placed  himself  on  the  throne 
of  his  father  as  the  great  king  of  Khita.  I  strove  for  friendship 
with  Eamessu  Miamun,  the  great  prince  of  Egypt,  and  it  is  [my 
wish]  that  the  friendship  and  the  concord  may  be  better  than  the 
friendship  and  the  concord  which  before  existed,  and  which  was 
broken. 

'  I  declare  :  I,  the  great  king  of  Khita,  will  hold  together  with 
[Eamessu  Miamun],  the  great  prince  of  Egypt,  in  good  friendship 


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DTN.  XIX.         TREATY  WITH  KING  OF  KHITA.  73 

and  in  good  concord.  The  sons  of  the  sons  of  the  great  king  of 
EJiita  will  hold  together  and  be  friends  with  the  sons  of  the  Bona 
of  Eamessu  Miamun,the  great  prince  of  Egypt. 

*In  virtue  of  our  treaty  for  concord,  and  in  virtue  of  our 
agreement  [for  friendship,  let  the  people]  of  Egypt  [be  bound  in 
friendship]  with  the  people  of  Khita.  Let  a  like  friendship  and  a 
like  concord  subsist  in  such  measure  for  ever. 

*  Never  let  enmity  rise  between  them.  Never  let  the  great  king 
of  Kbita  invade  the  land  of  Egypt,  if  anything  shall  have  been  plun- 
dered from  it  (the  land  of  Khita).^  Never  let  Ramessu  Miamun,  the 
great  prince  of  Egypt,  overstep  the  boundary  of  the  land  [of  Khita, 
if  anything  shall  have  been  plundered]  frx)m  it  (the  land  of  Egypt). 

*  The  just  treaty,  which  existed  in  the  times  of  Saparli-li,  the 
great  king  of  Elhita,  likewise  the  just  treaty  which  existed  in  the 
times  of  Mau-than-er,  the  great  king  of  Khita,  my  brother,  that 
will  I  keep. 

*  Bamessu  Miamun,  the  gi-eat  prince  of  Egypt,  declares  that  he 
will  keep  it.  [We  have  come  to  an  understanding  about  it]  with 
one  another  at  the  same  time  from  this  day  forward,  and  we  will 
fulfil  it,  and  will  act  in  a  righteous  manner. 

'  If  another  shall  come  as  an  enemy  to  the  lands  of  Bamessu 
Miamun,  the  great  prince  of  Egypt,  then  let  him  send  an  embassy 
to  the  great  king  of  Kiiita  to  this  effect :  '^  Come  !  and  make  me 
stronger  than  him."  Then  shall  the  great  king  of  Khita  [assemble 
his  warriors],  and  the  king  of  Khita  [shall  come]  and  smite  his 
enemies.  But  if  it  should  not  be  the  wish  of  the  great  king  of 
Khita  to  march  out  in  person,  then  he  shall  send  his  warriors  and 
his  chai'iots,  that  they  may  smite  his  enemies.  Otherwise  [he  would 
incur]  the  wrath  of  Bamessu  Miamun,  [the  great  prince  of  Egypt. 
And  if  Bamessu  Miamun,  the  great  prince  of  Egypt,  should  banish 
for  a  crime]  subjects  from  his  country,  and  they  should  commit 
another  crime  against  him,  then  shall  he  (the  king  of  Khita)  come 
forward  to  kill  them.  The  great  king  of  Khita  shall  act  in  common 
with  [the  great  prince  of  Egj^t]. 

'  [If  another  should  come  as  an  enemy  to  the  lands  of  the 
great  king  of  Khita,  then  shall  he  send  an  embassy  to  the  great 
prince  of  !^ypt  with  the  request  that]  he  would  come  in  great 


*  Mr.  Goodwin  has,  '  to  carry  away  anything  from  it  (Egypt),' 
and  so  vice  versd  in  the  next  clause. — Ed. 


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74  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  chap,  xiv* 


power  to  kill  his  enemies ;  and  if  it  be  the  intention  of  Bamesstr 
Miamun,  the  great  prince  of  Egypt,  (himself)  to  come,  he  shall 
[smite  the  enemies  of  the  great  king  of  Khita.  If  it  is  not  the- 
intention  of  the  great  prince  of  Egypt  to  march  out  in  person, 
then  he  shall  send  his  warriors  and  his  two-]  horse  chariots,  while 
he  sends  back  the  answer  to  the  people  of  Khita. 

*  If  any  subjects  of  the  great  king  of  Khita  have  offended  him^ 
then  Eamessu  Miamun,  [the  great  prince  of  Egypt,  shall  not  re- 
ceive them  in  his  land,  but  shall  advance  to  kill  them] 

the  oath,  with  the  wish  to  say :  I  will  go  .  .  .  until .  .  .  Bamessir 

Miamun,  the  great  prince  of  Egypt,  living  for  ever 

their  .  .  .  that  he  may  be  given  for  them  (?)  to  the  lord,  and  that 
Eamessu  Miamun,  the  great  prince  of  Egypt,  may  speak  accord- 
ing to  his  agreement  evermore 

*  [If  servants  shall  flee  away]  out  of  the  territories  of  Eamessu 
Miamun,  the  great  prince  of  Egypt,  to  betake  themselves  to  the 
great  king  of  Khita,  the  great  king  of  Khita  shall  not  i^ceive 
them,  but  the  great  king  of  Khita  shall  give  them  up  to  Eamessu 
Miamun,  the  great  prince  of  Egypt,  [that  they  may  receive  their 
punishment. 

'  K  servants  of  Eamessu  Miamun,  the  great  prince  of  Egypt, 
leave  his  country],  and  betake  themselves  to  the  land  of  Khita,  to- 
make  themselves  servants  of  another,  they  shall  not  remain  in  the 
land  of  Khita,  [they  shall  be  given  up]  to  Eamessu  Miamun,  the 
great  prince  of  Egypt. 

'  If  on  the  other  hand  there  should  flee  away  [servants  of  the 
great  king  of  Kiiita,  in  order  to  betake  themselves  to]  Eamessu 
Miamun,  the  great  prince  of  Egypt,  [in  order  to  stay  in  Egypt]^ 
then  those  who  have  come  from  the  land  of  E^ta  in  order  to 
betake  themselves  to  Eamessu  Miamun,  the  great  prince  of  Egypt, 
shall  not  be  [received  by]  Eamessu  Miamun,  the  great  prince  of 
Egypt,  [but]  the  great  prince  of  Egypt,  Eamessu  Miamun,  [shall 
deliver  them  up  to  the  great  king  of  Khita]. 

'  [And  if  there  shall  leave  the  land  of  Khita  persons]  of  skilful 
mind,  so  that  they  come  to  the  land  of  Egypt  to  make  themselves 
servants  of  another,  then  Eamessu  Miamun  will  not  allow  them 
to  settle,  he  will  deliver  them  up  to  the  great  king  of  Khita. 

'  When  this  [treaty]  shall  be  known  [by  the  inhabitants  of  the 
land  of  Egypt  and  of  the  land  of  Khita,  then  shall  they  not  offend 
against  it,  for  all  that  stands  written  on]  the  silver  tablet,  these 


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DTK.  XIX.  ATTESTING  DEITIES  INVOKED.  75 

are  words  which  wiU  have  been  approved  by  the  company  of  the 
gods  among  the  male  gods  and  among  the  female  gods,  among 
1^1066  namely  of  the  land  of  Khita,  and  by  the  company  of  the  gods 
among  the  male  gods  and  among  the  female  gods,  among  those 
namely  of  the  land  of  Egypt.  They  ai'e  witnesses  for  me  [to  the 
validity]  of  these  words,  [which  they  have  allowed. 

*  This  is  the  catal<^e  of  the  gods  of  the  land  of  Khita  : 

Sutekh,  of  the  city]  of  Tunep  (Daphne), 

Sutekh,  of  the  land  of  Khita, 

Sutekh,  of  the  city  of  Amema, 

Sutekh,  of  the  city  of  Zaranda, 

Sutekh,  of  the  city  of  Pilqa, 

Sutekh,  of  the  city  of  Khissap, 

Sutekh,  of  the  city  of  Sarsu, 

Sutekh,  of  the  city  of  Khilbu  (Haleb> 

Sutekh,  of  the  city  of 


Sutekh,  of  the  city  of  Sarpina, 

Astartha,  of  the  land  of  Khita, 

The  god  of  the  land  of  Zaiath-khirri, 

The  god  of  the  land  of  Ka  .  .  .  . 

The  god  of  the  land  of  Kher  .... 

The  goddess  of  the  city  of  Akh  .... 

[The  goddess  of  the  dty  of  ]  .  .  .  and  of  the  land  of  A  .  .  ua, 

The  goddess  of  the  land  of  Zaina, 

The  god  of  the  land  of .  .  .  nath  .  .  .  er. 
*  [I  have  invoked  these  male  and  these]  female  [gods  of  the  land 
of  Khita,  these  are  the  gods]  of  the  land,  [as  witnesses  to]  my  oath. 
[With  them  have  been  associated  the  male  and  the  female  gods]  of 
the  mountains,  and  of  the  rivers  of  the  land  of  Khita,  the  gods  of 
the  land  of  Qazauadana  (Gauzanitis),  Amon,  Pra,  Sutekh,  and  the 
male  and  the  female  gods  of  the  land  of  Egypt,  of  the  earth,  of  the 
sea,  of  the  winds,  and  of  the  storms. 

'With  regard  to  the  commandment  which  the  silver  tablet 
contains  for  the  people  of  Khita  and  for  the  people  of  Egypt,  he 
who  shall  not  observe  it  shall  be  given  over  [to  the  vengeance]  of 
the  company  of  the  gods  of  Khita,  and  shall  be  given  over  [to  the 
vengeance]  of  the  company  of  the  gods  of  Egypt,  [he]  and  his 
house  and  his  servants. 

'But  he  who  shall  observe  these  commandments,  which  the 


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76  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  chap.  xrv. 

silver  tablet  contains,  whether  he  be  of  the  people  of  Khita  or  [of 
the  people  of  the  Egyptians],  because  he  has  not  neglected  them,  the 
<x>mpanj  of  the  gods  of  the  land  of  Khita  and  the  company  of  the 
gods  of  the  land  of  Egypt  shall  secure  his  reward  and  preserve  life 
[for  him]  and  his  servants  and  those  who  are  with  him,  and  who 
are  with  his  servants. 

'  If  there  flee  away  of  the  inhabitants  [one  from  the  land  of 
Egypt],  or  two  or  three,  and  they  betake  themselves  to  the  great 
king  of  Khita,  [the  gi'eat  king  of  Khita  shall  not]  allow  them  [to 
remain,  but  he  shall]  deliver  them  up,  and  send  them  back  to 
Hamessu  Miamun,  the  great  prince  of  Egypt. 

'  Now  with  respect  to  the  [inhabitant  of  the  land  of  Egypt], 
who  is  delivered  up  to  Eamessu  Miamun,  the  great  prince  of 
Egypt,  his  flELult  shall  not  be  avenged  upon  him,  his  [house] 
shall  not  be  taken  away,  nor  his  [wife]  nor  his  [children].  There 
shall  not  be  [put  to  death  his  mother,  neither  shall  he  be  punished 
in  his  eyes,  nor  on  his  mouth,  nor  on  the  soles  of  his  feet],  so  that 
thus  no  crime  shall  be  brought  forward  against  him. 

'  In  the  same  way  shall  it  be  done,  if  inhabitants  of  the  land  of 
Khita  take  to  flight,  be  it  one  alone,  or  two,  or  three,  to  betake 
themselves  to  Hamessu  Miamun,  the  great  prince  of  Egypt. 
Bamessu  Miamun,  the  great  prince  of  Egypt,  shall  cause  them  to 
be  seized,  and  they  shall  be  delivered  up  to  the  great  king  of  Khita. 

*  [With  regard  to]  him  who  [is  delivered  up,  his  crime  shall  not 
be  brought  forward  against  him].  His  [house]  shall  not  be  taken 
away,  nor  his  wives,  nor  his  children,  nor  his  people ;  his  mother 
shall  not  be  put  to  death,  he  shall  not  be  punished  in  his  eyes,  nor 
on  his  mouth,  nor  on  the  soles  of  his  feet,  nor  shall  any  accusation 
be  brought  forward  against  him. 

'  That  which  is  in  the  middle  of  this  silver  tablet  and  on  its 
front  side  is  a  likeness  of  the  god  Sutekh  ....  surrounded  by  an 
inscription  to  this  effect :  "  This  is  the  [picture]  of  the  god  Sutekh, 
the  king  of  heaven  and  [earth]."  At  the  time  (?)  of  the  treaty,  which 
Khitasir,  the  great  king  of  Khita,  made.' ' 

In  such  a  form  were  peace  and  friendship  made 
at  Eamses,  the  city  in  Lower  Egypt,  between  the  two 

'  The  two  following  lines  of  the  conclusion  are  in  feet  too 
much  destroyed  to  enable  us  to  find  out  any  connection  between 
them  and  the  parts  which  have  been  preserved. 


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BTK.  m.  ALLUSION  TO  THE  ISRAELITES  ?  77 

most  powerful  nations  of  the  world  at  that  time> 
Blita  in  the  East,  and  Kemi  in  the  West.  It  was  to 
be  hoped  that  the  new  offensive  and  defensive  alliance, 
which  united  the  princes  and  countries  in  the  manner 
thus  described,  would  attain  its  end,  and  bridle  the 
fermenting  restless  mass  of  the  people  of  the  Canaan- 
ites,  which  lay  between  them,  and  keep  down  every 
rising  and  movement  of  the  hostilely  disposed  Semites, 
and  confine  them  within  the  limits  once  for  all  fixed. 
For  that  a  ferment  existed,  even  in  the  inmost  heart 
of  the  Egyptian  land,  is  sufficiently  proved  by  the 
aJlusion  in  the  treaty  to  the  evasions  of  evil-disposed 
subjects.  We  may  perhaps  read  between  the  lines 
that  the  Jewish  people  are  meant,  who,  since  their 
migration  into  the  land  of  Egypt,  had  increased  be- 
yond measure,  and  without  doubt  were  already  making 
preparations  to  withdraw  themselves  from  the  power 
of  their  oppressors  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile.  But 
how  ?  and  when  ? — this  was  hidden  in  the  councils  of 
the  Eternal. 

The  scribes  at  the  court  of  Pharaoh  at  Ramses- 
Tanis, — and  we  must  not  forget  that  Ramessu  Miamun 
had  fixed  his  court  there, — ^were  fiiU  of  joy  at  the 
great  event  of  the  conclusion  of  peace.  Their  letters, 
so  far  as  a  kind  fate  has  preserved  them  for  us,  over- 
flow with  high  delight  that  the  war  was  at  an  end, 
and  that  Kemi  and  Khita  had  now  become  fraternal 
peoples.  Their  boasting  rose  to  such  a  pitch  of  the 
wonted  Egyptian  pride,  as  to  assert  that  king  Ramessu 
had  already  assumed  the  position  of  a  god  for  Kliita, 
and  for  the  regions  of  the  heathen,  namely  Kati. 


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78  RAMSES  II.  MIAMUN.  chap.  xiv. 

As  we  intend  in  a  later  portion  of  the  history  of 
Eamses  to  lay  before  our  readers  in  a  faithful  trans- 
lation some  proofs  of  Egyptian  vain-glory  in  such 
matters,  we  will  first  give  additional  confirmation  of 
the  proved  fact,  that  Eamses  Uved  in  such  friendly 
relations  with  the  king  of  Khita  of  his  time,  that  even 
family  alHances  were  made  between  the  two.  Accord- 
ing to  a  memorial  tablet  which  was  set  up  solemnly 
in  the  temple  of  Ibsamboul,  and  the  long  inscription 
on  which  begins  with  the  date  of  the  year  34  of  the 
reign  of  Eamessu,  the  Egyptian  king  married  the 
daughter  of  the  king  of  Khita.  The  prince  of  Khita, 
clad  in  the  dress  of  his  country,  himself  conducted 
the  bride  to  his  son-in-law.  After  the  marriage  had 
taken  place,  the  young  wife,  as  queen,  received  the 
name  of  Ur-maa  Nofiru-ra. 

When  we  turn  our  glance  to  the  West  and  to 
the  South,  we  have  there  also  to  recognize  the  mili- 
tary activity  of  the  king,  whose  successes  are  cele- 
brated with  their  wonted  fiilness  by  the  Nubian 
monuments,  which  are  the  real  trophies  of  the  famed 
Sesostris. 

In  the  temple  of  Der  (or  Dirr,  as  I  heard  the 
name  always  pronounced  by  the  Nubian  inhabitants 
of  the  district)  there  is  represented  a  razzia  of  the 
king  against  the  poor  negroes,  whose  wives  and 
children  behold  the  irruption  of  the  Pharaoh  with 
aflfrighted  gaze.*  In  like  manner  the  battle-pieces  of 
the  rock-grotto  of  Beit-el-Walli  place  before  our  eyes 
the  victories  of  Pharaoh  over  the  land  of  Kush,  the 
*  Compare  ViUiers  Stuart,  Nile  Gleanings,  p.  166. 


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BIN.  ux.  SCENES  AT  BEIT-EL-WALU.  79 

Thuhen  (Mannaridae),  and  the  Syrian  Khalu  or  Ph(B- 
nicians.  The  date  of  these  wars  is  nowhere  given, 
and  it  is  only  the  circumstances  of  the  action,  and  the 
historical  personages  of  those  days,  beginning  with  the 
king's  children,  that  enable  us  to  form  a  general  con- 
ception as  to  the  campaigns  in  the  earlier  or  later 
years  of  the  life  of  Ramessu. 

We  must  imagine,  from  the  written  and  pictorial 
testimony  on  the  rock-walls  of  that  temple  grotto, 
that  the  king  had  just  returned  from  his  campaigns 
against  the  people  of  the  South,  and  held  a  court  in 
the  midst  of  the  temple.  He  was  already  covered 
with  glory,  for 

*  The  deeds  of  victory  are  inscribed  a  hundred  thousand  tunes 
on  the  glorious  Persea.  As  the  chastifler  of  the  foreigners,  who 
has  placed  his  boundary-marks  according  to  his  pleasure  in  the 
land  of  the  Kuthennu,  he  is  in  truth  the  son  of  Ba,  and  his  very 
likeness.' 

Before  the  king,  who  is  seated  on  his  throne,  ap- 
pears 'the  hereditary  prince  Amen-hi-unamif,'  who 
presents  to  him  a  train  of  captive  negroes,  and  the 
booty  or  tributes  of  leopards'  skins,  lions,  giraffes, 
antelopes,  gazelles,  and  of  gold  rings,  ivory,  and  fruits, 
and  other  such  productions  of  the  South. 

The  then  governor  also  of  the  South,  the  '  king's 
son  of  Kush,  Amen-em-ape,  a  son  of  Pa-uer,'  presents 
himself  before  his  lord  and  master,  in  order  to  be  de- 
corated for  his  honest  and  successful  services  with  the 
gold  necklace  of  honour.  For  a  campaign  had  just 
been  brought  to  a  close,  which  had  subjected  the 
revolted  negro  tribes  anew  to  the  sceptre  of  Egypt. 
In  its  principal  battle,  Ramses  appeared  high  on  his 


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80  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  cha^.  xiv. 

chariot.      His    son  named    above,    and    his    pious 
brother  Khamus,  accompanied  the  king. 

Here  is  another  court  of  the  king  in  the  South. 
At  his  feet  lies  his  faithful  attendant,  the  lion  Smam- 
kheftu-f, '  the  tearer  to  pieces  of  his  enemies.'  Here 
again  it  is  his  son,  the  brave  Aman-hi-unamif  (i.e., 
*  Amon  is  on  his  right  hand '),  who,  accompanied  by 
Egyptian  warriors,  brings  to  the  Pharaoh  in  Nubia 
some  captive  Khal-Phoenicians,  without  doubt  for  the 
purpose  of  being  employed  as  workmen  on  the  build- 
ings which  Ramses  was  erecting  there.* 

The  Libyan  land  also  must  have  yielded  her  cap- 
tive children  for  the  same  buildings,  since  we  admire 
the  strength  of  the  giant  king,  who  is  just  giving  a 
Thuhen  the  death-stroke  with  his  scimitar,  called 
Antha-em-nekh, '  Anaitis  is  the  protector.'  Prisoners 
of  the  Canaanite  tribes  are  also  seen  employed  on  the 
same  work,  for  the  king  had  carried  on  wars  against 
them.  His  own  words  declare  of  his  victories, '  that 
henceforth  sand  is  in  their  dwellings,  instead  of  the 
fruits  of  the  earth.'  Accompanied  by  one  of  his 
sons,  he  took  their  chief  city,  the  '  miserable  king '  of 
which  declares  to  Sesostris,  *  No  other  is  to  be  com- 
pared to  Baal  as  thou  art.  Thou,  0  king,  art  his  true 
son  for  ever.' 

Ramses  seems  to  have  subjugated  only  small  tribes 

^  Excellent  engravings  of  these  scenes  are  given  by  Yilliers 
Stuart,  Nile  Gleanings,  Plates  XLVI.,  XLVII.,  pp.  130,  138. 
There  are  casts  from^the  sculptures  of  Beit-el-Walli  in  the  British 
Museum.  The  fighting-lion  of  Bamses  appears  also  at  Der  (see 
p.  78),  where  the  1^  of  a  captive  negro  in  his  mouth  verifies  his 
name. — "Ed. 


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DTK.  XIX.  THE  NUBIAN  GOLD-MINES.  81 

of  Ethiopia  and  Libya,  in  his  campaigns  into  the  in- 
terior of  the  African  continent.  We  learn  the  names 
of  these  incidentally  on  several  monuments :  thus, 
for  example,  the  above-mentioned  memorial-stone  of 
Ibsambul  cites  as  conquered  people  of  Africa  the 
Auntom,  Hebuu,  Tenfu,  Temuu,  and  Hetau  (a  sixth 
name  is  destroyed),  whom  the  Memphian  god  Ptah- 
Totunen  delivers  as  subjects  into  the  hands  of  his 
son  Eamses.^ 

The  office  of  the  viceroys  of  the  South  continued 
in  fiill  importance  during  the  long  reign  of  this  king. 
The  monuments  mention  to  us  as  such,  accompanied 
by  the  usual  title  of  honour  of  *  King's  sons  of  Kush/ 
the  l^ptiali  lords  Pa-uer,  Amenemapi,  son  of  Pa-uer, 
Setau-'an  (who  was  entrusted  also  with  the  administra- 
tion of  the  gold-mines),  Amenemhib,  Nakhtu,.  and 
Massui. 

In  order  to  increase  his  revenues  and  fill  the  trea- 
sury of  the  state,  Eamses,  following  the  example  of 
his  father  Seti,  turned  his  particular  attention  to  the 
gold  districts  which  had  been  discovered,  and  especially 
to  the  Nubian  gold-mines  of  what  is  now  the  Wady- 
Alaki  (Al-aki),  anciently  called  Aki-ta.  But  water 
was  wanting  in  the  dreary  sterile  valleys  of  this 
mountainous  country,  and  men  and  beasts  died  on  the 
roads  to  the  gold  districts.  By  a  curious  accident, 
science  is  in  possession  of  the  old  Egyptian  map  (at 

^  Ck)mpar8  aboye,  the  numbers  25,  28,  77,  in  the  list  of  the 
tribes  of  the  South  under  Thutmes  III.  (Vol.  I.  chap,  xiii.) 
It  is  highly  probable  that  the  countries  and  peoples  mentioned 
here  scarcely  extended  beyond  Napata.  Main  (No.  4,  ibid,),  for  ex- 
ample, is  mentioned  as  in  Anibe,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Ibrim. 
VOL.  II.  G 


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82  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  chap.  xrv. 

Turin),  which  enables  us  to  recognize  the  situation 
of  the  mountain  tracks,  the  roads,  the  places  where 
the  gold  was  found,  the  wells,  and  all  the  other  ap- 
purtenances and  buildings.  Here,  according  to  the 
annexed  inscriptions,  are  *  the  mountains  out  of  which 
the  gold  was  extracted ;  they  are  marked  with  a  red 
colour ; '  there  '  the  roads  which  have  been  abandoned, 
leading  to  the  sea  : '  here  *  the  houses  of  ....  of  the 
gold-washing,'  the  *  well,'  and  the  '  memorial-stone  of 
king  Mineptah  I.  Seti  I. : '  there, '  the  temple  of  Amon 
in  the  holy  mountain.'  Nothing  is  forgotten  which 
could  seem  calculated  to  give  the  spectator  an  idea  of 
the  state  of  the  region,  even  to  the  stones  and  the 
scattered  trees  along  the  roads.  Seti  P.,  the  gold- 
seeker,  had  first  worked  the  gold-mines,  but  without 
any  remarkable  success,  as  will  be  shown  further  on. 
He  made  the  well  named  in  the  inscriptions,  and 
erected  near  it  the  memorial-stone  of  which  the  in- 
scription on  the  map  speaks.  The  shaft  of  the  well 
had  a  depth  of  more  than  63  yards  (120  Egyptian 
cubits),  but  the  water  soon  became  exhausted,  and 
the  mine  was  abandoned. 

It  was  not  till  the  third  year  of  the  reign  of  King 
Ramses  that  the  works  were  opened,  which  are  men- 
tioned with  such  detail  in  the  inscription  given  below. 
The  inscription  covers  a  stone  which  was  found  at  the 
village  of  Kouban,  opposite  Dakkeh,  on  the  eastern 
bank  of  the  Nubian  territory.  Here  was  situated  in 
ancient  times  a  fortified  place,  provided  with  walls, 
trenches,  and  towers,  destined  by  the  Pharaohs  for  a 
bulwark  against  the  irruptions  of  the  Nubian  tribes. 


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DTi.nx.  INSCRIPTION  AT  KOUBAN.  83 

Inscribed  blocks  of  stone,  in  the  neighbourhood, 
mention  the  kings  Thutmes  HI.,  Horemhib,  and 
Eamses  11.  This  place  seems  at  the  same  time  to  have 
been  the  point  of  departure  for  the  communication 
with  the  gold-mines,  in  which  the  prisoners  of  war 
and  malefactors  were  forced  to  carry  on  their  laborious 
works  under  the  burning  rays  of  a  tropical  sun.  Even 
to  the  time  of  the  Greeks,  the  remembrance  was  pre- 
served of  their  cruel  treatment  and  of  the  dreadful 
condition  of  those  condemned  to  the  gold-washings. 

We  now  give  the  words  of  the  stone  inscription 
itself.^ 

'  (1)  In  the  year  3,  in  the  month  Tybi,  on  the  fourth  day,  in 
the  reign  of  king  Bame&su  Miamun,  the  dispenser  of  life  eternally 
and  for  ever,  the  friend  of  the  Theban  Amon-Ka  of  Api. 

'(2)  A  court  was  held  on  the  throne  of  Hor  (that  is,  of  the 
ting),  among  the  living.  Like  his  father,  the  everlasting  Sun- 
god,  the  divine  benefactor,  the  lord  of  the  south  land,  the  radiant 
Hud-Hor,  a  beautiful  golden  sparrow-hawk,  he  has  spread  out  his 
wings  over  Egypt,  giving  shade  to  the  inhabitants  in  the  protecting 
wall  of  the  strong  and  victorious.  When  he  goes  forth  thence 
diffusing  terror,  it  is  to  (3)  display  his  power  for  enlarging  his 
boundaries.  The  glittering  brilliancy  of  colour  has  been  granted  to 
his  body  by  the  victories  of  Monthu.*  He  is  the  lord  of  the  two 
crowns  of  Hor  and  of  Set.  A  shout  of  joy  resounded  in  heaven 
on  the  day  of  his  birth.  The  gods  (spake)  thus  :  We  have  be- 
gotten him  ;  (4)  the  goddesses  thus :  He  is  bom  of  us  to  govern 
the  kingdom  of  Ra ;  Amon  thus :  I  am  he  who  formed  him,  to 
put  truth  in  its  place.  The  land  was  set  in  order,  the  heaven 
quieted,   the  company  of  the  gods  satisfied,  through  his  piety. 


'  This  inscription  is  translated  by  Dr.  Birch,  in  Records  of 
the  Past,  vol.  viii.  pp.  75,  folL 

*  A  veiy  obscure  and  uncertain  passage.  The  whole  inscrip- 
tion is  in  high-flown  and  cumbrous  language,  which  makes  it 
difficult  for  the  translator  to  keep  hold  of  the  threads  of  the  de- 
scription.    The  introduction  is  in  a  singularly  bombastic  style. 

e  2 


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84  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  ckat.  xiv. 

He  is  a  mighty  bull  for  the  miserable  land  of  Kush,  who  pushes 
back  (5)  the  conspirators  from  the  land  of  the  negroes.  His 
hoof  crushes  the  An  (the  Kushites)  and  his  horn  gores  them.  He 
has  made  himself  master  of  the  land  of  Nubia,  and  his  terror, 
it  has  reached  the  land  of  E^ari.  His  name  resounds  in  (6)  all 
lands,  because  of  the  victories  which  his  hands  have  achieved. 
The  gold  appears  on  the  mountains  at  his  name,  as  at  the  name  of 
his  father  Hor,  the  lord  of  Baka,  the  well-beloved  in  the  land  of 
the  south,  as  at  the  name  of  Hor  in  the  land  of  Maama,  the  lord 
of  Buhan  (Bo6n).  (7)  Thus  is  King  Eamessu  Miamun,  the  dis- 
penser of  life  eternally  and  for  ever,  like  his  father  the  everlasting 
Sun-god. 

*  Then  was  the  king  in  the  city  of  Memphis  to  worship  his 
fathers,  the  gods,  and  the  lords  of  South  and  North  Egypt,  that 
they  might  grant  him  power  and  victory  and  a  long  duration  of 
life  of  infinitely  many  (8)  years.  On  one  of  these  days  it  came  to 
pass,  that  the  king  sat  there  on  his  great  throne  of  gold,  attired 
with  the  royal  diadem,  and  with  the  ornament  of  the  double  plume, 
to  consult  about  the  countries  from  which  the  gold  is  obtained, 
and  to  consider  the  method  and  way  of  boring  (9)  wells  on  the 
roads,  which  are  accursed  for  want  of  water,  since  he  had  heard 
that  there  was  much  gold  existing  in  the  land  of  Akita,  but  that 
the  approach  to  it  was  accursed  on  account  of  the  utter  want  of 
water.  There  were  taken  there  some  (10)  gold-washers  to  the 
place  where  it  was ;  but  those  who  had  gone  thither  had  died  of 
thirst  on  the  road,  together  with  the  asses  which  were  with  them. 
They  could  not  find  what  was  required  (11)  for  them  to  drink  on 
their  upw2u*d  journey,  imless  it  happened  that  the  rain  fell  from 
heaven.  So  could  no  gold  be  obtained  in  this  country,  on  accovint 
of  the  want  of  water. 

*  Then  spake  the  king  to  his  nobleman,  who  stood  beside  him  : 
"  Let  the  princes  be  caUed  who  are  present.  (12)  I  will  take 
counsel  with  them  about  this  land,  as  to  what  measures  should  be 
taken."  Ajb  soon  as  they  had  been  brought  before  the  divine  bene- 
factor, they  lifted  up  their  hands  to  praise  his  name  with  speeches 
in  his  honour,  and  to  pray  before  his  beautiful  coimtenance.  And 
the  king  described  to  them  the  condition  of  this  land,  in  order  to 
take  (13)  their  advice  upon  it,  with  the  view  of  boring  wells  on 
the  road.  And  they  spake  before  the  king  :  "  Thou  art  like  the 
sun.     Eveiything  succeeds  with  thee.     What  thy  heart  desires, 


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Dm  XIX.  ADDRESS  OF  THE  COURTIERS.  85 

that  comes  to  pass.  When  thou  oonoeivefit  a  wish  in  the  night,  it 
is  aooomplished  as  soon  as  the  earth  becomes  light  (again).  We 
have  hastened  to  thee  to  do  what  there  is  to  do,  for  (14)  great  is 
the  number  of  thy  astonishing  works,  since  thou  hast  appeared  as 
king  in  the  country.  We  heard  nothing,  we  saw  nothing,  and  yet 
what  is  there,  it  was  done  just  as  it  is.  All  the  sayings  of  thy 
mouth  are  like  the  words  of  Hormakhu.  Thy  tongue  is  a  balance  ; 
thy  lips  are  a  standard  measure  (15)  according  to  the  just  scales 
of  the  god  Thut.  Where  is  that  hidden  which  thou  didst  not 
know  1  Where  is  the  wise  man  who  might  be  like  thee  f  There 
is  no  place  found,  which  thou  hast  not  seen ;  there  is  no  land  which 
thou  hast  not  trodden.  Everything  excellent  found  an  entrance 
into  ihj  ears  since  (16)  thou  wast  an  Adon  of  this  land.  Thou 
didst  act  with  wisdom  when  thou  didst  still  sit  in  the  egg.  In  thy 
time  of  childhood  that  happened  which  thou  saidst,  for  the  welfare 
of  the  land.  When  thou  grewest  up  to  boyhood  with  the  lock  of 
hair  of  youth,  no  memorial  saw  the  light  without  thy  command. 
(17)  No  business  was  carried  out  without  thy  knowledge.  Thou 
wBst  raised  to  be  an  overseer  (Rohir)  of  this  land,  when  thou  wast 
a  youth  and  didst  count  ten  full  years.  All  buildings  went  forward 
und^  thy  hand,  and  the  laying  of  their  foundation  stones  was 
carried  out.  When  thou  spakest  to  the  water :  Come  upon  the 
mountun,  then  appeared  the  rain  (18)  immediately  at  thy  com- 
mand. Thou  art  like  the  Sun-god.  As  the  body  of  the  Creator, 
so  is  that  which  he  begets.  Truly  thou  art  the  living  likeness  of 
Ba,  the  heir  of  thy  father  Tum  of  Heliopolis.  Taste  is  on  thy 
tongue,  feeling  is  in  thy  heart.  The  place  of  thy  tongue  is  the 
shrine  of  truth.  The  divinity  site  on  thy  lips,  and  all  thy  words 
will  be  performed  for  ever.  (19)  What  thy  understanding  has 
done  is  like  the  works  of  Ptah,  the  fashioner  of  the  works  of  art. 
Thou  art  ever  he  whose  intentions  are  all  carried  out,  whose  words 
are  all  fulfilled,  thou  our  great  lord  and  ruler  !  As  regards  the 
land  of  AJdta,  may  a  decision  be  made  according  to  the  counsel 
taken  concerning  it." 

'  Then  spake  the  Idng^B  son  of  the  miserable  land  of  Eush, 
(20)  saying  thus  before  the  king :  "  (The  land)  is  in  this  state. 
It  is  accursed  for  want  of  water  since  the  time  of  Ra.  People  die 
of  thirst  in  it.  AU  former  kings  wished  to  bore  wells  in  it,  but 
they  were  not  successful.  (21)  King  Seti  I.  also  did  the  same, 
He  had  a  well  bored  120  cubits  deep  in  his  time,  but  they  aban- 


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86  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  chap.  xit. 

doned  it,  for  no  water  made  its  appearance.  If  then  now  thou 
thyself  wouldest  speak  to  thy  father^  the  Nile-god  ELapi,  (22)  the 
father  of  the  gods :  '  Let  the  water  come  up  on  the  mountain/ 
he  wOl  do  all  that  thou  sayest^  yea,  indeed,  all  which  thou  hast 
designed  will  be  accomplished  before  us,  and  not  only  according  to 
hearsay,  because  thy  fathers  the  gods  love  thee  more  than  all 
kings  (23)  which  have  been  since  the  time  of  Ra/' ' 

*  Says  the  king  to  the  princes  :  ^'  If  all  is  true  that  ye  have 
spoken,  and  water  has  not  been  opened  in  that  country  since  the 
time  of  the  god,  as  ye  have  said,  then  I  will  bore  a  well  there,  to 
afford  water  perpetually,  yea  1  that  the  weU  (24)  may  be  under 
the  command  of  the  father  Amon-Ra,  the  Theban  god,  and  of  Hor, 
the  lords  of  the  land  of  Nubia,  that  their  heart  may  be  fixed  in 
love.  I  will  therefore  appoint  that  it  be  called  after  [their  name." 
And  the  princes]  (25)  praised  their  lord  and  worshipped  him,  and 
fell  prostrate  before  him  (the  king),  and  raised  shouts  <^  joy  (26)  to 
the  heights  of  heaven. 

'  Then  spake  the  king  to  a  royal  scribe  [who  was  near  him  : 
**  Prepare  thyself  and  betake  thyself  to  the]  (27)  road  to  the  land 
of  Akita.  Let  the  second  day  of  the  month  be  the  day  on  [which] 
thou  shalt  [carry  out  thy  mission."  The  scribe  did]  (28)  just  as 
he  was  bidden.  Behold,  he  assembled  the  people  [which  were  skilful 
in  boring,  that  they  should  work  and  form  a  well,  whidi  should 
furnish  water  to  those  who  travelled]  (29)  the  road  to  the  land  of 
Akita.  Never  was  the  like  done  since  the  earlier  kings.  [And 
of  the  water  which  streamed  out  brooks  were  formed,  and] 
(30)  fishermen  from  the  islands  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  lagoons 
of  Natho  enjoyed  themselves,  for  they  built  [small  boats  and  made 
use  of  the ]  (31)  as  a  rudder  with  the  wind. 

'  Then  there  came  the  bearer  of  a  letter  from  the  king's  son  of 
the  miserable  land  of  Kush  [about  the  well,  to  say  to  the  king  : 
**  All  has  in  hcb  been  done]  (32)  that  thy  Holiness  has  spoken 
with  his  own  mouth.  There  has  appeared  water  out  of  it  12  cubits 
deep.     There  were  4  cubits  in  it  ....  t  ...  .  the  depth  .... 

(33) they  ....  out  as  was  the  intention  of  the  work. 

The  god  has  inclined  his  heart  ftivourably  through  thy  love.  Never 
has  such  a  thing  happened  [since  the  time  of  the  god  Ra]." 

'  (34)  [And  the  inhabitants  of]  Akita  made  joyful  music  on  great 
drums  (t)  Those  who  had  diseased  eyes  [washed  themselves  with 
the  water  and  were  healed.    They  all  sang :  (35)  "  Hail]  to  the 


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DTH.XIX.  WELLS  IN  THE  DESERT.  87 

king !  The  water  which  is  in  the  depth  was  obedient  to  him.  He 
hath  opened  the  water  on  the  [mountain.''  And  they  offered 
thanks]  (36)  to  him  through  the  king's  son,  because  of  his  mission. 
That  was  more  pleasant  to  [the  heart  of  the  king  than  all  else. 
Thus  then  were]  (37)  his  plans  well  carried  out.  Beautiful  was 
the  acknowledgment  which  [the  inhabitants  of  the  district]  uttered. 
[A  road  was  made  from]  (38)  this  well  to  the  well  of  Ramses 
>f^<»nmfi^  the  conqueror  [in  the  land    .  .  .  .].' 

As  early  as  the  time  of  the  Eleventh  Dynasty  we 
find  clear  traces  of  borings  for  water  in  the  waste 
valleys  of  Hammamat.  Twelve  hundred  years  before 
the  accession  of  king  Kamses  IE.,  one  of  his  ancestors, 
Sankh-ka-ra,  had  made  four  wells  on  the  old  road 
from  Coptos  to  (^osseir,  the  remains  of  which  can  still 
be  distinguished.^  Thus  did  the  ancients  anticipate 
the  enterprises  of  our  later  generations,  and  execute 
works,  the  utility  and  importance  of  which  are  still 
recognized  and  valued  by  travellers  through  the 
deserts  of  Africa  in  the  present  day. 

From  Eamses,  the  borer  of  wells,  to  Kamses  the 
builder  of  temples  and  the  founder  of  cities,  is  only  a 
step.  What  he  performed  in  this  respect  in  the  very 
commencement  of  his  reign,  the  Pharaoh  has  himself 
narrated  to  us  so  explicitly,  that  it  is  almost  impossible 
to  forget  it.  Abydus  was  the  first  scene  of  his  new 
erections,  although  we  are  incidentally  informed  that 
he  had  built  two  temple-gates  in  Thebes  and  Memphis 
to  the  memory  of  his  father,  at  the  entrance  to  which 
the  statues  of  Seti  kept  a  watch  of  honour. 

Concerning  the  city  of  Id^emphis,  and  its  buildings 
erected  by  Eamses,  we  have  detailed  information  fi-om 

»  See  VoL  I.  p.  137. 

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88  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  chap.  xiv. 

a  conversation  between  Eamses  11.  and  Ptah,  the  an- 
cient god  of  the  city  and  the  great  architect  of  the 
world.  A  stone  has  perpetuated  this,  and  the  curious 
reader  may  still  at  the  present  day  Usten  to  the  words 
of  the  two,  as  inscribed  near  the  second  cataract. 

On  the  memorial  tablet  of  Ibsamboul,  which  bears 
at  its  head  the  date  of  the  35th  year,  and  the  1 3th 
of  Tybi,  in  the  reign  of  Eamses  H.,  we  find  first,  in 
the  conversation  between  the  god  and  Ramses,  very 
remarkable  information  on  the  relations  between 
Egypt  and  Khita.  The  god  begins  his  long  address 
with  the  usual  flatteries  addressed  to  the  king,  from 
which  I  cite  the  following  passage  in  a  faithful  trans- 
lation.    The  god  says  : — 

'  I  have  given  thee  strength  and  might  and  the  power  of  thy 
arm  in  all  countries.  Thou  hast  wounded  the  hearts  of  all  peoples, 
which  are  placed  under  thy  feet.  When  thou  comest  forth  on  each 
new  day,  the  great  kings  of  all  nations  lead  to  thee  a  captive  people, 
to  do  homage  to  thee  with  their  children,  lliey  are  given  into  the 
power  of  thy  strong  arm,  to  do  with  them  whatsoever  pleases  thee, 
O  King  Kamses  II.  I  have  placed  in  all  hearts  reverence  for  thee. 
The  love  of  all  peoples  is  turned  towards  thee.  Thy  manly  courage 
is  spread  abroad  over  all  the  plains,  acd  the  fear  of  thee  goes 
through  the  mountains.  The  kings  tremble  at  the  thought  of  thee, 
and  thou  art  regarded  as  their  established  head.  They  come  to 
thee  with  a  prayer  to  entreat  thy  friendship.  Thou  allowest  to 
live  whom  thou  wiliest :  thou  killest  whom  it  pleases  thee.  The 
throne  of  all  peoples  is  with  thee.' 

Some  lines  further  on  is  the  passage  which  is  of 
importance  for  us : — 

'  The  people  of  Ehita  are  subjects  of  thy  palace.  I  have  placed 
it  in  their  hearts  to  serve  thee,  while  they  hiunbly  approach  thy 
person  with  their  productions  and  the  booty  in  prisoners  of 
their  king.    All  their  property  is  brought  to  thee.     His  eldest 


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DT2r.  XIX.  BUILDINGS  AT  MEMPHIS.  89 

daughter  standa  forward  at  their  head,  to  soften  the  heart  of  king 
Kamsee  II. — a  great  inconceivable  wonder.  She  herself  knew 
not  the  impression  which  her  beauty  made  on  thy  heart.  Thy 
name  is  great  and  glorious  for  ever.  Thou  art  the  most  complete 
example  of  strength  and  power.  He  is  inconceivably  great,  who 
orders  and  does  not  obey.  Since  the  times  of  the  traditions  of  the 
gods,  which  are  hidden  in  the  house  of  the  rolls  of  writing,  from 
the  times  of  the  sun-god  Ra  down  to  thee^  history  had  nothing 
to  report  about  the  Khita  people,  but  that  they  had  one  heart  and 
one  soul  with  Egypt.' 

The  Pharaoh,  moved  by  so  much  goodwill  and 
kindness,  does  not  want  for  an  answer  to  his  divine 
father.  His  reply  is  not  less  rich  in  images  and  ideas, 
which,  thirty-two  centuries  before  our  day,  furnish 
the  tasteful  expression  of  his  thoughts.  The  king's 
answer  touches  especially  on  the  most  essential  point 
of  his  gratitude  towards  the  Memphian  God,  proved 
by  the  Ramses-buildings  in  the  interior  of  the  great 
temple-city  of  Memphis.  We  will  not  withhold  from 
the  eyes  of  the  curious  reader  his  statements  on  this 
subject,  together  with  the  accompanying  introduction. 
He  says,  word  for  word : — 

*  Thou  hast  committed  to  me  what  thou  haat  created.  I  do  and 
I  will  do  again  all  good  for  Uiee,  so  long  ss  I  shall  be  sole  king,  just 
as  thou  hast  been.  I  have  cared  for  the  land,  in  order  to  create 
for  thee  a  new  Egypt,  just  as  it  existed  in  the  old  time.  I  have 
set  up  images  of  the  gods,  according  to  thy  likeness,  yea,  according 
to  their  colour  axid  form,  which  hold  possession  of  Egypt  according 
to  their  desire.  They  have  been  formed  by  the  hand  of  the  artist 
in  the  temples.  Thy  sanctuary  in  the  town  of  Memphis  was 
enlarged.  It  was  beautified  by  long-enduring  works,  and  by  well- 
executed  works  in  stone,  which  are  adorned  with  gold  and  jewels. 
I  have  caused  a  court  to  be  opened  for  thee  on  the  north,  with  a 
splendid  double-winged  tower  in  front.  Its  gates  are  like  the 
heavenly  orb  of  light.  The  people  offer  their  prayers  there.  I  have 
built  for  thee  a  splendid  sanctuary  in  the  interior  of  the  walled 


90  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  chap.  xrr. 

enclosure.  Each  god's  image  is  in  the  unapproachable  shrine,  and 
remains  in  its  exalted  place.  I  have  provided  them  with  priests 
and  prophets  of  the  land  of  Egypt,  with  arable  land  and  herds 
of  cattle.  The  account  of  the  property  of  the  temple  in  all  things 
amounts  to  millions.  All  thy  great  thirty  years'  feasts  of  jubilee 
are  celebrated.  Thus  has  everything  which  thou  hast  commanded 
me  been  carried  out  in  rich  abundance  according  to  thy  wish. 
There  are  oxen  and  calves  without  end ;  all  their  sacrificial  meat  is 
provided,  to  the  number  of  hundreds  of  thousands ;  the  smell  of 
their  fat  reaches  to  heaven;  the  heavenly  ones  receive  it.  I  cause 
the  whole  world  to  admire  the  completeness  of  the  monuments  which 
I  have  dedicated  to  thee.  I  brand  with  a  hot  iron  the  foreigib 
peoples  of  the  whole  earth  with  thy  name.  They  belong  to  thy 
person  for  evermore.     Thou  hast  in  truth  created  them.' 

According  to  this,  Eamses  had  cared  in  a  splendid 
manner  for  the  temple  of  Ptah  in  Memphis.  He  had 
erected  for  him  the  whole  northern  court,  together 
with  the  propyla  belonging  to  it ;  and  had  buUt  a  tem- 
ple within  the  surrounding  wall,  numerous  remains  of 
which  have  lately  been  discovered  near  the  Arab  village 
of  Qasrieh.  He  had  erected  images  of  the  gods,  and  had 
provided  the  necessary  means  for  the  divine  service  of 
the  great  Architect.  There  is  no  dearth  of  statues  of 
Kamses  H.  and  the  members  of  his  family.  The  most 
celebrated  and  most  often  visited  is  the  great  torso  of 
Eamses,  the  property  of  the  English  nation,  which, 
lying  in  a  trench  among  the  ruins  of  the  very  cele- 
brated temple  of  Ptah  near  the  present  Arab  village 
of  Mitrahenne,  in  vain  awaits  its  re-erection.  Besides 
this,  the  smaller  statues  of  the  king,  and  of  his  wife 
and  daughters,  have  been  torn  away  from  the  surface 
of  the  grove  of  palm-trees  at  the  same  place.  The 
waU  of  the  temple  at  Abydus  has  already  made  us 
acquainted  with  the  statues  of  king  Seti.     The  king 


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WT9.  nx.  THE  ARCHITECT  AMENEMAN.  91 

also  raised  in  Memphis  other  temples  and  buildings  to 
Ms  name.  The  chief  master  of  the  house  of  Pharaoh 
and  the  leader  of  the  Mazai  (poUcemen),  Hi,  was  also 
*  administrator  of  a  Ramses-temple  in  Pi-neb-am,  and 
the  administrator  of  the  sun-temple  of  Kamessu- 
Miamun  in  the  southern  part  of  Memphis.'  ^  For  the 
building  of  the  last  *  the  people,'  and  the  *  red-skins,* 
(Apuirui,  not  Hebrews  but  Erythrasans)  ^  were  doomed 
to  the  laborious  task  of  dragging  over  the  heavy- 
blocks  of  stone  out  of  the  quarries  of  the  Trojan 
range  of  mountains  on  the  other  side  of  the  river. 
These  people  were  likewise  employed  as  drawers  of 
stone  for  the  buUding  of  the  great  propylon  called 
'  Meriu-ma,'  which  Eamses  erected  at  the  temple  of 
Ptah,  and  for  which  a  certain  Ameneman  had  under- 
taken the  office  of  architect  and  chief  of  the  poUcemen. 
The  family  of  Ameneman  plays  too  great  a  part  in 
the  Egyptian  monumental  history  of  this  period,  to  be 
passed  over  in  silence.  We  can  the  less  do  so,  as 
the  several  members  of  the  genealogical  tree,  which 
we  lay  before  our  readers  as  a  separate  table,*  were 
invested  with  the  most  important  offices  in  the  land  of 
the  Pharaohs,  and  Ameneman  himself  was  probably 
the  immediate  oppressor  placed  by  Eamses  H.  over 
the  children  of  Israel  in  Egypt.  The  genealogical 
tree  has  been  compiled  on  the  authority  of  a  pictured 

'  See  my  Easay,  '  A  new  City  of  Eamses/  in  the  Aegyptiache 
JSeUschrifi,  1876,  page  69. 

^  On  this  interesting  question  of  identification,  see  farther 
below,  p.  134. 

'  See  Table  III.  at  the  end  of  this  volume,  <  Genealogy  of 
Amen-em-an,  the  Architect  of  the  City  of  Bamses.' 


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92  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  chap.  xtv. 

family  group,  which  is  preserved  in  the  collection  of 
antiquities  at  Naples, — a  precious  and  rare  memorial 
of  ancient  times. 

Like  Abydus  and  Memphis,  so  also  the  old  capital 
of  the  empire,  Thebes,  was  the  object  of  the  especial 
care  of  Eamses  II.  New  temples  were  erected  on 
both  sides  of  the  river,  or  those  which  already  existed 
were  enlarged.  In  the  great  sanctuary  of  Ape 
(Karnak),  the  king  first  completed  the  mighty  hall  of 
Seti  L,  by  the  erection  of  the  fifty-four  columns 
which  were  wanting  on  the  south  side,  and  of  a  stone 
wall  to  surround  the  whole  temple  on  the  east  as  far 
as  the  wall  of  the  Hall  of  Columns  just  mentioned.* 
In  Luqsor  the  temple  of  Amon,  founded  but  not 
finished  by  Amenhotep  EX,  was  completed,  the  two 
splendid  propyla  were  placed  before  it,  and  two 
beautiful  obelisks^  were  erected  beside  the  giant 
sitting  statues  of  the  king  in  granite,  as  guards  of 
honour  at  the  middle  gate.  On  the  western  side,  the 
temple  of  the  dead  built  by  Seti  I.  at  Old  Qumah 
was  finished,  and  on  the  south-western  side  of  it  a 
special  temple  of  victory,  called  the  *  Eamesseum,' 
was  dedicated    to    the   God  Amon.^      Here    stood 

^  See  the  Plan  on  p.  11. 

^  One  of  these  is  now  in  Paris,  where  it  occupies  the  centre 
of  the  Place  de  la  Concorde. 

^  For  a  description  of  this  edifice,  which  '  for  symmetry  of 
architecture  and  elegance  of  sculpture  may  vie  with  any  other 
Egyptian  monument/  see  Murray's  Hcmdhook  for  Egypt^  p.  457, 
6th  edit.  It  shows  a  very  complete  type  of  the  plan  of  an 
Egyptian  temple  of  the  later  and  more  complex  form.  It  is 
commonly  considered  to  he  the  huilding  which  the  Greeks  called 
the  Tomh  of  Osymandyas  and  the  Memnonium,  or  '  Temple  of 


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Dm  XII.         THE  *MEMNONIUM'  AT  THEBES. 


93 


.•oo 


oSf' 


ooo 


00»©0T5» 


o 

00     o 

oo 

of        H 

oAa.& 


also  the  largest  statues  of  the  king,  which,  accord- 
ing to  tradition,  Cambyses,  on  his  visit  to  Thebes, 
threw  down  from  their  po- 
sition. 

We  should  be  forced  to 
overstep  the  limits  of  this 
work,  were  we  even  to 
attempt  to  describe  the 
several  parts  of  all  these 
remarkable  buildings,  or  to 
call  attention  to  the  remains 
of  all  the  other  edifices 
which  still  exist  in  Thebes, 
although  only  in  their  last 
ruins,  and  bear  on  their 
face  the  name  of  the  great 
Sesostris.  We  should  have 
to  write  a  history  of  the 
monuments,  and  not  a  his- 
tory of  the  Pharaohs. 

We  must  likewise  neces- 
sarily abstain  from  the  at- 

''  A,  A,  Towen  of  Propjlon.   b.  Entrance. 

tempt  to  mention  even  the  %^J^  "^  Ir^cHl^^  T  S! 

1      . ,        ,,  »    ^  ^         the  Pylon,     o,  O,  2nd  Area,  with  H,  H, 

names  and   situations   OI    the    Oalrid  oolmnnB.     i  and  j,  Traces  of  sculp- 
ture.   K,  Bcalpturee  representing  the  wars 

buildings    erected    by    the  J^irSTcSin^M^SS.  \l 

n  .             .  .-.               .-,  Pedestals  for  statues,  t,  Sculptured  battle 

same      King      in  tne       other  scenes,     u,  chamber  with   astronomical 

^  subject  on  ceiling,    v,  Another  chamber, 

parts  of  Egypt,  whether  we  S^^k"^  sculptured  scenes,    y,  other 


ii 


00 
00 
00 

oo 

00 


^r• 


/■ 


VLMJS,  OV  THB  RAXXS8EUH,  OB  HEM NONIXni. 


Menmon.'  The  latter  name  is  thonght  to  have  sprang  from  the 
Biimame  Micmiun  of  Eamses  II.;  but  the  Greek  myth  of  the 
Ethiopian  or  Egyptian  Memnon  still  awaits  fuller  elucidation. — 
£d. 


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94  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  chap.  xiy. 

know  them  by  trustworthy  documentary  records,  or 
from  the  last  remnants  of  them  which  still  exist. 
The  name  of  Kamses  11.  is  thus  everywhere  to  be 
found,  and  there  appears  from  this  point  of  view  to 
be  truth  in  his  assertion,  that  *  he  made  Egypt  anew.' 
(See  above,  p.  89.) 

In  Nubia,  Ramses  must  be  especially  designated  as 
a  founder  of  temples  and  towns  '  to  his  name,'  for  the 
works  of  Ramses  put  life  into  many  formerly  desert 
spots  in  these  lonely  regions  of  rocks.  *  The  Sun- 
town,'  Pira,  near  Dirr,  the  Amon-town,  Piamon,  near 
Wady-Seboua,  the  Ptah-town,  Pi-Ptah,  near  Gerf- 
Hussein,  are  works  of  Ramses,  which  still  to  the 
present  day  form  points  of  attraction  much  visited  by 
curious  travellers,  although  the  original  plan  of  the 
buildings  erected  in  the  heart  of  the  rocky  mountain 
range  seems  to  have  been  imperfectly  carried  out. 
But  what  shall  we  say,  on  the  other  hand,  of  the 
rock-temple  of  Ibsamboul,  the  wonderful  fa9ade  of 
which  surpasses  everything  which  our  imagination 
can  conceive  of  grandeur  in  a  human  work  ?  How 
small,  how  insignificant  appear,  in  comparison  with  it, 
the  pretty  erections  of  our  day,  or  the  brick  boxes 
fuU  of  windows,  which  serve  for  private  use  or  for 
public  purposes  in  the  midst  of  our  populous  districts, 
and  which  have  been  erected  with  the  help  of  steam 
and  the  most  complete  apphances  of  machinery! 
There  in  Nubia,  in  a  solitary  wall  of  rock,  far  re- 
moved from  the  dwellings  of  men,  in  hoary  antiquity 
a  temple  was  hewn  to  the  great  gods  of  the  land  of 
Egypt,  Amon  of  Thebes,  Ptah  of  Memphis,  Hormakhu 


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DTir.  ra.  ROCK-TEMPLE  OF  IBSAMBOUL.  95 

of  HeKopolis,  and,  as  a  fourth  united  with  these,  the 
new  god  Kamessu-Miamun — hewn  as  if  by  enchant- 
ment— for  this  is  the  proper  word — so  bold,  so  power- 
ful, so  exceeding  all  human  measure,  as  if  giants  had 
turned  the  bare  rocks  into  a  living  work  of  art  I 
Standing  before  this  work,  achieved  by  the  hands  of 
men,  the  thoughtful  child  of  our  modern  age  first 
feels  the  greatness  of  antiquity  in  its  all-powerful 
might.  It  was  not  clever  calculation,  not  profit,  nor 
utility,  but  the  most  elevated  feeling  of  gratitude  to 
God,  that  caused  such  a  work  to  be  executed ;  a 
work  worthy  of  and  fit  for  the  immortal  incon- 
ceivable almighty  Deity,  to  whom  the  ancients  dedi- 
cated it  in  high  veneration  for  the  Everlasting  and 
the  Incomprehensible  J 

The  name  of  the  place,  as  now  expressed  in  the 
tongue  of  the  Arabs,  is  Abou  Simbel,  that  is  *  father  of 
the  ear  of  com.'  None  of  the  sitting  figures,  which 
stand  out  from  the  wall  of  rock  like  giant  forms  of  the 
olden  time,  and  with  a  disdainful  smile  upon  their  hps 
look  down  upon  the  pigmy  race  at  their  feet,  carries 
any  emblem  in  the  hand,  which  can  in  the  least 
degree  be  compared  to  an  ear  of  com.  More  correct, 
because  there  is  a  foundation  for  it,  is  the  designation 
Ibsamboul,^  for  it  has  a  direct  relation  to  the  ancient 

^  The  construction  of  this  temple  is  very  clearly  shown  by  the 
subjoined  plan  and  section  from  Murray's  Handbook  for  Egypt, 
p.  542,  6th  edit.  An  excellent  sketch  of  one  of  the  enormous 
colossi  of  Eamses  on  its  front  is  given  by  Mr.  Villiers  Stuart, 
Nil^  Gleanings,  p.  164. — Ed. 

'  It  seems,  however,  that  the  first  part  of  the  Arabic  name 
preserves  the  ancient  appellation,  which  has  been  discovered  by 


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96 


RAMSES  II.   MIAMUN. 


CHA.P.  XT?. 


name  Psampolis,  which  in  old  Greek  times  travellers 
gave  to  this  wonderful  place ;  that  is,  the  city  {iroyug) 
of  Psam.  This  last  designation,  again,  came  from  the 
old  Egyptian  name  of  the  place,  Pimases  or  Pimas, 
Pimsa,  from  which  the  Greeks  formed  the  more 
euphonious  name  of  Psampolis. 


PLAN  AND  SBCnON  OF  THB  ORSAT  TBHPUE  OF  ABOH  SDIB8L. 

A,  Entrance,  b,  Great  Hall,  supported  by  eight  Osirid  colomns.  o,  Second  hall,  rap- 
ported  by  four  square  columns,  with  religious  subjects  on  the  walls,  d,  Third  hall,  with 
similar  subjects,  b.  Sanctuary,  with  an  altar  in  the  middle,  and  at  the  end  four  seated 
figures  of  Ptah,  Amon,  Horns,  and  Ramses  himself. 

We  must  refrain  from  entering  the  temple,  to 
admire  the  wall-pictures  in  the  freshest  colours,  and 
to  see  here  the  Khita,  there  the  Libyans,  here  the 

Mr.  Villiers  Stuart  {^Ue  Gleanings,  p.  169)  on  a  newly  cleared 
comer  of  the  temple-frescoes  in  the  form  f\  Ahbou:  an- 
other example  of  coincidence  in  form  between  Egyptian  and 
Semitic  words,  which  has  been  converted  into  a  new  meaning.  In 
hieroglyphic  texts,  also,  the  place  is  called  Abushak  and  Ahahak, 
(Wilkinson,  Ancient  Egyptians,  vol.  iii.  p.  116,2nd  edit) — Ed. 


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DTw.xix.  TEMPLE  OF  IBSAMBOUL.  97 

Negroes,  there  the  Phoenicians,  falling  beneath  the 
sword  of  Eamessu  '  the  god/  We  must  deny  our- 
selves the  pleasure  of  passing  through  the  halls  of  the 
gods,  and  reading  the  inscriptions  on  the  walls  and 
pillars,  and  on  the  enormous  memorial  tablets.  After 
long  wanderings,  we  step  out  of  the  darkness  of  the 
primeval  cave  back  into  the  bright  light  of  day, 
silent,  our  thoughts  turned  within,  confounded  and 
almost  overpowered  by  the  indescribable  impression 
of  our  own  helplessness.  We  have  experienced,  in 
the  gigantic  tomb  of  a  time  long  passed  away,  some 
portion  of  that  nameless  feeling,  which  moved  our 
forefathers  of  old  in  their  inmost  being,  at  the  sight 
of  the  most  sublime  of  all  dwellings  made  for  the 
gods,  the  wonderful  rock-temple  of  Ibsamboul. 

Who  was  the  architect?— who  conceived  the 
thought  ? — ^who  laid  down  the  plan  ? — ^who  carried  it 
out? — who  were  the  artists  that  executed  these 
gigantic  works  ? — on  such  questions  history  keeps  a 
deep  silence.  But  whoever  the  forgotten  author  of 
this  building  may  have  been,  he  was  a  man  full  of 
enthusiasm,  whose  heart  guided  his  hand,  who  sought 
not  vain  Mammon  as  his  reward,  but  the  eternal 
duration  of  his  immortal  and  incomparable  work. 

Although  Eamses  raised  his  monuments  in  Thebes, 
and  went  up  to  the  old  capital  of  the  empire  to  cele- 
brate the  festival  of  Anion  ; — though  he  held  pubhc 
courts  in  Memphis,  to  take  counsel  about  the  gold- 
fields  in  the  Nubian  country ; — though  he  visited 
Abydus,  to  see  the  tombs  of  the  kings  and  the  temple 
of  the  dead  built  by  his  father; — ^not  to  mention 

VOL.  II.  H 


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98  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  chap.  xrv. 

Heliopolis,  in  which  he  dedicated  a  temple  and  obelisks 
to  the  8un-god ;  ^ — ^yet  neither  these  nor  other  cities 
formed  his  permanent  abode.  On  the  eastern  frontier 
of  Egypt,  in  the  low-lands  of  the  Delta,  in  Zoa^ji-Tanis, 
was  the  proper  royal  residence  of  this  Pharaoh.^ 

We  have  often  mentioned  this  city,  and  have  come 
to  understand  its  important  position.  Connected  with 
the  sea  by  its  situation  on  the  then  broad  and  navi- 
gable Tanitic  arm  of  the  Nile,  and  commanding  also 
the  entrance  of  the  great  road,  covered  by '  Khetams,* 
or  fortresses,  which  led  to  Palestine  either  in  a  north- 
easterly 'direction  through  Pelusium,  or  in  an  easterly 
direction  through  Migdol,  on  the  royal  road,  Zoan- 
Tanis  was,  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  word,  the  key  of 
Egypt  Impressed  with  the  importance  of  the  position 
of  this  '  great  city,'  Ramessu  transferred  his  court  to 
Zoan,  strengthened  its  fortifications,  and  founded  a 
new  temple-city,  the  holy  places  of  which  were  dedi- 
cated to  the  great  gods  of  the  country,  Amon,  Ptah, 
and  Hormakhu,  with  whom  as  a  fourth  he  associated 
the  foreign  Baal-Sutekh.     With  the  newly  estabUshed 

^  We  obtain  precise  information  on  the  name  of  the  Barnes- 
seum  of  Heliopolis,  and  on  the  person  of  its  architect,  from  two  in- 
scriptions in  the  quany  to  the  north  of  the  second  pyramid  of  Gizeh, 
that  of  king  Khafra.  The  smaller  inscription  runs,  *  The  architect 
of  the  city  of  the  Sun  (Pira),  Mai :'  the  greater  one,  *  The  architect 
of  the  beautiful  temple  of  Eamessu  Miamun  in  the  great  temple 
of  the  Ancient  one  (a  surname  of  the  sun-god  Ra),  Mai,  a  son  of 
the  architect  Bok-en-amon  of  Thebes.'  Below  these,  in  like  manner 
the  sculptor  from  the  life,  Pa-uer,  has  immortalized  himself  Mai, 
the  son  of  Bok-en-amon,  certainly  belonged  to  that  great  family  of 
architects,  whose  genealogy  we  shall  hereafter  lay  before  our  readers. 
(The  Table  referred  to  is  given  below.  Chap.  XIX.) 

*  Compare  Vol.  I.  pp.  160,  230,  and  the  Discourse  on  the 
Exodus.    (See  Index,  s.  v.  *  Zoan.')— Ed. 


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DTK.  m.  THE  PLAIN  OF  ZOAN.  99 

divinities  the  king  himself  was  united  both  by  his 
effigy  and  his  names,  and  there  appeared  in  due 
order  an  Amon  of  Kamessu,  a  Ptah,  a  Hormakhu,  and 
finally '  a  Sutekh,  of  the  same  Pharaoh.  The  new 
temple-city  had  a  superabundance  of  statues  and  obe- 
lisks, memorial  stones,  and  other  works.  The  most 
wonderful  memorial  must  ever  continue  to  be  the 
stone,  which  has  already  been  mentioned,  with  the 
date  of  the  year  400  of  king  Nub.  The  inscription 
upon  it,  so  far  as  it  belongs  to  the  historical  scope  of 
this  work,  has  been  translated,  and  its  important 
bearing  alike  on  Egyptian  and  Biblical  chronology 
discussed,  in  the  chapter  on  the  Shepherd  Kings.^ 

The  plain  covered  with  the  ruins  resembles  a  vast 
charnel-house,  on  which  the  dead  remnants  of  stones, 
memorials  of  Eamses  the  Great,  lie  scattered  broadcast, 
broken  and  worn,  like  the  mouldering  bones  of  gene- 
rations slain  long  ago.  From  several  inscriptions  (not 
less  than  a  dozen)  on  the  obelisks  and  fragments  of 
ruins  at  Tanis,  we  derive  incidentally  much  important 
information  of  an  historical  and  mythological  charac- 
ter.    One  of  these  describes  the  king  as 

*  Warrior  (mohar)  of  the  goddess  Antha  (Anai'tis), 
£uU  of  the  god  Sutekh  (Baal).' 

Another  calls  him  '  the  bull  in  the  land  of  Kuten ' 
{sic) ;  another  again  boasts  of  him,  that  he  has  made 
a  great  slaughter  among  the  Shasu  Arabs.  Inscrip- 
tions on  pillars  say  that  *  he  has  prepared  festivals  for 

'  See  YoL  I.  pp.  296-7.  We  have  transferred  the  translatioiiy 
which  Dr.  Brugsch  gives  here,  to  the  place  where  it  seems  much 
more  appropriate. — Ed. 

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100  BAMSES  n.  MTAMUN.  chap.  xrr. 

the  temples  of  the  god  Sutekh/  that  *he  has  conquered 
Kush  and  led  into  captivity  the  people  of  the  Shasu  ; ' 
'  there,  where  he  opened  a  road,  he  has  taken  them 
for  his  possession.'  For  the  knowledge  of  these  and 
similar  records,  which  throw  light  on  the  history  of 
the  king  and  on  the  importance  of  Tanis,  science  is 
indebted  to  the  researches  of  E.  de  Koug^.^ 

The  hieratic  rolls  of  papyrus,  which  have  outlived 
the  ravages  of  time,  with  one  voice  designate  the 
newly  founded  temple-city  (for  the  kings  of  the 
Eighteenth  Dynasty  had  quite  abandoned  the  old  Zoan) 
as  the  central  point  of  the  court  history  of  Egypt. 
Here  resided  the  scribes,  who  in  their  letters  have  left 
behind  for  us  the  manifold  information,  which  their  life 
at  the  court,  the  ordinances  of  the  king  and  of  the  chief 
officials,  and  their  relations  with  their  families  in  the 
most  distant  parts  of  the  country,  required  them  to 
give  without  reserve.  Zoan,  or,  as  the  place  is  hence- 
forth called,  Pi-Eamessu,  *  the  city  of  Ramses,'  became 
henceforward  the  especial  capital  of  the  empire. 

It  will  be  useful  to  the  reader  to  hear  in  what 
manner  an  Egyptian  letter-writer  described  the  import- 
ance of  this  town  on  the  occasion  of  his  visit  to  it :  * — 

'  So  I  arrived  in  tbe  city  of  EamseB-Miamun,  and  I  have  found 
it  excellent,  for  nothing  can  compare  with  it  on  the  Theban  land 
and  soil.     [Here  is  the  seat]  of  the  court.*    It  is  pleasant  to  live 


'  Comp.  Melanges  d'ArehSoL  Egypt,  tome  ii.  p.  288,  foil. 

4  This  '  Letter  of  Panbesa,  containing  an  account  of  the  city  of 
Bomeses/  is  translated  by  Mr.  C.  W.  Goodwin,  in  Records  of  the 
Pa9t,  voL  vi.  p.  11,  foil.— En. 

*  The  Egyptian  for  court  is  Pcb-khervnu,  The  word  means  the 
residence  of  a  king  for  the  time  being,  as,  for  example,  in  the  in- 


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DTK.  XIX.  THE  crrr  of  ramses.  101 

in.  Its  fields  are  full  of  good  things,  and  life  passes  in  constant 
plenty  and  abundance.  Its  canals  are  rich  in  fish,  its  lakes  swarm 
with  birds,  its  meadows  are  green  with  vegetables,  there  is  no  end 
of  the  lentils ;  melons  with  a  taste  like  honey  grow  in  the  irrigated 
fields.  Its  bams  are  full  of  wheat  and  durra,  and  reach  as  high 
as  heaven.  Onions  and  sesame  are  in  the  enclosures,  and  the  apple- 
tree  blooms  (1).  The  vine,  the  almond-tree,  and  the  fig-tree  grow 
in  the  gardens.  Sweet  is  their  wine  for  the  inhabitants  of  Kemi. 
They  mix  it  with  honey.  The  red  fish  is  in  the  lotus-canal,  the 
Borian-fish  in  the  ponds,  many  kinds  of  Bori-fish,  besides  carp  and 
pike,^  in  the  canal  of  Pu-harotha ;  fat  fish  and  Khipti-peunu  fish 
are  in  the  pools  of  the  inundation,  the  Hauaz-fish  in  the  full 
month  of  the  Nile,  near  the  "  city  of  the  conqueror  "  (Tanis).  The 
dty-canal  Pshenhor  produces  salt,  the  lake-region  of  Pahir  natron. 
Their  sea-ships  enter  the  harbour ;  plenty  and  abundance  is  perpe- 
tual in  it.  He  rejoices  who  has  settled  there.  Mj  information  is  no 
jest.  The  common  people,  as  well  as  the  higher  classes,  say, ''  Come 
hither!  let  us  celebrate  to  him  his  heavenly  and  his  earthly  feasts." 
The  inhabitants  of  the  reedy  lake  (Thufi)  arrived  with  lilies,  those 
of  Pshenhor  with  papyrus  flowers.  Fruits  from  the  nurseries, 
flowers  from  the  gardens,  birds  from  the  ponds,  were  dedicated  to 
liim.  Those  who  dwell  near  the  sea  came  with  fish,  and  the  in- 
habitants of  their  lakes  honoured  him.  The  youths  of  the  *^  Con- 
queroz^s  city"  were  perpetually  clad  in  festive  attire.  Fine  oil 
was  on  their  heads  of  fresh  curled  hair.  They  stood  at  their  doors, 
their  hands  laden  with  branches  and  flowers  from  Pahathor,  and 
with  garlands  from  Pahir,  on  the  day  of  the  entry  of  king  Ra- 
messu-Miamun,  the  god  of  war  Monthu  upon  earth,  in  the  early 


ecription  first  deciphered  by  me,  of  the  seventh  year  of  Alexan- 
der 11.  {aeeAegj^LZeitsehrift,  1871,  p.  2,  and  below,  Chap.  XIX., 
stibjm.),  it  is  related  of  Ptolemy  I.  that  he  made  the  city  of  Alex- 
andria his  KhenwUy  that  is,  his  residence^  It  would  lead  to  many 
errors  to  recognise  this  sense  in  the  same  appellation  found  in  the 
quarries  of  Silsilis,  as  has  been  done,  among  others,  by  M.  Maspero, 
and  by  Professor  Lauth,  of  Munich,  who  has  even  made  a  high  school 
in  the  midst  of  the  quarries  of  SiLdlis;  but  such  errors  are  easily 
avoided  by  research  into  the  real  meaning  of  the  inscriptions. 

^  I  give  this  name  conjecturallyy  as  the  Egyptian  word  is  not 
jet  explained* 


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102  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  chap.  xit. 

morning  of  the  monthly  feast  of  Kihith  (that  is,  on  the  1st  of 
Khoiak).  All  people  were  assembled,  neighbour  with  neighbouFy 
to  bring  forward  theur  complaints. 

*  Delicious  was  the  wine  for  the  inhabitants  of  the  "  Conqueror's 
city."  Their  dder  was  like  .  .  .  .  ,  their  sherbets  were  like 
almonds  mixed  with  honey.  There  was  beer  from  ELati  (Galilee) 
in  the  harbour,  wine  in  the  giirdens,  fine  oil  at  the  lake  Sagabi, 
garlands  in  the  apple-orchards.  The  sweet  song  of  women  re- 
sounded to  the  tunes  of  Memphis.  So  they  sat  there  with  joyful 
heart,  or  walked  about  without  ceasing.  King  Bamessu-Miamun, 
he  was  the  god  they  celebrated.'^ 

In  spite  of  the  unexplained  names  of  the  fishes  and 
plants,  the  scribe  could  hardly  have  given  a  clearer  or 
livelier  account  of  the  impression  made  on  his  sus- 
ceptible mind  by  the  new  city  of  Eamses  in  its  festal 
attire  on  the  day  of  the  entry  of  Pharaoh.  We 
may  suppose  that  many  a  Hebrew,  perhaps  Moses 
himself,  jostled  the  Egyptian  scribe  in  his  wandering 
through  the  gaily  dressed  streets  of  the  temple-city. 

And  this  city  of  Eamses  is  the  very  same  which  is 
named  in  Holy  Scripture  as  one  of  the  two  places  in 
which  Pharaoh  had  built  for  him  *  arei  miskenoth/ 
*  treasure  cities,'  as  the  translators  understand  it.®  It 
would  be  better,  having  regard  to  the  actual  Egyptian 
word  *  mesket,'  *  meskenet,'  *  temple,  holy  place '  (as, 
for  example,  king  Darius  designates  his  temple  erected 

7  Eespecting  the  above  translation  I  may  be  allowed  to  remark, 
that  the  yersions  of  the  document,  as  yet  known  to  me,  labour 
under  the  common  fiault  of  mistaking  the  connection  of  the  several 
parts  of  the  description  given  in  the  letter,  or  rather  of  not  ex- 
pressing it  at  all.  One  sentence  follows  another  without  any  tran- 
sition from  the  preceding  to  the  succeeding.  / 

*  Ezod.  i.  13 :  *  And  they  built  for  Pharaoh  treasure  ctties,  \ 
Pithom  and  Raamses.'  j 


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DTK.  xrx.      THE  PHARAOH  OF  THE  OPPRESSION.         103 

in  the  great  Oasis  to  the  Theban  Amon)  to  translate  it 
*  temple-cities.'  The  new  Pharaoh,  *  who  knew  not 
Joseph/  who  adorned  the  city  of  Eamses,  the  capital 
of  the  Tanitic  nome,  and  the  city  of  Pithom,  the  capi- 
tal of  what  was  afterwards  the  Sethroitic  nome,  with 
temple-cities,  is  no  other,  can  he  no  other ^  than  Bamessu 
n.,  of  whose  buildings  at  Zoan  the  monuments  and 
the  papyrus-rolls  speak  in  complete  agreement.  And 
although,  as  it  happens,  Fitum  is  not  named  as  a  city 
in  which  Bamses  erected  new  temples  to  the  local 
divinities,  the  fact  is  all  the  more  certain,  that  Zoan 
contained  a  new  city  of  Bamses,  the  great  temple- 
district  of  the  newly  founded  sanctuaries  of  the  above- 
named  gods.  Bamessu  II.  is  the  Pharaoh  of  the 
oppression^  and  the  father  of  that  unnamed  princess^ 
who  found  the  child  Moses  exposed  in  the  bulrushes  on 
the  hank  of  the  river. 

While  the  fact,  that  the  Pharaoh  we  have  named 
was  the  founder  of  the  city  of  Bamses,  is  so  strongly 
demonstrated  by  the  evidence  of  the  Egyptian  records 
both  on  stone  and  papyrus,  that  only  want  of  intelli- 
gence and  mental  blindness  can  deny  it,  the  inscrip- 
tions do  not  mention  one  syllable  about  the  IsraeUtes. 
We  must  suppose  that  the  captives  were  included  in 
the  general  name  of  foreigners,  of  whom  the  docu- 
ments make  such  frequent  mention.  The  hope,  how- 
ever, is  not  completely  excluded,  that  some  hidden 
papyrus  may  still  give  us  information  about  them,  as 
unexpected  as  it  woxdd  be  welcome. 

We  must  again  remark,  and  insist  with  strong 
eipphasis  on  the  fact,  that  from  this  time,  and  in  the 


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104  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  chap.  xrr. 

future  history  of  the  empire,  the  town  of  Zoan-Tanis  is 
of  great  importance.  On  the  wide  plains  before  Zoan, 
the  hosts  of  the  warriors  were  mustered  to  be  exer- 
cised in  the  manoeuvres  of  battle  ;  here  the  chariots 
of  war  rolled  by  with  their  prancing  pairs  of  horses  ; 
the  sea-going  ships  and  their  crews  came  to  land  at 
the  harbours  on  the  broad  river.  From  this  place 
Thutmes  m.  had  started  ^  in  his  war  against  Western 
Asia ;  it  was  to  Tanis  that  Eamses  11.  had  directed  his 
return  jfrom  Thebes ;  ^  here  he  had  received  the  em- 
bassy of  peace  from  the  king  of  Khita;^  and  from 
hence,  as  we  shall  presently  have  to  relate,  Moses  led 
the  Hebrews  out  of  the  land  of  bondage  to  the  land 
of  promise,  to  give  his  people  the  milk  and  honey 
of  the  Holy  Land  in  exchange  for  the  flesh-pots  of 
Egypt. 

The  numbers  of  prisoners,  who,  in  the  campaigns 
of  the  Egyptians,  were  transplanted  to  the  Nile  valley 
from  foreign  countries,  and  from  whose  best  repre- 
sentatives, as  the  inscriptions  expressly  state,  the  gaps 
in  the  native  population,  caused  by  war  and  sickness, 
were  filled  up  according  to  ancient  usage,  must  under 
Ramses  Sesostris  have  reached  an  unprecedented 
height.  K  we  add  to  these  the  descendants  of  the 
foreigners  transplanted  to  Egypt  after  former  wars,  a 
total  number  is  reached,  which  certainly  amounted  to 
a  third,  and  probably  still  more,  of  all  the  families  of 
i^ypt.  So  far  as  the  contemporary  information  will 
allow  us  to  judge,  it  was  the  custom  to  place  the 
northern  groups  in  the  south,  and  the  southern  people 
9  See  Vol.  I.  p.  368.        ^  Vol.  II.  p.  45.        «  Vol.  II.  p.  71. 


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Dm  XIX.  FOREIGN  CAPTIVES  IK  EGYPT.  105 

in  the  north,  in  order  by  this  prudent  measure  to 
prevent  any  dangerous  combination  of  neighbours 
related  by  blood. 

The  foreigners  were  employed  in  various  services, 
according  to  their  qualities  and  capacity.  Those  most 
active,  and  most  experienced  in  war,  were  formed  into 
foreign  legions,  the  commanders  of  which,  for  the  most 
part  Egyptians,  bore  the  name  of  Hir-pit  (*  captain  of 
the  foreigners ').  Others,  experienced  in  sea  life,  were 
enrolled  in  the  Egyptian  fleet.  Others  again  were 
assigned  to  the  service  of  the  royal  palace,  or  of  the 
temples,  or  of  distinguished  personages,  while  no  less 
a  number  were  employed  on  the  buildings,  in  the 
quarries,  or  in  the  mines.  The  king's  name  was 
branded  upon  them  with  a  hot  iron,  to  prevent  their 
flight,  and  to  facihtate  their  recapture.  On  the  whole, 
the  prisoners  were  treated  with  a  certain  mildness, 
for  their  captivity  was  not  regarded  as  slavery  in  our 
sense  of  the  word. 

The  influx  of  Semitic  hostages  and  prisoners  from 
Asia  exercised  a  continually  increasing  influence  on  re- 
ligion, manners,  and  language.  The  Egyptian  language 
was  enriched  (we  might  almost  say,  for  our  profit)  with 
foreign  expressions,  often  indeed  from  mere  whim,  but 
more  often  for  good  reasons,  in  order  properly  to 
designate  unknown  objects  by  their  native  names. 
The  letters  and  documents  of  the  time  of  the  Kames- 
sids  are  fiiU  of  Sendtic  words  thus  introduced,  and 
in  this  respect  they  are  scarcely  less  affected  than  the 
German  language  now,  the  strength  and  beauty  of 
which  are  so  much  degraded  by  the  borrowing  of 


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106  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  cha.p.  xtt. 

outlandish  words.  The  learned  court-scribes,  espe- 
cially, seem  to  have  felt  a  sentimental  craving  for 
the  use  of  foreign  words  without  any  necessity,  in 
order  to  give  themselves  in  the  eyes  of  the  pubUc  an 
air  of  learned  culture.  The  Egyptian  expressions  for 
designating  a  *  hero  '  were  supplanted  by  the  words 
Mohar,  or  Ariel,  borrowed  from  the  Semitic ;  the 
Egyptian  Nofer,  *  a  young  man,'  was  changed  for  the 
Semitic  name  Na'ara-na ;  the  army  was  in  the  same 
way  called  Zeba,  and  many  other  incongruous  ex- 
pressions were  adopted- 

The  young  Egyptian  world,  satiated  with  the  tra- 
ditions of  the  past  thousands  of  years  which  had  now 
vanished  away,  found  a  pleasure  in  the  fresh  and  lively 
vigour  of  the  Semitic  spirit,  to  which  a  different  and 
more  attractive  view  of  the  universe  gave  a  forward 
impulse.  Besides  all  this,.the  long  campaigns  in  foreign 
countries  had  paralysed  the  religious  development  in 
the  native  schools  of  the  priests.  The  caste  of  the 
holy  fathers  itself  counted  many  discontented  persons 
in  its  ranks,  who  preferred  the  life  abroad,  and  the 
adventures  of  a  campaign,  to  the  quiet  contemplative 
existence  within  the  temple  walls ;  although  the  old 
teachers  had  used  their  utmost  endeavours  to  put  a 
ban  upon  the  disinclination  to  scientific  occupation, 
by  epistolary  warnings  and  even  threatenings,  some 
of  which  have  been  preserved  to  the  present  day. 
Among  the  young  poets  and  historians  within  the 
temple  walls  there  was  awakened  a  desire  hitherto 
unknown  to  set  forth  the  warlike  deeds  of  the  Egyp- 
tian heroes  in  measured  rhythm.     It  is  to  this  impulse 


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JXTS.JJX.  SEMITIC  INFLUENCE.  107 

that  we  owe  the  heroic  poem  of  the  priest  Pentaur, 
the  beauty  of  which  seems  to  have  enchanted  even 
the  old  masters  of  the  language.  Much  mediocrity, 
on  the  other  hand,  was  mingled  with  all  this,  and  was 
for  this  reason  alone  rejected  and  condemned  by  the 
judgment  of  the  cultivated  priests.  In  order  to  give 
the  reader  a  specimen  of  the  views  of  the  masters  in 
this  respect,  we  will  lay  before  them  the  reply  of  one 
of  them  to  his  former  pupil,  who,  as  a  scribe  of 
Pharaoh,  entertained  the  belief  that,  while  portraying 
his  hero  in  an  artificial  and  confused  composition,  he 
had  achieved  a  masterpiece.  The  answer  of  the 
priestly  teacher  is  as  biting  and  sharp,  as  it  is  scrupu- 
lously respectful.  In  placing  a  literal  translation  of 
the  whole  piece  before  my  readers,  I  have  endeavoured 
to  represent  the  words  borrowed  from  the  Semitic  by 
the  French  expressions  answering  to  them.  The 
reader  of  the  translation  will  thus  best  form  an  idea 
of  the  impression  which  the  original  writing  must 
have  made  on  an  admirer  of  the  pure  language  of 
ancient  Egypt,  free  from  foreign  words,  at  the  epoch 
of  B.C.  1300. 

The  whole  contents  of  this  letter  were  first  made 
available  for  science,  in  the  year  1866,  by  the  united 
labour  of  two  scholars,  one  French  and  the  other 
English,  both  men  of  the  highest  merit  in  the  pursuit 
of  ancient  Egyptian  researches.  We  must  express 
our  regret  that  the  judgment  we  formerly  pronounced 
on  the  result  of  the  labour  of  these  two  colleagues 
was  such  as  to  arouse  much  ill-feeling.  Although  we 
gave  fuU  praise  to  the  rich  fulness  of  the  explanations 


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108  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  chap.  xrr. 

of  words  in  the  old  language  which  had  been  till  then 
unknown  or  wrongly  interpreted,  we  had  the  frank- 
ness to  remark  upon  the  less  successful  parts  in  the 
translation  referred  to,  more  particularly  as  to  the 
conception  of  the  meaning  which  lies  at  the  foundation 
of  the  whole  letter.  The  learned  world  may  now 
examine  the  translation  I  offer,  and  compare  it  with 
the  translation  of  those  scholars,  and  after  a  scrupulous 
and  minute  examination  may  form  their  own  judg- 
ment on  the  justice  of  our  former  assertions.  We  of 
course  allow  for  the  new  advances  which  the  science 
has  made  since  the  appearance  of  that  remarkable 
work,  and  of  which  we  have  availed  ourselves  in  our 
own  translation.  But  even  after  making  allowance 
for  these  aids  towards  the  better  understanding  of 
this  letter  of  the  time  of  Ramses  11.,  which  is  so 
remarkable  in  an  historical  sense,  we  can  in  no  respect 
withdraw  our  former  judgment,  for  in  our  opinion  it 
is  the  simple  truth,  and  we  believe  it  to  be  the  part 
of  an  honourable  man  under  all  circumstances  to 
contend  for  the  truth.  And  in  having  the  courage 
to  bear  witness  to  this  truth,  according  to  the  best  of 
my  knowledge  and  my  conscience,  without  considera- 
tion for  persons  and  circumstances,  I  believed  that  I 
was  doing  service,  not  to  myself,  but  to  science  alone.^ 

'  This  carious  compositioii  is  given  in  Records  of  the  Past 
(vol.  ii.  pp.  107y  foil.),  under  the  rather  strange  title  of  '  Travels 
of  an  Egyptian/  from  the  translation  of  M.  Chabas,  which  gave 
rise  to  much  discussion  between  him  and  Dr.  firugsch.  Much 
of  the  obscurity  of  the  language  is  due  to  our  ignorance  of  the 
literary  exercise  of  which  it  seems  to  be  a  mock-heroic  burlesque. 
If  even  the  parodies  of  the  'Anti- Jacobin '  lose  half  their  reUsh 


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DTK.  XIX.  A  LITERARY  CRITICISM.  109 

'  Thy  piece  of  writing  has  too  much  glane.  It  is  a  cargo  of 
highflown  phrases,  the  meaning  of  which  may  be  the  reward  of 
those  who  seek  for  it;  a  cargo  which  thou  hast  laden  at  thy 
pleasure.  I  describe  a  champion,  so  sayest  thou  repeatedly ;  we 
on  the  other  hand  say,  Is  there  truth  in  thy  portraiture  ? 

'  Set  out !  examine  thy  yoke,  the  horses  gallop  like  foxes ; 
their  eye  is  reddened ;  they  are  like  the  hurricane  when  it  bursts 
forth.  Put  on  the  armour  j  seize  the  bow !  We  will  admire  the 
deeds  of  thy  hand. 

*  I  will  portray  for  thee  the  likeness  of  a  champion :  I  will 
let  thee  know  what  he  does.  Thou  hast  not  gone  to  the  land  of 
Khita,  neither  hast  thou  beheld  the  land  of  Aupa.  The  appear- 
ance of  Khatuma  (Adamal)  thou  knowest  not.  Likewise  the 
land  of  Igad'ai,  what  is  it  like  1  The  Zor  of  Sesostris  and  the 
city  of  Khilibu  (Haleb)  is  on  none  of  its  sides.  How  is  its 
fordt  Thou  hast  not  taken  thy  road  to  Kadesh  and  Tubikhi, 
neither  hast  thou  gone  to  the  Shasu  with  numerous  foreign 
soldiers,  neither  hast  thou  trodden  the  way  to  the  Magar  (Migron), 
where  the  heaven  is  darkened  in  the  daytime.  It  is  planted  with 
maple-trees,  oaks,  and  acacias,  which  reach  up  to  heaven ;  full  of 
beasts,  bears,  and  lions ;  and  surrounded  by  Shasu  in  all  direc- 
tions. Thou  hast  not  gone  up  to  the  mountain  of  Shaua  (Shawah), 
neither  hast  thou  trodden  it ;  there  thy  hands  hold  fast  to  the 
[rim]  of  thy  chariot ;  a  jerk  has  shaken  thy  horses  in  drawing  it.  I 
pray  thee,  let  us  go  to  the  city  of  (Hi- 1)  Birotha.  Thou  must  hasten 
to  its  ascent,  after  thou  hast  passed  over  its  ford,  in  front  of  it. 

*  Do  thou  explain  the  relish  for  the  chcMnpion !  Thy  chariot  lies 
there  [before]  thee ;  thy  [strength]  has  fallen  lame ;  thou  treadest  the 
backward  path  at  eventide.  All  thy  limbs  are  ground  small.  Thy 
[bones]  are  broken  to  pieces.  Sweet  is  the  [sleep].  Thou  awakest. 
There  has  been  a  time  for  the  thief  in  this  unfortunate  night.  Thou 
wast  alone,  in  the  belief  that  the  brother  would  not  come  to  the 
brother.  Some  grooms  entered  into  the  stable ;  the  horse  kicks  out, 
the  thief  goes  back  in  the  night ;  thy  clothes  are  stolen.  Thy 
groom  wakes  up  in  the  night,  he  sees  what  has  happened  to  him, 
he  takes  what  is  left,  he  goes  to  the  evil-doers,  he  mixes  himself  up 


in  the  absence  of  their  forgotten  originals,  who  can  hope  to  detect 
the  points  of  a  parody  written  in  old  Egyptian  more  than  thirty 
centoriee  ago  t — Ed. 


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110  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  oflAP.  nr. 

with  the  tribes  of  the  Shaao.  He  acts  as  if  he  were  an  Amu. 
The  enemies  oome,  ihej  [feel  about]  for  the  robber.  He  is  dLs- 
covered,  and  is  immovable  from  terror.  Thou  wakest,  thou  findest 
no  tmce  of  them,  for  they  have  carried  off  thy  property. 

*  Become  (again)  a  champion,  who  is  fully  accoutred.  Let  thy 
ear  be  fbll  of  that  which  I  will  relate  to  thee  besides. 

'  The  town  '*  Hidden/'  such  is  the  meaning  of  its  name  Kapuna, 
what  is  its  state  t  Its  goddess  (we  will  speak  of)  at  another  time. 
Thou  hast  not  visited  it.  Be  good  enough  to  look  out  for  Birotha 
(Berytus),  Ziduna  (Sidon),  and  Zareptha  (Sarepta).  Where  are  the 
fords  of  the  land  of  Nazana  ?  The  land  of  Authu  ( Avathus),  what  is 
its  state?  They  speak  of  another  city  in  the  sea,  Zor  (Tyru»),  the 
lake  is  her  name.  The  drinking  water  is  brought  to  her  in  boats. 
She  is  richer  in  fishes  than  in  sand.  I  tell  thee  of  something  else. 
Dangerous  is  it  to  enter  into  Zar'au-na  (Zareah).^  Thou  wilt  say, 
it  is  burning  with  a  very  painful  sting !  Champion !  come  !  Go 
forwards  on  the  way  to  the  K'aikana.  Where  is  the  road  <^  'Aksapu 
( Achsib)  1  Towards  no  city.  Pray  look  at  the  mountcun  of  User. 
How  is  its  crest  ?  Where  is  the  mountain  of  Ikama  9  Who  can 
surmount  it?  Champion  I  whither  must  you  take  a  journey  to  the 
city  of  Huzor  (Hazor) )  How  is  its  ford  1  Let  me  (choose)  the 
road  to  Hamatha  (Hamath),  Bagana  (Beth-Dagon),  and  Dagal-ael 
(Migdal-El  1).  Here  is  the  place  where  all  champions  meet.  Be 
good  enough  to  spy  out  its  road,  cast  a  look  on  I'ana  (Ijon). 
When  one  goes  to  Adamin  (Adumim),  to  what  is  one  opposite) 
Do  not  draw  back,  but  instruct  ns !  Guide  us !  that  we  may  know, 
thou  leader ! 

*  I  will  name  to  thee  other  cities  besides  these.  Thou  hast  not 
gone  to  the  land  of  Takhis,  to  Kafir-Marlena,  Thamnah  (Thimnah), 
Kadesh  (Kedes),  Dapur  (Tabor),  Azai,  Haimemma  (Horonaim), 
nor  hast  thou  beheld  Qairtha-Anbu  (Kiriath-eneb)  near  Bitha- 
Thupail  (Tophel),  nor  dost  thou  know  Adulma  (Adullam),  Zidiputha 
( Jotapata),  nor  dost  thou  know  any  better  the  name  of  Khaan- 
roza,  in  the  land  of  Aupa,*  the  bull  on  its  frontiers.  Here  is  the 
place,  where  all  the  mighty  warriors  are  seen.     Be  good  enough 


*  Zareah  means  in  Hebrew  •  to  beat,'  *  to  sting,'  particularly 
with  relation  to  Zir'eah,  hornets,  wasps ;  hence  the  play  upon  the 
name  of  the  city. 

'  The  country  of  Aupa  or  Aup  formed  the  northernmost  boun- 
dary of  the  Khalu  or  Phoenicians. 


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DW.iix.  TROUBLES  OF  A  *  CHAMPION/  111 

to  look  and  see  how  Sina  is  situated,  and  tell  me  about  Behobu. 
Describe  Bil^iarSheal  (Bethshean),  and  TharqaraeL  The  ford  of 
Jiiduna  (Jordan),  how  is  it  crossed  ?  Teach  me  to  know  the  pas- 
sage in  order  to  enter  into  the  city  of  Makitha  (Megiddo),  which 
lies  in  front  of  it.  Yerily  thou  art  a  ehamipion,  well  skilled  in 
tbe  work  of  the  strong  hand.  Pray,  is  there  found  a  ehampion  like 
thee,  to  place  at  the  head  of  the  army,  or  a  geigneur,  who  can  beat 
thee  in  shooting  t 

'  Drive  along  the  edge  of  the  precipice,  on  the  slippery  height, 
over  a  depth  of  2,000  cubits,  full  of  rocks  and  boulders.  Thou 
takest  thy  way  back  in  a  zigzag,  thou  bearest  thy  bow,  thou  takest 
the  iron  in  thy  left  hand.  Thou  lettest  the  old  men  see,  if  their 
eyes  are  good,  how,  worn  out  with  fatigue,  thou  supportest  thyself 
with  thy  hand.  II  est  perdu,  le  chameau,  U  ckcmipum.  Eh  hienf 
Make  to  thyself  a  name  among  the  champions  and  the  knights 
of  the  land  of  Egypt.  Let  thy  name  be  like  that  of  Qazailoni,* 
the  lord  of  Asel,  because  he  discovered  lions  in  the  interior  of  tbe 
balsam-forest  of  Baka,  at  the  narrow  passes,  which  are  rendered 
dangerous  by  the  Shasn,  who  lie  in  ambush  among  the  trees.  They 
measured  14  cubits  by  5  cubits.  Their  nose  reached  to  the  soles 
of  their  feet.  Of  a  grim  appearance,  without  softness,  they  ceased 
not  for  caresses.  Thou  art  alone,  no  sti-onger  one  is  with  thee,  no 
armJie  is  behind  thee,  thou  findest  no  lion  de  dieu  (ariel),^  who 
,  prepares  the  way  for  thee,  and  gives  thee  counsel  on  the  road  before 
thee.  Thou  knowest  not  the  road.  The  hair  of  thy  head  stands* 
on  end ;  it  bristles  up.  Thy  soul  is  given  into  thy  hands.  Thy  path 
is  full  of  rocks  and  boulders,  there  is  no  way  out  near,  it  is  over- 
grown with  thorns  and  thistles,  with  creepers  and  wolf s-foot. 
Abysses  are  on  one  side  of  thee,  the  moimtain  and  the  wall  of 


^  This  word  seems  to  be  connected  with  Kislon  (i.e.  strong), 
which  was  the  name,  for  example,  of  the  father  of  Elidad,  the  prince 
of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  (see  Numbers  zzxiv.  21). 

^  A  very  remarkable  word,  which  shows  a  full  knowledge  of 
Semitic  in  the  writer.  In  Hebrew  also,  ard  or  arielf  *  the  lion  of 
Ck>d,'  means  a  hero.  In  2  Sam.  zxiii.  20,  it  is  related  of  Benaiah, 
of  Qabzeel  (the  name  sounds  uncommonly  like  Qazail-oni),  that  he, 
the  commander  of  the  bodyguard  of  David,  slew  two  Moabitish 
arid,  i.e.  heroes  (*  lion-like  men  of  Moab,*  A.V.) ;  killed  a  lion 
snowed  up  in  a  pit,  and  overcame  an  Egyptian  in  full  armour 
with  only  a  staff. 


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112  RAMSES  IL   MIAMUN.  chap.  xiv. 

rock  on  the  other.  Thou  drivest  in  against  it.  The  chariot,  on 
which  thou  art,  jumps.  Thou  art  troubled  to  hold  up  thy  horses. 
If  it  falls  into  the  abyss,  the  pole  drags  thee  down  too.  Thy 
eeintures  are  pulled  away.  They  fall  down.  Thou  shacklest 
the  horse,  because  the  pole  is  broken  on  the  path  of  the  narrow 
pass.  Not  knowing  how  to  bind  it  up,  thou  imderstandest  not 
how  it  is  to  be  repaired.  The  easieu  is  left  on  the  spot,  as  the 
load  is  too  heavy  for  the  horses.  Thy  courage  has  evaporated. 
Thou  beginnest  to  run.  The  heaven  is  cloudless.  Thou  art 
thirsty;  the  enemy  is  behind  thee;  a  trembling  seizes  thee;  a 
twig  of  thorny  acacia  worries  thee ;  thou  thrustest  it  aside ;  the 
horse  is  scratched,  till  at  length  thou  findeet  rest. 

*  Explain  thou  (to  me)  thy  relish  for  the  ch{Mnp%on ! 

*  Thou  comest  into  Jopu  ( Joppa).  Thou  findest  the  date-tree  in 
full  bloom  in  its  time.  Thou  openest  wide  the  hole  of  thy  mouth, 
in  order  to  eat.  Thou  findest  that  the  maid  who  keeps  the  garden 
is  fair.  She  does  whatever  thou  wantest  of  her.  She  yields 
to  thee  the  skin  of  her  bosom.  Thou  art  recognized,  thou  art 
brought  to  trial,  and  owest  thy  preservation  to  the  champion. 
Thy  girdle  of  the  finest  stuff,  thou  payest  it  as  the  price  for  a  bad 
rag.*  Thou  sleepest  every  evening  with  a  rug  of  fur  over  thee. 
Thou  sleepest  a  deep  sleep,  for  thou  art  weary.  A  thief  takes 
thy  bow  and  thy  sword  from  thy  side;  thy  quiver  and  thy  armour 
are  cut  to  pieces  in  the  darkness ;  thy  pair  of  horses  run  away.  The 
groom  takes  his  course  over  a  slippery  path,  which  rises  before  him. 
He  breaks  thy  chariot  in  pieces ;  he  follows  thy  foot-tracks.  [He 
finds]  thy  equipments,  which  had  fallen  on  the  ground,  and  had 
sunk  into  the  sand ;  it  becomes  again  (i.e.,  leaving  only)  an  empty 
place. 

*  Prayer  does  not  avail  thee ;  even  when  thy  mouth  says,  "  Give 
food  in  addition  to  water,  that  I  may  reach  my  goal  in  safety : "  they 
are  deaf,  and  will  not  hear.  They  say  not  yes  to  thy  words.  The 
iron-workers  enter  into  the  smithy :  they  rummage  in  the  work- 
shops of  the  carpenters ;  the  handicraftsmen  and  saddlers  are  at 
hand ;  they  do  whatever  thou  requirest.  They  put  together  thy 
chariot ;  they  put  aside  the  parts  of  it  that  are  made  useless ;  thy 


*  An  expression  with  a  double  meaning,  intelligible  to  those 
who  know  the  secondary  sense  at  the  present  day  of  the  oriental 
word  <  rags/  in  Arabic  Sharmutah. 


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OT.  XIX.        OLD  AND  NEW  UTERARY  STYLE.  113 

spokeB  KB^fa^awnk  quite  new;  thy  wheels  are  put  on,  they  put  the 
cottiTOiM  on  the  axles,  and  on  the  hinder  part;  they  splice  thy  yoke, 
the^  put  on  the  box  of  thy  chariot ;  the  [workmen]  in  iron  forge 

the  . ;  they  put  the  ring  that  is  wanting  on  thy  whip, 

they  replace  the  lanidres  npon  it. 

'  Thoa  goest  quickly  onward  to  fight  on  the  battle-field,  to  do 
the  works  of  a  strong  hand  and  of  firm  courage. 

'  Before  I  wrote  I  sought  me  out  a  chamjpionf  who  knows  his 
power  {Ut.  hand),  and  leads  the  jeuTMfse,  a  chief  in  the  arm^f  [who 
goes  forward]  even  to  the  end  of  the  world. 

'  Answer  me  not,  **  That  Ib  good,  this  is  bad; "  repeat  not  to  me 
your  opinion.  Gome,  I  will  tell  thee  all  which  lies  before  thee, 
at  the  end  of  thy  journey. 

'  I  begin  for  thee  with  the  city  of  Sesostris.  Thou  hast  not 
set  foot  in  it  by  foroa  Thou  hast  not  eaten  the  fish  in  the  brook. 
....  Thou  hast  not  washed  thyself  in  it.  With  thy  permission 
I  will  remind  thee  of  Hadna ;  where  are  its  fortifications  1  Come, 
I  pray  thee,  to  Uti,  the  strong  fortress  of  Sesostris  User^maa-ra, 
to  Sabaq-Ael  and  Ab-saqabu.  I  will  inform  thee  of  the  posi- 
tion oi  'Aini,  the  customs  of  which  thou  knowest  not.  Nakhai 
and  Rehoburotha  thou  hast  not  seen,  since  thou  wast  bom, 
0  champion  I  Bapih  (Raphia)  is  widely  extended.  What  is  its 
wall  liket  It  extends  for  a  mile  in  the  direction  of  Qazatha 
(Gaza). 

'Answer  quickly.  That  which  I  have  said  is  my  idea  of  a 
champion  in  reply  to  thee.  I  let  the  people  keep  away  from  thy 
name,  I  wish  them  a  seigneur.  If  thou  art  angry  at  the  words 
which  I  have  addressed  to  thee,  yet  I  know  how  to  estimate  thy 
heart  in  every  way.  A  &ther  chastises,  but  he  knows  the  right  mea- 
sure a  himdred  thousand  times.  I  know  thee.  To  put  on  armour 
is  really  beyond  thy  ability.  No  man  whose  hand  and  courage  is 
warlike  makes  himself  &moos  in  my  esteem.  I  am  open  and  clear, 
like  the  spring-water  of  the  god  Monthu.  It  matters  very  little 
what  flows  over  thy  tongue,  for  thy  compositions  are  very  confused. 
Thou  comest  to  me  in  a  covering  of  misrepresentations,  with  a 
cargo  of  blunders.  Thou  tearest  the  words  to  tatters,  just  as  it 
comes  into  thy  mind.  Thou  dost  not  take  pains  to  find  out  their 
force  for  thyself.  If  thou  rushest  wildly  forward,  thou  wilt  not 
succeed.  '^That  comparison  is  there  between  one  who  does  not 
know  the  goal  that  he  wishes  to  reach,  and  one  who  reaches  iti 

VOL.  IL  I 


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114  RAMSES  n.  MIAMUN.  chap.  xit. 

Now,  what  is  he  like  t  I  have  not  gone  back,  but  I  have  reached 
(my  goal).  Soften  thy  heart,  let  thy  heart  be  cheerM ;  may  the 
way  to  eat  cause  thee  no  trouble  ! 

'  I  have  struck  out  for  thee  the  end  of  thy  composition,  and  I 
return  to  thee  thy  descriptions.  What  thy  words  contain,  that  is 
altogether  on  my  tongue,  it  has  remained  on  my  lips.  It  is  a  confused 
medley,  when  one  hears  it  j  an  uneducated  person  could  not  under- 
stand it.  It  is  like  a  man  from  the  lowlands  speaking  with  a  man 
from  Elephantine.^  But  since  thou  art  the  scribe  of  Pharaoh,  thou 
resemblest  the  water  for  the  land,  that  it  may  become  fertile.  Take 
my  meaning  kindly,  and  do  not  say,  **  Thou  hast  made  my  name  to 
stink  before  all  other  men/'  Understand  me  as  having  wished  to 
impart  to  thee  the  true  position  of  a  chcMnpian,  in  doing  which  I 
have  visited  for  thee  every  f orttgn  people,  and  placed  before  thee  in 
a  general  view  the  countries,  and  (every)  city  according  to  its  special 
character.  Acquaint  us  kindly,  that  thou  so  understandest  it.  If 
thou  findest  that  the  remarks  upon  thy  work  are  apposite,  thou 
wilt  be  for  us  like  the  £unous  Uah.' 

Eamses  II.  enjoyed  a  long  reign.  The  monuments 
expressly  testify  to  a  rule  of  sixty-seven  years,  of 
which  probably  more  than  half  must  be  assigned  to 
his  joint  reign  with  his  father.  His  thirty-years' 
jubilee  as  (sole  ?)  Pharaoh  was  the  occasion  for  great 
festivities  throughout  the  whole  country,  of  which  we 
have  frequent  mention  in  the  inscriptions  at  Silsilis, 
El-Kab,  Bigeh,  Seh61,  and  even  upon  several  scarabaei. 
The  prince  and  high  priest  of  Ptah  of  Memphis, 
Khamus,  travelled  through  the  principal  cities  of  the 
land,  in  order  to  make  the  necessary  preparations, 
through  the  governors,  for  celebrating  this  great 
feast  of  joy  in  honour  of  his  father  in  a  proper 
manner. 

The  return  of  this  jubilee  seems  to  have  been  cal- 

'  This  is  the  passage  referred  to  at  Yol.  I.  p.  19. — Ed. 

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Dm  XIX.  FAMILY  OF  RAMSES.  115 

culated  according  to  a  fixed  cycle  of  years,  perhaps 
when  the  lunar  and  solar  years  coincided  *  at  short 
intervals  of  three  or  four  years,  in  the  same  manner 
as  the  festivals.  In  the  30th  year  Khamus  celebrated 
the  feast  under  his  own  superintendence,  according  to 
usage  and  prescription,  in  Bigeh  and  in  Silsilis,  where 
at  that  time  Khai  was  governor  of  the  district,  while 
at  El-Kab  the  governor  Ta  conducted  the  festivities. 
The  recurrence  of  the  succeeding  jubilees  took  place 
— the  second  in  the  34th  year,  the  third  in  the  37th 
year,  and  the  fourth  in  the  40th  year,  of  the  reign  of 
Bamses  U. 

Great  in  war,  and  active  in  the  works  of  peace, 
Ramses  seems  also  to  have  enjoyed  the  richest  blessings 
of  heaven  in  his  family  life.  The  outer  wall  of  the 
front  of  the  temple  of  Abydus  displays  the  effigies 
and  the  names  (only  partially  preserved)  of  119 
children  (60  sons  and  59  daughters) ;  which  gives 
ground  for  supposing  a  great  number  of  concubines, 
besides  his  lawful  wives,  already  known  to  us,  namely, 
his  favourite  wife  Isenofer,  the  mother  of  Khamus, 
the  queen  Nofer-ari,^  Mienmut,  and  the  daughter  of 
the  king  of  Khita. 

»  Comp.  Vol.  I.  pp.  121-2. 

^  The  small  temple  at  Ibsamboul,  specially  dedicated  to  queen 
Nofer-ari  Mer-en-shoa  (*the  good  consort  beloved  of  Amon'), 
contains  some  interesting  pictures  of  the  fitmily  of  Bamses,  of 
which  Mr.  Villiers  Stuart  gives  engravings  {Nile  Oleanings), 
Among  them  is  a  splendid  coloured  portrait  of  the  queen,  and 
another  representing  her  in  a  group  with  the  goddess  Anke.  In 
the  same  temple  Bamses  is  represented  with  his  fieunily  between 
his  knees  and  at  his  feet.  Mr.  Yilliers  Stuart  also  gives  coloured 
and  other  engravings  from  the  pictures  at  Ibsamboul^  representing 

i2 


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116  RAMSES  n.    MIAMUN.  chap,  xit. 

Among  his  sons,  Khamus  held  a  fond  place  in 
his  father's  heart.  He  was  high  priest  of  Ptah  in 
Memphis,  and  in  that  character  did  his  best  to  restore 
the  decayed  worship  of  the  holy  Apis-bulls,  which 
were  regarded  as  the  living  type  of  Ptah-Sokari,  and 
to  invest  it  with  the  greatest  splendour.  His  buildings 
in  Memphis,  and  in  the  so-called  Serapeum,  the  burial- 
place  of  the  holy  bulls,  are  celebrated  by  inscriptions 
as  splendid  works  of  the  age,  and  their  author  is 
overwhelmed  with  praises.  From  all  that  the  monu- 
ments tell  us  about  Khamus,  in  words  more  or  less 
clear,  the  king's  son  seems  to  have  been  a  learned 
and  pious  prince,  who  devoted  himself  especially  to 
the  holy  service  of  the  deity,  and  remained  in  the 
temple  of  Ptah  at  Memphis,  keeping  himself  more 
estranged  from  state  affairs  than  was  altogether 
pleasing  to  his  royal  father. 

The  elder  sons,  including  Khamus,  died  during  the 
long  reign  of  their  father.  The  fourteenth  in  the  long 
list  of  children,  by  name  Mineptah,  '  the  friend  of 
Ptah,'  was  chosen  by  destiny  to  mount  at  last  the 
throne  of  the  Pharaohs.  He  had  already  taken  part 
in  the  affairs  of  government  during  the  lifetime  of  his 
aged  father,  and  in  this  capacity  he  appears  on 
the  monuments  of  Bamses  H.,  by  the  side  of  his 
royal  parent. 

Of  the  daughters   of  the  king,  the  monuments 

Bamses  on  Mb  chariot  attended  in  battle  by  Mb  fighting  lion ; 
also  followed  by  sue  of  his  sons  in  three  chariots ;  also  in  a  duel 
with  a  Libyan  foe ;  also  a  portrait  of  Ms  eldest  son,  Amen-hi* 
khop-sanef ;  also  a  colossal  statue  of  his  daughter  Ba-ta-anta. — 'Es>. 


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»w.  XII.       *  PHAEAOH'a  DAUGHTER.'         117 

name,  during  the  lifetime  of  the  Pharaoh,  as  real 
queens  and  wives  of  Egyptian  kings  (perhaps  sub- 
kings  or  brothers),  his  favourite  daughter,  called  by 
the  Semitic  name  of  Bint-antha,  Uhe  daughter  of 
Anaitis,'  and  Meri-amon,  and  Neb-taui.  A  much 
younger  sister  of  the  name  of  Meri  deserves  to  be 
mentioned,  since  her  name  reminds  us  of  the  princess 
Merris  (also  called  Thermuthis),  according  to  the 
Jewish  tradition,*  who  found  the  child  Moses  on  the 
bank  of  the  stream,  when  she  went  to  bathe.  Is  it  by 
accident,  or  by  divine  providence,  that  in  the  reign 
of  Eamses  HI.,  about  100  years  after  the  death  of  his 
ancestor,  the  great  Sesostris,  a  place  is  mentioned  in 
Middle  £^pt,  which  bears  the  name  of  the  great 
Jewish  legislator  ?  It  is  called  I-en-Mosh^,  *  the  island 
of  Moses '  or  *  the  river-bank  of  Moses.'  It  lay  on 
the  eastern  side  of  the  river,  near  the  city  of  the 
heretic  king  Khu-n-aten.  The  place  still  existed  in 
the  time  of  the  Eomans ;  those  who  describe  Egypt 
at  that  time  designate  it,  with  a  mistaken  apprehension 
of  its  true  meaning,  as  Musai,  or  Musdn,  as  if  it  had 
some  connection  with  the  Greek  Muses. 

The  list  of  contemporaries  during  the  long  reign 
of  the  king,  about  whom  the  monuments  furnish  us 
with  information,  is  almost  innumerable.  It  were  a 
labour  which  would  repay  the  cost,  to  collect  together 
their  names  and  families,  so  as  to  form  a  general  view 
of  their  generations  under  Bamses  11.  Among  them, 
a  distinguished  place  was  held  by  that  Bekenkhonsu, 

'  Joseph.  Antiq,  IL  9,  §  35;  Artapanus,  ap,  Euseb.  Prcep. 
Evcmg.  ix.  27. 


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118  RAMSES  II.  MIAMUN,  ohap.  xir. 

upon  whose  statue  (in  Munich)  the  follovdng  notice  of 
his  career  is  handed  down  to  the  latest  generations : — 

'  (1)  The  hereditary  lord  and  first  prophet  of  Amon,  Beken- 
khonsu,  speaks  thus :  I  was  truthful  and  yirtuous  towards  mj 
lord.  I  undertook  with  pleasure  that  which  my  god  taught  me. 
I  walked  in  his  ways.  I  performed  acts  of  piety  within  his 
temple.  I  was  a  great  architect  in  the  town  of  Amon,  my  heart 
being  filled  with  good  works  for  my  lord. 

*0  ye  men,  all  of  you  altogether,  of  reflecting  mind,  (2)  ye  who 
remain  now  upon  the  earth,  and  ye  who  will  come  after  me  for 
thousands  and  later  thousands  of  years,  according  to  your  age  and 
frailty,  whose  heart  is  possessed  by  the  knowledge  of  virtue,  I  give 
you  to  know  what  services  I  performed  on  earth,  in  that  office 
which  was  my  lot  from  my  birth. 

*  I  was  for  four  years  a  very  litUe  child.  For  twelve  years 
(3)  I  was  a  boy.  I  was  the  superintendent  of  the  office  for  the  sus- 
tenance of  the  king  Mineptah  Seii.  I  was  a  priest  of  Amon  for 
four  years.  I  was  a  holy  fia.ther  of  Amon  for  twelve  years.  I 
was  third  prophet  of  Amon  for  sixteen  years.  I  was  second  pro- 
phet of  Amon  for  twelve  years.  He  (the  king)  rewarded  me,  and 
distinguished  me  because  of  my  deserts.  He  named  me  as  first 
prophet  of  Amon  for  six  years.  I  was  (4)  a  good  father  for  my 
temple  servants,  in  that  I  afforded  sustenance  to  their  families, 
and  stretched  out  my  hand  to  the  fallen,  and  gave  food  to  the  poor, 
and  did  my  best  for  my  temple.  I  was  the  great  architect  of  the 
Theban  palace  for  his  (Seti's)  son,  who  sprang  from  his  loins,  the 
king  Eamses  II.  He  himself  raised  a  memorial  to  his  father 
Amon,  (5)  when  he  was  placed  upon  the  throne  as  king. 

'  The  skilled  in  art,  and  the  first  prophet  of  Amon,  Bekenkhonsu, 
speaks  thus  :  I  performed  the  best  I  could  for  the  temple  of  Amon 
as  architect  of  my  lord.  I  erected  for  him  the  wing-tower  *'  of 
Bamessu  II.,  the  friend  of  Amon,  who  listens  to  those  who  pray  to 
him,''  (thus  is  he  named)  at  the  first  gate  of  the  temple  of  Amon. 
1  placed  obelisks  at  the  same  made  of  granite.  Their  height  reaches 
to  the  vault  of  heaven.  A  propylon  is  (6)  before  the  same  in  sight 
of  the  city  of  Thebes,  and  ponds  and  gardens,  with  flourishing 
trees.  I  made  two  great  double  doors  of  gold.  Their  height 
reaches  to  heaven.  I  caused  to  be  made  double  pairs  of  great 
masts.     I  set  them  up  in  the  splendid  court  in  sight  of  his 


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m.  in.  INSCRIPTION  OF  BEKENKHONSU.  119 

temple.    I  had  great  barks  built  on  the  liver  for  Amon,  Mut,  and 
EhoDSu.' 

Although  the  day  of  the  death  of  Bekenkhonsu 
is  not  given  in  the  inscription,  yet  it  is  clear  that  he 
must  have  departed  this  life  while  priest  of  Amon, 
after  having  completed  sixty-six  years.*  We  can 
therefore  divide  his  whole  life  of  sixty-six  years  into 
the  following  sections  : — 


Yean. 

Bekenkhonsu  was  a  little  child 

4  years  . 

1-4 

A  boy,  and  at  last  official  of 

the  palace 

.       12    „      . 

5-16 

Priest  of  Amon    .         .         .         , 

4    „      . 

17-20 

Holy  father  of  Amon     • 

12     „      . 

21-32 

Third  prophet  of  A  mon. 

16     „      . 

33-48 

Second  prophet  of  Amon 

12     „      . 

49-60 

First  prophet  of  Amon  • 

6    „      . 

61-66 

It  is  hardly  probable  that  the  great  Sesostris  died 
leaving  his  earthly  empire  in  peaceful  circumstances. 
A  large  family  of  sons  and  grandsons  were  ready  in 
his  advanced  years  to  dispute  the  inheritance  of  their 
father.  The  seeds  of  stormy  and  unquiet  times  were 
sown.  The  historical  records  in  the  sequel  justify 
these  anticipations  in  the  most  striking  manner. 

The  body  of  Pharaoh  was  laid  in  his  sepulchral 
chamber  in  the  rocky  valley  of  Biban-el-Molouk.  The 
son  of  Seti,  so  full  of  gratitude  to  his  father,  notwith- 
standing the  large  number  of  his  children,  had  not  left 

^  ChampolKon  has  briefly  described  the  extensive  but  much- 
rnined  sepulchre  of  this  man,  on  ihe  west  side  of  Thebes,  in  his 
Notices  Desoript,  tome  i.  p.  538.  On  its  second  door  the  French 
hierogrammatist  read  the  following  inscription  : — '  The  hereditary 
lord  and  president  of  the  prophets  of  Amon-ra,  the  lord  of  Thebes, 
the  first  prophet  of  Amon,  Bekenkhonsu,  the  Uessed.' 


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120  MINEPTAH  n.  HOTEPHDiA.  chap.  xit. 

one  descendant  who  prepared  for  him  a  tomh  worthy 
of  his  deeds  and  great  name,  a  tomb  which  might 
even  be  compared  with  the  splendid  sepulchre  of  Seti. 
The  tomb  of  Bamses  is  an  insignificant  structui^e,  of 
rather  tasteless  work,  seldom  visited  by  travellers  in 
the  Nile  valley,  who  scarcely  imagine  that  the  great 
Sesostris  of  Greek  legend  can  have  found  his  last 
resting-place  in  these  mean  chambers.  At  his  death, 
Pharaoh  might  have  said  of  himself,  *  I  stood  alone, 
no  other  was  with  me,'  as  formerly  in  his  struggle 
against  the  Khita. 


IV.  MINEPTAH  n.  flOTEP-m-MA  (MENEPHTHES).  B.C.  1800. 

We  must  still  retain  our  judgment,  which  we  ex- 
pressed in  the  first  [French]  edition  of  our  History  of 
Egypt,  upon  the  insignificant  character  of  the  works  of 
this  king.  In  opposition  to  the  opinion  of  a  learned 
colleague,  who  never  set  his  foot  on  Egyptian  soil,  we 
must  be  permitted  again  to  affirm,  with  all  decision, 
as  the  result  of  the  most  minute  examination  of  the 
monuments,  that  Mineptah  EL  does  not  rank  with 
those  Pharaohs  who  have  transmitted  their  remem- 
brance to  posterity  by  grand  buildings  and  the  con- 
struction of  new  temples,  or  by  the  enlargement  of 
such  as  already  existed.  A  glance  at  the  detailed 
architectural  plan  of  the  temple  of  Kamak,  which  M. 
Mariette  has  recently  published,  with  the  names  of  all 
the  royal  builders,  is  alone  sufficient  to  prove  that 
Mineptah  did  as  good  as  nothing  for  the  great  temple 
of  the  empire  at  Api.    With  the  exception  of  small 


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DCT.  MX.  HIS  INSCRIPTION  AT  KARNAK.  121 

works,  hardly  worthy  of  being  named,  the  new 
Pharaoh  contented  himself  with  the  cheap  glory  of 
utilizing,  or  rather  misusing,  the  monuments  of  his 
predecessors,  as  far  back  as  the  Twelfth  Dynasty  and 
not  excepting  even  the  works  of  the  Hyksos,  as  bearers 
of  his  royal  shields ;  for  in  the  cartouches  of  former 
kings,  whence  he  had  chiselled  out  their  names,  he 
unscrupulously  inserted  his  own,  without  any  respect 
for  the  judgment  of  posterity.  Short,  unimportant, 
badly  executed  inscriptions,  for  the  most  part  during 
the  first  years  of  his  reign,  commemorate  merely  his 
existence,  without  any  further  information  of  histori- 
cal value.  We  must  make  an  exception  in  favour  of 
that  single  important  record,  which  Mineptah  caused 
to  be  chiselled  on  the  inner  side-wall  of  one  of  the 
southern  forecourts  of  the  great  temple  of  Amon  at 
Api,  to  call  to  the  remembrance  of  the  Thebans  his 
great  friendship  with  the  gods. 

The  contents  of  this  inscription,  unfortunately  in- 
jured in  its  upper  portion,  are  extremely  important, 
for  it  announces  to  us  the  irruption  of  the  Libyan 
peoples  and  their  allies  into  Egypt,  and  their  repulse 
by  the  victorious  Egyptian  army.  We  lay  before  our 
readers  the  most  important  p^rt  of  this  inscription  in 
an  accurate  translation,  and  we  do  not  hesitate  to  give 
the  completion  of  the  parts  that  are  wanting,  as  they 
must  necessarily  be  supplied  from  the  connection  of 
the  whole  and  of  the  several  parts :  ^-^ 

*  This  infloription  is  translated  by  Dr.  S.  Birch,  in  Records  of 
the  Poitf  vol.  iv.  pp.  39,  foil.  The  variations  in  the  spelling  of  the 
names  are  faithfully  preserved  from  Dr.  Brugsch'a  German. — En. 


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122  MINEPTAH  n.  HOTEPHIMA.  chap.  ht. 

<  (1)  Catalogue  of  the  peoples  which  were  smitten  by  the  king  : 
•  .  .  .  ]  -i  the  A-qa-ua-sha,  the  Tu-li-sha,  the  Li-ku»  the  Bhair-dan, 
the  Sha-ka-li-sha,  peoples  of  the  North,  which  came  hither  out  of 
all  countries. 

'  (2)  [In  the  year  Y,,  in  the  month  .  ...» in  the  reign  of  the 
lord  of  the  diadem]  to  whom  his  father  Amon  has  given  power,  the 
Idng  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt,  Mineptah  Hotephima,  the  dis- 
penser of  life,  the  divine  benefactor,  was  [in  the  town  of  MemphiB, 
to  thank  the  god  Ptah]  (3)  [for]  his  [benefits].  For  all  gods  pro- 
tect him,  all  peoples  were  in  fear  of  his  glanca  The  king  Mineptah 
(4)  [received  at  that  time  a  message,  that  the  king  of  the  Libyans 
bad  Mien  upon  ihe  towns  of  the  country]  and  plundered  them, 
and  turned  them  into  heaps  of  rubbish;  that  the  cowards  had 
submitted  to  his  will ;  that  he  had  overstepped  the  boundaries  of 
his  country,  that  he  had  gained  the  upper  hand. 

'  (5)  [Then  the  king  caused  the  towns  to  be  fortified,  and 
measures  to  be  taken]  in  all  directions  for  the  protection  of  the 
breath  of  life.  He  gave  it  back  to  the  inhabitants  who  were 
without  it,  sitting  still  in  (their)  hiding-places.  Powerful  was  his 
might  to  (6)  [attain  his  end.  He  had  entrenchments  drawn]  to 
protect  the  city  of  On,  the  city  of  the  sun-god  Tum,  and  to  protect 
the  great  fortress  of  Tanen  (i.e.  Memphis),  and  to  extend  [the 
works  for  the  protection  of  other  cities]  in  great  numbers. 

*  (7)  [For  the  foreign  peoples  had  long  since  made  inroads 
Idso  from  the  East,  and  had  pitched]  their  tents  before  the  town  of 
Pi-bailoB  (Byblus,  Bilbeis) ;  they  found  themselves  (already)  on 
the  canal  Sha-ka-na,  to  the  north  of  the  canal  Ao  (of  Heliopolis), 
(8)  [so  that  the  adjoining  land]  was  not  cultivated,  but  was  left  as 
pasture  for  the  cattle  on  account  of  the  foreigners.  It  lay  waste 
there  from  the  times  of  our  forefathers.  All  the  kings  of  Upper 
Egypt  sat  in  their  entrenchments  (9)  [and  were  occupied  in  build- 
ing themselves  memorials],  and  the  kings  of  Lower  Egypt  found 
themselves  in  the  midst  of  their  cities,  surrounded  with  earth- 
works, cut  off  from  everything  by  warriors,  for  they  had  no  mer- 
cenaries  to  oppose  to  them. 

'Thus  had  it  been  (10)  [untU  the  day  when  king  Mineptah] 
ascended  the  throne  of  Horus.  He  was  crowned  to  preserve  life 
to  mortals.  He  was  brought  in  as  king  to  protect  men.  There 
was  the  strength  in  him  to  do  this,  because  he  was  the  likeness 
of  the  [beautiful]  feoed  (11)  [god  (Ptah).     And  the  king  sent 


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jfTS.  m.  GREAT  LIBYAN  INVASION.  123 

messengers  to  the  land  of  Ma  f }>bair.  The  choicest  of  his  mer- 
oenarieB  were  equipped;  his  chariots  were  assembled  from  all 
directions ;  and  his  spies  [betook  them  to  the  load  to  keep  him 
informed.  Thus  had  he]  prepared  [eyer3rthmg]  for  his  equipment 
in  (12)  [a  short  time.  And  thus  was  he  armed  for  the  approaching 
struggle.  For  he  is  a  hero] ;  he  takes  no  count  of  hundreds  of 
thousands  (of  enemies)  on  the  day  of  the  turmoil  of  battle.  His 
life-guards  mardied  forward;  there  came  on  the  most  powerful 
warriors ;  and  beautiful  was  the  sight  at  the  entrance  of  the 
mercenaries  for  all  the  inhabitants  [of  Egypt]. 

'  (13)  [And  they  came  to  announce  to  the  king  :  *'  In  .  .  .  .  ] 
month  of  the  summer  has  it  happened,  that  the  miserable  king  of 
the  hostile  land  of  libu,  Mar-ajui,  a  son  of  Did,  has  made  an 
irruption  into  the  land  of  the  Thuhennu  (the  Marmaridse)  with  his 
foreign  mercenaries,  (14)  [the  catalogue  of  whom  is  as  follows : 
the  Sh]airdan,  the  Shakalsha,  the  Qauasha,  the  liku,  the  Turisha : 
since  he  has  sought  out  the  best  of  all  combatants,  and  of  all  the 
quick  runners  of  his  country.  He  has  also  brought  with  him  his 
wife  and  his  children;  (15)  [besides  there  are  come  with  him 
the  princes]  and  the  captains  of  the  host.  He  has  reached  the 
boundaries  of  the  west  land  at  the  fields  of  the  town  of  Pi-ar« 
shop  (Proeopis)." 

*  Then  his  Majesty  was  enraged  against  them  like  a  lion, 
(16)  [and  he  assembled  the  princes  and  leaders  of  his  host  and 
spake  thuB ;]  "  Listen  to  the  sayings  of  your  lord*  I  give  you  [to 
know]  what  you  have  to  do  at  my  word.  For  I  am  the  king,  your 
shepherd.  My  care  is  to  enquire  (17)  [what  tends  to  the  good  of 
the  land.  Who  among]  you  is  like  him,  to  keep  life  for  his 
children )  Should  they  be  anxious  like  the  birds  t  You  do  not 
know  the  goodness  of  his  intentions."  No  answer  (was  made  to 
this)  on  the  part  of  (18)  [the  princes.  And  the  king  continued  : 
"  It  is  not  my  intention  to  await  the  enemy,  so  that  the  land]  should 
be  wasted  and  abandoned  at  the  advance  of  all  foreign  peoples,  to 
plunder  its  boundaries.  The  enemies  (19)  overstep  them  daily. 
Each  takes  [what  he  pleases,  and  it  is  their  intention]  to  plunder 
the  frontier  cities.  They  have  already  advanced  into  the  nelds  of 
Egypt  irom  the  boundary  of  the  river  onwards.  They  have  gained 
a  firm  footing,  and  spend  days  and  months  therein.  [They  have] 
settled  themselves  (20)  [near  the  towns.  Others  of  them]  have 
reached  the  mountains  of  the  Oasis,  and  the  lands  in  sight  of  the 


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1 24  MINEPTAH  n.  HOTEPHIMA.  chap.  xrr. 

nome  of  Taahu.*  It  was  a  privilege  ever  smee  the  kings  of  Upper 
Egypt,  on  the  ground  of  the  historical  records  of  other  times.  But 
no  one  (21)  knows  [that  they  ever  came  in  large  numhers]  like 
vermin.  Let  no  more  be  granted  to  them  than  their  belly  re- 
quires. If  they  love  death  and  hate  life,  if  their  temper  is  haughty 
to  do  (22)  [what  they  wish,  then  let  them  apply  to]  their  king,  let 
them  remain  on  (their)  ground  and  soil,  and  go  to  the  battle,  so  as 
always  to  fill  their  bodies.  They  have  come  to  Egypt  to  seek 
sostenance  for  their  mouth.  They  [diiwt]  their  mind  (23)  [to  this, 
to  fill]  their  belly  [with]  my  property,  just  like  the  fishermen. 
Their  king  is  like  a  dog,  a  bragging  fellow.  His  courage  is  naught. 
Having  arrived,  he  sits  there  planning  (24)  [a  treaty,  to  carry  out 
with  him]  the  people  of  the  Piti-shu,  whom  I  allowed  to  take  away 
wheat  in  ships,  to  preserve  the  life  of  this  people  of  Khita,  because  I, 
the  king,  am  he  whom  the  gods  have  chosen*  All  plenty,  (25)  [all 
sustenance,  lies]  in  my  hand,  the  king  Mineptah,  the  dispenser 
of  life.  In  my  name  are  laid  [the  supporting  columns]  of  my 
[buildings].  I  act  as  king  of  the  country.  [All]  happens  (26)  [in 
my  name  in  the  land  of  Egypt].  What  is  spoken  in  Thebes 
pleases  Amon.  He  has  turned  himself  away  fix)m  the  people  of 
the  Mashauasha  (Maxyes),  and  (he)  looks  [no  more]  on  the  people 
of  the  Thamhu,  they  are  (27)  [lost." 

*  Thus  spake  the  king  to]  the  leaders  of  the  host,  who  stood 
before  him,  that  they  should  destroy  the  people  of  the  Libu.  They 
went  forth,  and  the  hand  of  God  was  with  them.  Amon  was  at 
their  [side]  as  a  shield.  The  news  reached  the  [people]  of  Egypt, 
(28)  [namely,  that  the  king  in  his  own  person  would  take  part]  in 
the  campaign  on  the  fourteenth  day.  Then  his  Majesty  beheld  in 
a  dream  as  if  the  statue  of  Ftah,  which  is  placed  at  ihe  [gate  of  the 
temple,]  stepped  down  to  Pharaoh.  It  was  like  a  giant.  (29)  [And 
it  was]  as  if  it  spoke  to  him :  **  Remain  altogether  behind,"  and, 
handily;  to  him  the  battle  sword,  **  Mayest  thou  cast  off  the  lazy 
disposition  that  is  in  thee."  And  Pharaoh  spoke  to  it :  **  Behold ! 
(30)  [thy  word  shall  be  accomplished]." 

<  And  my  warriors  and  the  chariotd  in  sufficient  number  had 
prepared  an  ambush  before  them  in  the  high  land  of  the  country 
of  the  nome  of  Prosopis. 

'  Then  the  miserable  king  of  (31)  [the  hostQe  Libu  caused  bis 


'  Called  Touho  by  the  Copts,  in  Middle  Egypt. 

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BTF.  m.  VICTORY  OF  PROSOPIS.  125 

warriora  and  his  meroenarieB  to  advance]  in  the  night  of  the  first 
of  Epiphi,  when  the  earth  hecame  light  enough  for  the  enooimter. 
When  the  miserable  king  of  the  hostile  libn  had  arrived,  about 
the  time  of  the  3rd  of  Epiphi,  he  had  bronght  (32)  [with  him  all 
his  hosts.  But]  thej  held  back.  When  the  warriors  of  his  M^jestf 
had  charged  forward,  together  with  the  chaiiots,  then  was  Amon- 
Ba  with  them,  and  the  god  Nub  reached  out  to  them  his  hand« 
£ach  (33)  [man  fought  bravely.  A  great  defeat  was  infiicted  on 
ifaem,  and  they  lay  there  in]  their  blood.  No  man  was  left  remain- 
ing of  them,  for  the  foreign  mercenaries  oi  his  Majesty  had  spent 
tax.  hours  in  annihilating  them.  The  sword  gave  (34)  [no  mercy, 
so  that]  the  land  was  [fuU  of  corpses.] 

'  While  they  thus  fought,  the  miserable  king  of  the  libn  stood 
theie  fill!  of  fear,  his  courage  deserted  him ;  then  fled  (35)  [he  in 
quick  flight,  and  left]  his  sandals,  his  bow,  his  quiver,  in  his  haste 
behind  him ;  and  [all  other  things]  which  he  had  with' him.  He, 
in  whose  body  there  was  no  timidity,  and  whose  form  was  ani- 
mated by  a  great  manly  courage,  (36)  [he  fled  like  a  woman.  Then 
the  meroenaries  of  his  Mcjesty  took  what  he  had  left]  of  his 
property,  his  money  which  he  had  gathered  in,  his  silver,  his  gold, 
bis  vesseb  of  iron,  the  ornaments  of  his  wife,  his  chairs,  his  bows, 
his  weapons,  and  all  other  things  which  he  had  brought  (37)  [with 
him.  All  was  allotted  to  the]  palace  of  the  king,  whither  it  was 
bj^ought  together  with  the  prisoners.  When  in  the  meantime  the 
miserable  king  of  the  libu  had  hurried  forth  in  his  flight,  then 
there  [followed]  him  a  number  (38)  [of  the  people  of  his  nation, 
since  they  had  escaped]  destruction  by  the  sword.  Then  did  the 
cavalry  who  sat  upon  their  horses  spring  forward  to  pursue  them. 
[The  enemy]  fell  in  (39)  [their  flight  into  their  hands,  and  great 
destruction  was  inflicted  on  them].  No  [man]  had  seen  the  like 
in  the  historical  records  of  the  kings  of  Lower  Egypt,  at  the  time 
when  this  land  of  Egypt  was  in  their  [power],  when  the  enemy 
maintained  their  ground  flrmly,  at  the  time  when  the  kings  of 
Upper  Egypt  (40)  [would  afford  no  assistance].  But  [all]  this  was 
done  by  the  gods  from  love  to  their  son  who  loves  them,  to  preserve 
the  land  of  Egypt  for  its  ruler,  and  to  protect  the  temples  of  the 
land  of  Ta-Mera,  in  order  to  exalt  (41)  [the  glory  of  the  king  to 
the  latest  generations.  * 

'  Then  the  governor]  of  the  frontier  garrisons  of  the  west  la^d 
sent  a  report  to  the  royal  court  to  the  following  effect :  '*  The 


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126  MINEPTAH  11.  HOTEPHIMA.  chap.  xnr. 

enemy  Mauri  has  arrived  in  flight;  his  body  trembled;  he 
escaped  far  ftway  only  by  favour  of  the  night.  (42)  [His  flight, 
however,  does  no  barm,  for]  want  [will  be  his  fate.]  He  has  fallen. 
All  the  gods  are  for  Egypt.  The  promises  which  he  had  made  are 
become  vain,  and  all  his  words  have  rolled  back  on  his  own  head. 
His  fate  is  not  known,  whether  he  is  dead,  (43)  [or  whether  he  ia 
living.  Thou,  O  king !]  leave  him  his  life.  If  he  is  alive,  he  will 
not  raise  himself  up  any  more.  He  has  fallen  down,  and  his  people 
have  become  hostile  (to  him).  Thou  wilt  be  the  man  who  will 
undertake  it,  by  giving  orders  to  kill  (44)  [the  rebels  among  the 
inhabitants]  in  the  land  of  the  Thamhu,  and  [of  the  Libn].  Let 
them  set  up  another  in  his  place,  one  of  his  Wothers,  who  took 
part  in  the  battle.  He  will  be  obliged  to  acknowledge  him,  since 
he  is  himself  despised  by  the  princes  as  a  (45)  [monster  without  an 
equal." 

'  Then  the  king  gave  the  order  that  there  should  return  home] 
the  leaders  of  the  foreign  mercenaries,  the  life-guards,  the  chariots 
of  war,  and  all  the  waniors  of  the  army  whose  service  was  ended. 
But  those  who  were  of  the  young  men,  in  full  force,  (46)  [re- 
ceived  the  command  to  .drive]  before  them  the  asses  which  were 
loaded  with  the  (cut  off)  members  of  the  micircumdsed  peoj^e  of 
the  libu,  and  with  the  (cut  off)  hands  of  all  the  peoples  which 
were  with  them,  like  foals  in  the  clover,  and  with  all  things 
(47)  [which  the  warriors  of  Egypt  had  taken  as  booty  from]  the 
enemy,  to  their  own  countiy.  Then  the  whole  land  rejoiced  to 
the  height  of  heaven ;  the  towns  and  villages  sang  the  wonderful 
deeds  that  had  been  done;  the  (48)  [river  resounded  with  the 
joyful  shouts  of  the  dwellers  on  its  banks,  and  they]  carried  the 
booty  imder  the  window  of  the  palace  in  order  that  his  Majesty 
might  behold  their  conquests. 

'  This  is  the  catalogue  of  the  {nisoners,  who  were  carried  away 
out  of  this  land  of  the  Libu,  together  with  the  foreign  peoples, 
whom  they  had  brought  with  them  in  great  numbers,  Ukewise 
of  the  things  (49)  [which  had  been  taken  from  them]  and  brought 
to  the  magazines  of  king  Mineptah;  (who  was  called)  "the  An- 
nihilator  of  the  Thuhennu,''  in  the  town  of  Frosopis,  and  to  the 
upper  towns  of  the  country  from  the  place  called  **  of  Mineptah  ** 
(50)  [to  the  city  ..•  .  ]. 

*  1.  liemJbftn  of  the  uncircumcised — 

Of  king's  children  and  brothers  of  the  king 
of  the  libu  .«•«•«  6 


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BTW.  MX  LIST  OP  SLAESr  AND  PRISONERS.  127 

their  members  were  cut  off  and  delivered 

over. 
[Of  leaders  and  people]  of  the  Liba.    Their 

members  were  cut  off  and  delivered  over.      6359  men 
Making  together :  of  king's  children,  leaders 
'(51)  [and  common  people  of  the  libu,  whose 

members    were   cut  off  and  delivered     

over 6365  men] 

*(52)  [2.  Hand8o/thedrcumciaed:jiBmely,  of  ike 
Tulisha,  the  Shar]dina,  the  Shakal-sha, 
and  the  Aqkiuasha  of  the  lands  of  the 
sea : 

*  (53)  Sfaakalsha :  242  men,  number  of  the  hands .        250 

Tulisha:   750    „  „  „         „     .         790 

*  (54)  Shairdana  [x x] 

Aqaiuasha,  who  were  circumcised,  and 
whose  hands  were  cut  off  and  delivered 
over,   though    they  were    circumcised.     


[Number  of  the  hands  :       1 040 + x] 

*  (55)  [The  members  and  hands  were  stoi'ed  up  in]  heaps.  The 
members  of  the  undrcumdsed  were  brought  to  the  place  where 
the  king  was.  Their  number,  of  6,111  men,  amounted  in  all 
to  ... x  pieces 

'  (56)  [Of  the  circumcised  the  number]  of  their  hands  [amounted 
to],  of  common  men  (namely) 2370 

'3.  As  living  captives,  there  were  delivered 
of  the  Shakalsha  and  Talisha,  who 
had  come  with  the  hostile  tribes  of 

the  Libu [9146]  men 

'  (57)  [Further  of  the  ...  .  and]  Libu      .         .       218     „ 
Of  the  women  of  the  king  of  the  hostile  Libu,  whom 
he  had  brought  with  him,  living  women    ...         12 
So  that  altogether  those  who  were  delivered  over  [of 

the   enemy  as  living    prisoners,  the  (58)  number  

amounted  to]  of  men  and  women      .        .        •        .     9376 

« 4.  Other  booty. 

Weapons  that  were  in  their  hands,  or  that  had  been 

taken  from  the  prisoners  : 
Bronze  swords  of  the  Mashuasha         •    9111  pieces 


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128 


MINEPTAH  11.  HOTEPHIBiA. 


COEAP.  ZIV. 


*  (59)  [Swordsy  daggers,  and  other  weap<»is  of  the]  land  [of  the 

Libu] 120,214  pieces 

'  Pairs  of  chariotrhorses,  which  had  been  driven  by  the  king  of 

the  Libu,  and  the  children  [and  brothers]  of  the  king  of  the  libu, 

and  whicdi  were  deliyered  over  alive    .        .        .  113  pairs 

'  (60)  The  objects  [which  were  otherwise  taken  as  booty]  with 

the  Mashuasha  [were  given  as  a  present  to  the  warriors]  of  the 

king,  who  had  fought  against  the  hostile  libu 

Of  cattle  of  various  sorts 

Qfgoats 

Of  various  [....] 
Silver  drinking-cups 
Other  vessels 
Swords        • 
.  .  •  bronze  armours  and  daggers,  and  many 

other  implements 3174     „ 

'  (61)  When  [the  booty,  as  the  number  has  been  written  above,] 
was  placed  apart,  fire  was  set  to  the  camp,  to  their  tents  of  skins, 
and  to  all  their  baggage.' 


1308  head 

[54]       . 
X      pieces 

104      „ 


Such  was  the  great  battle  of  Prosopis,  in  the  5th 
year^  of  the  reign  of  lilineptah,  by  which  the  threat- 
ening irruption  of  the  Libyans  (libu)  and  their  allies 
upon  Egypt  was  repulsed.  With  the  Libyans,  who 
were  held  in  contempt  by  the  Egyptians  as  uncircum- 
cised,  were  joined  mercenary  troops  of  the  Caucaso- 
Colchian  race,  who  in  these  times  had  migrated  into 
Libya,®  and  rendered  mihtary  service  for  pay,  partly 
in  Egypt  and  partly  in  Libya.  Li  the  times  of  Bamses 
m.  they  appeared  again  on  the  scene  of  Egyptian 

7  This  regnal  year  is  determined  once  for  all  by  a  monument 
which  I  have  discovered  at  Cairo.  See  also  my  work,  in  the  press, 
On  the  Libyan  PeopUs  in  the  Fourteenth  and  Fifteenth  Centuries 
before  Christ, 

*  May  they  have  been  revolted  prisoners  of  war,  whom 
Bamses  II.  (Sesostris)  had  brought  firom  Asia  to  l!gypt  in  his 
military  expeditions  t 


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vnr.  xix.  ALLIES  OF  THE  LIBYANS,  129 

history,  increased  by  names  of  peoples  and  races, 
some  of  which  have  been  preserved  among  the 
Greeks  in  the  exact  equivalent  forms.  We  annex  the 
Kst  of  them,  in  order  that  we  may  here  at  once  dis- 
pose of  the  question  as  to  the  origin  of  these  tribes, 
who  were  highly  esteemed  by  the  Egyptians  as  being 
circumcised : — 

1.  Qaiqasha :  ihe  GaucaoAna. 

2.  Aqaiuasha :  the  Ach»ans  of  the  Cauoasus. 

3.  Shardana :  ihe  Sardones,  Chartani. 

4.  Shakakha :  the  people  of  Zagylis, 

5.  Torsha:  theTaurians. 

6.  Zakar,  Zakkari :  the  Zjges,  Zjgritee. 

7.  Leka ;  the  Ligyes. 

8.  XJashaah :  the  Ossetes. 

To  identify  these  circumcised  tribes,  as  some  have 
done,  with  the  Achseans,  Sardinians,  SicuU,  Etrus- 
cans, Teucrians,  Lycians,  and  Oscans,  of  classical 
antiquity,  is  to  introduce  a  serious  error  into  the 
primitive  history  of  the  classic  nations. 

We  ought  to  give  all  credit  to  the  assurances  of 
the  inscriptions  on  stone  and  the  writings  on  papyrus, 
when  they  tell  us  how,  after  her  deliverance  from  such 
dangerous  enemies  as  the  Libyans  and  their  allies, 
I^ypt  again  took  breath  with  joyful  courage,  and 
the  people,  feeling  themselves  freed  from  a  pressing 
incubus,  gave  loud  and  jubilant  utterance  to  their 
joyous  sense  of  victory.  The  chief  share  in  this  re- 
joicing must  have  belonged  to  the  Egyptian  lowlanders 
of  the  Delta,  whose  cities  and  villages  touched,  to  the 
west,  on  the  borders  of  the  enemies,  and  especially 
on  the  Colchian  group  and  the  Carian  inmiigrants, 

VOL.  II.  K 


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130  MINEPTAH  n.  HOTEPHIMA.  chap.  xit. 

whom  we  shall  again  meet  with  presently  when  we 
come  to  describe  the  wars  of  Eamses  m.  against  the 
Libyans.  In  what  was  afterwards  called  the  Mareotic 
nome,  the  Danau  were  settled  in  the  district  named 
by  the  geographer  Ptolemy  Teneia,  or  Taineia.  Their 
next  neighbours  were  the  Purosatha,  the  Prosoditae  of 
the  same  writer ;  while  onwards  along  the  coast,  as 
far  as  the  great  Catabathmus,  the  last  remnant  of  the 
Shakalsha  still  remained  at  the  time  of  the  Eomans 
in  the  village  of  Zagyhs ;  and  the  descendants  of  the 
Shardana  and  the  Zakkar  were  perpetuated  in  the 
small  tribes  of  the  Chartani  and  the  Zygritae.  The 
whole  coast  beyond,  as  far  as  Cyrene,  appears  to  have 
been  a  gathering-ground  of  warlike  adventurers  of 
the  Colchio-Cretan  tribes,  up  to  the  Dardani,*  whose 
name  again  is  faithfully  reflected  in  that  of  the  city 
of  Dardanis. 

The  officials  and  priests  at  the  court  of  Mineptah 
were  not  backward  in  extolling  their  Pharaoh  to  the 
heavens.  The  fragments,  which  happen  to  have  been 
preserved,  of  the  writings  and  epistolary  communi- 
cations of  some  of  these  officers,  display  a  poetical 
enthusiasm  in  lauding  the  king,  whom  they  commonly 
introduce  under  his  throne  name  of  Bi-n-ra  (or  Bi-n- 
pra,  'soul  of  Ba'),  as  an  invincible  conqueror;  and 
they  exhaust  themselves  iLsque  ad  naiLseam  in  the 
most  flattering  descriptions  of  his  exploits. 

The  relations  which  Mineptah  maintained  with  the 
Khita,  towards  the  East,  were  of  the  most  friendly 
nature,  in  consequence  of  th^  old  treaty  of  peace.^  His 
»  See  p.  46.  »  See  p.  71. 


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DTK.  XIX.    RELATIONS  WITH  THE  CANAANITES.  131 

contribution  of  com  to  the  people  of  the  Khita,  al- 
ready mentioned,*  gives  the  most  striking  confirmation 
of  this  view.  The  fortresses  and  wells,  which  the 
kings  Thutmes  m.  and  Eamses  11.  had  established  in 
Canaan,  and  had  provided  with  Egyptian  garrisons, 
still  existed  under  Mineptah.  With  them,  as  well  as 
with  the  inhabitants  of  Graza,  who  were  dependent  on 
Egypt,  a  constant  intercourse  was  regularly  main- 
tained, and  messengers  went  to  and  fro  as  bearers  of 
the  king's  orders,  or  to  carry  tidings  to  the  court  from 
the  East.  The  official  bearers  of  despatches  belonged 
mostly  to  the  people  of  the  Canaanites,  as  their  names 
fiiUy  prove.  We  cite,  as  an  example,  with  some  cor- 
rections, the  records  of  despatches  inscribed  on  the 
back  of  the  papyrus  Anastasi  HI.  (first  deciphered 
by  M.  Chabas),  which  was  written  in  the  third  regnal 
year  of  king  Mineptah : — 

'In  the  year  3,  Fakhons,  day  15.  There  have  gone  up  (i.e. 
departed)  from  €kza  the  servant  Ba'al  ....  son  of  Zaprir,  who 
is  bound  for  Khal  (Phoenicia);  two  government  despatches  of 
miscellaneous  contents.  The  messenger  of  the  controller  (1)  Khaa ; 
one  despatch.  The  prince  (king  1)  of  Zor  (Tyrus),  Ba'al-ma-i-om- 
ga-bu ;  one  despatch.' 

'  In  the  year  3,  Pakhons,  day  27.  There  have  arrived  the  leaders 
of  the  foreign  legion  of  the  fountain  of  Mineptah-Hotephima,  in 
order  that  these  overseers  might  vindicate  themselves  in  the  for- 
tress of  Khetam  (the  Etham  of  the  Bible),  in  the  district  of  Zor 
(the  Tanitic  nome).' 

*  In  the  year  3,  Pakhons,  day  28.  There  have  departed  from 
Gaza  the  servant  Thut,  son  of  Za-ka-li-man,  the  Maza  (?)  Buin, 
son  of  Sha-ma-Ba'al,  from  the  same  place;  Sntekh-mes,  son  of 
'Aper-degar,  from  the  same  place;  who  have  gone  to  the  king;  the 
steward  of  the  controller  (?)  Elhaa.    Replies :  one  despatch.' 


a  See  p.  124. 
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132  MINEPTAH  n.  HOTEPHIMA.  chap.xit, 

'  There  have  departed  from  the  tower  of  Mineptah-Hotephima 
(Ostracine),  the  servant  Kekh-amon,  son  of  Zor,  who  goes  to  the 
land  of  Zarduna,'  and  who  is  bound  for  Elhal  (Phoenicia);  two 
despatches  of  miscellaneous  contents.  The  steward  of  the  con- 
troller (1),  Pen-amon;  one  despatch.  The  temple-overseer,  Ba- 
messu,  from  this  city  (i.e.  Tanis) ;  one  despatch.  The  town-reeve, 
Zani,  from  the  city  of  Mineptah-Hotephima,  which  is  situated  in 
the  district  of  Amor,  who  are  going  to  the  king ;  two  despatches 
of  miscellaneous  contents.  The  steward  of  the  controller  (1)  Plr'a- 
em-hib;  one  despatch.  The  ,,..(?)..,.  Pr'aem-hib;  one 
despatch.' 

*  In  the  year  3,  Pakhons,  day  25.  There  has  departed  the  com- 
mander of  the  war-chariots,  Aji-uaruu,  of  the  administration  of 
the  court  of  the  king  Bi-n-ra  Miamun.' 

Ill  this  list  of  officers,  depaxting  and  arriving,  we 
have  to  recognize  nothing  more  than  the  business- 
entries  of  some  scribe,  to  serve  as  his  memoranda  on 
future  occasions. 

The  nomad  tribes  of  the  Edomite  Shasu — ^who 
under  Seti  I.  still  regarded  the  eastern  region  of  the 
Delta,  up  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Zoan,  the  city  of 
Eamses,  as  their  own  possession,  until  they  were  driven 
out  by  that  Pharaoh  over  the  eastern  frontier — ^be- 
stirred themselves  anew  un4.er  Mineptah  II.,  but  now 
in  a  manner  alike  peacefiil  and  loyal.  As  faithful  sub- 
jects of  Pharaoh,  they  asked  for  a  passage  through 
the  border  fortress  of  Khetam,  in  the  land  of  Thuku  * 
(Sukotli),  in  order  to  find  sustenance  for  themselves 
and  their  herds  in  the  rich  pasture-lands  of  the  lake 
distrirt  about  the  city  of  Pitum  (Pithom). 

On  this  subject  an  Egyptian  official  makes  the 
following  report : — 

^  The  Hebrew  Zarthon,  Zaretan  in  the  A.Y.  (Josh.  iii.  16). 
^  So  here  in  the  German*   Bee  the  note  to  Yol.  I.  p.  233. — £d. 


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DYir.iDL  THE  PHARAOH  OF  THE  EXODUS.  l33 

'  Another  matter  for  the  satisfaction  of  my  master's  heart  We 
ha^e  carried  into  effect  the  passage  of  the  tribes  of  the  Shasu  from 
the  land  of  Adoma  (Edom),  through  the  fortress  (Khetam)  of 
Mineptah-Hotephima,  which  is  situated  in  Thuku  (Sukoth),  to 
the  lakes  of  the  city  Pi-tam,  of  Mineptah-Hotephima,  which  are 
situated  in  the  land  of  Thuku,  in  order  to  feed  themselves  and  to 
feed  their  herds  on  the  possessions  of  Pharaoh,  who  is  there  a 
beneficent  sun  for  all  peoples.  In  the  year  8  .  .  .  .  Set,  I  caused 
them  to  be  conducted,  according  to  the  list  of  the  ...  *  for 
the  .  .  •  .  of  the  other  names  of  the  days,  on  which  the  for- 
tress (Khetam)  of  Mineptah-Hotephima  is  opened  for  their  pas- 
sage.'* 

As  Eamses-Sesostris,  the  builder  of  the  temple-city 
of  the  same  name  in  the  territory  of  Zoan-Tanis,  must 
be  regarded  beyond  aU  doubt  as  the  Pharaoh  under 
whom  the  Jewish  legislator  Moses  first  saw  the  light, 
so  the  chronological  relations — having  regard  to  the 
great  age  of  the  two  contemporaries,  Eamses  11.  and 
Moses — demand  that  Mineptah  11.  should  in  all  proba- 
bility be  acknowledged  as  the  Pharaoh  op  the  Exodus. 
He  also  had  his  royal  seat  in  the  city  of  Ramses,  and 
seems  to  have  strengthened  its  fortifications.  The 
Bible  speaks  of  him  only  under  the  general  name  of 
Phabaoh,  that  is,  under  a  true  Egyptian  title,  which 
was  becoming  more  and  more  frequent  at  the  time 
now  under  our  notice.  Pir-*ao — *  great  house,  high 
gate' — is,  according  to  the  monuments,  the  desig- 
nation of  the  king  of  the  land  of  Egypt  for  the  time 
being.  This  does  not  of  itself  furnish  a  decisive  argu- 
ment ;  but  then,  besides,  the  incidental  statement  of 
the  Psalmist,  that  Moses  wrought  his  wonders  in  the 
Jidd  of  Zoan  (Psalm  Ixxviii.  43),  carries  us  back  again 

*  Pap.  Anastasi  YL,  pp.  4,  5« 

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134  MINEPTAH  n.  HOTEPHIMA.  chap.  uv. 

to  those  sovereigns,  Eamses  II.  and  Mineptah,  who 
were  fond  of  holding  their  court  in  Zoan-Eamses. 

Some  scholars  have  recently  sought  to  recognize 
the  Egyptian  appellation  of  the  Hebrews  in  the  name  of 
the  so-called  'Aper,  'Apura,  or  'Aperiu,  the  Erythraean 
people  in  the  east  of  the  nome  of  Heliopolis,  in  what 
is  known  as  the  '  red  country '  on  the  '  red  mountain ; ' 
and  hence  they  have  drawn  conclusions  which — 
speaking  modestly,  according  to  our  knowledge  of  the 
monuments — ^rest  on  a  weak  foundation-  According 
to  the  inscriptions,  the  name  of  this  people  appears  in 
connection  with  the  breeding  of  horses  and  the  art  of 
horsemanship.  In  an  historical  narrative  of  the  time 
of  Thutmes  HI.  (unfortunately  much  obliterated),*  the 
Apura  are  named  as  horsemen  or  knights  {senen), 
who  mount  their  horses  at  the  king's  command.  In 
another  document,  of  the  time  of  £amses  HI.,  long 
after  the  Exodus  of  the  Jews  from  Egi^t,  2,083 
Aperiu  are  introduced,  as  settlers  in  Heliopolis,  with 
the  words,  *  Knights,  sons  of  the  kings  and  noble 
lords  (Marina)  of  the  'Aper,  settled  people,  who  dwell 
in  this  place.*  Under  Eamses  IV.  we  agam  meet  with 
Aper,  800  in  number,  as  inhabitants  of  foreign  origin 
in  the  district  of  'Ani  or  *Aini,  on  the  wertem  shore 
of  the  Eed  Sea,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  modern 
Suez. 

These  and  similar  data  completely  exclude  all 
thought  of  the  Hebrews,  unless  any  one  is  disposed  to 

^  Translated  for  the  first  time  by  Mr.  Goodwin  in  the  Trans- 
actions  of  ike  Society  of  Biblical  Archceology,  vol.  iii.,  part  i.,  pp. 
342,  folL 


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BTH.  XIX.  TROUBLOUS  END  OP  HIS  REIGN.  135 

have  recourse  to  suppositions  and  conjectures  against 
the  most  explicit  statements  of  the  biblical  records. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  hope  can  scarcely  be  cherished 
that  we  shall  ever  find  on  the  public  monuments — 
rather  let  us  say  in  some  hidden  roll  of  papyrus — ^the 
events,  repeated  in  an  Egyptian  version,  which  relate 
to  the  Exodus  of  the  Jews  and  the  destruction  of 
Pharaoh  in  the  Eed  Sea.  For  the  record  of  these 
events  was  inseparably  connected  with  the  humiliating 
confession  of  a  divine  visitation,  to  which  a  patriotic 
writer  at  the  court  of  Pharaoh  would  hardly  have 
brought  his  mind. 

Presupposing,  then,  that  Mineptah  is  to  be  regarded 
as  the  Pharaoh  of  the  Exodus,  this  king  must  have 
had  to  endure  serious  disturbances  of  all  kinds  during 
the  time  of  his  reign : — ^in  the  West  the  Libyans,  in  the 
East  the  Hebrews,  and — ^we  have  now  to  add — in  the 
South  a  spirit  of  rebellion,  which  declared  itself  by  the 
insurrection  of  a  rival  king  of  the  family  of  the  great 
Eamses-Sesostris.  The  events  which  form  the  lament- 
able close  of  his  rule  are  passed  over  by  the  monu- 
ments with  perfect  silence.  The  dumb  tumulus  covers 
the  misfortunes  which  befel  Egypt  and  her  king. 

In  casting  a  glance  over  the  most  eminent  con- 
temporaries of  this  king,  we  are  reminded  especially 
of  his  viceroy  in  Ethiopia,  the  *  king's  son  of  Kush,' 
named  Mas, — ^the  same  who  had  been  invested  with  this 
high  oflSce  in  the  southern  province  under  Bamses  11. 
His  memory  has  been  perpetuated  in  a  rock-inscription 
at  Assouan.  We  may  further  make  mention — ^in- 
structed by  a  record  in  the  quarries  of  Silsilis — of  the 


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136  MINEPTAH  n.  HOTEPHIMA.  oblip.  xir. 

noble  Pinehas,  an  Egyptian  namesake  of  the  Hebrew 
Phinehas,  the  son  of  Eleazar,  son  of  Aaron.  In  con- 
clusion, let  us  not  forget  the  very  influential  high- 
priest  of  Amon,  Eoi  or  Loi,  Lui  (i.e.  Levi),  who  under 
Mineptah  held  the  command  of  the  legion  of  Amon, 
administered  the  treasury  of  Amon,  and,  according  to 
the  custom  of  the  time,^  was  chief  architect  to 
Pharaoh.  To  be  sure  this  must  have  been  an  easy 
office  for  him,  since  there  was  not  much  building,  ex- 
cept perhaps  the  royal  sepulchre,  which  the  drowned 
Pharaoh  probably  never  entered.® 

The  more  troublous  the  times,  the  less  thought 

7  See  onr  acoount  of  the  life  of  his  predecessor,  Bek-en-khonsn, 
pp.  117-19. 

®  Without  discussing  the  Author's  view,  which  is  beyond  an 
Editor^s  province,  it  wiU  suffice  to  say  that  writers  of  high  au- 
thority, both  Biblical  scholars  and  Egyptologists,  hold  that  it  is 
not  a  necessary  inference  from  the  Scripture  narrative  that 
Pharaoh  himself  was  drowned  in  the  Eed  Sea,  and  it  is  difficult  to 
Buppose  that  this  was  Mineptah's  end,  unless  we  impute  to  the 
Egyptians  an  elaborate  fiction  about  his  death  and  burial.  Besides 
his  splendid  tomb,  we  possess  a  papyrus  (Anastasi  lY.)  containing 
a  highly  eulogistic  '  Dirge  of  Mineptah '  (as  it  is  entitled  by  the 
translators),  in  which  the  Pharaoh  is  congratulated  on  having  been 
blessed  by  Amon  with  '  a  good  old  age,'  after  a  lifetime  of  pleasure 
'  and  a  most  prosperous  reign,'  ending :  *  Thou  hast  gone  before 
the  gods,  the  victor,  the  justified.'  The  piece  has  been  translated 
by  M.  Chabas  {LEgypU  aux  temps  de  VExode),  and  by  Dr.  Birch 
(Records  of  the  Past,  vol.  iv.  pp.  49,  foil.),  who  observes  that  the 
titles  do  not  exactly  correspond  with  those  of  Mineptah,  and  that 
the  dirge  ma/y  refer  to  his  son  Seti  II.  M.  Maspero  holds  that  the 
composition  is  copied  almost  word  for  word  from  a  song  of  triumph 
dedicated  to  Mineptah  II.  and  appropriated  to  Seti  II.  by  a  mere 
substitution  of  names  {Histoire  ancienne  des  peuples  de  VOrient, 
p.  255).  The  same  high  authority  places  the  Exodus  under  Seti 
II.,  but  for  reasons  which  do  not  seem  very  decisive  (p.  259). — Ed« 


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Dmxnr.  LITERARY  ACnviTT.  137 

was  there  of  heroic  expeditions,  and  the  greater  was 
the  attention  paid  to  the  pursuit  of  elegant  knowledge 
under  a  learned  priesthood.  The  worthy  Thebans 
have  left  us  many  specimens  of  their  works.  History, 
divinity,  practical  philosophy,  poetry  and  tales, — all 
that  unbent  the  mind  from  the  anxieties  of  worldly 
business  was  brought  within  the  sphere  of  their 
activity.  The  following  templenscribes  are  among 
the  brilliant  stars  of  this  galaxy  of  writers  r  Qa-ga-bu, 
Hor,  Anna,  Mer-em-aput,  Bek-en-ptah,  Hor-a,  Amon- 
masu,  Su-an-ro,  Ser-ptah.  If  we  add  to  these  the 
name,  belonging  to  the  earlier  time,  of  Pentaur,  the 
author  of  the  epic  of  Eamses-Sesostris,  also  of  Amen- 
em-ant,  the  director  of  the  Theban  library,  as  well  as 
those  of  Amon-em-api  and  Pan-bas,  we  have  com- 
pleted the  cycle  of  the  hghts  of  learning  in  those 
times  from  Bamses  IE.  downwards. 

Mineptah  11.  was  succeeded  in  his  dominion  by  his 
son  and  heir — 

V.  SETI  n.  MINEPTAH  m., 
with  the  official  name  of 

USER-KHEPERU-RA.  B.C.  1266. 

Already  during  the  lifetime  of  his  royal  father, 
Seti  n.  enjoyed  a  special  distinction,  inasmuch  as,  with 
reference  to  his  future  dignity  as  Pharaoh,  the  son  is 
frequently  designated,  and  that  with  unmistakable 
emphasis,  as  crown  prince  of  the  empire.  We  possess 
records  of  the  first  two  years  only  of  his  reign,  which 


138  SETI  n,  MINEPTAH  IIL  chap.  xrv. 

at  that  time  extended  over  all  Egypt,  in  inscriptions 
scattered  here  and  there  as  far  to  the  south  as 
Ibsamboul.  The  Bamses-city  of  Zoan-Tanis  remained, 
as  before,  the  special  residence  of  the  court,  whence 
were  issued  the  king's  orders  to  his  officers,  especially 
with  regard  to  the  administration  of  the  Egyptian  posts 
in  Western  Asia.  As  in  the  preceding  time,  special 
attention  was  devoted  to  the  fortresses  eastward  of 
Tanis,  which  covered  the  entrance  from  Syria.  Here 
was  the  old  royal  road,  which  offered  fugitives  the 
only  opportunity  of  escaping  from  the  king's  power, 
though  not  without  danger.  That  such  attempts 
were  often  made,  is  proved  by  the  following  report 
of  a  scribe,  who  had  gone  out  upon  the  road  from 
the  city  of  Ramses,  in  order  to  retake  two  fugitive 
servants  of  the  court :- — 

*  I  Bet  out  (he  says)  &om  the  hall  of  the  royal  palace  on  the 
9th  day  of  the  month  Epiphi,  in  the  evening,  after  the  two 
servants.  I  arrived  at  the  fortress  of  Thuku  (Sukoth)  on  the  lOth 
of  EpiphL  I  was  informed  that  the  men  had  resolved  to  take 
their  way  towards  the  south.  On  the  12th  I  reached  Khetam 
(Etham).  There  I  was  informed  that  grooms,  who  had  come 
from  the  neighbourhood  [of  the  '  sedge-city/  had  reported]  that  the 
fugitives  had  already  passed  the  rampart  (Le.  the  Shur  of  the 
Bible,  Qerrhon  of  the  Greeks)  to  the  north  of  the  Migdol  of  king 
Seti  Mineptah/  » 

Notwithstanding  the  apparent  shortness  of  his 
reign,  in  consequence  of  the  power  of  one  or  two 
anti-kings,  of  whom  we  shall  have  to  speak  further, 

*  On  the  striking  light  which  this  letter  throws  on  the  passage 
of  the  Israelites  out  of  Egypt,  see  the  author's  Digcourse  on  the 
Exodus  and  the  Egyptian  Monuments^  printed  at  the  end  of  this 
yolume. — Ed. 


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DW.m.  HIS  WORKS  AND  SEPULCHRE.  139 

Seti  n.  found  the  time  and  means  to  erect  a  special 
sanctuary  to  his  father  Amon  in  the  great  temple  of 
the  empire  at  Api.  This  is  the  small  temple,  consist- 
ing of  three  chambers,  to  the  north-west  of  the  great 
front  court ;  ^  an  insignificant  building,  which  merely 
attests  the  oflScial  acknowledgment  of  the  king  on  the 
part  of  the  priestly  guild  of  Thebes.  Loi  (Levi),  the 
high-priest  of  the  god  Amon,  was  friendly  to  the  king, 
as  was  also  his  son  and  successor  in  office,  Eoma. 
Both  were  declared  adherents  of  the  king,  whose 
affection  for  the  pious  fetthers  of  Amon  shows  itself 
also  in  other  forms  in  the  extant  papyri.  It  was  for 
him,  while  he  was  still  crown  prince,  that  a  temple- 
scribe  composed  that  wonderful  tale  of  *  The  Two 
Brothers,'  the  translation  of  which,  by  the  late  master 
of  Egyptology,  E.  de  Eoug6,  gave  such  an  unexpected 
surprise  to  the  learned  woild.^ 

The  sepulchre  of  this  king,  in  the  rocky  valley  of 
Biban-el-Molouk,  is  reaUy  princelike  and  magnificent. 
In  it  also  we  have  a  new  proof  of  the  priestly  recog- 
nition of  his  sovereignty  over  the  land  of  Egypt. 

After  his  death  the  sovereignty  passed  in  regular 
succession  to  his  son — 

'  Marked  L  on  the  plan  of  Mariette-Bey. 

^  The  first  part  of  this  beautiful  tale,  which  contains  a  wonder- 
ful parallel  to  the  history  of  Joseph,  has  been  already  given  in 
Vol.  I.  pp.  309-11.— Ed. 


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140  SETNAKHT  MERER  MIAMUN.  chap.  xty. 


TTaerkhara 

VI.  SETNAKHT  MERER  MIAMUN  H.,  B.C.  1233,      ^!X 

called  by  his  oflScial  surname —  I  jS|  VsA 

USERrKHA-RA  MIAMUN  SOTEP-EN-RA.  »  iffiK 

Setoakht. 

All  that  we  are  able  to  say  of  him  can  be  con- 
densed into  a  few  words ;  that  he  was  the  father  of  a 
great  illustrious  king,  and  that  he  lived  in  times  full 
of  disturbance  and  trouble.  As  his  father  had,  in  all 
probabiUty,  been  opposed  by  a  rival  king,  Amen- 
messu,  so  had  the  son  of  the  latter,  Mineptah  Siptah; 
become  a  dangerous  successor  against  Setnakht. 
Siptah,  the  husband  of  that  queen  Ta-user, — ^whose 
grave  obtained  a  very  distinguished  position  in  the 
valley  of  the  kings  at  Thebes,  in  the  midst  of  those  of 
the  men, — seems  to  have  been  favoured  by  a  number 
of  adherents  in  the  city  of  Amon,  and  to  have  owed 
his  elevation  to  the  throne  to  the  help  of  an  Egyptian 
noble,  named  Bi.  This  latter  held  the  office  of  one 
of  the  first  confidential  servants  of  the  king,  and  he 
declares  on  his  own  behalf  that  '  he  put  away  false- 
hood and  gave  honour  to  the  truth,  inasmuch  as  he 
set  the  king  upon  his  father's  throne — ^he,  the  great 
keeper  of  the  seal  for  aU  the  land,  Eamessu-kha-em- 
nutern-Bi.'  Among  the  remaining  adherents  of  the 
anti-king,  no  insignificant  part  was  played  by  his 
governor  of  the  southern  lands,  Seti,  whose  memory 
has  been  perpetuated  by  an  inscription  on  the  south 
wall  of  the  rock-temple  of  Ibsamboul.  In  that  repre- 
sentation, this  official  exhibits  himself  as  a  zealous 


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Dmnx.  THE  ANTI-KING  SIPTAH.  141 

worshipper  of  the  Theban  Amon,  and  there  is  ap- 
pended an  inscription  of  four  lines,  giving  the  follow- 
ing explanation : — 

'  (1)  Worship  offered  to  Amon,  that  he  may  grant  life,  pro-, 
speritjy  and  health,  to  the  person  of  the  king's  envoy  into  all  lands, 
the  companion  (2)  of  the  lord  of  the  land,  of  the  friend  of  Hor  (i.e. 
the  king)  in  his  house,  the  first  commander  of  the  war-chariots  of 
his  Majesty,  (3)  who  understood  his  purpose,  when  the  king  came, 
to  exalt  (him)  the  long's  son  of  Kush,  (4)  Seti,  upon  his  throne 
(or,  the  throne  of  his  father  f )  in  the  first  year  of  the  lord  of  the 
land,  Ramessu  Siptah/ 

On  the  summit  of  a  group  of  rocks  on  the  island 

of  Sehel,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Philae,  there  remains 

the  following  inscription  of  the  same  Seti,  annexed  to 

the  name  of  his  king : — 

'In  the  year  3,  Pakhons,  day  21.  Honour  to  thy  name,  O 
king  I  May  it  attest  the  acknowledgments  of  the  person  of  the 
commander  of  the  chariots,  and  the  King's  son  of  Kush,  and  the 
governor  of  the  southern  lands,  Seti  1 ' 

Underneath  is  an  inscription  nearly  to  the  same 

effect : — • 

'  The  hereditary  prince,  hearer  of  the  fan,  King^s  son  of  Kush, 
governor  of  the  southern  lands,  Seti— «' 

We  cannot  tell  what  other  historical  information 
the  inscriptions  and  papyrus-rolls  of  those  rival  and 
anti-kings  might  have  been  ready  to  give  us  (i.e.  if 
they  had  not  been  cancelled  by  their  successful  rivals). 
On  the  last  visit  which  we  paid  at  Thebes,  a  year  ago, 
to  the  grave  of  *  the  great  queen  and  lady  of  the  land, 
the  princess  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt,  Ta-user,'  we 
were  able  again  to  corroborate  the  fact,  that  the 
names  of  her  husband  Siptah  are  seen  at  its  entrance, 


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142  SETNAKHT  MERER  MIAMUN.  chap.xiv. 

while  in  the  interior,  on  the  piece  which  has  been  laid 
on  to  cover  the  names  of  the  queen,  the  royal  shields 
of  Setnakht  meet  the  spectator  in  a  re-engraving. 
Setnakht  took  possession  of  his  predecessor's  sepul- 
chre, or  rather  that  of  his  wife,  without  in  a  single 
case  replacing  the  feminine  grammatical  signs  in  the 
inscriptions  by  the  corresponding  mascuUne  forms. 
His  rival  having  been  driven  out,  Setnakht  could 
deal  with  the  tomb  at  his  pleasure. 

Nor  was  it  only  against  native  claimants  of  the 
throne,  that  Setnakht  had  to  maintain  a  conflict  for 
the  double  crown  :  foreigners  also'  contributed  their 
efforts  to  turn  Egypt  upside  down.  A  certain  Klial, 
or  Phoenician,  had  seized  the  throne,  maintained  him- 
self on  it  for  some  time,  driven  the  Egyptians  into 
banishment,  and  grievously  oppressed  those  left  in  the 
land.  This  is  that  Arisu  or  Alisu,  Arius  or  Alius, 
whom  the  great  Harris  papyrus  first  made  known  to 
us.  We  conclude  with  a  translation  of  the  part  of 
this  record  which  refers  to  the  Nineteenth  Dynasty, 
while  we  regret  our  inabihty  to  suppress  the  remark, 
that  the  translations  hitherto  put  forth  by  several 
scholars  have  completely  mistaken  the  sense  of  the 
document  just  in  its  most  important  passages.® 

King  Eamses  HI.,  the  son  of  Setnakht,  gives,  by 

'  The  most  recent  translation  of  the  *  Great  Harris  Papyrus/ 
by  Professor  Eisenlohr  and  Dr.  Samuel  Birch,  is  given  in  the 
Records  of  the  Fcut,  vols.  vi.  and  viii.  The  historical  part  here 
referred  to,  forming  the  last  five  of  the  seventy-nine  leaves  into 
which  the  papyrus  was  divided  by  Mr.  Harris  (Plates  75-79  of 
the  British  Museum  publication),  begins  at  vol.  vi.  p.  45  (see  Dr. 
Brugsch's  mention  of  the  B.  M.  edition  in  his  Preface), — Ed. 


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BW.xix.  THE  PHCENICIAN  USURPER.  143 

way  of  introduction  to  his  own  reign,  the  following 
summary  of  the  events  immediately  before  his  acces- 
fflon  to  the  throne  : — 

'  Thus  says  king  Rameflsu  III.,  the  great  god,  to  the  princes  and 
leaders  of  the  land,  to  the  warriors  and  to  the  chariot  soldiers,  to 
the  Shairdana,  and  the  numerous  foreign  mercenaries,  and  to  all 
the  living  inhabitants  of  the  land  of  Ta-mera : — 

'  Hearken  I  I  make  you  to  know  my  glorious  deeds,  which  I 
liave  performed  as  king  of  men. 

*  The  people  of  i^ypt  lived  in  banishment  abroad.  Of  those 
who  lived  in  the  interior  of  the  land,  none  had  any  to  care  for 
him.  So  passed  away  long  years,  until  other  times  came.  The 
land  of  Egypt  belonged  to  princes  from  foreign  parts.  They  slew 
one  another,  whether  noble  or  mean.' 

'Other  times  came  on  afterwards,  during  years  of  scardly. 
Arisu,  a  Phanician,  had  raised  himself  among  them  to  be  a  prince, 
and  he  compelled  all  the  people  to  pay  him  tribute.  Whatever  any 
had  gathered  together,  that  his  companions  robbed  them  of.  Thus 
did  they.  The  gods  were  treated  like  the  men.  They  went  with- 
out the  appointed  sin-offerings  in  the  temples. 

'Then  did  the  gods  turn  this  state  of  things  to  prosperity. 
They  restored  to  the  land  its  even  balance,  such  as  its  condition 
properly  required.  And  they  established  their  son,  who  had  come 
forth  from  their  body,  as  king  of  the  whole  land  on  their  exalted 
throne.     This  was  king  Setnakht  Merer  Miamun. 

'He  was  like  the  person  of  Set  when  he  is  indignant.  He 
took  care  for  the  whole  land.  If  rebels  showed  themselves,  he 
slew  the  wicked  who  made  a  disturbance  in  the  land  of  Ta-mera. 

'  He  purified  the  exalted  royal  throne  of  Egypt,  and  so  he  was 
the  ruler  of  the  inhabitants  on  the  throne  of  the  sun-god  Tum, 
while  he  raised  up  their  faces.  Sach  as  showed  themselves  refusing 
to  acknowledge  any  one  as  a  brother,  were  locked  up.^ 


*  Literally,  walled  up.  That  this  punishment  was  sometimes 
inflicted  by  the  kings,  I  can  prove  by  the  testimony  of  my  own 
eyes.  When  Mariette-Bey  opened  the  sepulchres  of  the  Apis-bulls 
in  the  Serapeum,  in  1850,  tJiere  was  found  in  one  of  the  waUs 
the  skeleton  of  a  culprit  who  had  been  walled  up  in  ancient  times. 


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144       END  OF  THE  NINETEENTH  DYNASTY,     chap,  irr, 

'  He  restored  order  to  the  temples,  granting  the  sacred  revenues 
for  the  due  offei-ings  to  the  gods,  as  their  statutes  prescribe. 

'He  raised  me  up  as  heir  to  the  throne  on  the  seat  of  the 
earth-god  Seb,  to  be  the  great  governor  of  the  Egyptian  dominions 
in  care  for  the  whole  people,  who  have  found  themselves  united 
together  again. 

'  And  he  went  to  his  rest  out  of  his  orbit  of  light,  like  the 
company  of  the  celestials.  The  (funeral)  rites  of  Osiris  were 
accomplished  for  him.  He  was  borne  (to  his  grave)  in  his  royal 
boat  over  the  river,  and  was  laid  in  his  everlasting  house  on  the 
west  side  of  Thebes. 

*  And  my  father  Amon,  the  lord  of  the  gods,  and  Ea,  and  Ptah 
with  the  beautiful  face,  caused  me  to  be  crowned  as  lord  of  the 
land  on  the  throne  of  my  parent. 

'I  received  the  dignities  of  my  father  amidst  shouts  of  joy. 
The  people  were  content  and  delighted  because  of  the  peace*  They 
rejoiced  in  my  countenance  as  king  of  the  land,  for  I  was  like 
Horus,  who  was  king  over  the  land  on  the  throne  of  Osiris.  Thus 
was  I  crowned  with  the  Atef-crown,  together  with  the  Uraeus- 
serpents ;  I  put  on  the  ornament  of  the  double  plumes,  like  the  god 
Tatanen ;  thus  I  reposed  myself  on  the  throne-seat  of  Hormakhu  ; 
thus  was  I  clothed  with  the  robes  of  state,  like  Tum«' 

King  Ramses,  the  third  of  the  name,  opened  the 
long  series  of  Pharaohs  of  the  succeeding  dynasty. 
With  him  also  we  begin  a  new  chapter  of  our  History 
of  Egypt. 


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BTK.n.  KtNG  '  KHABCPSINITUS.'  145 


Uaer>iam-r  A  Ifiiunna. 

1^ 

S 

BUBMIH. 

CRAPTF-R  XV. 

THE  "nfEHTIBTH    DYDIASTT. 

RAMSES  m.  HAQ-ON.    B.C.  1200, 

As  this  king's  official  name  was  User-ma-ra  Miamun, 
he  is  only  distinguished  from  Bamses  11.  by  the  title 
Haq-On,  that  is,  *  Prince  of  Heliopolis/  Among  the 
people,  as  is  proved  by  the  monuments,  he  bore  the 
appellation  of  Sambssu-pa-nuteb,  or  pa-nuti,  that  is, 
'  Bamses  the  god,'  from  which  the  Greeks  formed  the 
well-known  name  of  Ehampsinitus.^  And,  as  his 
name,  so  also  his  deeds — ^nay  even  his  wealth  in  the 
blessing  of  children — remind  us  of  Bamses  Sesostris, 
whom  he  evidently  honoured  as  the  ideal  type  and 
model  of  a  great  Pharaoh. 

The  miserable  state  of  Egypt  before  his  accession 
could  not  be  better  described  than  in  his  own  words, 
cited  in  the  last  chapter.  The  same  Harris  papyrus, 
which  has  enabled  us  to  lay  before  our  readers  such 
valuable  information  on  the  condition  of  the  land  of 
the  Pharaohs  at  the  time  referred  to,  proceeds  to  give 
ageneral  viewof  the  *  glorious  deeds  '  of  this  Bamses. 
It  is  a  comprehensive  outline  of  his  eventful  life,  of 
'  Herod,  ii  121. 


VOL.  II.  L 


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146  RAMSES  in.  HAQ-ON.  chap.  xv. 

which,  following  the  king's  own  words,  we  propose  to 
set  forth  in  order  the  chief  occurrences.* 

The  first  care  of  king  Rhampsinitus,  after  his  acces- 
sion, was  for  the  restoration  and  demarcation  of  the 
several  castes,  which  he  arranged  in  their  descending 
degrees,  as  follows  :  The  Ab  en  Pir'ao,  *  counsellors  of 
Pharaoh,'  an  office  with  which  we  have  seen  Joseph 
invested  at  the  court  of  Pharaoh:*  the  *  great 
princes,'  evidently  the  governors  and  representatives 
of  the  king  in  the  several  nomes  :  '  the  infantry  and 
chariot-soldiers  ; '  the  mercenaries  of  the  tribes  of  the 
Shardana  and  the  Kahak;  and,  lastly,  the  lowest 
classes  of  the  officers  and  servants. 

He  was  next  occupied  with  wars  against  foreign 
nations,  who  had  invaded  the  borders  of  Egypt,  and 
for  whose  punishment  he  prepared  severe  blows  in 
their  own  land.  The  Danau  were  pursued  by  Pharaoh 
to  the  Cilician  coast,  and  were  there  defeated ;  so  in 
Cyprus  were  the  Zekkaru  (Zygritae),  and  the  Perusatha 
(Prosoditae) ;  while  the  Colchio-Caucasian  Shardana 
(Sardones),  and  the  Uashasha  (Ossetes),  on  the  other 
hand,  were  exterminated  in  their  settlements  west  of 
the  Delta,  and  were  transplanted  to  Egypt  in  great 
masses,  with  their  families.  They  were  compelled  to 
settle  in  a  Eamesseum,.a  fortress  still  unknown  to  us, 
and  to  pay  every  year,  according  to  the  custom  of 
the  country,  a  tribute  of  woven  stuffs  and  corn  to 
the  temples  of  Egypt. 

«  See  the  Harris  Papyrus,  Plates  76-79 ;  Records  of  the  Fast, 
vol.  viii.  pp.  47-52. — Ed. 
»  See  Vol.  I.  p.  307. 


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DTN.  XI.  DEFEAT  OF  LIBYANS  AND  ALLIES.  147 

On  the  east  of  Egypt,  the  arms  of  the  king 
achieved  a  like  success  against  the  Sahir,  the  Seirites 
of  Holy  Scripture,  who  are  clearly  recognized  as  a 
branch  of  the  Shasu.  The  king  plundered  their  tents 
and  the  dwellers  in  them,  seized  their  possession^ 
and  effects,  with  their  cattle,  and  carried  off  the 
people  as  prisoners  to  Egypt,  to  give  them  as  special 
slaves  to  the  temples. 

A  new  war  was  kindled  by  the  Libyans  and 
Maxyes.  In  hke  manner  as  had  already  happened 
under  the  reign  of  Mineptah  11.,  these  nomad  and 
warlike  tribes  of  the  West  had  made  an  inroad  into 
the  Delta,  and  occupied  the  whole  country  which 
stretched  along  the  left  bank  of  the  Canopic  branch 
of  the  NUe,  from  Memphis  as  far  as  Carbana  (Canopus). 
In  the  neighbourhood  of  the  latter  place,  along  the 
seashore,  lay  the  district  of  Gautut,  the  cities  of  which 
they  had  held  for  many  years.  They  and  their  allies 
were  defeated  by  the  Pharaoh,  and  among  the  latter 
the  king  mentions  by  name  the  Asbita  (Asbytae),  the 
Kaikasha  (Caucasians),  the  Shai-ap  (who  cannot  be 
more  closely  defined),  the  Hasa  (Ausees),  the  Bakana 
(Bakaloi).  The  king  of  the  Libu,  his  family,  and  the 
whole  people,  together  with  their  herds,  were  trans- 
planted as  captives  to  Egypt,  where  some  were  placed 
in  the  fortified  '  Kamessea,'  and  others  branded  with 
hot  iron  *in  the  name  of  the  king'  as  sailors.  A 
magnificent  gift  was  made  of  their  herds  to  the  temple 
of  Amon  at  Thebes. 

Por  the  protection  of  the  eastern  frontier  towards 
Suez,  the  king  formed  a  great  well,  and  surrounded  it 

L  2 


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148  RAMSES  m  HAQ-ON.  chap.  xt. 

with  strong  defences,  in  the  country  of  'Aina  or  'Aian 
(the  home  of  the  'Aperiu,  or  ErythraBans).  The  walls 
had  a  height  of  thirty  Egyptian  cubits  (nearly  six- 
teen metres,  52^  Enghsh  feet).  In  the  harbour  of 
Suez,  and  therefore  in  close  proximity  to  the  fortress 
of  the  well,  Bamses  HI.  built  a  fleet  of  large  and  small 
ships,  to  make  voyages  on  the  Red  Sea  to  the  coasts  of 
Punt  and  '  the  Holy  Land.'  The  bringing  of  the  costly 
productions  of  those  distant  regions,  and  especially 
of  incense,  is  expressly  set  forth  as  the  immediate 
purpose  of  their  construction.  Connected  with  these 
objects  was  the  estabUshing  of  trade  relations  with 
the  kings  and  princes  of  the  countries  on  those  coasts, 
and  a  caravan  trade  by  land  was  established  on  the 
road  from  Kosseir  to  Coptos  on  the  Nile.  In  a  word, 
Ramses  HE.  opened  a  direct  intercourse  by  land  and 
sea  with  the  rich  countries  on  the  shores  of  the  Indian 
Ocean,  which  in  later  times  was  renewed  by  the 
Ptolemies,  with  great  advantage  to  the  commerce  of 
the  whole  world. 

Not  less  important  for  Egypt,  which  above  all 
things  required  copper  for  a  variety  of  objects  of  in- 
dustrial activity,  was  the  despatch  of  a  mission  by 
land  (on  asses  I),  and  on  ships  by  sea,  for  the  discovery 
of  the  rich  copper  mines  of  'Athaka  (in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  gulf  of  Akaba  ?) ;  and  the  metal,  shining 
like  gold,  and  in  the  form  of  bricks,  was  brought  from 
the  smelting-houses  in  those  parts  and  laden  on  the 
ships. 

The  king  also  turned  his  attention  anew  to  the 
treasures  of  the  peninsula  of  Sinai,  which  from  the 


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Dm  XI.  PROSPERITY  OF  EGYPT.  149 

times  of  king  Senoferu  *  had  appeared  to  the  Egyp- 
tians so  desirable.  Laden  with  rich  presents  for  the 
temple  of  the  goddess  Hathor,  protectress  of  the 
Mafka  peninsula,  distinguished  ofBcials  went  thither 
on  the  king's  commission,  to  bring  to  the  treasuries 
of  Pharaoh  the  much-prized  greenish-blue  copper- 
stone  (Mafka  turquoises  ?). 

In  the  whole  land  of  Egypt  (thus  the  king  con- 
cludes his  remarkable  account)  he  planted  trees  and 
shrubs  to  give  the  inhabitants  rest  under  their  cool 
shade.  The  benefit  which  he  conferred  on  his  country 
by  this  measure  will  be  fully  appreciated  by  those 
who  have  passed  long  years  of  their  life  in  the  valley 
of  the  Nile.  The  planting  of  trees  has  likewise  been 
undertaken  in  the  most  receut  times  by  the  Khedive 
Ismael  Pasha,  and  complete  success  has  attended  this 
beneficent  work. 

In  a  beautiful  poetic  effusion  of  rhetoric,  Bhampsi- 
nitus  concludes  by  extolling  the  peaceful  condition  of 
the  whole  country.  The  weakest  woman  could  travel 
unmolested  on  all  the  roads.^  T!be  Shardana  and  the 
Kahak  remained  quietly  in  their  cities.  Kush  had 
ceased  to  annoy  Egypt  with  its  attacks.  The  Phoeni- 
cians let  their  bows  and  arrows  rest  in  peace. 

In  a  prolonged  strain  of  pi:^se  to  himself,  the  king 
enumerates  his  benefits  towards  gods  and  men,  to- 

*  See  VoL  I.  p.  80. 

*  We  are  uresistibly  leminded  of  Bede's  ^Mcription  (E,  E,  iL 
16)  of  the  security  estiiblished  in  Britain  by  Edwin  of  Northum- 
brim,  *  at,  sicut  usque  hodie  in  proverbio  dicitur,  etiam  si  mulier 
una  cum  recens  nato  parvulo  vellet  totam  perambulare  inaulain  a 
mari  ad  mare,  nullo  se  Isdente  valeret.' — Ed. 


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150  RAMSES  m.   HAQ-OX.  chap,  x v. 

wards  poor  and  rich  ;  and  finally,  in  the  32nd  year  of 
his  reign,  he  recommends  his  son  Eamses  IV.,  whom 
he  had  raised  to  the  throne  as  joint  king  with  himself, 
to  the  recognition  and  obedience  of  his  fortunate 
subjects. 

We  have  thus  placed  clearly  before  the  eyes  of 
our  readers  a  short  sketch  of  the  deeds  of  this 
Egyptian  Pharaoh  during  his  reign  of  thirty-two 
years.  In  so  far  as  the  sure  guidance  of  the  monu- 
ments does  not  fail  us,  we  will  endeavour  to  fill  up 
this  broad  outhne  of  his  deeds  with  more  definite  facts. 
The  material  for  our  work  is  supplied  by  the  Rames- 
seum  at  Medinet-Abou ;  that  enormous  building  which, 
lying  to  the  west  of  the  city  of  Thebes,  and  to  the 
south-west  of  the  gigantic  statues  of  Memnon,  was 
turned  from  a  treasure-house  into  a  complete  temple 
of  victory.  The  5th,  8th,  and  11th  years  of  the  reign 
of  Ramses  III.  designate  the  period  of  time  occupied 
in  the  gradual  completion  of  the  plan  laid  down  for 
the  buildings,  from   west    to   east."    The   treasure- 

«  From  a  hieratic  inscription  on  the  rock  of  the  quarry  of 
SiLdliSy  put  up  in  the  month  Pakhons  of  the  5th  year  of  Eam- 
ees  III.,  it  is  clearly  ascertained  that,  at  the  date  named,  the  king 
had  given  to  his  court-official,  Seti-em-hib,  the  treasurer  of  the 
temple  about  to  be  founded  anew,  the  commission  to  quarry  stones 
at  that  place  for  the  building.  Here  is  the  translation  of  this  re- 
cord: 

'In  the  year  5,  in  the  month  Pakhons,  under  the  reign  of 
the  king  and  lord  of  the  land,  User^ma-ra  Miamnn,  the  son  of  Ka 
and  lord  of  the  crowns,  Bamses  Haq-An,  the  fiiend  of  all  the 
gods,  the  dispenser  of  life  for  ever  and  ever,  the  command  of  his 
royal  Majesty  was  issued  to  the  treasurer  Seti-em-hib,  at  the  temple 
of  many  years'  duration  of  King  XJser-ma-ra  Miamun  in  the  city 
of  Amon,  to  put  into  execution  the  monumental  works  at  the 


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DTi^.  XX.  TREASURES  OF  RHAMPSINITUS.  151 

chambers,  on  the  southern  side  of  the  hindmost 
hall,  are  now  empty.  Pictures  and  words  alone 
replace  the  '  mammon  '  which  is  now  gone.  If  it  be 
true,  as  the  inscriptions  clearly  and  distinctly  declare, 
that  the  treasures  once  hoarded  here  were  dedicated 
by  Rhampsinitus  as  gifts  to  the  Theban  Amon,  the 
king  of  the  gods  had  no  reason  to  complain.  Gold 
in  grains,  in  full  purses  up  to  the  weight  of  1000  lbs., 
from  the  mines  of  Amamu  in  the  land  of  Kush,  of 
Edfou  (ApoUinopohs  Magna),  of  Ombos  and  of  Koptos ; 
bars  of  silver ;  whole  pyramids  of  blue  and  green 
stones,  besides  the  much-prized  bluestone  of  Tafrer 
(the  land  of  the  Tybftrenes  ?),  and  the  real  greenstone 
of  Boshatha ;  copper  ore ;  lead ;  precious  sorts  of 
incense  from  Punt  and  from  the  Holy  Land ;  more- 
over gold  and  silver  statues,  images  of  animals,  vases, 
chests,  and  other  ornaments,  down  to  the  seal-rings 
with  the  name  of  the  king  upon  them  ; — all  these  and 
many  other  things  a  hundred-thousandfold  did  the 
Pharaoh  dedicate  to  show  his  gratitude  to  the  god,  of 
course  with  an  elaborate  address :  ''— 

'  I  dedicate  this  to  thee  as  a  memorial  for  thy  temple,  consist- 
ing of  clear  raw  copper,  aQd  raw  gold,  and  [of  all  works  of  art], 


temple  of  many  years'  duration  of  King  User-marra  Miamun  in 
the  city  of  Amon  on  the  west  side  of  Us  (Thebes). 

[Catalogue]  of  the  people  who  were  under  his  com* 

mand:  men 2,000 

Hewers  of  stone :  men      ......         200 

The  crews  of  40  broad  ships  of  100  cubits  long  (1) 

and  of  4  pairs  of  ships  with  beaks       .         .         .         800 

Making  together  individual  heads  .         ,         t        •         •     3,000 ' 
^  Concerning  the  details  of  these  offerings,  see  below,  p.  160. — Ed. 

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152  llAMSES  ra.  HAQ-ON.  cffAP.  XY. 

which  hare  oome  forth  from  the  workshops  Of  the  sculptor.  The 
productions  of  the  land  of  Ruthen  shall  be  brought  to  thee  as 
gifte,  to  fiU  the  treasury  of  thy  temple  with  the  best  things  of  all 
lands.' 

Again : — 

'  Thou  hast  received  gold  and  silyer  like  sand  on  the  [sea]  shore. 
What  thorn  hast  created  in  the  river  and  in  the  mountain,  that  I 
dedicate  to  thee  by  heaps  upon  the  earth.  Let  it  be  an  adornment 
for  thy  Majesty  for  ever.  I  offer  to  thee  blue  and  green  precious 
stones,  and  aU  kinds  of  jewels  in  chests  of  bright  copper.  I  have 
made  for  thee  numberless  talismans  out  of  all  kinds  of  valuable 
precious  stones.' 

In  truth  Rhampsinitus  was  in  this  respect  no 
niggard,  and  if  we  may  be  allowed  from  the  costliness 
of  his  gifts  to  draw  a  safe  conclusion  as  to  the  position 
of  the  donor,  Ramses  HI.  must  have  enjoyed  enormous 
wealth.  We  shall  not  omit  the  opportunity  presently, 
on  the  authority  of  information  contained  in  the 
Harris  papyrus,  to  set  in  a  clear  hght  the  boundless 
generosity  of  the  king,  not  only  towards  the  temple  of 
Amon,  but  also  towards  the  sanctuaries  of  the  great 
national  gods,  Ptah  of  Memphis^  and  Ra  of  HeUopolis. 

When  Ramses  lH.  came  to  the  throne,  things 
looked,  bad  for  Egypt,  as  well  in  the  East  as  in  the 
West. 

'  The  hostile  Asiatics  and  Thuhennu  robbers  (the  Libyan  Mar- 
maride)  showed  themselves  only  to  iz^jur^  the  state  of  £!gypt. 
The  land  lay  open  before  them  in  weakness  sinoe  the  time  of  Uie 
earlier  kings.  They  did  evil  to  gods  as  well  as  to  men.  No  one 
had  so  strong  an  arm  as  to  oppose  them,  on  account  of  their 
hostile  intentions.' 

In  the  5th  year  of  his  reign  the  enemies  prepared 

a  fresh  attack  on  Egypt  from  the  West. 

*  The  people  of  the  Thamhu  assembled  together  in  one  place. 
The  tribes  of  the  Mazyes  prepared  themselves  for  a  raid  out  of 


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BTH.xx.  INVASIONS  OF  EGYPT.  153 

their  own  country.    The  leaden  of  their  warrioni  had  confidence 
in  their  plans.' 

As  in  former  times  the  Libyan  kings,  Didi,  Ma- 
shakan,  and  Mar-aju,  were  the  prime  movers  of 
hostilities  against  Egypt,  so  now  the  kings  Zamar 
and  Zautmar  of  Libya  appear  as  instigators  and 
leaders  in  battle.  Their  last  great  place  of  reunion 
was  the  country  of  Libya  in  the  narrower  sense  of 
the  word.  The  victory  of  the  king  over  the  enemy 
was  very  decisive.  It  took  place  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  Ramses-fortress  of  Khesef-Thamhue. 
The  defeat  of  the  enemy,  both  circumcised  and  un- 
circumcised  tribes,  was  tremendous;  for  12,535 
members  and  hands,  which  were  cut  off  from  dead 
enemies,  were  counted  over  before  the  proud  vic- 
torious king. 

Three  years  after  this  event,  which  gave  occasion 
for  great  festivities  in  Egypt,  a  warlike  movemefit 
broke  out  against  Egypt  from  the  North,  caused  by 
the  migrations  of  the  Carian  and  Colchian  tribes 
which,  from  Cilicia  and  the  mountains  of  Armenia, 
partly  by  land  through  Asia  Minor,  and  partly  by 
water  on  the  Mediterranean,  made  a  formidable  cam- 
paign against  Egypt,  only  to  be  at  last  utterly  de- 
feated in  a  naval  engagement  at  Migdol,  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Pelusiac  branch  of  the  Nile.  The  inscriptions 
of  the  temple  of  victory  relate  to  us  this  great  event 
in  the  following  manner : — 

*  A  quiyering*  seized  the  people  in  their  limbs:  they  came  up 


^  Kot  of  fear,  but  of  eager  agitation,  as  it  is  said  below  of  the 
irar-horses  (p.  154). — ^Ed. 


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154  BAMSES  m.  HAQ-ON.  chap.  rv. 

leaping  from  their  ooaats  and  islands,  and  spread  themselves  all  a^t 
once  over  the  lands.     No  people  stood  before  their  arms,  beginning 
with  the  people  of  Khita,  of  Kadi  (Gkdilee),  and  Karchemish, 
Aradus,  and  Alus.     They  wasted   these  countries,   and  pitched 
a  camp  at  one  place  in  the  land  of  the  Amorites.     They  plun- 
dered the  inhabitants  and  the  territory  as  if  they  had  been  nothing-. 
And  they  came  on  (against  Egypt),  but  there  was  held  in  readiness 
a  fiery  furnace  before  their  countenance  on  the  side  of  Egypt.     Their 
home  was  in  the  land  of  the  Purosatha.  the  Zakkar,  the  Shakalsha, 
the  Daanau,   and  the  XJashuash.      These  nations  had  leagued 
together;  they  laid  their  hand  on  the  double  land  of  Egypt,  to 
encircle  the  land.     Their  heart  was  full  of  confidence,  they  were 
full  of  plans.     This  happened,  since  such  was  the  will  of  this  god, 
the  lord  of  the  gods  (Amon  of  Thebes).     An  ambush   was  pre- 
pared to  take  them'  in  the  snare  like  birds.     He  (Amon)  gave  me 
strength,  and  granted  success  to  my  plans.     My  arm  was  strong 
as  iron  when  I  broke  forth.     I  had  guarded  well  my  boundary  up 
to  Zah  (Philistia).     There  stood  in  ambush  over  against  them  the 
chief  leaders,  the  governors,  the  noble  marinas,  and  the   chief 
people  of  the  warriors.     [A  defence]  was  built  on  the  water,  like 
a  strong  wall,  of  ships  of  war,  of  merchantmen,  of  boats  and 
skiffs.     They  were  manned  from  the  forepart  to  the  hindpart 
with  the  bravest  warriors,  who  bore  their  arms,  and  with  the  best 
life-guards  of  the  land  of  Egypt.     They  were  like  roaring  lions  on 
the  mountain.     The  knights  were  of  the  swiftest  in  the  race, 
and  the  most  distinguished  horsemen  of  a  skilful  hand.     Their 
horses  quivered  in  all  their  limbs,  ready  to  trample  the  nations 
under  their  hoofs.     I  was  like  the  war-god  Monthu,  the  strong. 
I  held  my  ground  before  them.     They  beheld  the  battle  of  my 
hands.      I,  king  Bamessu  III.,  I  went  &r  forward  in  the  van, 
conscious  of  my  might,  strong  of  arm,  protecting  my  soldiers  in    • 
the  day  of  battle.      They  who  had  reached  the  botmdaiy  of 
my  country  never  more  reaped  harvest.     Their  soul  and  their 
spirit  passed  away  for  ever.     They  who  had  assembled  themselves 
over  against  the  others  on  the  great  sea,  a  mighty  firebrand 
lightened  before  them,  in  front  of  the  mouths  of  the  river.     A  wall 
of  iron  shut  them  in  upon  the  lake.     They  were  driven  away, 
dashed  to  the  ground,  hewn  down  on  the  bank  of  the  water. 
They  were  slain  by  hundreds  of  heaps  of  corpses.     The  end  was  a 
new  beginning.     Their  ships  and  all  their  possessions  lay  strewn 


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ura.xx.  VICTORY  BY  SEA  AND  LAND.  155 

on  the  mirror  of  the  water.  Thus  have  I  taken  from  the  nationB 
the  desire  to  direct  theii*  thoughts  against  Egypt.  They  exalt 
mj  name  in  their  country ;  yea,  their  heart  is  on  fire  for  me  so 
long  as  I  shall  sit  on  the  throne  of  Hormakhu.' 

Such  was  this  great  battle  by  sea  and  land  against 

those  invaders,  of  whom  numerous  inscriptions,  some 

longer,  some  shorter,  tell   us  so  much  in   eloquent 

language.     I  will  give  here  two  examples : — 

'A  trembling  seized  the  inhabitants  of  the  nordiem  regions 
in  their  body,  because  of  the  Pui-osatha  and  the  Zakkar,  because 
they  plundered  their  land.  If  they  went  out  to  meet  them,  their 
spirit  failed.  Some  were  brave  people  by  land,  others  on  the  sea.' 
Those  who  came  by  way  of  the  land,  Amon-ra  pursued  them  and 
annihilated  them.'  Those  who  entered  into  the  mouths  of  the 
Nile  were  caught  like  birds  in  nets.     They  were  made  prisoners.' 

Again : — 

'It  came  to  pass  that  the  people  of  the  northern  regions,  who 
reside  in  their  islands  and  on  their  coasts,  shuddered  in  their 
bodies.  They  entered  into  the  lakes  of  the  mouths  of  the  Nile. 
Their  noses  snuffed  the  wind :  ^  their  desire  was  to  breathe  a  soft 
air.  The  king  broke  forth  like  a  whirlwind  upon  them,  to  fight 
them  in  the  battle-field,  like  all  his  heroes.  Their  spirit  was  anni- 
hilated where  they  stood,  their  soul  was  taken  from  them ;  a 
stronger  than  they  came  upon  them.[ 

But  few  years  of  peace  and  rest  had  passed  by, 
when,  in  the  11th  year  of  Ehampsinitus,  a  new 
struggle  threatened  the  safety  of  the  country  from  the 
W^t.  The  Maxyes  attacked  Egypt  under  the  leader- 
ship of  their  king  Mashashal  (Massala).  a  son  of  Kapur, 
in  great  force,  in  order  to  obtain  possession  of  the 

^  How  it  was  possible  to  translate  so  simple  a  sentence,  in 
opposition  to  the  first  rules  of  grammar,  by  'they  were  brave 
people  of  another  country,'  appears  absolutely  incomprehensible. 

'  This  phrase  is  used  here  as,  in  our  translation  of  the  Bible, 
of  the  wild  ass  (Jeremiah  ii.  24,  xiv.  6).— En. 


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156 


RAMSES  m.  HAQ-ON. 


CEA.V,  XT. 


rich  districts  on  the  banks  of  the  Canopic  mouth  of 
the  Nile.  A  great  battle  was  fought  about  the  month 
of  Meson  in  the  same  year,  and  the  enemy  were 
utterly  defeated.  The  number  of  the  enemy  who 
were  killed  was  very  considerable,  and  as  they 
were  circumcised,  only  their  hands  were  cut  off. 
Not  less  was  the  number  of  the  prisoners,  and  the 
amount  of  the  spoil,  of  which  a  detailed  list  has 
been  handed  down  to  us.  I  will  here  give  the  trans- 
lation of  the  remarkable  document  relating  to  these 
details : — 


*  Total  number  of  hands  (cut  off)   •        • 

Prisoners  of  war  of  Pharaoh  belonging 
to  the  nation  of  the  Maxyes : 
Commander-in-chief. 
Commanders    . 
Maxyes:  Men. 
Youths 
Boys. 


2175 


Their  wives 
Girls 
Maid-servants . 


Total 


Total 


1 

5 

1205 

152 

181 

342 

65 

151 


1494 


558 


Total  number  of  prisoners  of  war  of 
Pharaoh,  without  distinction,  heads 

Maxyes,  whom  the  king  killed  on  the 
spot 


Other  things  (as  spoil) : 
Cattle^-buUs 
Swords,  5  cubits  long  ' 
Swords,  3  cubits  long  * 


2052 

2175 

119+« 

115 

124 


'  So  in  the  German,  EUen ;  but  a  measure  answering  to  the 
foot  would  seem  more  reascmable.     Be  this  as  it  may,  the  itom 


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DTK.  XX.         EITIGIES  OF  CONQUERED  KINGS.  157 

Bows 603 

Chariota  of  war 93 

Quivers 2310 

Spears 92 

Horses  and  asses  of  the  Maxyes     •        •  183 ' 

This  list  seems  to  deserve  special  attention,  as  it 
gives  the  impression  of  being  a  faithful  and  complete 
account. 

That  the  campaigns  thus  described  were  not  the 
only  ones  conducted  by  the  king  on  the  blood-stained 
field  of  honour  during  his  reign,  appears  from  many 
inscriptions  and  tablets  of  victory.  We  know  that  he 
undertook  expeditions  on  the  south  of  Egypt,  and 
conquered  the  negroes  (Nahasi),  the  Thiraui,  and  the 
Amarai  or  Amalai.  We  are  also  informed  from  the 
same  sources  that,  besides  the  Purosatha,  the  *  Tuirsha 
of  the  sea '  were  numbered  among  his  enemies,  and 
that  the  Khal  (Phoenicians)  and  the  Amorites  received 
a  severe  chastisement  from  the  Egyptian  king. 

Of  very  special  value  are  the  effigies  of  the  con- 
quered foreign  kings  and  leaders,  which  the  Pharaoh 
Bamses  m.  caused  to  be  sculptured  in  a  long  series, 
one  after  the  other,  in  his  palace,  or  Ramesseum,  by 
the  side  of  the  temple  of  Amon  at  Medinet  Abou, 
and  that,  as  appears  to  us,  in  a  portraiture  quite  true 
to  life.  So  far  as  this  has  been  preserved,  we  will 
give  at  least  the  translation  of  the  inscriptions  which 
are  appended  to  the  figures  of  the  several  persons  in 
succession : — 

lengths  have  a  parallel  in  the  swords  found  bj  Dr.  Schliemann  at 
Myceoffi,  the  long  ones  being  perhaps  swords  of  state. — Ed. 


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158  RAMSES  m.  HAQ-ON.  chap.  xt. 


<  1.  The  king  of  the  misonkfe  land  of  Kush  (Ethiopia). 
2-3.  DeBtrojed# 

4.  The  king  of  the  lilm  (Libja). 

5.  The  king  of  Turaes  (land  of  the  K^^poes). 

6.  The  king  of  the  Maahauaaha  (Mazyea^ 

7.  The  king  of  Taraua  (land  of  the  Negroes). 

8.  The  miaeiuble  king  of  Khita  (Hethitea)  as  a  Uving  prisoner. 

9.  The  miserable  king  of  the  Anion  (Amorites). 

10.  The  leader  of  t\kB  hostile  bands  of  the  Zakkari  (Zjgjrite). 

11.  The  people  of  the  sea  of  Shairdana  (Chartani). 

12.  The  leader  of  the  hostile  bands  of  the  Shasu  (Edomites). 

13.  The  people  of  the  sea  of  Tuirsha  (Taurus). 

14.  The  leader  of  the  hoatQe  bands  of  the  Pu[rosatha]  (Pro- 

soditfe).' 

The  campaign  of  vengeance  which  Ramses  EI. 
undertook  against  several  of  the  nations  above  named, 
in  order  to  attack  them  in  their  own  homes,  by  land 
and  sea,  must  have  been  far  more  instructive  than 
the  detailed  descriptions  of  the  wars  on  African  soil. 
That  this  campaign  actually  took  place,  we  have  all 
reasonable  assurance  in  the  names  of  the  conquered 
foreign  cities  and  countries,  which  cover  one  side  of 
the  pylon  of  the  temple  of  Medinet  Abou,  and  which 
we  will  now  give  in  an  exact  translation.  The  reader 
cannot  fail  to  share  our  astonishment  at  regogmzing 
among  them  names  well  known  to  classical  antiquity, 
in  the  form  in  which  they  were  written  1200  years 
before  the  Christian  era  :  * — 

M.  Ma  .  .  .  13.  Puther  ....  (Pataral  iu 

2.  Poro  ....  I  Lyda). 


'  A  translation  of  this  list  is  also  given,  with  the  rest  of  the 
inscription,  by  Dr.  Biroh  in  Records  of  the  Past,  vol.  vi.  pp.  17, 
foU.— Ed. 


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BT3T.  XI. 


NAMES  FROM  ASIA  MINOR. 


159 


4-  Zizi  .  .  . 

23. 

Kabur  (Cibyra  in  Cilicia). 

5.  TLarsbka(Tar8U8m0ilicia). 

24. 

Aimal  (Myle  in  Cilicia). 

6.  Khareb. 

25. 

XT  .  .  .  lu(AleinCaicia). 

7.  Salomaski  (Salamis  in  Cy- 

26. 

Kushpita      (Casyponis    in 

prus). 

Cilicia). 

8.  KathiaD(Citi!im  in  Cyprus). 

27. 

Kanu    (comp.    Caunus    in 

9.  Aimar  (Marion  in  Cyprus). 

Caria). 

10.  Sali  (SoU  in  Cyprus). 

28. 

L  .  .  .  aros  (Larissa). 

11.  Ithal  (Idalium  in  Cyprus). 

29. 

Arrapikha. 

12.  (M)aquas  (Acamas  in  Cy- 

30. 

Shabi. 

prus  1). 

31. 

Zaur(Zor-Tyrus  in  Cilicia). 

13.  TarshebL 

32. 

Kilsenen      (Colossse  t       in 

14.  Bimr. 

Phrygia). 

15.  A  ...  si. 

33. 

Maulnus  (Mallus  in  Cilicia). 

16.  Aman  (Mons  Amanus). 

34. 

Samai  (Syme,  a  Carian  is- 

17. Alikan. 

land). 

18.  Pikaz. 

36. 

Thasakha. 

19.  .  •  .  ubai. 

36. 

Me  .  .  .  an. 

20.  Kerena,   Kelena    (Cerynia 

37. 

I-bir-,  I-bil. 

in  Cyprus). 

38. 

Athena  (Adana  in  Cilicia). 

21.  Kir  .  .  .  (Curium  in  Cy- 

39. 

Karkamash  (Coraoesium  in 

prus). 

Cilicia). 

22.  Aburoth. 

Even  if  some  of  the  parallel  names  should  receive 
rectification  hereafter,  yet  still  on  the  whole  the  fact 
remains  certain,  that,  in  this  list  of  the  conquered 
towns,  places  on  the  coast  and  islands  of  Asia  Minor 
were  intended  by  the  Egyptians.  In  making  the 
comparison  we  must  at  once  set  aside  the  idea,  that 
the  succession  of  the  names  corresponds  to  the  situa- 
tion of  the  towns  and  countries ;  since  even  the  Usts 
of  the  better-known  towns,  as  for  instance  those  of 
Canaan,  are  thrown  together  on  the  monuments  in 
inextricable  confusion.  Even  the  assumption,  which 
has  lately  found  favour,  of  different  campaigns  having 
been  made  in  different  directions,  does  not  help  us  to 


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160  .  RAMSES  in.  HAQ-ON.  chap.xv. 

get  completely  over  the  difficulty  of  the  totally  irregu- 
lar succession  of  the  towns.  In  the  case  before  us,  we 
may  assume  as  certain,  that  the  places  enumerated 
were  the  seats  of  Carian  peoples  in  Asia  Minor  and  on 
the  neighbouring  islands,  and  especially  in  CiUcia  and 
Cyprus.  I  am  happy  to  have  been  able  first  to  point 
out  this  fact  to  the  learned  world.* 

The  rich  spoil,  which  the  king  carried  off  in  his 
campaigns  from  the  captured  cities  and  the  conquered 
peoples,  enabled  him  to  enrich  most  lavishly  with  gifts, 
not  only  the  sanctuaries  in  Thebes,  but  also  the  temples 
of  Heliopolis,  Memphis,  and  other  places  in  Egypt, 
to  adorn  them  with  buildings  *in  his  name,*  which 
are  called  *  Ramessea,'  and  to  devote  the  prisoners 
of  war  as  slaves  to  the  holy  service  of  the  gods  in 
Upper  and  Lower  Egypt.  The  presents  and  buildings, 
for  which  the  gods  were  indebted  to  their  grateful  son 
Eamses  III.,  are  all  set  forth  according  to  their  situa- 
tion, number,  and  description,  in  the  great  Harris 
papyrus,  which  from  this  point  of  view  has  all  the 
value  of  an  important  temple  archive.  We  would 
have  laid  before  our  readers  the  catalogue  contained 
in  it,  if  only  in  a  general  summary,  if  this  comprehen- 
sive document,  which  has  never  yet  been  published, 
had  been  brought  to  our  knowledge  in  its  full  extent.^ 

^  In  last  September's  sitting  of  the  Boyal  Sodetj  of  the  Sciences 
at  Gottingen  (1877),  I  took  the  opportunity  to  state  more  fully  the 
proo&  of  these  discoveries. 

^  Compare  what  is  said  in  the  Author's  Preface  respecting  the 
complete  edition  of  the  Harris  Papyrus  published  by  the  British 
Museum.  The  list  of  donations  referred  to  will  be  found  in  the 
translation  in  Records  of  the  Poet,  vol.  vi.  pp.  36,  foil. — Ed. 


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DTK.  IX.  BUILDINGS  OF  RAMSES  HI.  161 

The  translations  of  it,  which  several  scholars  have 
written  with  the  document  before  them,  are  partly 
unintelligible,  unless  we  have  the  original  at  hand, 
partly  evidently  incorrect,  so  that  it  is  difficult  to 
obtain  a  clear  view  of  the  several  buildings  and  dona- 
tions mentioned  in  it.  The  Bamessea  are  found  in 
various  parts  of  the  country.  Thebes  possesses  the 
lion's  share,  and  next  to  it  Heliopohs  and  Memphis. 
With  regard  to  other  places,  new  temples  of  Kamses 
m.  are  named  in  a  summary,  in  their  succession  from 
south  to  north  : — 

A  Eamesseum  in  Thinis  (Villth  nome)  in  honour 
of  the  Egyptian  Mars,  Anhur  (called  Onuris  by  the 
Greeks), 

A  Eamesseum  in  Abydus  (Villth  nome)  for  the 
god  Osiris, 

A  Bamesseum  in  Coptos  (Vth  nome), 
A  Bamesseum  in  Apu  (Panopohs,  IXth  nome), 
Two  Bamessea  in  LycopoUs  (XHIth  nome). 
Two  Bamessea  in  Hermopolis  (XVth  nome), 
A  Bamesseum  in  the  temple-town  of  Sutekh,  in 
the  city  of  Pi-Bamses  Miamun  (the  Baamses  of  the 
Bible). 

The  reader  desirous  of  further  information  will 
find  in  my  *  Geographical  Dictionary '  a  general  list 
of  the  buildings  and  sanctuaries,  which  Bamses  III. 
erected  both  in  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt.  The  great 
Harris  papyrus,  which  has  been  made  known  in  the 
meantime,  enables  us  to  supply  the  gaps  which  were 
perceptible  in  that  Ust. 

The  temple  of  Amon  at  Medinet  Abou,  on  Neb- 

VOL.  II.  M 


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162  RAMSES  m.  HAQ-ON.  chap.  xv. 

ankh,  the  holy  mountain  of  the  dead,  still  remains 
the  most  beautiful  and  remarkable  monument  of  this 
king.     The  abundant  reliefs,  which  cover  the  interior 
and  exterior  walls,  represent  various  detached  epi- 
sodes in  his  campaigns,  even  to  an  occasional  lion- 
hunt,  in  a  lifelike  and  artistic  style.    The  appended 
inscriptions   give  an   instructive  explanation  of  the 
scenes.     Other  inscriptions,  as  the  one  on  the  wall 
which  runs  along  the  south,  side,  give  us  an  insight 
into  the  order  of  the  feasts,  as  then  observed,  inclusive 
of  the  sacrifices,*  and  into  the  fixed  holidays  of  the  old 
Egyptian  calendar,  according  to  the  latest  arrange- 
ment. We  find  here  a  '  heavenly '  calendar,  expressly 
distinguished  from  the  '  earthly  *  one.     Among   the 
general  holidays  were  the  29th,  30th,  1st,  2nd,  4th,  6th, 
8th,  and  15th  days  of  each  month.     The  days  are  set 
forth  in  this  order,  according  to  the  Egyptian  assump- 
tion that  the  29th  day  is  that  on  which  the  conjunc- 
tion of  the  sun  and  moon  takes  place,  and  on  which 
the  world  was  created.^     So  far  as  the  several  feast- 
days  have  been  preserved,  they  give  us  a   further 
insight  into  the  festivals  celebrated  at  Thebes  in  the 
13th  century  B.C.,  as   the  reader  will  see  from   the 
following  extract : — 

1  Thot.     Rising  of  the  Sothis-star  (Sirius),  a  sacrifice  for 

Amon. 


^  Science  is  indebted  to  Mr.  .Biimichen  for  the  publication  of 
these  important  lists,  from  which  the  same  scholar  has  with  great 
acumen  fixed  the  size  of  several  very  important  measures  of  com 
used  in  ancient  times. 

7  Compare  Horapollo,  i,  lO, 


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DTX.  M.  FEAST-DAYS  AT  THEBES.  163 

1 7  Thot     Eire  of  the  Uaga  feast. 

18  n        Uag&  feast. 

19  ,,        Feast  of  Thut  (HermeR). 

22  ,,        Feast  of  the  great  manifestation  of  Osiris. 

17         PaophL    Eve  of  the  Amon-feast  of  Api. 

1 9-23        „        The  first  five  days  of  the  Amon-feast  of  Api. 

1 2         Athyr.     Last  day  of  the  festival  of  Api. 

17  y.        Special  feast  after  the  festival  of  Api. 

1  Eiioiak.  Feast  of  Haihor. 

20  ,,  Feast  of  sacrifice. 

21  ,y  Opening  of  the  Tomb  (of  Osiris). 

22  „  Feast  of  the  hoeing  of  the  earth. 

23  ,,  Preparation  of  the  sacrificial  altar  in  the  Tomb 

(of  Osiris). 

24  ,y        Exhibition  of  [the  corpse]  of  Sokar  (Osiiis)  in 

the  midst  of  the  sacrifice. 

25  „        Feast  of  the  (mourning)  goddesses. 

26  „        Feast  of  Sokar  (Osiris). 

27  „        Feast  (of  the  father)  of  the  palms. 

28  „        Feast  of  the  procession  of  the  obelisk. 

30  „        Feast  of  the  setting  up  of  the  image  of  Did. 

1  TybL      Feast  of  the  coronation  of  Horns,  which  served 

also  for  that  of  king  Ramses  III. 
6  ,,        A  new  Amon-feast  founded  by  Ramses  III. 

22  „        Heri-feast. 

29  (1)  II        Day  of  the  exhibition  of  the  meadow. 

The  feasts  which  follow  these  are  unfortunately 
obliterated.  To  the  special  feast-days  must  be  added 
still  further  the  26th  of  Pakhons,  in  commemoration 
of  the  king's  accession  to  the  throne. 

On  the  eastern  side  of  Thebes,  Eamses  III.  laid 
the  foundation-stone  of  an  oracle-giving  temple  of  the 
god  Khonsu,  the  son  of  Amon  and  of  the  goddess  Mut. 
He  likewise  founded  a  new  Eamesseum,  which  ad- 
joined on  the  south  the  great  forecourt  of  the  temple 


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164  RAMSES  m.  HAQ-ON-  chap.  xr. 

of  Amon,  and  which  was  dedicated  to  Amon  of  Ape. 
To  this  day  it  still  stands  tolerably  well  preserved  in 
its  parts,  but  it  is  a  very  ordinary  piece  of  architec- 
ture, almost  worthless  from  an  artistic  point  of  view. 
An  inscription  on  its  eastern  outer  side  hands  down 
to  us  the  record  of  a  royal  ordinance,  according  to 
which  Ramses  m.,  in  the  16th  year  of  his  reign,  in 
the  month  Payni,  appointed  special  sacrifices  for  the 
god.  The  altar  dedicated  for  this  purpose  was  an 
artistic  work  of  silver. 

Not  only  in  Egypt  proper,  but  in  foreign  countries 
also,  temples  were  built  in  honour  of  the  gods  by  the 
command  of  Kamses.  According  to  a  statement  in 
the  Harris  papyrus,  the  king  erected  in  the  land  of 
Zahi  (the  PhiUstia  of  later  times),  a  Bamesseum  to 
Amon  in  the  city  of  Kanaan,  which  is  already  well 
known  to  us.  A  statue  of  the  god  was  set  up  in  its 
holy  of  hoUes  in  the  name  of  the  king.  The  obliga- 
tion was  laid  on  the  tribes  of  the  Ruthen  to  provide 
this  temple  with  all  necessaries. 

That  Ramses,  in  spite  of  his  good  fortune  and  his 
riches,  did  not  enjoy  his  throne  without  cares  and 
alarms,  is  proved  by  a  harem  conspiracy,  which  aimed 
at  his  overthrow.  The  highest  officials  and  servants 
were  mixed  up  in  this  plot.  The  threads  of  the  con- 
spiracy had  their  centre  in  the  women's  apartments, 
and  extended  even  beyond  the  king's  court.  It  was 
discovered.  The  king  immediately  summoned  a  court 
of  justice,  and  himself  named  the  judges  who  were  to 
try  and  sentence  the  guilty.  By  great  good  fortune 
the  judgments  which  were  delivered  have  been  handed 


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BTs.xx.  THE  HAREM  C0N8PIR.VCY.  165 

down  to  us  nearly  complete.  Science  has  to  thank 
our  deceased  French  friend,  Dev^ria,  for  having  been 
the  first  to  explain  and  elucidate  this  remarkable 
document,  which  is  now  at  Turin.'  The  names  of 
the  judges  are  contained  in  the  following  extract : — 

Page  2.  (1)  'And  the  commissioii  was  given  to  the  tzeasorer 
Montha-em-taui,  the  treasurer  Paif-roui,  (2)  the  feji-bearer  Karo, 
the  councillor  Pi-besat,  the  councillor  Kedenden,  the  councillor 
Baal-mahar,  (3)  the  councillor  Pi-aru-suno,  tiie  councillor  Thut- 
rekh-nofer,  the  royal  interpreter  Pen-rennu,  the  scribe  Mai,  (4)  the 
scribe  Pra-em-hib  of  the  chancery,  the  eolour-bearer  Hor-a,  of  the 
ganison ;  to  this  effect : 

(5)  '  B^^rding  the  speeches  which  people  have  uttered,  and 
which  are  unknown,  you  shall  institute  an  enquiiy  about  them. 
(6)  They  shall  be  brought  to  a  trial  to  see  if  they  deserve  death. 
Then  they  shall  put  themselves  to  death  with  their  own  hand.'  ^ 

Eanises  III.  warns  the  judges  to  conduct  the  aflair 
conscientiously,  and  concludes  with  these  words ; — 

Page  3.  (1)  'If  all  that  has  happened  was  such  that  it  was 
actually  done  by  them,  (2)  let  their  doing  be  upon  their  own  heads. 
(3)  I  am  the  guardian  and  protector  for  ever,  and  (4)  bearer  of 
the  royal  inflignia  of  justice  in  presence  of  the  god-king  (5)  Amon- 
la,  and  in  presence  of  the  prince  of  eternity,  Osiris.' 

This  is  followed  by  a  second  and  longer  section, 
which  enables  us  to  understand  very  clearly  the  result 
of  the  trial : — 

^  This  document,  called  by  M.  ThvSTm  (Journal  AsicUique, 
1865)  '  Le  Papyrus  Judiciaire  de  Turin,'  is  translated  by  Mr.  Le 
Page  Renouf  in  Records  of  the  Pasty  vol.  viii.  pp.  53,  foil.  We  add 
the  numbers  of  the  pages,  lines,  and  sections  of  the  papyrus  from 
that  translation. — Ed. 

^  This  judicial  suicide,  which  is  repeatedly  mentioned  in  the 
document^  furnishes  an  interesting  parallel  in  those  remote  times 
to  the  form  of  execution  under  later  despotisms,  from  the  Eoman 
Ciesarstothe 'happy  despatch' of  Japan.  (Comp.p.  109,  note.) — En. 


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166  KAMSES  m.  HAQ-ON,  cbap.  xt, 

Faqe  4.  (1)  *  These  are  the  persons  who  were  brought  up  on 
account  of  their  great  crimes  before  the  judgmentnseat,  to  be  judged 
by  the  treasurer  Monthu-em-taui,  by  the  treasurer  Paif-roui,  by  the 
fan-bearer  Karo,  by  the  councillor  Pi-besat,  by  the  scribe  Mai  of  the 
chancery,  and  by  the  standard-bearer  Hor-a,  and  who  were  judged 
and  found  guilty,  and  to  whom  punishment  was  awarded,  that 
their  offence  might  be  expiated. 

(2)  '  The  chief  culprit  Boka-kamon«  He  was  houfle-steward  He 
was  brought  up  because  of  actual  participation  in  the  doings  of  the 
wife  Thi  and  the  women  of  the  harem.  He  had  conspired  with 
them,  and  had  carried  abroad  their  commission  given  by  word  of 
mouth  to  their  mothers  and  sisters  there,  to  stir  up  the  people, 
and  to  assemble  the  malcontents,  to  commit  a  crime  against  their 
lord.  They  set  him  before  the  elders  of  the  judgment-seat.  They 
judged  his  ofienoe,  and  found  him  guilty  of  having  done  so,  and 
he  was  fdly  convicted  of  his  crime.  The  judges  awarded  him  his 
punishment. 

(3)  *  The  chief  culprit  Mestu-su-ra.  He  was  a  councillor.  He 
was  brought  up  because  of  his  actual  participation  in  the  doings  of 
Boka-kamon,  the  house-steward.  He  had  conspired  with  the 
women  to  stir  up  the  malcontents,  to  commit  a  crime  against  their 
lord.  They  set  him  before  the  eldei-s  of  the  judgment-seat.  They 
judged  his  offence.  They  found  him  guilty,  and  awarded  him 
his  punishment. 

(4) '  The  chief  culprit  Panauk.  He  was  ^e  royal  secretary  of  the 
harem,  for  the  service  of  the  women's  house.  He  was  brought  up 
on  account  of  his  actual  participation  in  the  conspiracy  of  Boka- 
kamon  and  Mestu-sn-ra,  to  commit  a  crime  against  their  lord. 
They  set  him  before  the  elders  of  the  judgment-seat.  They  judged 
his  offence.  They  found  him  guilty,  and  awarded  him  his  punish- 
ment. 

(6)  *  The  chief  culprit  Pen-tuauu.  He  was  the  royal  secretary  of 
the  harem,  for  the  service  of  the  women's  house.  He  was  brought 
up  on  account  of  his  actual  participation  in  the  conspiracy  of 
Boka-kamon  and  Mestu-su-ra  and  the  other  chief  culprit,  who 
was  the  overseer  of  the  harem  of  the  women  in  the  women's  house, 
to  increase  the  number  of  the  malcontents  who  had  conspired  to 
commit  a  crime  against  their  lord.  They  set  him  before  the  elders 
of  the  judgment-seat.  They  judged  his  offence.  They  found  him 
guilty,  and  awarded  him  his  punishment. 


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DTK.  IX.  THE  HAREM  CONSPUIACT.  167 

(6)  '  The  chief  culprit  Pi-nif-emtu-amon.  He  was  a  land-siu*- 
veyor,  for  the  service  of  the  women's  house.  He  was  brought  up 
because  he  had  listened  to  the  speeches  which  the  conspirators  and 
the  women  of  the  women's  house  had  indulged  in,  without  giving 
information  of  them.  He  was  set  before  the  elders  of  the  judgment- 
Heat.  They  judged  his  offence,  and  found  him  guilty,  and  awarded 
liini  his  punishment. 

(7) '  The  chief  culprit  Karpusa.  He  was  a  land-surveyor,  for  the 
service  of  the  women's  house.  He  was  brought  up  on  account  of 
the  talk  which  he  had  heard,  but  had  kept  silence.  He  was  set 
before  the  elders  of  the  judgment-seat,  and  they  judged  his  oiSence, 
and  found  him  guilty,  and  awarded  him  his  punishment. 

(8)  *  The  chief  culprit  Kha-m-apet.  He  was  a  land-surveyor,  for 
the  service  of  the  women's  house.  He  was  brought  .up  on  account 
of  the  talk  which  he  had  heard,  but  had  kept  silence.  He  was  set 
before  the  elders  of  the  judgmentrseat,  and  they  judged  his  offence, 
and  found  him  guilty,  and  awarded  him  his  punishment. 

(9)  'The  chief  culprit  Kharem-maanro.  He  was  a  land-surveyor, 
for  the  service  of  the  women's  house.  He  was  brought  up  because 
of  the  talk  which  he  had  heard,  but  had  kept  silence.  He  was  set 
before  the  elders  of  the  judgment-seat,  and  ikej  judged  his  offence, 
and  found  him  guilty,  and  awarded  him  his  punishment. 

( 10)  *  The  chief  culprit  Seti-em-pi-thut.  He  was  a  land-surveyor, 
for  the  service  of  the  women's  house.  He  was  broughtup  on  account 
of  the  talk  which  he  had -heard,  but  had  kept  silence.  He  was  set 
before  the  elders  of  the  judgment-seat,  and  they  judged  his  offence, 
and  found  him  guilty,  and  awarded^  him  his  punishment. 

(11)  'The  chief  culprit  Seti-em-pi-amon.  He  was  a  lan^-sur- 
veyor,  for  the  service  of  the  women's  bouse.  He  was  brought  up  on 
account  of  the  talk  which  he  had  heard,  but  had  kept  silence.  He 
was  set  before  the  elders  of  H^he  judgment-seat,  and  they  judged  his 
oflfonoe,  and  found  him  guilty,  and  awarded  him  his  .punishment. 

(12)  *  The  chief  culprit  Ua-ro-ma.  He  was  a  councillor.  He 
was  brought  up  because  he  had  been  an  ear-witness  of  the  commu- 
ni(»rtionfi  of  the  overseer  of  the  house,  and  had  held  his  tongue  and 
k^t  silence,  without  giving  any  information  thereof.  He  wa<s  set 
before  the  elders  of  the  judgment-seat,  and  they  found  him  guilty, 
and  awarded  him  his  punishment. 

(13)  '  The  chief  culprit  Akh-hib-set.  He  was  the  accomplice  of 
Boka-kamon.     He  was  brought  up  because  he  had  been  an  ear- 


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168  RAMSES  m.  HAQ-ON.  crap.  xt. 

witness  of  the  communications  of  Boka-kamon.  He  had  been 
his  confidant,  without  having  reported  it.  He  was  set  before  the 
elders  of  the  judgment-seat,  and  they  found  him  guilty,  and 
awarded  him  his  punishment. 

(14)'  The  chief  culprit  Fi-lo-ka.  He  was  a  councillor,  and  scribe 
of  the  treasury.  He  was  brought  up  on  account  of  his  actual  par- 
ticipation with  Boka-kamon.  He  had  also  heard  his  communica- 
tions, without  having  made  report  of  them.  He  was  set  before  the 
elders  of  the  judgment-seat,  they  found  him  guilty,  and  awarded 
\\^vn  his  punishment. 

(15)^  The  chief  culprit,  the  Libyan  IninL  He  was  a  ooundllcMr. 
He  was  brought  up  because  of  his  actual  participation  with  Boka- 
kamon.  He  had  listened  to  his  oonununications  without  having 
made  report  of  them.  He  was  set  before  the  elders  of  the  judg- 
ment-seat, they  found  him  guilty,  and  awarded  him  his  punishment. 

Page  5.  (1)  '  The  wives  of  the  people  of  th^  gate  of  the  women's 
house,  who  had  joined  the  conspirators,  were  brought  before  the 
elders  of  the  judgment-seat.  They  found  them  guilty,  and  awarded 
them  their  punishment     Six  women. 

(2) '  The  chief  culprit  Fi-keti,  a  son  of  Lema.  He  was  treasurer. 
He  was  brought  up  on  account  of  his  actual  participation  with  the 
chief  accused,  Pen-hiban.  He  had  conspired  with  him  to  assemble 
the  malcontents,  to  commit  a  crime  against  their  lord.  He  was 
brought  before  the  elders  6f  the  judgment-seat  They  found  him 
guilty,  and  awarded  him  his  punishment 

(3)  '  The  chief  culprit  Ban-em-us.  He  was  the  captain  of  the 
foreign  legion  of  the  Kushi.  He  was  brought  up  on  account  of  a 
messfige,  which  his  sister,  who  was  in  the  service  of  the  women's 
house,  had  sent  to  him,  to  stir  up  the  people  who  were  malcontent 
(saying),  '*  Come,  accomplish  the  crime  against  thy  lord."  He  was 
set  before  Kedenden,  Baal-mahar,  Pi^aru-sunu,  and  Thut-rekh- 
nofer.  They  judged  him,  and  found  him  guilty,  and  awarded  him 
his  punishment. 

(4)  '  Persons  who  were  brought  up  on  account  of  their  crime,  and 
on  account  of  their  actual  participation  with  Boka-kamon  (namely), 
Pi-as  and  Pen-ta-ur.  They  were  set  before  the  elders  of  the  judg- 
ment-seat to  be  tried.  They  found  them  guilty,  laid  them  down 
by  their  arms  (i.e.  by  force)  at  the  judgment-seat,  and  they  died 
by  their  own  hand  ^  without  their  expiation  being  completed. 


^  Mr.  Le  Page  Benouf  observes  : — '  The  expression  om-/  mut- 
nef  fese/iB  a  very  remarkable  one.     The  pronoun  t'es^  has  a  re- 

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BTH.  XX.  THE  HAREM  CONSPmACY.  169 

(5)  *  The  chief  accuaed  Pi-fui :  he  was  a  captain  of  the  soldiers. 
The  chief  aooused  Mes-std  :  he  was  a  sorihe  of  the  treasnrj.  The 
chief  accused  Kamon  :  he  was  an  oyerseer.  The  chief  accused  I-ri : 
he  was  a  priest  of  the  goddess  Sokhet.  Thechief  accused  Nehxefau: 
he  was  a  coundUor.  The  chief  accused  Shat-sotem :  he  was  a 
scribe  of  the  treasury.     Making  together,  6. 

(6)  '  These  are  the  persons  who  were  brought  up,  on  account 
of  their  crime,  to  the  judgment-seat,  before  Kedenden,  Baal-mahar, 
Pi-oru-sunu,  Thut-rekh-nofer,  and  Meri-usi-amon.  They  judged 
them  for  their  crime,  they  found  them  guilty.  They  laid  them 
down  before  the  tribunal.     They  died  by  their  own  hand. 

(7)  '  Pen-ta-ur,  so  is  called  l^e  second  of  this  name.  He  was 
brought  up  because  of  his  actual  participation  with  Thi,  his  mother, 
when  tiiey  hatched  the  conspiracy  with  the  women  of  the  women's 
house,  and  because  of  the  crime  whidi  was  to  have  been  committed 
against  their  lord.  He  was  set  before  the  councillors  to  be  judged. 
They  found  him  guilty,  they  laid  him  down  where  he  stood.  He 
died  by  his  own  hand. 

(8) 'The  chief  accused  Han-uten-amon.  He  was  a  councillor.  He 
was  brought  up  because  of  the  crime  of  the  women  of  the  women's 
house.  He  had  been  an  ear-witness  in  the  midst  of  them,  without 
having  given  information.  They  set  him  before  the  councillors  to 
judge  him.  They  found  him  guilty.  They  laid  him  down  where 
he  stood.     He  died  by  his  own  hand. 

(9) '  The  chief  accused  Amen-khau.  He  was  Aden  for  the  service 
of  the  women's  house.  He  was  brought  up  because  of  the  crime 
of  the  women  of  the  women's  house.  He  had  been  an  ear-witness 
among  them,  without  having  given  information.  They  set  him 
before  the  councillors  to  be  judged.  They  found  him  guilty.  They 
laid  him  down  where  he  stood.     He  died  by  his  own  hand. 

(10)  '  The  chief  accused  Pi-ari  He  was  a  royal  scribe  of  the 
harem,  for  the  service  of  the  women's  house.  He  was  brought  up 
because  of  the  crime  of  the  women  of  the  women's  house.  He 
had  been  an  ear*witness  in  the  midst  of  them,  without  having 
given  information  of  it.  They  set  him  before  the  councillors  to  be 
judged.  They  found  him  guilty.  They  laid  him  down  where  he 
stood.     He  died  by  his  own  hand. 


flexive  force,  and  very  emphatically  marks  the  agent  of  the  deed 
or  the  efficient  cause  of  the  state  expressed  by  the  verb.  As  x^P^ 
t^esef  signifies  ol^oyei'^Ci  self-existerU,  so  mtU  fesef  has  the  sense  of 
avTodayarot,  dying  hy  one^B  own  hand.* — Ed. 


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170  RAMSES  m.   HAQ-ON.  chap.  xv. 

Page  6.  (1)  '  These  are  the  persons  who  received  their  punish- 
ment, and  had  their  noses  and  their  ears  cut  off,  because  they  had  in 
fact  neglected  to  give  full  evidence  in  their  depositions.  The  women 
had  arrived  and  had  reached  the  place  where  these  were.  They  kept 
a  beer-house  there,  and  they  were  in  league  with  Pi-as.  Their  crime 
was  thus  expiated. 

(2)  '  The  chief  culprit  Pi- bast.  He  was  a  councillor.  His 
punishment  was  accomplished  on  him.     He  died  by  his  own  hand. 

(3)  *  The  chief  culprit  Mai.     He  was  scribe  in  the  chancery. 

(4)  '  The  chief  culprit  Tai-nakht-tha.  He  was  commander  of 
the  garrison. 

(5)  '  The  chief  culprit  NanaL  He  was  the  overseer  of  the 
SakhtO). 

(6)  '  Persons,  about  whom  it  was  doubtful  if  they  had  conspired 
with  them  with  thoroughly  evil  intentions. 

(7)  '  They  laid  down,  without  completing  his  expiation,  the  chief 
culprit  Hor-a.     He  was  the  standard-bearer  of  the  garrison.* 

Here  ends  the  Turin  papyrus.  The  following  ex- 
tracts, which  belong  to  the  same  trial,  are  found  in  two 
separate  fragments  of  the  Lee  and  Eollin  papyrus.^ 

The  translation  of  the  first  fragment  is  as  fol- 
lows : — 

' ....  to  all  the  people  of  this  place,  in  which  I  am  staying, 
and  to  all  inhabitants  of  the  country.  Thus  then  spake  Penhi, 
who  was  superintendent  of  the  herds  of  cattle,  to  him  :  ''  If  I  only 
possessed  a  writing,  which  would  give  me  power  and  strength  !  " 

'  Then  he  gave  him  a  writing  from  the  rolls  of  the  books  of 
Bamses  III.,  the  great  god,  his  lord.  Then  there  came  upon  him 
a  divine  magic,  an  enchantment  for  men.  He  reached  (thereby  ?) 
to  the  side  |  of  the  women's  house,  and  into  that  other  great  and 
deep  place.  He  formed  human  figures  of  wax,  with  the  intention 
of  having  them  carried  in  by  the  hand  of  the  land-surveyor  Adi- 
roma ;  |  to  alienate  the  mind  of  one  of  the  girls,  and  to  bewitch  the 


^  The  Lee  papyrus  (so  named  from  its  former  owner  Dr.  Lee) 
and  the  Bollin  papyrus  (in  the  Biblioth^ue  Nationale  at  Paris) 
are  two  fragments  of  the  same  papyrus,  and  have  been  published 
by  M.  Chabas  on  the  same  plate,  in  the  Papyrus  Magique  de 
Harris. — ^Bd. 


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DTK.  XX,  THE  HAREM  CONSPIRACY.  171 

others.  Some  of  the  discourses  were  carried  in,  others  were  brought 
out-  Now,  however,  he  was  brought  to  trial  |  on  account  of  them, 
and  there  was  found  in  them  incitation  to  all  kinds  of  wickedness, 
and  all  kinds  of  villanj,  which  it  was  his  intention  to  have  done. 
It  was  true,  that  he  had  done  all  this  in  conjunction  with  |  the 
other  chief  culprits,  who,  like  him,  were  without  a  god  or  a  goddess. 
They  inflicted  on  him  the  great  punishment  of  death,  such  as  the 
Loly  writings  pronounced  against  him.' 

In  a  second  fragment  of  the  same  papyrus  the 
following  words  can  be  further  made  out : — 

'  [He  had  committed  this  offence  and  was  judged]  for  it.  They 
found  in  it  the  material  for  all  kinds  of  wickedness  and  all  kinds 
of  viUany  which  his  heart  had  imagined  to  do.  It  was  true, 
(namely)  [all  that  he  had  done  in  conjunction  with]  the  other  chief 
culprits,  who,  like  him,  were  without  a  god  or  a  goddess.  Such 
were  the  grievous  crimes,  worthy  of  death,  and  the  grievous  sins 
[in  the  country],  which  he  had  done.  But  now  he  was  convicted 
on  account  of  these  grievous  offences  worthy  of  death,  which  he  had 
committed.  He  died  by  his  own  hand.  For  the  elders,  who  were 
before  him,  had  given  sentence  that  he  should  die  by  his  own  hand  | 
[with  the  other  chief  culprits,  who  like  him]  were  without  tbe 
sun-god  Ba,  according  as  the  holy  writings  declared  what  should 
be  done  to  him.' 

The  contents  of  the  EoUin  papyrus,  and  likewise 

a  fragment  of  a  greater  papyrus,  are  confined  to  the 

following  official  statement : — 

^  He  had  made  some  magical  writings  to  ward  off  ill  luck ;  he  had 
made  some  gods  of  wax,  and  some  human  figures,  to  paralyze  the 
limbs  of  a  man ;  |  and  he  had  put  these  into  the  hand  of  Boka- 
kamon,  though  the  sun-god  Ba  did  not  permit  that  he  should 
accomplish  this,  either  he  or  the  superintendent  of  the  house,  or 
the  other  chief  culprits,  because  he  (the  god)  said, ''  Let  them  go  for- 
ward with  it,  that  they  may  furnish  grounds  for  proceeding  against 
them."  Thus  had  he  attempted  to  complete  the  shameful  deeds 
which  he  had  prepared,  without  the  sun-god  Ba  having  granted 
them  actual  success.  He  was  brought  to  trial,  and  they  found  out  the 
real  facts,  consisting  in  all  kinds  of  crime  and  |  ail  sorts  of  viUany, 


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172  RAMSES  m.  HAQ-ON.  chap.  xt. 

which  his  heart  had  imagined  to  do.  It  was  true  that  he  had 
purposed  to  do  all  this  in  concert  with  all  the  chief  culprits,  who 
were  like  him.  This  was  |  a  grievous  crime,  worthy  of  death,  and 
grievous  wickedness  for  the  land,  which  he  had  committed.  But 
thej  found  out  the  grievous  crime,  worthj  of  death,  which  he  had 
committed.     He  died  by  his  own  hand.' 

The  reader  can  now,  from  the  preceding  translations, 
form  his  own  idea  of  the  way  in  which  the  harem 
conspiracy  endeavoured  to  compass  the  destruction  of 
the  king  by  magical  influence.  At  the  head  of  the 
women  of  the  royal  harem  there  was  a  lady,  Thi,  who 
is  frequently  named,  and  her  son  Pentaur,  a  second 
accused  person  of  this  name.  We  shall  not  err  in 
supposing  her  to  have  been  a  wife  of  the  king,  and 
her  son  the  son  of  Ramses  III.,  who  had  plotted, 
during  the  lifetime  of  his  own  father,  to  place  himself 
upon  the  throne.  This  wide-spread  conspiracy,  in 
which  humble  and  distinguished  persons  took  part,  and 
above  all  the  immediate  oflScials  of  the  king  in  the 
service  of  the  harem,  points  to  an  intrigue  at  the  court 
in  opposition  to  the  reigning  king,  which  vividly  re- 
minds us  of  similar  events  in  Eastern  history.  In  spite 
of  the  parts  that  are  missing  of  this  great  trial,  what 
has  been  preserved  will  always  form  a  remarkable 
contribution  to  the  life  of  the  Pharaohs  and  the  dan- 
gers which  threatened  them  in  their  immediate  circle. 

The  wife  of  Eamses,  or  at  least  the  one  of  whose 
name  and  origin  the  monuments  inform  us,  bore,  be- 
sides her  Egyptian  appellation,  Ise,  that  is,  Isis,  the 
foreign  name  of  Hema-rozath,  or  Hemalozatha.  The 
name  also  of  her  father,  Hebuanrozanath,  has  nothing 
of  an  Egyptian  sound,  so  that  we  may  suppose  that 


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DTH.  IX.  FAMILY  AND  CONTEMPOHARIES.  173 

the  Pharaoh  had  followed  the  custom  of  the  time, 
and  had  brought  home  a  foreign  princess  (of  Khita? 
or  Assyria?)  as  his  wife,  and  had  placed  her  beside 
him  on  the  throne.  We  are  accurately  informed  from 
the  monuments  about  the  number  and  names  of  his 
sons.  The  list  of  them  in  the  temple  of  victory  of 
Medinet  Abou  is  all  the  more  precious,  because  it  gives 
us  likewise  the  opportunity  of  knowing  beforehand 
and  settling  the  names  of  the  successors  of  the  king. 
The  following  are  the  sons  in  their  order : — 

1.  Prince  BamesBu  I.^  oommuider  of  the  infantry,  afterwardg 
king  Ramessu  lY. 

2.  Prince  Bamassu  11.,  aftenrards  king  Bameesu  YI. 

3.  Prince  Eamessn  III.,  royal  master  of  the  horse,  afterwards 
king  Ramessu  YII. 

4.  Prince  Bamessu  lY.,  Set-hi-khopeshef,  royal  master  of  the 
horse,  afterwards  king  Rameesu  YIII. 

5.  Prince  Pra-hi-nnamif,  first  captain  of  the  chariots  of  war. 

6.  Prince  Menthn-hi-khopeehef,  chief  marshal  of  the  army. 

7.  Prince  Bamessu  Y.,  Meritum,  high-priest  of  the  Sun  in 
Heliopolis,  afterwards  king  Meritum. 

8.  Prince  Bamessu  YI.,  Khamus,  high-priest  of  Ptah-Sokar  in 
Memphis. 

9.  Prince  Bamessu  YII.,  Amon-hi-khopeshef. 
10.  Prince  Bamessu  YIII.,  Miamun. 

Of  eight  other  princes  and  fourteen  princesses  we 
do  not  know  the  names.  Their  portraits  have  no  ex- 
planatory inscriptions  appended. 

Among  the  contemporaries  of  the  king  we  must 
mention,  above  all  the  rest,  the  Theban  chief  priest  of 
Amon,  Meribast. 

After  the  example  of  his  predecessors,  Ramses  HI. 
had  prepared  during  his  lifetime  his  *orbit  of  light,'  that 
is,  his  future  sepulchre  in  the  valley  of  the  royal  tombs. 


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174  RAMSES  IV. 


CHAP.  XV. 


according  to  the  pattern  of  the  age,  in  the  form  of  a 
long  tunnel  in  the  rock,  divided  into  rooms  and  halls. 
In  its  decoration  it  corresponds  with  the  modest  pro- 
portions of  the  other  buildings  of  the  king,  being  re- 
markable only  for  a  range  of  side-chambers,  in  which, 
among  other  things,  the  possessions  of  the  king,  such 
as  weapons,  household  furniture,  and  so  forth,  are 
represented  in  coloured  pictures,  just  as  they  were  once 
actually  deposited  in  the  rooms  apportioned  for  them. 
After  the  death  of  king  Ehampsinitus,  the  eldest  of 
his  sons  ascended  the  throne —  ^ 

II.    RAMESSU   TV.   MIAMUN   III.    HAQ  MAA, 

RamflesIY. 

or,  as  he  afterwards  changed  his  name,  according  to 
the  probable  supposition  of  Lepsius, — 

EAMESSU  TV.  MIAMUX  III.  MAMA.     ABOUT  B.C.  1106. 

According  to  the  inscriptions  which  cover  the  walls 
of  the  rock  in  the  valleys  of  Hammamat,  this  Eamses 
took  especial  pleasure  in  the  exploration  of  the  desert 
mountain  valleys  on  the  Arabian  side  of  Egypt. 
Under  the  pretext  of  making  search  there  for  stones 
suitable  for  the  erection  of  monuments,  the  most  dis- 
tinguished Egyptians  were  sent  away  to  these  gloomy 
regions,  and  their  mission  was  perpetuated  by  inscrip- 
tions on  the  rock.  We  will  subjoin  in  a  literal  trans- 
lation the  historical  contents  of  a  rock-tablet  of 
the  third  year  of  his  reign,  in  order  to  give  an  idea 
of  the  number  of  officials  and  workmen  who,  in  the 
twelfth  century  before  our  era,  gave  Ufe  to  these  wild 
valleys. 


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BTBT.  II.  INSCRIPTION  OF  HAMMAMAT.  175 

The  memorial  tablet  begins  with  the  date  of  the 
27th  Payni  in  the  third  year  of  the  reign  of  king 
Ramessu.  We  will,  as  usual,  pass  over  in  silence  the 
long  list  of  official  flatteries,  of  which  two,  unusually- 
detailed,  must  have  had  an  historical  foundation.  In 
one  of  them  the  praise  of  the  Pharaoh  is  sung,  for  that  he 
had  '  laid  waste  the  lands  and  plundered  the  inhabitants 
in  their  valleys,'  which  evidently  refers  to  a  war  in 
some  mountain  regions.  In  the  other  it  is  vauntingly 
declared  that 

*  Good  times  were  in  Egypt,  as  in  those  of  the  Son-god  Ba,  in 
his  kingdom,  for  this  divine  henefactor  was  like  the  god  Thut,  on 
aooonnt  of  the  keeping  of  the  laws.' 

Without  doubt  our  Eamses  IV.  must  have  occupied 
himself  in  establishing  a  state  of  order  by  means  of 
wise  ordinances  ;  and  this  is  the  more  likely,  as  it  is 
evidently  not  without  a  purpose  that  the  remark  fol- 
lows immediately — 

'  Crimes  had  increased,  hut  the  lies  were  put  down,  and  the  land 
was  restored  to  a  peaceful  state  in  the  time  of  his  reign.' 

After   the  closing  words,  in  the  usual  official  lan- 
guage,— 

*  He  prepared  joy  for  Egypt  a  hundred-thousandfold,' — 

the  especial  purport  of  the  memorial  tablet  begins 
to  be  set  forth  in  the  following  terms : — 

'  His  heart  watched  to  seek  out  something  good  for  his  fathef 
(Hor  of  Coptos),  the  creator  of  his  hody.  He  caused  to  he  opened 
for  him  (9)  an  entrance  to  the  Holy  Land,  which  was  not  known 
hefore,  hecause  the  (existing)  road  to  it  was  too  distant  for  all 
the  people,  and  their  memory  was  not  sufficient  to  discover  it. 
Then  the  king  considered  in  his  mind,  like  his  father  Horus,  the 
son  of  IsiSy  how  he  might  lay  down  a  road,  to  reach  the  place  at 


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176  RAMSES  IV.  CHAP.  XV. 

his  pleasure.  (10)  He  made  a  circuit  through  this  splendid  moun- 
tain land,  for  the  creation  of  monuments  of  granite  for  his  faither 
and  for  his  ancestors,  acid  for  the  gods  and  goddesses,  who  are  the 
lords  of  Egypt.  He  set  up  a  memorial-tablet  on  the  summit  of 
this  mountain,  inscribed  with  the  full  name  of  king  Bomessu. 

'  (11)  Then  did  the  king  give  directions  to  the  scribe  of  the 
holy  sciences,  Ramessu-akhtu-hib,  and  to  the  scribe  of  Pharaoh, 
Hora,  and  to  the  seer,  T7ser-ma-rarnakhtu,  of  the  temple  of  Khim- 
Hor,  and  of  Isis  in  Coptos,  to  seek  a  suitable  site  for  (12)  a  temple 
in  the  mountain  of  Bukhan.  When  they  had  gone  (thither)  [they 
found  a  fit  place],  which  was  very  good.  There  were  great  quarries 
of  granite. 

'  And  the  king  issued  a  command,  and  gave  directions  to  the 
chief  priest  of  Amon,  and  the  chief  architect  (13)  Ramessu-nakhta, 
to  bring  such  (monuments)  to  Egjrpt. 

'  These  are  the  distinguished  councillorB,  who  were  in  his  com- 
pany (namely) : 

The  royal  councillor  TJser-mi^ra-Sekheper, 

The  royal  councillor  Nakhtu-amon, 

And  the  Adon  Kha-m-thir  of  the  warriors, 

The  treasurer  Kha-m-thir, 

(14)  The  superintendent  of  the  quarry,  prince  Amon-mas  of  the 
city  (Thebes), 

The  su|)erintendent  of  the  quarry  and  overseer  of  the  (holy) 
herds,  Bok-en-khonsu,  of  the  temple  of  User-ma-ra-Miamun, 
The  colonel  of  the  war  chariots,  Nakhtu-amon  of  the  court. 
The  scribe  of  the  enlistment  of  the  warriors,  Suanar, 

(15)  The  scribe  of  the  Adon  of  the  warriors,  Rameesu-nakhtu, 
20  scribes  of  the  warriors, 

20  superior  officials  of  the  court  administration. 

The  colonel  of  the  marshalVmen  of  the  warriors,  Kharm-maa- 
anar, 

20  marshal's-men  of  the  warriors, 
'      (16)  50  captains  of  the  two-horse  chariots, 

50  superiors  of  the  seers,  superintendents  of  the  (holy)  animals, 
seers,  scribes,  and  land  surveyors, 

5,000  people  of  the  warriors, 

(17)  200  foremen  of  the  guild  of  the  fishermen, 

800  redskins  (EiythrsBons,  *Aper)  from  the  tribes  of  *Ain  (be- 
tween the  Red  Sea  and  the  Nile), 


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DTF.  IX.  EXPEDITION  TO  HAMMAMAT.  177 

2,000  house  servantB  of  the  house  of  Pharaohy 

1  Adon  as  chief  overaeer  (of  these), 
50  men  of  the  poHoe  ( Jfoxot), 

The  superintendent  of  the  works  of  art,  Nakhtu-amoni 

3  axchitects  for  the  workmen  of  the  (18)  quarries, 
130  quarrymen  and  masons, 

2  draftsmen, 

4  sculptors ; 

900  of  the  numher  had  died  in  consequence  of  the  long  joumej, 
making  together  8,368  men.* 

*  (19)  And  the  necessaries  for  them  were  carried  on  ten  carts. 
Six  pair  of  oxen  drew  each  cart  which  was  hrought  from  Egypt  to 
the  mountains  of  Bukhan.  (20)  [There  were  also]  many  runners, 
who  were  laden  with  bread,  flesh,  and  vegetables,  for  they  had  not 
placed  them  thereon  (i.e.  on  the  waggons) ;  and  there  were  also 
brought  the  expi&tory  oflerings  for  the  gods  of  heaven  and  of  the 
earth  from  the  capital  city  of  Patoris  (Thebes)  in  great  purity.' 

After   some    uninteUigible    and    half-obliterated 
words,  the  conclusion  of  the  inscription  follows  : — 

'  (21)  And  the  priests  made  a  proper  offering,  the  oxen  were 
slain,  the  calves  were  killed,  the  incense  steamed  heavenward,  wine 
flowed  as  if  in  rivers,  and  there  was  no  end  of  the  mead,  in  that 
place.  The  singers  raised  their  song.  Then  waff  made  the  holy 
ofiering  to  Khim,  to  Horus,  to  Isis,  [to  Amon,  to  Mut,  to  EJion- 
sq],  and  to  the  divinities,  the  lords  of  these  mountains.    Their 

'  The  exact  total  of  all  the  persons  of  the  expedition  enume- 
rated gives  the  number  8,365,  instead  of  8,368.  The  difference  of 
three  lies  in  some  error  of  the  copy  which  I  possess.  The  original 
total,  including  those  who  died  on  the  road,  was  9,268.  A  loss  of 
nearly  10  per  cent,  is  enormous,  and  exemplifies  tbe  hardships 
which  a  sojourn  in  the  inhospitable  r^ons  and  rocky  valleys  of 
Hammamat  inflicts  upon  the  traveller,  even  to  the  present  day. 
So  much  the  more  is  the  endurance  and  perseverance  to  be  admired, 
with  which,  at  the  command  of  the  Khedive,  the  officers  of  the 
Eg^'ptian  staff,  for  the  most  part  Europeans  and  Americans,  have 
now  been  engaged  for  several  years  in  the  task  of  most  carefully 
improving  these  sterile  mountain-valleys. 

VOL.  II.  N 


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178  RAMSES  V.  CHAP.  XV. 

heart  was  joyful,  they  received  the  gifts,  which  may  they  requite 
with  millions  of  30-years*  feasts  of  jubilee  to  their  dear  son,  king 
Ramessu,  the  dispenser  of  life  for  ever  I ' 

With  the  exception  of  some  additions  to  the 
temple  of  Khonsu  in  Thebes,  erected  by  his  father, 
and  some  insignificant  sculptures  on  the  walls  and 
columns  of  the  great  temple  of  Amon  at  Api,  the 
memory  of  this  king  has  not  been  preserved  in  any 
remarkable  manner.  With  what  object  he  sent  a 
company  so  grandly  equipped  to  the  valley  of  monu- 
ments at  Hammamat,  we  can  hardly  understand,  since 
no  traces  have  been  preserved  of  important  monu- 
ments bearing  his  name.  Might  this  whole  journey 
have  been  undertaken  only  with  the  object  of  driving 
away,  or  perhaps  exterminating,  a  number  of  dis- 
afiected  people  ?  The  immense  number  of  900  deaths 
at  least  favours  this  conjecture. 

That  his  rule  over  Egypt  was  contested  by  a 
claimant  to  the  throne,  who  was  beyond  the  imme- 
diate family  of  Eamses  m.,  is  proved  by  the  name  of 
his  successor — 

III.    EAMESSU  V.    AMUNHIKHOPBSHEF   I. 

MIAMUN   IV.,  

BanuesV. 

whose  sepulchral  chamber,  in  the  valley  of  Biban-el- 
Molouk,  was  appropriated  by  Eamses  VI.,  herein  a 
true  son  of  Eamses  III.,  after  he  had  substituted  his 
own  names  for  those  of  his  hated  rival.  What  this 
Eamses  V.  thought  of  himself,  is  proved  by  the  con- 
tents of  his  rock-tablet  at  Silsihs : — 

'  As  a  mountain  of  gold  he  enlightens  the  whole  world,  like  the 
god  of  the  circle  of  light.     Men  were  enraptured  at  his  corona- 


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Dm  XI.  SELF-LAUDATORY  INSCRIPTION,  179 

tion,  and  the  gods  were  highly  delighted  on  aooount  of  his  proofs 
of  love,  for  he  rendered  to  them  what  was  due,  whereby  they 
live,  as  a  good  son  does  for  his  father. — His  ordinances  caused 
contentment,  his  measures  doubled  his  kingdom  and  his  revenues. 
The  Nile-god  opened  his  mouth  at  his  (the  king's)  name.  There 
was  in  his  whole  realm  plenty  without  measure.  He  adorned  the 
houses  of  the  gods  with  monuments,  preparing  them  well  for  eternity. 
Like  the  Sun  in  heaven  is  his  duration  of  life,  equalling  the  dura- 
tion of  His  life.  His  being  is  like  that  of  Monthu.  He  has 
doubled  the  revenues  of  the  gods  for  their  sacrifices,  which  are 
well  provided  with  all  necessaries,  to  satisfy  them  by  reason  of 
good  laws. — It  was  he  who  made  the  whole  people  what  it  is. 
Small  and  great  rejoice,  because  they  are  subjected  to  his  name. 
He  KB  to  them  like  the  new  moon,  so  to  speak  :  people  go  to  bed, 
and  he  is  recdved  as  a  benefactor ;  they  wake  up,  and  he  is  bom  as 
a  &ther/ 

Poetic  self-praises  of  this  kind,  without  any  his- 
toric background,  merely  cause  disgust,  since  the 
empty  forms  of  speech  have  not  even  the  merit  of 
beauty  of  language,  or  any  richness  of  new  thought. 
With  the  Ramessids  of  the  Nineteenth  Dynasty  the  true 
poetic  inspiration  appears  to  have  vanished,  during  a 
troublous  and  disastrous  period,  and  the  dry  oflScial 
tone  and  the  legal  forms  seem  to  have  taken  its  place. 
Some  productions  of  value  in  a  higher  style  of  lan- 
guage prove  on  a  closer  examination  to  be  copies  of 
the  master-pieces  of  earlier  times.  The  Thutmeses, 
Amenhoteps,  and  Eamses  EC.  found  imitators  among 
the  Pharaohs  with  little  trouble,  but  new  models  have 
now  and  henceforward  disappeared  from  Egyptian 
history. 

Of  the  sons  of  Ramses  ITT.,  who  followed  next  in 
order,  two  seem  to  have  reigned  simultaneously.  One 
of  these  was  the  seventh  son, 

IT  2 

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180  RAMSES  VI.  AND  MERTTUM.  chap.  xy. 

(v.)   RAMESSU   MEBITUM, 

a  son  of  the  queen  Muf-nofer-ari,  whose  cartouche,  with 
the  name  Miamun  Meritum,  I  accidentally  discovered 
many  years  ago,  during  a  visit  to  the  ruins  of  Helio- 
polis,  on  one  of  the  stones  lying  in  the  road.  It  led 
me  to  the  conjecture,  that  Meritum  reigned  as  viceroy 
in  Lower  Egypt  in  the  name  of  his  brother.  The 
Theban  monuments  give  us  the  names  of  this  brother 
with  perfect  distinctness.     He  was  called 

IV,    RA-NEB-MA  MIAMUN  RAMESSU  VI.        '» 

AMEN-HI-KHOPESHEP   II.  NUTER  HAQ-ON.  |b 

UaoiMsVI. 

The  inscriptions  which  mention  him  speak  with  a 
certain  emphasis  of  his  monuments  in  honour  of  the 
gods ;  but  of  these,  those  which  have  survived  the 
ravages  of  time  are  reduced  to  a  very  small  number. 
The  most  important  edifice,  and  the  most  instructive 
on  account  of  its  representations  and  inscriptions,  is  his 
great  and  splendid  tomb  in  the  royal  valley  of  Biban-el- 
Molouk.  The  tables  of  the  hours,  with  the  times  of  the 
risings  of  the  stars,  which  formed  the  houses  of  the 
sun's  course  in  the  36  or  37  weeks  of  the  Egyptian 
year,  will  be  for  all  times  the  most  valuable  contri- 
bution to  astronomical  science  in  the  12th  century 
before  our  era.  According  to  the  researches  of  the 
French  savant,  Biot,  whose  labours  in  the  department 
of  astronomical  calculation,  in  order  to  fix  certain 
epochs  of  Egyptian  history,  are  almost  the  only  ones 
which  have  treated  the  subject  with  scientific  accuracy, 
the  drawing  up  of  these  tables  of  stars  woujd  fall  in 


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BT».  XX-  INSCRIPTION  IN  NUBIA.  181 

the  reign  of  Eamessu  VI.,  in  the  year  1240  B.C.  Our 
learned  fellow  countryman,  Professor  Lepsius,  has, 
however,  from  his  own  point  of  view,  sought  to  prove 
that  herein  lay  an  error,  and  that,  on  the  authority  of 
the  already  cited  table  of  hours  in  the  grave  of  this 
king,  the  year  1194  B.C.  is  indicated  as  the  only  proper 
date.  This  last  view  does  not  differ  very  much  from 
our  calculation  of  1166  B.C.,  deduced  from  the  number 
of  successive  generations. 

We  cannot  pass  over  in  silence  a  record  of  this 
time,  which  has  faithfully  preserved  the  name  of  the 
king  in  a  sepulchral  chamber  in  Nubia.  We  refer  to 
the  following  document,  which  we  now  for  the  first 
thne  present  to  the  learned  world  in  a  literal  trans- 
lation : — 

'Land  (which  is  devoted  to  the  maintenance  of  the  holy 
service)  of  the  statue  of  king  Ramessu  YI.,  which  is  dedicated  to 
the  city  of  'Ama  (consisting  of  the  following  districts)  : 

*  I.  The  district  to  the  north  of  Pi-ra  (IdiaAis  the  temple  of  the 
son),  and  of  the  town  in  the  midst  of  the  temple  of  Ba,  the  lord  of 
this  earth,  and  to  the  east  and  south  of  the  fields^of  the  land  of 
the  (statue)  of  Queen  Nofer^tera^  which  is  dedicated  ta  the  dtj  of 
'Ama.     (The  position  of  this  district  is  as  follows)  :  (it  is  bounded) , 

on  the  east  by  the  great  mountain, 
on  the  north  by  the  papyrus-field  of  Pharaoh, 
on  the  west  is  the  river.     Size,  3  x  100  cubits. 
'  n.  The  district  at  the  commencement  {iesha-t,  *  head  *)  of  the 
land  of  Mariu,  opposite  to  the  field  of  the  Adon  of  Wawa, 

on  the  south  by  the  land  of  the  statue  of  the  king,  which  is 
under  the  administration  of  the  chief  priest  Amen-em-api, 
on  the  east  by  the  great  mountain, 
on  the  north  by  the  papyrus-field  of  Pharaoh,  which  is  set 

apart  as  a  field  for  the  Adon  of  Wawa, 
on  the  west  by  the  river.     Size,  2  x  100  cubits. 

*  III.  The  district  of  the  overseers  of  the  temple  of  the  goddess, 
east  of  thelfteld  just  described : 


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182  RAMSES  VI.  CHAP.  XV. 

on  the  east  by  ihe  great  mountain, 

on  the  south  by  the  field  of  the  estate  of  the  king's  statue, 
which  is  under  the  administration  of  the  Adon  Meri  of 
the  land  of  Wawa,  east  of  the  great  mountain, 
on  the  north  by  the  field  of  the  keeper  of  the  herds  (f)  Bih, 
on  the  west  by  the  river.     Size,  4  x  100  cubits. 
'  TV,  The  district  at  the  commencement  of  the  land  of  Thuhen 
at  the  extreme  west  boundary  of  the  basin  of  Thuhen,  in  the  direc- 
tion of  the  papyrus-field  of  Pharaoh,  and  behind  the  field  that  has 
been  described  : 

east  by  the  great  mountain, 

south  by  the  papyrus-field  of  Pharadi,  which  lies  east  of 

the  great  mountain, 
north  by  the  field  of  the  land  of  Airos, 
west  by  the  river.     Size,  6  x  100  cubits. 
Total  superficies  of  the  fields,  which  belong  to  him  (the  statue), 

15xl00cubite. 
*  V.  With  regard  to  the  high-lying  field  (of)  Nif-ti,  the  Adon 
Penni,  the  son  of  Heru-nofer,  has  written  and  set  up  his  proprie- 
torship of  the  land  of  Wawa  as  an  estate,  which  he  has  chosen, 
to  furnish  him  with  (sustenance)  for  each  ox,  which  is  yearly 
slaughtered  in  his  honour. 

'  The  circuit  of  the  superficies  of  the  fields  of  the  potters'  earth, 
which  are  in  the  possession  of  the  (former)  Adon  of  Wawa,  is 
not  included  in  the  roll. 

Its  west  is  at  the  gravelly  land  of  the  Adon  Pen-ni, 

its  south  is  at  the  gravelly  fields  of  the  Adon  Pen-ni, 

on  the  north  are  the  fields  with  potters'  earth,  which  are  the 

property  of  Pharaoh, 
the  east  is  at  the  gravelly  fields  of  the  Adon  Pen-ni. 
Size  of  the  whole,  4  x  200,  and  2  x  200  cubits. 
'  Any  one  who  will  not  observe  these  demarcations,  to  him  will 
Amon-Ba  be  an  avenger,  from  one  avenging  to  (another)  avenging  ; 
Mut  will  take  vengeance  on  his  wife,  Khonsu  will  take  vengeance 
on  his  ^children,   he  shall  hunger,  he  shall   thirst,  he  shall  be 
miserable,  he  shall  vanish  away.' 

The  foregoing  inscription  is  found  in  a  rock-tomb 
at  Anibe,  little  visited  by  travellers,  on  the  western 
bank  of  the  Nile,   opposite   the   village  of   Ibrim, 


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imf.  XX.'  TOMB  OF  PENNI.  ]  83 

about  fifty  kilometres  (31  miles)  north  of  Ibsamboul. 
The   owner  of  the   tomb  was   an    ofiicial  of   king 
Bamessu  VI.,  of  the  name  of  Penni,  who,  in  his  office 
as  Adon  or  governor  of  the  land  of  Wawa,  died  and 
was  buried  in  this  lonely  region.     The  directions  he 
left   behind   him,   particularly  with    regard   to   the 
number  of  estates,  the  produce  of  which  was  devoted 
to  the  maintenance  of  the  service  of  a  statue  of  the 
king,  hardly  require  an   explanation.     What  makes 
the  inscription  particularly  valuable  is  the  designation 
of  lands  in  those  parts,  and  the  offices  connected  with 
them.     He  himself,  as  we  have  already  remarked,  was 
Adon  of  Wawa.*    Another  Adon  is  mentioned  by  the 
name  of  Meri.     The  sun-city  of  Pira  is  the  ancient 
designation  of  the  modem  place  called  Derr,  or  Dirr. 
The  city  mentioned  by  the  name  of  Ama,  in  which  a 
Nubian  Horus  enjoyed  an  especial  worship,  is  very 
often  named  in  the  inscriptions,  and  seems  to  have 
been   the   ancient    appellation   of   Ibrim.     At    Pira 
(Derr),  in  all  probabihty,  was  the  seat  of  the  admini- 
stration of   the  whole  country  of  Wawa.     The  dis- 
tricts of  Ahi  and  the  gold  land  of  Akita  ^  belonged 
to  it,  the  revenues  of  which  Penni  had  to  collect  and 
pay  over   to   Pharaoh.     For  his   especial  diligence 
in  the  fulfilment  of  his  service  to  the  court  he  was 
most  warmly  commended  by  the  *  King's  son  of  Kush ' 
of  that  time,  whose  name   unfortunately  is.  passed 
over  in  silence.     On  a  royal  visit,  the  king  appears 
accompanied  by  the  above-named  Meri,  who  is  also 

*  See  Vol.  I.  p.  U6. 
»  SeeVol.  II.  p.  81. 


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184  RAMSES  VI.  CHAP.  XT. 

called  '  the  superintendent  of  the  temple/  to  recom- 
mend his  officials  to  the  grace  of  Pharaoh.  The 
statue  of  the  royal  lord,  which  had  been  set  up, 
plays  here  an  important  part.  His  Majesty  appears 
to  have  been  much  pleased  with  the  services  of  his 
faithful  servant,  since  he  presented  Penni  with  two 
silver  vessels  filled  with  precious  ointments,  as  a  re- 
ward of  honour.  Penni  was  certainly  an  artist,  as  is 
shown  by  the  statue  of  Pharaoh,  and  by  his  rock-tomb 
adorned  with  rich  sculptures  in  stone,  but  especially 
by  his  office,  mentioned  in  the  inscriptions,  of  *  master 
of  the  quarry,'  besides  that  of  a  '  superintendent  of 
the  temple  of  Horus,  the  lord  of  the  town  of  'Ama.' 

These  and  similar  statements  are  confirmed  by  the 
pictures  and  writings  in  his  eternal  dwelling,  where  he 
rests  surrounded  by  his  numerous  relations.  The 
several  members  of  his  family  appear  to  have  all  held 
during  their  lifetime  various  offices  in  the  Horus-city  of 
'Ama.  I  find  among  them  a  chief  priest  of  Isis  (ffat-ae), 
whose  son  was  the  Amenemapi  named  in  the  inscrip- 
tion ;  also  two  treasurers  of  the  king  in  'Ama,  a  cap- 
tain of  the  city  of  'Ama,  a  priest  and  a  scribe,  while 
the  women  are  mostly  named  as  female  singers  of 
Amon  or  of  Horus  the  lord  of  the  town  of  'Ama.^ 

When  all  historical  data  for  depicting  the  life  and 
deeds  of  a  king  fail,  the  family  information  contained 
in  the  tomb  of  a  contemporary  becomes  of  importance, 
even  if  it  teaches  us  nothing  else  than  that  in  the  times 

^  Respecting  the  pLctures  in  the  tomb  of  Bamaes  VI.,  r^re- 
senting  the  king's  court  and  family,  see  Villiers  Stuart,  Nile 
Gleanings,  p.  194. — Ed. 


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DTw.  XX.  BAMSES  vn.,  vm.,  IX.  185 

of  Samessu  VI.  the  Egyptian  dominion  south  of  the 
tropic  was  still  maintained,  and  that  under  the  '  King's 
son  of  Eush'  there  were  several  Adons,  corresponding 
to  the  districts  of  Kush,  to  whom  again  were  subor- 
dinated the  H'a,  or  governors  of  the  towns. 

Passing  over  in  silence  the  two  insignificant  suc- 
cessors and  brothers  of  this  king,  who  perhaps  reigned 
simultaneously  as  Pharaohs,  and  of  whom  the  monu- 
ments have  merely  handed  down  the  names, 

VI.  RAMESSU  VII.,  and  Wm  wA    [■°  mi . 

vn.  RAMESSU  VIII.,  [^  £2^1^ 

RuniM  YII.      lUunMS  Vin. 

we  now  come  to  the  last  Bamessids  of  the  Twentieth 
Dynasty. 

Our  attention  is  first  claimed  by  Eamessu  IX., 
who  bore  the  fiill  name  of 

vm.  NOPER-KA-RA  SOTEP-EN-RA  RAMESSU   IX.      |^| 

MIAMUN  VI.     KHAMUS.      B.C.   1183. 

BamsesIX. 

It  is  not  his  deeds,  about  which  the  monuments  tell  us 
next  to  nothing,  nor  his  buildings,  which  are  extremely 
few  in  number  (his  pictures  and  inscriptions  are  placed 
on  the  already  existing  monuments  of  his  predecessors), 
but  his  relations  to  the  chief  priests  of  Amon  at  Thebes 
at  this  time,  that  require  us  to  pay  particular  attention 
to  his  memory. 

The  enquirer  who  examines  the  monuments  of  the 
Theban  capital  with  a  clear  and  discerning  eye,  and 
who  knows  how  to  read  between  the  lines,  cannot 
avoid  being  struck  with  the  very  evident  fact  that,  from 
the  time  of  Ramses  HI.,  the  holy  fathers,  who  bore  the 


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186  RAMSES  IX.  CBLP.  XV. 

exalted  dignity  of  a  chief  priest  in  the  temple-city  of 
Amon,  are  always  coming  more  and  more  into  the 
foreground  of  Egjrptian  history.  Their  influence  with 
the  kings  assumes,  step  by  step,  a  growing  importance. 
As  formerly  it  was  the  priests  who  expressed  in  the 
name  of  the  gods  their  thanks  to  the  kings  for  the 
temple-buildings  in  Thebes,  so  now  it  is  the  kings  who 
begin  to  testify  their  gratitude  to  the  chief  priest  of 
Amon  for  the  care  bestowed  on  the  temple  of  Amon 
by  the  erection  of  new  buildings,  and  by  the  improve- 
ment and  maintenance  of  the  older  ones. 

In  this  connection,  a  great  value  belongs  to  the 
representations  and  inscriptions  on  the  eastern  wall 
and  the  adjoining  buildings,  which  connect  the  third 
and  fourth  pylon  to  the  south  of  the  temple  of  Amon 
at  Ape.  We  there  see  the  *  hereditary  prince  and 
chief  priest  of  Amon-ra,  the  king  of  the  gods,  Amen- 
hotep,  in  the  place  of  his  father,  the  chief  priest  of 
Amon-ra  in  Api,  Eamessu-nakht ; '  in  other  words,  the 
chief  priest  Amenhotep,  who  had  just  taken  the  place 
of  his  predecessor  and  father.  Opposite  to  him  stands 
king  Eamessu  IX.,  and  the  meaning  of  his  presence 
in  this  place  is  made  quite  clear  by  the  inscription 
annexed : — 

^  The  king  in  person,  he  speaks  to  the  princes  and  companions 
by  his  side :  Give  rich  reward  and  much  recompense  in  good 
gold  and  silver,  and  in  a  hundred-thousandfold  of  good  things, 
to  the  high-priest  of  Amon-ra,  the  king  of  the  gods,  Amenhotep, 
on  account  of  these  many  splendid  buildings  [which  he  has 
erected]  at  the  temple  of  Amon-ra  to  the  great  name  of  the  divine 
benefactor,  the  king  Bamessu  IX.' 

The  presentation  of  the  reward  took  place  in  a 

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Biw.  XX.  THE  HIGH-PRIEST  AMEimOTEP.  187 

right  worthy  and  official  manner.  The  appended  docu- 
ment, of  which  a  literal  translation  is  here  for  the  first 
time  published,  not  only  gives  us  information  of  this 
fact,  but  at  the  same  time  preserves  for  us  an  excel- 
lent example  of  the  court  language  of  the  period  : — 

'In  the  10th  year,  the  month  Athyr,  the  19th  day,  in  the 
temple  of  Amon-ra,  the  king  of  the  gods.  The  chief  priest  of 
Amon-ra,  the  king  of  the  gods,  Amenhotep,  was  conducted  to 
the  great  forecourt  of  the  temple  of  Amon.  His  (the  king's)  words 
uttered  his  reward,  to  honour  him  hj  good  and  choice  discourses. 

'  These  are  the  princes,  who  had  come  to  reward  him,  namely  : 
the  treasurer  of  Pharaoh  and  the  royal  coundUor,  Amen-hotep ;  the 
royal  councillor,  Nes-Amon;  the  secretary  of  Pharaoh  and  the 
royal  councillor,  Noferkara-em-piamon,  who  is  the  interpreter  of 
Pharaoh. 

'  The  discourses  which  were  addressed  to  him  related  to  the 
rewards  for  his  services  on  this  day  in  the  great  forecourt  of 
Amon-ra,  the  king  of  the  gods.     They  were  of  this  import : 

'  Monthu  was  invoked  as  a  witness : 

*  As  witness  is  invoked  the  name  of  Amon-ra,  the  king  of  the 
gods,  that  of  the  god  Hormakbu,  of  Ptah  of  Memphis,  of  Thot, 
the  lord  of  the  holy  speech,  of  the  gods  of  heaven,  of  the  gods  of 
the  earth: 

'  As  witness  is  invoked  the  name  of  Ramessu  IX.,  the  great 
king  of  Egypt,  the  son  and  friend  of  all  the  gods,  for  levying  all 
services.  Let  the  taxing  and  the  usufruct  of  the  labours  of  the  in- 
habitants for  the  temple  of  Ajnon-ra,  the  king  of  the  gods,  be  placed 
under  thy  administration.  Let  the  full  revenues  be  given  over  to 
thee,  according  to  their  number.  Thou  shalt  collect  the  duties. 
Thou  shalt  undertake  the  interior  administration  (literally,  side) 
of  the  treasuries,  of  the  store-houses,  and  of  the  granaries  of  the 
temple  of  Ajnon-ra,  the  king  of  the  gods ;  so  that  the  income  of  the 
heads  and  hands  for  the  maintenance  of  Amon-ra,  the  king  of  the 
gods,  may  be  applied  to  the  service.  [Thus  does]  Pharaoh,  thy  lord, 
[reward]  the  deeds  of  a  good  and  distinguished  servant  of  Pharaoh, 
his  lord.  He  shall  be  strengthened  to  do  the  best  for  Ajnon-ra, 
the  king  of  the  gods,  the  great  and  glorious  god,  and  to  do  the  best 
for  Pharaoh,  his  lord,  who  has  seen  and  admired  what  thou  hast 


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188  RAMSES  IX.  OTHP.  XV. 

done.  This  is  for  explanation  of  the  oomminion  to  these  (preaent) 
treasurers  and  the  two  oounciUors  of  Pharaoh  oonceming  the  gold, 
silver,  [and  all  other  gifts,  which  are  given  to  thee  as  a  reward].' 

In  fact,  the  representation  belonging  to  this  inscrip- 
tion shows  that  the  words  of  the  king  were  exactly 
fulfilled,  for  the  two  councillors  of  Pharaoh  {Ab-en- 
pir'ao)  ^  who  are  named  adorn  the  meritorious  priest 
of  Amon  with  necklaces  and  other  jewels. 

What  the  high-priest  did  for  the  temple  of  his  god 
is  related  to  us  at  the  place  we  have  mentioned,  in 
his  own  words : — 

'  Thus  has  the  teacher  of  the  king,  the  chief  priest  of  Amon-ra, 
the  king  of  the  gods,  Amenhotep,  done,  namely  : 

'  I  found  this  holy  house  of  the  chief  priests  of  Amon  of  old 
time,  which  is  in  the  temple  of  Amon-ra,  the  king  of  the  gods, 
hastening  to  decay.  What  was  done  to  it  dates  since  the  time  of 
King  XTsurtasen  I."  I  took  the  building  in  hand,  and  restored  it 
anew  in  good  work,  and  in  a  work  pleasant  to  look  at.  I  strength- 
ened its  walls  behind,  around,  and  in  front.  I  built  it  anew. 
I  made  its  columns,  which  were  boimd  together  with  great  stones 
in  skilful  work.  I  inserted  in  the  gates  great  folding  doors  of  acacia 
wood,  for  closing  them  up.  I  built  out  on  its  great  stone  wall, 
which  is  seen  at  the  ....  I  built  my  high  new  house  for  the 
chief  priest  of  Amon,  who  dwells  in  the  temple  of  Amon.  I  in- 
serted the  whole  gate  of  [acacia  wood].  The  bolts  in  it  are  of  bronze  \ 
the  engraved  pictures  are  of  the  finest  gold  and  [sUver].  I  built 
a  great  forecourt  of  stone,  which  opens  on  the  southern  temple- 
lake,  [to  serve  for]  the  purification  in  the  temple  of  Amon.  I  chased 
[the  whole  with  .  . .  .  ]  of  Seb.  I  set  up  its  great  blocks  of  carved 
stone  in  the  connecting  hall.  The  valves  of  the  doors  are  of  acacia 
wood.  I  [caused  to  be  erected  one  t]  of  great  carved  blocks  of  stone. 
The  outlines  of  the  carved  work  were  drawn  in  red  chalk.  .  .  . 
The  whole  was  inscribed  with  the  full  name  of  Pharaoh. — Also  a 
new  treasiuy  was  built  on  the  ground  within  the  great  hall  which 

7  See  VoL  I.  p.  307 ;  YoL  H.  p.  146. 
.  •  See  VoL  L  p.  154. 


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Dnr.  D,  POWER  OF  THE  PRIESTS.  189 

bears  the  name:  ....  ThecolumDS  are  of  stone,  the  doors  of 
acada  wood,  painted  with  .  ,  .  .  [Also  I  built  a  chamber  for]  the 
king.  It  lies  behind  the  store-chamber  for  the  necessaries  of  the 
temple  of  Amon.  [It  is  constraoted]  of  stone,  the  doors  and 
dooivTalTeB  are  of  acacia  wood.  ....  [I  made  and  set  Up  statues 
in]  the  great  splendid  forecourt  for  each  chief  priest  of  Amonra 
[the  king  of  the  gods.  I  laid  out  gardens  behind]  Asheru.  They 
were  planted  with  trees.' 

We  break  off  the  translation  here,  because  the  great 
gaps  in  the  following  lines  destroy  all  connection  in  the 
sense.  Towards  the  end,  the  architect  declares  that  he 
had  done  all  this,  *  to  glorify  my  lord  Amon-ra,  the  king 
of  the  gods,  whose  greatness,  doctrine,  and  [power?] 
I  acknowledge.'  To  this  is  appended  the  usual  prayer 
for  life,  welfare,  health,  and  a  long  enjoyment  of  exist- 
ence for  the  king  and — for  himself. 

Emphatically  as  Amenhotep,  the  chief  priest  of 
Amon,  and  also  called  repeatedly  the  '  great  architect 
in  the  city  of  Amon,'  speaks  of  'his  lord  the  Pharaoh,' 
the  power  of  the  latter  was  already  broken.  For  with 
Amenhotep  the  chief  priests  began  to  play  that 
double  part  which  at  last  raised  them  to  the  royal 
throne.  It  is  right,  therefore,  to  pay  particular  atten- 
tion beforehand  to  their  names,  since  they  are  not  only 
of  importance  for  determining  the  chronology  by  the 
succession  of  their  generations,  but  also  in  a  purely 
historical  relation  they  have  the  value  of  actual  kings' 
names. 

To  the  time  of  the  same  king,  who  occupied  such 
a  peculiar  position  in  relation  to  his  high-priest,  be- 
long the  burglaries  and  thefts  in  the  tombs  of  the 
earher  kings,  about  which  a  whole  series  of  judicial 


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190  RAMSES  IX.— XIT.  chap.  xt. 

documents  on  papyrus  afford  us  express  information. 
There  existed  in  Thebes  a  regularly  constituted  thieves' 
society,  formed  for  the  secret  opening  and  robbing  of 
the  tombs  of  the  kings,  in  which  even  sacerdotal  per- 
sons took  a  part.     It  required  full  and  extensive  en- 
quiries to  follow  the  track  of  the  offenders.    Among 
the  persons  entrusted  in  the  name  of  the  king  with  the 
conduct  of  this  official  enquiry,  according  to  extant 
documents,  there  are  some  officials  of  Pharaoh  whose 
acquaintance  we  have  already  made.     They  are  the 
following : — the  chief  priest  of  Amon,  Amenhotep  ; 
the  governor  of  Thebes,  Khamus ;  the  governor  of 
Thebes,  Ranebma-Nakht ;   the  royal  councillor  and 
scribe  of  Pharaoh,  Nes-su-amon ;  the  royal  councillor 
and  interpreter  of  Pharaoh,  Noferkara-em-piamon ; 
Pharaoh's  councillor  and   secretary,  Pi-notem;    the 
leader  of  the  Mazaiu  (police),  Menthu-khopeshef ;  and 
some  other  persons,  whose  names  we  will  pass  over. 
The  tombs,  which  were  broken  open  and  partly  plun- 
dered, contained  the  kings  and  queens  of  the  Xlth, 
Xnith,  XVnth,  and  XVIITth   Dynasties,  a   list   of 
whom  we  have  already  laid  before  our  readers.' 

According  to  the  arrangement  of  Lepsius,  the  fol- 
lowing are  to  be  ranked  as  Pharaohs  following  Ka- 
messu  IX. : — 

VIII.    KHEPER-MA-RA    80TEP-EN-RA     RA- 
HESSU  X.  AMEN-HI-KHOPESHEF  ; 
IX.    8EKHA-EN-RA     MIAKUK     RAMEBSU 
XI.; 
^^i^^Xn.  X*    USER-MA-RA  SOTBP-EN-RA  HIAMUK 

RAME8SU  XII. 

9  See  Vol.  I.  p.  283. 

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DTK.  XX.     INSCRIPTION  IN  TEMPLE  OF  KHONSU.         191 

Their  names  are  found  only  here  and  there  on  the 
monuments,  most  frequently  in  the  small  oracle-temple 
of  Khonsu  in  Thebes,  which  their  forefather  Eamessu 
in.  had  founded,  and  which  since  that  time  had  re- 
ceived the  particular  attention  of  the  kings  of  the  Twen- 
tieth Dynasty,  as  a  sort  of  family  temple,  ^he  god 
Khonsu,  the  young  son  of  Amon  and  of  the  goddess  Mut 
of  Asheru,  was  worshipped  in  this  temple  in  his  par- 
ticular character  as  Khonsu-em-us  Nofer-hotep,  that 
is,  '  Khonsu  of  Thebes,  the  good  and  friendly,'  and  a 
special  importance  was  attached  to  his  oracles  on  all 
grave  occasions.  The  kings  and  priests  Inquire  of 
him,  and  he  gives  his  answers  as  he  pleases. 

These  introductory  remarks  appear  to  us  necessary 
in  order  to  understand  the  following  inscription  on 
a  stone  of  the  time  of  king  Eamessu  XTT.,  which  was 
formerly  set  up  in  the  temple  of  Khonsu.  We  pass 
over  as  unimportant  for  our  purpose  the  king's  names 
and  titles  of  honour,  and  begin  with  the  properly  his- 
torical introduction,  which,  commencing  at  the  4th  line, 
runs  as  follows : — 

*  (4)  When  Pharaoh  was  in  the  river-land  of  Naharain,  as  his 
cnstom  was  every  year,  the  kings  of  all  the  nations  came  with 
hnmility  and  friendship  to  the  person  of  Pharaoh.  From  the 
extremest  ends  (of  their  countries)  they  brought  the  gifts  of  gold, 
silver,  blue  and  (5)  green  stones ;  and  all  sort§  of  (sweet-smelling) 
woods  of  the  holy  land  were  upon  their  shoulders ;  and  each  one 
endeavoured  to  outdo  his  neighbour. 

'  Then  the  king  of  Bakhatana  brought  his  tribute,  and  placed 
at  the  head  of  it  his  eldest  daughter,  to  honour  Pharaoh  and 
to  beg  for  his  friendship.  And  the  woman  (6)  was  much  more 
beautiful  to  please  Pharaoh  than  all  other  things.  Then  was  the 
king's  name  written  upon  her,  as  the  king's  wife,  Noferu-Ba. 


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192  RAMSES  Xtl.  CHAP.  XV. 

When  the  Pharaoh  had  come  to  Egypt,  everything  was  done  for 
her  which  a  queen  required  to  use. 

'  It  happened  in  the  year  15,  in  the  month  Payni,  on  the  22nd 
day.  Then  Pharaoh  was  in  Thebes,  the  strong,  the  queen  of  cities, 
in  order  to  thank  (7)  his  father  Amon-ra,  the  lord  of  Thebes,  at 
his  beautiful  feast  of  Api  of  the  south,  the  seat  of  his  desire  from 
the  beginning.  They  came  to  announce  to  Pharaoh :  A  messenger  of 
the  king  of  Bakhatana  has  arrived  with  rich  gifts  for  the  queen. 
Then  was  he  brought  (8)  before  Pharaoh,  together  with  his  giPte. 
He  spoke  in  honour  of  Pharaoh  :  ^^  Greeting  to  thee,  thou  sun  of 
the  nations,  let  us  live  before  thee  1 "  Thus  he  spake,  while  he  fell 
down  before  Pharaoh,  and  repeated  the  message  to  Pharaoh  :  **  I  am 
come  to  thee,  the  great  lord,  on  account  of  Bint-resh,  the  youngest 
sister  of  the  queen  Noferu-ra.  (9)  She  is  suffering  in  her  body. 
Hay  thy  Mlijesty  send  a  learned  expert  to  see  her."  Then 
spake  Pharaoh :  "  Let  them  bring  to  me  the  learned  men  from 
the  places  of  the  holy  sciences,  and  the  knowers  of  the  most  inti- 
mate secrets.**  (10)  They  brought  them  to  him  forthwith.  Then 
spake  Pharaoh  after  a  time:  "Ye  have  been  assembled  here  to 
hear  these  words.  Now,  then,  bring  to  me  a  man  of  a  clever 
mind,  and  a  finger  skilful  in  writing,  out  of  your  company." 
When  the  royal  scribe,  (11)  Thut-emhib,  had  come  before  Pharaoh, 
Pharaoh  bade  him,  that  he  should  start  for  Bakhatana  with  the 
envoy,  who  was  present.  When  the  expert  had  reached  the  city 
of  the  land  of  Bakhatana,  in  which  Bint-resh  dwelt  after  the 
manner  of  one  possessed  with  a  spirit,  then  he  found  himself 
(12)  unable  to  contend  with  him  (the  spirit). 

'  And  the  king  again  sent  to  Pharaoh,  speaking  thus  :  '^  Great 
lord  and  ruler  1  May  thy  Majesty  order  that  the  god  may  be 
sent  [Khonsu,  the  oracular,,  of  Thebes,  to  the  youngest  sistcqr  of 
the  queen."  (13)  And  the  messenger  remained  with]  Pharaoh  ^ 
the  26th  year.  In  the  month  Pakhons  (of  l^at  year),  at  the  tin.e 
of  the  feast  of  Amon,  Pharaoh  abode  in  Thebes,  and  Pharaoh 
stood  again  before  the  god  Khonsu  of  Thebes,  the  kind  and  friendly - 
while  he  spake  thus :  "  0  thou  good  lord  !  I  present  myself  agaiu 
before  thee  on  account  of  the  daughter  of  the  king  of  Bakha- 
tana." (14)  Then  went  from  thence  the  god  EJionsu  of  Thebes,  the 
kind  and  friendly,  to  Khonsu,  the  oracular,  the  great  god,  the 
driver  away  of  evil.  Then  spake  Pharaoh  in  presence  of  Khonsu 
of  Thebes,  the  kind  and  friendly,  ^*  Thou  good  lord,  shouldest  thou 


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DTK.  XI.  THE  PRINCESS  OF  BAKHATANA.  193 

not  chai^  Khonsu  (15),  the  oracalar,  the  great  god,  ihe  diiver 
away  of  evi],  that  he  may  betake  himself  to  Bakhatana  t "  To 
that  there  was  a  very  gracious  consent.  Then  spake  Pharaoh, 
"  Give  him  thy  talisman  to  take  with  him.  I  will  let  his  Holiness 
be  drawn  to  Bakhatana,  to  release  the  daughter  of  the  king  of 
Bakhatana." '  (16)  Thereupon  a  very  gracious  consent  of  E^onsu 
of  Thebes,  the  kind  and  friendly.  Then  he  gave  the  talisman  to 
Khonsu,  the  oracular,  of  Thebes,  at  four  different  times.  And 
Pharaoh  gave  command,  to  cause  ELhonsu,  the  oracular,  of  Thebes, 
to  embark  on  the  great  ship.  Five  barks  and  many  (17)  carriages 
and  horses  were  on  his  right  and  on  his  left. 

^  That  god  reached  the  city  of  the  land  of  Bakhatana  after  the 
space  of  a  year  and  five  months.  Then  the  king  of  Bakhatana 
and  his  people  and  his  princes  went  to  meet  Khonsu,  the  oracular. 
And  he  threw  himself  (18)  prostrate,  and  sp^e  thus :  *'  Come 
to  us,  be  friendly  to  us,  according  to  the  commands  of  the 
king  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt,  Miamun  Ramessu."  Then 
that  god  went  to  the  place  where  Bint-resh  dwelt.  Then  he 
caused  the  talisman  to  work  upon  the  daughter  of  the  king  of 
Bakhatana.  She  became  well  (19)  on  the  spot.  Then  spake  that 
spirit,  which  possessed  her,  before  Khonsu,  the  oracular,  of  Thebes : 
**  Welcome  as  a  friend,  thou  great  god,  driver  away  of  eviL 
Thine  is  the  city  of  Bakhatana.  Thy  servants  are  its  inhabitants. 
I  am  thy  servant.  (20)  I  will  return  whence  I  came,  to  make  thy 
heart  satisfied  about  the  object  for  which  thou  wast  brought  hither. 
May  I  request  thy  Holiness,  that  there  may  be  a  feast  celebrated  in 
my  company  and  in  the  company  of  the  king  of  Bakhatana  1 "  Then 
this  god  assented  graciously  to  his  prophet,  and  he  said  :  (21)  '^  Let 
the  king  of  Bakhatana  prepare  a  great  sacrifice  for  this  spirit. 
When  that  has  been  done,  then  will  Khonsu,  the  oiucular,  unite 
himself  with  the  spirit.'*  And  the  king  of  Bakhatana  stood  there, 
together  with  his  people,  and  was  very  much  afraid.  Then  (22)  he 
prepared  a  great  sacrifice  for  Khonsu,  the  oracular,  of  Thebes, 
and  for  this  spirit.  The  king  of  Bakhatana  celebrated  a  feast  for 
them.  Then  the  glorious  spirit  went  thence,  whither  it  pleased  him, 
as  Khonsu,  the  oracular,  of  Thebes,  had  commanded.  (23)  Ajad  the 
king  of  Bakhatana  was  delighted  beyond  all  measure,  together  with 

*  This  refers  to  the  conveyance  of  the  ark  of  the  god  on  its 
carriage,  which  is  represented  in  a  picture. — Ed. 
VOL.  II.  0 


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194  RAMSES  Xn.  CHAP.  XV. 

all  the  men  who  dwelt  in  Bakhatana.  Then  he  considered  in  his 
heart,  and  he  spake  to  them  thus :  "  Might  it  he  so,  that  this  god 
should  remain  in  the  city  of  the  land  of  Bakhatana  t  I  will  not 
let  him  return  to  Egypt."  Then  (24)  this  god  remained  three 
years  and  nine  months  in  Bakhatana.  Then  the  king  of  Bakha- 
tana rested  on  his  hed,  and  he  saw  as  if  this  god  stepped  out 
from  his  holy  shrine,  as  in  the  form  of  a  golden  sparrow-hawk 
he  took  his  flight  heavenwards  towards  Egypt.  (25)  When  he 
awoke  he  was  lame.  Then  spake  he  to  the  prophet  of  Khonsa, 
the  oracular,  of  Thehes :  ''This  god  he  staid  among  us,  and 
now  he  withdraws  to  Egypt.  His  carriage  must  return  to  Egypt." 
(26)  Then  the  king  of  Bakhatana  had  the  god  drawn  back  to  Egypt, 
and  gave  him  very  many  presents  of  all  sorts  of  good  things,  and  they 
arrived  safely  at  Thebes.  Then  went  ELhonsu,  the  oreusular,  of 
Thebes,  (27)  into  the  temple  of  Khonsu  of  Thebes,  the  kind  and 
friendly,  and  he  laid  down  the  presents  just  as  the  king  of  Bakhatana 
had  presented  them  to  him,  namely,  all  kinds  of  good  things, 
before  Khonsu  of  Thebes,  the  kind  and  friendly ;  he  kept  nothing 
of  them  for  his  house.  But  Khonsu,  the  oracular,  of  Thebes, 
(28)  i*eturned  happily  to  his  house  in  the  33rd  year,  in  the  month  of 
Mekhir,  on  the  13th  day,  of  king  Miamun  Ramessu.  Such  was 
what  happened  to  him ;  to  him,  the  dispenser  of  life  to-day  and  for 
ever.' 

Many  reflections  will  naturally  crowd  upon  the 
reader's  mind  on  the  perusal  of  this  inscription,  the 
first  interpretation  of  which  is  due  to  the  labours 
of  two  masters  of  our  science,  Dr.  S.  Birch  and 
Monsieur  E.  de  Roug^.  Our  own  translation  has, 
perhaps,  the  modest  merit  of  having  utilized  the 
latest  discoveries  in  old  Egyptian  philology  for  the 
elucidation  of  this  stone.  It  is  difficult  to  say  where 
the  land  of  Bakhatana  should  be  sought,  A  journey 
of  seventeen  months  from  Thebes  to  the  foreign  city- 
shows  that  it  was  very  distant.  The  (doubtful  ?)  stay 
of  Ramessu  XTE.  in  the  riverland  of  Naharain  sug- 
gests a  Syrian  town.     Its  identification  with  Bagistan, 


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DTK.  XX.  RAMSES  Xm.  195 

as  proposed  by  E.  de  Eoug^,  as  well  as  my  own  with 
Ecbatana,  must  be  given  up,  in  face  of  the  fact  that, 
in  those  times  of  the  decay  of  the  rule  of  the  Rames- 
sids,  such  distant  towns  and  countries  could  not  have 
been  subject  to  the  empire  of  the  Pharaohs.  Pro- 
bably the  town  referred  to  may  be  Bakhi  or  Bakh, 
which  is  mentioned  in  the  lists  of  the  victories  of 
Eamessu  UI.  and  earlier  kings  as  a- conquered  place. 

With  his  successor — 

XI.   MEN-MA-BA  SOTEP-EN-PTAH   KHAMUS  MUMUN 
RAMESSU   XIII.    NUTER   HAQ-ON,   B.C,   1100, 

we  seem  to  have  arrived  at  the  end  of  this  Dynasty, 
although  it  is  proved  by  the  monuments  that  some 
Kamessids,  as  unimportant  petty  kings,  put  forward 
their  claim  to  the  throne  of  their  fathers,  even  in  the 
time  of  the  Assyrian  conqueror,  Shashanq  I.  They 
did  so  truly  with  httle  success,  for  the  chief  priests  of 
the  god  Amon  had  already  placed  the  crown  of  the 
country  on  their  own  heads,  and  being  the  lords  of 
Thebes  they  behaved  as  lords  also  of  the  whole  country. 
The  temple  of  Khonsu  at  Thebes,  which  was  like- 
wise the  fjcmily  chapel  of  the  last  Eamessids,  had  been 
finished  under  Eamessu  XITE.,  as  far  as  the  open  fore- 
court with  the  small  colonnade  round  it.  The  king 
prides  himself  on  having  erected  these  last  buildings 
'  as  a  memorial  to  his  father  Khonsu ; '  and  *  the  kind 
and  friendly  Khonsu  of  Thebes '  promises  him  as  a 
reward  'the  kingdom  of  Tum.^  In  other  parts  of 
the  first  hall  the  king  insists  in  a  still  more  earnest 
manner  on  his  own  importance  as  a  builder.     Thus 

o2 


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196  RAMSES  Xm.  CHAP.  XT. 

he  caused  these  words  to  be  engraved  on  a  carved 

stone : — 

'  Splendid  things  has  he  made,  many  and  wonderful  monuments  ^ 
all  his  schemes  were  carried  out  immediately  like  those  of  his 
father,  the  Memphian  Ptah.  He  has  embellished  Thebes  with 
great  monuments.     No  other  king  has  done  the  like.' 

Poor  king  I  While  he  gave  Ufe  to  the  dead  stones 
by  these  and  other  inscriptions  in  the  temple  of  his 
house,  for  the  honour  of  his  name,  to  hand  down  his 
remembrance  to  posterity,  the  traitor  was  lurking 
behind  his  back,  who  gave  the  death-blow  to  him 
and  to  his  race.  This  was  the  chief  priest  of  Amon, 
Hirhor,  who  became  the  founder  of  the  following 
dynasty. 

I  learn  by  a  letter  from  my  honoured  friend, 
Mariette-Bey,  that  the  discovery  was  made  last  year 
(1876),  at  Abydus,  on  the  spot  named  Shune-el-zebib, 
of  a  memorial-stone  of  Eamses  XTTT.,  bearing  the 
date  of  the  27th  year,  the  month  Mesori,  the  8th  day. 

Also,  in  the  collection  of  papyrus-rolls  in  the 
Turin  Museum,  as  published  by  M.  Pleyte,  there' exists 
what  is  possibly  an  autograph  letter  of  the  same  king, 
with  the  date  of  the  17th  year,  the  month  Khoiakh, 
the  25th  day.  The  contents  of  this  MS.  (omitting  the 
formal  introduction)  will  be  best  understood  from  the 
following  translation : — 

'  A  royal  order  is  issued  to  the  King's  son  of  Kush,  the  royal 
scrihe  of  the  warriors,  the  superintendent  of  the  granaries,  the 
commander  of  Pharaoh's  foreigners,  Painehas,  to  the  following 
effect: — The  king's  order  will  be  brought  to  thee,  making  the 
communication,  that  Jani,  the  Major-domus  and  counsellor  (Ab) 
of  Pharaoh,  has  set  out  on  his  joiuney.     His  departure  has  been 


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DTF.  XX.      mS  PROBABLE  AUTOGRAPH.         197 

caused  by  commiasionu  from  Pharaoh,  his  lord,  which  he  has 
started  to  execute  in  the  land  of  the  South.  As  soon  as  this  letter 
of  Pharaoh,  thj  lord,  reaches  thee,  do  thou  act  in  the  fullest  accord 
with  him,  for  he  is  to  execute  the  commissionB  of  Pharaoh,  his 
lord,  on  account  of  which  he  has  departed  from  hence. 

'  Thou  art  to  look  up  the  hand-barrows  of  the  great  goddess,  to 
load  them  and  put  them  on  board  the  ship.  Thou  art  to  have 
them  brought  into  his  presence,  where  the  statue  is  appointed  to 
stand. 

<  Thou  art  to  have  the  precious  stones  (here  follows  a  list  of 
unknown  sorts  of  stones)— brought  together  to  the  same  place 
where  the  statue  stands,  to  deliver  them  into  the  hands  of  the 
artiste.  Let  no  delay  be  interposed  in  the  execution  of  tins  com- 
mission, or  else  I  should  degrade  thee.  Behold !  I  expect  thy 
best  attention  to  this  message.  Sudi  is  the  message  which  is 
made  known  to  thee.' 

The  conclusion  of  the  letter  is  clear  and  exphcit, 
evidently  on  the  assumption  that  the  viceroy  of 
Ethiopia  might  prove  a  neghgent  servant. 


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198 


VALUES  AND  PRICES. 


CHAP.  XV. 


List  of  Values  and  Prices,  about  b.c.  1000. 

Prdiminary  Note? 
1  7^671=10  Ket. 

1  ^6<=  9*0959  grainme8=154  grains  neady  (or  \  oz.  Troy). 
1  r«n=90-959  „       ^1537  grains  (above  \  lb.  Troy). 


TahU  of  the  Estimated  Value  of  AncterU  Egyptian  uncoined  Silver 

and  Copper  Money.     Raiio  of  silver  to  copper^  1  : 

80. 

Egyptian  weightB 

Weight  in  grammee 

SOTer 
a  Uurkol  Shnilng) 

Copper 

Hark 

Ffeunige 

Mark 

Pfennige 

iKet 

3-0319 

— 

53i 

— 

} 

2     » 

4-5479 

— 

80 

— 

1 

3     " 

6-0638 

1 

6§ 

— 

H 

1    „ 

9-0959 

1 

60 

_ 

2 

2      „ 

18-1918 

3 

20 

— 

4 

3      „ 

27-2877 

4 

80 

— 

6 

4     „ 

36-3836 

6 

40 

— 

8 

5      „ 

45-4795 

8 

— 

— 

10 

6      „ 

54-5754 

9 

60 

— 

12 

7      „ 

63-6713 

11 

20 

^.. 

14 

.     8      » 

72-7672 

12 

80 

— 

16 

9      ., 

81-8631 

14 

40 

— 

18 

I    Ten 

90-959 

16 

— 

— 

20 

2      „ 

181-918 

32 

— 

— 

40 

3      „ 

272-877 

48 

— : 

— 

60 

4      „ 

363-836 

64 



— 

80 

5      „ 

464-795 

80 

_ 

1 

^ 

6      „ 

636-713 

96 



1 

20 

7  .; 

727-672 

112 

... 

1 

40 

8      ». 

818-631 

128 

— 

1 

60 

By  the  help  of  this  Table  the  reader  will  find  it  easy  to  form 
a  correct  idea  of  the  values  and  prices  in  the  following  List. 

I  have  farther  to  observe,  that  the  Ket  of  Silver  corresponds  to 
the  Greek  Didrachmon  or  Stater,  and  the  Ket  of  Copper  to  the 
Chalcus  (=^th  of  the  Obolus).  Accordingly  the  Copts  translate 
the  Greek  didrachmon  by  Kiti  or  Kite, 

^  In  the  table  of  Egyptian  Measures  and  Weights,  given  in 
the  Records  of  the  Past  (vol.  ii.  p.  164),  the  Kat  (Ket)  is  esti- 
mated at  140  grains,  and  the  Ten  at  1,400  grains.  The  Ten  is 
roughly  called  a  Pound,  and  the  Kat  or  Ket  an  Ounce  or 
Didrachm;  but  these  terms  by  no  means*  correspond  to  their 
actual  values.  The  equivalents  of  the  measures  of  capacity  named 
in  the  following  list  are  unknown. — Ed. 


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yoTB.  VALUES  AND  PRICES.  199 


List  of  Values  and  Prices,  About  b.c.  1000. 

1  Slave  cost  3  Ten,  1  Ket,  silver. 

1  Ox        „     1  Ket,  silver  (=8  Ten,  copper). 

1  Goat  cost  2  Ten,,  copper. 

1  Pair  of  Fowls  (Geese?)  cost  ^  Ten,  copper. 

500  Fish,  of  a  particular  kind,  cost  1  Ket,  silver  (=8  Ten, 

copper). 
800  Fish,  of  another  kind,  cost  1  Ket,  silver. 
100  Fish,  of  a  third  kind,     „    1     „        „ 
1  Tena  of  Com  of  Upper  Egypt  cost  5-7  Ten,  copper. 
1  Hotep  of  Wheat  cost  2  Ten,  copper. 

I  „      „  Spelt       „    2    „         „ 
5  Hin  of  Honey        „    4     „         „ 
(Hence  1  Hin  of  Honey  cost  8  Ket,  copper.) 
365  Hin  of  Honey  cost  ^  Ten,  silver. 
(Hence  1  Hin  of  Honey  cost  y^  Ket,  silver.) 

II  Hin  of  Oil  cost  17  Ten,  copper. 

50  Acres  (Set)  of  arable  land  cost  5  Ten,  silver. 

1  Garden  land  cost  2  Ten,  silver. 

1  Knife  cost  3  Ten,  copper. 

1  Bazor   „    1     „         „ 

1  Metal  Vessel,  weighing  20  Ten,  cost  40  Ten,  copper. 

1       Ditto  „  6     „       „    18     „        „ 

1       Ditto  „  1     „       ,*,      3     „        „ 

1  Apron  of  fine  stuff  cost  3  Ten,  copper. 

The  month's  wages  of  an  ordinary  workman  amounted  to  5 
Ten  of  copper. 

The  above  values  are  derived  from  inscriptions,  and  there  can 
be  no  doubt  as  to  the  accuracy  of  their  interpretation. 


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200 


THE  PRIEST-KING  HIRHOR.  chap.  x>i. 


Hirbor. 


^ii 
Ti 


PinoUnu 


CHAPTEE  XVI. 

THE    TWENTY-FIRST  DYNASTY. 

THE  PRIEST  HIRHOR  AND  HIS    SUCCESSORS. 
1100 — 966  B.O. 

*  The  king  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt,  the  chief  priest 
of  Amon,  Si-amon  (Son  of  Amon)  Hirhor  : ' — 

Thus  did  the  ambitious  priest  of  Amon,  the  head  of 
the  Theban  clergy,  style  himself  officially,  when  he 
took  possession  of  the  throne  of  Egypt,  or,  to  speak 
more  correctly,  of  that  of  the  Thebaid  in  particular. 
His  lord,  Eamessu  XTTT.,  had  before  his  own  fall 
honoured  the  first  servant  of  the  god  Amon  in  a  dis- 
tinguished manner,  inasmuch  as  he  had  entrusted  him 
with  the  highest  and  most  important  offices  of  the 
government.  Hirhor  calls  himself,  in  the  representa- 
tions of  his  person  by  the  side  of  the  king,  an  *  here- 
ditary prince,  the  fan-bearer  on  the  right  of  the  king. 
King's  son  of  Kush,  chief  architect  of  the  king,  chief 
general  of  the  army  in  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt,  ad- 
ministrator of  the  granaries,'  as  Joseph  was  of  old  at 
the  court  of  Pharaoh.  Such  high  dignities,  which  in 
the  course  of  time  were  held  by  one  and  the  same 


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BTir.  m.       BANISHMENT  OF  THE  RAMESSIDS.  201 

person,  either  together  or  in  succession,  must  have 
essentially  facilitated  his  project,  when  once  formed,  to 
overthrow  the  sovereign.  His  position  and  inviola- 
bility as  the  chief  priest  of  Amon  secured  to  the 
proud  Hirhor,  on  the  other  hand,  no  inconsiderable 
following  among  the  most  powerful  of  all  the  priestly 
societies  in  the  whole  country,  which  gave  a  steady 
support  to  his  secret  plans.  As  in  Upper  Egypt  it  was 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Theban  nome  and  the  priests  of 
Amon  who  took  part  with  the  new  king,  so,  on  the 
other  hand,  in  Lower  Egypt  he  had  won  over  a 
moderate  but  not  to  be  despised  number  of  the 
priestly  societies  of  the  holy  fathers  of  the  Eamses- 
city  of  Zoan-Tanis,  who  stood  in  close  connection 
with  the  imperial  city  of  Thebes  owing  to  their  com- 
mon worship  of  Amon.  The  letters  and  documents  of 
the  Eamessids  which  have  come  down  to  us  leave  not 
the  slightest  doubt  upon  this  point.  And  yet  the 
plans  of  Hirhor  were  not  destined  to  attain  complete 
success.  While  Eamessu  XTIT.  and  his  successors, 
according  to  all  probability,  ate  the  bread  of  banish- 
ment in  the  Great  Oasis,  they  had  raised  up  in  silence 
an  enemy  to  the  priest-kings,  whose  power  and  impor- 
tance might  be  brought  in  to  aid  their  cause. 

On  the  east,  in  the  vast  plains  of  Mesopotamia,  the 
great  empire  of  the  Khita  had  been  succeeded  by  a 
new  race  of  rulers,  known  to  us  in  history  under 
the  name  of  the  Assyrian  Empire.  The  Egyptian 
monuments  of  the  time  give  to  the  successors  of 
the  Khita  the  short  name  which,  with  the  assistance 
of  the  cuneiform  inscriptions,  we  understand  as  Mat^ 


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202  SUCCESSORS  OF  HIRHOR.  chap.  xvi. 

and  they  designate  the  king  of  the  Mat,  that  is  *  the 
peoples/  as  the  *  great  king  of  the  Mat,  the  great  king 
of  kings.'  Even  though,  in  a  style  which  is  rather 
pompous  than  historically  true,  Hirhor  conferred  on 
himself  the  honorary  title  of  conqueror  of  the  Ruthen, 
to  which  in  all  probability  he  had  no  right,  it  may  be 
assumed  that  the  power  of  the  Assyrians,  these  Mat, 
had  reached  a  strength  which  must  at  any  rate  have 
restrained  the  priest-king,  in  the  internal  decay  of  the 
Egyptian  empire,  from  thinking  of  conquests  on  the 
East. 

The  successors  of  the  priest-king,  whom  the  reader 
will  find  named  in  the  Genealogical  Table  (IV.),  were 
far  from  securing  a  firm  position  in  the  country.  Their 
most  determined  enemies  were  the  banished  race  of 
the  Eamessids,  who  succeeded  in  forming  alliances 
with  Assyria.  A  great-grandson  of  that  Ramessu 
XrH.  who  was  overthrown  by  Hirhor,  according  to 
our  reckoning  Ramessu  XVI.,  married  an  unnamed 
daughter  of  '  the  great  king  of  the  Assyrians,'  whose 
name  is  distinctly  transmitted  to  us.  The  monuments 
call  him  Panrshns  (Parrash-nes,  Pallash-nes,  Pallash- 
nisu).  The  name  in  its  first  part  reminds  us  of  the 
second  portion  of  the  Assyrian  royal  names,  Ninip- 
Pallasar  and  Teglath-phalasar  (about  1100  B.C.),  as 
they  have  been  read  by  interpreters  of  the  Assyrian 
cuneiform  inscriptions. 

The  consequences  of  such  a  connection  of  the 
banished  but  legitimate  royal  race  of  the  Egyptians 
with  the  powerful  dynasty  of  Nineveh  quickly  appeared. 
The  Assyrians  marched  against  Egypt. 


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DT3r.  XXI,      PINOTEM  I.  AND  MEN-KHEPER-RA.  203 

At  that  time  Pinotem  I.,  a  grandson  of  Hirhor, 
ruled  the  land  as  king  and  high-priest.    His  residence 
was  at  Tanis,  abready  familiar  to  us  as  the  strong  frontier 
fortress  in  the  Delta  towards  the  East.    In  the  twenty- 
fifth  year  of  his  reign,  disturbances  had  broken  out  in 
the  Thebaid  in  favour   of  the  banished   Eamessids. 
Pinotem  I.,  who  had  to  await  the  attack  of  the  great 
king   of  Assyria,  Nimrod,  and  his  army,   remained 
in  Tanis.     His  son,  Men-kheper-ra,  was  sent  with  full 
po^wers  to  Thebes,  to  check  the  insurrection.     After 
succeeding  in  doing  this,  though  how  far  must  remain 
uncertain,  we  find  him  named  as  the  successor  of  his 
father  in  the  high-priesthood  of  Amon.     His  first  act 
was  to  recal  the  Egyptians  banished  to  th.e  Oasis, 
namely,  the  Eamessids  and  their  adherents.    This  was 
apparently  done  with  the  consent  of  the  god  Amon, 
whose  oracle  had  approved  the  proposal  of  Men-khe- 
per-ra. 

This  fact  is  transmitted  to  us  by  an  inscription,  in 
which,  in  spite  of  many  lacunae,  we  can  clearly  under- 
stand the  general  connection  of  the  whole.  I  now 
give  for  the  first  time  the  translation  of  this  important 
document,  after  having  had  the  opportunity  of  again 
comparing  it  with  the  original  at  Thebes : — 

'  (1 )  In  the  year  25,  the  month  Epiphi,  the  29th  day,  at  the  same 
time  as  the  fS^ast  of  the  god  Amon-ra,  the  king  of  the  gods,  at  his 

[heautifttl]  monthly  feast  of  Ape  [of  the  south] (2)  Nee- 

hir-hor  in  their  multitude.  The  Majesty  of  this  nohle  god  Amon 
[-ra,  the  king  of  the  gods,]  was  ....  (3)  Thehes.  He  showed 
the  way  to  the  scribes,  the  land-surveyors,  and  people.  .... 
(4)  In  the  year  25,  in  the  first  month  of  the  year  ....  Amon- 
n,  the  lord  of  Thebes.  .  .  •  (5) .  .  .  the  high-priest  of  Amon-ra, 


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206  NIMROD  CONQUERS  EGYPT.  chap.  xvt. 

glorious  house.  In  like  maimer  may  all  reward  be  mine  from 
,  .  ."  (23)  Then  did  the  high  priest  of  Amon,  Men-kheper-ra,  go 
in  to  the  great  god,  and  spake  thus  :  "  If  anj  one  of  the  people 
should  in  thy  presence  contradict,  saying  that  he  has  done  great 
things  for  the  people,  that  the  land  may  gain  life, — then  destroy 
him,  kill  him."    Then  the  grei^t  god  gave  full  assent  to  him.' 

The  distracted  state  of  the  empire  could  not  have 
been  more  clearly  exhibited  than  in  this  inscription. 
Even  if  we  reject  'the  100,000  banished  ones/  of 
whom  the  high-priest  speaks  to  the  god,  at  all  events 
the  whole  proceeding  throws  a  sad  light  on  the  state 
of  things  then  prevailing  in  Egypt.  Persecutions  and 
banishments  form,  in  every  age,  a  measure  of  the 
internal  condition  of  an  empire.  That  the  recal  of 
the  exiles  from  the  Oasis,  proposed  by  the  priest-king 
Men-kheper-ra  to  the  god  Amon,  did  not  spring  from 
any  special  goodness  of  heart,  but  was  a  politic  mea- 
sure, to  quiet  the  agitation  fermenting  in  the  country,  ' 
can  hardly  require  further  proof  on  our  part. 

While  these  events  were  taking  place,  which  the 
inscription  sets  forth  in  such  an  ambiguous  manner,  it 
appears  that  Naromath  (Nimrod),  the  great  king  of 
Assyria,  who  had  been  associated  on  the  throne  by  his 
father  Shashanq,  had  advanced  into  Egypt  with  an  army, 
not  only  to  render  help  and  support  to  the  Bamessids, 
but  also  with  the  intention  of  conquering  the  country, 
and  turning  it  into  an  Assyrian  dependency.  Here  in 
Egypt  death  surprised  him.  His  mother,  Mehet-en- 
usekh,  was  an  Egyptian,  in  all  probability  a  daughter 
of  the  14th  Kamessu.  According  to  her  desire,  her 
gon,  *  the  great  king  of  kings,'  was  buried  in  Abydus, 
and  the  feasts  of  the  dead  were  instituted  in  his  honour, 


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DT3T.  xxr.  HIS  TOMB  AT  ABYDUS.  207 

the  cost  of  which  was  to  be  defrayed  from  the  income 
of  certain  estates.  At  the  same  time  men  and  women 
were  appointed  for  the  preservation  of  his  tomb,  herds 
of  cattle  were  purchased,  and  all  other  things  provided, 
which  could  serve  for  a  worthy  establishment  in  honour 
of  the  dead. 

When  Egypt  had  thus  become  virtually  a  province 
of  the  Assyrian  empire,  Shashanq,  the  son  of  the  great 
king  Naromath  (Nimrod),  of  whom  we  have  just  spoken, 
was  made  king.  Rsebkhan  I.,  the  brother  of  the  chief 
priest  Men-kheper-ra,  was,  according  to  the  Assyrian 
practice,  left  as  under-king  in  Tanis,  while  Shashanq 
fixed  his  royal  seat  in  the  town  of  Bubastus.  Men- 
kheper-ra  carried  on  his  functions  as  chief  priest  of 
Amon  in  Thebes,  where,  as  we  have  reason  to  sup- 
pose, Eamses  XVI.  was  for  some  time,  in  name  at 
least,  recognized  as  king. 

These  measures  were  evidently  taken  during  the 

presence  of  the  great  king  of  Assyria,  Shashanq,  in 

Egypt.^     He  visited  Thebes,  and  did  not  fail,  on  his 

journey  to  the  city  of  Amon,  to  pay  a  visit  to  the 

grave  of  his  beloved  son  at  Abydus.   He  was  bitterly 

chagrined  at  its  neglected  state.  The  Egyptian  officials, 

who  probably  had  little  inclination  to  honour  the 

remains  of  an  Assyrian  great  king,  had  plundered,  as 

far  as  they  could,  both  the  living  and  lifeless  temple- 

1  To  guard  against  a  possible  confusion,  we  may  remind  the 
leader  that  the  Shashanq  here  spoken  of,  king  of  Assyria,  and 
father  of  Nimrod,  is  the  grandfather  of  the  Sheushanq,  son  of 
Nimrod,  who  is  mentioned  in  the  preceding  paragraph  as  having 
ultimately  become  Shashanq  I.,  king  of  Bgypt.  (See  the  Genealo- 
gical Table  IV.)— Ed. 


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208  ASSYRIAN  CONQUEST.  chap.  xvi. 

revenues  which  had  been  appointed  for  keeping  up 
the  grave.  They  were  brought  to  an  account  by  the 
great  king  Shashanq,  and,  with  the  approval  of  the 
Theban  god  Amon,  they  were  all  punished  with  death. 
These  circumstances  have  been  handed  down  to  us 
in  an  inscription  of  unusual  magnitude  on  the  front  side 
of  a  granite  block  at  Abydus.  Even  though  the 
whole  upper  half  of  the  stone  is  probably  wanting,  and 
must  he  buried  somewhere  in  Abydus,  the  under  part 
is,  however,  well  preserved,  so  far  at  least  that  the 
contents  of  this  remarkable  memorial  tablet  can  be 
read  without  misunderstanding.  It  was  with  great 
trouble  that  I  made  a  transcript  from  its  weather-beaten 
surface,  which  will  give  my  readers  a  general  represen- 
tation of  the  decrees  of  the  Assyrian  great  king,  whose 
names  and  titles,  especially  in  what  relates  to  the  truly 
Eastern  appellations  of  honour  of  the  king  of  kings,  are 
completely  preserved.  I  give  here  the  translation  of 
the  part  which  has  been  preserved,  in  the  persuasion 
that  my  colleagues  in  these  studies  will  welcome  with 
pleasure  the  publication  of  this  remarkable  but  hitherto 
unknown  inscription : — 

'  [To  Amon-ra  spake  the  great  king  of  Aasyna,,  when]  the  great 
king,  the  king  Shashanq,  [had  visited]  his  son,  at  his  beautiful 
burial-place  with  his  father  Osiris,  where  his  body  had  been  laid 
on  his  bed  of  rest  in  the  city  of  Nifur  (Abydus),  in  sight  of  [the 
temple  of  Osiris] :  "  Thou  hast  freed  him  from  attaining  to  an 
infirm  old  age,  while  he  remained  on  earth.  Thou  hast  granted 
him  his  rest.  My  feasts  will  consist  in  this,  to  reoeivd  the  undivided 
victory."    Very,  very  much  did  the  great  god  give  assent  to  him. 

*  Then  spake  his  Majesty  anew  to  the  great  god  thus  :  '*  0 
thou  good  lord,  put  to  death  [the  captains]  of  the  army,  the  ...  . 
secretary,  the  land-surveyor,  and  all  ...  1  whom  [I]  sent  [with  a 


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DTK.  XD.  INSCRIPTION  AT  ABYDUS.  209 

commiflsion]  to  this  estate,  and  who  plundered  [the  property]  of  the 
altar  of  the  Osirian  great  lord  of  A&sjria,  Na-ro-math  (Nimrod), 
the  son  of  Mehet-en-usekh,  who  is  buried  in  Abjdus,  and  all  the 
people  who  have  robbed  his  holy  property,  his  people,  his  herds  of 
cattle,  his  gardens,  his  offerings,  and  all  that  was  dedicated  for  his 
honour.  Act  according  to  thy  great  spirit  in  its  whole  extent, 
to  replace  them  again,  and  to  replace  the  women  and  their 
children."    The  great  god  assented  to  this  most  graciously. 

'  Then  his  Majesty  threw  himself  on  the  ground  before  him,  and 
his  Majesty  spake  thus :  "  Grant  triumph  to  Shashanq,  the  great  king 
of  Assyria,  the  great  king  of  kings,  the  glorious  ....  and  all  those 
who  are  with  him,  and  all  warriors,  and  all  [his  people]  together." 

'  Then  [spake  to  him]  Amon-ra,  the  king  of  the  gods  :  '^  I  will 
do  [according  to  thy  wish].  Thou  shalt  receive  (the  blessing  of) 
a  great  age  and  remain  on  earth,  and  thy  heir  shall  sit  on  thy 
throne  for  ever." 

*  Then  his  Majesty  had  the  statue,  in  the  form  of  a  walking  man, 
of  the  Osirian  great  king  of  Assyria,  the  great  king  of  kings,  Na- 
ro-math,  brought  up  the  river  to  Abydus.  There  were  in  attend- 
ance on  it  a  large  body  of  soldiers  in  many  ships,  no  man  knows 
their  number,  together  with  the  ambassadors  of  the  great  king  of 
Assyria.  And  it  was  set  down  in  the  splendid  royal  chamber  of 
the  holy  of  holies  of  the  right  eye  of  the  sun,  to  carry  the  offerings 
on  the  altar-table  of  Nifur.  According  to  the  directions  of  the 
holy  anointing,  the  dedication  was  accomplished. 

'  The  incense  was  burnt  in  the  room  of  the  star-chamber  for 
three  days.  This  was  set  up  for  the  temple-ordinances  in  the  form 
of  a  written  record,  according  to  the  contents  of  the  ordinances 
for  the  feasts  of  the  gods.  A  memorial  tablet  was  erected  in  the 
language  of  the  land  of  Bab[el],  containing  the  command  [of  the 
great  lord]  in  his  name.  And  it  (the  memorial  tablet)  was  laid 
up  in  the  holy  of  holies  of  the  gods  for  ever  and  ever. 

*  [This  is  the  catalogue]  of  that  which  was  appointed  for  the 
altar  of  the  Osirian  great  king  of  the  Assyrians,  Na-ro-math,  the  son 
of  Mehet-en-usekh,  who  is  buried  at  Abydus.  There  were  allotted 
(to  it)  the  people  who  had  been  [bought  1]  out  of  [the  countries  1]  of 
the  great  king  of  Assyria,  namely  :  Airomapatut,  of  the  people  of 
the  Phoenicians,  and  obedient  at  call :  Khu-amon  ....  and  .... 
a  Phoenician  (called)  Bek-ptah.  (The  price  of)  their  purchase  makes 
in  silver  money  15  lbs.  His  Majesty  had  given  for  them  in  silver 
money  20  lbs.,  making  together  35  lbs.   This  is  the  number  of  that 

VOL.  II.  p       ^-•'•Cv"rf^'">-s, 

V     /^^  fr"':^  ^X.    ^  // 


210  ASSYRIAN  CONQUEST.  chap.  rvx. 

which  they  cost.  The  50  arurse  of  land,  which  are  situated  in  the 
region  of  the  heights  to  the  south  of  Abydus,  which  is  called  "  perma- 
nent duration  of  the  kingdom  '{HehrS^Ueni)**  cost  5  lbs.  of  silver 
money.  The  (fields)  which  are  situated  by  the  side  (t)  of  the  canal 
which  is  at  Abydus,  an  estate  of  50  arurss,  for  these  there  was  paid 
5  lbs.  in  silver  money.  This  makes  together  an  estate  [of  lOO 
arursB]  in  these  two  places  in  the  region  of  the  heights  to  the  soutli 
of  Abydus,  and  in  the  region  of  the  heights  to  the  north  of  Abydus. 
For  this  estate  of  100  arurse  there  was  also  paid  10  lbs.  in  silver. 

'  [Catalogue  of  the  servants  for  the  estate]  :  His  servant  Pi-uer, 
his  servant  .  .  .  .  ,  his  servant  Ari-bek,  his  servant  Bu-pi-amon- 
kha,  his  servant  Nai-shennu,  his  servant  Pesh-en-Hor.  Making  a 
total  of  6  servants,  for  whom  there  was  paid,  for  each  3  lbs.  and 
1  ounce  of  silver  money,  making  in  all  1[8]  pounds  6  ounces  of 
silver  money.  [His  boy  (1)  ....  and  his  boy  (1)]  ....  eon  of 
Hor-si-ise,  for  these  was  paid  4§  ounces  of  silver  money. 

*  The  garden,  which  is  situated  in  the  district  of  the  northern 
heights  of  Abydus,  cost  2  lbs.  of  silver  money ;  the  gardener,  Hor- 
mes,  the  son  of  Pen-mer,  «  -h  f  ounces  of  silver  money,  the  water- 
carrier  .  .  .  .  ,  the  son  of  ....  for  6§  ounces  of  silver  money. 

'  Catalogue  of  maid-servants :  Nes-ta-tep,  whose  mother  is 
Tat-mut ;  the  maiden  Tat-ise,  the  daughter  of  Nebt-hepet,  whose 
mother  is  Ariamakh;  the  maiden  Tat-amon,  the  daughter  of  Pinehas, 
[the  maiden  .  .  .  .  ,  the  daughter  of  .  .  .  .],  each  one  for  5f 
ounces  of  silver  money. 

*  The  outlay  for  [the  purchase  of  honey]  is  to  amount  to  3§  lbs. 
of  silver  money,  and  is  charged  upon  the  treasury  of  Osiris,  so 
that  a  hin-measure  of  honey  shall  be  given  by  the  treasury  of 
Osiris  [for  the  daily  supply  of  honey  of  the  Osirian]  great  king  of 
Assyria,  Na-ro-math,  whose  father  is  the  great  king  of  kings, 
[Shashanq,  and  whose  mother  is  Mehet-en-usekh,  for  all  eternity]. 
The  treasury  of  Osiris  is  charged  with  the  money  for  this,  neither 
more  nor  less.  [The  outlay  for  the  purchase]  of  balsam  shall  amount 
to  4§  lbs.  of  silver  money,  and  is  charged  on  the  treasury  of  Osiris 
so  that  4  ounces  of  balsam  shall  be  delivered  from  the  treasury  of 
Osiris  every  day  for  the  offering  of  the  Osirian  great  king  of  the 
Assyrians,  Na-ro-math,  whose  mother  is  Mehet-en-usekh,  to  all 
eternity.  [For  the  provision]  of  the  balsam  the  treasury  of  Osiris  is 
thus  charged  with  the  money,  neither  more  nor  less.  [The  outlav 
for  the  purchase  of]  incense  shall  amount  to  5f  ounces  of  silver 


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DTK.  XXI.  INSCRIPTION  AT  ABYDUS.  211 

money,  and  ia  charged  on  the  treasury  of  Osiris,  so  that  a  hin  of 
a  +  ^  ounces  shall  be  delivered  from  the  treasury  of  Osiris  every  day 
for  the  [keeping  up]  of  the  burning  of  incense  fov  the  Osiriiin  great 
king  of  Asssyria,  Na-ro-math,  whose  mother  is  Mehet-en-usekh, 
to  all  times.  For  the  procuring  of  the  incense  the  treasury  of  Osiris 
is  thus  charged  with  the  money,  neither  more  nor  less.  [The 
outlay  for  the  different  persons  of  the  spice-kitchen,  and  for  the 
persons  of  the  labours  of  the  harvest,  shall  amount  to  for  each] 
2+3  ounces,  and  for  each  1  oimce  of  silver  money,  and  these  are 
charged  on  the  treasury  of  Osiris ;  so  that  there  shaU  be  delivered 
[  .  .  .  .  the  spice-cakes]  each  day  from  the  treasury  of  Osiris, 
and  [that  there  shall  be  delivered  .  .  .  .  ]  from  the  treasury  of 
Osiris,  and  that  there  shall  be  delivered  ....  from  the  treasury 
of  Osiris  for  the  altars  of  the  Osirian  great  king  of  Assyria,  Na- 
ro-math,  whose  mother  is  Mehet-en-usekh,  to  all  eternity.  For 
the  support  of  the  workmen  of  his  spioe-kitchen,  the  money  for  it 
also  is  charged  on  the  treasury  of  Osiris.  [Also  for  the]  harvest 
workers  in  the  upper  fields,  [the  pa3nments  for  these]  are  charged 
on  the  treasury  of  Osiris,  to  the  amount  of  ....  in  silver  money, 
neither  more  nor  less.  This  is  the  sum  total  of  the  silver  money 
for  the  people,  which  is  charged  on  the  treasury  of  Osiris,  [so  that 
aU  payments  shall  be  made  from  it]  which  are  to  be  borne  by  [the 
treasury  of  Osiris]  for  the  altars  of  the  Osirian  great  king  of 
Assyria,  the  king  of  kings,  Na-ro-math,  the  son  of  the  great  king 
of  the  Assyrians,  Shashanq,  whose  mother  is  Mehet-en-usekh.  It 
is  assigned  for  the  Osirian  great  king  of  the  Assyrians,  Na-ro-math, 
the  son  of  Mehet-en-usekh,  who  [is  buried]  in  Abydus,  for  the  estate 
of  100  arurfle  of  land,  for  the  25  men  and  women,  for  the  gardens, 
and  it  amounts  in  silver  money  to  100  +  x  lbs.,  x  ounces ' 

My  respected  colleagues  in  science  will,  I  thinli, 
readily  admit,  that  in  spite  of  its  very  ruinous  and  in- 
jured state,  this  inscription  is  one  of  the  most  remarli- 
able,  and,  I  will  add,  one  of  the  most  surprising,  ever 
found  on  Egyptian  soil.  Who  could  have  expected 
such  direct  evidence  of  the  presence  of  an  Assyrian 
great  king  in  the  VaUey  of  the  Nile,  wlien  the  monu- 
ments had  obstinately  suppressed  all  information  of  the 

p  2 


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212  ASSYRIAN  CONQUEST.  chap.  xvr. 

fact  ?  We  can  only  suppose  that  the  Egyptians,  after 
the  departure  of  their  Assyrian  great  kings,  carefully 
destroyed  all  their  monuments,  and  that  the  one  we 
have  quoted  only  escaped  the  same  fate  because  it  was 
used  as  a  convenient  block  to  work  into  some  building 
in  the  cemetery  of  Abydus. 

I  will  add  to  these  remarks  the  mention  of  a  new 
and  not  less  remarkable  fact.  It  relates  to  the  statue 
of  the  great  king  Nimrod,  about  which  mention  is 
made  in  the  inscription.  By  a  strange  accident  of  fate 
this  also  has  been  preserved.  From  the  hieroglyphic 
inscription  carved  upon  it,  which  has  been  thoroughly- 
well  preserved  in  the  most  important  passages,  I  have 
recognized  it  in  a  sitting  figure  of  red  granite,  which  is 
exhibited  in  the  middle  of  the  chief  hall  of  the  Egyptian 
collection  in  Florence. 

Who  could  ever  have  supposed  that  this  headless 
statue  represented  the  effigy  of  an  Assyrian  great  king 
of  about  1000  B.C.  ?  But  the  surprises  about  this  mat- 
ter are  not  yet  exhausted.  I  shall  prove,  as  we  go  on, 
the  presence  of  Assyrian  satraps  of  the  family  of  this 
same  Nimrod,  who  have  hitherto  been  set  before  our 
eyes  in  inscriptions,  without  the  conjecture  having 
occurred  to  any  scholar,  that  Ser-'a-mat,  *  the  great 
prince  of  the  peoples,'  was  an  Assyrian  official  title. 

As  we  have  already  remarked,  a  son  of  that  great 
king  Nimrod  was  raised  to  the  Egyptian  throne.  He  is 
that  Shashanq,  of  whom,  as  the  founder  of  the  Twenty- 
second  Dynasty,  we  have  to  speak  in  the  next  chapter. 

At  about  the  same  time,  by  direction  of  this  Sha- 
shanq, the  affair  of  the  inheritance  of  the  princess 
Karamat  (for  thus,  and  not  Mat-ke-ra  or  Ka-mat-ke, 


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Dm  xxT.  THE  PROCESS  KARAMAT.  213 

ought  the  name  to  be  read)  was  regulated  by  express 
royal  command,  in  the  name  of  the  Theban  circle  of 
gods.  This  lady  was  the  offspring  of  the  marriage  of 
king  Pisebkhan  I.  with  a  Theban  (Eamessid?),  and, 
according  to  a  frequent  Egyptian  custom,  she  had  been 
robbed  of  her  patrimony  situated  in  Upper  Egy{)t.  By 
her  marriage  with  king  Shashanq  I.  (for  this  Kar-am- 
at  was  his  wife),  her  position  was  completely  changed. 
The  ordinance,  which  relates  to  the  agreement  for  plac- 
ing the  princess  in  her  full  hereditary  right,  is  engraved 
in  large  letters  on  the  north  wall  of  the  third  pylon  on 
the  south  of  the  great  temple  of  Amon  in  Karnak.  The 
upper  half  of  this  wall  is  completely  destroyed ;  and  in 
tliis  case  also  the  first  lines  of  the  inscription,  which 
contained  the  date  and  the  name  of  the  king,  are  un- 
fortimately  wanting.^  We  give  the  complete  literal 
translation  of  this  stone  document,  so  important  histori- 
cally, and  leave  it  to  our  readers  themselves  to  draw  all 
the  conclusions  which  follow  from  it :. — 

'  Thus  spake  Amon-ra,  the  king  of  the  gods,  the  great  god  of  the 
begixming  of  all  being,  and  Mat  and  Khonsu,  and  the  great  gods : 

'With  regard  to  any  object  of  any  kind,  which  Karamat, 
the  daughter  of  the  king  of  Upper  Egypt,  Miamun  Pisebkhan, 
has  brought  with  her,  of  the  hereditary  possession  which  had 
descended  to  her  in  the  southern  district  of  the  country,  and  with 
regard  to  each  object  of  any  kind  whatever,  which  (1)  (the  people) 
of  the  land  have  presented  to  her,  which  they  have  at  any  time 
taken  from  the  (royal)  lady,  we  hereby  restore  it  to  her.  Any  object 
of  any  kind  whatsoever  [which]  belongs  [as  an  inheritance  to  the 
children],  that  [we  hereby  restore]  to  her  children  for  all  time. 
Thus  speaks  Amon-ra,  the  king  of  the  gods,  the  great  king  of  the  be- 
ginning of  all  being,  Mut,  Khonsu,  and  the  great  gods :  (2)  *'  Every 

^  Among  the  copies  taken  by  me  at  Thebes  in  1851  is  that  of 
an  inscription  on  stone,  which  begins  with  the  names  and  titles  of 
Shashanq  I.,  and  thus  supplies  these  formulae. 

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214  ASSYRIAN  CONQUEST.  chap.  xrr. 

king,  every  chief  priest  of  Amoiiy  every  general,  every  captain,  and 
the  people  of  every  condition,  whether  male  or  female,  who  had 
great  designs,  and  they  who  carried  out  their  designs  later,  they 
shall  restore  the  property  of  all  kinds,  which  Karamat,  the  daughter 
of  the  king  of  Upper  Egypt,  Miamun  Pisehkhan,  bi-ought  with 
her  as  her  inherited  estate  in  the  southern  district  (3)  of  the 
country,  together  with  all  possessions  of  all  kinds,  which  the  in- 
habitants of  the  country  have  given  her,  and  what  they  have  at 
any  time  taken  from  the  lady,  it  shall  be  restored  into  her  hand, 
we  restore  it  into  the  hand  of  her  son  and  of  her  grandson,  and  to 
her  daughter  and  to  her  grand-daughter,  the  child  of  the  child  of 
her  daughter.     It  shall  be  preserved  to  the  latest  times." 

'  Again  [spake  Amon-ra],  the  king  of  the  gods,  the  great  god 
of  the  beginmng  (4)  of  all  being,  and  Mut,  and  Rhonsu,  and  the 
great  gods :  '*  Slain  shall  be  all  people  of  every  condition  of  the 
whole  land,  whether  male  or  female,  who  shall  claim  any  object  of 
any  kind  whatsoever,  which  Karamat,  the  daughter  of  the  king, 
and  lord  of  the  land,  Miamun  Pisehkhan,  brought  with  her,  as  in- 
herited estate  of  the  south  land,  and  any  object  of  any  kind  what- 
soever, which  the  inhabitants  (5)  of  the  land  have  given  her,  which 
they  have  at  any  time  taken  from  the  lady  as  property.  They 
who  shall  keep  back  any  object  thereof  one  morning  after  (another) 
morning,  upon  them  shall  our  great  spirits  fall  heavily,  we  will 
not  be  a  helper  (1)  to  them.  They  shall  be  full,  full  of  [snares  f ] 
on  the  part  of  the  great  god,  of  Mut,  of  Khonsu,  and  of  the  great 
gods." 

*  Then  spake  Amon-ra,  the  king  of  the  gods,  the  great  god  [of 
the  beginning  of  all  being,  and  Mut,  and  Khonsu,  and  the  great 
gods  :]  (6)  "  We  will  slay  every  inhabitant  of  every  condition 
in  the  whole  land,  whether  male  or  female,  who  shall  claim  any 
object  of  any  sort  whatsoever,  which  Karamat,  the  daughter  of  the 
king  of  Upper  Egypt,  and  the  lord  of  the  land,  Miamun  Piseh- 
khan, brought  with  her,  as  inherited  estate  of  the  south  land,  and 
any  object  of  any  kind  whatsoever,  which  the  inhabitants  of  the 
country  have  presented  to  her,  and  which  they  have  at  any  time 
taken  away  from  the  [lady  as  their  possession.  They  who  shall 
keep  back  any  object  thereof]  (7)  one  morning  afler  the  (other) 
morning,  to  them  shall  our  great  spirits  be  heavy.  We  will  not 
be  any  help  to  them,  we  will  sink  (their)  noses  into  the  earth,  we 
^ill "' 


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DTK.  xm.  SHASHANQ  I.,  SHESHONK,  OR  SHISHAK.      215 


"^ 


i 


is 


Shashanq  I.,         UMrkon  I.,      Takeloth  I., 
or  fihiahftk.         or  Sargon.       or  Tiglatlu 


Usarkon  n. 


CHAPTER  XVn. 

THE    TWENTT-SECJOND   DYNASTY, 

I.  HAT-KHEPER-RA-SOTEP-EN-RA  MIAMUN  SHASHANQ  L 

B.C.  966. 

The  throne  of  Egypt  was  mounted,  as  has  been  said, 
by  the  son  of  an  Assyrian  sovereign,  the  great  king 
Nimrod,  who  had  met  his  death  in  Egypt  and  was 
buried  at  Abydus.  This  remarkable  and  hitherto 
unknown  event — the  foundation  by  the  son  of  an 
actual  king  of  Assyria  of  a  kingdom  in  Egypt  for 
himself  and  his  family — is  further  confirmed  by  the 
chief  names  of  his  children  and  successors  :  for  Take- 
loth^  Usarkon^  Nemaroth^  represent  in  the  Egyptian 
form  and  writing  the  names  Tiglath^  Sargon^  and 
Nimrod^  so  well  known  in  Assyria. 

As  we  have  remarked  above,  Shashanq^  had  set 
up  his  seat  of  royalty  in  Bubastus,  and  only  seldom  ex- 
tended his  visits  to  the  upper  country  of  Patoris.  He 
lived  on  the  best  understanding  with  the  Eamessids, 
and  therein  followed  the  traditions  of  his  family,  who 
had  contracted  marriages  with  the  daughters  of  the 
Eamessids,  as  had  these  also  on  their  part  with  the 
daughters  of  the  great  king  of  Assyria.  We  have 
'  Writt^i  by  other  Egyptologers  Sheshonk. 


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216  THE  ASSYRIAN  LINE.  chap.  xvn. 

already  remarked  elsewhere,that  the  children  of  Eamses 
XVI.,  the  prince  Zi-hor-auf-ankh  and  the  princess  Zi- 
an-nub-aus-ankh,  had  testified  their  friendly  homage 
to  king  Shashanq  I.  by  marriage  presents. 

Shashanq  I. — the  Shishak  of  the  Bible,  the  Seson- 
CHis  of  Manetho — ^has  become  a  conspicuous  person  in 
the  history  of  Egypt,  in  connection  with  the  records  of 
the  Jewish  monarchy,  through  his  expedition  against 
the  kingdom  of  Judah.  It  is  well  known  how  Jeroboam, 
the  servant  of  king  Solomon,  rebelled  against  the  king 
his  master.  After  the  prophet  Ahijah  had  publicly 
designated  him  beforehand,  as  the  man  best  quahfied 
to  be  the  future  sovereign,  Jeroboam  was  obliged  to 
save  himself  from  the  anger  and  the  snares  of  the  king, 
and  for  this  reason  he  fled  to  Egypt,  to  the  court  of 
Shashanq  I.^  Eecalled  after  the  death  of  Solomon,  he 
returned  to  his  home,  to  be  elected  king  of  Israel 
according  to  the  word  of  the  prophet,  while  the  crown 
of  Judah  fell  to  Solomon's  son,  Kehoboam.'  In  the 
fifth  year  of  this  latter  king's  reign,  and  probably 
at  the  instigation  of  his  former  guest  (Jeroboam), 
Shashanq  made  his  expedition  against  the  kingdom  of 
Judah,  which  ended  in  the  capture  and  pillaging  of 
Jerusalem.* 

This  attack  of  the  Egyptian  king  on  the  kingdom 
of  Judah  and  the  Levitical  cities,  which  the  Scripture 
relates  fully  and  in  all  its  details,  has  been  also  handed 
down  to  later  ages  in  outhne  on  a  wall  of  the  temple  of 
Amon  in  the  Theban  Api.   On  the  south  external  wall, 

>  1  Kings  xi.  26-40.  *  1  Kings  xii. ;  2  Chron.  iii. 

*  1  Kings  xiv.  25-28 ;  2  Chron.  xiL 


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Bra.  mi.     SHASHANQ'S  CONQUEST  OF  JUDAH. 


217 


behind  the  picture  of  the  victories  of  king  Eamessu  11., 
to  the  east  of  the  room  called  the  Hall  of  the  Bubastids,^ 
the  spectator  beholds  the  colossal  image  of  the  Egyptian 
sovereign  deaUng  the  heavy  blows  of  his  victorious 
club  upon  the  captive  Jews.  The  names  of  the  towns 
and  districts,  which  Shashanq  I.  conquered  in  his  ex- 
pedition against  Judah,  are  paraded  in  long  rows,  in 
their  Egyptian  forms  of  writing,  and  frequently  with 
considerable  repetitions,  each  name  being  enclosed 
in  an  embattled  shield. 

We  subjoin  a  list  of  them,  so  far  as  the  names  and 
signs  are  preserved  in  a  legible  form : — 


Ea-bi-tha  (Kabbith) 
Ta-'an-kau  (Taanach) 
She-n-mau  (Shnnem) 
Bdih-Shanlau  (Beth-shean  f ) 
Ee-harbaD  (Eehob) 
Ha-pu-re-mau  (Hapharaim) 
A-dul-ma  (Adullam) 
Sh&-iia-di  .  .  . 
Ma-ha-ne-ma  (Mahanaim) 
Qe-be-'a-na  (Gibeon) 
Beith-Hoaron  (Beth-horon) 
Qa^e-moth  (Kedemoth) 
A-ju-lon  (Ajaloo) 
Ma-ke-tha  (Megiddo) 
A-dir 

Judah-malek 
Ha-an-ma 
Aa-le-na  (Eglon  ?) 
BMe-ma  (Bileam) 
Zad-poth-el 
A  •  .  ha  •  •  ma 


Beith-Vl-moth  (AUemeth) 

Ke-qa-li 

Shau-ke  (Socho) 

Beith-tapnh  (Beth-tappuah) 

A-bi-lau  (Abel) 

Beith-zab  .  . 

Nu-p-arl 

P  .  .  d-8hath 

Pa-(shel)-keteth 

A-do-maa  (EDOM) 

Za-le-ma  (Zalmonah  1) 

....  lela 

....  Izau 

....  apen 

Pi-'Amaq,   *the  valley -plain ' 

(Emek) 
'A-au-zarinaa  (Azmon) 
A-narla 

Pi-HaKja-laa,  *  the  stone  of 
Fe-thiu-shaa 
A-ro-ha-lel  (Arofe'rl) 


»  See  below,  p.  219. 


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Zi» 

THE  ASSYI 

HAN  LINE.                CHAP.  xvn. 

Pi-Ha-qa-]as(, 

'the  stone  of 

Pi-ha-ga-1 

A-bi-ro-ma 

Thel-uan 

She-bi-leth 

Ha-i-do-baa 

Na-ga-bi-li 

Sha-li-n-laa 

She-bi-leth 

Ha-i-do-baa 

Ua-ro-kith 

Di-ua-thi 

Pi-Ha-qa-laa, 

'the  stone  of 

Ha-qe-le-ma 

Ne-Vbaith 

'A-l.Hiaa-(t) 

'A-de-dermaa 

Ri-bith 

Za-pe-qe-qa 

'A-l-daai 

Ma  ....  a 

Neb-tath 

Ta  .  .  .  . 

Jur-he-ma 

Ga-naa-t, '  the 

garden' 

Ari  .  .  .  m 

Pi-Na-ga-bu, 

'the  Negeb  (i.e. 

A-d-raa 

south)  of 

Pi-bi-aa 

'A-za-m  .  ,  . 

th 

Ma-he-gaa 

Ta-shed-na 

.  .  ariuk 

Pi-Ha-ga-le-(t),  *  the  stone  of 

Freth-maa 

She-nai-aa 

A-bi-r 

Ha^qa 

Bal-ro-za 

Pi-Na-ga-bu,  ' 

the  Negeb  of 

Beith-'A-n-th  (Beth-anoth) 

Ua-hath-lu-ka 

Sha-r  (l)-ha-tau 

A-sha-ha-tha-t 

Pi-Ha-ga-li,  ' 

the  stone  of 

Ga-le-naa 

Ha-ni-ni-au 

A-ro-ma  .  .  . 

Pi-Ha-ga-lau, 

'the  stone  of 

....  r-hath 

A-le-qad 

....  raa 

A-do-mam-t 

Ma  .  .  . 

Ha-ni-ni 

A-U  .  .  .  . 

A-do-rau 

Jula  .  .  ,  . 

The  speech,  with  which  the  divine  Amon  of  Thebes 
accompanies  his  delivery  of  the  conquered  cities  to  his 
beloved  son,  Shashanq  I.,  contains  not  the  slightest  in- 
dication from  which  we  might  construct  a  background 
of  facts  for  the  names  of  the  conquered  peoples,  or  for 
the  historical  events  connected  with  them.  The  whole 
representation,  in  accordance  with  the  general  pattern 


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DTir.  xxn,  THE  HALL  OF  THE  BUBASTmS.  219 

of  Egyptian  temple-pictures,  is  a  mere  skeleton  with- 
out flesh  and  blood,  which,  as  usual,  gives  the  enquirer 
more  to  guess  at  than  to  understand. 

The  single  indication  contained  in  the  speech  of 
the  god  Amon  to  the  victorious  king  is  confined  to 
general  appellations.  The  smitten  peoples  (Jews  and 
Edomites)  are  named  '  the  'Am  of  a  distant  land '  and 
the  'Fenekh*  (Phoenicians).^  The  'Am  would,  in 
this  case,  answer  exactly  to  the  equivalent  Hebrew 
'u47n,  which  signifies  '  people,'  but  especially  the 
people  of  Israel  and  their  tribes.  As  to  the  mention 
of  the  Fenekh^  I  have  a  presentiment  that  we  shall  one 
day  discover  the  evidence  of  their  most  intimate  re- 
lationship with  the  Jews. 

In  Kamak — that  is,  to  use  the  language  of  the  old 
Egyptians,  in  Ape — Shashanq  I.  built  a  sort  of  entrance 
hall,  which  leads  from  the  south,  close  by  the  east  wall 
of  the  sanctuary  of  Eamses  HI.,  into  the  great  front 
court  of  the  temple.  Seeing  that  the  family  names  of 
the  Hne  of  Shashanq  have  been  perpetuated  here,  fi^om 
the  builder  of  this  modest  hall  down  to  several  of  his 
successors,  we  have  a  full  right  to  regard  the  edifice  as 
the  memorial  hall  of  the  Bubastids.  Eespecting  the 
building  and  the  architect  of  this  hall  some  instruc- 
tive information  is  furnished  by  a  very  remarkable 
inscription  in  the  quarries  of  Silsilis. 
The  record  runs  as  follows  : — 

'  In  the  year  21,  in  the  month  Pajniyatthat  time  his  Majesty 
"was  in  his  capital  city,  the  ahode  of  the  great  presence  of  the  god 
Hormakhu.  And  his  Majesty  gave  command  and  issued  an  order 
to  the  priest  of  the  god  Amon,  the  privy  councillor  of  the  city  of 

«  Compare  above,  Vol.  I.  p.  296. 

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220  THE  ASSYRIAN  LINE.  chap.  xvtt. 

Hormakhu,  and  the  architect  of  the  monuments  of  the  lord  of  the 
land, — Hor-em-saf, — whose  skill  waa  great  in  all  manner  of  work, 
to  hew  the  best  stone  of  Silsilis,  in  order  to  make  many  and  great 
monuments  for  the  temple  of  his  glorious  father,  Amon-ra,  the 
lord  of  Thebes. 

*  His  Majesty  issued  the  order  to  build  a  great  temple-gate  of 
wrought  stones,  in  order  to  glorify  the  city  (Thebes),  to  set  up  its 
doors  several  cubits  in  height,  to  build  a  festival-hall  for  his  father 
Amon-i-a,  the  king  of  the  gods,  and  to  enclose  the  house  of  the  god 
with  a  thick  wall. 

'  And  Hor-em-saf,  the  priest  of  Amon-ra  the  king  of  the  gods, 
the  privy  councillor  of  the  city  of  Hormakhu,  the  architect  over 
the  house  of  king  Shashanq  I.  at  Thebes,  had  a  prosperous  journey 
back  to  the  dty  of  Patoris  (Thebes),  to  the  place  where  his  Majesty 
resided ;  and  his  love  was  great  towards  his  master,  the  lord  of 
might,  ^the  lord  of  the  land,  for  he  spake  thus : — 

*  "  All  thy  words  shall  be  accomplished,  O  my  good  lord  !  I 
will  not  sleep  by  night,  I  will  not  slumber  by  day.  The  building 
shall  go  on  uninterruptedly,  without  rest  or  pause." 

*  And  he  was  received  graciously  by  the  king,  who  gave  him 
rich  presents  in  silver  and  gold.' 

What  gives  a  special  value  to  this  inscription — 
which  tends  more  to  the  praise  of  the  architect  than 
of  the  king — is  the  discovery,  which  I  first  made  in 
the  year  1859,  of  the  position  of  this  architect  in  the 
genealogy  of  his  race,  the  last  scion  of  which,  by  name 
Khnum-ab-ra — an  architect  like  all  his  ancestors — has 
perpetuated  his  name  in  different  places  on  the  cliffs  of 
the  valley  of  Hammamat,  in  the  29th  and  30th  years 
of  the  Persian  king  Darius  I.  Hor-em-sefa,  his  four- 
teenth ancestor,  falls  exactly  on  the  line  of  the  pedigree, 
on  which  his  master  and  contemporary,  king  Sha- 
shanq, is  found.^ 

^  This  statement  refers  to  the  line  of  architects  which  we  have 
added  to  the  Genealogical  Table  of  the  Kings.  (See  the  left  column 
of  Table  IV.,  of  the  Royal  Families  of  Dynasties  XX.-XXVI.) 


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©rx.  xxu.  SHASHANQ  I.  AND  AUPUTH.  221 

The  quarries  of  Silsilis  have  elsewhere  also  furnished 
to  this  architect — who,  like  all  the  successors  of  his 
race,  was  devoted  to  the  Assyrian  rulers — the  fit  oppor- 
tunity of  immortalizing  the  memory  of  king  Shashanq 
I.  in  a  conspicuous  manner.  On  a  great  memorial 
tablet  the  king  is  seen  in  company  with  his  son  Auputh. 
The  goddess  Mut,  the  Egyptian  Istar,  presents  him,  or 
both  of  them  (the  king  and  his  son),  to  the  three  chief 
gods  of  Egypt — ^Amon  of  Thebes,  Hormakhu-Tum  of 
HeUopohs,  Ptah  of  Memphis — as  king  and  lord  of  the 
land,  in  solemn  form,  as  beseems  gods.  In  the  inscrip- 
tion beneath,  the  king  is  eulogized  under  his  official 
names  (among  them  that  of  '  a  great  conqueror  of  all 
peoples'),  and  it  is  further  said  of  him  as  follows  : — 

'  This  is  the  divine  benefactor.  The  sun-god  Ra  has  his  form. 
He  is  the  image  of  Hormakhn.  Amon  has  placed  him  on  his 
throne  to  make  good  what  he  had  begun  in  taking  possession  of 
Egypt  for  the  second  time.  This  is  king  Shashanq.  He  caused  a 
new  quarry  to  be  opened  in  order  to  begin  a  building,  the  work  of 
king  Shashanq  I.  Of  such  a  nature  is  the  service  which  he  has 
done  to  his  father,  the  Theban  Amon-ra.  May  he  grant  him  the 
thirty  years'  jubilee-feasts  of  Ba,  and  the  years  of  the  god  Turn  ! 
May  the  king  live  for  ever  I ' 

After  this  promising  introduction,  the  king  himself 
comes  forward  as  the  speaker,  and  gives  us  the  oppor- 
tunity of  listening,  twenty-eight  centuries  later,  to  the 
substance  of  the  words  addressed  by  him  to  the  god  : — 

*  My  gracious  lord  !  Grant  that  my  words  may  live  for  hun- 
dreds of  thousands  of  years.  It  is  a  high  privilege  to  work  for 
Amon.  Grant  me,  in  recompense  for  what  I  have  done,  a  lasting 
kingdom.  I  have  caused  a  new  quarry  to  be  opened  for  him  for 
the  beginning  of  a  work.  It  has  been  carried  out  by  Auputh — ^the 
Ligh-priest  of  Amon,  the  king  of  the  gods,  and  the  commander-in- 


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222  THE  ASSYRIAN  UNE.  chap.  xth. 

chief  of  the  meet  excellent  soldiery,  the  head  of  the  whole  body  of 
warrioiB  of  Patoris,  the  son  of  king  Shashanq  I. — ^for  his  lord 
Amon-ra,  the  king  of  the  gods.  May  he  grant  life,  wel^re,  health, 
a  long  term  of  life,  power,  and  strength,  an  old  age  in  prosperity  ! 
My  gracious  lord !  Grant  that  my  words  may  live  for  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  years  I  It  is  a  high  privilege  to  work  for  Amon. 
Grant  me  power,  in  recompense  for  what  I  have  done  ! ' 

The  new  person,  who  here  comes  into  the  fore- 
ground, is  the  king's  eldest  son,  Auputh,  who,  however, 
died  afterwards  before  his  father.  After  the  example 
of  the  priest-kings  of  the  line  of  Hirhor,  the  prince 
and  heir-apparent  was  already  invested  with  the  high 
function  of  chief  priest  of  the  Theban  Amon.  With 
this  dignity  was  joined  the  high  position  of  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  whole  military  force  in  the  South,  that 
is,  the  land  of  Patoris.  In  a  side-inscription,  near  tlie 
memorial  tablet  mentioned  above,  he  has  not  omitted 
to  recal  himself  once  more  to  the  special  remembrance 
of  future  generations : — 

'  This  was  made  by  the  chief  priest  of  Amon-ra,  the  king  of  the 
gods,  the  commander-in-<shief  and  general,  Auputh,  who  stands  at 
the  head  of  the  whole  body  of  the  great  warriors  of  Patoris,  the 
son  of  king  Shashanq  I.' 

In  the  hall  of  the  Bubastids  at  Karnak,  also,  the 
name  of  this  high-priest  of  the  god  Amon  appears 
beside  the  name  of  his  father. 

After  the  death  of  Shashanq,  the  throne  was 
mounted  by  his  second  son — 


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Dm  ixn,  USARKON  I.  OR  SARGON.  223 


n.   SEKHEM  KHEPER-RA    MIAMUN-USARKON    I. 
(SARGON).  B.C.   933. 

Except  a  passing  mention  of  his  name,  the  monu- 
ments tell  us  nothing  about  this  son  of  Shashanq.  Of 
his  two  wives,  who  are  mentioned  in  the  Egyptian 
monimiental  inscriptions,  the  one — by.  name  Tashed- 
khunsu — bore  him  a  son,  Takelath  (Tiglath),  who  was 
his  successor  in  the  kingdom.  His  right  as  the  first- 
born appears  to  have  secured  him  this  position. 

The  second  son,  Shashanq,  born  of  his  marriage 
with  his  second  wife,  the  daughter  of  the  Tanite  king 
Hor-Pisebkhan  11.,  and  thus  of  royal  race,  was  named 
high-priest  of  Amon,  and  was  invested  with  the  same 
rank  which  had  been  held  by  his  uncle  and  predecessor 
Auputh,  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  soldiery  ;  but 
with  this  difference,  that  not  only  the  mihtary  force 
of  Patoris,  but  the  whole  Egyptian  army,  was  placed 
under  his  command. 

There  seems  to  have  been  a  contest  between  the 
brothers  for  the  crown.  The  inheritance,  which  was 
assured  to  the  first  by  his  right  as  the  firstborn,  seemed 
to  the  second  to  belong  rightfully  to  him,  as  son  of  a 
royal  princess.  Hence  we  may  explain  the  pheno- 
menon, that  some  monuments  assign  to  him  the  royal 
cartouche,  with  the  remarkable  addition  of '  Lord  of 
Upper  and  Lower  Egypt.'  The  claim,  which  was  not 
admitted  in  his  person,  seems  however  to  have  been 
conceded  to  his  descendants,  the  younger  line  of  kings 
of  the  race  of  Shashanq. 


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224  THE  ASSYRUN  LINE.  chap,  xvii, 

Takelath  (Tiglath)  received,  as  king  of  Egypt,  the 
name  of 

in.   HAT-RA  SOTEP-EN-AMON  NUTER  HAQ-US    MIAMUN 
SI-ISE  THAKELATH  L,   B.C.  900, 

also  called  in  short  Thakeluth  and  Thakelath.^  The 
monuments  pass  over  the  history  of  his  time  with  per- 
sistent silence. 

His  son  by  his  wife  Kapos,  an  Usarkon  (Sargon), 
was  his  successor.     His  full  name  as  king  ran  thus  : 

IV.  USER-MA-RA  SOTEP-EN-AMON  MIAMUN  SI-BAST 
USARKON  n.  B.C.  866. 

According  to  the  monuments  he  had  two  wives. 
The  first  had  the  name,  already  well  known  to  us,  of 
Ka-ra-ma.  She  is  the  mother  of  his  first-born  son, 
Shashanq,  who  as  crown  prince  was  at  once  invested 
with  the  dignity  of  a  chief  priest  of  Ptah  of  Memphis. 
In  this  character  he  conducted  the  burial  of  the  Apis- 
bull,  which  died  in  the  23rd  year  of  the  reign  of 
Usarkon  H. 

His  younger  brother  Naromath  (Nimrod),  a  son  of 
the  second  wife  Mut-ut-ankhes,  was  next  appointed 
overseer  of  the  prophets  and  commander  of  the  soldiery 
of  Khinensu  (Ahnas),  that  is,  HeracleopoHs  Magna ; 
but  the  ofiice  was  also  conferred  on  him  of  a  governor 
of  Patoris  and  a  chief  priest  of  Amon  of  Thebes.  His 
descendants,  down  to  the  last  Pi-son-Hor,^  succeeded 

^  The  author  gives  also  the  form  Thakeloth  in  the  Genealogical 
Tahle.—ED. 

9  See  the  Genealogical  Table  IV.  of  Dynasties  XX.-XXVI. 


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j)m  xxn.  THE  YOUNGER  LINE.  225 

I  their  father  in  the  hereditary  office  of  priests  of 
I  Khnum,  in  the  city  of  Heracleopohs  Magna.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  descendants  of  prince  Shashanq,  the 
chief  priest  of  Ptah  of  Memphis,  inherited  in  like 
manner  the  high  office  of  their  father,  and  appear  as 
i  officiating  high-priests  at  the  burial  of  several  holy 
Apis-buUs. 

With  Usarkon  11.  the  elder  legitimate  line  of  the 
kings  died  out,  and  a  second  branch  within  the  same 
dynasty  began,  which  embraces  the  descendants  of 
Shashanq,  the  high-priest  of  Amon.  After  the  death 
of  Usarkon  11.,  a  grandson  of  Shashanq,  of  the  same 
name,  mounted  the  throne,  and  received  as  king  the 
full  name  of 

lY.  SEKHEM-KHEPER-EA  SOTEP-EN-AMON   MIAMUN 
SHASHANQ  H.   B.C.  883, 

There  is  a  universal  silence  of  the  monuments 
about  his  time  and  history. 

After  him  reigned  a  Thakelath,  in  all  probabihty 
his  son,  with  the  full  name  of 

V.  HAT-KHEPER-RA  SOTEP-EN-RA  MIAMUN  SI-ISE 
THAKELATH  U.  B.C.  800. 

He  is  the  husband  of  the  queen  Mi-mut  Keromama 
Sit-amen  Mut-em-hat,  a  daughter  of  Nimrod,  the  high- 
priest  of  Amon.  Their  eldest  son  is  expressly  desig- 
nated by  the  inscriptions  as  high-priest  of  the  Theban 
Amon,  and  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  mihtary  force 
of  the  whole  land  ;  and  he  was  at  the  same  time  a  petty 

VOL.  u.  Q 


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226  THE  ASSYRIAN  LINE.  chap.  xvii. 

king.  He  is  the  Usarkon  of  whom  so  much  is  related 
on  a  long  memorial  tablet  in  the  interior  of  the  Hall 
of  the  Bubastids.  This  account  begins  with  the  date 
of  the  9th  of  the  month  Thoth  in  the  12th  regnal  year 
of  his  father.  Although  the  continuity  of  the  record 
is  broken  in  several  places  by  greater  or  lesser  gaps, 
yet  the  following  sense  comes  out  with  full  certainty 
from  a  careful  examination  of  the  still  extant  and 
legible  portions  of  the  great  inscriptions. 

In  the  year  above  named,  the  prince  Usarkon  went 
to  Thebes  in  his  character  of  high-priest  of  Amon,  to 
enter  on  his  office.  His  mission  had  also  the  agreeable 
purpose  of  subjecting  the  Theban  temple  and  its  terri- 
tory to  a  careful  examination,  and  of  restoring  the 
offerings  to  the  god  Amon  and  his  festivals  in  a 
splendid  manner,  according  to  the  good  old  custom. 
Thus  began  the  unlucky  15th  year  of  the  king's 
reign.  Grievous  times  were  at  hand ;  for  as  is  ex- 
pressly said  in  the  inscription  : — 

*  When  now  had  arrived  the  15th  year,  the  month  Meson,  the 
25th  day,  under  the  reign  of  his  father,  the  lordly  Horus,  the  god- 
like prince  of  Thehes,  the  heaven  covM  not  he  distinguishedy  the 
moon  was  eclipsed  (literally  tocw  horrible),  for  a  sign  of  the  (coming) 
events  in  this  land ;  as  it  also  happened,  for  enemies  {lifsraUi/,  the 
children  of  revolt)  invaded  with  war  th*e  southern  and  northern 
districts  (of  Egypt).' 

I  have  not  the  shghtest  doubt  that  the  foregoing 
words  have  reference  to  the  irruptions  of  the  Ethio- 
pians from  the  South  and  to  the  attack  of  the  Assyrian 
power  from  the  North.  The  Assyrian  inscriptions  will 
some  day  no  longer  withhold  from  us  the  answer  to 
the  question — ^which  it  was  of  the  rulers  of  Assyria,  of 
the  family  of  Shalmaneser  m.,  who  made  a  hostile 


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DTK.  xxn.  THE  PRIEST-KING  USARKON.  227 

invasion  of  I^ypt,  and  to  whom  the  descendants  of 
Shashanq  I. — ^Takelath  and  his  son  Petise,  both  high- 
priests  at  Memphis — as  Assyrian  satraps,  showed  them- 
selves, in  remembrance  of  the  old  family  connection, 
especially  compliant. 

The  eclipse  of  the  moon,  which  is  mentioned  in 
the  discourse  as  a  warning  of  the  coming  events,  I  still 
continue  to  maintain,  notwithstanding  all  the  objec- 
tions of  M.  Chabas.  So  long  as  no  better-founded 
objection  is  brought  against  it  than  such  as  have  been 
hitherto  urged,  it  must  surely  be  accepted  as  a  fact, 
that  on  the  25th  of  Mesori,^  in  the  15th  year  of  the 
reign  of  king  Thakelath  11.,  a  total  eclipse  of  the 
moon  took  place  in  Egypt. 

The  rest  of  the  inscription  allows  us  to  suppose  the 
return,  however  temporary,  of  a  period  of  rest  for 
Egypt.  The  priest-king  Usarkon  used  this  respite  to 
evince  his  complete  devotion  to  Amon,  the  god  of 
Thebes,  and  to  his  temple.  The  sacrifices  were 
established  in  such  a  manner,  that  certain  sums  of 
money  were  put  aside  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
offerings,  exactly  as  we  have  already  seen  in  the  case 
of  the  memorial  tablet  of  Abydus. 

Before  we  turn  our  attention  to  the  kingdom  of 
the  Ethiopians,  which  had  estabhshed  itself  in  the 
south  of  Egypt  and  had  begun  its  attacks  upon  Kemi, 
it  seems  proper  first  to  look  a  little  closer  at  the  lagt 
descendants  of  the  line  of  Shashanq,  who  had  sunk  to 
the   position   of  petty   kings  in  the  divided  realm. 

^  I  have  several  times  confirmed  the  statement  of  the  day  from 
the  monument  itself. 

a2 


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228 


THE  LAST  BUBASTIDS. 


CHAP.  XVTl. 


Their  names  and  succession,  with  reference  to  their 
chronology,  are  given  in  the  Genealogical  Table.^  We 
here  take  the  opportunity  that  occurs  to  make  the 
reader  acquainted  with  their  full  names  : — 


Shashanq  TTT. 


Pimai. 


fill 
ID 


Bhaahanq  lY. 


VI.  USER-MA-RA  SOTEP-EN-RA    MIAMUN   SI-BAST 

SHASHANQ   HI.      B.C.  766. 

Vn.  USER-MA-RA  SOTEP-EN-AMON  MIAMUN  PIMAI. 

B.C.  733. 

Vni.   A-KHEPER-RA  SHASHANQ  TV.      B.C.  700. 

Their  historical  importance  disappears  in  the  con- 
flict of  the  petty  kings  who  rose  up  against  one 
another,  now  on  the  side  of  the  Assyrians,  now  on  that 
of  the  Ethiopians.  We  owe  our  knowledge  of  them 
chiefly  to  the  Apis-bulls,  whose  inscribed  tombstones 
refer  to  the  reigns  of  these  kings  with  all  the  needful 
data  of  time. 

The  royal  seat  and  locahty  of  their  petty  kingdom, 
in  the  eighth  century,  can  be  pretty  clearly  seen  from 
Ihese  Apis-tablets.  K  they  no  longer  possessed  the 
seat  of  government  of  their  old  house,  Bubastus  in 
Lower  Egypt,  the  city  of  the  goddess  Bast — ^which  had 
now  become  Assyrian — yet  still  the  ancient  and  im- 
portant capital  of  Memphis  remained  in  their  posses- 
sion. It  was  here  that  the  sacred  Bull  hved  in  the 
V  temple  of  Ptah-Sokar-Osiris ;  and  hence  it  was  that 

^ "  See  "Genealogical  Table  lY.  of  the  FamilieB  of  Dynasties 
XX.-XXVI. 


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DTN.  xxn.      THEIR  APIS-TABLETS  AT  MEMPHIS.  229 

the  solemn  translation  of  the  deceased  Apis  was  made, 
on  a  car  fitted  with  thick  heavy  wheels  of  wood,  to  the 
Serapeum  in  the  desert,  between  the  Arabian  villages 
of  Abousir  (the  ancient  Pi-usiri,  *  the  temple  of  Osiris ') 
and  Saqqarah  (the  name  of  which  clearly  calls  to  re- 
membrance that  of  the  god  Sokar). 

We  subjoin  a  literal  translation  of  the  memorial 
stones,  which  the  fortunate  discoverer  of  the  Serapeum, 
Mariette-Bey,  brought  to  light  during  the  year  of  our 
residence  on  the  spot  and  under  our  own  eye  (1850), 
in  so  far  as  they  relate  to  the  above-named  last  kings 
of  the  Twenty-second  Dynasty.  Quite  apart  from 
their  special  importance  for  determining  the  length 
of  each  king's  reign,  the  reader  will  probably  find  an 
interest  in  learning  the  contents  of  these  inscrip- 
tions, which  have  also  contributed  to  throw  light 
on  the  darkest  parts  of  the  great  picture  of  Egyptian 
history,  and  which  for  the  first  time  exhibit  a  true 
image  of  the  strange  Bull-worship  practised  by  the 
people  of  Memphis. 

I.  Memorial  Stone  op  the  Priest  and  Seer  of  the  Apis- 
Bull,  Senebef,  Son  of  Shed-nofar-tum,  and  of  his  Son, 
THE  Memphian  Priest  Hor-heb. 

*In  the  year  [2],  the  month  [Mekhir]  on  the  [1st]  day,  under 
the  reign  of  king  Pimai,  the  friend  of  the  Apia-god  in  the  West. 
This  is  the  day  on  which  this  (deceased)  god  was  carried  to  the 
heautifal  region  of  the  West,  and  was  laid  at  rest  in  the  grave,  at 
rest  with  the  great  god,  with  Osiris,  with  Anubis,  and  with  the 
goddesses  of  the  nether  world,  in  the  West.  His  introduction  into 
the  temple  of  Ptah  beside  his  father,  the  Memphian  god  Ptah,  had 
taken  place  in  the  year  29,  in  the  month  Paophi,  in  the  time  of 
king  Shashanq  III.' 


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230  THE  LAST  BCJBASTIDS.  chap.  xvii. 


II.  Memorial  Stone  of  the  High-Peiest  op  Memphis,  Petise. 

In  the  year  2,  the  month  Mekhir,  on  the  1st  day,  under  the 
reign  of  king  Pimai,  the  friend  of  the  great  god  Apis  in  the  West. — 
This  is  the  day  on  which  the  god  was  carried  to  his  rest,  in  the 
heautiful  region  of  the  West,  and  was  laid  in  the  grave,  and  on 
which  he  was  deposited  in  his  everlasting  house  and  in  his  eternal 
abode.  He  waa  bom  in  the  year  28,  in  the  times  of  the  deceased 
king  Shashanq  III.  His  glory  was  sought  for  in  all  places  of 
Pitomih  (that  is,  Lower  Egypt).  He  was  found,  after  (some) 
months,  in  the  city  of  Ha-ahed-abot.  They  had  searched  through 
the  lakes  of  Natho  and  aU  the  islands  of  Pitomih.  He  had  been 
solemnly  introduced  into  the  temple  of  Ptah,  beside  his  father,  the 
Memphian  god  Ptah  of  the  south  wall,  by  the  high-priest  in  the 
temple  of  Ptah,  the  great  [prince]  of  the  Mashush  (the  Maxyes), 
Petise,  the  son  of  the  high-priest  [of  Memphis  and  the  great  prince 
of  the]  Mashush,  Thakelath,  and  of  the  piincess  of  royal  race, 
Thes-bast-pir,  in  the  year  28,'  in  the  month  Paophi,  on  the  1st 
day.     The  full  lifetime  of  this  god  amounted  to  26  years.' 

III.  Memorial  Stone  op  the  Memphian  Priest,  Hor-si-ise. 

'  In  the  year  2,  the  month  Mekhir,  the  1st  day,  under  the 
reign  of  IHug  Pimai,  the  friend  of  the  great  god  Apis  in  the  West, 
the  god  was  carried  to  his  rest  in  the  beautiful  region  of  the  West. 
He  had  been  solemnly  introduced  into  the.temple  of  Ptah  beside 
his  father,  the  Memphian  god  Ptah  of  the  south  wall,  in  the  year 

under  the  reign  of  king  Shashanq  ...  [in  the  year]  5 

[+x]  after  he  had  shown  his  1  ,  after  they  had  sought  for 
[his  glory  .  .  .  ].  The  full  lifetime  of  this  god  amounted  to 
26  years.  (This  tablet  is  dedicated)  by  the  hereditary  [prince] 
(here  follows  a  string  of  titles  in  the  priestly  style)  Hor-si-iae,  the 
son  of  the  high-priest  [of  Memphis  and  prince  of  the]  Mashush, 
Pet-ise,  and  of  the  eldest  of  the  wives  ....  [and  by  the  .  .  .] 
Thakelath,  whose  mother  Ta-ti-hor  ....  is.'  ^ 

'  Observe  the  discrepancy  between  this  and  No.  I.  It  seems 
from  the  calculation  given  below,  that  the  29  of  No.  I.  is  the  right 
date. — Ed. 

*  The  order  of  words  is  here  preserved  to  show  that  *  is '  ends 
the  inscription. — Ed. 


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DTF.  xiri.  'SATRAPS'  IN  EGYPT.  231 

lY.    MSMOBIAL   StONB  OF  THE   SaTRAP  PeT-I8E,   AND   HIS   S0N8 

Pef-tot-bast  and  Thakelath. 
'  In  the  28th  year  of  king  Shashanq.' 

Then  follows  a  sculpture,  in  which  three  men  are  seen 
before  the  bull-headed  god,  *  Apis-Tum  with  horns  on 
his  head.'  The  first  of  them  has  on  his  head  the  fillet 
of  an  Assyrian  satrap ;  the  last  is  adorned  with  the 
youth-locks  worn  by  royal  and  princely  persons. 
Above  and  beside  these  persons  are  the  following  in- 
scriptions : — 

'  May  he  grant  health,  life,  prosperity,  to  the  AjBsyrian  satrap 
Pet-ise,  the  son  of  the  Assyrian  satrap  Thakelath — his  mother  is 
Thes-bast-pir — the  son  of  the  first  and  greatest  of  the  princely 
heirs  of  his  Majesty  Shashanq,  the  son  of  the  king  and  lord  of  the 
land,  Usarkon  IL, — 

*  And  to  his  venerator  and  friend,  the  high-priest  of  Ptah,  Pef- 
tot-bast,  the  son  of  the  satrap  Pet-ise,  whose  mother  is  Ta-ari,  a 
daughter  of  the  satrap  Thakelath, — 

*  And  to  his  venemtor  and  friend,  the  priest  of  Ptah,  Thake- 
lath, the  son  of  the  satrap  Pet-ise  and  of  (hk  wife)  Herse.' 

From  these  four  inscriptions  it  follows,  with  irre- 
fragable certainty,  that,  under  the  reign  of  Shashanq 
m.,  Petise  and  his  son  Peftotbast  ascribe  to  themselves 
the  title  and  the  badges  of  Sati*aps.  This  was  exactly 
the  time  when  the  Assyrians  had  laid  their  hands 
on  Egypt,  and  it  was  only  by  their  permission  that 
Shashanq  ruled  as  king  over  the  lowlands  of  Lower 
Egypt.^     The  new  Apis   is  sought  for  in  all  Lower 

*  It  is  perhaps  superflnotis  to  warn  the  reader  against  confusing 
the  new  Afsyrian  domination  here  referred  to  with  the  former 
Assyrian  conquest  of  Egypt.  The  Assyrian  line  of  Shashanq, 
after  becoming  real  Egyptian  kings,  succumbed  in  their  turn  to  the 
new  Assyrian  conquerors  of  the  line  of  Shalmaneser,  imder  whom 
they  became  satraps  in  Lower  Egypt,  alternating  with  their  subjec- 
tion to  the  rival  power  of  the  Ethiopians. — Ed. 


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232  LIFE  OF  THE  APIS.  chap.  xvit. 

Egypt  As  to  Upper  Egypty — where  Usarkon,  the  king 
and  high-priest  of  Amon,  maintained  the  kingdom, 
until  the  time  when  the  Ethiopian  Pi-ankhi  broke  his 
power, — the  inscription  is  completely  silent. 

On  the  memorial  tablets  of  king  Pimai  the  title 
Sar^a  enMat{'  Satrap')  disappears,  and  is  replaced  by 
another,  Sar'a  en  Mashush,  *  Prince  of  the  Maxyes,' 
doubtless  with  reference  to  the  Ethiopian  conquerors, 
who  had  at  this  time  taken  possession  of  the  land,  as 
will  be  shown  more  particularly  below. 

With  regard  to  the  Apis  himself,  the  following  re- 
sults are  obtained  from  the  four  memorial  tablets  now 
cited  : — He  was  born  in  the  28th  year  of  the  reign  of 
king  Shashanq  III.,  at  the  city  of  Hashed-abot  in 
Lower  Egypt.  Months  passed  by  before  he  was  disco- 
vered. On  the  1st  of  Paophi,  in  the  29th  regnal  year 
of  the  king,^  he  was  solemnly  introduced  into  the  tem- 
ple of  Ptah  of  Memphis.  After  a  hfe  of  26  years,  he 
was  buried  in  the  Serapeum  of  Memphis  on  the  1st  of 
Mekhir  in  the  2nd  year  of  the  reign  of  king  Pimai. 
His  death  must  therefore  have  happened  70  days 
earher,  that  is,  on  the  2(}th  of  Athyr.  Supposing  him 
to  have  hved  26  years  complete^  as  the  inscription  ex- 
pressly testifies,  his  birth  must  have  fallen  on  the 
20th  of  Athyr  in  the  28th  regnal  year  of  king  Sha- 
shanq in.  In  that  case  about  ten  months  and  a  half 
would  have  elapsed  until  his  introduction  into  Mem- 
phis on  the  1st  of  Paophi  in  the  29th  year  of  the  reign 
of  Shashanq  HI. 

*  The  reader  should  carefully  recal  to  memory  our  remark  on 
the  numbering  of  the  regnal  years  of  the  Egyptian  kings  (Vol.  I. 
p.  363). 


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CHAP.  XTH.  DYNASTIES  XXIH.   AND  XXIV.  233 


THE   TWENTY-THIRD  DYNASTY,   OP  TANIS. 

Under  this  title,  the  priest  Manetho,  in  his  Book 
of  the  Kings,  sets  down  the  reigns  of  the  three 
kings : — 

Petubastes,  with  40  years ; 

OsORKHON,  with  9  years  ; 

PsAMUS,  with  10  years.  ^ 

Petubastes. 

All  three  disappear  again  in  the  struggle  waged 
against  Egypt  with  varying  success  by  Ethiopia  from 
the  South  and  Assyria  from  the  North.  Hence  their 
names  emerge  but  occasionally  in  the  historical  records 
of  this  time.  In  tKese,  Petubastes  appears  with  the 
full  names,  Se-her-ab-ra  Pet-si-bast  ;  Osorkhon  as 
A-kheper-ra  Sotep-en-amon  Miamun  Usarkan;  and 
the  third,  lastly,  meets  us  as  Us(er)ra  Sotep-en-ptah 
PsiMUT.  Judging  from  the  elements  contained  in  these 
titles,  Petubastes  seems  to  have  had  his  royal  seat  in 
Bubastus,  Osorkhon  in  Thebes  or  Tanis,  Psamus  in 
Memphis.  The  last  we  shall  have  to  recognize  again 
under  his  Assyrian  appellation  of  Is-pi-ma-tu,  in  the 
story  of  the  conquest  by  the  Assyrians,  as  a  contem- 
porary of  king  Tirhaqa,  about  700  B.C. 

And  now  we  pass  on  to  the  Ethiopians. 

[note. — ^TWENTY-FOURTH  DYNASTY. 

The  story  of  king  Bocchoris,  who  stands  [y 
alone  in  the  Twenty-fourth  Dynasty  of  Manetho,  IS 
forms  a  part  of  the  history  of  the  Ethiopian  Bocciiorta. 
sovereignty  over  Egypt  (see  below,  p.  280). — ^Ed.] 


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234 


THE  ETHIOPIANS. 


CHAP.  XYHI. 


(m\ 


mm 

PlankhL 


3 


i 


Sabooo. 


Shabatak. 


Tirhakah. 


CHAPTER  XVin. 


THE   TWENTY-FIFTH  DYNASTY. 


THE  ETHIOPIANS. 


We  have  already  had  occasion  to  become  acquainted 
with  and  to  estimate  the  position  and  character  of  Hir- 
hor,  the  high-priest  of  the  Theban  Amon  and  founder 
of  the  Twenty-first  Dynasty.^  Urged  on  by  haughty- 
pride,  ECirhor  had  realized  his  ambitious  designs  upon 
the  crown  of  Egypt,  had  robbed  his  benefactor  Ra- 
messu  Xm.  of  his  throne,  had  banished  his  whole 
family  and  connections  to  the  Great  Oasis,  and  had 
placed  himself,  to  the  best  of  his  power,  in  the  fore- 
front of  Egyptian  history.  Retribution  was  not  long 
delayed  ;  and  the  avenger  came  from  Assyria.  The 
history  of  the  Dynasty  ended  with  the  overthrow  of 
the  royal  and  priestly  family,  which  suddenly  vanishes 
froin  the  stage,  as  soon  as  Shashanq  I.  obtained  the 
throne,  to  find  however  in  Ethiopia  the  satisfaction  of 
their  lust  for  a  sceptre  and  a  crown. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  eleventh  century,  Egypt 

had  far  too  much  to  do  in  defending  herself  and  her 

independence,  to  trouble  herself  further  about  the 

supremacy  in  the  South,  which  she  had  formerly  won 

»  See  Chap.  XVI.  p.  200. 


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DTw.  XIV.    MOUNT  BARKAL  AND  NAPATA.       2.T5 

and  till  now  had  carefully  guarded.  The  *  Mceroys  of 
the  South '  and  *  King's  sonsof  Kush  '.are  now  t^tru^k 
out  of  the  official  list  of  court  dignitaries,  ami  tie 
'  Kings  of  Kush  '  take  their  place.  The  whole  South. 
from  the  boundary  hne  at  the  city  of  Syeiie,  recover. '^ 
its  freedom,  and  the  tribes  of  Ethiopia  he<s'\n  Uy  enjoy 
a  state  of  independence.  Meanwhile  howcn  er,  if  tlie 
power  of  Egypt  was  no  longer  felt,  Egyptian  civili/a- 
tion  and  the  Egyptian  doctrine  of  the  gods  had  sur- 
vived. All  that  was  wanting  was  a  leader,  to  keep 
alive  the  ideas  that  had  been  once  acquired. 

Nothing  could  have  appeared  more  opportune  for 
the  priests  of  Amon,  who  had  now  become  unpoj)ular, 
to  make  their  profit  out  of  the  favourable  oppor- 
tunity of  the  moment,  than  this  state  of  things  in 
Nubia  and  Ethiopia,  where  the  minds  of  an  iin])er- 
fectly  developed  people  must  needs,  undcT  skilful 
guidance,  soon  show  themselves  pUable  and  submis- 
sive to  the  dominant  priestly  caste.  Mount  Barkal, 
where  Amenhotep  EH.  had  already  r^iised  for  the 
great  Amon  of  Thebes  a  sanctuary  in  the  form  of  a 
strongly  fortified  temple-city,^  was  the  site  chosen  by 
the  newly  arrived  priests  of  Amon  for  the  seat  of 
their  future  royalty.  The  capital  qi  this  newly 
founded  kingdom  of  Kush  was  the  city  of  Xap  or 
Napata,  which  is  so  often  mentioned  in.  the  inscrip- 
tions of  Ethiopian  origin. 

It  is  difficult  to  say  which  it  waa  of  tlie  chief 
priests  of  Amon  of  the  race  of  Hirhor,  that  first 
entered  Napata  and  made  preparations  for  the  founda- 

«  See  Vol.  I.  p.  486. 


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23G  THE  ETHIOPIANS.  chap.  xyin. 

lion  of  that  Ethiopian  kingdom  which  became  after- 
wards so  dangerous  to  the  Egyptians.  The  Ethiopian 
1  lonuineuts,  from  which  the  royal  shields  have  been 
carefully  erased  by  a  later  Egyptian  dynasty,  give 
'  not  the  slightest  information  on  this  point.  So  much 
the  more  important  is  the  circumstance,  that  several 
successors  of  this  priest — among  whom  we  have  al- 
ready met  Avith  the  son  and  successor  of  BGrhor — 
bore  the  same  name,  namely,  that  of  the  priest-king 
Pi-aiiklii,  an  Egyptian  word,  which  signifies  *  the 
living  one.'  Before  we  pass  on  to  that  Piankhi  whose 
invasion  of  Egypt  will  form  the  most  striking  subject 
of  this  chapter,  it  seems  convenient  to  premise,  how- 
ever briefly,  some  observations  on  the  kingdom  of 
Kush. 

As  we  liave  already  stated,  the  sovereign  en- 
throned at  Xapata, '  the  City  of  the  Holy  Mountain,' 
called  himself '  King  of  the  land  of  Kush.'  The  The- 
ban  Anion-ra  was  reverenced  as  the  supreme  god  of 
the  couiitry.  The  king's  full  name  was  formed  ex- 
actly according  to  the  old  Egyptian  pattern.  The 
Egyptian  language  and  writing,  divisions  of  time,  and 
everything  else  relating  to  manners  and  customs, 
were  preserved.  A  distinguished  position  was  as- 
signed to  the  mother,  daughters,  and  sisters  of  the 
king ;  each  of  whom  bore  the  title  of  honour — 
'  Queen  of  Kush.' 

In  the  course  of  time,  the  power  of  the  Ethiopians 
extended  beyond  the  southern  boundary  of  Egypt ; 
till  at  last  the  whole  of  Patoris  came  into  their  pos- 
session, and  the  *  great  city  '  of  Ni-'a,  that  is,  Thebes, 


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i»nr.  xxT.     THEIR  CONQUEST  OF  THEBES.       237 


became  their  capital  in  that  region.  While  the  Assy- 
rians regarded  Lower  Egypt — the  Muzur*  so  often 
mentioned  in  the  cuneiform  inscriptions — as  their  per- 
manent fief,  the  districts  of  Patoris  were  virtually  an 
Ethiopian  province.  Middle  Egypt  formed  a '  march,' 
contested  on  both  sides  between  the  two  kingdoms, 
and  at  the  same  time  a  barrier  which  tended  to  hinder 
the  outbreak  of  open  hostilities  between  the  one  and 
the  other. 

Thus  the  old  priestly  race  had  succeeded  in  again 
acquiring  full  possession  of  Thebes,  the  city  out  of 
which  the  Assyrian  Shashanq  I.  had  chased  them 
with  contumely  and  shame.  The  loss  of  the  city  of 
Amon,  through  the  occasional  expeditions  of  the 
Assyrians  southwards,  was  to  them  equivalent  to 
suffering  a  conquest.  That  this  in  fact  did  sometimes 
happen,  we  shall  presently  see  authentic  evidence. 

As  in  Lower  Egypt  the  Assyrians  were  content 
with  drawing  a  tribute  from  the  petty  kings  and  sa- 
traps, whom  they  confirmed  in  power,  so  in  Patoris 
and  Middle  Egypt  petty  kings  or  vassals  were  set  up 
by  the  Ethiopians,  whose  supremacy  these  princes  had 
to  recognize,  and  to  pay  their  taxes.  Ethiopian  gar- 
risons served  to  guard  the  Ethiopic-Egyptian  territory, 
under  the  command  of  Ethiopian  generals. 

Thus  had  Egypt  become  a  shuttlecock  in  the  hands 
of  the  Assyrians  and  the  Ethiopians,  those  princes  of 
Naph  or  Noph,  whom  we  find  mentioned  in  Scripture.* 

'  This  name,  the  Mazor  of  the  hieroglyphic  inscriptions,  is  pro- 
bably the  special  name  of  the  Tanitic  nome. 

*  Isaiah  xix.  13;  Jer.  u.  16,  xlvi.  U,  19;  Ezek.  xxx.  13,  16, 


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238  THE  ETHIOPIANS.  chap.  xvin. 

The  great  kingdom  of  Kemi  was  split  up  into  little  de- 
pendent states,  which  leant,  now  on  Ethiopia,  now  on 
Assyria,  as  each  foreign  master  gained  preponderance 
for  the  time. 

About  the  year  766  (estimating  the  chronology  by 
the  sequence  of  generations)  the  Assyrians  still  held 
Lower  Egypt  in  their  possession.     Petty  kings  and 
Assyrian  satraps  obeyed  the  Great  King.   At  this  time 
a  revolt  broke  out  under  an  enterprising  petty  king  of 
Sa'is  and  Memphis,  by  name  Tafnakhth,  the  Technactis 
or  Tnephachthus  of  the  classic  writers.     Profiting  by 
the  momentary  weakness  of  the  Assyrian  Empire,  he 
had  prevailed  on  the  other  princes  of  Lower  Egypt  to 
join  him,  whether  through  persuasion  or  force.    As 
soon  as  he  was  thus  strengthened,  he  made  an  inroad 
with  his  whole  force  upon  Middle  Egypt,  where  the 
Egyptian  vassals  of  Piankhi  at  once  submitted  to  him. 
The  tidings  reached  Piankhi,  who  forthwith  sent  orders 
to  his  generals  to  check  the  advance  of  Tafnakhth, 
and  so  to  force  the  bold  petty  king  to  beat  a  retreat. 

We  leave  our  readers  to  construct  for  themselves  a 
picture  of  the  whole  campaign  from  the  long  and  re- 
markable description  of  it  preserved  for  us  on  the  me- 
morial stone  of  Piankhi,  discovered  several  years  ago 
at  Mount  Barkal.  This  monument,  a  block  of  granite 
covered  with  writing  on  all  sides,  up  to  the  very  edges, 
was  set  up,  on  the  spot  where  it  now  stands,  by  command 
of  the  Ethiopian  king  Pi-ankhi,  in  remembrance  of  his 
complete  conquest  of  Middle  and  Lower  Egypt.  The 
subjoined  translation  of  this  record  will  set  in  the 
clearest  light,  far  better  than  any  description,   the 


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DO.  XXV.  PRINCES  OF  LOWER  EGYPT.  239 

several  stages  of  the  Ethiopian  expedition,  and  the  pe- 
culiar position  of  the  Egyptian  petty  kings  and  satraps.^ 
Of  these  we  give  a  list  according  to  the  account  fur- 
nished by  the  stone  : —    ' 

Ring  and  Satrap  Tafkakhth,  Frinoe  of  Sals  and  Memphis ; 

KiDg  NiHBODy  lord  of  Hermopolis  Magna ; 

King  AUPOTH,  of  the  nome  of  Clysma ; 

Satrap  Shashanq,  of  the  city  of  Basins ; 

Satrap  Zi-amun-auf-anrh,  of  the  city  of  Mendes : 

His  eldest  son  Ankh-hor,  commander  of  the  city  of  Hermopolis, 

in  Lower  Egypt.  • 

The  hereditary  lord,  Bok-en*nisi  ; 

Satrap  Nes-na-'ai  (or  Nes-na-keti),  of  the  nome  of  Xois ; 
King  UsARKON,  of  the  city  of  Bubastns ; 
Prince  Paf-tot-bast,  of  the  city  of  Heracleopolis  Magna ; 
The  hereditary  lord,  Pet-ise,  of  the  city  of  Athribis ; 
Sati-ap  Pi-THBNEF,  of  Pi-saptu  (the  Arabian  nome) ; 
Satrap  Pi-ma,  of  the  (second)  city  (named)  Busiris ; 
Satrap  Nakht-hor-na-shennu,  of  Phagroriopolis ; 
Satrap  of  Tanis  (not  named,  being  a  native  Assyrian) ; 
Satrap  of  Ostracine  (not  named,  for  the  same  reason) ; 
Prophet  of  Horns,  Pbt-hor-sam-taui,  of  the  city  of  Letopolis ; 
Prince  He-ro-bi-sa,  of  the  cities  of  Sa  and  Hesaui ; 
Prince  Zi-chi-au,  of  Khont-nofer  (Onuphites  1) ; 
Prince  Pi-bi-sa,  of  Babylon  and  Nilopolis  (in  the  Heliopolitan 
nome). 

'  The  translations  of  this  important  document,  with  which  I 
am  acquainted,  one  in  English  and  another  in  German,  are  far 
from  giving,  even  approximately,  the  right  sense  of  all  the  clauses 
of  this  inscription,  which  has  been  of  the  greatest  service  to  me  in 
the  preparation  of  my  BQeroglyphical  Dictionary.  In  the  pas- 
sages that  are  easy  to  understand  the  translator  can  claim  no  special 
merit.  It  is  when  he  comes  to  the  hard  ones  that  the  old  proverb 
applies :  '  Hie  Bhodus,  hie  salta.'  [The  inscription  has  been  trans- 
lated into  English  by  Canon  Cook,  first  as  a  separate  pamphlet — 
*  The  Inscription  of  Pianchi  Mer-Amon,  king  of  Egypt,  in  the  8th 
century  b.c.  Translated  by  F.  C.  Cook,  M.A.,  Canon  of  Exeter, 
Ac.'  1873 — and  again  in  Recordi  of  the  Fast,  vol.  ii.  pp.  81, 
foU.— Ed.] 


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240  THE  ETHIOPIANS.  chap,  xviii. 

We  have  also  indicated,  by  the  addition  *  Vassal/ 
on  the  great  Genealogical  Table,*  the  princes  subject 
to  king  Pi-ankhi,  in  order  to  show  that  the  events,  of 
which  the  inscription  of  the  Ethiopian  king  gives  us 
such  precise  information,  must  have  taken  place,  as  to 
their  chronology,  within  the  period  of  the  one  genera- 
tion between  B.C.  766  and  B.C.  733. 

Having  premised  these  necessary  remarks,  we  leave 

our  readers  to  follow  the  translation  of  this  record  of 

victi^ry. 

'  In  the  2l8t  year,  in  the  month  Thoth,  under  the  reign  of  the 
king  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt,  Miamun  Piankhi — may  he  live 
for  ever  I — My  Boyal  Majesty  issued  the  command  that  men  should 
be  informed  of  what  I  have  done  more  than  all  my  predecessors. 
I  the  king  am  a  part  of  God,  a  living  image  of  Tum.  As  soon  as 
I  came  out  of  my  mother's  womb  I  was  chosen  to  be  ruler,  before 
whom  the  great  men  were  a&aid,  knowing  that  I  [was  to  be  a 
powerful  lord], 

*  (2)  His  mother  well  knew  that  he  was  destined  for  a  ruler  in 
his  mother's  womb,  he,  the  god-like  benefactor,  the  Mend  of  the 
gods,  the  son  of  Ba,  who  had  formed  him  with  his  hands,  Miamun 
Pi-ankhi. 

*  Messengers  came  to  inform  the  king  :  *'  The  lord  of  the  West 
country  (that  is,  the  Western  part  of  the  Delta),  the  great  prince  in 
the  holy  city  (Sais),  Tafnakhth,  has  established  himself  in  the  nome 
[name  wanting],  in  the  nome  of  Xols,  in  the  city  of  Hap  (Nilopolis), 
in  the  city  [....],  (3)  in  the  city  of  'Ain,  in  the  city  of  Pi-nub 
(Momemphis),  and  in  the  city  of  Memphis.  He  has  taken  posses- 
sion of  the  whole  West  country,  from  the  Mediterranean  coast  (of 
Buto)  up  to  the  boundary  city  (between  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt). 
He  is  advancing  up  the  river  with  many  warriors.  The  inhabi- 
tants of  both  parts  of  Egypt  have  joined  themselves  to  him. 
The  princes  and  loi*ds  of  the  cities  are  like  dogs  at  his  feet.  The 
fortresses  are  not  shut  (against  him)  (4)  of  the  nomes  of  the  South. 
The  cities  of  Mi-tum  (Meidoum),  Pi-sekhem-kheper-ra  (Crooodilo- 

•  See  Table  IV.,  at  the  end  of  this  Volume. 


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dt:t.  xxt.  revolt  OF  TAFNAKHTH.  241 

polisy  the  city  of  Usarkon  I.,  at  the  entrance  to  the  Fayoam),  Pimaz 
(Ozyrhynchus),  Thekanath,  and  all  the  (other)  cities  of  the  West, 
have  opened  their  gates  to  him,  through  fear  of  him.  He  turns 
himself  to  the  nomes  of  the  East.  They  open  their  gates  to  him, 
namely,  the  following:  Habennu  (the  Phoenix-city,  Hipponon), 
Tai-uzai,  and  AphroditopoUs.  He  is  preparing  (5)  to  beleaguer 
the  city  of  Heracleopolis  Magna.  He  has  surrounded  it  as  with 
a  ring.  None  who  would  go  out  can  go  out,  none  who  would  go  in 
can  go  in,  because  of  the  uninterrupted  assaults.  He  has  girt  it 
round  on  eveiy  side.  All  the  princes  who  acknowledge  his  power, 
he  lets  them  abide  eveiy  one  in  his  own  district,  as  pnnces  and 
kings  of  the  cities.  And  they  [do  homage  to  him]  (6)  as  to  one 
who  is  distinguished  through  his  wise  mind ;  his  heart  is  joyful." 

*  And  the  lords  and  the  princes  and  the  chiefs  of  the  warriors, 
every  one  according  to  his  city,  sent  continual  messages  to  his 
^lajesty  (Le.  Piankhi)  to  this  effect :  "  Art  thou  then  silent,  so  as 
not  to  wish  to  have  any  knowledge  of  the  South  country  and  of 
the  inland  regions]  Tafnakhth  is  winning  them  to  himself,  and 
finds  no  one  that  withstands  him.  Nimrod,  the  [lord  of  Hermo- 
polis  Magna]  (7)  and  prince  of  Ha-uer  (Megalopolis),  has  demo- 
lished the  fortress  of  Nofrus,  and  has  razed  his  city  with  his 
own  hands,  through  fear  that  he  (Tafnakhth)  should  take  it  from 
him,  in  order  to  cut  it  off  after  the  manner  of  the  other  cities.  Now 
he  has  departed,  to  throw  himself  at  his  feet,  and  he  has  renounced 
allegiance  to  his  Majesty.  He  is  leagued  with  him  like  any  [of 
the  other  princes.  The  lord]  (8)  of  the  nome  of  Oxyrhynchus  has 
offered  him  gifts  according  to  his  heart's  desire,  of  everything  that 
he  could  find." 

*  Then  his  Majesty  sent  orders  to  the  princes  and  captains  of 
the  army,  who  were  set  over  the  land  of  Egypt,  (namely)  the 
captain  Pi-ua^ro-ma,  and  the  captain  La-mis-ke-ni,  and  to  all  his 
Majesty's  captains,  who  wei'e  set  over  the  land  of  Egypt,  that  they 
Bhould  hasten  to  prevent  the  arming  (of  the  rebels)  for  war,  to  invest 
[the  city  of  Hermopolis],  (9)  to  take  captive  its  inhabitants,  their 
cattle,  and  their  vessels  on  the  river,  to  let  no  labourer  go  out  to 
the  field,  nor  suffer  any  ploughman  to  plough,  and  to  blockade  all 
that  were  in  the  city  of  Hermopolis,  and  to  fight  against  it  without 
ceasing.     And  they  did  so. 

*  Then  his  Majesty  sent  his  warriors  to  Egypt,  enjoining  upon 
them  very  very  strictly :  "  Take  [care,  watch,  do  not  pass]  (10)  the 

VOL.  II.  R 


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242  INSCRIPTION  OF  PIANKHL  chap,  xviii. 

night  in  the  enjoyment  of  play.  Be  on  the  alert  against  the  attack 
(of  the  enemy),  and  be  armed  for  the  battle  even  afar  off.  If  any 
(of  the  commanders)  says,  *  The  army  and  the  chariots  are  to  turn 
to  another  city  :  why  will  ye  delay  to  go  against  its  army  1 ' — ye 
shall  fight  as  he  has  said,  If  any  (of  the  enemy)  attempts  to  fetch 
his  defenders  from  another  city,  (11)  turn  about  to  meet  them.  If 
any  of  these  princes  should  have  brought  with  him,  for  his  pro- 
tection, warriors  from  Marmarica,  or  combatants  from  those  faith- 
ful (to  him),  arm  yourselves  to  fight  against  them.  As  an  old  hero 
says,  *  It  avails  not  to  gather  together  the  warriors  and  numerous 
chariots  with  the  best  horses  out  of  the  stable,  but,  (12)  when 
going  into  the  battle,  to  confess  that  Amon,  the  divine,  is  he  who 
sends  us.'  When  you  have  arrived  at  Thebes,  in  sight  of  (the 
temple  of)  Ape,  go  into  the  water,  wash  yourselves  in  the  river, 
draw  yourselves  up  at  the  chief  canal,  unstring  your  bows  and  lay 
aside  your  weapons  before  (13)  the  king  (of  the  gods),  as  the 
Almighty.  No  strength  shall  the  man  have  who  despises  him  ;  he 
makes  the  weak  strong,  and  however  many  there  be  of  them  (the 
strong),  they  must  turn  their  back  before  the  few,  and  be  one  (ever 
so  weak),  he  copes  with  a  thousand.  Sprinkle  yourselves  with  the 
water  from  his  altars  of  sacrifice,  fall  down  before  him  on  your 
faces,  and  4speak  (14)  to  him  thus:  *Show  us  the  way  to  fight 
in  the  shadow  of  thy  mighty  arm.  The  peoples  that  go  forth  for 
thee  shall  beat  down  the  enemy  in  many  defeats.' " 

*  Then  they  threw  themselves  prostrate  before  his  Majesty 
(saying)  :  "  Is  it  not  thy  name  that  makes  our  arm  strong  ?  Is  it 
not  thy  wisdom  that  gives  firmness  to  thy  warriors  1  Thy  bread 
is  in  our  bodies  during  all  our  march,  and  thy  mead  (15)  quenches 
our  thirst.  Does  not  thy  power  give  us  strength  and  manly 
coui'age  at  the  thought  of  thee  ?  An  army  is  naught,  whose  com- 
mander Is  a  coward.  And  who  is  like  unto  thee  ?  Thou  art  the 
king  whose  hands  create  victory,  a  master  in  the  work  of  war." 

*  When  they  had  gone  (16)  down  the  river,  they  reached  the 
city  of  Thebes,  and  did  all  that  his  Majesty  had  commanded. 
Proceeding  down  the  stream  upon  the  river,  they  met  a  number  of 
vessels  sailing  up  the  stream  with  soldiers,  sailors,  and  captains, 
^f  the  best  warriors  of  Upper  Egypt,  equipped  with  all  munitions, 
(17)  for  the  war  against  the  army  of  his  Majesty.     Then  they 

inflicted  on  them  a  great  overthrow.     NTo  one  knows  the  number 
x>f,  their  prisoners,  together  with  their  ships,  who  were  brought  as 


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DTJT.  xiT.  VICTORY  IN  UPPER  EGYPT.  243 

living  prisoners  to  the  place  where  his  Majesty  resided.  When 
they  had  advanced  further  to  the  city  of  HeracleopoUs  Ma^^na,  they 
arrayed  themselves  for  the  battle. 

(18)  'The  following  is  the  list  of  the  princes  and  kings  of 
Lower  'Egypt ; 

The  king  Nimrod,  and 

The  king  Aupoth  : 

The  satrap  Shashanq,  of  the  city  of  Busiris ;  and 

The  satrap  Zi-amun-auf-akkh  of  the  city  of  Mendes ;  and 

His  eldest  son,  who  was  military  commander  of  the  city  of 

Hermopolis  Parva : 
The  warriors  of  the  hereditary  lord  Bok-en-nisi  ;  and 
His  eldest  son,  the  satrap  (19)  Nes-na-'ai  of  the  nome  of 

Xois: 
The  grand-master  of  the  feai-bearers  in  Lower  Egypt ;  and 
The  king  Usarkon,  who  resides  in  the  city  of  Bubastus  and  in 

the  city  of  TJu-n-r'a-nofer : 

and  all  the  princes  and  kings  of  the  cities  on  the  West  side,  on 
the  East  side,  and  on  the  islands  between.  They  had  gathered 
themselves  together  at  the  bidding  of  that  one,  and  they  sat  thus 
at  the  feet  of  the  great  lord  of  the  West  country,  the  prince  of  the 
cities  of  Lower  Egypt,  the  prophet  of  Neith,  the  Lady  of  Sais, 
(20)  and  the  high-priest  of  Ptah  (of  Memphis),  Tafnakhth. 

'  When  they  had  advanced  further,  they  inflicted  on  them  a 
great  defeat,  greater  than  ever,  and  captured  their  ships  upon  the 
river.  When  the  survivors  had  fled,  they  landed  on  the  West 
side,  in  the  territory  of  the  city  of  Pi-pek.  When  the  earth  had 
become  light  in  the  early  morning  (of  the  next  day),  the  warriors 
of  his  Majesty  advanced  (21)  against  them,  and  army  joined  in 
battle  with  army.  Then  they  slew  much  people  of  them,  as  well  as 
their  horses.  No  one  knows  the  number  of  the  slain.  Those  that 
were  left  alive  fled  to  Lower  Egypt,  because  of  the  tremendous 
overthrow,  for  it  was  more  terrible  than  ever. 

*  List  of  the  people  of  them  that  were  kiUed :  Men  [ ] 

*  (22)  The  king  Nimrod  (advanced)  up  the  river  to  Upper  Egypt, 
because  the  news  had  been  brought  to  him  that  the  city  of  Her- 
mopolis M^^f*-  had  feJlen  into  the  power  of  the  enemy — meaning 
the  warriors  of  his  Majesty — who  had  captured  its  inhabitants 
and  their  cattle.     Then  he  came  before  Hermopolis.     But  the 

b2 


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244  INSCRIPTION  OF  PIANKHI.  chap,  xviir. 

army  of  his  Majesty  was  on  the  river  at  the  harbour  (23)  of 
the  Hermopolitan  nome.  When  they  heard  that  the  king  (Nimrod  ) 
had  surrounded  them  on  all  four  sides,  so  that  none  could  ^^o 
either  out  or  in,  they  sent  a  messenger  to  his  Majesty  Miamun 
Pi-ankhi,  the  dispenser  of  life,  (to  tell  him)  of  the  complete  over- 
throw which  had  been  prepared  for  them  by  all  the  forces  of  his 
Majesty  (king  Nimrod). 

^  Then  was  his  Majesty  furious  against  them,  like  a  panther,  (and 
said)  :  "  Then  did  they  leave  (24)  a  remnant  of  the  army  of  Lower 
Egypt  surviving,  and  suffer  to  escape  from  them  whosoever  would 
escape  in  order  to  give  information,  that  he  might  advance,  ao  that 
they  should  not  suffer  death,  (but)  make  their  escape  ?  I  sweftr, 
as  truly  as  I  love  the  god  Ra,  as  truly  as  I  hallow  the  god  Amon, 
I  will  myself  go  down  the  river;  I  will  frustrate  (25)  what 
that  man  has  done;  I  will  drive  him  back,  even,  should  the 
struggle  last  long;  after  performing  the  solemnity  of  the  cus- 
tomary rites  of  the  new  year's  feast.  I  will  offer  a  sacrifice  to 
my  father  Amon  at  his  beautifid  feast ;  he  shall  celebrate  his  pro- 
cession on  the  beautiful  day  of  the  new  year.  I  will  go  in  peace  to 
behold  Amon  on  his  beautiful  feast  of  the  Theban  month  (Paopi). 
I  will  cause  his  image  to  go  forth  (26)  to  Api  of  the  south  on  his 
beautiful  feast  of  the  Theban  month  (Paopi),  in  the  night  of  the 
feast  which  is  established  for  Thebes,  and  which  the  Sun-god  Ha  first 
instituted  for  him.  I  will  conduct  him  back  to  his  temple,  where 
he  sits  on  his  throne.  But  on  the  day  of  the  god's  return,  on  the 
second  of  the  month  Athyr,  I  will  let  the  people  of  Lower  Egypt 
feel  the  weight  of  my  finger."  ^ 

*  (27)  Then  the  king's  warriors  remained  in  Egypt.  They  had 
heard  of  the  wrath  which  his  Majesty  had  conceived  against  them. 
Then  they  fought  against  the  city  of  Pi-maz,  in  the  Oxyrhynchite 
nome,  and  they  took  it  like  a  flood  of  water.  And  they  sent  a 
message  to  his  Majesty ;  but  his  heart  was  not  appeased  thereby. 

*  Then  they  fought  against  the  very  strong  city  of  Ta-tehan 
(now  Tehneh),  and  they  found  it  filled  (28)  with  soldiers,  of 
the  best  warriors  of  Lower  Egypt.  Then  they  made  the  batter- 
ing-ram play  against  it,  which  threw  down  its  walls.     They  in- 


7  Literally,  *  taste  the  taste  of  my  finger.'  Compare  the  boast 
of  Behoboam,  '  My  little  finger  shall  be  thicker  than  my  father's 
loins  '  (1  Kings  xii.  10).— Ed. 


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DTW.  XIV.  HE  TAKES  HERMOPOLIS.  245 

fiicted  on  them  a  great  overthrow — ^no  one  knows  the  numbers — 
among  them  (the  slain)  was  also  the  son  of  the  satrap  Tafnakhth. 
Then  they  sent  a  message  to  his  Majesty ;  but  his  heart  was  not 
appeased  thereby. 

'  (29)  Then  they  fought  against  the  city  of  Ha-bennu  and 
broke  it  open,  and  the  warriors  of  his  Majesty  entered.  Then  they 
sent  a  message  to  his  Majesty ;  but  his  heart  was  not  appeased 
thereby. 

In  the  month  Thoth,  on  the  9th  day  of  the  month,  when  his 
Majesty  had  gone  down  to  Thebes,  he  celebrated  the  feast  of  Amon 
in  the  Theban  month  Paopi.  When  his  Majesty  had  sailed 
(30)  down  the  river  to  the  city  of  HermopoUs  Magna,  he  came 
forth  out  of  the  cabin  of  his  ship,  caused  the  horses  to  be  harnessed, 
and  mounted  his  war-chariots,  the  names  of  which  were, ''  The  fear 
of  his  Majesty  reaches  to  the  Asiatics,"  and  '<  The  hearts  of  all  men 
fear  him."  When  his  Majesty  had  marched  on,  he  threw  himself 
upon  the  (31)  haters  of  his  warriors,  full  of  wrath  against  them, 
like  the  panther,  (saying) :  ^'  Are  they  not  standing  there  )  Fight, 
I  tell  you  !  This  is  loitering  over  my  business !  The  time  is  at 
length  come  once  for  all  to  make  the  land  of  Lower  Egypt  respect 
me."  A  mighty  overthrow  was  inflicted  upon  them,  frightful  for 
the  slaughter  which  they  suffered. 

'  His  tent  was  pitched  on  the  south-west  of  Hermopolis  Magna. 
The  city  remained  cut  off  (32)  continually.  A  rampart  was 
throw^  up,  to  overtop  the  high  wall  of  the  fortress.  When  the 
wooden  structure  (raised)  against  it  was  high  enough,  the  archei-s 
shot  in  (their  arrows),  and  the  catapults  {lit,  slinging  machines) 
threw  stones,  so  as  continually  to  kill  the  people.  This  lasted 
three  days.  Then  those  in  Hermopolis  had  become  stinking,  and 
had  lost  their  sweet  savour.^  (33)  Then  Hermopolis  surrendered 
and  supplicated  the  king  of  Lower  Egypt,  and  ambassadors  came 


^  We  translate  this  literally  after  Dr.  Brugsch,  without  ven- 
turing to  decide  whether  (as  we  suppose)  it  is  a  figure,  not  uncom- 
mon, for  the  distress  of  the  Hermopolites,  or  whether  it  means 
(more  Kterally)  that  the  stench  of  the  corpses  drove  them  to  sur- 
render. The  parallel  is  striking  with  Isaiah  iii.  24,  ^  instead  of 
sweet  smell  there  shall  be  stink '  (compare  Gen.  xxxiv.  30 ;  Exod. 
V.  21 ;  1  Sam.  xxviL  12;  Isaiah  xxxiv.  3;  Joel  ii.  20;  Amos 
iv.  10).— Ed. 


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246  INSCRIPTTON  OF  PIANKHI.  chap.  xvnr. 

out  of  it  and  presented  themselves  with  all  things  good  to  behold 
— ^gold,  precious  stones,  garments  of  cotton — (before  his  Majesty), 
who  had  put  on  the  serpent-diadem,  in  order  to  inspire  respect 
for  his  presence.  But  several  days  passed  before  they  dared  to 
supplicate  his  Urseus.  Then  (Nimrod)  sent  forth  (34)  bis  wife, 
the  queen  and  daughter  of  *a  king,  Nes-tbent-nes,  to  supplicate 
the  queens  and  the  royal  concubines  and  the  king's  daughters  and 
sisters.  And  she  threw  herself  prostrate  in  the  women's  house 
before  the  queens  (saying)  :  "  Pray  come  to  me,  ye  queens,  king's 
daughters,  and  king's  sisters !  Appease  Horus,  the  ruler  of  the 
palace.  Exalted  is  his  person,  great  his  triumph.  Cause  (35)  his 
[anger  to  be  appeased  before]  my  [prayer] ;  else  he  will  give  [over 
to  death  the  king,  my  husband,  but]  (36)  he  is  brought  low.*' 
When  she  had  finished  [her  speech,  her  Majesty]  (37)  was  moved 

in  her  heart  at  the  dtt()plication  of  the  queen (38-50) 

{This  part  of  the  inscription  is  entireli/ erased) (51)  be- 
fore (?)  thee.  Who  is  leader  ?  Who  is  leader  ?  Who,  when  he  is 
led,  who  is  led  .  ...  (52)  to  thee  the  boon  of  living.  Is  not  the 
swollen  stream  like  an  arrow  1     I  am   ...    . 

'  (53)  The  inhabitants  of  the  South  bowed  down ;  the  people 
of  the  North  said,  "  Let  us  be  under  thy  shadow  !  If  any  one  has 
done  wrong,  let  him  [come]  to  [thee]  (54)  with  his  peace-oFerings. 
This  is  the  helm  which  turns  about  (like  a  ship)  its  governor 
towards  him  who  belongs  (henceforth)  to  the  divine  person.  He 
has  seen  the  fire  in  ...  .  (55)  Worth  naught  is  the  great  man, 
who  is  admired  for  his  father's  sake.  Thy  fields  are  full  of  little 
men." 

'  Then  he  (king  Nimrod)  threw  himself  prostrate  before  his 
Majesty  [speaking  thus :  "  Thou  art]  (56)  Horus,  the  lord  of  the 
palace.  Wilt  thou  not  grant  me  to  become  one  of  the  king's  ser- 
vants, and  to  pay  tribute  of  my  productions  for  the  treasury  [like 
those  who  pay  contributions]  (57)  of  their  productions)  I  will 
furnish  thee  more  than  they  do." 

'Then  be  offered  silver,  gold,  blue  and  green  stones,  iron,  and 
many  jewels.  (58)  Then  was  the  treasury  filled  with  these  gifts. 
He  led  forward  a  horse  with  his  right  hand,  in  his  left  was  a 
sistrum,  and  the  striking-plate  was  of  gold  and  blue  stones.  Then 
the  king  went  forth  out  of  (59)  his  palace,  and  betook  himself  to 
the  temple  of  Thut,  the  lord  of  the  city  of  the  eight  (gods) 
(Achnum,  Hermopolis  Magna).     He  sacrificed  oxen^  calves,  and 


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Drw.  XXV.  SUBMISSION  OF  KING  NIMROD.  247 

birds,  to  his  father  Thut,  the  lord  of  the  city  of  the  eight  (gods), 
and  to  the  eight  deities  in  the  (60)  temple  of  the  eight  deities. 
And  the  people  of  Hermopolis  played  a  hymn,  and  they  sang  : 
^*  Beautiful  is  Horus,  who  abides  in  (61)  his  city,  the  son  of  the 
Sun,  Pi-ankhi !  Thou  makest  festiyal  for  us,  as  if  thou  wert  the 
tutelar  lord  of  the  nome  of  Hermopolis." 

*  When  the  king  had  entered  into  (62)  the  house  of  king  Nim- 
rod,  he  visited  all  the  chambers  of  the  king,  his  treasury  and  his 
store-rooms.     And  he  was  content.  • 

'Then  came  (63)  to  him  the  king's  wives  and  the  king's 
daughters,  and  they  praised  his  Majesty  after  the  manner  of 
women,  but  his  Majesty  did  not  turn  his  countenance  upon 
(64)  them. 

'  When  his  Majesty  visited  the  stables  and  the  studs  of  foals,  he 
observed  that  [they  had]  (65)  let  them  starve.  He  said  :  "  I  swear, 
as  surely  as  the  youthful  Sun-god  Ka  loves  me,  as  surely  as  I  breathe 
in  life,  it  is  a  viler  thing  to  my  heart  (66)  to  let  the  horses  starve, 
than  all  the  other  faults  that  thou  hast  committed.  That  thou 
hast  laid  thy  heart  bare  through  this,  evidence  is  furnished  me  of 
thy  habitual  views  (]).  (67)  Hast  thou  forgotten  that  the  shadow 
of  God  rests  upon  me  1  The  proof  thereof  shall  not  be  wanting  to 
him  on  my  part !  (68)  Would  that  another  had  done  such  a  thing 
to  me,  an  ignorant  man,  not  a  haughty  one,  as  he  is  !  I  was  born 
out  of  my  mother's  womb,  and  created  out  of  the  egg  of  a  divine 
essence.  I  was  begotten  (69)  by  a  god.  By  his  name  !  I  will  not 
forget  him  in  what  he  has  commanded  me  to  do."  Then  he  or- 
dered his  (Nimrod's)  possessions  to  be  assigned  to  the  treasui-y, 
(70)  and  his  gi*anaries  to  the  property  of  the  god  Amon  of  Api. 

*  When  the  prince  of  Heracleopolis  Magna,  Paf-tot-bast,  had 
come  with  his  presents  (71)  to  the  great  house  of  the  god-like  one 
(Pi-ankhi),  with  gold,  silver,  fine  precious  stones,  horses  from  the 
best  of  his  stable,  then  he  threw  himself  prostrate  before  his  Majesty, 
and  spake  thus  :  "  Hail  to  thee,  Horus,  (72)  mighty  king !  Bull 
that  wardest  off  the  bulls  !  The  abyss  has  swallowed  me  up ;  I  am 
sunk  in  darkness ;  give  me  light  (73)  for  my  countenance.  I  have 
not  found  a  friend  in  the  day  of  adversity,  nor  one  that  could  stand 
in  the  day  of  battle  save  thee,  O  king !  (74)  Chase  away  the 
^kness  from  before  my  face.  I  will  be  a  servant  (to  thee),  to- 
gether with  uiy  subjects  of  Heracleopolis  Magna,  who  will  pay 
tribute  (75)  to  thy  house;  for  thou  art  like  the  god  Hormakhu, 


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248  INSCRIPTION  OF  PIAXKHI.  chap.  xvin. 


the  prince  of  the  planets.  He  is  what  thou  art  bjb  king.  He  does 
not  pass  away,  (76)  thou  dost  not  pass  awaj,  O  king  of  Upper  and 
Lower  Egypt,  Pi-ankhi,  the  ever-living." 

'  When  his  Majesty  had  sailed  downwards  to  the  point  of  the 
lake  region  (the  Fayoum),  to  the  place  of  the  sluice  (77)  of  the 
canal,  he  came  to  the  city  of  Pi-sekhem-kheper-ra  (the  capital  of 
XJsarkon  I.),  whose  walls  were  high  and  its  citadel  close  shut,  filled 
with  the  best  troops  of  the  land  of  Lower  Egypt.  Then  he  sent  a 
summons  to  it,  saying  :  "  To  live  in  dying  is  dreadful :  (78)  thy 
life  shall  be  [rescued]  from  death,  if  (the  gates)  are  at  once  opened. 
If  you  do  not  open  to  me,  you  are  counted  in  the  number  of  my 
fallen  foes.  It  is  an  afiront  to  a  king,  to  shut  him  out  before  the 
gates.  Your  life  will  be  good  for  the  high  court  of  justice,  good 
will  be  this  day,  from  him  who  loves  death  to  him  who  hates  life. 
(79)  [Make  your  decision]  in  the  face  of  the  whole  land.'' 

'  Then  they  sent  an  embassy  to  his  Majesty,  to  address  him 
thus :  "  The  shadow  of  God  rests  upon  thee,  thou  son  of  the 
goddess  Nut.  He  lends  thee  his  hand.  What  thy  heart  wishes, 
that  forthwith  happens.  As  the  word  is  uttered  from  the  mouth 
of  God,  so  it  comes  to  pass.  Thou  art  bom  of  God,  to  behold  us 
in  thy  hand.  Safe  is  the  city  which  is  thine,  and  the  possessions 
in  its  houses." 

*(80)  Then  they  threw  open  all  that  was  shut.  Whoever 
would  go  in  went  in,  and  whoever  would  come  out  came  out ;  his 
Majesty  did  as  it  pleased  him.  Then  they  came  out  with  a  son  of 
the  satrap  Tafnakhth.  When  the  warriors  of  his  Majesty  had 
entered,  they  did  not  kill  one  of  the  inhabitants.  He  found 
(81)  [the  people  of  the  prince  busy]  with  the  officers  of  the  court  in 
putting  seals  on  his  property.  But  his  treasuries  were  assigned 
to  the  (king's)  treasury,  and  his  granaries  to  the  property  of  his 
father,  the  Theban  Amon-ra. 

'  When  his  Majesty  had  sailed  down  the  river,  he  reached  the 
city  of  Mi-tum  (Meidoum),  the  city  of  Sokar,  the  lord  of  enlighten- 
ment It  was  shut  and  not  to  be  entered,  for  their  intention  was  to 
fight,  and  [they  had]  (82)  gathered  [many  warriors,  but]  they  were 
afraid  of  his  power,  and  they  (the  people  of  the  city)  had  shut  their 
mouth.  Then  his  Majesty  sent  them  a  message,  to  this  efiect :  "  Two 
ways  lie  before  you ;  it  is  for  you  to  choose.  Decide  to  open,  then 
you  shall  live ;  to  shut,  then  you  are  doomed  to  death.  My  Majesty 
does  not  pass  by  any  shut-up  city."     Then  they  opened  foi-thwith. 


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DTir.  XXV.  RESISTANCE  OF  MEMPHIS.  249 

His  Majesty  entered.  He  offered  (83)  [a  sacrifice  to  the]  god 
Men-hi,  the  author  of  enlightenment.  He  assigned  his  treasury  (to 
Ins  own),  and  his  granaries  to  the  prpperty  of  the  god  Amon  of  Api. 

*  When  his  Majesty  had  sailed  down  the  rivei-  to  the  city  of 
Thi-taui  (on  the  borders  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt),  he  found 
the  fortress  shut  and  the  walls  full  of  warriors  of  Lower  Egypt. 
Then  they  opened  the  bolts  and  threw  themselves  prostrate, 
(84)  [saying  to]  his  Majesty  :  **  Thy  father  hath  given  thee  the  charge 
of  his  inheritance.  Thou  art  the  world ;  thou  art  that  which  is 
in  it ;  thou  art  the  lord  of  all  that  is  upon  the  earth."  When  his 
Majesty  had  set  out,  a  great  sacrifice  was  offered  to  the  gods 
in  this  city,  of  oxen,  calves,  birds,  and  all  things  good  and  clean. 
Then  his  treasury  was  assigned  to  the  treasury,  and  his  granaries 
to  the  property  (85)  [of  the  god  Amon  of  Api]. 

*  When  his  Majesty  had  reached  the  city  of  Memphis,  he  sent 
it  a  summons  to  this  effect :  '*  Shut  not ;  fight  not ;  thou  seat  of 
the  god  Shou  from  the  beginning  of  all  things  I  Whoever  will 
go  in,  let  him  go  ia ;  and  whoever  will  come  out,  let  him  come 
out.  No  traveller  shall  be  molested.  I  wish  to  celebrate  a  sacri- 
fice to  the  god  Ptah,  and  to  the  gods  of  Memphis.  I  wish  to  do 
homage  to  the  god  Sokar  in  his  ciypt.  I  with  to  behold  the  god 
Anbu-ris-ef.  Then  I  will  proceed  down  the  river  in  peace. 
(86)  [No  harm  shall  befal  the  inhabitants]  of  Memphis ;  let  them 
prosper  and  be  in  health ;  the  children  shall  not  weep.  Look  at 
each  several  district  of  the  South  country.  No  one  was  killed,  ex- 
cept the  impious  who  blasphemed  the  gods.  None  but  felons  were 
delivered  up  to  execution." 

*  But  they  shut  up  their  fortress,  and  sent  out  warriors  to  some 
of  the  warriors  of  his  Majesty  (disguised)  as  workmen,  master- 
masons,  and  sailors,  (87)  [who  approached]  the  harbour  of  Mem- 
phis. For  at  the  same  time  the  prince  of  SaTs  had  arrived  at  the 
city  of  Memphis  towards  evening,  having  given  directions  to  his 
warriors,  his  sailors,  and  all  the  captains  of  his  warriors,  8,000 
men.  And  he  had  very  very  urgently  given  them  (the  following) 
directions :  "  Memphis  is  full  of  warriors,  of  the  best  of  Lower 
^STP^-  There  is  in  it  wheat,  durra,  and  all  manner  of  com  of  the 
granaries,  in  abundant  ^  measure ;  all  sorts  of  implements  (88)  [of 


^  The  literal  sense  of  this  word  expresses  in  the  original, 
the  measure  of  an  uaundation.' 


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250  INSCRIPTION  OF  FIANKHt.  chap.  xtih. 

war  are  prepared].  The  citadel  [is  well  fortified]  ;  the  battlements 
are  strong,  where  the  work  is  planned  with  reference  to  the 
river  which  surrounds  it  on  the  East.  At  that  part  no  assault 
is  possible.  The  cattle-layers  are  full  of  oxen.  The  treasury 
is  provided  with  all  that  is  needful,  of  silver,  gold,  bronze,  woven 
stuffs,  balsam,  honey,  butter.  I  am  advancing,  I  will  give  up  their 
possessions  to  the  under-kings  of  the  South  country.  I  am  (again) 
opening  their  territories ;  1  will  be  (89)  [their  deliverer.  Only  wait 
during]  the.  days  till  my  return.*' 

'  When  he  had  mounted  his  hoi-se,  for  he  did  not  desire  his 
war-chariot,  and  when  he  had  gone  down  the  river  through  fear 
of  his  Majesty,  the  earth  grew  light  on  (the  next)  morning 
very  early.  Then  his  Majesty  came  to  the  city  of  Memphis, 
and  he  landed  on  its  north  side,  and  he  found  the  water 
reaching  up  to  the  walls.  The  vessels  came  to  land^  (90)  at  the 
harbour  of  Memphis.  Then  his  Majesty  saw  how  strong  the  city 
was.  The  walls  were  high,  quite  newly  built,  the  battlements 
were  formed  strongly,  so  that  there  was  no  means  of  assaulting  it. 
Among  the  warriors  of  his  Majesty  every  one  spoke  in  conversa- 
tion of  all  possible  modes  of  attack,  and  every  one  said  :  "  Come 
now  !  Let  us  blockade  (91)  [the  city."  Whereupon  the  king  said  :] 
''  The  soldiers  must  not  make  too  many  words  about  the  pas- 
sage to  it.  We  will  raise  up  the  earth  up  to  its  wall ;  we  will 
fasten  wood-works  together ;  we  will  set  up  masts ;  we  will  make 
a  bridge  of  the  yard-arms,  we  will  reach  by  help  of  them  to  all 
its  parts  by  means  of  the  ladders  and  (92)  [bridges]  against  its 
north  side,  so  as  to  raise  up  the  earth  to  its  wall.  So  shall  we  find 
a  way  for  our  feet." 

^  Then  was  his  Majesty  furious  against  them,  like  a  panther.  He 
said  :  "  I  swear,  as  truly  as  I  love  the  Sun-god  Ra,  as  truly  as  I 
reverence  my  father  Amon,  I  have  found  that  all  this  happens 
according  to  the  will  of  Amon.  But  this  comes  from  the  fact  that  the 
people  say  :  (93)  '*  [The  king  had  an  easy  task]  with  the  districts 
of  the  South.  They  opened  to  him  even  from  afar."  They  do  not 
regard  Amon  in  their  heart;  they  do  not  know  that  what  he  has 
ordained  must  happen,  in  order  that  his  presence  may  show  itself, 
and  that  his  power  may  be  manifest.  I  will  come  upon  them  like 
a  flood  of  water.  What  he  commands  me  (94)  [that  shall  happen]." 

'  Then  he  ordered  his  ships  and  his  warriors  to  advance,  to  fight 
against  the  harbour  of  Memphis.     They  brought  to  him  all  the 


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DTir.  XIV.  CAPTUKE  OF  MEMPHIS.  251 

vessels,  all  the  barges,  all  the  passesger-vessels  and  ships  of 
burthen,  as  many  as  there  wei*e  of  them.  The  landing  took  place 
at  the  harbour  of  Memphis.  The  foremost  landed  at  the  houses 
[of  the  port.  (95)  The  inhabitants  of  it,  great  and]  small,  wept 
because  of  all  the  army  of  his  Majesty.  Then  came  his  Majesty  in 
person,  to  lead  on  the  ships,  as  many  as  there  were  Then  his  Majesty 
ordered  his  warriors :  "  Take  heed  in  encircling  the  waUs  and 
entering  the  dwelling-houses  from  the  river.  Each  of  you,  when 
he  has  set  foot  on  the  wall,  let  him  not  remain  standing  in  his 
place.  (96)  [Go  forwards],  do  not  press  the  commanders  back ; 
that  would  be  miserable  to  bear.  Our  forti-ess  is  the  South 
eountiy ;  let  our  landing-place  be  the  North  country ;  we  will  es- 
tablish ourselves  in  the  city  of  Maki-taui  (a  quarter  of  Memphis)." 

'  Then  was  Memphis  taken,  like  an  inundation,  and  many 
people  in  it  were  killed  or  were  brought  alive  as  prisoners  to  the 
king.  When  (97)  [the  earth]  grow  light,  on  the  second  day,  his 
Majesty  sent  people  to  the  city,  to  guard  the  temples  of  God.  For 
it  was  of  great  moment  with  him,  on  account  of  the  supreme 
holiness  of  the  gods,  to  offer  libations  of  water  to  the  chief  gods 
of  Memphis,  and  to  purify  Memphis  with  salt,  balsam,  and  frankin- 
cense, and  to  set  the  priebts  in  their  place  upon  their  feet.  His 
Majesty  went  into  the  house  (98)  [of  Ptah],  purifying  himself 
with  the  holy  water  in  the  star-chamber.  He  performed  all 
that  is  prescribed  for  the  king.  He  entered  the  house  of  the 
god,  where  a  great  sacrifice  was  prepared  to  his  father  Ptah  of  his 
south  wall,  of  bulls,  calves,  birds,  and  of  all  good  things. 

'  When  his  Majesty  had  entered  his  house,  the  inhabitants 
heard  thereof  in  all  the  districts  that  lie  round  about  Memphis, 
(namely),  Heri  the  town,  Peni-  (99)  na^'auVa,  the  tower  of  Bui, 
and  the  village  of  Biu.  They  opened  their  gates,  and  they  fled  all 
at  once,  without  any  one's  knowing  whither  they  were  gone. 

*  Upon  the  arrival  of  Aupoth,  and  the  satrap  A-ka-neshu,  and 
the  hereditary  lord  Pet-ise,  (100)  and  all  the  princes  of  Lower 
Egypt,  with  their  presents,  to  behold  the  grace  of  his  Majesty, 
the  treasuries  and  the  granaiies  of  the  city  of  Memphis  were 
assigned  to  the  possession  of  Amon,  of  Ptah,  and  of  the  company 
of  divinities  in  the  city  of  Ptah. 

*  When  the  earth  grew  light,  at  the  dawn  of  the  next  morning, 
his  Majesty  proceeded  eastward.  A  libation  of  holy  water  was 
poured  out  to  the  god  Turn  of  Khar-kharan  (Babylon),  (101)  and 


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252  INSCRIPTION  OF  riANKHI.  chap.  xvni. 

to  the  host  of  divinities  in  the  temple  of  Pi-paut,  a  grotto,  and 
to  the  gods  there,  of  bulls,  calves,  and  birds,  in  order  that  they 
might  grant  life,  prosperity,  and  health,  to  the  king  of  Upper  and 
Lower  Eg3^t,  Pi-ankhi,  the  ever-living. 

*  His  Majesty  proceeded  to  On,  over  that  hill  of  Babylon,  along 
the  road  of  the  god  Sep  to  Babylon.  His  Majesty  entered  the 
tent,  which  (was  pitched)  on  the  west  side  of  the  canal  of  Ao.  He 
performed  his  purification  by  bathing  in  the  middle  (102)  of  the 
lake  Kebhu,  and  he  washed  his  face  with  the  milk  of  the  Nun  (i.e. 
with  the  water  of  the  rising  Nile),  where  Ra  is  wont  to  wash  his 
face.  His  Majesty  went  to  the  sand-hill  in  On,  and  offered  a  great 
sacrifice  on  the  sand-hill  in  On,  before  the  Sun-god  Ba  at  his  rising, 
of  white  cows,  milk,  balsam,  and  frankincense,  of  the  best  and 
(103)  the  most  fragi*ant  woods. 

'  Keturning  and  on  his  way  to  the  temple  of  the  Sun,  he  was 
greeted  most  warmly  by  the  overseer  of  the  house  of  the  god, 
and  the  leader  of  the  prayers  pronounced  the  formula  "  of  the 
keeping  away  of  evil  spirits  from  the  king."  The  arrangement 
of  the  house  of  stars  was  completed,  the  fillets  were  put  on,  he 
was  purified  with  balsam  and  holy  water,  and  the  flowers  were 
presented  to  him  for  the  house  of  the  obelisk  (Ha-benben).^  He 
took  the  flowers,  ascended  (104)  the  stairs  to  the  great  window,  to 
look  upon  the  Sun-god  Ha  in  the  house  of  the  obelisk.  Thus  the 
king  himself  stood  there.  The  prince  was  alone.  He  drew  bock 
the  bolt  and  opened  the  doors,  and  beheld  his  father  Ba  in  the 
exalted  house  of  the  obelisk.,  and  the  morning-bark  of  Ka  and  the 
evening-bark  of  Tum.  The  doors  were  (then)  shut,  the  sealing- 
clay  was  laid  (105)  on,  and  the  king  himself  impressed  his  seal. 
He  commanded  the  priests  (as  follows) :  "  1  have  satisfied  myself 
of  the  secure  closing ;  none  other  of  all  the  kings  shall  enter 
any  more."  As  he  stood  there,  they  threw  themselves  prostrate 
before  his  Majesty,  while  they  spake  thus:  "May  Horns,  the 
friend  of  the  city  of  On,  endure  and  increase  and  never  vanish 
away ! "  On  his  return,  as  he  entered  the  temple  of  Tum,  the 
statue  of  (106)  his  father,  the  god  Tum,  the  creator,  the  king  of 
On,  was  brought  in  (in  procession). 

'Then  came  the  king  Usarkon  to  behold  the  grace  of  his 
Majesty. 

'  When  the  earth  grew  light,  at  the  dawn  of  the  next  morning, 

1  Comp.  Vol.  I.  pp.  150,  161. 

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Dm  xxT.  SUBMISSION  OF  PETISE.  253 

the  king  took  the  road  to  the  harbour^  and  the  foremost  of  his 
ships  sailed  to  the  harbour  of  the  nome  of  Athribis.  There  a  tent 
was  pitched  for  his  Majesty  on  the  south  of  the  place  (called)  Ka- 
hani  on  the  east  side  of  the  (107)  nome  of  Athribis. 

*  When  the  kings  of  Upper  Egypt,  and  the  princes  of  Lower 
Egypt,  all  the  grand-masters  of  the  whole  body  of  fan-bearers,  all 
the  grand-masters  of  the  whole  body  of  the  kings'  grandsons,  had 
arrived  from  the  West  country  and  from  the  East  country  and 
from  the  islands  between,  with  the  purpose  of  beholding  the  grace 
of  his  Majesty,  the  hereditary  lord  Pet-ise  laid  himself  prostrate 
(108)  before  his  Majesty,  saying  thus:  '*Ck>me  to  the  nome  of 
Athiibis ;  look  upon  the  god  ELhonti-khetthi  of  the  cities ;  honour 
the  goddess  Khui  ;  offer  a  sacrifice  to  Horus  in  his  temple,  of  bulls, 
calves,  and  birds;  enter  into  my  house,  I  lay  open  to  thee  my 
treasury,  with  the  possessions  inherited  from  my  fiebther.  I  give 
thee  gold  after  the  desire  of  thy  heart,  (109)  green  stones,  heaped 
up  before  thy  face,  and  numerous  horses  of  the  noblest  breed  out 
of  the  stalls,  the  be^t  from  the  prince's  stable. 

*  When  his  Majesty  had  gone  into  the  temple  of  Horus  Khont- 
Kheteth,  a  sacrifice  was  offered  of  bulls,  calves,  and  birds  to  his 
father,  Hor-Khont-Khethi,  the  lord  of  Kem-ur  (Athribis).  (Then) 
his  Majesty  went  into  the  house  of  the  hereditary  lord  Pet-ise,  who 
made  him  a  present  of  silver,  gold,  (110)  blue  and  green  stones,  a 
great  abundance  of  every  sort,  woven  stuffs,  cloths  of  byssus  in 
great  number,  beds  covered  with  linen,  frankincense,  oil  in  anointr 
ing- vials,  stalHons  and  mares,  of  the  best  of  his  stable.  He  took 
an  oath  of  expurgation  before  God,  in  the  presence  of  those  kings 
of  Upper  Egypt  and  of  the  great  princes  of  the  land  of  (1 1 1)  Lower 
Egypt — (for)  every  one  of  them  (had  said  that)  he  had  hidden 
away  his  horses  and  had  concealed  his  riches,  because  they  desired 
that  he  might  die  the  death  of  his  father — (and  he  spake  thus)  : 
"  An  abhorrence  to  me  is  this,  that  ye  desire  to  crush  a  servant  (of 
the  king).  Be  well  assured,  that  the  sovereign  is  on  my  side.  Your 
talk  is  an  abhorrence  to  me,  that  I  have  hidden  from  his  Majesty 
the  whole  inheritance  (112)  of  the  house  of  my  fathez*.  The  gold, 
the  golden  objects  (set)  with  precious  stones,  in  all  manner  of 
vessels  and  rings  for  the  hands,  the  golden  neckchains,  the  breast 
ornaments  composed  of  precious  stones,  the  talismans  for  every  pait 
of  the  body,  the  head-bands,  the  earrings,  and  all  other  royal  array, 
all  the  vessels  of  gold  and  jewels  for  the  king's  ablutions, — all 
these  (113)  I  here  opexdy  present.     The  stuffs  of  byssus  and  the 


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254  INSCRIPTION  OF  PIANKHI.  chap,  xviir. 

woven  cloths  by  thousands,  are  of  the  best  from  my  house.  I 
know  now  that  thou  art  content  with  them.  Go  into  the  prince's 
stable,  choose  according  to  thy  pleasure  of  all  the  horses  whichever 
thou  desirest."     And  his  Majesty  did  so. 

'  And  the  kings  and  the  princes  said  to  his  Majesty :  ''  Let  us 
go  (each)  to  our  city;  we  will  open  (114)  our  treasuries ;  we  will 
select  whatever  thy  heart  loveth  :  we  will  bring  to  thee  the  best 
of  our  stable,  the  most  excellent  of  our  horses.''  Then  his  Majesty 
did  so. 

<  This  is  the  list  of  them :  namely  : 

King  TJsABKON  of  Bubastus  and  Uu-n-r'a  nofer ; 
King  AuPOTH  of  the  city  of  Thent-ram  and  Ta-'ain-ta ; 

(115)  Prince  Zi-amun-auf-ankh  of  Mendes  and  Tar'ap-r'a ; 

His  eldest  son,  a  lord,  captain  of  Hermopolis  Parva,  'Ankh 

Hor; 
Prince  (Satrap  *)  A-ka-nesh  of  Sebennytus,  of  Hebi  (Iseum), 

and  of  Samhud  (Diospolis  Parva) ; 
Prince  and  Satrap  Pi-thknkf,  of  Pi-saptu  and  in  'Ap-en-An- 

buhat; 

(116)  Prince  and  Satrap  Pi-ma  of  Busiris; 
Prince  and  Satrap  Nes-na-Keti  of  Xois ; 

Prince  and  Satrap  Nakht-hor-na-Shennu  of  Pi-garer  (Pha- 

groriopolis) ; 
Prince  and  Satrap  (unnamed)  of  Ta^ur  (Tanis) ; 
Prince  and  Satrap  (unnamed)  of  Bekhen  (Ostracine) ; 

(117)  Prophet  of  Horus,  the  lord  of  Letopolis,  Pet-hoe-sam-taui  ; 
Prince  He-bo-bisa  of  the  city  of  the  goddess  Sekhet,  the  lady 

of  Sa,  and  of  the  city  of  Sekhet,  the  lady  of  Hesani ; 
Prince  Zi-khi-au  of  Khont-nofer  (Onuphis  ]) ; 
Prince  Pi-bi-sa  of  Babylon  and  Nilopolis  (in  the  Heliopolitan 
nome). 
'They  brought  to  him  their  presents  of  all  good  things; 

(1 18)  of  gold,  silver,  [blue  and  green  stones],  of  [stuffs,  beds]  covered 


^  This  title  of  his  is  taken  from  the  additional  inscription  on 
the  sculpture  over  the  inscription  of  Pi-ankhi.  He  is  there  repre- 
sented as  lying  on  the  ground,  with  the  fillet  of  an  Assyrian  satrap 
on  his  head  (just  as  Darius  I.  is  distinguished  in  the  temple  of  the 
Oasis  of  Hibe),  and  in  the  annexed  inscription  he  is  designated  as 
'  Satrap  A-ka-nesh.' 


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DTK.  xiT.  SUBMISSION  OF  TAFXAKHTH.  255 

with  linen,  of  fmnkincense,  of  (119)  anointing- vials,  of 

trappings  (X)  well  adapted  for  the  horses,  (120)  of 

'After  this  (messengers)  carae  to  his  Majesty  saying  : 
(121)  ["The  king  and  satrap  Tafnakhth  of]  the  city  of  [Sais]  has 
assembled  his  [warriors].  He  has  razed  the  walls  ( 1 22)  [of  his  city,] 
he  has  set  fire  to  [his]  treasury,  [he  has  fled  to  the  islands]  in  the 
midstof  the  river,  he  has  strengthened  the  city  of  Mas-di(  123)  with 
his  warriors.     Whatever  [he  needs]  is  brought  to  him." 

'Then  his  Majesty  ordered  his  soldiers  to  go  forth  (124)  and 
see  what  had  happened,  and  his  body-guards  were  entrusted  to  the 
hereditary  lord  Pet-ise.  Then  they  came  to  report  to  (125)  his 
Majesty  as  follows  :  *'  We  have  killed  all  the  people  that  we  found 
there."  Then  his  Majesty  gave  rewards  to  (126)  the  hereditary 
lord  Pet-ise.  When  the  king  and  satrap  Tafnakhth  heard  this, 
he  sent  (127)  an  ambassador  to  the  place  where  his  Majesty  was 
staying,  to  supplicate  his  grace  thus :  "  Be  of  friendly  mind  I 
I  have  not  beheld  thy  face  in  (128)  the  days  of  disgrace.  I  cannot 
stand  before  thy  fire.  My  manhood  is  in  thy  power,  for  thou  art 
the  god  Nub  in  the  land  of  the  South,  (thou  art)  Monthu,  (129)  the 
powerful  bull.  If  thou  settest  thy  face  towards  anything,  thou 
findest  no  servant  (able)  to  resist  thee,  so  that  I  betook  myself  to 
the  islands  of  the  great  river.  (130)  I  am  full  of  anguish  before 
thy  presence  on  account  of  the  sentence,  that  the  flaming  fire  is 
preparing  enmity  for  me.  (131)  Is  not  your  Majesty's  heart 
softened  by  all  that  you  have  done  to  me?  If  I  have  been  a 
despiser  of  the  truth,  punish  me  not  after  the  measure  of  my  guilt, 
(132)  Measured  with  the  balance  is  the  produce  in  ounces.^  Thou 
hast  dealt  it  to  me  threefold.  The  seed  is  sown  for  thee,  which 
was  (sown)  for  me.  Is  it  then  proper  to  cut  down  (133)  the  fruit- 
trees,  instead  of  gathering  them  (i.e.  the  fruit)  1  By  thy  name  ! 
The  fear  of  thee  is  in  my  body,  and  distress  before  thee  in  my  bones. 
I  sit  not  in  (134)  the  festive  hall  (lit.  the  chamber  of  mead), 
nor  do  I  take  down  the  harp.   I  eat  bread  for  hunger,  and  I  drink 


^  There  seems  to  be  here  a  twofold  meaning :  first,  an  appeal 
to  the  general  principle,  that  punishment  ought  not  to  exceed  the 
measure  of  the  crime ;  and,  secondly,  a  particular  application  of 
that  principle  to  the  sparing  of  the  trees  and  fruits  (which  the 
Egyptians  were  wont  to  destroy  in  war),  especially  as  they  now 
belonged  to  the  victorious  king. — Ed. 


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256  INSCRIPTION  OF  PIANKHI.  chap.  xvrn. 

water  for  (135)  thirst  every  day,  since  thou  hast  heard  of  my 
name.  A  shivering  is  in  my  bones,  my  head  is  shorn,  my 
garments  (136)  are  old,  in  order  that  I  may  appease  the  goddess 
Neith.  Long  is  the  race  which  has  brought  thee  to  me.  Turn 
thy  (face  from)  above  on  me  who  am  below.  Is  it  well  to 
(137)  torment  my  existence  1  Purify  thy  servant  from  his  haugh- 
tiness. Come !  receive  my  property  for  thy  treasury :  (138)  gold  and 
jewels,  also  the  most  excellent  of  the  horses.  They  may  pay  for 
all.  (139)  Let  a  messenger  straightway  come  to  me.  Let  him  chase 
away  the  anguish  from  my  heart.  My  desire  is  to  go  up  into  a  sanc- 
tuary before  him  :  I  will  purify  myself  by  an  oath  (140)  before  God." 

*  Then  his  Majesty  sent  the  leader  of  the  prayers,  Pet-amon-nes- 
taui,  and  the  general  Pi-ur-ma.  He  (i.e.  Tafnakhth)  presented 
(141)  them  with  silver  and  gold,  with  robes  and  jewels.  He 
went  up  into  a  sanctuary.  He  prayed  to  God,  he  (142)  purified 
himself  by  an  oath  before  God,  speaking  thus  :  "  I  will  not  trans- 
gress the  king's  command,  nor  will  I  neglect  (143)  the  words  of 
his  Majesty.  I  will  not  compass  harm  to  any  prince  without  thy 
knowledge.  I  will  behave  according  to  the  words  (144)  of  the 
king,  and  will  not  transgress  what  he  has  commanded."  With 
this  his  Majesty  was  satisfied. 

'Tidings  were  brought  to  (145)  his  Majesty:  "The  city  of 
Crocodilopolis  has  opened  its  fortress  and  the  city  of  Matennu  has 
surrendered." 

*  (146)  Thus  no  district  was  shut  against  his  Majesty,  of  the 
nomes  of  the  South  and  of  the  North.  The  West  and  the  East 
and  the  islands  in  the  midst  had  submitted  through  fear  before 
him,  and  (147)  brought  their  presents  to  the  place  where  his 
Majesty  resided,  ajs  subjects  of  the  palace. 

*  When  the  earth  grew  light,  in  the  morning,  (148)  very  early, 
there  came  the  two  kings  of  the  South  and  two  kings  of  the  North, 
with  their  royal  serpent-diadems,  to  worship  before  the  presence 
(149)  of  his  Majesty.  With  them  also  the  kings  of  Upper  Egypt 
and  the  princes  of  Lower  Egypt,  who  came  to  behold  the  grace 
of  his  Majesty.  (150)  Their  legs  were  the  legs  of  women. 
They  did  not  enter  the  king's  house,  because  they  were  un- 
clean, (151)  and  besides  they  ate  fish,  which  is  an  abomination 
to  the  king.  But  as  for  king  Nimrod,  he  went  (152)  into  the 
king's  house,  because  he  was  clean  and  ate  no  fish.  They  stood 
there  (153)  upon  their  legs,  every  one  at  the  entrance  of  the  king's 
house. 


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BTn.  XXV.  HIS  TRIUMPHAL  RETURN.  257 

*  Then  were  the  ships  laden  with  silver,  gold,  bronze,  (154)  stuffs, 
and  all  the  good  things  of  Lower  Egypt,  and  with  all  the  products 
of  Phcenicia  and  with  all  the  woods  of  the  Holy  Land. 

'  When  his  Majesty  sailed  up  (155)  the  river,  his  heart  was 
glad.  All  its  banks  resounded  with  music.  The  inhabitants  in 
the  West  and  East  took  their  drums  (156)  to  make  music  at  his 
Majesty's  approach.  To  the  notes  of  the  music  they  sang,  '^  O 
King,  thou  conqueror  1  (157)  Pi-ankhi  !  O  thou  conquering  king ! 
Thou  hast  come  and  thou  hast  smitten  Lower  Egypt.  Thou 
madest  the  men  (158)  as  women.  The  heart  of  thy  mother  rejoices, 
who  bore  (such)  a  son,  for  he  who  begat  thee  dwells  in  the  valley 
(of  the  dead).  Happiness  to  thee,  the  cow,  (159)  who  hast  borne 
the  bull !  Thou  shalt  live  for  ever  in  after  ages !  Thy  victory  shall' 
endure,  thou  king  and  friend  of  Thebes  i  " 

Pi-ankhi  does  not  seem  to  have  enjoyed  his  succe33 
long.  Whether  it  was  that  the  power  of  the  Assyrians 
again  got  the  upper  hand,  or  that  Taf-nakhth  or  his 
sons  rose  up  afresh,  and,  supported  by  the  other  petty 
kings  of  the  lower  country,  threw  off  the  Ethiopian 
sovereignty,  at  all  events  it  is  certain  that  the  successor 
(and  son  ?)  of  king  Pi-ankhi,  by  name  Miamun  Nut 
(whose  third  regnal  year  I  have  found  on  a  Theban 
monument),  was  left  in  possession  of  Patoris  only,  with 
the  capital  Thebes,  and  had  lost  all  hope  of  supremacy 
in  Lower  Egypt. 

His  campaign  against  the  low  country  of  Egypt 
is  justified  by  a  dream.  The  war  which,  in  con- 
sequence thereof,  he  undertook  against  the  kings  and 
satraps  in  the  North,  seems  to  have  had  some  temporary 
success,  rather  from  special  circumstances  than  through 
the  bravery  of  his  army.  But  he  too  dedicated  to  the 
fame  of  this  passing  victory  a  memorial  stone,  which 
was  found  several  years  ago  on  the  site  of  the  ruins  of 
Napata  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Barkal. 

VOL.  II.  s 


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258  MIAMUN  NUT.  chap,  xviir. 

The  inscription  engraved  thereon,  which  we  shall 
presently  place  before  our  readers  in  a  faithful  transla- 
tion, is  accompanied  by  a  sculptured  representation, 
which  is  not  without  importance  in  several  ways.  It 
consists  of  a  double  rehef,  on  the  right  side  of  which 
the  king  testifies  his  devotion  for  the  Theban  Amon-ra. 
To  the  name  of  the  king  is  appended  an  official  royal 
shield,  on  which  he  is  designated  as  Bi-ka-ra.  Behind 
him  is  seen  '  the  king's  sister  and  wife,  the  queen  of 
Kemi  (Egypt)  Ge-ro-a-ro-pi.'  She  must  have  been 
married  a  second  time  to  an  Egyptian  of  high  rank, 
named  Usa-hor,  and  have  borne  a  son,  to  whom  the 
inscriptions  assign  the  title  of  a  *  royal  grandson.' 
The  monuments  name  him  Pet-amon.  I  shall  treat 
of  his  remarkable  history  in  another  place. 

In  the  scene  on  the  left  hand,  king  Nut  himself 
offers  a  breastplate  with  chains,  as  a  talisman,  to  the 
Theban  Amon  'of  the  holy  mountain '  (that  is,  Noph  or 
Napata),  who  is  here  represented  with  a  ram's  head. 
He  is  accompanied  by  '  the  king's  sister,  the  queen  of 
Ta-Khont  (Nubia).'  We  have  here  before  our  eyes 
one  of  several ,  examples  in  proof  of  the  distin- 
guished position  which  the  women  of  the  Ethiopian 
court  must  have  occupied.  While  this  sister  of  the 
king  is  designated  as  *  Queen  of  Nubia,'  another, 
who  was  also  a  wife  of  Miamun  Nut,  is  called  *  Queen 
of  Egypt.'  » 

The  inscription  begins  with  titles  of  honour,  than 
which  a  Pharaoh  himself  could  not  have  wished  for 
any  higher.  The  oriental  pomp  of  rhetoric  without  a 
background  of  facts  is  here  conspicuous.   Let  us  hear 


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DTif.  xxT.  THE  king's  dream.  259 

how  the  king  is  overwhelmed  with  flattery  by  the 
author  of  the  inscription :  * — 

*  On  the  day  on  which  he  was  brought  forth  to  light,  he  became 
as  a  god  Turn  for  mankind.  He  is  the  lord  of  the  two  horns, 
a-prinoe  of  the  living,  a  great  king,  who  has  taken  possession  of  the 
whole  world.  Of  a  victorious  arm  in  the  day  of  slaughter,  of 
piercing  look  on  the  day  [of  battle],  a  slayer  and  lord  of  the  strong, 
like  the  god  Monthu,  powerful  like  a  raging  lion,  prudent  as  the  god 
Hiser  (ie.  Thut),  beautiful  as  he  sets  forth  upon  the  river  as  pursuer 
and  achiever  of  his  purpose,  bringing  back  what  he  has  won.  He 
gained  possession  of  this  land  without  fighting :  no  one  had  the 
power  to  resist  him.' 

Of  this  same  Nut  the  inscription  further  relates 
what  follows : — 

*  (3)  In  the  first  year,  which  was  that  of  his  coronation  as 
king,  (4)  his  Majesty  had  a  dream  in  the  night.  There  were  two 
serpents,  the  one  on  his  right  hand,  the  other  on  his  left.  When 
his  Majesty  woke,  he  did  not  find  them.  Then  spake  his  Majesty 
[to  the  interpreters  of  dreams]  :  (5)  "  Why  has  such  a  thing 
happened  to  meV  Then  they  explained  it  to  him,  speaking  aa 
follows  : — "  The  land  of  Upper  Egypt  is  thine.  Thou  shalt  take 
possession  of  the  land  of  Lower  Egypt.  The  double  crown  shall 
adorn  thy  head.  The  land  is  given  to  thee  in  its  length  and  in  its 
breadth.  Amon,  besides  whom  (6)  there  is  no  other  god,  will  be 
with  thee." 

*  His  Majesty  held  a  court,  sitting  on  the  throne  of  Horus,  in 
this  year.  When  his  Majesty  had  come  out  from  the  place  where 
he  had  been  staying,  as  Horus  came  out  of  his  marsh,  then  he  went 
forth  :  in  [his  suite  were]  (7)  a  hundred  thousand,  who  marched 
near  him. 

*  His  Majesty  said :  "  So  may  the  dream  come  true."  For  this 
was  indeed  a  thing  that  coincided  with  his  purpose ;  and  it  would 
have  fallen  out  ill,  if  he  had  desisted  from  it. 


^  Monsieur  G.  Maspero's  translation  of  this  *  StS16  of  the 
Dream'  has  appeared  in  French  in  the  Revue  Archeologique,  1868, 
tome  i.  p-  329 ;  and  in  English  in  Records  of  the  Past,  vol.  iv. 
pp.  79,  foil.— Ed. 

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260  E^'SCBIPTION  OF  MIAMUN  NUT.      chap,  itiii. 

'  When  hifi  Majestj  had  repaired  to  the  citj  of  Noph  (Napata), 
no  one  was  [with  him]  (8)  when  he  entered  it  After  his  Majesty 
had  visited  the  temple  of  Amon  of  Noph,  on  the  holy  mountain, 
his  heart  was  strengthened  when  he  had  seen  the  Thehan  god 
Amon-ra  on  the  holy  mountain.  They  presented  him  with  garlands 
for  the  god.  (9)  Then  his  Majesty  caused  Amon  to  be  brought  out 
(in  procession)  from  Noph.  He  prepared  for  him  a  rich  sacrifice, 
for  he  offered  to  him  what  [was  acceptable  to]  his  heart :  36  bulls, 
40  jars  of  mead,  100  asses. 

*  When  his  Majesty  had  sailed  down  the  river  to  the  land  of 
Upper  Egypt,  he  wished  to  behold  the  god  (10)  whose  being  is 
more  hidden  than  that  of  all  the  gods  (i.e.  the  god  Amon). 

'When  he  arrived  at  Elephantine,  his  Majesty  put  in  at 
Elephantine.  When  he  had  come  into  the  temple  of  Khnum-ra, 
the  lord  of  the  city  of  the  new  water  (i.e.  the  inundation),  (11)  he 
caused  the  god  to  be  brought  out  (in  procession).  A  rich  sacrifice 
was  prepared  for  him.  He  offered  bread  and  mead  to  the  gods  of 
the  two  sources.     He  propitiated  the  river  in  its  hidden  cave. 

'When  his  Majesty  had  sailed  down  the  river  towards  [the 
territory  of  the  city  of]  Thebes,  which  belongs  to  Amon,  then  his 
Majesty  landed  (12)  before  Thebes.  When  his  Majesty  had  entered 
the  temple  of  the  Thebau  Amon-ra,  there  came  to  him  the  chief 
priest  and  the  ministers  of  the  temple  of  Amon-ra,  (13)  the 
Theban  god,  and  they  brought  him  flowers  for  him  whose 
being  is  hidden.  And  his  Majesty's  heart  was  glad,  when  he 
beheld  this  house  of  the  god.  He  caused  the  Theban  Amon-ra 
to  be  brought  out  (in  procession),  and  a  great  feast  was  celebrated 
in  all  the  land. 

'  (14:)  When  his  Majesty  sailed  down  the  river  towards 
Lower  Eg3rpt,  then  the  inhabitants  on  the  right  and  on  the  left 
bank  were  jubilant,  great  was  the  rejoicing.  They  said :  "  Go 
onward  in  the  peace  of  thy  name,  in  the  peace  of  thy  name !  Dis- 
pense life  (15)  through  all  the  land;  that  the  temples  may  be 
restored,  which  are  hastening  to  ruin;  that  their  statues  of  the 
gods  may  be  set  up  after  their  manner ;  that  the  revenues  mav  be 
given  to  the  gods  and  the  goddesses,  and  the  offerings  for  the  dead 
to  the  deceased;  (16)  that  the  priest  may  be  established  in  his 
place ;  and  that  all  may  be  fulfilled  according  to  the  holy  learn- 
ing "  (i.e.  of  the  ritual).  Even  those,  whose  intention  it  was  to 
fight,  were  moved  with  joy. 


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DT2f.  IXT.  CONQUEST  OF  ALL  EGYPT.  261 

'  When  his  Majesty  had  oome  to  Memphis,  and  (17)  the  rebels 
(lit.  the  sons  of  revolt)  had  made  a  sally,  to  fight  against  his 
Majesty,  then  his  Majesty  inflicted  on  them  a  great  slaughter, 
without  number.  And  his  Majesty  took  Memphis,  and  entered 
into  the  temple  of  (18)  Ptah  of  his  south  wall.  He  prepared 
a  sacrifioe  to  Ftah-Sokar,  he  adored  Sokhet,  whose  love  is  so 
great.  For  the  heart  of  his  Majesty  was  joyful  for  what  his  father 
Amon  of  Noph  had  done  for  him. 

'And  he  issued  an  ordinance,  (19)  to  enlarge  [the  temple  of 
Ptah],  and  that  a  new  hall  should  be  built  for  him.  No  such 
building  was  seen  in  the  times  of  his  predecessors.  His  Majesty 
caused  it  to  be  built  of  stones  which  were  inlaid  with  gold.  (20)  Its 
panelling  was  made  of  acaciarwood,  (21)  which  was  impregnated 
with  frankincense  of  the  land  of  Pun.  Its  doors  were  of  white 
brass,^  and  (22)  their  frames  of  iron.  He  built  for  him  a  second 
hall  as  an  outbuilding  behind,  wherein  to  milk  his  milk  (23)  from  a 
numerous  herd  of  116  goats.  No  one  can  count  the  number  of 
young  calves  (24)  with  their  mothers. 

*  When  all  this  was  done,  his  Majesty  sailed  downwards,  to 
fight  with  the  princes  of  (25)  Lower  Egypt,  for  they  had  retired 
within  their  walls  in  order  [to  avoid  battle]  near  their  towns. 
Before  these  his  Majesty  spent  many  days,  but  none  of  them 
came  out  (26)  to  fight  with  his  Majesty. 

<  After  his  Majesty  had  sailed  up  to  Memphis,  he  rested  in  his 
palace,  and  meditated  a  resolution  (27)  with  himself,  to  send  his 
warriors  to  seek  them. 

*  [Before  the  army  set  out],  tidings  were  brought  to  him,  say- 
ing :  "  The  great  princes  have  come  to  (28)  the  place  where  his 
Majesty  resides.  [What  does]  our  lord  [decide]  1 "  His  Majesty 
said,  "  Are  they  come  to  fight  I  Or  are  they  come  to  serve  me  Y 
In  that  case  they  shall  live  from  this  hour."     (29)  Then  spake 

*  We  take  this  to  mean  pale  yellow  braaa  (the  alloy  of  copper 
and  zinc)  in  contradistinction  to  the  darker  bronze  (the  alloy  of 
copper  and  tin).  Though  the  ancients  seem  to  have  had  but  a  very 
slight  knowledge  of  the  metal  zinc,  under  the  name  of  '  mock- 
silver*  (xl/ev^apyvpog),  they  were  certainly  acquainted  with  the  true 
brass,  formed  from  zinc  ore  (calamine)  with  copper,  the  orichalcwn 
of  the  Greeks  and  Romans.  (See  especially  Strabo,  xiiL  p.  610.) 
M.  Maspero  translates  the  word  in  the  text  electrum,  an  alloy  of 
gold  and  silver. — Ed. 


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262  INSCRIPTION  OF  MIAMUN  NUT.     chap.  xvm. 

they  to  bis  Majesty,  "  They  are  come  to  serve  the  great  lord,  our 
governor.''  The  king  said  :  "  My  governor  is  that  glorious  god,  the 
Theban  Amon  on  the  holy  mountain.  The  great  god  is  gracious 
to  him  who  confesses  his  name ;  he  watches  (30)  over  him  who  loves 
him ;  he  grants  strength  to  him  who  does  his  will,  and  transgresses 
not  his  bidding.  He  who  walks  according  to  his  commandments 
will  not  stagger,  for  he  leads  him  and  guides  him.  It  is  he  that 
speaks  to  me  in  the  night  (31)  of  that  which  I  shall  see  in  the  day." 
'  His  Majesty  said  :  **  What  they  wish  cannot  be  transacted  at 
this  hour."  They  spake  before  the  king :  "  They  are  without,  they 
stand  near  the  king's  house." 

*  When  his  Majesty  had  gone  forth  (32)  out  of  his  [palace], 
then  he  beheld  these  princes,  who  learned  to  know  the  god  Ba  on 
the  horizon.  He  found  them  lying  prostrate,  in  order  to  sup- 
plicate before  his  face.  The  king  speaks  :  "  Since  that  is  the  truth, 
which  Amon  decrees,  (33)  I  will  act  according  to  the  [command 
that  he  shall  reveal  to  me].  Lo  !  to  know  what  wiU  happen  means 
this — what  God  ordains,  that  shall  come  to  pass.  I  swear,  as 
truly  as  the  Sun-god  Ea  loves  me,  as  truly  as  I  hallow  Amon  in 
his  house,  I  will  [enquire  of]  this  glorious  god  (34)  of  Noph  on 
the  holy  mountain  whether  he  stands  against  me.  Whatever  he 
shall  say  to  me,  to  that  let  effect  be  given  by  all  means  and  in 
every  way.  GUxxi  for  naught  is  the  saying :  *  O  that  I  had  waited 
with  my  resolution  till  the  next  morning  which  shall  arise ! ' 
(35)  I  am  as  a  servant  [mindful  of  his  mast^'s]  interest,  and  every 
workman  must  know  what  tends  to  the  interest  of  his  Majesty. 
[Say  not.  Why]  should  I  wait  for  the  morning,  which  comes  later  % 
Had  I  only  thy  power  I " 

*  Then  they  answered  him  and  spake  thus  :  **  May  this  glorious 
god  (36)  be  thy  guide  and  leader !  May  he  give  what  is  good  into 
thy  hand  !  Turn  thyself  not  away  from  that  which  shall  come  out 
of  his  mouth,  O  great  king,  our  lord  ! " 

*  When  Pi-qe-ro-ro,  the  hereditary  lord  and  prince  of  the  city 
Pi-saptu,  had  stood  up  to  speak  as  follows :  (37)  "  Ball  whom  thou 
wilt ;  let  live  whom  thou  wilt ;  there  shall  be  no  reproach  against 
our  lord  on  account  of  that  which  is  just ; " — then  they  responded 
to  him  all  together,  speaking  thus :  "  Grant  us  the  breath  of  life, 
for  none  can  live  without  (38)  it.  We  will  serve  him  (i.e.  Amon) 
as  his  dependents,  just  as  thou  hast  said  from  the  beginning,  from 
the  day  when  thou  wast  made  king." 


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DTW.  XXT.  SUBMISSION  OF  THE  KINGS.  263 

'  Then  waa  the  heart  of  his  Majesty  glad,  vhen  he  had  heard 
these  words.  He  entertained  (39)  them  with  food  and  drink  and 
all  good  things. 

'  After  many  days  had  passed  in  this  manner,  and  he  had  im- 
parted to  them  all  good  things,  notwithstanding  their  great  nomher, 
then  they  said :  ''  Shall  we  stay  longer  t  Is  such  the  will  of  the 
great  lord,  our  governor  1 "  Then  spake  (40)  his  Majesty,  saying 
thus:  *'Whyr'  They  speak  before  his  Majesty:  "We  would 
return  home  to  our  dties ;  we  would  care  for  our  inhabitants  and 
our  servants  according  to  the  need  of  the  city."  Then  his  Majesty 
let  them  depart  thence  (41)  (each)  to  his  city,  and  they  remained 
in  life. 

*  Then  the  inhabitants  of  the  South  sailed  down  the  river,  and 
those  of  the  North  up  the  river,  to  the  place  where  his  Majesty 
resided,  and  brought  all  the  good  things  of  Upper  Egypt  and  all  the 
riches  (42)  of  Lower  Egypt,  to  propitiate  the  heart  of  his  Majesty. 

'  May  the  king  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt,  Bi-karra,  the  son 
of  the  Sun,  Miamun  Nut— to  him  be  health,  prosperity,  life  i — sit 
enthroned  upon  the  seat  of  Horus  for  ever  J ' 

What  gives  an  especial  value  to  this  inscription, 
is  the  mention  of  the  prince  of  the  city  of  Pi-saptu 
(the  capital  of  the  later  nome  of  Arabia)  Pi-qe-ro-ro, 
who  here  comes  forward  as  spokesman  in  the  name 
of  the  petty  kings  of  the  low  country,  and  treats  direct 
with  the  Ethiopian.  For  his  name  appears  again  in 
the  celebrated  Assyrian  account  of  the  campaign  of 
king  Assur-ban-habal,  the  son  of  Assur-ah-idin,*  against 
the  Ethiopian  king  Tarquu,  the  king  Taharaqa  of  the 
monuments. 

King  Nut  also  (like  Pi-ankhi)  was  not  permitted  to 

^  Asshur-bani-pal,  the  son  of  Esar-haddon,  are  the  forms  of 
the  names  more  fami1ia.r  to  English  readers.  See  the  late  lamented 
Mr.  George  Smith's  History  of  Aaaur-hani-paLj  and  his  translation 
of  the  Annah  of  Aasurhanipai  in  Records  of  ike  Past,  vols,  i 
and  ix. — Ed, 


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264  PAKTinON  OF  ETHIOPIA.  chap.  xvin. 

enjoy  long  the  double-serpent-crown  of  Lower  Egypt. 
As  in  Egypt  a  perpetual  struggle  and  dispute  for  the 
sceptre  at  last  partitioned  the  country  and  played  into 
the  hands  of  foreign  potentates,  so  hkewise  in  Ethiopia 
a  schism  appears  to  have  broken  out  in  the  reigning 
family,  which  could  only  be  decided  by  arms.  The 
statement,  in  the  list  of  titles  of  king  Nut — that  *he  had 
gained  possession  of  this  land  (Ethiopia)  without  fight- 
ing/— alludes  clearly  enough  to  some  such  circum- 
stances. It  even  seems  as  if  a  division  bad  been  made 
from  the  original  beginning  of  the  empire,  inasmuch 
as  three  different  regions  formed  thenceforth  the  three 
chief  parts  of  the  divided  Ethiopian  state :  namely, 
Patoris,  with  the  capital  Thebes ;  Takhont  (Nubia,  the 
land  of  Meluhha  of  the  cuneiform  inscriptions),  with 
the  capital  Kipkip  ;  and  Kush,  with  the  old  Ethiopian 
royal  city  of  Napata, 

It  is  only  in  this  way  that  a  satisfactory  explana- 
tion can  be  found  for  the  crowding  of  several  Ethio- 
pian royal  names  on  one  and  the  same  line  of  the 
genealogy.^ 

With  Taharaqa,  king  of  Ethiopia  (according  to  our 
view  about  YOO  B.C.),  begins  the  latest  period  of  the 
history  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Pharaohs,  in  which  the 
numbers  obtain  a  more  certain  form,  and  the  classical 
writers  begin  by  degrees  to  contribute  authentic  data 
respecting  the  fortunes  of  the  Egyptian  kings,  their 
contemporaries. 

The  Ethiopian  king  just  mentioned  bore  the  full 
names  of — 

7  See  the  great  Genealogical  Table  (IV.) 


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DTK.  XXV.  TAHARAQA  OR  TIRRAKAn.  265 

NOFER-TUM-KHU-RA  TA-IIA-RA-QA.      B.O.  693-666. 

The  length  of  his  reign  extended  to  more  than 
twenty-six  years,  as  it  is  obtained  with  full  exactness 
from  the  data  of  the  life  of  an  Apis-bull.  To  him  be- 
longed the  South  country,  Patoris,  with  its  capital, 
Thebes,  in  which  several  monuments,  mostly  in  the 
form  of  dedicatory  inscriptions,  are  memorials  of  the 
dominion  and  presence  of  this  Ethiopian  king.  His 
name  was  well  known  in  antiquity,  from  the  Bible 
down  to  the  classic  writers.  While  Holy  Scripture  in- 
troduces him  under  the  name  of  Thirhaqah  (Tirhakah,® 
A.V.),  his  name  appears  in  the  Greek  writers  in  the 
forms,  Tearko,  Etearchus,  Tarakus,  Tarkus.  His  re- 
nown as  a  great  conqueror  pervades  the  records  of 
antiquity,  although  all  other  proof  of  this  from  the 
monuments  is  wanting.  The  Egyptian  inscriptions 
know  him  simply  as  the  lord  of  Kemi  (i.e.  Egypt), 
Tesher  (i.e.  the  land  of  the  Erythra^ans),  and  Kepkep 
(i.e.  Nubia). 

It  is  to  the  Assyrian  cuneiform  inscriptions  that 

•  At  2  Kings  xix.  9,  and  Isaiah  xxxvii.  9,  we  read  that  while 
Sennacherib,  in  his  great  campaign  against  Jndah  (b.c.  700),  was 
besieging  libnah,  he  received  news  that  "Tirhakah,  king  of 
Ethiopia,*  had  come  out  to  fight  against  him.  Shortly  before  this, 
as  we  learn  from  Sennacherib's  own  annals,  he  had  signally 
defeated  the  united  forces  of  the  kings  of  Egypt  and  the  king  of 
Ethiopia,  who  had  advanced  to  aid  the  rebel  city  of  Migron 
(Ekron),  at  Altakn  (Eltekeh  :  Joshua  xix.  44;  xxi.  23).  It 
would  seem,  therefore,  that  the  resistance  of  Hezekiah  encouraged 
Tirhakah  and  his  Egyptian  allies  to  a  new  effort ;  and  it  was  on 
his  advance  to  meet  them,  probably  near  Pelusium,  that  Sennache- 
rib's army  was  miraculously  destroyed.  At  this  time,  it  is  to 
be  ob«erved,  Tirhakah  was  only  king  of  Ethiopia,  not  yet  of 
Egypt.— Ed. 


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266  RECORD  OF  ASSURBANIPAL.         chap.  xtou. 

historical  science  owes  the  most  important  elucidation 
of  the  reign  of  this  king  in  Egypt,  and  of  his  wars 
against  the  great  kings  of  Assjn-ia.  The  French 
scholar,  Jules  Oppert,  was  the  first  who,  with  his  usual 
penetration,  deciphered  the  fragments  relating  to  these 
wars,  and  brought  out  the  connection  of  their  contents 
with  the  events  in  Egypt.  From  his  work,  entitled 
'  Memoire  sur  les  rapports  de  I'Egypte  et  de  TAssyrie 
dans  Tantiquit^  ^claircis  par  T^tude  des  textes  cunei- 
formes '  (Paris,  1869;,  we  have  borrowed  the  impor- 
tant text  which  is  here  placed  before  the  reader.  We 
have  here  and  there  amended  some  Egyptian  proper 
names,  from  the  necessary  corrections  furnished  by 
the  latest  researches  in  this  field. ^ 

[PreMminary  Note  hy  the  EditorJ] 

[We  must  be  content  to  refer  the  reader  to  M. 
Oppert's  own  account  of  the  various  inscriptions  and 
fragments  which  his  ingenuity  has  pieced  together,  to 
make  up  this  most  momentous  record  of  the  Assyrian 
king  (son  of  Esarhaddon  and  grandson  of  Sennacherib), 
whom  he  calls  Asur-ban-habal  or  Sardanapalus  IV., 
the  *  warrior  Sardanapalus '  of  Layard.  M.  Oppert 
prints  (1)  the  Assyrian  cuneiform  text,  (2)  the  same  in 
Italic  letters,  and  (3)  a  Latin  version,  all  in  parallel  lines 
and  words.  These  texts  are  accompanied  by  a  most 
valuable  *  Memoir,'  on  cuneiform  interpretation,  the 
history  of  the  Assyrian  kingdom,  and  other  matters. 

In  translating  Dr.  Brugsch's  German  version,  we 

have  compared  it,  word  by  word,  with  the  Latin  of 

^  The  reader  would  do  well  to  look  at  Haigh's  remarks  in  the 
Aegyptiache  Zeitachri/t,  1871,  p.  112,  and  1872,  p.  125,  and  my 
own  in  the  same  journal,  1871,  p.  29. 


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BTX.  TLY.      TAHARAQA  ATTACKS  LOWER  EGYPT.        267 

M.  Oppert,  which  we  have  occasionally  preferred. 
We  have  not  thought  it  necessary  to  confuse  the 
reader  with  brackets  indicating  lacunae  in  the  text  of 
the  principal  inscriptions,  as  these  are  for  the  most 
part  supplied,  not  from  conjecture,  but  by  the  help  of 
the  other  copies.  The  Assyrian  custom  of  repeating 
the  same  inscription  on  tablets  of  terra-cotta — thus,  in 
fact,  multiplying  copies  of  their  clay  books  (such  as 
were  found  by  thousands  in  the  library  of  this  very 
king  Assur-bani-pal  at  Nineveh) — has  here  proved  of 
the  greatest  service  to  historical  science.  The  Eoman 
numerals  indicate  the  several  chief  inscriptions.     The 

denote  Assyrian  words  or  phrases  that  are 

either  illegible,  or,  though  legible,  have  baffled  the 
interpreter.  — Ed.] 

Record  of  Assurbanipal. 

I.  *  In  my  fii-st  expedition  I  went  against  Muzur  (Egypt)  and 
Meluhha  (Meroe).  Torquu,  the  king^  of  Muzur  and  Ku-u-si 
(Ethiopia),  whom  Asur-ah-idin  (ABsarhaddon),  the  father  who 
begat  me,'  had  subdued,  returned  out  of  his  land.  Trusting  in 
his  strength  (lit,  hands)  he  despised  the  commandments  of  Asur 
and  Istar,  the  great  gods,  my  lords.  His  heart  was  hardened,  and 
he  sinned  of  his  own  will  (lU.  of  himself).  The  kings,  satraps, 
and  generals,  whom  Assarhaddon,  my  father,  had  set  over  the 
kingdom  of  E^pt,  were  driven  out  by  him. 

II.  *  They  betook  themselves  to  Ninua  (Nineveh).  Against 
such  deeds  my  heart  was  moved  and  my  bile  {lit.  liver)  was  stirred 
up.  I  numbered  my  army  and  my  whole  forces,  with  which  the 
great  gods  had  filled  my  hands,  to  bring  help  to  the  kings,  satraps, 
generals,  and  servants,  who  were  expecting  my  presence  (lit.  face). 
I  set  forth  speedily  and  came  to  the  city  Karbanit  (Canopus). 

^  The  Assyrian  word  which  we  translate  '  king '  throughout 
the  inscription  is  «ar,  which  Brugsch  keeps. — Ed. 

*  On  the  frequent  reeurrence  of  this  phrase,  we  translate  it 
simply  *  father  *  or  'parent.' — Ed. 


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268  THE  ASSYRIANS  TAKE  THEBES,     chap.  xvnt. 

When  Tarquu,  the  king  of  Egypt  and  Ethiopia,  in  the  city  of 
Memphis,  heard  of  the  arrival  of  my  expedition,  he  prepared  for 
battle  his  munitions  of  war,  and  counted  the  host  of  his  warriors.' 

III.  *  Tarquu,  king  of  Egypt  and  Ethiopia,  despised  the  gods. 
He  put  in  motion  his  strength  to  take  possession  of  Egypt.  He 
disregarded  the  commandments  of  the  great  god  Asur,  my  lord. 
He  trusted  in  his  own  strength,  and  did  not  observe  his  own 
treaties,  which  my  father  who  begat  me  had  made  (with  him).  He 
came  from  Ethiopia  and  entered  Memphis,  and  took  that  city  for 
himself.  Upon  the  Assyrians  {lU,  men  of  Assur),  who  were  ser- 
vants in  Egypt  expecting  my  presence,  whom  Assarhaddon,  my 
father,  had  set  over  the  kingdom  in  it  (Egypt),  he  ordered  his 
army  to  inflict  death,  imprisonment,  and  plunder. 

'  A  messenger  came  in  haste  to  Nineveh  and On 

account  of  such  deeds  my  heart  was  moved  and  my  bile  was  stirred. 
I  was  incensed,  and  I  ordered,  by  an  imperative  decree,  the 
Tartan  (general),  the  satraps,  with  the  men  of  their  hands  *  (?), 

and  my  chief  guards,  to  start  on  an  expedition  to  the  help 

of  the  kings,  satraps,  and  servants.  I  ordered  an  expedition  to  be 
made  to  Egypt ....  (they)  went  down  quickly,  and  came  to  Kar- 
banit.  Tarqa,*  (the  king  of)  Kuusi,  when  he  had  heard  in  the  city 
of  Memphis  of  the  approach  of  my  army,  numbered  his  host  to 
make  war  and  battle,  and  drew  up  his  army  opposite  to  my  army. 

*With  invocations  to  Asur,  Sin  (the  Moon-god),  the  great 
gods,  my  lords,  I  ordered  the  onslaught  of  my  forces.  In  a 
fierce  battle  they  put  them  to  flight,  and  conquered  with  arms 
the  men  who  served  him  (lit.  of  his  service).  Fear  and  terror 
seized  him,  and  he  turned  back.  He  escaped  from  Memphis,  the 
city  of  his  kingdom,  the  place  of  his  honour,  and  he  fled  away 
in  diips  to  save  his  life  {lit.  soul).  He  left  bis  tent  standing  and 
withdrew  himself  alone  and  came  to  Ni  (the  'great  city,*  i.e. 
Thebes),  and  gave  orders  to  his  men  of  battle  to  embark  *  on  all 
the  ships  and  barks  (?)  that  were  with  him,  and  he  commanded 
the  man  set  over  the  barks  (1) 

*I  gathered  together  the  commander  of  the  satraps  of  the 

'  That  is,  '  under  their  command,'  but  the  sense  is  not  quite 
certain. 

*  So  Oppert  gives  the  name  here,  Tarka,  We  keep  Dr. 
Brugsch's  q, — Ed. 

^  So  Brugsch.  Oppert  gives  *■  naves  rates  (?)  qnaequse  com  se 
(erant)  viros  pugnse  suie  prehendi  jussit.' — Ed* 


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DTH.  xxy.  TAHARAQA  AND  THE  KINGS  OF  EGYPT.     269 

dties  beyond  the  river,  the  servants  faithful  befoi-e  me,  them  and 
their  garrisons,  their  ships,  the  kings  of  Egypt,  the  servants  faith- 
ful before  me,  and  their  garrisons  and  their  ships,  in  order  to 
drive  out  Tarquu  from  Egypt  and  Ethiopia.  There  were  more  of 
them  than  before.®  I  sent  them  against  Thebes,  the  city  of  the 
empire  of  Tarquu,  the  king  of  Ethiopia.  They  went  a  journey  of 
a  month  and  ten  days.  Tarquu,  when  he  heard  of  the  approach 
of  my  army,  left  Thebes,  the  city  of  his  empire,  and  went  up  the 
river.     My  soldiers  made  a  slaughter  in  that  city. 

*  Kikuu  (Necho),  Sarludari,^  Paakruru,  whom  my  father  had 
made  satrape,  sinned  against  the  commandments  of  Asur  and  the 
great  gods,  my  lords,  and  did  not  keep  to  their  treaties  (with  him). 
They  despised  the  glory  of  my  father,  and  hardened  their  hearts 
to  enmity ;  they  devised  a  plan  of  rebellion,  and  sinned  wilfully 
{lit.  of  themselves)  against  their  flesh,  speaking  thus  :  '^  Tarquu 
will  not  go  back  from  his  designs  upon  Egypt ;  he  is  afraid,  and 
do  ye  all  watch  over  your  safety  (1) "  •  They  sent  their  envoys  to 
Tarquu,  king  of  Ethiopia,  to  make  peace  and  friendship  (speaking) 
thus  :  ''  Let  peace  be  made  in  our  league,  and  let  us  be  friendly  to 
each  other.  On  this  side  (i.e.  on  our  part)  we  pledge  our  faith ; 
from  no  other  quarter  shall  there  be  a  breach  in  our  alliance,  O 
our  Lord.'  They  tried  to  entice  ^  into  their  league  the  whole  army 
of  Asur,  the  guards  of  my  dominion ;  they  prepared  what  their 
revenge  desired 

*  My  judges  heard  of  their  designs,  and  derided  their  cunning. 
They  intercepted  their  envoys  with  the  letters,  and  perceived  the 
work  of  their  treason.  They  bound  those  kings  hand  and  foot  in 
fetters.     The  justice  of  Asur,  king  of  the  gods,  reached  them,  be- 


®  Oppert  translates  this  clause :  *  Insuper  prsesidia  mea  ante- 
rioraauxi.' — Ed.  ^  Salukakri  (Oppert). 

^  This  sentence  is  of  doubtful  interpretation.  Oppert  renders 
it :  '  Tearco  e  media  j^gypto  non  retrovadet,  reformidatur  et  vos 

(the  gap  represents  the  words  asabani  mi  i-nu,  which  he 

leaves  untranslated). — Ed. 

*  'Hinc  fidem  obligamus,  nunquam  peccabitur  in  fcedere 
nostro  aliorsum,  domine '  (Oppert).  The  meaning  of  the  contrast 
— hinc  and  alioraum — is  not  quite  clear.  Is  it — *  We  will  keep  it 
on  our  own  part,  and  not  let  others  (the  Assyrians)  make  us 
break  it '1— Ed. 

^  Brugsch.    Oppert  has  simply  '  illexerunt.' — Ed. 


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270  THE  SUBJECT  KINGS  OF  EGrPT.       chap.  inir. 

cause  thejr  had  siimed  agediiBt  the  commandmentB  of  the  great  gods. 
At  their  hands  they  fonnd  wh«k  my  vill  had  devised  for  them. 
Memphis,  Sais,  Mendes,  Taiiis' — all  the  cities  which  they  had 
enticed  to  themselves  and  which  had  formed  intrignes  in  the  desire 
of  revenge, — I  subdued  with  arms,  male  and  female,  small  and 

great ;  they  did  not  leave  in  them  one, they  brought  into 

my  presence.     Thus  (I  spake)  :  ^'  I  am  Asur-baa-habal ....  per- 

forming  glorious  deeds they  delivered  up  in  the  dty  Karbel- 

mate  (*  of  the  great  mother,'  Le.  Sals)."  ' 

lY.  '  About  20  kings,  satraps,  commanders  of  the  cities,  who 
in  Egypt  had  obeyed  my  &ther  before  me — all  those  kings  I  gaire 
over  to  the  hand  of  Nabu-sezibanni,  who  waited  in  my  presence 

(Some  lines  are  wanting) of  Aswcj  of  Istar,  of  the  gods  my 

lords I  made  a  great  slaughter  of  his  army over  his 

army  Nabu 

<  Nikuu  (Necho)  was  seized  with  great  terror  of  my  Majesty. 
He  left  his  gods  in  the  city  of  Memphis,  and  fled,  to  save  his  life,  to 
the  middle  city,  Ni  (Thebes).  I  took  that  city,  and  placed  my 
army  in  it. 

*  Ni-ku-u,^  king  of  Memphis  and  SaTs, 
Sar-lu-darri,  king  of  Tanis, 

Pi-sa-an-hu-ru  (Pi-son-hor),  king  of  Na-athu-n  (Na-athu,  Natho), 
Pa-ak-ru-ru  (Pa-qror),  king  of  Pi-sa-ptu  (Pisapt,  in  the  Arabian 

nome), 
Pu-uk-ku-na-an-ni*-pi   (Bok-en-nifi),   king  of   flA-at-hi-ri-bi  (Ha- 

ta-hir-ab,  Athribis), 
Na-ah-ki-e,  king  of  Hi-ni-in-si  (Khinensu,  Heracleopolis), 
Pu-tu-bas-ti  (Pef-tut-bast),  kiqg  of  Za'nu  (Za'n,  Zoan-Tanis), 
XJ-na-mu-nu,  king  of  Na-at-hu-u  (Natho), 

Har-si-e-su  (Hor-si-ise),  king  of  Zab-an-nuti(Thebnuti,Sebennytu8)y 
Pu-u-iu-ma  (Pimai),  king  of  Bi-in-di  (Bindid,  Mendes), 
Shu-shi-in-qu  (Shashanq,   Sesonchis),  king  of  Pu-si-ru  (Pi-usiri, 

Busiris), 

'       *  The  Assyrian  names  are  Mempiy  Sai,  Bindidi,  Sa*nu, 

'  M.  Oppert  (p.  72)  quotes  the  suggestion  of  M.  Lenormant, 
that  the  Assyrian  expression  hel-mate  is  the  exact  translation  of 
the  Egyptian  royal  title  '  Lord  of  the  two  regions.' — Ed. 

^  The  reader  will  notice  that  these  names  are  an  introductory 
part  of  the  sentence  that  follows  the  list.  The  Egyptian  forms  of 
the  names  are  placed  in  (  )  after  the  Assyrian  forms,  with  the 
classical  equivalentS|  when  they  can  be  recognized. — Ed. 


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Dnr.  XXV.  THEIR  NEW  REVOLT.  271 

Tap-na-akh-ti  (Taf-nakhth,  TnepbachthciB),  king  of  Pu-nu  .  .  . 

(Pinab,  Momemphis  9), 
Ba-ak-ku-na-an-ni'-ipi  (Bok-en-nifi),  king  of  Ahnir  (On  ?),* 
Ipti-harHn-enan  (Pet-horngi-ifle),  king  of  Pi-za-atrti-hu-ru-un-pi  (Pi 

.  .  .  fl[or-«n-pi), 
Nft-ah-ti-^a-ra-an-shi-ni  (Nakbt-Qor-na-shennu),  king  of  Pi-sap- 

ti-nu-ti), 
Bu-kur-ni-ni-ip  (Bok-en-ran-of,  Boochoiis),  king  of  Pa-ah-nu-ti, 
Si-ha-a  (Zichiau,  Tachos),  king  of  Si-ya-a-tu  (Slant,  Lyoopolis), 
La-mi-in-tu  (Na-li-moth,  Li-ma-noth=Nimrod),  king  of  i^i-mu-ni 

(Khma-niy  Hermopolis  Magna), 
Is-pi-ma-tn  (Psi-mut),  king  of  Tvi-ni  (Tini,  Thinis), 
Ma-an-ti-mi-au-hi-6  (Monthu-em-h'a),  king  of  Ni  (Ni'a,  .Thebes)  j — 

these  (are  the)  kings,  oommanders,  satraps,  who  in  Egypt  had 
obeyed  my  father,  (bnt)  vho  on  account  of  the  arms  of  Tarquu 
had  forgotten  their  allegiance.  I  brought  them  back  to  their  state 
of  obedience.  I  recovered  (or,  restored)  Egypt  and  Echiopia, 
which  my  father  had  conquered,  I  strengthened  the  garrisons  more 
than  in  former  days ;  I  surrounded  them  with  ditches.  With  a 
great  treasure  and  splendid  booty  I  returned  safe  to  Nineveh. 

'  Afterwards  those  kings,  whom  I  had  subdued,  sinned  against 

me  and  broke  the  commandments  of  the  great  gods They 

revolted,  and  their  heart  was  hardened  in  wickedness ;  they  plotted 
the  artifices  of  rebellion ;  they  sinned  wilfully,  (saying) :  **  Tarquu 
will  not  go  back  from  his  designs  upon  Egypt ;  ^  he  is  afraid.  Do 
ye  all  watch  over  your  own  safety."  They  sent  envoys  to  Teirquu, 
king  of  Ethiopia,  to  make  peace  and  friendship,  saying:  ''Let 
there  be  peace  in  our  alliance,  and  let  us  be  friendly  to  one  another. 
On  our  part  we  pledge  our  faith,  and  we  give  as  security  the  land 

the  city Never  shall  there  be  a  desertion  in  our 

alliance  to  any  other  party,  O  our  lord."  The  army  of  Assyria, 
the  support  of  my  dominion,  they  tried  to  seduce  to  their  league ; 
they  prepared  for  their  desired  revenge. 

'  My  judges  heard  of  their  purpose.  They  intercepted  their 
envoys  and  their  letters,  and  perceived  the  works  of  their  treason. 
They  seized  these  kings,  and  bound  them  hand  and  foot  in  iron 


*  So  Brugsch,  but  the  line  is  very  imperfect.  Oppert  gives 
only  .  .  .  na^n-du  (1)  sar  Ah  ,  .  .  . — Ed. 

^  So  Bmgsoh.  Oppert  has  'Tearco  ex  media  ^Egypto  non 
retrovadet' — Ed. 


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272  ASSYTHAN  CONQUEST  OF  EGYPT,     chap,  xtiii. 

fetters  and  iron  chains.  The  vengeance  of  Asur,  king  of  the  gods, 
reached  them,  and,  because  they  had  sinned  against  the  command- 
ments of  the  great  gods,  they  experienced  at  their  hands  what  my 
will  had  devised  for  them.  [The  city  of  Memphis],^  the  city  of  Sals, 
Mendes,  l^anis,  and  all  the  cities  which  they  had  led  away  with 
them  [I  took  by  storm]/  (putting  to  death)  both  great  and  small.' 

According  to  Oppert's  view,  here  followed  the 
account  of  the  conquest  of  Egypt,  the  return  of  Tii-- 
hakah,  his  death,  and  the  first  exploits  of  his  suc- 
cessor, Urdamaneh,  who  succeeded  in  reconquering 
Kemi,  while  he  advanced  as  far  as  Lower  Egypt. 
Thebes  was  still  his  capital.  Sardanapalus  marches 
against  Egypt  the  second  time,  and  defeats  the  army 

of  Urdamaneh. 

[Note  by  the  Editor.] 

[M.  Oppert's  comments,  to  which  Dr.  Brugsch  refers, 

are  too  interesting  not  to  be  laid  more  fully  before  our 

readers.  After  the  d  ocument  III.  (for  he  gives  Brugsch's 

No.  IV.  before  this)  he  proceeds  (p.  72) : — 

*  The  thirteen  lines  which  follow  relate  the  first  campaign  of 
Sardanapalus  to  the  end.  This  part  is,  in  general,  too  much  muti- 
lated to  enable  us  to  give  the  text;  but  we  find  that  Tirhakah 
comes  to  Thebes,  and  conquers  it  again.  Necho,  now  a  prisoner  in 
Assyria,  obtains  his  pardon  from  Sardanapalus,  and  returns  to 
Egypt ;  the  Ninevite  king  giving  him  presents  with  the  view  of 
detaching  him  from  the  Ethiopian.  Necho  makes  his  entry  into 
Sais,  and  changes  its  name  to  Kar-Bel-mate  (see  the  Note  on  p.  270). 
But  an  Asiatic  governor  watches  over  the  Egyptian.  Meanwhile 
a  son  of  Necho,  who  also  receives  an  Assyrian  name,  Nabu-sezibaniy 
is  raised  to  the  kingdom  over  the  city  of  Mahariba,  which  is  like- 
wise honoured  with  an  Assyrian  name,  Limir-patisi-Asur,  i,e. 
"  which  the  lieutenant  of  Asur  governs."  The  name  of  Nabusezi* 
bani  is  found  in  Jeremiah  xxxix.  13,  pTK^na  "  Nebo,  deliver  me !  " 

'  This  inscription  gives  the  complete  sequence  of  the  historical 
events.     It  alone  gives  an  account  of  the  first  capture  of  Thebes  by 

^  The  phrases  in  brackets  are  supplied  from  the  identical  nar- 
rative in  document  III. — Ed. 


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DTiff.  iiT.  SECOND  CAPTURE  OF  THEBES.  273 

the  Assyrians.  This  event,  which  the  prism  doubdess  set  forth  with 
fuller  details,  waa  the  result  of  the  Ethiopian  intrigues  after  the 
death  of  Assar-haddon.  Tirhakah,  in  violation  of  the  treaty,  had 
killed,  imprisoned,  and  spoiled  the  Assyrians  who  were  left  in 
Bgypt.  Sardanapalus  marches  against  him,  and  joins  in  battle 
with  him  near  the  city  of  Karbanit.  The  Ethiopian,  who  had 
established  his  residence  at  Memphis,  retreats  on  Thebes,  whither 
the  Assyrians  pursue  him.  The  Assyrians,  after  a  forty  days' 
inarch,  reach  Thebes  and  massacre  its  inhabitants. 

'  This  part  of  the  first  campaign  was  contained  in  the  lost  por- 
tion of  the  prism.  After  the  retreat  of  Tirhakah,  Sardanapalus  de- 
feats Necho,  and  then  follow  the  events  forming  the  narrative 
which  is  preserved. 

'  The  great  document  (No.  II.  above)  tells  us  nothing  about 
the  sequel  of  this  campaign.  Then  the  document  a  (No.  III.)  con- 
tinues the  war  of  Sardanapalus  against  Urdamaneh,  which  we 
shall  relate  presently.  Scarcely  is  Egypt  pacified,  when  Tirhakah 
dies,  and  his  step-son  (his  wife's  son)  Urdamaneh  succeeds  him. 
This  king  invades  Egypt,  and  forces  the  Ninevite  king  to  try 
the  fortune  of  war  a  second  time.  Urdamaneh  had  penetrated 
as  far  as  Memphis,  whither  Sardanapalus  marches  to  attack  him. 
Here  is  the  sequel  of  the  inscription,  after  a  chasm  of  about 
30  lines  :— 

* "  In  ...  of  my  expedition  I  directed  ...  my  march.  Urda- 
maneh heard  of  the  advance  of  my  expedition  " — and  so  forth,  as 
inthetext,  No.  IV.' 

We  would  also  refer  the  reader  to  M.  Oppert's 
reconstruction  of  the  whole  narrative  about  Tirhakah 
and  Urdamaneh  from  the  inscriptions  (pp.  80,  acq.) 

—Ed.] 

BeCORD  of  AsSURBAXIPAL  GONTIl^UED. 

y.  <  Urdamaneh  heard  of  the  advance  of  my  expedition.  He 
[lostt]  Me-luh-hi  (Meroe)  and  Egypt,  abandoned  Memphis,  and 
fled  to  Thebes  to  save  his  life.  The  kings,  commanders,  and 
satraps,  whom  I  had  established  in  Egypt,  came  to  me  and  kissed 
my  feet.  I  directed  my  march  in  pursuit  of  {lit.  after)  Urdamaneh. 
I  came  to  Thebes,  the  city  of  his  dominion.  He  saw  the  sti^ngth 
of  my  army,  and  left  Thebes  (and)  fled  to  the  city  of  Kipkip.     Of 

VOL.  II.  T 


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274  DEATH  OF  TAHARAQA.  chap.  xvra. 

that  whole  city,  with  thanksgiving  to  {lit,  in  adoration  of)  Asur 
and  Istor,  my  hands  took  the  complete  possession.  Silver,  gold, 
metals,  stones,  all  the  treasures  of  its  palace  whatsoever,  dyed 
garments  of  berom  and  linen,  great  horses  (elephants  f  Oppert), 
men  and  women,  great  and  small,  works  of  zahali  (basalt  f )  and 
marble,  their  kehJ  and  manzas,  the  gates  of  their  palace,  their  .  .  . 
I  tore  away  and  carried  to  Assyria.  I  made  spoil  of  [the  animals 
of  the  land]  without  number,  and  [carried  them  forth]  in  the  midst 
out  of  Thebes.  ...  of  my  weapons  ...  I  caused  a  catalogue  to 
be  made  [of  the  spoil].  I  returned  in  safety  to  Nineveh,  the  dty 
of  my  dominion.'  ® 

The  first  lines  of  another  document,®  which  stand  in 
immediate  connection  with  the  inscription  No.  Ed., 
present  unfortunately  great  gaps  through  obliteration. 
According  to  Oppert's  acute  researches,  they  con- 
tained the  enumeration  of  the  tributes  and  the  booty, 
which  the  king  of  Assyria  had  carried  away  out  of 
Egypt,  as  well  as  the  account  of  the  end  of  the  cam- 
paign. Sardanapalus  increased  the  tribute  imposed 
by  his  father,  and  set  up  Necho's  son,  Nabu-sezi- 
banni,^  as  governor  of  the  western  districts  of  ]\if  aha- 
riba  (?)  and  limirpatesi-Assur.  Then  the  death  of 
Tirhakah  is  touched  upon,  and  the  Idng  continues 
his  record  as  follows :  ^ — 

VT.  *The  fear  of  the  terror  of  Asur  my  lord  carried  off 
Tarquu,  king  of  Ethiopia,  and  his  destined  night  came.     TJrda- 

®  The  narratives  of  the  double  capture  of  Thebes  by  Assur- 
banipal  are  of  singular  interest  for  the  light  they  throw  on  the 
striking  allusion  to  its  fate  in  Nahum  iii.  8-10,  which  had  no  known 
historical  counterpart  till  the  discovery  of  these  records.^— Ed. 

»  The  i3  of  Oppert,  p.  87.  *  See  above,  p.  272. 

*  M.  Oppert  (p.  77)  remarks  on  the  perplexity  caused  by  the  • 
use,  in  this  document,  of  the  3rd  person  plural,  instead  of  the  Ist 
singular,  as  seeming  to  imply  that  the  Assyrian  king  did  not  him- 
self go  to  Thebes.    We  supply  from  Oppert's  text  the  first  sentence, 
which  Dr.  Brugsch  omits. — Ed. 


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Dra.  xxT.  ms  STEP-SON  URDAMANEH.  275 


maneh,  the  son  of  his  wife,'  sat  upon  the  throne,  and  ruled  the  land. 
He  brought  Ni  (Thebes)  under  his  power,  and  collected  his  strength. 
He  led  out  bis  forces  to  make  war  and  battle  against  my  army, 
and  he  marched  forth  {lU.  directed  his  step).  With  the  invocation 
of  Abut,  Sin,  and  the  great  gods,  my  lords,  (my  warriors)  routed 
him  in  a  great  and  victorious  battle,  and  broke  his  prida  XJrda- 
maneh  fled  alone,  and  entered  Thebes,  the  city  of  his  kingdom. 

*  In  a  march  of  a  month  and  ten  days  through  intricate  roads 
(my  warriors)  pursued  him  up  to  Thebes.  They  attacked  that  city 
and  razed  it  to  its  foundations,  like  a  thunderbolt.  Gold,  silver, 
the  treasure  of  the  land,  metals,  precious  stones,  stuffii  of  berom 
and  linen,  great  horses,  men  male  and  female,  .  .  .  huge  apes,  the 
race  of  their  mountains — ^without  number  (even  for  skilful  counters), 
— ^they  took  out  of  the  midst  of  the  city,  and  treated  as  spoil. 
They  brought  it  entire  to  Nineveh,  the  city  of  my  dominion,  and 
they  kissed  my  feet.' 

"We  have  here  set  before  us  a  remarkable  portion 
of  the  history  of  E^ypt,  in  this  case  not  according  to 
an  Egyptian  version,  but  in  the  contefcaporaneous 
description  of  her  enemy.  The  conclusions,.,  which 
we  are  justified  in  drawing  from  the  contents  of  the 
cuneiform  inscriptions,  furnish  us  with  the  following 
data,  as  firm  foundations  for  the  reconstruction  of 
the  historical  events  of  this  time. 

In  the  year  680  B.C.  (according  to  Oppert's  cal- 
culations), Sennacherib,  king  of  Assyria,  died,  and 
Assarhaddon  (Esarhaddon)  succeeded  in  his  stead. 
Towards  the  end  of  his  reign  (about  670  B.C.),  Assar- 
haddon attacked  Egypt,  defeated  the  reigning  king  of 

'  In  this  passage,  on  one  of  the  cylinders,  XJrdamaneh  is  called 
<  the  son  of  Sabaku,'  from  which  it  may  be  inferred  that  Tirhakah, 
after  displacing  Sabaoo,  married  that  king's  wife  (see  Birch's  Ancient 
ffUtory/ram  the  Monuments :  Egypt^  p.  1 69).  This  discovery  affords 
another  illustration  of  the  disturbed  and  complicated  relations  be- 
tween the  Ethiopian  kings  of  this  period  (oomp.  pp.  264, 277). — Ed. 

i2 


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276  SUMMARY  OF  THE  RECORD.        chap.  xvin. 

Ethiopia  and  Egypt,  Taharaqa  (Tarkuu),  and  set  up 
petty  kings  (sar)  and  satraps  in  the  land,  from  the 
northern  sea-board  to  the  city  of  Thebes.  The  com- 
plete list  of  these  we  have  already  laid  before  our 
readers.  We  have  now  to  add  that  the  king,  on  his 
return  out  of  Egypt,  had  an  immense  memorial  tablet 
constructed  on  the  surface  of  the  rock  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Nahr-el-Kelb,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Beirout, 
near  that  of  his  father,  as  a  monument  of  his  victory 
over  Tarquu.  Henceforth  Assarhaddon  styles  him- 
self '  King  of  Muzur  (Lower  Egypt),  of  Paturusi  (the 
Egyptian  Patoris,  Upper  Egypt),  and  of  Miluhhi 
(Nubia).' 

Scarcely  had  this  king  died  (668  B.C.),  when 
Tarquu  broke  the  treaties  and  seized  the  city  of 
Memphis,  while  at  the  same  time  he  made  a  league 
with  several  of  the  under-kings,  who  had  been 
acknowledged  or  set  up  by  Assarhaddon,  for  driving 
the  Assyrians  out  of  Egypt.  At  the  head  of  the 
petty  kings,  as  arch-conspirators,  stood  Nikuu  of 
Memphis  and  Sais,  Sar-lu-da-ri  of  Zi'nu,  and  Pa-ak- 
ru-ru  of  Pi-saptu. 

The  Assyrian  satraps  and  the  other  adherents  of 
the  king,  those  who  had  been  set  up  by  Assarhaddon, 
were  driven  out,  and  fled  to  Nineveh,  to  ask  pro- 
tection and  the  punishment  of  king  Tarquu.  Sar- 
danapalus  V.,*  the  son  of  Assarhaddon,  who  had 
been  meanwhile  crowned  as  king,  was  not  slow  in 
acting  upon  his  sense  of  indignation,  and  marched 
against  Egypt  with  a  great  army.     The  further  de- 

^  Assurbanipaly  Sardanapalus  YI.  according  to  Oppert. — ^Ed. 


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mv.  xiY.  SHABAK  AND  SHABATAK.  277 

tails  are  placed  before  us  with  aU  needful  clearness 
in  the  duplicate  records  of  the  cuneiform  inscriptions. 

In  these  events  a  conspicuous  part  was  played  by 
the  king  Nikuu,  or  Neku  (Nechao,  Necho,  Neco),  of 
Sais  and  Memphis,  the  son  of  that  Tafnakhth  who 
had  opposed  so  long  and  obstinate  a  resistance  to  the 
Ethiopian  king  K-ankhi.  Carried  in  fetters  to  Nine- 
veh, he  succeeded  in  obtaining  pardon  from  Sarda- 
napalus  and  his  renewed  estabhshment  as  petty  king 
of  Sais  and  Memphis.  Of  his  violent  end,  according 
to  the  Greek  accounts,^  the  inscriptions  give  us  no 
information. 

A  thick  veil  covers  the  ensuing  times,  in  which 
the  Ethiopians  occupy  the  foreground  of  Egyptian 
history.  Taharaqa,  Pi-ankhi  (with  his  oft-named  wife, 
Ameniritis),  Shabak  and  Shabatak — aU  appear  as 
contemporary,  and  are  frequently  introduced  in  con- 
nection with  each  other.  Their  family  relationships 
are  set  forth  with  aU  exactness  on  the  large  Genea- 
logical Table.^  K  we  might  give  credit  to  the  lists  of 
Manetho,  they  would  seem  to  have  reigned  in  suc- 
cession^ over  Patoris,  whose  capital,  Thebes,  retains 
manifold  evidences  of  their  presence;  but  we  are 
unable  to  find  anything  in  the  monuments  to  con- 
firm this  succession. 

'  Herodotus  (ii.  152)  says  that  Neoo  (NcVbiv),  the  father  of 
PsammitichuSy  was  put  to  deatib  by  Sahaoo,  the  Ethiopian. — £p. 

^  Table  IV.     Compare  above,  p.  275. 

7  They  stand  in  Manetho  as  follows : — 

Shabak  (Sabacon) 12  years. 

Shabatak  (Sebichus) 12     ,, 

Taharaqa  (Taracus) 26     ,, 


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278  THE  ETmOPIAXS.  CHAP.  xrnr. 

Upon  a  sitting  statue  of  king  Shabatak  in  stone, 
unfortunately  much  broken,  among  the  ruins  on  the 
site  of  Memphis,  a  brief  inscription  calls  the  Pharaoh 
thus  represented  Miptah  Shabatak.  But  the  latter 
name  has  already  in  ancient  times  been  rendered  half 
illegible  by  chisel-strokes,  evidently  made  for  the 
express  purpose  of  obliterating  the  name  of  a  usurper 
of  the  throne. 

At  Thebes,  the  memorials  of  king  Taharaqa  and 
of  an  Egyptian  under-king  have  lasted  the  longest. 
He  had  given  liberal  tokens  of  his  regard  for  the 
sanctuary  of  Apis  by  buildings  and  presents,  and  it  is 
no  wonder,  therefore,  that  the  walls  of  the  temple 
sound  his  praise  .in  ^varied  strams. 

On  the  other  hand,  an  entire  stone  wall  in  the 
temple  of  Mut  at  Thebes  preserves  the  list  of  the 
benefits  received  from  a  contemporary  of  the  king. 
He  had  the  festivals  of  the  gods  celebrated  after  the 
ancient  usage;  he  provided  the  needful  sacrifices; 
set  up  statues  of  the  gods  (even  after  the  Assyrian 
model)  and  built  the  sacred  barks ;  renewed  the 
parts  that  had  fallen  into  ruin,  even  to  the  enclosing 
wall;  and  caused  the  sacred  pool  and  the  canals 
to  be  lined  with  stone  walls  from  the  bottom.  He 
also  served  Taharaqa  as  his  faithftil  counsellor  and 
helper. 

This  man  was  the  eminent  Egyptian  Month- 
em-ha,  a  son  of  Nes-ptah,  priest  of  Amon,  and  his 
wife  Nes-khonsu.  Month-em-ha  was  fourth  prophet, 
and  finally  second  prophet  of  the  Theban  Amon, 
and,  like  his  father,  a  governor  of  Ni'  (Thebes).     At 


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Dm  XXV.     URDAMANEH  OR  RQDAMON,        279 

the  same  time  he  is  mentioned  in  the  inscriptions  as 
the  '  chief  of  the  governors  of  Patoris.'  There  must 
have  been  some  special  reason  for  his  high  distinc- 
tion in  the  Thebaid,  since  he  himself  relates  how 
'  [he]  had  smitten  the  enemy  in  the  nomes  of  Patoris.' 
I  recognize  in  him  (as  I  have  said)  a  faithful  ally  and 
friend  of  Taharaqa,  who  invested  him  with  the  go- 
vernment of  the  country  named  above.®  He  is  the 
person  whom  the  above-quoted  Assyrian  text  intro- 
duces in  the  list  of  the  petty  kings,  as  Ma-an-ti-mi- 
an-hi-e,  Sar  of  Ni'  (Thebes), — a  tolerably  faithful 
transcription  of  the  Egyptian  name,  Month-em-ha. 
Thus  in  this  respect  also  the  Assyrian  narrative 
appears  to  have  received  a  striking  corroboration. 

In  the  son  of  Taharaqa's  wife,  XJrdamaneh,  as  the 
Assyrian  text  calls  him,  is  certainly  preserved  the 
name  of  the  king,  Eud-amon,  who  is  referred  to  on 
the  Egyptian  monuments.  For  the  chronological 
position  of  this  king  I  refer  to  the  large  Genealogical 
Table,^  where  I  have  inserted  him  as  the  second  king 
of  this  name,  inasmuch  as  his  grandfather,  Eudamon  I., 
is  described  as  the  father-in-law  of  Pef-tot-bast,  the 
'  satrap  '  and  afterwards  '  vassal '  of  Pi-ankhi,  and 
hence  he  belongs  to  a  considerably  earlier  generation. 

®  On  this  whole  subject  the  reader  should  compare  the  hiero- 
glyphic inscriptioiis  and  the  pictures  in  Mariette's  Kamak  (PI. 
42-44).  On  a  round  enamelled  plate,  which  was  found  in  the 
temple  of  Mut  (Fl.  47,  6),  he  bears  the  titles  of  '  hereditary 
lord,  commander,  prince  of  Patoris,  president  of  the  prophets, 
second  prophet  of  Amon  of  Ape,  fourth  prophet  of  Amon, 
Month-em-ha.' 

»  Table  IV.    Comp.  above,  p.  275. 


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280  BEKENRANEF  OR  BOCCHORIS.         dtk.  xxnr. 

I  have  hitherto  passed  over  the  name  of  the  king, 
who  is  introduced  in  the  lists  of  Manetho  as  the  sole 
Pharaoh  of  the  Twenty-fourth  Dynasty,  of  Sais.  I 
refer  to  king  Bocchoris,  whom  Sabaco  took  prisoner 
and  burnt  alive,  as  is  stated  in  the  extracts  from 
Manetho.  Hence  the  two  appear  as  contemporaries. 
Mariette  has  recognized  in  this  king  the  Uah-ka- 
RA  Bek-en-ran-ep,  whose  Apisnsarcophagus  (of  the 
6th  year  of  the  king)  was  placed  in  the  same 
chamber  of  the  Serapeum,  in  which  the  deceased 
Apis  of  the  37th  year  of  king  Shashanq  IV.  was 
deposited.  Here  then  we  have  brought  to  light 
a  new  connection  in  time  between  Bocchoris  and 
Shashanq  IV. 

This  same  Bek-en-ran-ef  appears  again  in  the  As- 
syrian Ust  of  the  Egyptian  petty  kings,  under  the 
name  of  Bu-kur-ni-ni-ip,  as  sar  of  Pa-ah-nu-ti.  The 
name  of  the  city  is  not  to  be  confused  with  the  As- 
syrian transcription  of  Sais,  the  city  from  which 
Bocchoris  had  his  origin ;  but  it  must  have  denoted 
some  other  place  in  Egjrpt. 

At  aU  events,  Bek-en-ran-ef  belonged  to  the 
number  of  the  petty  kings  who  had  formed  a  con- 
nection with  the  younger  contemporaries  of  Taharaqa. 
It  is  difficult  to  lay  hold  of  the  clue  in  this  compli- 
cation of  persons  of  royal  race  belonging  to  the 
Egyptian  and  Ethiopian  famiUes.  Our  Genealogical 
Table  ^  marks  the  first  attempt  to  exhibit  the  chief 
members  of  these  houses  in  their  family  relation- 
ships. 

1  Table  IV. 


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Bm  XXV.  QUEEN  AMENIPITIS.  281 

At  length  Psamethik  I., — the  great-grandson  of 
that  Taf-nakhth  who  was  the  opponent  of  the  Ethio- 
pian Pi-ankhi, — comes  to  the  forefront  of  the  history, 
as  the  deliverer  of  his  country  from  the  condition  of 
the  Dodecarchy — the  name  which  the  Greeks  chose 
to  describe  that  period.  His  marriage  with  the 
Ethiopian  heiress,  Shep-en-apet — the  great-grand- 
daughter of  the  above-named  Pi-ankhi,  a  daughter  of 
king  Pi-ankhi,  and  his  beautiful  queen  Ameniritis — 
restored  peace  and  order  to  the  distracted  relations 
of  the  royal  succession.  Eegarded  in  this  light,  the 
founder  of  the  Twenty-sixth  Dynasty  appears  prac- 
tically as  the  reconciler  of  all  rival  claims.  The 
daughter  of  the  renowned  queen  of  Kush  and  Patoris, 
in  giving  her  hand  to  the  petty  king  of  Sais,  brought 
Patoris  as  a  wedding-gift  to  her  husband ;  and  thus 
Egypt  was  again  united  into  a  great  kingdom. 

The  splendid  alabaster  statue  of  the  queen-mother 
Ameniritis,  which  was  found  at  Karnak  and  now 
adorns  the  rooms  of  the  Egyptian  Museum  at  Boulaq, 
is,  from  this  point  of  view,  a  most  important  and  sug- 
gestive memorial  of  that  age.  Sweet  peace  seems  to 
hover  about  her  features ;  even  the  flower  in  her 
hand  suggests  her  high  mission  as  reconciler  of  the 
long  feud. 

At  her  feet  is  the  following  inscription,  which  her 
contemporaries  dedicated  to  her;  though  the  bitter 
hatred  of  ingrained  animosity  prevailed  so  far  as  to 
^rase  the  names  of  her  brother  and  her  father — as 
t>€ing  Ethiopians — from  the  enclosure  of  Jheir  royal 
sMelds: —  ^^   -'"■    7"'- 


282  THE  ETHIOPIANS.  chap.  xviu. 


'  This  is  an  offering  for  the  Thehan  Amon-ra,  of  Ape,  to  the 
god  Monthu-ra,  the  lord  of  Thehes. 

'  May  he  grant  everything  tliat  is  good  and  pure,  by  which  the 
divine  (nature)  lives,  all  that  the  heaven  bestows  and  the  earth 
bnngB  forth,  to  the  princess,  the  most  pleasant,  the  most  gracious, 
the  kindest  and  most  amiable  queen  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt, 
the  sister  of  the  king  [Sabaco]  the  ever-living,  the  daughter  of  the 
deceased  king  [Kashta],  the  wife  of  the  divine  one,' — ^Amenibitis. 
May  she  live ! ' 

On  the  backx)f  her  statue  she  is  introduced  as 

speaking.     Among  other  things,  she  says : — 

'  I  was  the  wife  of  the  divine  one,  a  benefactress  to  her  city 
(Thebes),  a  bounteous  giver  for  her  land.  I  gave  food  to  the 
hungry,  drink  to  the  thirsty,  clothes  to  the  naked.' 


The  reader  will  allow  me  here  to  append  the  dis- 
cussion of  a  question,  which  is  not  without  im- 
portance for  determining  the  descent  of  the  kings  of 
this  period,  although  it  involves  considerations  purely 
etymological.  I  am  here  repeating  the  opinions  I 
expressed  in  a  separate  essay,  several  years  ago.  No 
one  can  fail  to  observe,  that  the  majority  of  Ethiopian 
royal  names,  of  men  as  weU  as  women,  terminate  in 
the  letters  k  or  q^  and  towards  the  end  they  show  a 
strikingly  frequent  recurrence  of  the  elements,  ata 
and  ta.  I  need  only  cite  the  names  Shaba-k,  Shab- 
ata-k,  Tahara-q  (or  Tahara-q-a),  Kash-ta,  Kanta-ki 
(Candace),  and  I  may  here  likewise  add  the  names 
Psam-eti-k  and  Ne-ku. 

A  similar  peculiarity  is  shown  in  the  existing  lan- 

*  This  epithet  is  to  be  referred  either  to  her  husband,  king 
Pi-ankhi,  or,  as  is  more  probable,  to  the  god  Amon,  as  whose 
hi^-priestesses  the  queens  of  Patoris  used  to  bear  the  title :  '  Wife 
of  the  god  Amon.' 


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DTK.  XXT.  PROPER  NAMES,  283 

guage  of  the  Nubian  Bantbra,  which  is  still  spoken  at 
this  day,  in  three  dialects,  by  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Nubian  Nile-valley,  from  Edfou  to  Jebel  Deqa.  In 
this  language  the  article  appears  as  a  suffix,  without 
distinction  of  gender,  in  the  forms  k^  ka^ki^gi^  ga^  qa^ 
y,  as,  for  example,  in  the  following  tiames  of  places  : 
Pi-la-q  (Phiifie,  in  old  Egyptian  also  Pila-q;*  Kishi-^ga 
(near  Qirsh),  Da-ke,  Ala-qa,  Maharra-qa,  Korus-qo, 
Tosh-ke,  Am-qe,  Esh-qe,  Am-qa,  Son-qi,  Fer-*qe, 
Moqra-qe,  Sede'm-qa,  and  so  forth.  In  this  language 
the  Genitive  stands  before  the  Nominative,  the  two 
being  frequently  connected  by  an  interposed  n,  as  in 
the  names  of  places  compounded  with  arti,  *  island,' 
as :  Banga-n-arti,  ^  locust-island,'  Taba-n-arti,  Uru-n- 
arti,  *  king's-island '  (whence  its  Arabic  name,  Jeziret- 
el-melik),  Nilu-arti,  Mar-arti,  *  durra-island,'  Eom-n- 
arti,  'camel-island.'  The  well-known  word  Senaar, 
denoting  the  insular  region  between  the  Blue  and 
White  Nile,  south  of  Khaartoum,  is  compounded  ef 
Essi-n-arti,  *  river  island.' 

The  very  frequent  termination  kol^  kal^  kul,  &c., 
serves  to  denote  a  mountain  or  rock ;  whence  such 
names  of  places  as  Ambou-kol,  'hill of  the  dome-palm,' 
in  Arabic  Abou-dom,  'father  of  the  dome-palm,' 
Kedin-kal,  Kodo-kol,  Kuru-kol,  Ko-n-keli,  '  lions'- 
mount,'  Mara-kol,   '  durra-mount.'     The  well-known 

*  From  the  Ethiopic  Pila-q  the  Greeks  formed  the  well-known 
name  Philai  (PhilsB),  by  dropping  the  final  article,  as  if  they  knew 
that  this  formed  no  essential  part  of  the  word.  Just  the  same 
course  was  taken  by  the  Hebrews,  who  changed  the  name  of  the 
Ethiop-Egyptian  king  Shaba-k  ('  male-cat-the ')  to  the  simple  form 
Sewe  (Shab, '  male-cat '). 


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284  THE  ETHIOPIANS.  chap.  xvm. 

Mount  Bar-kal  certainly  owes  its  name  to  an  older 
form  Berna-kal,  *  Mount  of  Meroe/  unless  we  should 
give  the  preference  to  Buru-kol,  *  virgins'-mount.' 
The  southernmost  of  all  the  Kols  is  the  Arash-kol  in 
Kordofan,  on  the  west  bank  of  the  White  Nile. 

The  word  ato,  or,  strengthened  with  the  article, 
ato-ki^  signifies  *  the  son ; '  whence,  for  example, 
Kash-gi-n-ato-gi,  *  the-son-of-the-horse,'*  that  is,  '  the 
foal.'  The  Barabra  are  very  fond  of  personal  names 
taken  from  animals  conspicuous  for  their  appearance 
or  strength.  Timsach,  '  crocodile,'  and  Nimr,  *  pan- 
ther,' are  to  this  day  current  among  that  people  as 
names  of  honour.  It  seems  to  have  been  just  the 
same  in  ancient  times  ;  for  the  greater  number  of  the 
Ethiopian  royal  names  can  be  completely  explained 
by  help  of  the  existing  language  of  the  Barabra. 
Thus  Shab-k  (Sabaco)  answers  to  the  present  Sab-ki, 
'  the  male  cat,'  a  designation  which  is  the  more  strik- 
ing, as,  at  the  epoch  of  king  Sabaco,  not  a  few  per- 
sons among  the  Egyptians,  including  even  kings, 
called  themselves  Pi-ma  or  Pi-mai,  '  the  male  cat.' 
King  Shabata-k,  the  son  of  Sabaco,  is  in  the  Barabra 
language  Sab-ato-ki, '  the  male  cat's  son,'  just  as  a 
Barabran  word  Kash-ato,  '  horse's-son,'  lies  at  the 
base  of  the  name  Kash-ta.  In  hke  manner  the 
Graeco-Ethiopic  proper  name  Ammonat  is  explained 
as  Amon-ato,  '  Amon's-son,'  and  finally  the  Cushite 
name  of  Nimrod  (so  familiar  to  us)  is  equivalent  to 
Nimr-ato,  '  panther's-son/ 

*  But  the  inverse  order  of  the  English  would  correspond  to  the 
Ethiopic,  thus :  *  horse- the-son-of-the.' — Ed, 


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DTW.  XIV.  THE  BARABRA  LANGUAGE.  285 

I  regret  that  space  does  not  allow  me  to  follow 
out  here  the  further  conclusions,  which  I  have  de- 
duced from  a  comparison  of  the  little  known  lan- 
guage of  the  Barabra  with  the  Ethiopian  proper 
names.  But  at  all  events  I  was  anxious  not  to  omit 
calling  the  reader's  attention  to  the  almost  unknown 
treasures  of  a  language,  the  importance  of  which  for 
historical  investigation  should  by  no  means  be  under- 
valued. I  will  only  add  the  concluding  remark,  that 
within  the  Barabra  language  there  are  preserved  no 
small  number  of  old-Egyptian,  nay  even  of  Greek 
words,  which  attest  an  early  connection  and  a  long 
intercourse  with  the  Egyptian  people.  Thus  ur,  uru, 
means  *  king  '  (Egypt,  ur),  whence  uru-n-arti,  *  king's 
island  ; '  nabi,  '  gold '  (Eg.  nub) ;  kafa,  '  arm  '  (Eg. 
kabu) ;  ashiran,  *  bean  '  (Eg.  arushana) ;  uel,  '  dog  ' 
(Eg.  uher,  uhel) ;  hada  (Eg.  hoite),  '  hyena ; '  minne 
(Eg.  mini,  minnu),  *  dove ; '  al  (Eg.  ial),  '  mirror  ; ' 
siwuit  (Eg.  sifet),  '  sword ; '  nibit  (Eg.  nibiti),  *  mat ; ' 
kirage  (Grk.  kyriak^),  'Sunday;'  korgos  (Grk. 
krokios),  *  yellow ; '  and  many  others. 

The  name  of  Psamethik  also  belonged  to  the 
Ethiopic  language.  I  will  elsewhere  give  the  full 
proof  that  its  signification  was  'son  of  the  Sun.' 
With  him,  in  fact,  a  new  sunlight  breaks  forth  for 
Egypt,  even  though  it  were  only  that  of  the  evening 
sun,  illuminating  with  its  brightness  the  setting  of 
the  great  monarchy  on  the  Nile. 


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286 


THE  NEW  KINGDOM. 


CHAP.  XIX. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

FROM   THE  TWENTY-SIXTH   TO  THE  THIRTY-FIRST 
DYNASTY. 


Succession  of  the  Kings,  with  the  Dates  of  their 
Accession. 


Dynasty  XXVI.,  of  SaIs. 

Psamethik  I.  (Psametichus,  PsammitichtiB) 
Neku  (Nechao,  Neoo)    . 
Psamethik  II.  (Psametichus) 
Uah-ab-ra  (Apries  or  Uaphris) 
Aahmes  (Amasis) . 
Psamethik  III.  (Psametichus) 


B.C. 

666 
612 
596 
591 
572 
528 


Dynasty  XXVII.    Persians. 

Cambyses  (Kanbnza) 527 

Darius  I.  (Nthariush) 521 

Xerxes  I.  (Khskhiarsh) 486 

(Khabbash,  Egyptian  anti-king) 

Artaxerxes  (Artashesesh)       ....  465 

Xerxes  II 425 

Sogdianus — 

Darius  II 424 


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CHAP.  MX.        LAST  AGE  OF  ANCIENT  EGYPT.  287 


Dynasty  XXVin.,  or  SaTs. 
...»  (Amyrtaeus). 

Dynasty  XXIX.,  of  Mendbs. 

B.C. 

Naif-an-rot  I.  (NephMrites)    ....     399 

Hagar  (Akoris) 393 

[Fsarmut]  (Psamuthis) 380 

[Naif-an-Tot  II.]  (Nephorites)         .        .        .379 

Dynasty  XXX.,  op  Skbennytus. 

Nakht-hor-hib  (Nectarebes)   ....     378 

Zi-ho  (TeoB,  Tachos) 360 

Kakhirneb-ef  (Nectanebus)    .  .358 

Dynasty  XXXI.    Persians. 

Ochus 340 

Arses 338 

Darius  ni 336 

Conqaest  of  Egypt  by  Alexander  tibe  Great    .  332 

We  are  standing  beside  the  open  grave  of  the 
%yptian  kingdom.^  The  array  of  kings,  whose 
names  are  enrolled  in  these  last  dynasties — some  of 
them  native  and  some  foreigners — appear  as  the 
bearers  of  the  old  decaying  corpse,  whose  last  light 
of  Ufe  flickered  up  once  more  in  the  Dynasty  of  Sai's, 
only  to  go  out  soon  and  for  ever.  The  monuments 
become  more  and  more  silent,  from  generation  to 
generation,  and  from  reign  to  reign.  The  ancient 
seats  of  splendour,  Memphis  and  Thebes,  have  fallen 

1  See  Note  at  the  end  of  Chapter  XX. 


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288  THE  NEW  KINGDOM.  cha.p.  xix. 

into  ruin,  or  at  all  events  are  depopulated  and  de- 
serted. The  strong  bulwark  of  the  *  white  citadel ' 
of  Memphis  alone  serves  as  a  refuge  for  the  per- 
secuted native  kings  and  their  warriors  in  times  of 
need.  The  Persian  satraps  dwell  in  the  old  royal 
halls  of  the  city.  The  whole  people  has  grown  feeble 
with  age,  disordered  to  the  marrow,  and  exhausted 
by  the  lengthened  struggle  of  the  petty  kings  and 
the  satraps  of  the  mighty  power  of  Assyria. 

The  Persians,  who  after  a  short  interval  took  up 
the  part  played  by  the  Assyrians,  gave  Egypt  her 
final  deathblow.  Although,  by  his  sage  and  well- 
calculated  measures,  the  distinguished  king  Psame- 
thik  I.  succeeded  in  gaining  the  throne,  as  sole  sove- 
reign, for  himself  and  his  descendants ;  and  though 
the  monuments,  from  the  extant  ruins  of  Sa'is  to  the 
weather-worn  rocks  of  Elephantine,  show  the  scat- 
tered traces  of  the  rule  of  the  Pharaohs  of  the 
Twenty-sixth  Dynasty ;  nevertheless  the  old  splendour 
was  gone — no  Ptah,  no  Hormakhu,  no  Amon,  any 
longer  attests  his  help,  or  his  thanks  to  the  lord  of 
the  land  for  his  great  deeds. 

The  city  of  Sai  (Sais),  in  whose  temples  the  great 
Mother  of  the  Gods,  Neit,  was  invoked  and  hallowed, 
standing  near  the  sea,  easily  accessible  for  the  Greek 
and  Persian  *  foreigners,'  formed  the  last  revered 
divine  sanctuary  under  the  Pharaohs,  and  the  new 
capital  of  the  kingdom,  whence  the  kings  issued  their 
edicts  to  the  land. 

When  Alexander  the  Great  entered  Egypt  as  a 
conqueror  and  deliverer,  Sais  in  its  turn  became  de- 


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cKiLP.nz.         SATS;  MEMPHIS;  ALEXANDRLi.  289 

serted  and  forlorn.  The  new  capital  of  Alexandria 
— ^which  is  called  *  the  fortress  of  the  king  of  Upper 
and  Lower  Egypt,  Alexander,  on  the  shore  of  the 
great  sea  of  the  lonians  :  it  was  before  called  Ka-kot 
(Bacotis),'* — succeeded  to  the  inheritance  of  Thebes, 
Memphis,  and  Sais,  assuredly  not  for  the  welfare  of 
the  Egyptians.  All  that  they  lost,  all  they  were 
doomed  to  lose,  turned  to  the  profit  of  the  young 
and  energetic  world  in  the  North.  Alexandria  was 
one  of  the  capitals  of  the  world,  with  all  the  privi- 
leges and  disadvantages  pertaining  to  such  a  rank. 
The  city  itself  grew  with  incredible  speed ;  her  foun- 
dations were  laid  from  the  destroyed  temples  and 
monuments  of  Sais,  which  found  a  new  destination  in 
the  construction  of  the  royal  palaces,  temples,  foun- 
tains, canals,  and  other  public  works.  Thus  was  the 
yonng  Grecian  capital  of  the  world  built  on  the 
ruined  greatness  of  ancient  Egypt. 

Strong  as  is  the  impression  of  pity  made  by  the 
sight  of  this  miserable  end  to  the  mighty  empire  of 
the  Pharaohs,  yet  the  temples  and  edifices  built  '  to 
last  hundreds  of  thousands  of  years '  could  ofier  no 
resistance  to  the  perishableness  of  all  things  earthly ; 
for  it  was  not  in  their  everlasting  stones,  but  on  the 
enduring  loyalty  of  their  people,  that  the  Pharaohs 
should  have  established  their  imperishable  monu- 
ment. The  harassed  and  exhausted  people,  per- 
secuted with  war  and  oppression,  a  plaything  for  the 

*  Compare  my  Essay, '  A  Decree  of  the  Satrap  Ptolemeus,  the 
son  of  Lagus/  in  the  AegypL  Zeitschrift,  1871,  p.  2.  For  a  farther 
acoonnt  of  the  text  referred  to,  see  below,  p.  315. 

VOL.  n.  U 


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290  THE  NEW  KINGDOM.  chap.  xix. 

caprices  and  ambition  of  their  princes,  easily  broke 
their  faith,  when  they  no  longer  received  their  re- 
ward in  the  fidelity  and  affection  of  their  rulers.  De- 
graded into  the  mere  means  to  a  selfish  end,  it  was 
the  same  to  them  whom  they  served,  whether  As- 
syrian, Persian,  or  Greek.  No  foreign  prince  could 
prove  worse  to  them  than  Pharaoh  and  his  court. 

From  this  epoch  the  monuments  are  conspicuously 
silent.  There  are  only  isolated  inscriptions,  contain- 
ing no  more  records  of  the  victories  of  each  age,  but 
continual  songs  of  woe,  which  we  must  read  between 
the  Knes.  They  form  the  dying  swan-song  of  the 
mighty  empire  on  the  NUe. 

It  is  no  longer  the  everlasting  stone  or  monument 
that  makes  known  to  us  the  unenviable  fortune  of 
the  land;  but  the  inquisitive  Greek,  who  travels 
through  the  Nile-vaUey  under  the  protection  of  the 
Persians  or  the  kings  of  his  own  race  and  gathers 
his  information  from  ignorant  interpreters,  becomes 
henceforth  the  source  of  our  knowledge. 

The  reader  will  find  the  history  of  Egypt,  accord- 
ing to  the  classical  accounts,  from  the  year  666  B.C. 
to  the  times  of  the  Greeks  and  Eomans,  in  every 
handbook  of  Ancient  History.  But  from  this  we 
refrain,  as  inconsistent  with  our  purpose  of  depicting 
Egypt  only  according  to  the  monuments.^  What 
these  teach  us,  in  some  conspicuous  examples,  of  the 
last  days  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Pharaohs,  will  form 
the  conclusion  of  our  work. 

'  For  those  readers,  who  may  feel — cus  we  oarselves  have  felt — 
a  certain  inoompleteness  in  the  mere  fragments  of  monumental 
records  which  seem  to  want  the  background  of  continuous  history 
for  the  real  understanding  of  their  value,  we  have  added  the  brief 
Bummary  at  the  end  of  Chapter  XX.— Ed. 

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DIB.  Tin. 


BEAXJTY  OF  THE  MONUMENTS. 


291 


i 


nnflftff 


^ 


Pttmethik  I.        Neko. 


PaBineihlk  n.       Uahabra 
(Apries). 


Aahmea       Piaxnethik  III. 
(AznMis). 


§  I.    The  Twenty-sixth  Dynasty. 

The  monuments  of  this  time,  belonging  to  the 
seventh  and  sixth  centuries  B.C.,*  are  distinguished  by 
a  peculiar  beauty — one  might  almost  use  the  word 
elegance — ^in    which    we    cannot   fail    to    recognize 
foreign,  that  is,  Greek  influence.     An  extreme  neat- 
ness of  manipulation  in  the  drawings  and  lines,  in 
imitation  of  the  best  epochs  of  art  in  earUer  times, 
serves  for  the  instant  recognition  of  the  work  of  this 
age,  the  fineness  of  which  often  reminds  us  of  the 
performances  of  a  seal-engraver.      The   work,   exe- 
cuted in  the   hardest   stone  with  a  finish  equal   to 
metal-casting,  bears  the  character  of  a  gentle  and 
almost  feminine  delicacy,  which  has  impressed  upon 
the  imitations  of  hving  creatures  the  stamp  of  an 
incredible  refinement  both  of  conception  and  execu- 
tion.    The   little   statues,   holding   a  shrine,  of  the 
Saite  dignitary  Pi-tebhu,  son  of  Psamethik-Seneb,  and 
the  monument  (of  which  we  shall  have  more  to  say) 
of  XJza-hor-en-pi-ris   in  the  Vatican  at  Eome  ;  ^  the 
stone    sarcophagi   of  the   Saite   dignitaries,   Auf-ao, 
sumamed  Noferabra-Minit  (among  whose  offices  we 
find  that  of  '  chief  overseer  of  the  Ionian  peoples '), 
of  Nahkt-hor-hib,  called   Nofer-hor-monkh,   and   of 

^  Most  of  these  monuments  were  obtained  from  excavations  at 
Sais,  and  are  in  the  Museums  of  Italy. 
^  Compare  p.  304. 

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292  DYNASTY  OF  SAIS.  chap.  xix. 

Psamethik,  in  the  same  city  ; — the  famous  cow  of  the 
celestial  Hathor,  and  the  statues  of  Osiris  and  Isis, 
the  offerings  of  a  certain  Psamethik,  in  whose  grave 
in  the  cemetery  of  Memphis  these  images  of  serpen- 
tine were  found,  which  now  form  the  admired  master- 
pieces of  the  collection  at  Boulaq ; — the  splendid  pair 
of.  lions  of  king  Nahkt-neb-ef,  which  he  dedicated  to 
the  Egyptian  Hermes  of  Hermopohs  Parva  (now  in  the 
Vatican) ; — the  numberless  statuettes  in  bronze  of  the 
goddess  Neit  of  Sa'is : — these,  and  a  hundred  similar 
works  of  sculpture,  fiimish  instructive  examples  of  the 
refinement  and  dehcacy  of  the  monuments  which  came 
from  the  hands  of  the  artists  of  the  age  now  in  question. 
The  return  to  the  good  old  times,  from  which 
the  inteUigent  artist  took  the  models  of  his  works,  is 
proved  by  monuments,  not  few  in  number,  upon  which 
the  representations,  both  of  lifeless  objects  and  of 
living  creatures,  standing  out  in  rehef  upon  a  flat  sur- 
face,^ call  to  remembrance  the  masterpieces  of  the  old 
kingdom.  In  fact,  even  to  the  newly  created  dignities 
and  titles,  the  return  to  ancient  times  had  become 
the  general  watchword.  The  stone  door-posts,  which 
were  found  in  a  house  of  the  age  of  the  kings  named 
Psamethik  in  the  mounds  of  debris  at  Mit-Rahineh  (now 
at  Boulaq),  the  offering  of  a  certain  Psamethik-nofer- 
sem,  reveal  the  old  Memphian  style  of  art  mirrored  in 
its  modern  reflection  after  the  lapse  of  4,000  years. 

^  The  special  character  of  the  work  referred  to  is  that  called 
intaglio  rilevatOy  in  which  the  outUne  of  the  figure  is  cut  deep  into 
the  stone,  and  the  surface  rises  towards  the  central  parts  in  curves 
adapted  to  the  proportions  of  the  figure.  An  exquisite  specimen 
of  this  age  is  seen  in  a  piece  of  a  frieze  in  the  British  Museum. — Ed. 


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DT3r.  xiYi.    NEW  TEDEOLOGY  AND  DEMONOLOGY.  293 

While  this  effort  to  return  to  antiquity  on  the 
artistic  side  called  forth  distinctive  aims  in  the  pro- 
vince of  aesthetics,  which  has  hence  been  designated 
by  the  name  of  the  Egyptian  renaissance,  so  to 
another  side  of  the  national  life — that  of  the  old 
Egyptian  theology  and  the  esoteric  traditions  of  the 
priestly  schools — a  new  contribution  appears  to  have 
been  made,  modelled  closely  after  the  Graeco-Asiatic 
pattern,  which  was  far  from  harmonizing  with  the 
old  wisdom  taught  in  the  temples.  Beside  the  gi-eat 
established  gods  of  the  old-Egyptian  theology,  there 
now  come  forward  upon  the  monuments  monstrous 
forms,  the  creations  of  a  widely-roving  fancy,  which 
peopled  the  whole  world,  heaven,  earth,  and  the 
subaqueous  and  subterranean  depths,  with  demons 
and  genii,  of  whom  the  older  age  and  its  pure  doc- 
trine had  scarcely  an  idea. 

Exorcisms  of  the  demons  in  all  manner  of  forms, 
from  wild  beasts  with  their  ravening  teeth  to  the 
scorpion  with  his  venomous  sting,  formed  henceforth 
a  special  science,  which  was  destined  to  supersede  the 
old  and  half-lost  traditional  lore  of  past  ages.  The 
demon-song  of '  The  old  man  who  regained  his  youth, 
the  hoary  one  who  became  young,'  the  exorcisms  of 
Thot  and  the  powers  of  witchcraft  in  league  with 
him,  are  the  favourite  themes  which  cover  the 
polished  surfaces  of  the  monuments  of  this  remark- 
able time  of  transition.  A  priest  Ankh-Psamethik,  a 
son  of  the  lady  Thent-nub,  finds  an  ancient  writing  in 
the  temple  of  the  Mnevis-buU  of  Heliopohs,  in  the  time 
of  king  Nakht-hor-hib,  and  forthwith  a  whole  stone 


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294  DYNASTY  OF  SAJS.  chap.  xix. 

is  adorned  with  indescribably  fine  inscriptions  and 
the  most  elegant  figures — a  unique  work  of  art,  which 
now  forms  the  most  remarkable  ornament  of  Prince 
Mettemich's  collections  at  Konigswerth  in  Bohemia* 

The  above-named  founder  of  the  Thirtieth  Dynasty- 
seems  to  have  found  particular  delight  in  this  new- 
world,  full  of  overstrained  creations.  All  the  walls  of 
the  sanctuary  in  the  temple  of  Amon,  founded  by 
Darius  I.  in  the  Great  Oasis  of  El  Khargeh  (the 
ancient  ffibis),  are  covered  with  such  demoniacal 
representations,  the  explanation  of  which  is  httle 
aided  by  the  annexed  inscriptions.  Their  origin  goes 
back  to  the  same  king,  Nakht-hor-hib.  The  last 
Egyptian  king,  Nakht-neb-ef,  earned  the  cheap  repu- 
tation of  an  exorcist.  He  was  a  famous  magician, 
who  left  Egypt  and  fled  into  Ethiopia,  laden  with 
rich  treasures — never  to  return  ! 

A  flood  of  hght  has  been  thrown  on  the  chrono- 
logical relations — to  the  very  day  as  well  as  year — 
of  the  several  reigns  of  the  Twenty-sixth  Dynasty, 
since  the  discovery  of  memorial  stones  {steloe)  of  the 
Apis-bulls  in  the  Serapeum  at  Memphis;  and  they 
have  rendered  even  greater  service  by  their  data  of 
time  than  by  their  occasional  revelations  of  ihe  part 
taken  by  the  kings  of  that  age  in  the  honours  paid  to 
the  bulls,  both  hving  and  deceased.  We  subjoin  the 
translations  of  the  most  important  of  these  memorial 
inscriptions,  in  order  to  place  our  readers  in  a  position 
to  form  their  own  judgment  on  the  significance  of 
these  inscriptions  for  the  purposes  referred  to. 


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Dm  xxYi.       APIS-TABLETS  OF  PSAMETHIK  I.  295 

Tablet  I. 

'Year  20^  month  Mesori,  day  20,  tmder  the  reign  of  king 
Psamethik  I.,  the  Majesty  of  the  living  Apis  departed  to  heaven. 
This  god  was  carried  in  peace  (to  his  burial)  to  the  beautifol  land 
of  the  West,  in  the  year  21,  month  Paophi,  day  25 ;  having  been 
bom  in  the  26th  year  of  the  king  of  Upper  Egypt,  Taharaqa ;  and 
after  having  been  inaugurated  at  Memphis  in  the  month  Phar- 
muthi,  on  day  9.     (The  total)  makes  21  years/  ' 

Tablet  II. 

After  the   full  name  of  king  Psamethik  I.,  we 
read : — 

*  In  the  year  52,  under  the  reign  of  this  god,  information  was 
brought  to  his  Majesty :  ''  The  temple  of  thy  father  Osiris- Apis, 
with  what  is  therein,  is  in  no  choice  condition.  Look  at  the  holy 
corpses  (the  bulls),  in  what  a  state  they  are !  Decay  has  usurped 
its  place  in  their  chambers."  Then  his  Majesty  gave  orders  to 
make  a  renovation  in  his  temple.  It  was  made  more  beautiful 
than  it  had  been  before. 

'  His  Majesty  caused  all  that  is  due  to  a  god  to  be  performed 
for  him  (the  deceased  bull)  on  the  day  of  his  burial.  All  the 
dignitaries  took  the  oversight  of  what  had  to  be  overseen.  The 
holy  corpse  was  embalmed  with  spices,  and  the  oere^oths  were 
of  byssus,  the  fabric  becoming  for  all  the  gods.  His  chambers 
were  pannelled  with  ket-wood,  sycomore-wood,  acacia-wood,  and 
the  best  sorts  of  wood.  Their  carvings  were  the  likenesses  of  men 
in  a  chamber  of  state.  A  courtier  of  the  king  was  appointed  speci- 
ally for  the  ofSce  of  imposing  a  contribution  for  the  work  on  the 
inner  country  and  the  lower  country  of  Egypt.' 

As  Mariette  has  already  proved  conclusively, 
Psamethik  I.  was  the  founder  of  a  new  gallery  and 

^  Besides  its  determination  of  the  lifetime  of  the  Apis  in 
question,  this  record  is  of  special  importance  for  the  length  of  the 
reign  of  king  Taharaqa.  The  reading — 'made  in  the  year  21,' 
which  has  not  the  least  grammatical  foundation — is  absolutely 
contradicted  by  other  inscriptions  containing  similar  data.  (See 
what  is  said  bdow,  under  the  reign  of  Cambyses,  p.  299.) 


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296  DYNASTY  OF  SAIS.  cfap.  xix. 

new  sepulchral  chambers  (with  pannelled  woodwork, 
as  the  inscription  informs  us),  in  the  subterranean 
necropolis  of  the  holy  Apis-buUs.  This  was  done, 
according  to  the  above  inscription,  in  the  52nd  year 
of  his  reign,  on  the  occasion  of  the  burial  of  a  bull 
who  died  at  that  time. 

Tablet  III. 

'Year  16,  month  Khoiakh,  day  16,  under  the  reign  of  king 
Nekn,  the  ever-living,  the  friend  of  Apis-Osiris.  This  is  the  day 
of  the  burial  of  this  god,  and  of  the  arrival  of  this  god  in  peace 
into  the  nether  world.  His  interment  was  accomplished  at  kis 
burial-place  in  his  holy  house  in  the  Libyan  Desert  near  Memphis, 
after  they  had  fulfilled  for  him  all  that  is  customary  in  the  chambers 
of  purification,  as  has  been  done  from  early  times. 

<  He  was  bom  in  the  year  53,  in  the  month  Mekhir,  on  the 
19th  day,  under  the  reign  of  king  Psamethik  I.  He  was  brought 
into  the  temple  of  Ptah  (of  Memphis)  in  the  year  54,  in  the  month 
Athyr,  on  the  12th  day.  His  union  with  life  took  place  [in  the 
year  16,]  month  Paophi,  day  6.  The  whole  duration  of  his  life 
amounted  to  16  years,  7  months,  17  days. 

'  His  Majesty  king  Neku  II.  supplied  all  the  costs  and  every- 
thing else  in  splendour  and  glory  for  this  sublime  god.  He  built 
his  subterranean  tomb  of  fine  white  limestone  in  well-wrought 
workmanship.     The  like  of  it  was  never  done  before.' 

Tablet  IY. 

*  Year  12,  month  Payni,  day  21,  imder  the  reign  of  the  king 
Uah-ab-ra,®  the  friend  of  Apis-Osiris,  the  god  was  carried  in  peace 
to  the  good  region  of  the  West.  His  interment  was  accomplished 
in  the  West  of  the  Libyan  Desert  near  Memphis,  after  they  had 
fulfilled  for  him  all  that  is  customary  in  the  chambers  of  purifica- 
tion.    The  like  was  never  done  since  the  early  times. 

'  This  god  departed  to  heaven  in  the  year  12,  month  Pharmuthi, 
day  12.     He  was   bom  in  the  year  16,  month  Paophi,  day  7, 

^  The  Pharaoh-Hophra  of  the  Bible,  and  the  Apries  of  Hero- 
dotus. 


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DTK.  xxn.     APIS  TABLETS  :  NEKU  TO  AMASIS.  297 


under  the  reign  of  king  Neku  IL,  the  ever-living.  Hib  introduc- 
tian  into  the  temple  of  Ptah  took  place  in  the  year  1,  month  Epiphi, 
daj  9y  under  the  reign  of  king  Psamethik  II.  The  full  life-time 
of  this  god  waa  17  years,  6  months,  5  days. 

*  The  god-like  henefactor  Uah-ab-ra  supplied  all  the  costs  and 
eveiything  else  in  splendour  and  glory  for  this  suhlime  god.  Thus 
has  he  done  for  him,  who  bestows  life  and  prospeiity  for  ever.' 

Tablet  Y.» 

*  Year  23,  month  Pakhons,  day  15,  under  the  reign  of  king 
Khnum-ab-r'a  (Amasis),  who  bestows  life  for  ever,-  the  god  was 
carried  in  peace  to  the  good  region  of  the  West.  His  interment 
in  the  nether-world  was  accomplished,  in  the  place  which  his 
Majesty  had  prepared — never  had  the  like  been  done  since  early 
times — after  they  had  fulfilled  for  him  all  that  is  customary,  in 
the  chambers  of  purification ;  for  his  Majesty  bore  in  mind  what 
Horus  had  done  for  his  father  Osiris.  He  had  a  great  sarcophagus 
of  rose  granite  made  for  him,  because  his  Majesty  approved  the 
custom,  that  all  the  kings  in  every  age  had  caused  it  (the  sarco- 
phagus of  each  Apis-bull)  to  be  made  out  of  costly  stone.  He 
caused  curtains  of  woven  stuflfe  to  be  made  as  coverings  for  the 
south  side  and  the  noHh  side  (of  the  sarcophagus).  He  had  his 
talismans  put  therein,  and  all  his  ornaments  of  gold  and  costly 
precious  stones.  They  were  prepared  more  splendidly  than  ever 
before,  for  his  Majesty  had  loved  the  living  Apis  better  than  all 
(the  other)  kings. 

'  The  holiness  of  this  god  went  to  heaven  in  the  year  23,  month 
Phamenoth,  day  6.  His  birth  took  place  in  the  year  5,  month 
Thot,  day  7 ;  his  inauguration  at  Memphis  in  the  month  Payni, 
day  8.  The  full  lifetime  of  this  god  amounted  to  18  years,  6 
months.  ^  This  is  what  was  done  for  him  by  Aahmes  Si-Neit, 
who  bestows  pure  life  for  ever.* 

The  granite  sarcophagus  of  this  bull  still  stands  to 
this  day  in  situ  in  the  Serapeum.  On  the  cover  are 
inscribed  the  words  : — 

^  From  Dr.  Brugsch's  Additions  and  Corrections,  The  text 
of  the  History  gives  only  a  summary  of  the  dates  derived  from  the 
inscription . — Ed, 


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298 


BURIAL  OF  THE  APIS-BULLS. 


OVAP.  XIX* 


'  The  king  Amasis.  He  has  caused  this  to  be  made  for  his 
memorial  of  the  living  Apis,  (namely)  this  huge  saroophagos  of 
red  granite,  for  his  Majesty  approved  the  custom,  that  all  the 
kings  in  all  ages  had  had  such  made  of  costly  stones.  This  did  he, 
the  bestower  of  life  for  ever.' 

While  we  are  on  the  subject  of  the  Apis-buUs 
and  their  gravestones,  this  is  the  best  place  to  remark 
that  under  the  Persian  Empire  also,  as  well  as  after- 
wards under  the  Lagidae,  the  deceased  Apis-buUs 
were  solemnly  buried  at  the  cost  of  the  kings  in  the 
Serapeum  of  Memphis.  Besides  the  embalming  and 
the  funeral  pomp,  the  kings  were  put  to  great  expense 
for  the  restoration  of  the  subterranean  tombs,  which 
were  hewn  out  of  the  rock,  each  abeady  during  the 
lifetime  of  the  Apis  for  which  it  was  destined.  Be- 
sides, the  construction  of  the  sepulchral  vault  required 
some  time.  On  a  memorial  tablet  inscribed  with 
demotic  characters,  of  the  time  of  Ptolemy  11.,  I  find 
the  following  data  as  to  the  time  occupied  in  the 
work : — 


From  the  year  32,  21st  Pajni,  to  the 
year  33,  Ist  Paophi,  excavating  the 
chamber 

From  the  year  33,  4th  Paophi,  to  [the 
year  33,  9th  Pharmuthi],  finishing  the 
same 

In  the  year  37,  8th  Mesori,  transport  of 
sarcophagus;  time      .... 

In  the  year  38, 17th  Athyr,  the  comple- 
tion of  the  whole  edifice ;  time . 

Working  Time 

HoUdAjs 

HonthB   1      Days 

3 

6 

I 
2 

16 

5 
5 
9 

17 

33 

7 

12 

In    the  reign   of  Cambyses   there   occurred   the 


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DTir.  xiYi.  THE  APIS  UNDER  CAMBYSES.  299 

death  of  one  Apis,  and  the  birth  of  another.  This 
latter  was  born  in  the  5th  year  of  the  king,  on  the 
28th  day  of  the  month  Tybi ;  he  died  in  th«  4th  year 
of  Darius  I.,  on  the  3rd  day  of  the  month  Pakhons  ; 
and  seventy  days  later  he  was  buried  according  to 
the  prescribed  usages.  The  whole  length  of  his  life 
amounted  to  seven  years,  three  months,  five  days. 
His  predecessor  was  the  very  Apis  whom,  according 
to  the  accounts  of  the  Greek  writers,  Cambyses  is 
said  to  have  slain  with  the  sword,  immediately  after 
his  return  from  his  disastrous  expedition  against 
Ethiopia ; — a  story  on  which  little  reliance  can  be 
placed.  According  to  an  inscription,  first  found  by 
me  in  Egypt,  but  unfortunately  much  mutilated,  this 
Apis  was  buried  in  the  Serapeum  '  in  the  4th  year  * 
of  th-e  king's  reign,  *  in  the  month  Epiphi '  (the  day 
not  being  specified).  On  the  same  stone  we  see  Cam- 
byses represented,  under  his  regal  name  of  Sam-taui  ^ 
Mastu-ra,  in  a  kneeling  posture,  distinctly  as  a  wor- 
shipper of  the  Apis-bulL  Underneath  is  a  long  inscrip- 
tion, of  which  I  coruW  only  make  out  the  first  two 
lines : — 

'  Tear  4,  montli  Epiphi,  under  the  reign  [of  king  Cambyses] 
the  bestower  of  life  for  ever,  [this]  god  wan  carried  to  his  burial 
[in  peace  to  the  Libyan  Desert  near  Memphis,  to  be  interred] 
in  his  place,  which  his  Majesty  had  already  caused  to  be  prepared 
for  him  .  .  .' 

'  This  regal  name,  which  means  *  iiniter  of  the  two  worlds,' 
had  already  been  borne  by  Th«tmes  III.  By  the  irony  of  &te, 
the  proud  title  of  the  great  Pharaoh  who  conquered  Western  Asia 
— ^the  Egyptian  Alexander — was  transferred,  after  a  thousand 
years,  to  tiie  Persian  conqueror  of  Egypt. — Ed. 


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300  THE  APIS  TABLETS.  chaf.  xix. 


Now  since,  according  to  the  express  testimony  of 
the  monuments,  Cambyses  reigned  over  Egypt^  not 
three  or  four  years,  but  six  full  years,  and  therefore 
must  have  conquered  Egypt,  not  in  the  year  525  B.C., 
the  date  generally  received,  but  in  the  year  527  B.c.,^ 
— ^it  follows,  of  undeniable  necessity,  that  the  Apis  in 
question  died  and  was  buried  in  the  year  526  *  B.C., 
and  that  too,  as  we  read,  under  the  axispices  of  the 
Great  King  Cambyses  himself  \ — in  other  words,  that 
the  Greek  story  of  the  slaughter  of  the  Apis  by  the 
mad  Persian  king  is  a  mere  fiction,  invented  for  the 
purpose  of  setting  in  a  striking  light  the  wickedness 
and  oppression  of  the  foreign  tyrant.  How  strongly 
probability  contradicts  the  popular  assumption  of  a 
slaughter  of  the  Apis  by  Cambyses,  is  confirmed  also 
by  the  following  considerations.  Under  Amasis,*  the 
Apis  died  in  the  23rd  year  of  the  king's  reign,  on  the 
sixth  day  of  the  month  Phamenotli,  that  is  to  say, 
about  the  year  650.  His  successor,  as  usual,  was  not 
long  waited  for.  Supposing  this  to  be  the  same  that 
Cambyses  caused  to  be  buried  in  tlie  year  526  B.C., 
the  bull  had  reached  an  age  of  about  24  to  25  years, 
which  is  in  perfect  accord  with  the  average  lifetime 
of  the  sacred  bulls,  derived  from  other  examples. 

A  special  inscription  on  a  monument  of  the  time 
of  king  Darius  I.^  informs  us,  that  this  sovereign  also 

2  See  further  below,  p.  315. 

'  This  year  526  b.c.  was  the  4th  year  of  the  reign  of  Cambyses 
over  Persia,  and  the  2nd  year  of  his  reign  over  Egypt. 
^  See  above,  the  inscription  No.  Y.,  p.  297. 
»  No.  2296  of  Mariette's  List. 


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DTff.  xxvi.     BARroS  I.,  XERXES,  AND  KHABBASH.  301 

was  pleased  to  show  marked  honour  to  the  Apis-bulls. 
The  literal  translation  of  the  inscription  runs  thus  : — 

'  In  the  year  31  under  the  Majesty  of  the  king  and  lord  of  the 
land,  Ntharinsh — may  he  live  for  ever ! — ^hehold  a  living  Apis 
appeared  |  in  the  city  of  Memphis.  This  (his  future)  sepulchre  was 
opened,  and  his  chamber  was  built  for  an  endless  duration  of  years.' 

This  record  also  agrees  most  precisely  with  the 
age  of  his  predecessor,  who  in  his  turn  had  been  born 
not  long  after  the  burial  of  the  bull  before  him  (in 
the  4th  year  of  Darius  I.,  p.  299),  and  must  have 
died  shortly  before  the  appearance  of  the  one  now  in 
question,  and  therefore  in  the  31st  or  30th  year  of 
Darius ;  whence  again  we  deduce  for  him  a  lifetime 
of  24  or  25  years. 

The  monuments  enable  us  to  pursue  still  further 
the  traces  of  the  Apis-buUs  that  appeared  later. 

As  king  Darius  I.  still  enjoyed  about  five  years 
more  of  Kfe,  after  the  manifestation  of  the  Apis  in  his 
31st  year,  so,  if  we  continue  to  assume  a  lifetime  of 
25  years,  the  new  bull  must  have  died  about  the  20th 
regnal  year  of  Xerxes  I.,  and  therefore  about  466  B.C. 
Now,  in  place  of  this  Xerxes,  we  find  mention  of  a 
king  Khabbash,  whom  the  monuments  designate  as 
the  Egyptian  rival  king  to  Xerxes.  (See  p.  315.) 
This  rival  must  have  succeeded  in  establishing  himself 
at  Memphis,  where  he  provided  a  solemn  burial  for 
the  Apis  which  was  just  deceased.  But  unexpected 
events  occurred  to  frustrate  his  intention.  The 
proof  of  this  is  furnished  by  the  place  in  the  sub- 
terranean galleries,  where  have  stood,  fiom  ancient 
times  down  to  the  present  day,  the  lid  and  base  of 


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302  THE  APIS  TABLETS.  chap.  xix. 

the  stone  sarcophagus,  with  the  dedicatory  inscription 

of  king  Eliabbash.     The  sarcophagus  itself  stands  in 

the  northern  gallery  leading  to  the  Apis-tombs,  and 

almost  bars  the  approach,  while  the  lid  lies  on  the 

ground  in  the  southern  gallery.     The  two  were  never 

brought  together  to  enclose  the  deceased  bull.     The 

lid  itself  bears  the  following  inscription : — 

*  Year  2,  month  Athyr,  under  the  Majesty  of  king  Kabbash, 
the  friend  of  Apis-Osiris,  of  Horns  "  of  Kakem  "  (a  name  for  the 
locality  of  the  Apis  tombs).' 

The  latest  authentic  inscription,  proving  the  death 
of  an  Apis  under  the  Pharaohs,  is  a  memorial-stone 
of  the  3rd  year  of  king  Nakht-neb-ef,  in  which  the 
bull  died,  that  is,  about  356  B.C.  With  this  we 
conclude  our  review  of  the  Apis  tablets,  and  turn  to 
other  inscriptions,  which  belong  to  the  times  of  the 
Persian  kings. 


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BTK.  ixTiT.  EGYPTIANS  IN  THE  PERSIAN  SERVICE.       303 


CambjHi.  Bariiu.  ZerxM.  Artaxcrxes. 

§  n.  The  Persians  in  Egypt. 

We  can  hardly  award  to  the  Egyptian  nobles, 
who  lived  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  royal  court  at 
Sais,  the  praise  of  especial  loyalty  to  their  masters. 
As  soon  as  the  Persians  made  good  their  footing  in 
Egypt  and  honoured  Sajfs  especially  by  their  visits, 
there  were  found  many  descendants  of  the  former 
royal  houses,  who  did  not  think  it  beneath  their 
dignity  to  prove  themselves  submissive  to  the  Great 
King  of  Persia,  and  to  enter  his  service. 

Among  these  there  was,  in  particular,  a  Suten- 
rekh  (i.e.  '  Ejng's-grandson '),  named  Uza-hor-en-pi- 
ris,  a  son  of  Paf-tot-nit  (the  high-priest  of  the  goddess 
Nit)  and  his  wife  Tum-iri-tis,  probably  a  daughter  of 
king  Apries  (Uah-ab-ra).  To  this  nobleman  the 
command  of  the  royal  fleet  had  been  entrusted  under 
the  kings  Amasis  and  Psamethik  lH.  When  Cam- 
byses  conquered  Egypt,  Uza-hor-en-pi-ris  passed  at 
once  into  the  service  of  the  Persian  king.  On  the 
famous  shrine-bearing  statue  of  this  eminent  noble- 
man,  in   the  Vatican  at  Eome,^  he  himself  relates 

^  Already  mentioned  as  a  work  of  art,  p.  291.  The  late 
Yisoount  E.  de  Boug^  was  the  first  who  contributed  to  science 
some  fragments  of  the  above  inscription  {Revue  Archeologiquej 
1851).  Our  translation — ^which  has  profited  by  the  latest  advances 
in  the  science  of  deciphering  the  old  Egyptian  writings^-contains 
for  the  first  time  the  whole  inscription  in  its  entire  sequence.  [The 
tenth  volume  of  Records  of  the  Past  contains  a  new  translation  of 
this  inscription,  or  rather  series  of  ten  inscriptions,  on  the  statue 


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304  THE  PERSIANS  IN  EGtYFT.  chu».  xix. 


quite  unaffectedly  the  history  of  his  life,  from  which 
we  have  derived  the  foregoing  account  of  his  family. 

I.  '  When  the  great  lord  of  all  nations,  Kambathet  (Cambyses), 
came  to  Eg3rpt, — at  that  time  the  people  of  all  lands  were  with 
him, — ^he  ruled  this  land  as  king  in  its  whole  extent.  They 
settled  in  it,  inasmuch  as  he  was  a  great  king  of  Egypt  and  the 
great  lord  of  all  lands.  He  committed  to  me  the  office  of  a  presi- 
dent of  the  phyBicians,  and  kept  me  beside  him  as  friend  and 
temple-master.  His  official  name  was  assigned  to  him  as  ''  Elng- 
Mastu-ra."  I  made  known  to  him  the  greatness  of  the  city  of 
Sais,  as  the  city  of  Neith,  the  great  mother,  who  gave  birUi  to 
the  sun-god  Ea — ^he  was  the  first-bom,  no  (other)  being  was  yet 
bom  : — ^moreover  (I  informed  him)  also  of  the  high  consequence 
of  the  habitation  of  Neith.— it  is  such  as  a  heaven — ^in  all  its 
quarters : — ^moreover  also  of  the  high  importance  of  the  chambers 
of  Neith,  which  are  the  abodes  of  Neith  and  of  all  the  gods  in 
them ;  as  well  as  the  high  consequence  of  the  temple  Hakheb,  in 
which  the  great  king  and  lord  of  the  heaven  resides ; — moreover 
also  of  the  high  importance  of  the  south-chamber,  of  the  north- 
chamber,  of  the  chamber  of  the  moming-sun  Ra,  and  of  the 
chamber  of  the  evening-sun  Turn.  These  are  the  mysterious 
abodes  of  all  the  gods. 

II.  '  And  I  made  my  complaint  to  king  Kambathet  concerning 
all  the  foreigners,  who  had  taken  up  their  quarters  in  the  temple  of 
Neith,  that  they  might  be  driven  out,  that  so  the  temple  of  Neith 
might  be  established  in  its  full  splendour,  as  was  the  case  formerly. 
Then  the  king  gave  command  to  drive  out  all  foreigners,  who  had 
taken  up  their  quarters  in  the  temple  of  Neith,  and  to  pull  down 
all  their  huts  and  all  their  chattels  in  this  temple,  and  they  them- 
selves were  forced  to  remove  out  of  the  precincts  of  this  temple. 
The  king  gave  command  to  purify  this  temple  of  Neith,  and  to  re- 
store to  it  all  its  inhabitants,  and  to  acknowledge  the  people  as 

called  '  the  Pastophorus  of  the  Yatican,'  by  Mr.  Le  Page  Renouf, 
who  reads  the  name  of  the  Egyptian  officer  Ufchffor-resenet.  Mr. 
Renouf  acknowledges  his  obligation  to  the  above  translation  (in 
the  German)  of  Dr.  Brugsch,  whose  example  he  follows  in  sup- 
pressing the  name  and  titles  which  begin  each  inscription,  and  for 
which  there  is  often  no  equivalent  in  our  modem  languages.  We 
have  followed  Mr.  Benouf  in  prefixing  a  distinctive  number  to 
eich  of  the  separate  inscriptions. — Ed.] 


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Diy.xxTn.     INSCRIPTION  OF  UZA-HOR-EN-PI-RIS.        305 


servants  of  the  temple.  He  gave  command  to  replace  the  sacred 
property  of  Neith,  the  great  mother,  and  of  all  the  gods  in  Sals,  as 
it  had  heen  formerly.  He  gave  command  to  re-establish  the  order 
of  all  their  festivals  and  of  all  their  processions,  as  they  were  for- 
merly. All  this  did  the  king,  because  I  had  made  him  acquainted 
with  the  high  consequence  of  Sais,  for  it  is  the  city  of  all  the  gods. 
May  they  remain  on  their  thrones  in  her  for  ever ! 

III.  *When  king  Kambathet  came  to  Sais,  he  entered  the 
temple  of  Neith  in  person.  He  testified  in  every  good  way  his  re- 
verence for  the  great  exalted  holy  goddess,  Neith,  the  great  mother, 
and  for  the  great  gods  in  Sais,  as  all  the  pious  kings  had  done.  He 
did  this,  because  I  had  made  him  acquainted  with  the  high  import- 
ance of  the  holy  goddess,  for  she  is  the  mother  of  the  Sun-god  Ea 
himself. 

IV.  *  The  king  bestowed  all  that  was  good  upon  the  temple  of 
Neith.  He  caused  the  libations  to  be  offered  to  the  Everlasting 
One  in  the  house  of  Neith,  as  all  the  kings  of  former  times  had 
done.  He  did  this  because  I  had  informed  him  of  all  the  good 
that  should  be  done  for  this  temple. 

V.  *  I  established  the  property  of  Neith ,  the  great  mother,  as 
the  king  had  ordered,  for  the  duration  of  eternity.  I  caused  the 
monuments  of  Neith,  the  lady  of  Sai's,  to  be  set  up  in  every  proper 
way,  as  an  able  servant  of  his  master  ought  to  do.  I  was  a  good 
man  before  his  face.  I  protected  the  people  under  the  very  heavy 
misfortime  which  had  befallen  the  whole  land,  such  as  this  country 
had  never  experienced  before.  I  was  a  shield  to  the  weak  against 
the  powerful ;  I  protected  him  who  honoured  me,  and  he  found  it 
best  for  him.  I  did  all  good  for  them,  when  the  time  had  come 
to  do  it. 

YI.  '  I  entrusted  to  them  the  prophetic  offices ;  I  gave  them 
the  best  land,  as  the  king  had  commanded,  to  endure  for  ever.  I 
made  a  present  of  proper  burial  to  such  as  (died)  without  a  coffin ; 
I  nourished  all  their  children  and  built  up  again  all  their  houses ; 
I  did  for  them  all  that  is  good,  as  a  father  does  for  his  son,  then 
when  tlie  calamity  fell  upon  this  nome,  at  the  time  when  the 
grievous  calamity  befel  the  whole  land. 

VIL  *  Now  king  Ntariuth  (Darius) — may  he  live  for  ever ! —  com- 
manded me  to  go  to  Egypt,  while  he  was  in  the  land  of  Elam, 
— ^for  he  also  was  the  great  lord  of  all  lands  and  a  great  king  of 
Egypt, — in  order  that  I  might  reinstate  the  number  of  the  saa-ed 

VOL.  II.  X 


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$06  THE  PERSIANS  IN  EGYPT.  chap.  iix. 


Fcribesof  the  temples,  and  might  revive  whatever  had  fallen  into  ruin. 
The  foreigners  esoorted  me  from  land  to  land,  and  brought  me 
safe  to  Egypt,  according  to  the  command  of  the  lord  of  the  land. 
I  did  acconling  to  what  he  had  commanded.  I  chose  of  the  sons 
of  the  inhabitants  from  all  their  (schools  ?) — ^to  the  gi^eat  sorrow 
of  those  who  were  childless — ^and  I  placed  them  under  expert 
ma«<ter8,  skilful  in  all  kinds  of  learning,  that  they  might  per- 
form all  th(4r  works.  And  the  king  ordered  that  all  favour  should 
\ie  shown  them,  because  of  the  pleasure  with  which  they  performed 
all  their  works.  I  supplied  all  those  who  distinguished  themselves 
with  whatever  they  needed  for  the  scribe's  profession,  according  to 
their  progress.  The  king  did  all  this  because  he  knew  that  such  a 
work  was  the  best  means  of  awakening  to  new  life  all  that  was 
falling  into  ruin,  in  order  to  uphold  the  name  of  all  the  gods,  their 
tt'mples,  their  revenues,  and  the  ordinance  of  their  feasts  for  ever. 

VIII.  *  I  was  honoured  by  each  of  my  masters,  so  long  as  I 
sojourned  on  the  earth.  Therefore  they  gave  me  deconitions  of 
gold,  and  showed  me  all  favour. 

IX.  *  0  ye  gods  who  are  in  SiiTs  !  Remember  all  the  good  that 
has  been  done  by  the  president  of  the  physicians,  Uza-hor-en-pi-ris. 
In  all  that  ye  are  willing  to  requite  him  for  all  his  benefits,  esta- 
blish for  him  a  great  name  in  this  land  for  ever. 

X.  *  0  Osiris  !  thou  Eternal  one  !  The  president  of  the  physi- 
cians Uza-hor-en-pi-ris  throws  his  arms  around  thee,  to  guard  thy 
image.  Do  for  him  all  good  according  to  what  he  has  done,  (as) 
the  protector  of  thy  shrine  for  ever.*  ^ 

We  refrain   from   any   further   comment  on  the 

foregoing   text,    the    historical  vahie    of    which,   as 

tlie  contemporary  record  of  an  eye-witness,  and  in 

part  the  author,  of  the   events  which    he   relates, 

can    hardly   be    overrated.     In   this   account,  king 

^  The  last  words,  addressed  to  Osiris,  the  Eternal,  have  relation 
to  the  particular  form  of  the  statue.  The  chief  physician  of  Sals  is 
represented  as  standing  upright,  with  his  hands  embracing  a  shrine, 
in  the  interior  of  which  is  seen  the  mummy  of  Osiris.  It  should 
not  be  forgotten  that  the  Persian  kings  were  glad  to  employ  the 
Egyptian  physicians,  whose  skill  gained  them  high  renown  in  the 
ancient  world. 


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Dm  xiYH.      TEMPLE  OF  DARIUS  AT  EL-KHARGEIL      307 

Cambyses  appears  in  a  totally  different  light  from 
that  in  which  school-learning  places  him.  He  takes 
care  for  the  gods  and  their  temples,  and  has  .himself 
crowned  in  Sais  after  the  old  Egyptian  manner. 
Darius  I.,  whom  the  Egyptian  Uza-hor-en-pi-ris 
had  accompanied  to  Elam  (Elymais),  took  particular 
pleasure  in  rescuing  the  Egyptian  temple-learning  from 
its  threatened  extinction.  He  provided  for  the  train- 
ing of  the  energetic  and  gifted  youth  in  the  schools 
of  the  priests,  to  be  the  future  maintainers  and 
teachers  of  the  lost  wisdom  of  the  Egyptians. 

The  best  proof  of  the  lively  interest,  wliich  Darius 
himself  took  in  the  foundation  of  new  sanctuaries,  is 
furnished  by  the  temple  built  in  the  Great  Oasis  of 
El-Khargeh,  at  the  place  called  by  the  ancients  Hibis 
(the  Hib  or  Hibe  of  the  hieroglyphs).  This  sanctuary, 
which  I  had  the  opportunity  of  visiting  in  the  Febru- 
ary of  1875,  in  company  with  the  hereditary  Grand- 
duke  Augustus  of  Oldenburg,  is  in  a  pretty  good 
state  of  preservation.  The  names  of  king  Darius,  in 
the  Egyptian  form  of  Nthariush,  cover  the  sides  of 
the  various  halls  and  chambers,  as  well  as  the  outer 
walls  of  the  temple.  But  the  variation  in  the  official 
coronation  names  leads  to  the  inference,  that  Darius 
n.  (with  the  name  Mi-amun-ra),  took  part,  as  well  as 
his  ancestor  Darius  I.  (with  the  shield  Settu-ra,  i.e. 
Sesostris),  in  the  building  of  the  temple,  and  in  its 
internal  and  external  ornamentation.® 

*  The  inscription  of  Darius  at  the  temple  of  El-Khargeh  has 
been  translated  by  Dr.  Birch  in  the  Trcmsactions  of  the  Society 
of  Biblical  Archceologi/f  vol.  v.  pp.  293,  foil,  (with  the  original  text), 
and  in  Records  of  the  Pasty  vol.  viii.  pp.  135,  foil. — Ed. 

x3 


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308  THE  PERSIANS  IN  EGYPT.  chap.  xii. 

The  temple  of  Hibis  was  dedicated  to  the  Theban 

Amon,  under  his  special  surname  of  XJs-khopesh  ('  the 

strong-armed ').     The  record  of  the  works  executed 

by  Darius  11.,  on  the  northern  outer  wall,  runs  as 

follows : — 

'He  did  this  in  remembranoe  of  his  father,  the  great  god 
Amon-ra,  the  lord  of  Hibe,  with  the  Strong  Arm,  and  his  asso- 
ciated gods,  inasmuch  as  he  built  this  new  house  of  good  white 
stone  in  the  form  of  a  Mesket.^  Its  doors  were  formed  of  the 
Libyan  acada-wood,  which  is  called  Pir-shennu,  and  covered  with 
Asiatic  bronze  in  well-wrought  lasting  work.  His  (the  god's) 
monument  was  renewed  according  to  its  original  plan.  May  the 
gods  preserve  him  among  living  men  for  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  thirty  years'  jubilee-feasts  on  the  throne  [of  Horns],  to-day  and 
for  ever  and  eternally ! ' 

As  we  have  already  shown,  the  building  and  deco- 
ration of  the  temple  was  continued  to  the  times  of 
king  Nakht-hor-hib  (378-360  B.C.)  No  later  names 
of  kings  appear  there.^ 

The  buildings  erected  here  and  elsewhere  by  king 
Darius  were  entrusted  to  an  Egyptian  architect,  wliose 
pedigree — ^up  to  his  forefathers  of  the  times  of  the 
Third  Dynasty — we  have  been  so  fortunate  as  to  suc- 

»  See  above,  p.  102. 

^  For  further  information  about  the  temple  and  its  inscrip 
tions,  I  would  refer  to  my  work  on  the  Oasis  of  El-Khargeh  and 
its  Temple-ruins,  which  is  now  [1877]  in  the  press.  [The  work  re- 
ferred to  has  been  since  published,  under  the  title  of  '  Eeise  nadi 
dem  grossen  Oase  el  Khargeh  in  der  lihyschen  Wilste,  Von  Heinricli 
Bnigsch-Bey.'  Besides  a  full  archaeological  account  of  the  Great 
Oasis,  down  to  Eoman  and  Christian  times,  and  translation 
of  two  very  interesting  inscriptions,  containing  hymns  of  the  tiiriB 
of  Darius  II.,  the  work  abounds  in  new  information  on  the  secr<]t 
writing,  the  mysteries  of  Osiris,  and  other  matters  concerning  tit 
geography,  language,  and  mythology  of  ancient  Egypt. — ^Ed.] 


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DTjf.  xxrn.     THE  ARCHITECT  EHNUM-AB-KA. 


309 


{Table  to  p.  310.) 
THE  PEDIGREE  OF  THE  AROHITEOTS. 


IMHOTEP: 

R'A-HOTEP: 

BOK-EN-KHUXSU : 

UZA-KHUNSU: 

NOFER-MENNU: 

MI(oRAi?) 

SI-UER-NENEN-HIB: 

PEPI: 

AMON-HIB-PI-j 

HOB-EM-SAF: 

MERMER: 
HORr£M-SAF: 

ZA-HIB: 

NAS-SHUNU: 

ZA-HIB: 

sk 


NAS-SHUNU: 

ZA-HIB: 
NAS-SHUNU: 
ZA-N-HIBU: 

NAS-SHUNU: 

I 


Architect  of  S.  and  N.  Egypt ;  chief  burgomaster ;  a 

high  functionary  of  king  Z'arsar  ;    (lived  in  the 

time  of  the  Third  Dynasty). 
Prophet  of  Amon-ra,  "king  of  the  gods ;  secret-seer 

of   Heliopolis:    Architect  of   Upper  and  Lower 

£g7'P^;  chief  burgomaster. 
Chief  burgomaster. 

Architect;  chief  burgomaster. 

Architect;  chief  burgomaster. 

Architect;  chief  burgomaster. 

Architect 

Architect ;  chief  burgomaster. 

■MESH'A :  2nd,  3rd,  and  4th  prophet  and  high-priest  of  Amon, 
king  of  the  p^ods ;  chief  burgomaster. 
Architect;  chief  burgomaster. 

Architect;  commander. 

Architect;  commander. 

Architect;  commander. 

Architect;  commander. 

Architect;  commander. 

Architect;  commander. 

Architect;  commander. 

Architect;  oonmiander. 


Architect  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt ;  chief  burgo- 
master. 
Architect. 


UAH-AB-R*A  RAN-UER:  Architect 

'  ANKH-PSAMTHIK :      Architect  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt. 
Architect  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt 


A*AHMES-SI-NIT: 
(m,  SnvNoFBJR-TUM) 


KHNUM-AB-R'A : 


Chief  minister  of  works  for  the  whole  country ;  ar- 
chitect of  Upper  and  Lower  Effypt,  in  the  27th  to 
80th  years  of  king  Darius  I.  (about  490  b.c.) 


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310  THE  PERSIANS  IN  EGYPT.  chap.  xix. 

ceed  in  establishing,  by  the  help  of  a  dedicatory  in- 
scription in  the  valleys  of  Hammamat.  We  repeat 
the  pedigree  here,  with  the  correction  of  some  tran- 
scriptions of  the  proper  names  from  a  new  copy  of 
the  inscription  (p.  309). 

Some  lesser  inscriptions  of  this  same  architect 
Khnum-ab-r'a — who  has  left  us  such  valuable  mate- 
rials for  determining  the  sequence  of  the  generations 
— inform  us  that  he  held  his  office  during  the  years 
27  to  30  of  king  Darius  I.  The  inscription  of  the 
30th  year  runs  thus  : — 

'  On  the  15ih  day  of  the  month  Pharmuthi,  in  the  30th  year 
of  the  king  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt  and  lord  of  the  land, 
Nthariush  (Darius  I.),  the  ever-living,  the  friend  of  all  the  gods, 
(this  was  written  by  order  of)  the  master  of  works  in  the  whole 
land,  the  architect  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt,  Khnum-ab-r'a, 

son  of  the  architect  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt,  A'ahmes-Si-nit.' 

• 

We  have  already  shown  ^  that  his  ancestor,  the 
first  Hor-em-saf,  stands  exactly  on  the  genealogical 
line  of  Shashanq  I.,  whose  inscription  in  the  quarries 
at  Silsilis  mentions  an  architect  Hor-em-saf. 

It  is  well  known  that  Darius  I.  conceived  the  bold 
plan  of  connecting  the  Red  Sea  with  the  Nile  by  a 
canal.  The  remains  of  a  statue  of  the  king,  as  well 
as  several  memorial  stones  covered  with  triplicate 
cuneiform  inscriptions  and  with  Egyptian  hiero- 
glyphics, which  have  been  found  near  the  line  of 
the  canal  (North  of  Suez),  place  the  fact  beyond  all 
doubt.  Science  has  to  thank  the  acuteness  of  the 
celebrated  cuneiform  decipherer,  Jules  Oppert,*  for 

«  See  above,  p.  220. 

'  M^moire   9wr  lea   rapports  de  VEgypte    et    de   PAsayrie, 


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DTK.  ixvu.  THE  CANAL  OF  DARIUS.  311 

having  made  the  contents  of  these  tablets  accessible 
to  all  by  his  translations.  We  subjoin  the  transla- 
tion, after  Oppert,  of  the  best  preserved  and  clearest 
of  the  inscriptions  : — 

'  A  great  god  is  Auramazda,  who  created  this  heayen,  yrho 
created  this  earth,  who  created  man,  who  gave  to  man  a  wiU,  who 
established  Darius  as  king,  who  committed  to  king  Darius  so  great, 
so  [glorious]  an  empire. 

'  I  am  Darius,  king  of  kings,  king  of  lands  of  many  tongues, 
king  of  this  great  earth,  £bu:  and  near,  the  son  of  Hystaspes,  the 
Achsemenid. 

'  Says  Darius  the  king :  "  I  am  a  Persian ;  with  (the  power  of) 
Persia  I  conquered  Egypt  (Mudr&ya).  I  ordered  this  canal  to  be 
dug,  from  the  river  called  Pirava  (the  Nile),  which  flows  in 
Egypt,  to  the  sea  which  comes  out  of  Persia.^  This  canal  was 
afterwards  dug  there,  as  I  had  commanded,  and  I  said  :  '  Go,  and 
destroy  half  of  the  canal  from  Bira  ^  to  the  coast.'  For  such  was 
my  will." ' 

According  to  Strabo's  statement,  cited  by  Oppert,^ 
Darius  left  off  constructing  the  canal,  because  some 
had  assured  him  that  Egypt  lay  below  the  level  of  the 
Eed  Sea,  and  so  the  danger  was  threatened  of  seeing 
the  whole  land  laid  under  water. 

pp.  125,  f.  As  before,  we  have  collated  Dr.  Brugsch's  translation 
with  M.  Oppert's  Latin  and  French  versions. — Ed. 

^  This  seems  to  apply  to  the  Erythrsean  Sea,  in  the  wide  sense 
in  which  the  name  is  used  by  Herodotus,  including  what  is  now 
called  the  Arabian  Sea,  with  the  Persian  Gulf  and  Eed  Sea,  the 
latter  having  also  the  special  name  of  the  Arabian  Gulf. — Ed. 

^  May  we  perhaps  understand  by  Bira  the  Egyptian  Pi-ra  '  the 
[city  of]  the  Sun,'  namely,  Heliopolist 

*  Strabo,  xvii.  p.  804.  Oppert's  own  words  will  be  found 
interestiDg  : — '  We  can  read  through  the  laoonism  of  this  inscription, 
which,  allowing  for  the  position  in  which  the  king  places  himself, 
nevertheless  establishes  a  failure.  Darius  wished  to  unite  the  Nile 
and  the  sea  by  a  fresh- water  canal ;  to  resume  and  finish  the  work 


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312  THE  PERSIANS  EST  EGYPT.  chap.  xii. 

As  we  have  thus  far  mentioned  the  Egyptian 
officers  who,  under  the  Persians,  rendered  their  ser- 
vice to  the  Great  King,  so,  on  the  other  hand,  we 
must  not  pass  over  in  silence  the  Persian  courtiers 
wlio,  as  we  learn  from  the  Egyptian  monuments,  were 
settled  in  the  Nile-valley  as  officers  of  the  king. 

Though  we  possess  no  records,  in  the  Egyptian 
language,  attesting  the  presence  of  the  satrap  Aryan- 
des,  who,  as  we  learn  from  the  ancient  writers,  go- 
verned Egypt  in  the  names  of  kings  Cambyses  and 
Darius  I.,  yet  other  persons  of  Persian  extraction  are 
named,  some  acquaintance  with  whom  is  important  in 
a  twofold  relation. 

The  city  of  Coptos, — at  the  western  terminus  of 
the  great  caravan  route,  which  led  through  the  desert 
valleys  of  Hammamat  from  the  Red  Sea  (near  the 
modern  Qosseir)  to  the  Nile — ^was  for  a  long  course 
of  years  the  residence  of  two  eminent  Persians,  who 
were  invested  with  the  office  of  an  Erpa  (governor) 
under  the  great  kings  just  named.  They  were  two 
brothers,  named  Ataiuhi  (also  written  Athiuhi),  and 
Aliurta,  sons  of  a  certain  Arthames  and  his  Persian 
wife  Qanzu.  Both  are  designated  as  Seres  (i.e.  eunuchs) 
of  Parse  (Persia).  Posted  at  Coptos — in  which  city 
the  god  of  the  mountaineers,  Khim  (the  Egyptian  Pan), 
was  held  in  the  highest  honour — the  two  brothers  had 

which  had  been  attributed  first  to  Sesostrig,  and  which  Neco,  the  son 
of  Psammetichus,  had  in  vain  tried  to  accomplish.  But  neither  was 
Darius  able  to  bring  the  work  to  a  successful  issue.'  Then  follows 
the  reference  to  Strabo,  who  knew  the  fallacy  of  the  opinion  which, 
however,  was  current  even  to  our  own  times  :  he  says  of  Darius, 
5c£p  ipcv^ci  ff-ci0-6ctc  a^»Jfc*c  to  ipyov  trtpi  avpriXuav  ^^ly, — Ed. 


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DTK.  XT VII.  ATAIUIII  AND  ALIURTA.  313 

frequent  occasion  to  visit  the  valleys  of  Hammamat  on 
the  king's  business,  in  order  to  have  stones  quarried 
for  the  materials  of  the  royal  Persian .  buildings. 
Through  their  long  residence  in  the  country  they  seem 
to  have  adopted  Egyptian  manners  and  customs,  and 
so,  like  all  earUer  visitors  of  the  times  of  the  Pharaohs, 
they  did  not  disdain  to  perpetuate  their  names  on 
hieroglyphic  memorial-tablets  in  that  valley.  The  re- 
presentations of  the  god  Khim  of  Coptos  are  accom- 
panied by  hieroglyphic  writing,  in  which  the  names  of 
the  '  eunuchs  of  Persia  '  are  preceded,  whenever  they 
occur,  by  chronological  data.  In  stating  these,  how- 
ever, they  departed  from  the  old  Egyptian  rule,  inas- 
much as,  instead  of  the  current  regnal  year  of  the 
sovereigns  in  question,  they  chose  to  exhibit  the  full 
sum  of  the  years  of  their  reigns,  and  also  the  full 
sum  of  their  own  years  of  service  under  one  or  more 
kings,  with  the  addition  of  ar  en,  '  has  made,'  i.e.  Hved 
during,  (so  many  years) ;  just  as  in  the  case  of  the 
name  of  Taharaqa  on  the  Apis-stelae.^  Some  ex- 
amples of  these  inscriptions  will  illustrate  this  mode 
of  dating : — 

First  Inscription. 

'  The  8am  of  the  6  years  of  the  lord  of  the  land  Kanbuea 
(Cambjses),  the  stun  of  the  36  years  of  the  sovereign  Nthariush 
(Darius  I.),  and  the  sum  of  the  12  years  of  the  sovereign  Khshiarsh 
(Xerxes  I.),  has  the  eonuch  of  Persia  (seres  en  Parse)  Ataiuhi 
lived,  remaining  in  the  presence  of  the  god  ELhim,  the  chief  of 
the  city.* 

*  Second  Inscription. 

'  The  sum  of  the  36  years  of  the  godlike  benefactor  and  sove- 
reign,  the  son  of  the  Sun  and  wearer  of  the  crown,  Nthariuah 

^  See  above,  p.  295. 

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314  THE  PERSIANS  IN  EGYPT.  chap.iii. 

(DariuB  I.) — maj  he  live  to-day  and  evermore ! — and  |  the  sum  of 
the  13  years  of  his  son,  the  sovereign,  the  son  of  the  Snn  and 
wearer  of  the  ci-own,  Khshiarsh  (Xerxes  I.) — may  he  live  to-day 
and  evermore ! — has  lived  the  eunuch  of  Persia  and  governor  of 
the  city  of  OoptoSy  AthiuhL' 

Third  Inscription. 

*  The  5  years  of  the  king  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt,  the  sove- 
reign, Arta-khshesesh  (ALi-taxerxes),  and  |  the  16  years  of  the  god- 
like bene&ctor  Axta^-khshesesh  ( Artaxerzes)  |  has  lived  the  eunuch 
of  Persia  Aliurta,  the  son  of  Arthames  and  the  child  of  his  wife 
Qanzu,  remaining  before  the  face  of  the  [god  Eiiim  of  Coptos].' 

A  comparison  of  all  these  rock-inscriptiona  gives 
the  following  determination  of  the  regnal  years  of  the 
kings,  in  their  relation  to  the  years  of  service  of  the 
two  Persians. 

Athiui  lived — 

(1)  6  full  years  under  the  reign  of  Kanbuza  (Cambyses) ; 

(2)  36    „      „  „       „         „        Nthariufih  (Darius  I.) ; 

(3)  2    „ 

(4)  6    „ 

(5)  10    „ 

(6)  12    „ 

(7)  16    „ 
Aliurta  lived — 

(1)  5    „      „  I  under  the  reign  of  Arta-khshesesh 

(2)  16    „      „  I     (Artaxerxes). 

That  the  phrase  '  he  Uved '  referred,  not  to  the 
whole  lifetime  of  the  person  from  his  birth,  but  to  his 
actual  years  of  service  spent  in  Egypt,  is  proved  by 
the  dates  given  in  the  two  inscriptions  of  Aliurta, 
who  expressed  the  five  years,  besides  the  sixteen 
years,  in  order  to  put  before  the  reader's  eyes  his 
service  under  Artaxerxes.  And  we  draw  this  further 
conclusion,  that,  if  Cambyses  reigned  six  years  as 


under  the  reign  of  Khshiarsh  (Xerxes  I.). 


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DTX.  xxTir.  XERXES  I.   AND  KHABBASII.  315 

king  of  Egypt,  the  conquest  of  Egypt  must  be  placed, 
not  in  the  year  525,  but  in  527,  as  we  have  shown 
before. 

King  Xerxes  I. — or,  as  he  is  named  in  the  Egyptian 
inscriptions,  Khshiarsh  or  Khsherish — did  not  enjoy 
the  best  reputation  among  tlie  Egyptians,  who  had 
learnt  to  esteem  his  predecessor,  Darius  I.,  as  a  be- 
nignant and  well-disposed  ruler.  After  Xerxes  had 
by  force  of  arms  crushed  the  insurrection  made  by 
the  Egyptians  to  throw  off  the  Persian  yoke,  the 
foreign  rule  pressed  more  severely  than  ever  on  the 
land,  over  which  Achaemenes,  the  king's  brother,  was 
placed  as  satrap. 

The  defeats  which  the  Persians  soon  after  suffered 
from  Greek  valour  roused  anew  the  desire  of  the 
Egyptians  for  Uberty,  and  an  anti-king  Khabbash, 
with  the  coronation  name  of  Senen-Tanen  Sotep-en- 
ptah,  boldly  made  head  against  the  Persian  sovereign. 
The  memorial  inscription  of  the  satrap  Ptolemy, 
already  cited,®  recals  the  memory  of  the  anti-king  in 
the  following  terms : — 

'  The  sea-board,  which  bears  the  name  of  Patanut  (in  Greek, 
Phthenotes),  had  been  assigned  by  the  king  Khabbash  to  the  gods 


•  See  above,  p.  289,  note.  The  tenth  volume  of  Records  of 
the  Past  (pp.  67,  foil.)  contains  an  English  translation,  by  Mr. 
Drach,  of  Dr.  Brugsch's  German  translation  of  the  whole  inscrip- 
tion in  the  Zeitschrift  fiinr  Aegypt.  Sprcush.  Jan.  1871.  The  title 
of  'satrap,'  used  by  the  future  founder  of  the  dynasty  of  the 
Ptolemies,  refers  to  his  nominal  subjection  to  Alexander  .^gus,  the 
son  of  Alexander  the  Great  and  Boxana  (b.c.  323-311),  in  whose 
7th  year  the  inscription  is  dated.  See  also  Dr.  Birch's  Paper  on 
the  Tablet  in  the  Transoi^ians  of  the  Society  of  Biblicai  Archceology^ 
vol.  i.  p.  20.— Ed, 


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316 


THE  PERSIANS  IN  EGYPT. 


CHAP.  XHL 


of  the  city  of  Buto,  when  his  Majesty  had  gone  to  Buto  to  examine 
the  sea-board,  which  lies  in  their  whole  domain,  with  the  pur- 
pose of  penetrating  into  the  interior  of  the  marsh-land  of  Natho,  to 
inspect  that  arm  of  the  Nile,  which  flows  into  the  sea,  in  order 
that  the  Asiatic  fleet  might  be  kept  at  a  distance  from  Egypt. 

'  This  lake-district,  called  Patanut,  belonged  to  the  deities  of 
Buto  from  early  times.  But  the  hereditary  foe  Xerxes  had  alien- 
ated it.     He  kept  none  of  it  for  the  gods  of  the  city  of  Buto. 

'  Thus  the  hereditary  foe  Xerxes  had  shown  an  evil  example 
against  the  city  of  Buto.  But  the  great  king,  our  lord,  the  god 
Horus,  the  son  of  Isis  and  the  son  of  Osiris,  the  prince  of  the 
princes,  the  king  of  the  kings  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt,  the 
avenger  of  his  father,  the  lord  of  Buto,  the  beginning  of  the  gods 
and  he  who  came  after,  afber  whom  no  (god)  was  king,  he  drove 
out  the  hereditary  enemy  Xerxes  out  of  his  palace  together  with 
his  eldest  son,  and  so  he  made  himself  famous  in  Sais,  the  city  of 
the  goddess  Neith,  on  that  day  by  the  side  of  the  Mother  of  the 
Gods.' 


/© 


Dtn.  XXIX. 


Nepberites. 


J 


AchorU. 


DTK.  XXX. 


r7\ 


Faammnthis. 


Nectanebo. 


§  ni.  The  Last  Phaeaohs. 

Once  more,  after  the  retreat  of  the  Persians,  a  ray 
of  hope  for  freedom  dawned  upon  the  Egyptians.® 
During  a  period  of  about  sixty  years,  two  dynasties  (the 
Twenty-ninth  and  Thirtieth)  established  themselves,  at 
Mendes  and  Sebennytus,  on  the  ruins  of  the  past  ages, 
to  venture  on  the  last  effort  to  reconquer  their  lost 
independence.  The  monuments,  on  which  the  names 
of  the  kings  of  these  dynasties  can  only  be  discovered 
^  See  the  Note  inserted  after  Chapter  XX. — Ed. 


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DTK.  xiix.,  MI.      PEDIGREE  OF  NAKHT-NEB-EF.  317 

with  diflSculty,  are  silent  about  their  deeds.  The  hour 
of  Egypt's  death  had  struck.  No  god  had  the  power 
to  grant  the  land  the  respite  of  a  longer  existence. 

!A.s  the  most  remarkable  monument  of  their  times, 
we  may  point  to  a  sarcophagus  of  dark  granite,  which 
belonged  to  a  descendant  of  the  last  kings  of  the 
Thirtieth  Dynasty.^  The  inscriptions  upon  it  have  ac- 
curately preserved  for  us  its  owner's  pedigree,  as  a 
valuable  memorial  of  the  former  greatness  of  ancient 
Egypt.  We  subjoin  it,  according  to  the  indications  of 
the  hieroglyphs,  in  the  following  translation  : — 
King  Nakht-hob-ib. 


Ziho   (Teoa) 


Nes-bi-n-didi,  =  Mertuhap  *  Kino  Nakht-neb-ef 

a  military  |  {the  last  Pharaoh), 

commander,      Thakebes  *  =  Petamon,  hereditary  prince  and 
nomarch  of  |  military  commander. 

Bebennytus.  Nakht-neb-ef, 

nomarch  of  the  district  of  Buto,  Sebennytus  and  Tanis, 
commander-in-chief  of  the  king. 

*  The  names  thus  marked  are  those  of  toom>en, 

Nakhtnebef, '  the  chief  captain  of  his  Majesty,'  the 
grandson  of  the  last  Pharaoh,  Nakhtnebef,  had  his 
last  resting-place  in  that  Berlin  sarcophagus  of  stone. 
But  who  was  '  his  Majesty,'  to  whom  he  gave  his  ser- 
vice as  commander  ?  The  question  can  only  be  an- 
swered approximately.  As  grandson  of  king  Nakht- 
nebef, who  reigned  over  the  land  from  358-340  B.C., 

^  Now  in  the  Eoyal  Museum  at  Berlin.  [Another  sarcophagus, 
which  vies  with  this  in  beauty,  is  that  of  king  Nakht-Hor-ib,  in 
the  British  Museum.— Ed.] 


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318 


THE  LAST  PHARAOHS. 


CHAP.  HI. 


the  end  of  his  life  falls  about  sixty  years  after  his 
grandfather's  death,  and  therefore  about  280  B.C.,  that 
is,  about  fifty  years  after  the  conquest  of  Egjrpt  by 
Alexander  the  Great.  He  could  not  therefore  have 
served  either  him  or  his  immediate  successors,  Philip 
ArrhidsBUs  and  Alexander  11.,  as  commander.  We  must 
rather  reckon  Ptolemy  I.  Soter,  or  Ptolemy  11.  Phila- 
delphus,  as  his  contemporary.  From  these  calcula- 
tions we  should  be  already  carried  over  into  the 
history  of  Egypt  under  the  Ptolemies. 


TOMB  AT  BAQQABAH,  INSCRIBED  WITH  THE  NAME  OF  rSAMMKTlCHUS. 


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CHAP.  XI. 


DARIUS  III.   AND  ALEXANDER. 


319 


m 

^ 


\^)S^ 


p 

-v 


^ 


Philip  Arrhidffiua.      Ptolemy  Soter. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

FALL   OF   THE   KINGDOM   OF   THE   PHARAOHS. 

As  through  a  thin  transparent  mist,  we  cast  a  glance 
at  the  close  of  our  historical  subject — the  climax  and 
fall  of  the  Pharaohs — ^with  the  perusal  of  the  following 
inscription  of  an  eminent  priest,  a  contemporary  of 
the  Persian  great  king,  Darius  III.,  and  of  the  hero 
Alexander  of  Macedon.  His  own  words  are  engraved 
on  a  memorial  stone,  which  is  now  preserved  in  the 
collection  of  Greek  and  Eoman  antiquities  at  Naples. 
The  translation  will  form  a  fit  conclusion  to  our  His- 
tory of  Egypt  according  to  the  Monuments. 

*  (1)  The  hereditary  prince,  the  noble,  one  of  the  friends;  the 
seer  of  Horns,  the  lord  of  Hibonn  (Hipponon) ;  the  seer  of  the 
gods  of  the  nome  of  Hibonn;  the  seer  of  the  god  Samtaui,  of 
the  city  of  (2)  A-hehu  :  the  chief  seer  of  the  goddess  and  the  pre- 
sident of  the  priests  of  Sokhet  in  the  whole  land — Samtaui-taf- 
NAKHT — the  son  of  the  temple-master  and  (3)  seer  of  the  god 
Amon-ra,  the  lord  of  the  city  Pi-sha,  Nes-samtaui-auf-'ankh,  and 
the  child  of  his  wife  'Ankhet :  he  speaks  as  follows  : — 

*  O  thou  lord  of  the  gods,  Khnum,  thou  king  of  Upper  and 
Lower  Egypt,  (4)  thou  pinnce  of  the  land,  at  whose  rising  the  world 
is  enlightened,  whose  right  eye  is  the  sun's  disk,  whose  left  eye  is 
the  moon,  whose  spirit  (5)  is  the  beam  of  light,  and  out  of  whose 
nostrils  comes  the  North  wind,  to  give  life  to  all. 

*  I  was  thy  servant,  who  did  according  to  thy  will,  and  whose 
heart  was  replenished  by  thee.  (6)  I  have  not  let  any  city  be 
higher  than  thy  city,  I  have  not  failed  to  impart  of  thy  spirit  to  all 
the  children  of  men  among  hundreds  of  thousands,  which  (spirit) 


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320  THE  MACEDONIAN  CONQUEST.  chap.  xx. 

is  the  most  wonderful  in  all  houses,  (7)  day  by  day.  Thou  hast  for 
this  recompensed  me  good  a  hundred-thousandfold.  Thus  wast  thou 
diffused  everywhere,  and  (wast  made)  a  leader  for  the  king's  house. 
The  heart  of  the  divine  benefactor  was  moved  to  clemency  (8)  at  my 
speech.  I  was  exalted  to  be  the  first  among  hundreds  of  thousands. 
When  thou  turnedat  thy  hack  upon  the  land  of  Egypt,  thou  didst 
incline  thyself  in  thy  heart  to  the  master  of  Asia.  His  (9)  twice 
five  friends  loved  me.  He  conferred  on  me  the  office  of  president 
of  the  priests  of  the  goddess  Sokhet  on  the  seat  of  my  mother's 
brother,  the  president  of  the  goddess  Sokhet  (10)  in  Upper  and 
Lower  Egypt,  Ser-honb.  Thou  didst  protect  me  in  the  battle  of 
the  lonians  (i.e.  the  army  of  Alexander)  when  thou  didst  rout 
the  Asiatic  (Darius  III.). 

'  (11)  They  slew  a  hundred  thousand  at  my  side,  (but)  none 
lifted  up  his  hand  against  me.  When  what  befel  had  befallen, 
there  was  peace  (12)  afterwards.  Thy  Holiness  spake  to  me : 
"Proceed  to  Khinensu  (Heracleopolis  Magna);  I  will  be  with 
thee  -y  I  will  be  thy  guide  among  the  foreign  people." 

'(13)  I  was  alone,  I  sailed  up  the  great  stream;  I  was  not 
afraid,  for  I  thought  of  thee.  Since  I  did  not  transgress  thy  com- 
mandment, I  reached  the  city  of  Khinensu  (14)  without  having  a 
hair  of  my  head  rumpled.  And  as  was  the  beginning,  only  by 
the  one  appointment  of  thy  decree,  so  also  was  the  end,  for  thou 
gavest  me  a  long  life  in  peace  of  heart. 

*(15)  O  all  ye  priests,  who  serve  this  glorious  god  Khnum, 
the  king  of  both  worlds,  the  (god)  Hormakhu,  the  lord  of  the 
universe,  the  good  spirit  in  the  city  of  Khinensu,  (16)  the  (god) 
Tum  in  the  city  of  Tanis,  the  king  of  the  rams,  the  primordial 
male  power,  the  Majesty  of  the  ram,  the  male,  the  begetter,  the 
last  king  of  the  kings  of  the  land; — (17)  the  son,  who  loved  the 
king  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt,  has  departed  to  the  heavenly 
kingdom,  to  see  what  is  there :  (to  see)  the  god  Khnum,  the  king 
of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt,  the  god  Tum  in  his  shrine,  Khnum, 
(18)  the  great  god  in  his  hall,  the  king  Unnofer. 

*  May  your  name  remain  for  ever  upon  the  earth,  reaping  the 
reward  of  honour  from  Khnum,  the  king  of  both  worlds  !  And 
sing  ye  praise  and  laud  to  the  kingly  gods  of  Khinensu,  and  praise 
ye  the  image  of  the  godlike,  who  was  reverenced  in  his  nome, 
Sam-taui-Taf-nakht  :  so  shall  all  that  is  best  be  your  portion,  and 
another  will  praise  your  name  in  tum  in  years  to  come.' 


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HOTE.  THE  NEW  EGYPTIAN  KINGDOM.  321 


SUPPLEMENTARY  NOTE  BY  THE  EDITOR. 

HISrrORT   OP  EGYPT   FROM   P8AMMETICHUS  TO  PTOLEMY. 

Dr.  Brugsch's  plan,  of  excluding  all  historical  information  from 
any  other  aooroes  than  the  monuments,  necessarily  gives  an  air  of 
incompleteness  to  this  concluding  period,  for  the  authentic  evidence 
of  contemporary  writers  is  as  abundant  as  the  notices  on  the  monu- 
ments are  scanty.  It  may  therefore  be  an  acceptable  service  to 
readers  who  are  not  already  familiar  with  the  subject,  if  we  fill  up 
what  our  Author  has  designedly  omitted,  by  a  brief  consecutive 
outline  of  the  history  of  Egypt's  revival  under  the  New  Monarchy, 
and  her  final  conquest  by  the  Persians,  down  to  the  time  when 
these  were  expelled  by  Alexander  the  Great  and  the  long  Greek 
Dynasty  of  the  Ptolemies  was  established  in  Egypt.  The  outline 
now  given  may  be  filled  up  by  the  reader  from  Mr.  Sharpe's 
excellent  Hiftory  of  Egypt ;  Dr.  Birch's  summary,  entitled  Egypt 
from  the  Earliest  Times  to  B.c.  300  (Chmtian  Knowledge  Society)  ; 
the  present  Editor's  Student's  Ancient  History  of  the  East ;  and 
especially  the  full  and  learned  work  of  Dr.  Alfred  Wiedemann, 
Geschichte  Aegyptens  von  Psannmetich  I.  bis  amf  Alexander  den 
Grossen  (Leipzig,  1880). 

§  I.  Egypt's  recovered  independence  under  the  Twenty- 
sixth  Dynasty  op  SaIs  (b.c.  666-527). — Though  Herodotus,  who 
is  our  chief  authority  for  this  period,  did  not  write  till  a  hundred 
years  after  its  dose,  and  though  his  story  is  not  free  from  some 
admixture  of  fable,  yet  the  generally  authentic  character  of  the 
history  is  marked  by  the  line  which  he  so  emphatically  draws  at 
this  point  of  his  work  : — *  In  what  follows  I  have  the  authority, 
not  of  the  Egyptians  only,  but  also  of  others  who  agree  with  them.'  * 
It  is  at  this  epoch  also,  as  we  have  seen  Dr.  Brugsch  stating  more 
than  once,  that  the  certain  chronology  of  Egypt  begins ;  and  the 
dates  derived  from  the  Gi'eek  authors  and  the  parallel  parts  of 
Scripture  history  are  confirmed,  with  some  corrections,  from  the 
invaluable  data  of  the  Apis  tombstones.     (See  pp.  294,  foil.) 

»  Herod,  ii.  147. 
VOL.  II.  T 


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322  NEW  EGYPTIAN  KINGDOM.  wotb. 

1.  The  cessation  of  invasions,  from  the  Ethiopians  on  the  one 
side  and  the  Assyrians  on  the  other,  left  the  petty  kings  of  Lower 
Egypt  free  to  settle  the  question  of  supremacy  among  themselves. 
After  a  struggle,  the  details  of  which  are  involved  in  &hle,  hut 
chiefly  (it  seems)  hy  the  aid  of  Greek  mercenaries,  the  imited  crown 
was  secured  by  Psahethik,  with  the  regal  name  Ea-uah-ab,  whom 
the  Greeks  call  Psammetichus  or  Psammitichus,  son  of  that  Neku 
(Necho),  who  figures  in  the  annals  of  Assurbanipal  as  king  of 
Memphis  and  SaTs  (see  Chap.  XYIII.  pp.  269,  270),  and  who  had 
been  put  to  death  by  Sabaco  (Herod.  iL  152 ;  see  p.  277).  By 
his  marriage  with  the  Ethiopian  princess,  Shep-en-apet,  Psam- 
metichus legitimated  his  sovereignty  over  Upper  i^ypt  (see 
p.  281) ;  and  the  reunited  kingdom  enjoyed  very  high  prosperity 
under  his  reign  of  fifty-four  years  (b.c.  666-612).  He  first  esta- 
blished commercial  intercourse  with  the  Greeks,  and  allowed  their 
merchants  to  settle  in  Egypt.  He  enlisted  a  force  of  Greek 
mercenaries,  but  the  &vour  he  showed  them  alienated  the  Egyptian 
and  Libyan  soldiers,  who,  to  the  number  of  200,000,  deserted  in  a 
body  and  marched  away  to  Ethiopia.  Though  this  disaster  is, 
naturally  enough,  not  attested  by  Egyptian  monumental  records, 
it  is  confirmed  by  a  Greek  inscription  at  Ibsamboul,  carved  by  the 
mercenaries  on  their  return  from  the  fruitless  pursuit  of  the 
deserters.  He  formed  a  fleet  by  the  aid  of  the  Phoenicians ;  and 
in  the  decay  of  Assyria,  he  attempted  to  recover  the  Egyptian 
empire  in  Western  Asia,  but  the  scheme  was  checked  by  the  re- 
sistance of  Ashdod,  which  he  only  took  after  a  siege  of  twenty- 
nine  years. 

2.  But  the  possession  of  this  strong  place  (such  is  the  meaning 
of  the  name  Ashdod)  opened  the  old  Asiatic  road  to  his  son  Keku 
or  Nechao  II.,  with  the  regal  name  Ba-ouah-em-ab  (the  Pharaoh- 
Necho  of  Scripture)  (b.c.  612-596),  at  the  very  crisis  of  the  fall  of 
the  Assyrian  monarchy.  The  opposition  of  the  king  of  Judah 
was  crushed,  and  Joeiah  himself  slain,  at  the  battle  of  Megiddo ; ' 
and  the  border  of  the  Egyptian  Empire  was  once  more  fixed  for  a 
moment  at  the  Euphrates,  where  Carcbemish  again  received  an 
Egyptian  garrison  (bo.  610).  But  the  tide  of  dominion  was 
quickly  rolled  back  by  the  new  power  of  Babylon.  Nebuchadnezzar 
crushed  the  Egyptian  army  at  Carchemish,  marched  upon  Jeni- 
salem,  and  received  the  submission  of  Jehoiakim,  whom  Necho 

«  See  Stu'lmt'8  Old  Test  History,  p.  499. 

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DTW.  XXVI.  PSAMMETICHUS  L  TO  APRIES.  323 

had  placed  on  the  throne  of  Judah,  thus  annihilating  at  one  blow 
the  newly  recoTered  power  of  Egypt  in  Weetem  Asia  (b.c.  605). 
In  the  words  of  the  prophet  Jeremiah,  *  Pharaoh,  king  of  Egypt, 
had  passed  the  time  appointed/  and  his  own  land  was  doomed 
to  an  inTasion  by  IN'ebiichadnezaar,  as  disastrous  as  that  by  the 
Aflsyrians  under  Assur-bani-pal.'  The  dan^r  was  averted  for 
the  moment,  as  Nebachadnesszar,  suddenly  recalled  to  Babylon  to 
secore  his  succession  on  the  death  of  his  fiftther  Nabopolassar  (b.c. 
604),  made  peace  with  Necho,  who  was  left  at  liberty  to  carry  on 
his  plans  for  the  improvement  of  Egypt  and  the  consolidation  of 
his  military  and  naval  force.  He  maintained  fleets  both  at  the 
mouths  of  the  Nile  and  on  the  Bed  Sea ;  and  the  latter  is  said 
to  have  accomplished  the  circumnavigation  of  Africa — a  feat  in 
which  Herodotus  disbelieved  for  reasbns  which  really  fumifh 
evidence  in  its  favour;  bat  modem  opinion  seems  hopelessly 
divided  on  the  question  of  its  real  performance.^ 

A  more  certain  enterprise  is  the  attempt  of  Necho  to  recon- 
struct the  canal,  which  had  been  made  by  Seti  I.  and  Eamses  II., 
from  the  Nile  to  the  Bed  Sea.  The  tradition  ascribing  this  work 
to  the  great  Seeostris,  on  the  united  testimony  of  Aristotle,  Strabo, 
and  Pliny,  is  confirmed  by  the  fragments  of  stones  bearing  the 
name  of  Ramses  II.  along  its  line.  Unlike  the  great  modem 
canal  of  M.  de  Lesseps,  which  goes  nearly  in  a  straight  line  north 
and  south  from  the  Mediten*anean  to  the  Bed  Sea,  the  ancient 
freshwater  canal  left  the  Pelusiac  arm  of  the  Nile  a  little  above 
Bubastus,  and  went  by  a  circuitous  course,  first  eastward  to  Lake 
Timsah,  whence  it  turned  south  almost  parallel  to  the  modem  canal, 
along  the  west  side  of  the  Great  Bitter  Lake  to  the  head  of  the 
Gulf  of  Suez.  The  failure  of  Necho,  after  spending  the  lives  of 
120,000  Egyptians  on  the  work,  was  veiled  under  the  alleged 
command  of  an  oracle  to  desist.  The  subsequent  attempt  and 
faUure  of  Darius  I.  has  been  noticed  in  the  text  (pp.  310-11). 

3.  Under  Necho's  son,  Psamethik  II.,  with  the  r^alname  Ba- 
NOFER-HET,  the  PsAMMis  of  Herodotus  and  Psammuthis  of  Manetho, 
who  reigned  only  five  or  six  years  (b.c.  596-591),  war  was  renewed 
with  the  Ethiopian  kingdom  of  Napata,  and  the  king  died  just 
after  his  return  from  an  expedition  against  that  country. 

4.  His  son,  Uahabra,  with  the  regal  name  Ba-haa-ab,  the 

'  Jeremiah  xlvi. 

*  See  the  Student* 8  AncierU  History  of  the  East,  pp.  148,  149. 

T  2 


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324  ^'EW  EGYPTIAN  KINGDOM.  kotb. 

1 

Fharaoh-Hophba  of  Scripture  (OJa^p^,  LXX.),  whom  Manetho 
calls  Yaphbes,  and  Herodotus  Apbies  (b.c.  591-572),  resumed  the 
ambitious  projects  of  Necho  in  Western  Asia;  and  for  a  short 
time  he  succeeded  so  well  that,  Heixxlotus  tells  us,  Apries  believed 
there  was  not  a  god  who  could  cast  him  down  from  his  eminence, 
so  firmly  did  he  think  he  had  established  himself  in  his  king- 
dom/ The  historian  himself  esteemed  Apries  as,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  his  great-grandfather  Fsammetichus,  the  most  prosperous 
of  all  the  kings  that  ever  ruled  over  Egypt  ®  (meaning,  of  course, 
in  the  more  recent  times  within  historic  knowledge).  He  marched 
an  army  to  attack  Sidon,  and  fought  a  battle  with  the  king  of  Tyre 
at  sea.  The  ruins  of  an  Egyptian  temple  of  this  age  at  Gebel  in 
Phoenicia  seem  to  prove  that  the  countiy  was  restored  for  some 
time  to  the  subjection  in  which  it  had  been  held  by  the  great 
kings  of  the  Eighteenth  and  Nineteenth  Dynasties.^  In  pursuance 
of  the  attempt  to  recover  the  supremacy  of  Egypt  in  "Western 
Asia,  Fharaoh-Hophra  made  a  league  with  Zedekiah,  to  support 
that  vassal  king  of  Judah  in  rebelling  against  Nebuchadnezzar ;  ^ 
and  by  advancing  with  an  army,  which  took  Gaza,  he  forced 
Nebuchadnezzar  to  raise  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  and  march  against 
him.^  According  to  Josephus,  the  Egyptians  were  defeated  in 
battle,  but  the  contemporary  prophets,  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel,  seem 
rather  to  imply  that  they  retreated  without  venturing  to  make  a 
stAnd.*  Pharaoh-Hophra  gave  the  Jews  no  further  help,  but  only 
a  refuge  in  Egypt  for  the  remnant  that  escaped  from  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem  ^  (b.c.  586). 

He  had,  however,  done  enough  to  provoke  the  vengeance  of 
Nebuchadnezzar  against  Egypt  denounced  by  Jeremiah  in  his 
prophecy  made  twenty  years  before,  and  now  repeated  both  by  him 
and  Ezekiel.'  Here  again,  as  in  the  famous  prophecy  of  Nahum 
about  the  Assyrian  invasions,^  the  inspired  voice  of  prophecy 
reflects,  in  images  as  vivid  as  any  historic  narrative,  events  which 

»  Herod,  ii.  169.  «  Ibid.  161. 

^  Renan,  Mission  de  Phhiicie,  and  De  Iloug6,  Sur  les  dibris 
^gyptiens  trouves  en  Phhiicie  par  M.  Renan,  cited  by  Maspero, 
Histoire  Ancienne  de  VOrienty  p.  505. 

8  Ezek.  xvii.  15.  ^  Jer.  xlvii.  1-7. 

*  Jer.  xxxvii.  5-8;  Ezek.  xvii.  17.  *  Jer.  xliii.  5-7. 

'  Jer.  xlvi  ;  Ezek.  xxix.,  xxx.,  xxxi.         ^  See  p.  274. 


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DTir.  XXVI.  FALL  OF  APRIEb.  325 

have  escaped  the  notice  of  history,  or  have  been  only  partly  preserved 
by  it,  till  modem  research  recovers  them  in  the  contemporary  and 
official  records  buried  for  nearly  twenty-five  centuries.  Wilting 
when  Fharaoh-Hophra  was  in  the  height  of  pride,  and  preparing 
to  march  to  the  aid  of  Judah,  both  the  prophets  declare  that  the 
land  and  spoil  and  people  of  Egypt,  with  Amon  in  Thebes  and  all 
their  gods,  should  be  given  into  the  hand  of  Nebuchadnezzar ;  that 
Pharaoh  himself  should  be  given  into  the  hand  of  his  enemies  who 
sought  his  life;  and  that  Egypt,  after  being  desolated  'from 
Migdol  to  Syene  and  the  border  of  Ethiopia/  was  to  be  restored 
as  '  the  basest  of  the  kingdoms  ' — that  Lb,  as  a  subject  and  tribu- 
tary state,  nevermore  to  *  exalt  itself  to  rule  over  the  nations/ 
Awaiting  the  light,  which  is  now  being  gained  step  by  step  from 
the  cuneiform  annak  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  we  have  to  be  content 
with  the  statement  preserved  by  Josephus  ^  from  the  Babylonian 
historian  Berosus,  that  Nebuchadnezzar  led  an  army  into  Egypt  to 
punish  Yaphres  (Hophra)  for  the  aid  he  had  given  to  Zedekiah, 
that  he  conquered  the  land,  put  Yaphres  himself  to  death,  and  set 
up  a  new  king  as  his  own  vassal. 

This  shameful  catastrophe  was  probably  glozed  over  by  the 
Egyptian  priests  of  Sals  in  the  story  which  they  told  Herodotus  of 
the  fall  of  Apries.^  His  ambition  led  him  to  attempt  the  con- 
quest dl  the  Greek  colony  of  Gyrene,  against  which  he  sent  a  vast 
army  of  Egypticms — an  indication  that  the  desertion  of  the  mili- 
tary caste  under  Fsammetichus  had  been  repaired,  probably  from 
their  descendants  left  behind  in  Egypt.  Marching  forth  in  their 
old  native  pride,  and  despising  their  imknown  enemy,  the  Egyp- 
tian warriors  suffered  a  severe  defeat  from  the  Greeks.  Already 
doubtless  predisposed  to  jealousy  by  the  favour  shown  to  the  king's 
Greek  mercenaries,  they  cried  out  that  they  were  betrayed  and  sent 
purposely  to  destruction.  'They  believed  that  he  had  wished  a 
great  number  of  them  to  be  slain,  in  order  that  he  might  reign  the 
more  securely  over  the  rest  of  the  Egyptians.'  Marching  back  in 
open  mutiny,  in  which  they  were  joined  by  the  Mends  of  the  slain, 

*  Joseph.  AfUiq.  x.  9,  §  7 ;  c.  Apian.  L  19.  The  evident 
confusion  in  the  two  passages  suggests  two  invasions  of  Egypt, 
which  is  the  more  probable,  as  we  have  presently  to  adduce  the 
original  evidence  of  another  invasion  some  years  later. 

•  Herod,  ii.  161,  f. ;  iv.  159. 


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326  ^"EW  EGYPTIAN  KINGDOM.  note. 

they  were  met  by  an  envoy  of  the  king,  who  bore  the  £unous 
name  of  the  founder  of  the  Eighteenth  Dynasty,  Aahmes,  in 
Greek  Amasis.  As  he  was  haranguing  the  mutineers,  a  soldier, 
coming  behind  him,  placed  a  crown  upon  his  head,  and  the  army 
saluted  him  as  king.  He  led  them  against  Apries,  who,  abandoned 
by  the  Egyptians,  led  out  his  30,000  mercenaries  to  an  unequal 
battle  at  Momemphis,  where  he  was  utterly  defeated  and  brought 
back  a  prisoner  to  the  palace  at  Sais.  After  a  time,  Amasis  was 
forced  to  give  him  up  to  his  Egyptian  enemies — '  into  the  hands  of 
all  that  hated  him,'  as  Jeremiah  had  foretold,  and  Herodotus 
relates  :  '  Then  the  Egyptians  took  him  and  strangled  him,  but, 
having  done  so,  they  buried  him  in  the  sepulchre  of  his  fathers.'  ^ 

Each  of  these  two  accounts  may  contain  parts  of  the  true 
story.  At  the  time  of  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  Nebuchadnezzar 
had  still  on  his  hands  the  long  siege  of  Tyre,  which,  according  to 
the  more  probable  view  of  the  disputed  chronology,  occupied  him 
for  some  years  longer,  during  which  he  had  to  postpone  his 
revenge  on  Egypt.  The  enterprise  of  Apries  against  Gyrene  may 
have  been  undertaken  during  the  latter  part  of  this  interval  of 
respite ;  and  the  civil  war,  which  ensued  upon  its  disastrous  issue, 
may  have  been  ended  by  the  intervention  of  Nebuchadnezzar. 
Or,  it  seems  far  from  improbable  that  Amasis  may  have  purchased 
the  confirmation  of  his  usurped  crown  by  giving  up  his  defeated 
rival — not  to  the  Egyptians,  as  the  priests  of  Sais  said,  but  to  the 
offended  king  of  Babylon. 

5.  At  all  events  it  seems  certain  that  the  prosperity  of  the 
long  reign  of  Amasis  (b.c.  572-528)  was  secured  at  first  by  his 
submission  to  the  suzerainty  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  and  the  connec- 
tion was  di*awn  closer  by  the  marriage  of  the  Egyptian  princess,  who 
bore  the  same  name  as  the  famous  queen  of  the  Sixth  Dynasty 
Nitocris  (Neitaker) — a  name  denoting  the  royal  race  of  Safe,  the 
special  city  of  Neit.^  Like  former  winners  of  the  crown  in  olden 
times,  Amasis,  who  was  bom  in  a  low  condition  at  Siouph,  in  the 
Saite  nome,  legitimated  his  power  by  a  marriage  with  Ankhs-en- 
EAuofrehet,  the  daughter  of  Psamethik  II.,  and  he  assumed  the 
additional  name  of  Si-nit  ('  son  of  Neit.')     His  full  regal  style  is 

7  Herod,  ii.  169. 

*  Further  light  is  needed  on  the  date  of  Nitocris,  and  her 
precise  relationship  to  the  royal  &milieB  both  of  Egypt  and  of 
Babylon. 


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DTK.  zxYi.  AMASIS  OR  AAHMES  n.  327 

Khnum-ab-b'a  a  awmtmi  Si-Neit.^  But  unlike  those  kings  who  had 
submitted  to  all  the  burthensome  state  and  priestly  rules  that 
fettered  Pharaoh,  Amasis  clung  to  the  free  habits  of  his  old  life 
with  his  comrades,  but  not  at  all  to  the  neglect  of  his  regal  duties. 
From  early  dawn  to  the  busy  hours  of  the  forenoon  he  transacted 
all  affairs  that  were  brought  before  him,  and  he  spent  the  rest  of 
the  day  in  drinking  and  jesting  with  his  guests.  The  remonstrances 
of  his  friends,  who  would  have  had  the  Egyptians  see  him  always 
in  royal  dignity  on  his  throne,  were  met  by  the  proverb  of  not 
keeping  the  bow  always  bent.  This  behaviour  was  suited  to  the 
new  times,  and  so  was  the  full  encouragement  he  gave  to  foreign 
commerce.  He  allowed  the  Greeks  a  permanent  settlement  at 
Naucratis,  on  the  Canopic  branch  of  the  Nile;  and  he  gi-anted 
sites  for  temples  to  those  who  only  wished  to  trade  upon  the 
coast.  The  example  of  Greek  art  in  these  buildings,  with  their 
sculptures,  must  have  contributed  to  that  new  character  of  refine- 
ment in  the  Egyptian  works  of  this  age,  on  which  Dr.  Brugsch 
has  laid  so  much  stress  (Chap.  XIX.  pp.  291-2).  Amasis  showed 
his  sympathy  with  the  Hellenic  world  by  contributing  to  the  re- 
building of  the  temple  at  Delphi,  when  it  was  burnt  in  b.c.  548, 
and  by  dedicating  statues  in  various  Greek  temples;  while  he 
adorned  his  own  land  with  admirable  works  of  art.^  Herodotus 
reports  the  saying,  '  that  the  reign  of  Amasis  was  the  most  pro- 
sperous time  that  Egypt  ever  saw ;  the  river  was  more  bountiful  to 
the  land,  and  the  land  brought  forth  more  abundantly  for  the 
service  of  man  than  had  ever  been  known  before ;  and  the  number 
of  inhabited  cities  was  not  less  than  twenty  thousand.' ' 

It  was  only  natural  that  so  able,  active,  and  prasperous  a 
ruler  should  have  aimed  at  recovering  independence,  and  the 
opportunity  was  offered  by  the  rapid  decline  of  Babylon  under  the 
successors  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  and  the  ensuing  contest  of  Croesus 
and  Cyrus  for  supremacy.  But  even  during  the  reign  of  the  great 
king  of  Babylon  Amasis  seems  to  have  made  an  attempt  to  shake 
off  the  yoke,  and  thereby  to  have  brought  on  Egypt  another  in- 
vasion.    We  learn  this  from  one  of  those  new  discoveries  which 


^  See  the  inscriptions,  pp.  298,  310. 

^  For  an  account  of  these,  see  the  Student^a  Ancient  Hi8io}*y  of 
the  EoMt,  pp.  153,  154. 
«  Herod-  ii.  177. 


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328  NEW  EGYPTIAN  KINGDOM.  itotb. 

are  rapidly  restoring  to  our  knowledge  the  long-lost  original 
history  of  the  East.  Mr.  Theophilus  G.  Pinches,  of  the  British 
Museum,  has  deciphered  the  cuneiform  inscriptions  on  a  fragment 
of  a  tablet,  containing  the  records  of  one  year  of  Nebuchadnezzar's 
reign,  namely  the  37th  =  b.c.  572.^  One  side  of  the  tablet,  after 
the  usual  invocation  and  thanks  to  some  deity,  relates  that  some- 
body revolted,  trusting  to  his  army,  and  that  some  one  went  down 
to  Mitsir  to  make  battle.  This  some  one  was  doubtless  a  general 
of  Nebuchadnezzar,  and  by  Mitsir  we  can  only  understand  the 
Mizraim  of  Scripture,  the  Mtizur  of  the  Assyrian  records.  As  to 
the  somebody  who  revolted,  we  are  left  in  no  doubt  by  the  other 
side  of  the  fragment,  which  (says  Mr.  Finches)  '  begins  by  stating 
that  the  king  of  Mitsir  collected  his  [troops],  and  from  the  words 
that  follow  it  seems  as  if  the  king  of  Mitsir  had  bribed  the  people 
of  the  sea-coast  (evidently  the  Mediterranean)  to  help  him ;  but 
the  mutilated  state  of  the  record  makes  the  translation  of  the 
passage  very  doubtful.  Soldiers,  horses,  and  chariots  (?)  are  then 
mentioned,  and  the  next  line  states  that  some  persons  agreed  to 
help  him,  and  that  the  person  helped  trusted  to  them.  After  this 
the  ends  of  a  few  lines  only  appear,  and  then  the  record  breaks  off 
altogether.'  The  supposition,  which  seems  established  by  the 
words  and  date  of  the  record,  that  it  refers  to  a  revolt  of  AmasLs, 
*  is  strengthened  by  the  fact  that  the  words  king  of  Mitsir  are,  in 
one  place,  preceded  by  the  syllable  rfw,  which  may  be  completed 
A-ma-Or^,  the  probable  Babylonian  form  of  the  name  Avutsis.^ 

The  *  bribing  the  people  of  the  sea-coast '  is  in  striking  agreement 
with  what  Herodotus  tells  us  of  the  foreign  policy  of  Amasis.  He 
followed  the  example  of  Necho  in  keeping  up  his  navy,  and  used 
it  to  conquer  Cyprus,  which  was  a  dependency  of  Phoenicia.  He 
maintained  relations  with  the  Greeks  of  Asia  Minor,  and  his 
alliance  with  Polycrates,  tyrant  of  Samos,  has  become  for  ever 
famous  by  one  of  the  most  romantic  stories  of  ancient  history.* 
The  doom  which  Polycrates  foresaw  for  the  too  prosperous  man, 
whose  sacrifice  of  his  choicest  treasure  was  refused  by  the  gods, 
was  at  lajst  brought  upon  him  by  his  alliance  with  Croesus,  king  of 
Lydia,  and  Nabonidus,  king  of  Babylon,  in  the  effort  to  resist  the 

'  Proceedings  of  the  Society  of  Biblical  Archmology,  Dec.  3, 
1878. 

*  Herod,  iii.  39-43 ;  Schiller,  Der  Ring  des  Folykrat^,  beauti- 
fully translated  by  Lord  Lytton,  SehiUer'a  Ballads. 


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.  TN.  xxTU.  THE  PERSIAN  CONQUEST.  329 

conquermg  power  of  Persia.  He  seems,  indeed,  to  have  made  his 
peace  with  Cyrus,  but  Cambyses  had  no  sooner  succeeded  to  the 
throne  than  he  found  a  pretext  for  attacking  Egypt.  His  vast 
preparations  were  completed  in  the  third  year  of  his  reign  (b.c. 
527) ;  *  but  Amasis  died  at  the  very  beginning  of  the  invasion^ 
leaving  the  inheritance  of  a  lost  kingdom  to  his  son  Pisamethik  III., 
the  PsAMMENiTUS  of  Herodotus. 

6.  In  a  battle  at  Pelusium  the  Egyptian  soldiers  and  Greek 
mercenaries  were  overwhelmed  after  a  desperate  resistance  to  the 
Persian  hosts.  The  king  was  taken  prisoner,  and  was  at  first  treated 
with  respect,  but,  being  suspected  of  conspiaing  against  Cambyses,  he 
wa«  put  to  death  within  six  months  of  his  accession  (b.c.  527).  It  is 
needless  to  relate  here  the  details  of  the  conquest,  and  the  stories, 
doubtless  greatly  exaggerated,  of  the  outrages  perpetrated  by  Cam- 
byses.* 

§  II.  Egypt  under  the  Persian  Kings,  Dynasty  XXVII. 
(B.C.  527-414  ly 

1.  Notwithstanding  the  tales  just  referred  to,  Cambyses  (b.c. 
527-522),  (in  Egyptian  Kambathet  or  Kanbuza,  with  the  regal 
name  Sah-taui  Mastu-ra),  set  the  example,  which  was  followed 
by  the  succeeding  Persian  kings,  of  assuming  the  style  and  titles 
of  true  Pharaohs,  respecting  Egyptian  institutions,  worshipping 
the  gods  of  the  country,  honouring  the  priests,  and  maintaining 
and  enlarging  the  temples.  The  government  was  usually  com- 
mitted to  Persian  viceroys,  the  first  of  whom,  Aryandes,  was 
installed  by  Cambyses  when  he  left  Egypt  in  b.c.  522.  He  died 
in  Syria  on  his  way  home,  probably  by  his  own  hand,  through 
despair  on  receiving  the  news  of  the  successful  usurpation  of  the 
Magian  Pseudo-Smerdis.^ 

2.  Darius  I.,  son  of  Hystaspes,  in  Egyptian  Nthariush  (b.c. 
521-486),  with   the  regal  name  Settu-ra   (a  near  equivalent  to 

*  The  true  date — long  disputed  between  b.c.  527  and  b.c.  525 — 
is  now  established  by  Dr.  Brugsch  from  the  Apis  tablets.  (See 
pp.  299-301.) 

^  See  the  Student's  Ancient  History  of  the  East,  chap.  xxvi. 
§§  4-9.     On  his  alleged  slaughter  of  the  Apis,  see  above,  p.  299. 

^  The  lower  date  is  rendered  uncertain  by  the  confused  accounts 
about  Amyrtseus  and  the  recovery  of  Egyptian  independence. 

^  Ibid.  p.  511.  The  usurper  has  no  place  in  thelistof  Manetho. 


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330  THE  PERSLIN  DOMINION.  hot*. 

Sesobtris),  used  his  best  efforts  to  conciliate  his  Egyptian  subjects. 
We  have  already  seen  the  measures  he  took  to  foster  education 
aooording  to  nadve  ideas,  and  to  bring  forward  the  youth  in  the 
public  service  (p.  307);  his  building  of  the  new  and  splendid 
temple  to  Ajnon  in  the  Greatt  GasLs  (Und,) ;  and  his  attempt  to 
reopen  the  canal  between  the  Nile  and  the  Gulf  <^  Suez  (pp.  310, 
311).  The  last  was  an  enterprise  of  great  importance,  not  for  Eigypt 
only,  but  for  the  whole  empire,  which  now  extended  as  far  as 
India ;  and  so  was  the  king's  restoration  of  the  old  caravan  route 
through  the  rocky  desert  of  Hammamat  from  Coptos  to  the  Bed 
Sea. 

The  invaluable  records  of  the  Apis  tablets  not  only  show  the 
honour  paid  in  the  king's  name  to  the  religion  of  his  Egyptian 
subjects,^  but  supply  a  test  for  the  accounts  handed  down  by  the 
Greek  writers.  Thus  we  are  told*  that,  when  the  tyranny  of 
Aryandes  provoked  disaffection,  Darius  put  the  satrap  to  death, 
and  committed  the  government  to  an  Egyptian  of  the  royal  house 
of  SaTs,  who  bore  the  popular  name  of  Amasis.  But  the  rebellLon 
had  already  broken  out,  and  Darius  hastened  to  Egypt  in  person. 
It  happened  that  an  Apis  had  died  a  few  days  before  his  arrival  at 
Memphis.  Darius  mourned  for  the  god,  and  promised  a  hundred 
talents  to  any  one  who  should  discover  his  successor.  His  piety  so 
won  the  hearts  of  the  rebels  that  they  submitted  without  a  blow. 

Now  to  test  this  story  by  the  tablets  of  the  Serapeum.  We 
have  the  epitaph  of  an  Apis  bull,  who  died  in  the  4th  year  of  the 
reign  of  Darius  (b.c.  518).^  This  then  might  be  the  date  of  the 
visit,  but  for  two  strong  objections :  first,  no  revolt  of  Egypt  is 
mentioned  in  the  great  Behistun  inscription,  which  records  the 
annals  of  Darius,  and  especially  the  insurrections  he  had  to  put 
down,  during  his  first  six  years,  to  B.c.  516  :  secondly,  the  conquest 
of  Cyrenaica  was  effected  by  the  satrap  Aryandes  after  the  Scythian 
expedition  of  Darius,  that  is,  after  506.  Now  another  Greek  stoiy 
places  a  personal  visit  of  Darius  to  Egypt  in  a  curious  relation  to 
his  invasion  of  Scythia. 

'  See  p.  301.  It  is  fair  to  observe  that  the  name  of  Darius 
appears  on  the  tablet  only,  as  fixing  the  cUUe;  but  it  supplies 
another  proof  of  the  free  exercise  of  the  old  sacred  rites  under  the 
Persian  dominion. 

»  Polyaen.  Strateg.  viL  11,  §  7. 

3  See  p.  300. 


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DTH.  XXYH.  DARIUS  I. — ^XERXES  I.  331 

In  his  aooount  of  Sesostris,  Herodotns  >  tells  us  incidentally 
that  Darius  the  Persian  wished  to  set  up  his  own  statue  beside 
the  great  image  of  Sesostris  in  front  of  the  temple  of  Hephiestus 
(Ptah)  at  Memphis — that  &mous  colossus  of  Ramses  II.  which 
now  lies  in  the  ditch  at  Mit-Rahineh.  But  the  priest  of  Ptah 
withstood  the  king's  purpose,  telling  him  that  he  had  not  done 
such  deeds  as  those  of  Sesostiis  the  Egyptian;  for  besides  the 
other  conquests  equal  to  his  own,  Sesostris  had  also  conquered  the 
Scy  thianSy  whom  Darius  had  not  been  able  to  subdue ;  and  the 
king  yielded  to  the  objection.  Diodonis  repeats  the  story,  with 
the  variation  that  the  priest  said  'not  yet^^  and  that  Darius, 
instead  of  being  angiy  with  the  priest,  replied  that  he  hoped  in  no 
way  to  fall  short  of  the  deeds  of  Sesostris,  if  he  reigned  as  long.^ 
By  the  different  turn  given  to  the  story  it  seems  clearly  implied 
that  Diodorus  places  the  visit  be/ore,  while  the  older  and  more 
trustworthy  historian  £xes  it  after,  the  unsuccessful  invasion  of 
Scythia  by  Darius.  ' 

Now  we  have  another  tablet  recording  the  manifestation  of  an 
Apis  in  the  31st  year  of  Darius,  so  that  the  death  of  his  prede- 
cessor would  fall  in  that  or  the  preceding  year  (b.c.  492).^  A 
visit  of  the  king  to  Egypt  during  the  full  tide  of  his  preparations 
against  Greece  seems  improbable ;  but  a  stronger  objection  arises 
from  the  absence  of  any  mention  of  an  insurrection  at  this  time. 
But  we  do  know  that  in  the  35th  year  of  Darius,  the  last  but  one 
of  his  reign  (b.c.  487),  the  Egyptians — encouraged  probably  by  the 
weakness  of  the  Persian  Empire  from  the  battle  of  Marathon  and 
the  disputed  succession — broke  out  into  a  revolt  which  c  ompelled» 
Darius  to  postpone  his  second  attempt  against  Greece,  and  he  died 
near  the  end  of  the  following  year.^  We  learn  from  the  monu- 
ments that  the  Egyptians  set  up  a  native  anti-king,  Khabbash, 

'  Herod,  ii.  110.  The  stoiy  has  a  special  interest  and  veri- 
similitude from  the  fact,  now  revealed  by  the  monuments,  that 
Darius  assumed  the  regal  name  of  Settura  (Sesostris),  after  that 
of  Bamses  II.  (Sestura).  *  Diod.  i.  58. 

'  See  p.  301 ;  where  Dr.  Brugsch  regards  it  as  certain  that  the 
Apis  just  deceased  was  the  successor  of  the  one  that  died  in  the 
fourth  year  of  Darius,  so  that  there  would  be  no  tinie  between 
B.C.  518  and  B.C.  492  for  the  death  of  an  Apis  coinciding  with  a 
visit  of  Darius  to  Egypt. 

®  Herod,  vii.  4. 


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332  THE  PERSLAN  DOMESTEON.  Fom 

who  held  his  gnmnd  for  some  tune  in  the  marshes  about  the  lake 
of  Bato  against  *  the  hereditary  foe  Xerxes.'  ^ 

3.  XKRyBS  L,  on  the  Egyptian  monmnents  Kshiabsh  or 
Khshebish  (b.c.  486-465),  engaged  the  more  zealously  in  the 
reconqnest  of  Egypt,  as  he  was  at  first  disinclined  to  renew  the 
expedition  against  Greece.*  With  his  overwhelming  force  he 
subdued  the  revolt  in  person  in  his  second  year,  and  entrusted  the 
government  to  his  brother  Achsemenes.  Herodotus  says  that  he 
made  all  Egypt  much  more  enslaved  than  it  had  been  under 
Darius ;  '  and  the  native  monuments,  as  yet  known,  contain  none 
of  those  tributes  of  respect  to  Xerxes  which  we  have  seen  rendered 
to  Darius,  and  even  to  Cambyses.^  We  are  not  told  what  became 
of  Khabbash,  but  the  inscription  of  the  satrap  Ptolemy  ^  seems  to 
imply  that  he  gained  some  further  success  against  Xerxes,  and  the 
sequel  proves  that  native  princes  still  maintained  the  smouldering 
fire  of  national  independence. 

4.  The  opportunity  arrived  for  Egypt  in  the  fifth  year  of 
Artaxerxes  I.  LoNGiHANUs  (b.c.  465-425),  the  Arta-Khshesesh 
of  the  monuments,  when  the  Libyan  king  Inaros,'  of  Marea,  drew 
the  princes  of  the  Delta  into  a  revolt^  which  was  supported  by  an 
Athenian  fleet  of  200  ships.  The  arrival  of  this  force  in  the  Nile 
was  followed  by  a  great  victory  over  the  Persians  at  Papremis, 
where  Inaros  killed  the  satrap  Achiemenes  with  his  own  hand.^ 
A  few  days  later,  the  Athenian  squadron  destroyed  the  greater 
part  of  a  Phoenician  fleet  sent  to  aid  the  Persian  army,  and  the 
allies  sailed  up  the  river  to  Memphis.  The  ancient  capital  was 
%oon  taken,  except  its  old  fortress  called  the  White  Wall,  where 
the  remnant  of  the  Persians  held  out,  and  gave  Artaxerxes  time 
to  send  a  new  army  to  their  aid.  This  great  force,  led  by  M^a- 
byzus,  retook  Memphis,  and  shut  up  the  defeated  allies  in  the 
island  of  Prosopitis,  where  they  were  blockaded  for  eighteen 
months.  At  length  Megabyzus  diverted  an  arm  of  the  Nile, 
and  stranded  the  ships,  which  were  destroyed  by  the  Athenians 
themselves.  Most  of  the  Greeks  fell  in  battle,  and  the  survivors 
escaped  to  Cyrene.  Inaros,  betrayed  by  his  own  followers,  was 
carried  prisoner  to  Persia  and  there  crucified ;  but  his  ally,  Amyr- 

7  See  pp.  302, 315,  316.  •  Herod.  viL  6. 

9  Ibid.  7.  1  See  p.  304.  «  Pp.  315-16. 

^  The  name  is  Inaros  (^lyapufc),  not  Inarus  (lyapoo), 
*  Thucyd.  L  104 ;  Ctesias,  Fersica,  §§  30,  seq. 


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DTK.  xivm.  REVOLT  OF  AMYRT^Ua  333 

taens,  prince  of  Sais,  escaped  to  the  old  asylum  of  Egyptian 
independence  in  the  marshes  (b.c.  455).  The  native  resistance 
was  encouraged  by  the  attempts  which  the  Athenians  made  to 
create  a  diversion  in  Egypt  during  their  contest  with  Persia ;  but 
no  events  of  importance  are  recorded  under  the  reigns  of 

5,  6,  7.  Xerxes  II.  (b.c.  425-4),  the  usurper  Sogdianus 
(b.c.  424),  and  Darius  II.  Nothus  (b.c.  424-405),  except  the 
evidence  furnished  by  the  works  of  the  last-named  king  at  the 
temple  in  the  Great  Oasis,  that  respect  was  still  paid  by  the 
Persian  kings  to  the  religion  of  Egypt*  The  Egyptian  style  and 
title  of  Darius  II.  was  Miamun-ra  Kthariush.  To  the  latter 
part  of  this  period  belongs  the  somewhat  intricate  question  of  the 
£rst  successful  steps  towards  shaking  off  the  Persian  yoke.  The 
following  seems  the  most  probable  account. 

§  III.  The  Twenty-eighth  Dynasty  of  SaIs. — *  Ahyrtes  or 
AMYRTiEUS,  six  years' — is  the  entry  in  the  list  of  Manetho,  as 
preserved  in  the  Chronicon  of  Eusebius.  It  has  been  generally 
assumed  that  this  Amyrtaeus  is  the  same  who  took  part  in  the 
.  revolt  of  Inaros,  though  the  interval  is  no  less  than  forty  years  ! 
But  an  incidental  notice  in  Herodotus  sets  the  matter  in  another 
light.  In  speaking  of  the  first  good  intentions  of  Cambyses  towards 
Psammenitus,  to  whom  he  would  probably  have  committed  the 
government  of  Egypt  had  he  not  distrusted  him,  Herodotus  goes 
on  to  say  :  '  For  the  Persians  are  wont  to  honour  the  sons  of 
kings  ;  and  even  if  kings  revolt  from  them,  nevertheless  they  give 
back  the  government  to  their  sons ; '  and,  among  many  oth|r 
examples,  he  cites  the  cases  of  Thannyras,  the  son  of  the  Libyan 
Inaros,  and  of  Pcmsiris,  the  son  of  Amyrtasua,  who  received  the 
governments  which  had  been  held  by  their  fathers;  and  this, 
though  none  had  done  more  harm  to  the  Persians  than  Inaros  and 
Amyrtaus.®  This  seems  certainly  to  imply  that,  in  agreement 
with  the  constant  policy  of  maintaining  the  hereditary  princes  of 
nomes,  the  Persians  had  recognised  Pausiris,  the  son  of  Amyrtseus 
(whether  in  place  of  his  father  or  after  his  death),  not  assuredly  as 
governor  of  Egypt,  but  in  his  father's  principality  of  SaTs.  The 
submission  implied  in  such  recognition  would  depend  on  the 
power  of  the  Persians  to  enforce  it ;  and  when  the  opportunity  for 
successful  rebellion  came,  it  was  seized  by  a  second  Amyrtseus, 

»  See  p.  307.  «  Herod,  iii.  15. 

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334  THE  LAST  NATIVE  PHARAOHS.  kotb. 

whom  we  suppose  to  bave  been  the  son  of  'Paasiijs  and  the  grand- 
son of  Amyrtseos,  the  ally  of  Inaros  J 

As  to  the  chronology,  the  Chronioon  makes  the  six  years  of 
Amyrtaeus  parallel  with  the  13th-l8th  of  Darius  II.  (b.c. 
412-407) ;  but  the  synchronisms  in  the  Tables  of  Eusebius  repre- 
sent merely  an  artificial  system  of  chronology,  which  is  not  of 
itself  a  decisiye  authority.  As  the  Twenty-eighth  Dynasty  of 
Amyrtaeus  does  not  interrupt,  but  follows,  that  of  the  Persians, 
concluding  with  Darius  II.,  it  seems  more  reasonable  to  suppose 
that  his  successful  revolt  took  place  at  or  about  the  end  of  the 
reign  of  Darius,  and  that  the  Twenty-ninth  Dynasty  was  continuous 
with  the  Twenty-eighth,  taking  up  the  successful  struggle  im- 
mediately after  the  death  of  Amyrtaeus.*  The  struggle  for  the 
succession  between  Artaxerxes  II.  Mnemon  and  his  brother 
Cyrus  would  give  the  opportunity  so  long  watched  for.^ 

§  lY.  The  last  Native  Pharaohs  (b.c.  399-340). — ^The 
distracted  state  of  the  Persian  Empire  not  only  allowed  Egypt 
to  secure  full  independence  for  about  sixty  years,  but  she  even 
assumed  the  offensive  against  her  late  oppressors,  in  alliance  with 

^  The  distinction  between  the  two  Amyn»ei  may  be  illustrated 
by  the  case  of  the  two  Nechos,  the  father  and  son  of  Psammetichus, 
whose  place  in  Eg3rptian  history  was  not  made  dear  till  the 
discovery  of  the  annals  of  Assnrbanipal. 

^  This  is  the  view  of  M.  Maspero,  who  places  the  six  years  of 
Amyrtaeus  between  B.C.  405  and  B.C.  399  {ffiatoire  ATusienne  de  ' 
rOrierU,  pp.  361,  362).  In  the  articles  AHYRTiEUS  and  Darius  in 
the  Diet  of  Greek  cmd  Roman  Biography,  when  the  native  Egyp- 
tian history  was  very  little  known,  the  present  writer  assumed 
only  one  Amyrtseus,  and  made  Pausiris  his  successor  after  the 
six  years  of  his  reign  over  l^ypt.  Had  this  been  the  case, 
Pausiris  would  assuredly  hAve  appeared  in  the  Twenty-eighth 
Dynasty  as  his  father's  successor.  Besides,  the  six  years'  reign  of 
Amyrtoeiis  falls,  in  any  case,  later  than  the  completion  of  the 
history  of  Herodotus.  The  whole  matter  still  awaits  light  from 
the  monuments.  A  cartouche  read  by  some  as  that  of  Amyrtteus 
seems  to  be  more  than  doubtful. 

9  It  must  be  observed  that  the  long  reign  of  Artaxerxes  II. 
(b.c.  405-369),  and  nearly  all  that  of  Ochus  (359-340),  have  no 
place  among  the  Dynasties  of  Manetho. 


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Dnr.  XXIX.  NEPHERITES  TO  PSAMMUTHLS.  335 

the  Greeks.  Whether  bj  a  failnre  in  the  house  of  Sab,  or  horn 
-whatever  cause,  the  sovereignty  passed  first  to  the  princes  of 
Mendes,  and  twenty  years  later  to  those  of  Sebennytns. 

A.  The  Twenty-ninth  Dynasty,  of  Mendes,  b.c.  399-378.* 

1.  Naifaubot  I.,  with  the  regal  name  Banra  Mi-nutebu, 
the  Nephebites  I.  of  Manetho  (b.c.  399-393),  became  king  just  at 
the  time  when  Sparta  had  declared  war  against  Persia,  and  Agesi- 
laus  was  preparing  to  invade  her  territory.  The  gradual  growth 
of  the  native  Egyptian  power  for  some  time  before  this  seems 
proved  by  the  fleet  of  100  ships,  laden  with  com,  arms,  and 
munitions  of  war,  which  Nepherites  sent  to  the  aid  of  the  Lace- 
daemonians. But  it  was  met  at  Rhodes  and  dispersed  by  the 
Athenian  fleet  under  Ck)non,  and  the  Egyptian  army,  which  had 
advanced  to  the  Syrian  frontier,  assumed  a  defensive  attitude  on 
the  retreat  of  Agesilaus  from  Asia  Minor.  Artaxerxes,  however, 
was  obliged  to  reconquer  the  states  of  Asia  Minor,  which  had 
revolted  on  the  occasion  oflered  by  the  expedition  of  Cynis,  before 
he  could  attack  Egypt;  and  meanwhile  the  Greeks  of  Cyprus 
asserted  their  independence  under  Evagoras,  the  *  tyrant'  of 
Cyprus,  who  sought  to  strengthen  himself  by  alliances  with  Athens, 
the  Carians,  and  Egypt  (b.g.  391). 

2.  The  ofler  was  embraced  by  the  new  king  Hagab  or  Hakobi 
(with  the  regal  name  Ka-kntjm  Mat  Stepen-khnum),  the  Achobis 
('Axwp'c)  of  Manetho  (b.c.  393-380).  His  ^aval  power  was 
strengthened  by  the  defection  of  the  commander  of  the  Persian 
fleet ;  but  we  are  not  told  what  part  the  Egyptians  had  in  the 
successes  which  for  some  time  attended  the  arms  of  Evagoras. 
But  when  the  peace  of  Antalddas  relieved  Persia  from  her  Greek 
foes  (b.c.  387),  and  Evagoras  was  defeated  and  shut  up  in  Cyprus, 
Egypt  was  again  placed  on  the  defensive.  The  long  siege  of 
Salamis  (b.c.  386-380)  gave  Achoris  time  to  complete  his  prepa- 
rations, and  to  engage  in  his  service  an  army  of  Greek  mercenaries 
under  Greek  generals. 

3.  4.  The  short  reigns  of  Psamut  (Psammuthis,  Mac;  b.c.  380) 
and  Naifaubot  (Nefheeites  II.),  may  perhaps  indicate  a  dispute 
for  the  succession;  but  we  have  no  information  of  the  cause  of 
its  transference  to  the  princes  of  Sebennytus. 

'  We  here  follow  the  chronology  of  Brugsch,  with  which 
Haspero  generally  agrees,  varying  but  slightly  from  the  dates  in 
the  Chronicon  of  Eusebius. 


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336       THE  LAST  NATIVE  PHABAOHS.       von. 

B.  The  Thibtdeth  Dtkasty,  op  Sebknkytus  (B.a  378-340). 
1.  Nakht-hob-ib,  with  the  regal  name  Rasnotsexhet  Stefen- 
ANHUR  Isi-ANHUB  Se  Isi,  the  Nbctakebo  I.*  of  Manetho  (b.c. 
378-360),  had  tiine  to  complete  the  preparations  for  defence,  while 
Artaxerxes  was  engaged  in  an  expedition  against  the  Gadnsii  on 
the  Caspian  shore,  and  while  his  generals  were  restoring  order  in 
Asia  Minor.  Meanwhile,  however,  a  great  armj  was  raised 
for  the  invasion  of  Egypt  xmder  the  famons  Persian  general 
Phamabazos,  through  whose  influence  the  Athenians  not  only 
recalled  their  citizen  Chabrias  with  his  mercenaries  from  Egypt 
(B.C.  377),  but  sent  Iphicrates  with  20,000  mercenaiies  to  rein- 
force Phamabazus.  But  the  divided  command  proved  the  ruin 
of  the  enterprise.  After  a  year  or  two  wasted  in  preparation, 
the  invading  force  sailed  from  Ajoo  (Acre),  disembarked  at  the 
Mendesian  mouth  of  the  Nile,  and  defeated  the  Egyptians  stationed 
to  guard  that  frontier.  But  the  refusal  of  Phamabazus  to  advance 
on  Memphis,  as  Iphicrates  advised,  gave  the  Egyptians  time  to 
resume  the  oflensive.  The  inundation  came  on;  the  Persians 
were  utterly  defeated  near  Mendes;  Phamabazus  re-embarked 
the  remnant  of  his  army,  and  Iphicrates,  fearing  to  be  made  a 
scapegoat,  fled  to  Athens  (b.c.  375).^  The  failure  of  this  attack 
secured  peace  to  Egypt  for  a  quarter  of  a  century,  and  the  disorders 
and  rebellions  of  the  western  provinces  during  the  later  years  of 
Artaxerxes  encouraged  her  to  assume  the  oflensive. 

This  interval  of  peace  and  prosperity  was  marked  by  a  last 
revival  of  Egyptian  art.  The  name  of  Nectanebo  is  found  on 
temples  and  monuments  which  he  erected  or  restored  through 
tbe  whole  land,  from  the  Delta  to  Syene.  Pliny,  who  calls  him 
Nechthebis,  mentions  an  obelisk  eighty  cubits  high,  prepared  by 
this  king,  and  afterwards  erected  by  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  at 
Alexandria.^     A   Greek  papyrus,  in  the  Anastasi  collection  at 

*  Also  called  Nectanebes,  -bis,  -bus ;  Nfrrai'€/3«c,  Nfrraic/^ijc, 
Nc»:rav£/3tc,  Ncicrnvc/Joff.  But  in  this  name  there  is  evidently  a 
confusion  of  Nakhthorib  with  Ndkhtnebefj  the  next  king  but  one 
after  bim. 

«  Diod.  XV.  41-43;  Nepos,  VU.  Iphieratis,  2. 

*  Plin.  H,  N,  xxxvi.  14.  Its  being  vjithout  inscriptions  is 
another  sign  of  that  unfinished  state,  which  is  not  uncommon  with 
the  obelisks  and  monoliths  of  the  later  dynasties.  Pliny  adds, 
what  might  be  said  of  many  similar  works,  that  '  it  cost  far  more 


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BTW.  XXI.  TACHOS  AND  NECTANEBO  H.  337 

Paris,  relates  how  Neotanebo  was  oencrared  by  the  god  Mars 
(Anhnr),  in  a  dream,  for  leaving  his  temple  at  Sebennytus  ^  un- 
repaired, and  how  he  made  ample  amends  for  his  unintentional 
n^lect  by  restoring  the  edifice  with  great  splendour.* 

2.  When  Zmo,  the  Tbos  (Tci#c)  of  Manedio,  and  Tachos 
(Taxwc)  of  other  Qreek  and  Latin  writers  (b.c.  364-361),^  suc- 
ceeded to  the  throne,  the  suppression  of  the  revolts  in  Asia 
Minor  left  Ajrtazerxes  II.  at  liberty  for  the  reconquest  of  Egypt. 
Fearing  a  new  attack  from  the  whole  power  of  Persia,  Tachos 
gathered  an  army  of  80,000  Egyptians  and  10,000  Greek  mer- 
cenaries,  and  a  fleet  of  200  ships.  He  placed  his  fleet  under  the 
Athenian  general  Ghabrias,  and  applied  to  Sparta  for  Ageeilaus  to 
take  command  of  all  his  forces.  It  is  said  that  Tachos,  disap- 
pointed at  seeing  in  the  Spartan  king  a  little  old  man  of  homely 
habits,  treated  him  with  scorn  and  disrespect,  and  set  him  over 
the  mercenaries  only,  reserving  the  supreme  command  to  himself. 
In  opposition  to  the  advice  of  Agesilaus,  Tachos  led  his  fleet  and 
army  in  person  into  Phcenicia,  leaving  the  government  of  EgJ^pt 
to  bis  brother,  whose  son  Nectanebo  accompanied  the  king,  and 
waa  sent  by  him  with  his  £^;yptian  forces  to  reduce  the  cities  of 
Syria.^  Nectanebo  seized  the  opportunity  to  stir  up  a  mutiny 
among  the  native  troops,  while  his  father  ndsed  a  rebellion  in 
Egypt.  Agesilaus,  whom  the  king  had  bitterly  offended,  went 
over  to  Nectanebo  with  the    Greek  mercenaries,  and  Tachos, 

trouble  in  its  carriage  and  elevation  than  had  been  originally 
expended  in  quarrying  it ; '  and  he  gives  an  account  of  the  process. 

^  Anhur  was  the  tutelar  god  of  Sebennytus  and  its  nome 
(the  12th  of  Lower  Egypt :  see  p.  348),  and  his  name  enters  twice 
into  the  regal  title  of  Nectanebo. 

7  Wilkinson,  Ancient  Egf^Hane,  vol.  i.  pp.  139,  140;  2nd 
edition  by  ]>r.  Birch. 

*  We  follow  here  the  dates  given  by  Maspero  and  the  writers 
on  Greek  history,  in  preference  to  those  given  in  Dr.  Brugsch's 
lists  of  the  kings  (Appendix  A.),  inasmuch  as  the  authorities  place 
Tachos  in  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes  Mnemon,  not  of  Ochus;  and 
besides,  the  later  date  is  inconsistent  with  the  death  of  Agesilaus 
in  B.O.  360.  We  do  not,  however,  alter  our  author's  dates  in  his 
Table. 

^  We  choose  what  seems  the  most  probable  account  amidst  a 
considerable  conflict  of  the  authorities. 

VOL.  II.  Z 


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338  THE  LAST  NATIVE  PHARAOHS.  von; 

finding  himself  abandonedy  took  refuge  in  Sidon,  and  afterwards 
fled  to  ArtaxeizeSy  by  whom  he  was  reoeivBd  kiiMDy,  and  died  at 
his  ooori.* 

3.  NAKHTNEBasF,  witli  the  regal  naniB  Ba-khepeb-ka,  the 
Nectansbo  n.  of  Manetho  and  the  doanc  writers  (b.c.  361-340), 
had  first  to  defiand  his  nsorped  €mwn  against  a  rival  prince  of 
Hendes.'  Though  the  latter  had  much  the  larger  force — some 
say  100,000  men,  bat  composed  of  townsmen  .and  artificers — the 
military  skill  of  Agesilaiis  won  the  victory  for  Kectanebo.  The 
Spartan  king  left  E^Q^t  with  an  immense  reward  from  the  king 
(no  less,  it  is  said,  than  220  talents),  and  died  on  his  way  home 
(b.c.  360).  Chabrias  also  and  his  merceoaries  were  recalled  by 
the  Athenians,  and  the  defence  of  Egypt's  independence  was  left 
to  a  king  whose  taste  inclined  him  rather  to  foster  her  arts  and 
science.  The  monnments  of  Kectanebo  thronghoat  all  ihe  land 
exhibit  the  perfection  of  the  later  style  of  Egyptian  art ;  and  it  was 
said  that,  had  he  shown  the  same  skill  as  a  general  that  he 
displayed  as  a  bnilder  and  a  magician,^  the  trimnph  of  Egypt  was 
certain.  But  he  had  at  last,  like  Psammetichus  III.  nearly  two 
centuries  before,  an  enemy  too  strong  for  him.  The  cruel  but 
energetic  Ochus  (who  assumed  the  name  of  Artaxerxes  III.), 
coming  to  the  throne  of  Persia  in  b.c.  359,  at  once  bent  all  efforts 
to  reconquer  Egypt.  At  first,  however,  fortune  seemed  to  fftvour 
the  national  cause.  The  generals  of  Ochus  were  again  and  again 
defeated  through  the  skill  of  the  Greek  commanders  in  the  service 
of  Nectanebo,  Diophantus  the  Athenian,  and  the  Spartan  Lamia. 
These  disasters  excited  Phoenicia  and  Cyprus  to  revolt,  and  Nee- 
tanebo  sent  4,000  mercenaries  to  aid  the  Phoenicians  under  the 
Bhodian  refugee  Mentor,  who,  with  his  brother  Memnon,  had 
already  played  a  conspicuous  part  against  the  Persians.     Ochus 

®  Xenoph.  Ages, ;  Plut.  Ages. ;  Paus.  iii.  10 ;  Polyien.  iii.  1 ; 
iElian,  V.  H.  y.  1 ;  Nepos,  Ages,  and  Chabrias :  the  account  of 
Diodorus,  xv.  92,  93,  is  in  some  respects  less  probable. 

^  This  is  doubtless  meant  by  '  a  certain  Mendesian '  (Mf  rd^crtoc) 
which  some  of  the  authorities  seem  to  take  for  a  proper  name. 
We  seem  to  have  here  another  sign  of  that  contest  of  supremacy 
between  Mendes  and  Sebennytus,  which  may  have  caused  the 
transition  from  the  Twenty-ninth  to  the  Thirtieth  Dynasty. 

'  For  the  magical  arts  of  Nectanebo,  see  above,  p.  293,  and 
the  Pseudo-Callisthenes,  L  1-14. 


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DTir.  xxxT.,  xzxn. 


LAST  PERSIANS  AND  MACEDONIANS.  339 


meanwhile  had  taken  the  field  in  person  with  a  great  force,  in- 
tent on  the  subjugation  both  of  Phoenicia  and  Egypt.  Mentor, 
probably  foreseeing  on  which  side  the  victory  must  remain,  went 
over  to  Ochus  with  his  mercenaries,  and,  after  the  reduction  of 
Phoenicia,  accompanied  the  king's  march  against  Egypt.  The  va«;t 
preparations  for  defence  were  neutralized  by  the  incompetence  of 
Nectanebo,  who  insisted  on  keeping  the  chief  command  in  his 
own  hands.  The  Persian  king  appeared  before  Pelusium  with  an 
army  of  300,000  Asiatics  and  40,000  Greeks;  and,  instead  of 
Tna.lring  the  most  of  the  natural  difficulties  presented  by  the 
marshefl  and  canals,  Nectanebo,  on  the  first  repulse  of  a  portion  of 
his  force,  shut  himself  up  in  Memphis,  and  thence  fled  with  his 
treasures  to  Ethiopia.  Other  stories  are  told  of  his  escape,  with 
an  evident  view  to  gloze  over  the  last  shameful  disaster,  which 
ended  '  the  long  majestic  line '  of  Egypt's  Pharaohs ;  but,  from  a 
sepidchral  figure  lately  found,  he  seems  to  have  been  buried  at 
Memphis.'  The  date  of  this  reconquest  of  Egypt  by  Persia  is 
given  variously  by  chronologers  as  b.c.  353,  345,  and  340. 

§  V.  Thb  Thibty-fibst  Dynasty  of  Persians  (b.c.  340-332) 
held  their  recovered  possession  only  for  eight  years. 

1.  Ochus  (b.c.  340-338)  died  two  years  after  his  restoration  to 
the  double  crown,  poisoned  by  the  eunuch  Bagoas.  His  youngest  son 

2.  Arses  (b.c.  338-336)  was  set  up  and  murdered  within  three 
years  by  the  same  minister,  who  placed  on  the  throne  his  friend 

3.  Darius  III.  Codomannus  (b.c.  336-332),*  only  to  succumb 
in  the  contest  with  thfe  Macedonian  conqueror,  who  was  welcomed 
in  Egypt  as  a  deliverer.     (See  Chap.  XX.  p.  319.) 

§  VI.  The  Thirty-second  Dynasty  of  Macedonians  (b.(\ 
332-311). 

1.  Alexander  the  Great  (b.c.  332-323). 

2.  Philip  ARRHiDiKus  (b.c.  323-317). 

3.  Alexander  Mqvs  (b.c.  323-311). 

These  names  are  given  to  complete  the  outline  down  to  the 

'  Mariette-Bey,  Monumenta  divers,  1872,  pi.  32. 

*  The  year  b.c.  332  is  that  of  the  end  of  the  Persian  Dynasty 
in  Egypt  by  Alexander's  conquest  of  the  country.  The  death  of 
Darius  and  the  end  of  the  Persian  Empire  took  place  in  the  next 
year,  B.C.  331. 

z  2 


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340  THE  PTOLEMIES.  dyw.  xxxm. 

Ptolemaic  epoch ;  but  the  deeds  of  Alexander  in  and  for  Egypt 
are  left  to  be  read  in  the  records  of  his  life.  Airhidaens,  the 
bastard  son  of  Philip  the  Great,  and  the  only  remaining  scion  of 
the  royal  house  of  Macedon,  being  at  Babylon  when  Alexander 
died,  was  elected  his  successor  by  the  name  of  Philip.  A  few 
months  later  Eoxana,  the  Bactrian  wife  of  Alexander,  gave  birth 
to  a  son,  who  was  named  Alexander  j£gus,  and  was  recognized  as 
the  associate  of  Philip  in  the  empire.  Of  these  merely  titular 
possessors  of  the  thrones  for  which  the  generals  of  Alexander  were 
contending,  Philip  fell  a  victim  to  the  hatred  of  his  Other's  widow, 
Olympias,  in  b.c.  317,  and  Alexander  .ZGgus  was  murdered  by 
Ca88ander  in  ac.  311.  Their  rojral  cartouches  are  found  on  the 
Egyptian  monuments,  and  that  their  titular  sovereignty  was 
i^ecognized  in  that  country  is  proved,  at  least  in  the  case  of  Alex- 
ander ^gas,  by  the  inscription  distinctly  dated  in  his  seventh 
year,  in  which  Ptolemy,  the  son  of  Lagus,  the  real  possessor  <^  the 
land,  designates  himself  as  satrap.' 

But,  in  fact,  the  rule  over  Egypt  was  all  this  time  in  the  hands 
of  Ptolemy,  who  chose  it  in  the  division  of  Alexander's  dominions 
after  his  death,  and  hastened  at  once  to  take  possession.  It  was 
not  till  B.C.  306  that,  after  the  example  set  by  Antigonus,  he 
assumed  the  title  of  king,  by  the  name  of  Pix)Lem£US  I.  Soter  ; 
but,  this  step  once  taken,  his  regnal  years  were  dated  from  the 
real  beginning  of  his  rule,  in  B.c.  323. 

§  VII.  Thb  Thirty-third  Dynasty  of  thb  (Greek)  Pto- 
lemies (b.c.  323-30)  lasted  just  300  years,  till,  after  Octavian's 
victory  over  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  and  th^  suicide  of  that  last 
heiress  of  the  line,  Egypt  was  reduced  to  a  Boman  province. 
The  Boman  CsBsars  are  sometimes  reckoned  as  a  Thirty-fourth 
Dynasty ;  but  it  must  be  remembered  that  that  title  is  only  pro- 
perly applied  to  the  Thirty  Dynasties  of  Manetho. 

The  History  of  the  Ptolemies  in  Egypt  is  to  form  the  Second 
Division  of  Dr.  Brugsch's  great  work. 

^  This  inscription  has  been  cited  in  the  text,  pp.  289,  315. 


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APPENDIX. 


A. 


LIST   OP   THE   KINGS,   WITH   THEIR   EPOCHS, 

^who  ruled  in  Egypt,  from  the  first  Pharaoh,  Mena,  to  the  end  of 
the  XXXIst  Dynasty. 

Their  names  and  order,  down  to  the  Ph<iraoh  Bamses  II. 
(abont  B.C.  1350),  are  founded  on  the  list  of  Kings  in  the  Table  of 
Abydus  (Nos.  1-77). 

The  numbers  added,  to  mark  their  Epochs,  refer  to  the  huo- 
cession  of  generations  assumed  in  our  work ;  but  these,  from  the  year 
666  onwards,  are  superseded  by  the  regnal  years  actually  proved. 


1st  Dynasty  :  op  Thinis. 

B.C. 

1.  Mena 

.     4400 

2.  Tota 

.     4366 

3.  Atoth 

.     4333 

4.  Ata     •     . 

.     4300 

6.  Sapti 

.     4266 

6.  Mirbapen 

.     4233 

7.  (Semempses)     . 

.     4200 

8.  Qebeh      . 

.     4166 

IInd  Dynasty:  of  Thinis. 

9.  Buzau 

.     4133 

10.  Kakau     . 

.     4100 

11.  Bainnuter 

.     4066 

12.  Utnas       . 

.     4033 

13.  Senta 

.    4000 

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342 


DYNASTIES  AND  KINGS. 


APP.    A. 


niKD  DTNAfimr:  OF  Memphis. 

B.C. 

14.  Zazai        .... 

.    3966 

15.  Nebka     .... 

.    3933 

16.  Tofler[8a] 

.    3900 

17.  Tota        .... 

.     3866 

18.  Setes        .... 

.    3833 

19.  Noferkara 

.    3800 

20.  Senoferu  .... 

.    3766 

IVth  Dtka8Tt:  of  Memphib. 

21.  Khufu     .... 

.    373S 

22.  Katetf      .... 

.    3700 

23.  Khafra     .... 

.    3666 

24.  Menkara  .... 

.    3633 

25.  Shepseskaf 

.    3600 

VtH   DtXASIT:   of   ELEPHANTINfi. 

26.  Uakaf      .... 

.    3566 

27.  Sahura     .... 

.    3533 

28.  Keka       .... 

.    3500 

29.  Noferfra  .... 

.    3466 

30.  Banuser  .... 

.     3433 

31.  Menkauhor 

.    3400 

32.  Tatkara   .... 

.    3366 

33.  Unas        .... 

.    3333 

VIth  Dtoastt  :  OF  Memphis. 

34.  Uskara    .... 

.    3300 

35.  Teta        .... 

.     3266 

36.  Merira  Pepi      . 

.    3233 

37.  Merenra  .... 

.    3200 

38.  Noferkara 

.    3166 

39.  Merenra  Zafemsaf    . 

3133 

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4PP.  ▲. 


DYNASTIES  AND  KINOa 


343 


VUth-XIth  JDtnasties. 

B.C. 

40.  Nuterkara 

3100 

41.  Menkara  . 

3066 

42.  Noferkara 

8033 

43.  Noferkara  Nebi 

3000 

44.  Tatkara  Shema 

2966 

45.  Noferkara  Khontu 

2933 

46.  Merenhor 

2900 

47.  Senoferka 

2866 

48.  Banka      . 

2833 

49.  Noferkara  Terel 

2800 

50.  Noferkahor 

2766 

51.  Noferkara  Pepiseneb 

2733 

52.  Noferkara  Annu 

2700 

53.  .  .  .  kaura 

2666 

54.  Noferkaura 

2633 

55.  Noferkauhor     . 

2600 

56.  Noferarkara     . 

2666 

57.  Nebkherra  Mentuhotep     . 

2533 

58.  Sankhkara 

a 

2500 

XUth  Dynasty:  of  Thebbs. 

59.  Amenemhat  I. . 

2466 

60.  Usurtasen  L 

2433 

61.  Amenemhat  XL 

2400 

62.  Usurtasen  11.    . 

2366 

63.  Usurtasen  III.  . 

2333 

64.  Amenemhat  111. 

2300 

65.  Amenemhat  IV. 

2266 

A  gap,  which  oomprises  more  ihan  5(M 
and  during  which  the  time  of  the  ] 
kings  falk.    In  all  five  dynasties 
xvu.) 

}  years; 
aykflOB- 

(XIII.- 

2233 
to 
•     1733 
(cins.) 

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344 


DYNASTIES  AND  KINGS. 


APT,  A. 


XVIUth  Dtnastt:  of  Thebes. 

B.C. 

66.  Aahmes  . 

.     1700 

67.  Amenhotep  L  . 

68.  Thutmesl. 

.    1666 
.     1633 

69.  Thutmesir.      . 

70.  Thutmesin.     . 

'}  1600 

71.  Amenhotep  IT. 

72.  ThutmeslV.     . 

.    1566 
.    1533 

73.  Amenhotep  m. 

74.  Horemhib 

.     1500 
.    1466 

(One  generation  of  heretic  ^ng»)  .     1433 

XIXth  Dtnastt:  op  Thebes. 

75.  Bamessu  I.        .         .         . 

.    1400 

76.  Mineptah  I.  Seti  I.    . 

77.  Miamun  I.  Samessu  11.     . 

.    1366 
.    1333 

Mineptah  BE.  Hotephima   . 
Seti  n.  Mineptah  m. 
Setoakht  Mere'  Miamnn  I 

.    1300 

.    1266 

[.       .    123a 

XXth  Dtnasit:  op  Thebes. 
Bamessu  lU.  Haq-Od 
Eamessu  IV. 
Eamessu  VI. 
Meritum  . 
Eamessu  VII. 
Eamessu  Vlll. 
Eamessu  IX— XTT. 

XXIsT  DrxAsrr:  of  Thebes  and  Tank. 

Hirhor IIOO 

Pianklii 1066 

HnotemL        ....     1035 
PisebkhanI lOOO 


120O 


1166 


1)3S 


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xn.  A.  DYNASTIES  AND  KINGS.  345 

XXIInd  Dynasty:  of  Bubastus.  b.o. 

Sbashanq  I. 966 

Usarkonl 933 

Takeloth  1 900 

Usarkonll 866 

Shashanqll 833 

Takeloth  n 800 

XXmsD  Dynasty:  op  Tanis  and  Thebes. 

TJsarkon 766 

XXTVth  Dynasty:  op  SaIs  and  Memphis. 

Bokenranef 733 

XXVth  Dynasty:  the  Ethiopians. 

Shabak    .  .         .         .     •     )  »/^/^ 

Shabatak  .        .        .        -J 

Taharaqa 693 

XXVIth  Dynasty:  op  SaIs. 

Psamethik  1 666 

Neku        ......  612 

Psamethik  n 596 

Uahabra 591 

Aahiues 572 

Psamethik  m 628 

XXVUth  Dynasty:  the  Persians. 

Cambyses 627 

Darius  I.  .         .         .         .         .         .  521 

Xerxes  1 486 

Artaxerxes       .....  466 

Xerxes  n 425 

Sogdianus — 

Darius  n 424 


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346                      DTNA£rnES  and  kings.  app.  a. 

XXVIHth  Dthastt.  B.O. 
(Amyrtteus). 

XXIXth  Dtsasty:  of  Mendbs. 

NaifaurotL 399 

Hagar 393 

Psamut 380 

Naifaurotn. 379 

XXXth  Dtsasiy:  op  Sebbnnttus. 
Nakhthorib      ...        .        .        .378 

Ziho 360 

Nakhtnebef 358 

XXXIsrr  Btnastt:  thb  Fbbsians. 

Ochiis 340 

Arses 338 

Darius  m.       .        .        .        .        .336 

Conquest  of  Egypt  by 

Alexander  the  Great        -^       .        .  332 


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AS9.   B. 


NOMES  OF  UPPER  EGYPT. 


34T 


2nd  Nome. 


3rd  Nome. 


4ih  Nome. 


5th  Nome. 
6th  Nome. 


B. 

KEMI   (bGYPT)   and  ITS  NOMES: 
AOOORDINO  TO  THE  U8TS  OF  THE  MONUMENTS. 

Patobis  (the  Sonth  Country,  Upper  Egypt). 
1st  Nome.     Capital :  As  (Elephantine). 

Deities :  Khnum  and  Sopet  (Sothis). 
Capital :  Teb  (Apollinopolis  Magna). 

Deities :  Hor  (Apollo)  of  Hut,  and 
^  Hathor  (Aphrodite), 
Capital:  Nekheb  (Eileithyiapolis). 

Deity  :  The  goddess  Nekheb. 
Capital :  Ni  or  Ni-amon  (Diospolis  Ma^a). 

Deities:  Amon-ra  (Zeus)  and  the 
goddess  Mut. 
Capital :  Qobti  (Coptos).    Deity :  Khim  (Pan). 
Capital :  Tantebeb  (Tentyra). 

Deities  :  Hathor  and  Hor-samta. 
7th  Nome.     Capital :  Ha  (Arab.  Hou,  Diospolis  Parva). 

Deities:   Nebtha  (Nephthys)  and 
Noferhotep. 
Capital :  Abdu  (  Abydus). 

Deity:  Anhur(Mars). 
Capital :  Apu  (Panopolis).    Deity :  Khim  (Pan). 
Capital :  Tebu  ( Aphroditopolis). 

Deity :  Hor-matL 
Capital:  Shab-hotbp  (Hypsel^).  Deity :  Khnum. 
Capital :  Ni-ent-bak  (AntsBopolis). 

Deities :  Hor  and  Mati  (Isis). 
Capital:  Siact (Lyoopolis). 

Deities :  Ap-maten  ( Anubis)  '  of  the 
South,'  and  Ha. 
14th  Nome.    Capital :  Qobs,  Qos  (Oiisse). 

Deity :  Mat  (Themis). 
Capital :  EIhimuku  (Hermopolis). 
Deity :  Thut  (Hermes). 


8th  Nome. 

9th  Nome. 
10th  Nome. 

11th  Nome. 
12th  Nome. 

13th  Nome. 


15th  Nome. 


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348 


NOMES  OF  UPPER  AISD  LOWER  EGYPT,     app.  b. 


16th  Nome. 

CapUal: 

HiBONU  (Hipponon).     God  :  Hor. 

17th  Nome. 

Capital: 

Qa  sa  (Cyndnpolis). 
God  :  Anap  (Annbis). 

18th  Nome. 

CapUal: 

Ha-Suti£N  (Alabastronpolis). 
God:  Annp. 

19th  Nome. 

CapUal: 

Pi-MAZA  (Oxyrhynchus). 
God :  Set  (Typhon). 

20th  Nome. 

CapUal: 

Khinensu  (Heracleopolis  Magna). 
God  :  Khnum  called  Her-shaf. 

2lBt  Nome. 

CapUal: 

Smek-hor  (Ptolemaifl  1).  God :  Khnum. 

22iid  Nome. 

CapUal 

:  Tbp-ah  (Aphroditopolifi). 
DeUy:  Hathor. 

and 


2nd  Nome. 
3rd  Nome. 


II.  Patomhit  (the  North  Country,  Lower  Egypt). 

Ist  Nome.     CapUal :    Men-nofeb  (Memphis). 

BeUies :    Ptah    (Hephsestos) 
Sokhet 
CapUal :  Sokheh  (Ijetopolis).    God :  Hor(-aer). 
CapUal :  Ni-bnt-hapi  (Apis). 

Goddess :  Senti  (Hathor-Nub). 
4th  Nome.     CapUal :  Zoq'a  (Canopns). 

BeUies :  Amon-ra  and  Neit 
(Athena). 
CapiUd  :  Sa  (Sais).     Goddess :  Neit. 
Capital :  Khesuu  (Xols).     God  :  Amon-ra. 
Capital :  Somti-nofeb  (Metelis). 

BeUies :  He,  « Lord  of  the  West,' 
and  Isis. 
Cc^ntal :  Thukot  (Sethrog). 

BeUies :  Tum  (Helios)  and  Hathor. 
Capital  :  Pi-usir  (Busirifi).     God :  Osiiis. 
Capital :  Ha-ta-hir-ab  (Athribis). 

Beiiies :  Hor-khont-khethi,  and  the 
^goddess  Khut. 
Capital :  Qa-hebes  (Oabasus).     BeUy :  Isis. 
CapUal :  Theb-nuteb  (Sebennytus). 

God :  Anhur  (Mars). 
Capital :  Anu  (On,  Heliopolis). 

BeUies:  Hormakhn    (Helios)  and 
the  goddess  lusas. 


5th  Nome^ 
6th  Nome. 
7th  Nome. 


8th  Nome. 

9th  Nome. 
10th  Nome. 


11th  Nome. 
12th  Nome. 

13th  Nome. 


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APP.    B. 


NOMES  OF  LOWER  EGYPT. 


349 


14th  Kome.  Capital : 

15th  Nome.  Capital : 

16th  Nome.  Capital : 

1 7th  Nome.  Capital : 


18th  Nome. 
19th  Nome. 
20th  Nome. 


Capital', 
Capital ; 
Capital ; 


Zo'an  (Tanis). 
Deities :     Hor    and     the    goddess 
Khont-Abot. 
Pi-THUT  (Hermopolis). 
Deities  :  Thut  and  the  goddess  No- 
hem-aui. 
Pi-Bi-NEB-DAD  (Mendes). 

Deities  :  Bi- neb -dad  (Mendes)  and 
the  goddess  Ha-mehit. 

Pl-KHUN-EN-AMON  (DiospoKs). 

Deities  :  Amon-ra  and  the  goddess 
Mut. 
Pi-bast  (Bubastus).     Goddess :  Bast. 
Pi-UTO  (Buto).  Goddess  :  XJto  (Isis). 
QosEM  (Phacussa). 

God :  Sapt,  '  the  Lord  of  the  East.' 


With  regard  to  the  geographical  position  of  the 
respective  Nomes,  as  they  are  determined,  with  a 
very  few  exceptions,  in  the  order  and  arrangement 
denoted  above,  on  the  monuments  ahke  of  older  and 
later  times,  I  refer  to  the  Maps  appended  to  this 
work.  These  will  also  enable  the  reader  to  identify  a 
number  of  cities  and  places  in  the  old  empire  of  the 
Pharaohs,  which  have  been  passed  over  in  the  above 
list  of  the  Nomes  and  their  capitals. 


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350  TRANSCRIPTION  OF  app.  c. 


C. 

TRANSCEIPTION  OP  THE  ANCIENT  EGYPTIAN 
NAMES. 

Those  of  my  readers  who  may  wish  to  undertake 
the  task  of  comparing  the  numerous  Egyptian  names 
occurring  in  the  foregoing  work  with  the  correspond- 
ing names  in  non-Egyptian  sources  of  history,  will 
perhaps  thank  me  for  placing  before  them  a  list  of 
the  characters  of  the  Old  Egyptian  alphabet,  repre- 
senting their  proper  value  and  our  mode  of  tran- 
scribing them.  I  must  add  the  remark,  that,  for  the 
sake  of  simplicity  in  printing,  I  have  as  much  as 
possible  avoided  the  method  of  expressing  the  parti- 
cular force  of  the  letters  by  those  dots  and  marks, 
which  now-a-days  form  part  of  the  scientific  apparatus 
of  orthographical  transcription.  Even  the  professed 
scholar  and  student  will  find  this  no  disadvantage, 
when  he  understands  that  I  cite  all  names  according 
to  the  values  assigned  in  the  following  list. 

[The  English  reader  will  find  some  variations  in  our  text  from 
Dr.  Brugsch's  mode  of  representing  the  characters.  These  are 
added  to  the  list  in  brackets  (  ).  The  only  cases  requiring  special 
notice  are : — (1)  The  German  ach  is  replaced  by  our  simpler 
notation  of  the  sound,  sh,  (2)  The  hard  ch  (x)  is  changed  to  kh, 
a  notation  more  usual  with  English  Egyptologers,  and  avoiding 
the  confusion  with  our  common  ch,  a  confusion,  it  is  true,  which 
ought  not  to  be  made,  were  Greek  retained  in  its  proper  place  as 
the  moat  esserUicd  part  of  a  liberal  edttcation, — Ed.] 


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App.  c.                          EGYPTIAN  NAMES.                             351. 

Old  Egyptian  Alphabet. 

Scientific  Chaiacteis.                     In  this  Work. 

d                                       a  (broad) 

a  (Heb.  Jf,  Arab,  c)        '  (above  the  line) 

a  (Vocal)                         a  and  e  (continental  sound) 

i                                      i         (ditto) 

b 

u  pure  ^ 
b 

p 

f 

P 
f 

m 

m 

n 

n 

r 

r 

I 

I 

h  (Heb.  n) 

A  (Arab.  ^) 

X  (Heb.  n,  Arab.  ^) 

A 
A 
ch  {kh) 

i  (Heb.  B^,  Arab,  j,) 
q  (Heb.  p,  Arab,  j, 
the  Greek  koppa) 
A;  (the  Greek  kappa) 
k  (Heb.  J,  Arab.  ^) 

8ch  (Eng.  sh) 
q  (with  sound  of  k, 
not  of  jw) 

9 
f 

th 

.i(Heb.  -I)                       d 

«'  (French  zy                  z 

>  As  a  oonvenieiit  distinction,  and  in  ficcordance  with  custom, 
•W&  use  the  pnre  u  in  ancient  names,  as  Ueurtcuen,  but  the  ott  for 
the  same  sound  in  modem  names,  as  Ahou,  Aeaotutn,  Ac — Ed. 

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352  TRANSCRIPTION  OF  AN  app.  o. 

As  an  example  of  a  text  transcribed  according  to 
the  scientific  method,  I  have  chosen  the  following  in- 
scription on  one  of  the  two  memorial  stones  spoken  of 
in  Vol.  I.  p.  182.  The  contents  relate  to  the  fixing  of 
the  southern  boundary  of  Egypt  at  Wady-Halfah  by 
the  command  of  king  Usurtasen  III.,  who  here  speaks 
in  his  own  person,  in  order  to  declare  in  pithy  lan- 
guage to  future  ages  his  opinion  of  the  importance 
of  a  conqueror.  No  one  can  fail  to  observe  the  con- 
trast which  the  language  and  tone  of  this  time  (the 
twenty-fourth  century  B.C.)  form  to  the  style  of  later 
periods. 

King  Usurtasen  HI.  speaks  thus  : — 
[^]  renpit    XVI  dbot  III  pirt      art  hon-f 

*  Tear        |    16    |    month  |     3     |  winter  |   made   |     his  Majesty  (I) 

tai  ris         er  Heh  [*]  wurar-na 

the  boTindary  |  of  the  south    |  at  |  (the  land  of)  Heh.       |  I  made 

tai-a  j^ont'd      dief-d      du-ertu-na       [•]  hau 

my  boundary    |   my  going   |  that  of  my  |    I  gave  (added)    |     some  more 
up  (was)        fathers ; 

hir    si       utut       nd      nenok     suten    fetu         dru 

to   I    it.    I  It  was  a  I  to  me  I  who  became  |  king  |  to  utter  |  the  doing 
resolve 

kaat     [*]  db-d        pu  j^epert  em      tot-d 

wish  I     of  my  heart     |    wi^s    |    what  should  come    |    by    |    my  hand. 

to  pass 

atu        er     Qetet        se^^mu     er    [^]  mar      tern 

A  conqueror  |  to  |     take     |    let  him  avoid  |  the  |    covering.      |  Let  not 

seter     tfetet     em   db-fi         j^emet         tuau      aha 

rest  I  the  speech  |  in  |  his  heart.  |  The  (man)  desti-  |  fame  |  stands  there 

tute  of 

Mr    [^]  sef        tern  sefen         en       -^en     peh 

in  I  being  gentle   |  without  |  the  gentleness  |  of  the  |  enemy  |  reaches 

8U       pehu       pekut'f  keru       kert      [^]  uiebu 

him.  I  Has  any  one  |     his  goal      |  let  be  silent )  silence   |      let  answer 
attained 


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APP.  0.  EGYPTIAN  TEXT.  353 

tetet       ma      ^epert        dm  si  ter      entet    dr 

the  speech   |    as    |    it  happened  |  accordingly ;  |  therefore  |    that»    |     if 

^r        em  yet  peh  si        seye^m 

silence    |    is  in    |    consequence    |   of  him  who  has   |    it,    |  to  strengthen 

attained 

[*]  db         pu        en      j^eri     kent       pu  at 

the  heart,  |  that  means  |  of  the  |  enemy.  |  Strength  |  means   |    attacking. 

yest       pu     hem      yet        hem        pu   [®]  mdaru 

Weakness  |  means  |  taming  |    back.    |   Cowardice   |  means  |  being  taken 

Mr        tai-j  ter        entet     sem        nehes        er 

upon  I   his  borders.   |   Therefore   |    that    |    heard    |    the  negro    |    about 

yer      en      ro-d       nen    [^^]  itieb-f      tutu     hem 

what  fell  I  from  |  my  mouth,  |    not    |    gave  he  reply.    |  Made  |  turn  back 

fi        atet         er      f     tuturf  sa-f      hem       yet 

him  I  theassailer  |  against  |  him,  |  he  gave  |  his  back  |  turning  |  backwards, 

ua-f  er  at     [^^]  nen    rod     ds     ent 

he  remained  far    |    from  the    |    assailer.    |     Not     |    men    |    so,   |    who 

Aefet      set      huru         pu  seiu  db 

tnanly    |    are.    |    To  fail    |   that  means   |   of  strength  |    and  of  courage. 

[^*]  du-maa-en  set         hon  nen    em     dmes 

Has  beheld         |  them  |  the  Majesty  (I).  |  Not  is  it  |  as  |  imagination. 

hak-nd     himt-sen        nernid     [^^]  yer-sen         pir 

I  took      I  their  women.  |  I  drove  away  |   their  inhabitants  |  coming  out 

er  ynumt-sen       hu  korsen*        uha        pir-sen 

to  I    their  wells    |    Were  slain    |    their  bulls,    |  destroyed  |    their  com, 

[^*]  ertu    seiet     dm       any       nd        dtef-d        fet-d 

was  set      I    fire    |  thereto.  |   An  oath   |  to  me  |  by  my  father,  1 1  speak 

em  mat  nen  yen      dm   [^^]  en  aba  pir 

in  I  troth.  |   No  |  room  |    therein  |     for     |  contradiction  |  of  that  which 

comes  out 

em      rO'd         dr       kert         sa-d      nib        serutet-ji 

of    I  my  mouth.  |    He  is  |    however    |    my  son  |  every  one    |    who  keeps 
VOL.  II.  A  A 


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354  TRANSCRIPTION  OF  TEXTS.  app.  c. 

tai  [^®]  pen     dr      en  hon  sa-d        pu 

boundary   |   this  |  made   |  by  |  the  Majesty  (me).  |  My  son  |  is  he  called. 

mcLst'f       en  hon  tut        sa-d     nefntUi 

He  is  bom  |  of  the  |   Majesty  (me).  |   A  likeness  |  my  son  |     to  the 

protector 

dtef       P^]   serut  ta§  en  utet 

of  (his)  father,  |  to  the  keeper  |  of  the  bonndary    |    of  him    |    who  begat 

su     dr    kertu         f^X^        ^^        ^^^         *^f    X^ 

him.  I    If    I  however  |  he  lays  bare  |    it,    |  so  that  not  |    he    |  ^onld 

fight 

P^]  hir  fi     nen       sa-d        as      nen     mes-tef      as 

upon    I    it,    I    not    |    my  son    |  then,    |    not    |    is  he  bom    |    then 

nd        esd       kert     ertu       en  hon  drt        tut 

of  me.  I  Behold  I  |  however  |  causes  |  the  Majesty  (I)  |  to  make   |  a  like- 

P']  en  hon  Mr 

of  the    I   Majesty  (myself)   |   upon 

hon  nen       mertu 

Majesty  (me).   |    Not    |    is  it  wished 

mertu       ^er-6an  Mr  Ji. 

to  be  desired  |     ye  fight     |  upon  |  it. 

The  translation,  recast  into  a  consecutive  form, 
will  run  as  follows : — 

'In  the  16th  year,  in  the  3rd  month  of  the  winter  season,  I 
fixed  the  southern  boundfifty  at  the  land  of  Heh.  I  fixed  mj 
boundary  by  advancing  upwards  like  my  predecessors.  I  extended 
it.  It  was  my  firm  resolve — I  who  became  king — to  declare  how 
I  would  act,  and  what  should  be  done  by  my  hand  according  to 
the  desire  of  my  heart.  A  conqueror  should  avoid  concealment : 
his  speech  should  not  rest  in  his  heart.  He  who  has  no  desire  of 
fame  waits  still  and  is  full  of  gentleness,  without  finding  gentleness 
from  his  enemy.  When  any  one  has  achieved  his  purpose,  then  let 
him  refrain  from  silence,  let  him  give  an  account  how  all  has 
been  done.  For  if  silence  follows  him  who  has  attained  success, 
that  is  as  much  as  to  strengthen  the  courage  of  his  adversary.     To 


taS 

boundary  | 

pen 

this    1 

dr 

made 

en 

1    by 

rut-6an 

ye  worship   | 

Mr 

• 

1    upon 

lit    |: 

en 

in  the 

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APP.  0.  INSCRIPTION  or  USURTASEN  HI.  355 

be  strong  means  going  forward  to  his  goal;  to  be  weak  means 
tnming  backwards ;  to  be  cowardly  means  letting  himself  be  taken 
upon  his  border.  Therefore,  because  the  negro  people  had  heard 
what  went  forth  out  of  my  mouth,  they  made  no  reply.  He  who 
made  an  attack  upon  them  put  them  to  flight.  They  turned 
their  back  and  fled  away.  They  kept  &r  from  him  who  attacked 
them.  They  were  therefore  not  men  of  manly  spirit;  and  that 
means  to  be  wanting  in  strength  and  courage.  I  beheld  them,  not 
only  in  imagination.  I  took  their  women,  I  led  away  their  inhabi- 
tants, who  had  gone  out  to  their  fountains.  Their  bulls  were 
slaughtered,  their  com  was  destroyed,  and  fire  was  set  to  it.  I 
swear  by  my  father  that  I  speak  the  truth.  There  is  no  ground 
for  contradicting  the  utterance  of  my  mouth. 

'  Every  one  of  my  sons,  who  maintains  this  boundary  which  I 
have  fixed,  he  shall  be  called  my  son,  who  was  bom  of  me.  My 
son  is  like  the  protector  of  his  father  (i.e.  Horus),  like  the  preserver 
of  the  boundary  of  his  &ther  (i.e.  Osiris).  But  if  he  abandons  it, 
so  that  he  does  not  fight  upon  it,  he  is  not  my  son,  he  is  not  then 
bom  of  me. 

*  1  have  caused  my  own  image  to  be  set  up  on  this  boundary 
which  I  have  fixed,  not  that  ye  may  (only)  worship  it  (the  image) 
upon  it  (the  boundary),  but  that  ye  may  fight  upon  it.' 

I  have  printed  the  above  translation  word  for  word, 
in  order  to  furnish  a  proof,  from  this  example,  to  one 
of  my  learned  French  critics,  that  inscriptions  of  the 
older  time  are  indeed  no  child's  play,  and  that  their 
value  for  historical  research  depends  wholly  and 
solely  on  the  correct  explanation  df  the  text.  A  fair- 
minded  reader  will  not  be  willing  to  take  up  the  re- 
proach, which  my  French  critic  has  made  against  me, 
that  I  have  not  made  so  much  use  of  certain  important 
inscriptions  for  the  earlier  history  of  Egypt,  as  they 
may  probably  have  deserved.  The  deciphering  of 
inscriptions  has  no  real  significance,  until  the  transla- 
tor is  sure  of  his  subject  in  its  fullest  compass.  When 
the  opposite  course  is  taken,  they  bring  more  damage 

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356  DIFFIOULTIES  OF  THE  TEXTS.  app.  c 

than  profit,  for  they  confuse  the  facts,  and  they  deter 
the  outer  circle  of  students  from  availing  themselves 
of  even  the  most  certain  translations  for  their  re- 
searches. I  shall  bear  the  blame  of  my  French  critic 
with  the  greatest  composure  until  he  himself  shall 
have  furnished  the  proof,  that  the  most  ancient  texts 
are  capable  of  being  translated  with  fuller  certainty 
than  the  examples  hitherto  given  by  him  lead  us  to 
expect  with  any  special  confidence  in  the  future.* 

^  In  translating  the  last  paragraph,  we  have  not  thought  that 
the  name  of  the  critic  referred  to,  or  certain  remarks  on  the  trans- 
lation of  the  same  inscription  by  another  French  scholar,  would 
be  of  interest  to  the  English  reader.  In  &ct,  Dr.  Bruggch,  in  his 
pamphlet  of  '  Additions  and  Corrections,'  directs  the  omission  of 
the  last  paragraph ;  but  the  principles  expressed  in  it  with  regard 
to  our  present  understanding  of  the  older  inscriptions,  seemed  to 
us  too  important  to  be  omitted.  We  may  be  permitted,  finally, 
to  remind  the  reader  that  the  whole  science  of  hieroglyphic  inter- 
pretation is  still  only  in  its  mhjicy;  and  perhaps  the  greatest 
lesson  to  be  learned  from  its  wonderful  revelations  is  that  of  patient 
expectation  for  what  yet  remains  to  be  discovered. — En. 


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THE     EXODUS 

AND    THE 

EGYPTIAN     MONUMENTS 

A   DISCOURSE  DELIVEBED   ON  THE    OCCASION 

OP  THE  INTERNATIONAL  CONGRESS   OP 

ORIENTALISTS    IN    LONDON 

Sepiemher  lyth,  i$74 

BT 

HENRY    BRUGSCH-BEY 

DSLIQATB   or   HIS   HIGHNXBS   IBMASl   I.,   KHXD17B    OF   SOTFT 


TRANSLATED  FROM  THE  FRENCH  ORIGINAL 
1870 


Note.— 2TI«  Map  which  aeeompani£8  the  Original  Pamphlet,  and  <m  which 
the  RouU  of  the  leraeliteB  ii  marked,  is  the  eame  as  the  Map  of  Lower  Egypt 
appended  to  this  tfolume 


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DEDICATED 

TO 

HIS    HIGHNESS    ISMAEL    THE    FIEST 

KHEDIVB    OF    EGYPT 

BT    HIS   VERY    HUMBLE,    YEBT    OBEDIENT, 
AKD   YEBT    GRATEFUL    SEBVANT 

HENRY  BBUG8CH-BEY 


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859 


ADVERTISEMENT. 

The  publication  of  this  Discourse,  which  should  have 
appeared  a  year  ago,  has  been  delayed  by  the  absence 
of  the  Author,  while  in  official  charge  of  an  expedition 
into  the  interior  of  the  Libyan  Desert,  of  Egypt,  and 
of  Nubia.  On  returning  from  this  journey,  he  was 
able  to  take  advantage  of  his  stay  in  the  eastern  part 
of  Lower  Egypt,  to  examine  the  sites,  and  to  verify 
the  topographical  and  geographical  views,  which  form 
the  subject  of  this  Memoir. 

The  Author  is  happy  to  be  able  to  state,  that  his 
new  researches  have  contributed  to  prove,  even  to  the 
smallest  details,  the  conclusions  which  the  papyri  and 
the  monuments  compelled  him  to  form  with  regard  to 
the  topographical  direction  of  the  Exodus,  and  to  the 
stations  where  the  Hebrews  halted,  as  related  in  Holy 
Scripture. 

Li  a  special  Memoir,  which  will  form  a  complete 
chapter  of  my  periodical  publication, '  The  Bible  and  the 
Monuments'  {BibelwidDenkmdhr)^  announced  several 
months  since,  the  reader  will  find  a  collection  of  all 
the  materials  drawn  from  the  monuments,  which  have 
enabled  me  to  re-establish  the  route  of  the  Jews  after 
their  departure  from  Egypt,  and  which  prove  incon- 


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360  ADVERTISEMENT. 


testably  that  the  labours  of  Messrs.  Unruh  and  Schlei- 
den  *  on  the  same  subject  were  based  on  views  as  near 
the  truth  as  was  then  possible. 

Notwithstanding  the  very  hostile  and  sometimes 
not  very  Christian  attacks,  which  these  new  views  have 
had  to  sustain  on  the  part  of  several  orthodox  scholars, 
the  Author  of  this  Discourse  ventures  to  affirm  that  the 
number  of  monumental  indications  is  every  day  accu- 
mulating, and  continually  furnishing  new  proofs  in 
favour  of  our  discovery.  Any  one  must  certainly  be 
blind,  who  refuses  to  see  the  flood  of  light  which  the 
papyri  and  other  Egyptian  monuments  are  throwing 
upon  the  venerable  records  of  Holy  Scripture ;  and, 
above  all,  there  must  needs  be  a  wilful  mistaking  of 
the  first  laws  of  criticism  by  those  who  wish  to  dis- 
cover contradictions,  which  really  exist  only  in  the 
imagination  of  opponents. 


Note. 

In  our  Translation,  we  follow  Dr.  Bmgsch's  orthography  of 
the  proper  names,  which,  in  this  Memoir,  he  has  adapted  to  the 
French  language  in  which  it  was  written,  as,  for  the  chief  example, 
in  ihe  use  of  ou  for  the  pure  u  used  in  his  German  text. 

We  have  not  thought  it  necessary  to  encumber  the  pages  with 
Notes  referring  to  all  the  points  already  touched  on  in  the  History, 
and  here  collected  into  one  focus  of  light  thrown  on  the  subject 
in  hand.-— !EiD. 

*  See  p.  366  of  the  following  Discourse. 


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361 


PBEFACE. 

The  following  pages  contain  the  printed  report  of  the 
Discourse,  which  the  delegate  of  His  Highness 
Ismael  L,  Khedive  of  Egypt,  had  the  honour  to 
deliver  on  the  evening  of  September  17, 1874,  at  the 
International  Congress  of  Orientalists  in  London. 

Although  the  necessarily  restricted  limits  of  time, 
and  the  consideration  due  to  an  indulgent  audience, 
did  not  permit  him  to  develop  all  the  details  of  a 
question,  the  solution  of  which  has  occupied  him 
through  a  long  course  of  years,  the  lively  marks  of 
satisfaction  with  which  his  hearers  were  pleased  to 
honour  him,  and  which  were  echoed  by  journals  held 
in  the  highest  esteem,  impose  on  him  the  duty  of 
presenting  to  the  pubhc  the  contents  of  this  Discourse 
under  the  form  of  a  Memoir  drawn  up  on  the  out- 
lines of  his  subject. 

The  more  that  his  researches  and  investigations  on 
the  Exodus,  founded  on  the  study  of  the  monuments, 
appear  to  present  to  the  Author  results  which  are 
entirely  opposed  to  the  views  hitherto  adopted  with 
regard  to  this  part  of  the  history  of  the  Hebrews,  so 
much  the  more  does  he  feel  almost  compelled  to  publish 
the  materials  which  have  supplied  him  with  a  founda- 
tion, and  which  have  imperatively  led  him  to  present 


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362  PBBFAGE. 

the  departure  of  the  Jews  from  Egypt  in  its  true 
light. 

Those  who  are  afraid  of  meeting  in  these  new 
hypotheses  attacks  upon  the  statements  of  Holy 
Scripture — ^from  which  may  God  preserve  me — or 
the  suggestion  of  doubts  relative  to  the  sacred  history, 
may  feel  completely  reassured.  Far  from  lessening 
the  authority  and  the  weight  of  the  Books  on  which  our 
religion  is  founded,  the  results  at  which  the  Author 
of  this  Memoir  has  arrived — thanks  to  the  authentic 
indications  of  the  monuments — ^will  serve,  on  the  con- 
trary, as  testimonies  to  establish  the  supreme  veracity 
of  the  Sacred  Scriptures,  and  to  prove  the  antiquity 
of  their  origin  and  of  their  sources. 

The  Author  cannot  conclude  without  fulfilling  a 
sacred  duty  by  thanking  hia  august  Master,  in  the 
name  of  science,  for  the  numerous  efforts  which  he 
has  generously  devoted  to  the  development  of  his- 
torical studies  and  to  the  service  of  the  monuments 
of  his  country.  Having  found  in  the  person  of  our 
excellent  and  learned  friend  and  colleague,  Mariette- 
Bey,  one  as  devoted  as  he  was  qualified  by  skill  and 
experience  to  carry  out  his  enlightened  ideas,  His 
Highness  the  Khedive  of  Egypt  has  perfectly  under- 
stood and  accomplished  the  high  mission  which  Divine 
Providence  has  reserved  for  him,  that  of  being  the 
regenerator  of  Egypt,  ancient  as  well  as  modern.^ 

H.  B. 

^  This  is  left  as  it  was  written ;  but  'much  has  happened  since 
then/— Ed. 


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THE  EXODUS  AND  THE  MONUMENTS.     36? 


THE  DISCOURSE. 

His  Highness  the  Khedive  of  Egypt,  Ismael  Pasha, 
has  granted  me  the  honour  of  representing  his  country 
at  the  International  Congress  of  Orientalists  in  London. 
On  this  occasion,  the  enlightened  prince,  who  has 
rendered  so  many  services  to  the  science  I  profess,  has 
ordered  me  to  express,  in  his  name,  to  the  illustrious 
members  of  the  Congress,  his  most  lively  sympathy 
and  his  sincere  admiration  for  the  invaluable  labours 
with  which  they  have  enriched  science,  in  bringing 
back  to  life  by  their  researches  the  remotest  past  of 
those  happy  countries  of  the  East,  which  were  the 
cradle  of  humanity  and  the  centres  of  primitive 
civilization. 

If  His  Highness  has  deigned  to  fix  his  choice  on 
me  as  his  delegate  to  London,  I  owe  this  distinction 
less  to  my  humble  deserts  than  to  the  special  character 
of  my  latest  researches  on  the  subject  of  the  history  of 
the  Hebrews  in  Egypt. 

Knowing  the  lively  interest  with  which  the  English 
world  follows  those  discoveries,  above  all  others,  which 
have  a  bearing  upon  the  venerable  records  of  Holy 
Scripture,  His  Highness  has  cnarged  me  to  lay  before 
this  honourable  Congress  the  most  conspicuous  results 


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864  THE  EXODUS  AND 


of  my  studies,  founded  on  the  interpretation  of  the 
monuments  of  E^ypt. 

In  thus  bringing  before  you  a  page  of  the  history 
of  the  Hebrews  in  Egypt,  I  would  flatter  myself  with 
the  hope  that  I  may  be  able  to  reward  your  attention, 
and  thereby  justify  the  high  confidence  with  which 
His  Highness  has  been  pleased  to  honour  me. 

I  am  to  speak  of  the  Exodus  of  the  Hfebrews.  But, 
before  entering  on  my  subject,  I  wiU  take  leave  to 
make  one  observation.  I  wish  to  state  that  my  dis- 
cussion is  based,  on  the  one  hand,  upon  the  texts  of 
Holy  Scripture,  in  which  I  have  not  to  change  a  single 
iota ;  on  the  other  hand,  upon  the  Egyptian  monu- 
mental inscriptions,  explained  according  to  the  laws 
of  a  sound  criticism,  free  from  all  bias  of  a  fancifiil 
character. 

K  for  almost  twenty  centuries,  as  I  shall  have 
occasion  to  prove,  the  translators  and  the  interpreters 
of  Holy  Scripture  have  wrongly  understood  and  ren- 
dered the  geographical  notions  contained  in  that  part 
of  the  Biblical  text  which  describes  the  sojourn  of  the 
Hebrews  in  Egypt,  the  error,  most  certainly,  is  not 
due  to  the  sacred  narrative,  but  to  those  who,  unac- 
quainted with  the  history  and  geography  of  the  remote 
times  which  were  contemporary  with  the  events  in  the 
history  of  the  Hebrews  in  Egypt,  have  laboured  to 
reconstruct,  at  any  cost,  the  Exodus  of  the  Hebrews 
after  the  scale  of  their  scanty  knowledge,  not  to  say, 
of  their  most  complete  ignorance. 

According  to  Holy  Scripture,  Moses,  after  having 
obtained  from  the  Pharaoh  of  his  age  permission  to 


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THE  EGYPTIAN  MONUMENTS.  865 

lead  into  the  Desert  the  children  of  Israel,  worn  out 
with  their  hard  servitude  in  building  the  two  cities 
of  Pitom  and  Bamses,^  started  with  his  people  from 
the  city  of  Eamses,^  and  arrived  successively  at  the 
stations  of  Succoth*  and  Etham.'*  At  this  last  en- 
campment he  turned,^  taking  the  direction  towards 
Migdol  and  the  sea — observe  that  there  is  not  here  a 
word  about  the  '  Sea  of  sea-weed '  ^  (the  Eed  Sea) — 
opposite  to  the  *  entry  of  Khiroth/^  over  against  Baal- 
zephon.  Then  the  Hebrews  passed  by  way  of  the 
'  Sea  of  sea-weed  '  (translated  by  the  interpreters '  the 
Eed  Sea ')  ;^  they  remained  three  days  in  the  Desert 
without  finding  water ;  ®  they  arrived  at  Marah,  where 
the  water  was  bitter;^  and  at  length  they  encamped 
at  Elim,  a  station  with  springs  of  sweet  water  and  a 
little  grove  of  date-palms.^ 

The  different   opinions  and  different  results,   in 
tracing  the  direction  of  the  march  of  the  Hebrews, 

'  Exod.  i.  11.  Observe  that  Barneses  has  already  been  men- 
tioned by  cmticipationf  to  mark  the  locality  in  which  the  children  of 
Israel  were  settled  when  they  came  into  Egypt : — Gren.  xlvii  11 : 
'  And  Joseph  placed  his  father  and  his  brethren,  and  gave  them  a 
possession  in  the  land  of  fjgypt,  in  the  best  of  the  land,  in  the  land 
of  Bamesee,  as  Pliaraoh  had  commanded.' — Ed. 

*  Exod.  xii.  37.  •  Ibid,  and  xiii.  20. 

*  Ibid.  xiii.  20.  •  Ibid.  xiv.  2. 

®  '  Mer  des  Algaes/  the  translation  of  the  Hebrew  ^4D"D^  <  the 
sea  of  souph/  which  the  LXX.  always  render  by  ^  ipvBpa  QaKaaaa 
(as  also  in  the  N.  T.,  Acts  vii.  36,  Heb.  xi.  29),  except  in  Judges 
ix.  16,  where  they  preserve  the  Hebrew  name  in  the  form  2/^. 
— En. 

7  Pi-hahiroth,  Exod.  xiv.  2.  «  Exod.  xiii.  18,  xv.  22. 

^  Ibid.  XV.  22.    As  to  the  name  Shur,  see  below,  p.  390. 

»  Ibid.  XV.  23.  «  Ibid.  XV.  27. 


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366  THE  EXODUS  AND 

are  just  as  many  as  the  scholars  who  have  att^oapted 
to  reconstruct  the  route  of  the  Hebrews  from  the  data 
of  Holy  Scripture.  But  all  these  scholars,  except  only 
two  (see  p.  360),  have  agreed  unanimously  that  the 
passage  through  the  Eed  Sea  must  be  regarded  as  the 
most  fixed  point  in  their  system. 

I  dare  not  weary  your  patience  by  enumerating  all 
the  routes  reconstructed  by  these  scholars,  who^had 
certainly  the  best  intentions,  and  who  lacked  only  one 
thing — but  that  very  essential — the  necessary  know- 
ledge of  facts  in  the  geography  of  ancient  Egypt.  Their 
general  practice,  in  order  to  rediscover  the  itinerary 
of  the  Hebrews,  was  to  resort  to  the  Greek  and 
Eoman  geographers,  who  Uved  more  than  a  thousand 
years  after  Moses,  and  to  mark  the  stations  of  the 
Hebrews  by  the  Greek  or  Latin  names  belonging  to 
the  geography  of  Egypt  under  the  rule  of  the 
Ptolemies  or  the  Cassars. 

If  a  happy  chance  had  preserved  that  Manual  of 
the  Geography  of  Egypt  which,  according  to  the 
texts  engraved  on  the  walls  of  the  temple  of  Edfou, 
was  deposited  in  the  Library  of  that  vast  sanctuary 
of  the  god  Horus,  and  which  bore  the  title  of  *  The 
Book  of  the  Towns  situated  in  Egypt,  with  a  De- 
scription of  all  that  relates  to  them,'  we  should  have 
been  relieved  from  all  trouble  in  rediscovering  the 
localities  referred  to  in  Holy  Scripture.  We  should 
only  have  had  to  consult  this  book,  to  know  of  what 
we  might  be  sure  with  regard  to  these  Biblical  names. 
Unfortunately,  this  work  has  perished  together  with 
so  many  other  papyri,  and  science  has  once  more  to 


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THE  EGYPTIAN  MONUMENTS.  367 

r^ret  the  loss  of  so  important  a  record  of  Egyptian 
antiquity.  But  even  this  loss  is  not  irreparable! 
The  monuments  and  the  papyri,  especially  those  of 
the  dynasty  of  the  Ramessids,  contain  thousands  of 
texts  and  notices  of  a  purely  geographical  kind, 
making  frequent  allusion  to  topographical  positions ; 
besides  which,  a  very  considerable  number  of  in- 
scriptions, engraved  on  the  walls  of  the  temples,  con- 
tain tables  more  or  less  extensive,  which  give  us  the 
most  exact  knowledge  of  the  political  divisions  of 
Egypt,  and  the  most  complete  lists  of  the  departments 
of  that  country,  accompanied  by  a  host  of  the  most 
curious  details. 

Let  me  lay  before  you  the  scattered  leaves  of  the 
lost  book  of  which  I  have  just  spoken.  Our  purpose 
is  to  collect  them  carefully,  to  put  them  together  in 
their  relation  to  each  other,  to  try  to  fill  up  the  gaps, 
and  finally  to  make  out  the  list  of  them. 

After  having  been  engaged  on  this  work  for 
twenty  years,  I  have  succeeded,  at  the  beginning  of 
this  year,  in  reuniting  the  membra  disjecta  of  the 
great  Corpus  Geographice  of  Egypt,  which  is  com- 
posed, according  to  the  Index  of  my  collections,  of  a 
number  exceeding  3,600  geographical  names.  In 
the  work  of  applying  the  laws  of  a  sound  and  calm 
criticism  to  these  rich  materials,  without  allowing 
myself  to  be  enticed  by  an  accidental  resemblance 
of  form  in  the  foreign  proper  names,  when  compared 
with  the  Egyptian  names,  I  have  undertaken  to 
traverse  Egypt  through  all  its  quarters,  in  order  to 
obtain   a  knowledge   of  the   ancient  ground  in  its 


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868  THE  EXODUS  AND 


modern  condition,  and  to  satisfy  myself,  from  my  own 
eyesight,  of  the  changes  which  the  surface  of  the  soil 
has  undergone  in  different  parts  of  the  country  dur- 
ing the  course  of  the  past  centuries. 

Having  in  this  manner  accomplished  a  labour 
which  had  the  only  drawback  of  being  sometimes 
beyond  my  strength,  but  which  has  never  worn  out 
my  patience,  I  have  the  honour  of  presenting  its 
results,  in  the  form  of  a  summary,  to  this  honourable 
Congress,  as  a  tribute  of  respect  and  esteem  due  to 
the  illustrious  scholars  here  assembled.  While,  for 
my  own  part,  I  experience  deep  satisfaction  at  having 
in  some  sort  reached  the  goal  which  I  proposed  to 
myself  twenty  years  ago,  it  would  prove,  on  the  other 
hand,  my  highest  recompense,  to  learn  from  your 
judgment  that  I  have  recovered  a  great  part  of  the 
lost  book  of  the  Geography  of  Ancient  Egypt.  The 
application  of  the  geographical  results  settled  and 
laid  down  in  this  summary,  which  will  form  the 
special  subject  of  the  present  meeting,  wUl  furnish 
you  with  a  fair  test  of  the  importance  of  these  results 
and  of  their  value  to  historical  science. 

Will  you  permit  me  to  begin  my  exposition  by  a 
remark  concerning  the  general  topography  of  the 
country  which  we  are  about  to  traverse,  in  order  to 
discover  and  follow  the  traces  of  the  Hebrews  during 
their  sojourn  in  Egypt  ?  AU  the  scholars,  who  have 
given  attention  to  this  subject,  are  agreed  that  this 
country  lay  on  the  Eastern  side  of  Lower  Egypt,  to 
the  east  of  the  ancient  Pelusiac  branch,"  which  has 
disappeared  from  the  map  of  modern  Egypt,  but  tli4 


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THE  EGYPTIAN  MONUMENTS.  869 

direction  of  which  is  clearly  indicated  by  the  position 
of  the  ruins  of  several  great  cities  which  stood  on  its 
banks  in  ancient  times.  Beginning  from  the  South 
of  the  country  in  question,  the  city  of  Anu,  the  same 
which  Holy  Scripture  designates  by  the  name  of  On, 
identifies  for ,  us  the  position  of  the  Hehopolite  nome 
of  the  classic  authors. 

Next,  the  mounds  of  Tel-Bast,  near  the  modern 
village  of  Zagazig,  enable  us  to  fix  the  ancient  site  of 
the  city  of  Pi-bast,  a  name  which  Holy  Scripture  has 
rendered  by  the  very  exact  transcription  of  Pibeseth,® 
while  the  Greeks  called  it  Bubastus.  It  was  the  chief 
city  of  the  ancient  Bubastite  nome. 

Pursuing  our  course  towards  the  North,  the 
vast  mounds,  near  a  modern  town  called  Qous  by 
the  Copts  and  Faqous  by  the  Arabs,  remove  all 
doubt  as  to  the  site  of  the  ancient  city  of  Phacoussa, 
PhacousssB,  or  Phacoussan,  which,  according  to  the 
Greek  accounts,  was  regarded  as  the  chief  city  of 
the  Arabian  nome.  It  is  the  same  place  to  which 
the  monumental  lists  have  given  the  appellation 
of  Gosem,  a  name  easily  recognized  in  that  of 
'  Guesem  of  Arabia,'  used  by  the  Septuagint  Version 
as  the  geographical  translation  of  the  famous  Land  of 
Goshen.* 

Directly  to  the  North,  between  the  Arabian  nome, 
with  its  capital  Gosem,  and  the  Mediterranean  Sea, 
the  monumental  lists  make  known  to  us  a  district, 
the  Egyptian  name  of  which,  *  the  point  of  the  North,* 

»  Ezek.  XXX.  17. 

*  Gen.  xlv.  10;  xlvL  34;  xlviL  4,  6,  27;  Ex.  viii.  22;  ix.  26. 
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870  THE  EXODUS  AND 

indicates  at  once  its  northerly  position.  The  Greek 
writers  call  it  the  Nomos  Sethroites,  a  word  which 
seems  to  be  derived  from  the  appellation  Set-ro-hatu, 
*  the  region  of  the  river-mouths/  which  the  ancient 
Egyptians  appUed  to  this  part  of  their  country. 
While  classical  antiquity  uses  the  name  of  Heracleo- 
poUs  Parva  to  designate  its  chief  town,  the  monu- 
mental lists  cite  the  same  place  under  the  name  of 
'Pitom/  with  the  addition,  *in  the  country  of  Sukot/ 
Here  we  at  once  see  two  names  of  great  importance, 
which  occur  in  Holy  Scripture  under  the  same  forms, 
the  Pithom  and  the  Succoth  of  the  Hebrews.^ 

Without  dwelling,  for  the  moment,  on  this  curious 
discovery,  I  pass  on  to  the  last  district  of  this  region, 
situated  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  preceding  one, 
between  the  Pelusiac  and  Tanitic  branches  of  the 
Nile.  The  Egyptian  monuments  designate  it  by  a 
compound  name,  which  signifies  *  the  beginning  of 
the  Eastern  country,'  in  complete  agreement  with  its 
topographical  position.  Its  chief  town  is  named, 
sometimes  Zoan,  sometimes  Pi-ramses,  *  the  city  of 
Eamses.'  Here  again  we  have  before  us  two  names, 
which  Holy  Scripture  has  preserved  perfectly  in  the 
two  names,  Zoan  and  Eamses,  of  one  and  the  same 
Egyptian  city. 

As  the  new  geographical  definitions  which  I  have 
now  set  forth  tend  necessarily  to  a  certain  conclusion, 
I  do  not  for  a  moment  hesitate  to  declare  that  I 
willingly  take  upon  myself  the  whole  responsibiUty, 
as  much  for  the  accuracy  of  the  philological  part  of 

'  See  reff.  above.    Respecting  the  name  of  Sukot,  or  Tukot, 
the  reader  is  referred  to  the  Note  at  Vol  I.  p.  233. — En* 


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THE  EGYPTIAN  MONUMENTS.  371 

my  statement,  as  for  the  precision  of  the  geographical 
jsites  which  I  have  brought  to  your  knowledge. 

After  these  remarks,  I  return  to  Pitom  and  Ram- 
ses. When  you  have  entered,  at  Port  Said,  from  the 
Mediterranean  into  the  maritime  Canal  of  Suez,  your 
vessel  crosses  the  middle  of  a  great  plain,  from  one 
end  to  the  other,  before  stopping  on  the  south  at  the 
station  called  by  the  engineers  of  the  canal  El-Kan- 
tara.  But  during  this  transit  you  mi;st  give  up  all 
hope  of  being  cheered  by  the  view  of  those  verdant 
and  smiling  meadows,  those  forests  of  date-palms  and 
mulberry- trees,  which  give  to  the  interior  of  Lower 
Egypt — covered  with  numerous  villages  and  inter^ 
sected  with  thousands  of  canals — the  picturesque 
character  of  a  real  garden  of  God.  This-  vast  plain 
stretches  out  from  the  two  sides  of  the  maritime  canal, 
without  affording  your  eye,  as  it  ranges  over  the  wide 
space  to  the  farthest  bounds  of  the  horizon,  the  least 
point  to,  rest  upon.  It  is  a  sea  of  sand,  with  an 
infinite  number  of  islets  covered  with  reeds  and 
thorny  plants,  garnished  with  a  sort  of  white  efflores- 
cence, which  leads  us  to  recognize  the  presence  of 
salt  water.  In  spite  of  the  blue  sky,  the  angel  of 
death  has  spread  his  wings  over  this  vast  sad  solitude, 
wtere  the  least  sign  of  life  seems  an  event.  You  but 
rarely  meet  with  the  tents  of  some  poor  Bedouins, 
who  have  wandered  into  this  desert  to  seek  food  for 
their  lean  cattle. 

But  the  scene  changes  from  the  time  when  the 
Nile,  in  the  two  months  of  January  and  February, 
has  begun  to  cover  the  lands  of  Lower  Egypt  with  its 

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372  THE  EXODUS  AND 

waters.  The  vast  plains  of  sand  disappear  beneath 
the  surface  of  immense  lakes.  The  reeds  and  rushes, 
which  form  large  thickets,  shoot  up  wonderfully,  and 
millions  of  water-birds,  ranged  along  the  banks  of  the 
lagoons  or  collected  in  flocks  on  the  islets  of  the 
marsh,  are  busy  fishing,  disputing  with  man  the  rich 
prey  of  the  waters.  Then  come  the  barks  manned 
by  the  fishermen  of  Lake  Menzaleh,  who,  during  the 
two  or  three  winter  months,  ply  their  calling  vigor- 
ously, in  order  afterwards  to  sell  the  *  fassikh  '  (salted 
fish)  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Delta  and  of  Upper 
Egypt. 

Such  is  the  general  character  of  this  region,  which 
I  have  traversed  three  times,  at  difierent  seasons  of 
the  year,  in  order  to  become  acquainted  with  the 
pecuUarities  of  its  surface ;  and  such  are  the  impres- 
sions which  I  have  brought  away  from  my  repeated 
visits.  These  are  the  plains,  now  half  desert,  half 
lagoons  and  marshes,  that  correspond  to  the  .territory 
of  the  ancient  district  of  the  Sethroite  nome,  *  the 
point  of  the  East '  according  to  the  monuments,  the 
capital  of  which  was  called  Pi-tom,  the  city  of  Pithom 
of  the  Bible. 

In  ancient  times  this  district  comprised  both  banks 
of  the  Pelusiac  arm  of  the  Nile,  and  extended  dh 
the  western  side  as  far  as  the  eastern  bank  of  the 
Tanitic  arm.  Marshes  and  lagoons,  with  a  rich  vege- 
tation consisting  of  rushes  and  reeds,  of  the  lotus 
and,  above  all,  the  papyrus  plant,  are  met  with  to- 
wards the  sea-shore :  these  are  the  places  called  by 
an  Egyptian  word,  Athu,  or  by  the  foreign  word 


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THE  EGYPTIAN  MONUMENTS.  373 

Souph,  that  is,  '  the  papjrrus  marshes  '  of  the  Egyp- 
tian texts.  There  were  also  pools  and  lakes,  called 
by  the  Semitic  name  of  Birkata,  which  reached  to 
the  neighbourhood  of  Pitom.  The  district  was  tra- 
versed in  all  directions  by  canals,  two  of  which  were 
near  the  city  of  Pelusium ;  each  bearing  a  special 
name  which  recals  the  use  of  a  Semitic  language 
spoken  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  district  in  question. 
The  city  of  Pithom,  identical  with  that  of  Heracleo- 
poUs  Parva,  the  capital  of  the  Sethroite  nome  in 
the  age  of  the  Greeks  and  Eomans,  was  situated  half- 
way on  the  great  road  from  Pelusium  to  Tanis ;  and 
this  indication,  given  on  the  authority  of  the  itineraries, 
furnishes  the  sole  means  of  fixing  its  position  towards 
the  frontier  of  the  conterminous  district  of  Tanis. 

The  Egyptian  texts  give  us  evident  and  incon- 
testable proofs  that  the  whole  of  this  region,  which 
formed  the  district  of  the  Sethroite  nome,  was  denoted 
by  the  name  of  Suku  or  Sukot.  The  foreign  source  of 
this  designation  is  indicated  by  the  monuments,  and  is 
proved  by  its  relations  with  the  Hebrew  words  sok^ 
sukkahj  in  the  plural  sukkoth^  which  bear  the  primary 
sense  of  *  tent.'  There  is  nothing  surprising  in  such  an 
appellation,  analogies  to  which  are  found  in  the  names 
Scfenae  Mandrorum,  Scenae  Veteranorum,  Scenae  extra 
Gerasa,  given  by  the  ancients  to  three  places  situated 
in  Egypt.  In  these  names,  then,  the  principal  word, 
Scenae,  *  tents,'  has  the  same  signification  as  the 
Semitic-Egyptian  word  Sukot,  which  recals  to  us  the 
name  of  Succoth,  given  in  Holy  Scripture  to  the  first 
station  of.  the  Hebrews  when  they  had  left  the  city  of 


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374  THE  EXODUS  AND 

Ramses.  This  name  of  *  tents  '  takes  its  origin  from 
the  encampments  of  the  Bedouin  Arabs,  who,  with  the 
permission  of  the  Pharaohs,  had  taken  up  their  abode 
in  the  vast  plains  of  the  country  of  Sukot,  and  who, 
from  the  most  remote  periods  of  Egyptian  history,  had 
there  preserved  the  manners,  the  customs,  and  the  reli- 
gious behefs  pecuhar  to  their  race,  and  had  diffused  the 
use  of  Semitic  words,  which  were  at  length  adopted 
officially  by  the  Egyptian  authorities  and  scribes.^ 

Thus  it  is  that  the  greatest  number  of  the  proper 
names,  used  on  the  monuments  and  in  the  papyri  to 
denote  the  towns,  villages,  and  canals  of  the  district  of 
Sukot  and  of  the  adjacent  nome  of  Tanis,  are  ex- 
plained only  by  means  of  the  vocabulary  of  the  Semitic 
languages.  Very  often  the  existing  Egyptian  names 
are  changed  in  such  a  manner  that  the  Semitic  name 
contains  the  exact  translation  of  the  sense  of  the 
Egyptian  name.  In  this  case  the  Semites  have  used 
the  same  method  that  the  Greeks  and  Eomans  em- 
ployed, namely,  to  render  the  proper  names  of  the 
geography  of  Egypt  by  translation  into  the  correspond- 
ing words  of  their  own  language.  In  this  process 
they  went  so  far  as  to  substitute  the  names  of  the 
divinities  of  classical  mythology  for  those  of  the  gods 
and  divinities  of  the  Egyptian  pantheon*  Hence  it  is 
that  the  classic  authors  give  us  names  of  cities  such  as 
Andron-poUs  (the  *city  of  men'),  Gynaecon-poUs  (the 
'  city  of  women .'),  Leonton-polis  (the  '  city  of  lions '), 
Crocodil6n-poUs,  Lyc6n-poUs,  Elephantine,  that  is,  the 
cities  of  crocodiles,  of  wolves,  of  the  elephant  or 
«  Comp.  the  'History/  Vol.  II.  pp.  105,/. 


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THE  EGYPTIAN  MONUMENTS.  375 

ivory,  &c.,  which  exhibit  actual  translations  of  the  cor- 
responding Egyptian  names.  And  it  is  thus,  also,  that 
the  same  authors  speak  of  cities  called  Dios-polis, 
Hermo-polis,  Helio-polis,  Aphrodito-polis — that  is  to 
say,  the  cities  of  the  gods  Zeus,  Hermes,  Helios  (the 
Sun),  and  of  the  goddess  Aphrodite — in  order  to  render 
into  Greek  the  Egyptian  names  No-Amon, '  the  city  of 
Amon,'  Pi-thut,  *  the  city  of  Thut,'  Pi-tom, '  the  city  of 
the  sun-god  Tom,'  Pi-Hathor,  *  the  city  of  the  goddess 
Hathor.'  The  Hebrews  did  just  the  same :  and  thus 
there  waa,  at  the  entrance  of  the  road  leading  to 
Palestine,  near  the  lake  Sirbonis,  a  small  fortification, 
to  which,  as  early  as  the  time  of  the  Nineteenth 
Dynasty,  the  Egyptians  gave  the  name  of  Anbu,  that 
is,  '  the  wall,'  or  '  fence,'  a  name  which  the  Greeks 
translated  according  to  their  custom,  calling  it  Ger- 
rhon  {to  Feppop),  or  in  the  plural  Gerrha  (ra  Tippa)? 
The  Hebrews  likewise  rendered  the  meaning  of  the 
Egyptian  name  by  a  translation,  designating  the  mili- 
tary post  on  the  Egyptian  frontier  by  the  name  of 
Shur,  which  in  their  language  signifies  exactly  the 
same  as  the  word  Anbu  in  Egyptian  and  the  word 
Gerrhon  in  Greek,  namely,  *  the  waU.'  This  Shur  is 
the  very  place  which  is  mentioned  in  Holy  Scripture, 
not  only  as  a  frontier  post  between  Egypt  and  Pales- 
tine, but  also  as  the  place  whose  name  was  given  to 
the  northern  part  of  the  desert  on  that  side  of  Egypt. 
Just  in  the  same  way,  the  Hebrew  word  Souph, — 

^  There  was  a  Chalckean  town  of  the  same  name  on  the  Eu- 
phrates, and  another  in  Arahiaj  and  a  district  Ti^poc  or  Tifipoi 
on  the  Borysthenes,  in  European  Sarmatia ;  all  in  positions  where 
we  fihould  expect  to  find  frontier  fortresses. — Ed. 


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376  THE  EXODUS  AND 

whose  meaning  of  'weeds,  reeds,  rushes,  papyrus- 
plant  '  is  certified  by  the  dictionaries  of  the  Hebrew 
language,  and  which  was  used  to  denote  a  town  situated 
on  the  Egyptian  frontier,  at  the  opposite  end  of  the 
great  Pharaonic  road  which  led  towards  the  south 
of  the  Dead  Sea,  and  also  gave  its  name  to  the  Yam 
Souph,  *  the  Sea  of  Eeeds' — this  word,  I  say,  con- 
tains simply  the  translation  of  the  Egyptian  Athu, 
which  signifies  the  same  as  the  Hebrew  Souph,  that 
is,  *  reeds,  weeds '  or  *  the  papyrus  plant,'  and  was 
applied  as  a  general  term  to  denote  all  the  marshes 
and  lagoons  of  Lower  Egypt,  which  are  characterized 
by  their  rich  vegetation,  consisting  of  papyrus  and 
of  rushes.  The  Egyptians,  on  their  part,  knew  so 
well  the  meaning  of  the  Hebrew  word,  that  they 
frequently  adopted  the  foreign  name  of  Souph,  in- 
stead of  the  word  Athu  in  their  own  tongue,  to 
denote  not  only  the  name  of  the  City  of  Eeeds,  but 
also  the  Sea  of  Eeeds,  the  Yam  Souph,  which  we  shall 
meet  with  further  on. 

After  this  remark  of  a  philological  character, 
which  appeared  to  me  indispensable  for  the  un- 
derstanding of  my  subject,  I  return  to  the  city  of 
Pitom,  the  chief  place  of  the  region  of  Sukot,  about 
which  the  monuments  furnish  us  with  some  very 
curious  pieces  of  information.  I  will  begin  with  the 
divinity  worshipped  at  Pitom  and  in  the  district  of 
Sukot.  Although  the  lists  of  the  nomes,  as  well  as 
the  Egyptian  texts,  expressly  designate  the  sun-god 
Tom — the  same  who  had  splendid  temples  at  On  or 
Heliopolis — as  the  tutelar  deity  of  Sukot,  they  never- 


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THE  EGYPTIAN  MONUMENTS.  377 

theless  add,  that  the  god  Tom  represents  solely  the 
Egyptian  type  corresponding  to  the  divinity  of  Pitom 
who  is  called  by  the  name  of  ankh,  and  surnamed 
*  the  great  god.'  The  word  ankh,  which  is  of  Egyptian 
origin,  signifies  *  life  '  or  *  He  who  lives,' '  the  Living 
One.'  This  is  the  only  case,  in  the  Egyptian  texts,  of 
the  occurrence  of  such  a  name  for  a  god  as  seems  to 
exclude  the  notion  of  idolatry.  And  in  fact,  if  we 
take  into  consideration  the  presence  of  families  of  the 
Semitic  race,  who  have  resided  in  Egypt  at  all  periods 
of  her  history — including  the  nation  of  the  Hebrews 
— we  cannot  refuse  to  recognize  in  this  divine  name 
the  trace  of  an  old  religious  notion,  which  has  been 
preserved  even  in  the  monumental  records  of  the 
Egyptians.  I  will  not  venture  to  decide  the  question, 
whether  the  god  '  He  who  lives '  of  the  Egyptian  text 
is  identical  with  the  Jehovah  of  the  Hebrews ;  but,  at 
all  events,  everything  tends  to  this  belief,  when  we 
remember  that  the  name  of  Jehovah  contains  the  same 
meaning  as  the  Egyptian  word  ankh,  *  He  who  lives.' 
According  to  the  monuments,  this  god,  in  whose  honour 
a  great  feast  was  celebrated  on  the  13th  day  of  the 
second  month  of  summer,  was  served,  not  by  priests, 
like  the  other  divinities  of  the  Egyptian  pantheon, 
but  by  two  young  girls,  sisters,  who  bore  the  sacred 
title  of  Ur-ti,  that  is,  '  the  two  queens.'  A  serpent, 
to  whom  the  Egyptian  texts  give  the  epithet  of  '  the 
magnificent,  splendid,'  was  regarded  as  the  living 
symbol  of  the  god  of  Pitom.  It  bore  the  name  of 
Kereh,  that  is,  *  the  smooth '  (compare  Kepg^e,  *  calvus,' 
n*73,  *  smooth,  bald').    And  this  serpent,  again,  trans- 


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378  THE  EXODUS   AND 

ports  us  into  the  camp  of  the  children  of-  Israel  in 
the  wilderness  ;  it  recals  to  us  the  brazen  serpent  of 
Moses,  to  which  the  Hebrews  offered  the  perfumes  of 
incense  until  the  time  when  king  Hezekiah  decreed 
the  abolition  of  this  ancient  serpent-worship.® 

The  relations  of  the  Hebrews  with  Pitom  and 
Sukot  do  not,  however,  end  here. 

According  to  the  indications  of  the  monuments, 
the  town  of  Pitom,  the  chief  place  of  the  district  of 
Sukot,  had  an  appellation  which  it  owed  to  the  pre- 
sence and  existence  of  its  god  ankh,  '  He  who  lives  ' 
Of  '  the  Living  One,'  and  which,  in  the  terms  of  the 
Egyptian  language,  was  pronounced  p-ka-ankh,  *  the 
habitation  or  the  dwelling-place  of  the  god  ankh.' 
In  conformity  with  this  name,  the  district  of  Sukot 
was  otherwise  called  p-u-nt-pka-ankh,  *  the  district  of 
the  dwelling-place  of  the  Living  One/  Add  to  this 
monumental  name  the  Egyptian  word  za,  the  well- 
known  designation  of  the  governor  of  a  city  or  a 
district,  and  you  will  have  the  title  Za-p-u-nt-p-aa- 
ankh,  '  the  governor  of  the  district  of  the  dwelling- 
place  of  the  Living  One,'  which  a  Greek  of  the  time  of 
the  Ptolemies  would  have  rendered  by  the  translation, 
'  the  nomarch  of  the  Sethroite  nome.' 

And  now  turn  to  Holy  Scripture :  it  will  inform 
you  that  the  Pharaoh  of  Joseph  honoured  his  vizier 
with  the  long  title  of  Zaphnatpaneakh,  which,  letter 
for  letter,  answers  exactly  to  the  long  Egyptian  word, 
the  analysis  of  which  I  have  just  laid  before  you.* 

*  Ntimbers  xxi.  9 ;  2  Kings  xviii.  4. 

^  Comp.  Yol.  I.  p.  307^  where  the  hieroglyphs  of  this  title  are 


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THE  EGY1>TUN  MONUMENTS.  379 

More  than  this,  according  to  the  narrative  in  Holy 
Scripture,  when  Joseph  made  himself  known  to  his 
astonished  brethren,  he  said  to  them,^  '  I  am  Joseph 
your  brother  ;  it  is  not  you  that  sent  me  into  Egypt, 
it  is  God.  It  is  God  who  established  me  as  priyy 
councillor  to  Pharaoh,  and  as  lord  over  all  his  house.' 
The  first  title,  in  Hebrew,  is  written  Ab-le-Pharaoh, 
in  which  the  translators,  from  the  LXX.  downwards, 
have  recognized  the  Hebrew  word,  Ab,  '  father ; '  but 
we  learn  from  the  Egyptian  texts  that,  far  from  being 
Hebrew,  the  title  of  Ab-en-pirao  designates  the  first 
minister  or  officer,  who  was  attached  exclusively  Jo 
the  Pharaonic  household.  Several  of  the  precious  his- 
torical papyri  of  the  time  of  the  Nineteenth  Dynasty, 
now  in  the  British  Museum,  the  texts  of  which  consist 
of  simple  letters  and  communications  written  by  scribes 
and  officers  of  the  court,  relate  to  these  Ab-en-pirao, 
these  superior  officers  of  the  Pharaoh,  whose  high 
rank  is  clearly  indicated  by  the  respectful  style  of 
these  scribes  of  inferior  rank. 

All  these  observations,  the  number  of  which  I 
could  easily  extend  by  other  examples,  will  serve  to 
demonstrate,  in  general,  the  presence  of  a  foreign 
race  on  the  soil  of  Sukot,  and,  especially,  to  give  in- 
contestable proofs  of  the  close  relations  between  the 

given.  "We  preserve  Dr.  Brugsch's  slight  variations  in  the  ortho- 
graphy.— Ed. 

*  Gen.  xlv.  4,  8.  We  follow  Dr.  Brugsch's  translation,  which 
the  reader  can,  of  course,  compare  with  the  Authori25ed  Version. 
Bespecting  the  offices  oi  Ah  and  Adon,  see  Vol.  I.  pp.  253,  307, 
311-12,  617  (the  elevation  of  Horemhib,  so  like  that  of  Joseph)  j 
Vol.  TI.  pp.  146, 188.— Ed. 


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380  THE  EXODUS  AND 

Egyptians  and  the  Hebrews.  By  what  we  may  call 
the  international  use  of  words  belonging  to  their 
languages,  the  Egyptian  texts  fiimish  us  with  direct 
proofs  which  ceilify  the  existence  of  foreign  peoples 
in.  the  district  of  Pitom. 

The  Egyptian  texts,  with  the  famous  papyrus  of 
the  British  Museum  at  their  head,  tell  us  continually 
of  the  Hiru-pitu,  or  Egyptian  officers  who  were 
charged  with  the  oversight  of  these  foreign  popu- 
lations residing  in  the  region  of  Sukot.  These  same 
texts  make  known  to  us  the  Adon  (a  word  entirely 
Semitic  in  its  origin)  or  superior  chiefs  of  Sukot, 
magistrates  who  served  as  intermediaries  in  the  re- 
lations of  the  Egyptian  authorities  with  these  popu- 
lations. This  service,  which  was  not  always  of  a 
peaceable  character,  was  supported  by  a  body  of 
police  (the  Mazaiou),  whose  commander  (the  Ser) 
was  chosen  from  among  the  great  personages  of  the 
Pharaonic  court.  The  Egyptian  garrisons  of  two 
fortresses  constructed  on  the  frontiers  of  the  nome  of 
Sukot  watched  the  entrance  and  departure  of  all 
foreigners  into  and  out  of  that  territory.  The  first, 
called  Khetam  (that  is,  the  fortress)  of  Sukot,  was 
situated  near  the  town  of  Pelusium.  It  guarded  the 
entrance  into  the  district  of  Sukot  from  the  side  of 
Arabia.  The  other,  called  by  a  Semitic  name  Segor 
or  Segol,  that  is,  *  the  barrier,'  of  Sukot,  prevented 
foreigners  from  passing  the  frontier  on  the  southern 
side  and  setting  foot  on  the  territory  of  the  district 
^adjacent  to  Tanis-Eamses.  Thus  the  two  forts  were 
placed   at  the  two  ends  of  the  great  road  which 


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THE  EGYPTIAN  MONUMENTS,  881 

■    ''■■■'  .    ■  ■  11  1^ 

traversed  the  plain  of  Sukot  in  the  midst  of  its  lakes, 
marshes,  and  canals..  The  description,  which  a  Eoman 
author  (Pliny,  see  p.  898)  has  left  us  of  the  nature  of 
the  roads  of  this  country,  may  serve  to  prove  that, 
as  early  as  the  beginning  of  our  era,  the  great  road 
of  the  district  of  Sukot  was  somewhat  like  the  track 
of  the  present  day,  by  which  only  the  Bedouins 
of  the  country  and  their  famihes  are  able  to  travel. 
As  might  be  easily  imagined  beforehand,  the  marshy 
condition  of  Sukot  scarcely  permitted  the  foundation 
of  towns  in  the  interior  of  the  district.  Hence  the 
Egyptian  texts,  in  agreement  with  the  notices  of  thie 
classic  writers,  speak  only  of  towns  and  forts  on  the 
frontier.  Allow  me  to  direct  your  attention  especially 
to  a  fortress  situated  at  the  east  of  the  nome  of  Sukot, 
on  the  border  of  the  Arabian  desert,  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  a  freshwater  lake,  and  called  by  its 
Semitic  name,  which  was  adopted  by  the  Egyptians, 
Migdol,  that  is,  *  the  tower,'  and  by  its  purely  Egyp- 
tian name,  Samout.  The  site  of  this  place  is  fixed 
by  the  position  of  Tel-es-Semout,  a  modern  name 
given  to  some  heaps  of  ruins,  which  at  once  recals 
the  ancient  appellation  of  Samout.  As  early  as  the  age 
of  the  Eighteenth  Dynasty,  about  200  years  before  the 
time  of  Moses,  this  place  was  regarded  as  the  most 
northern  point  of  Egypt,  just  as  on  the  southern 
border  the  city  of  Elephantine  or  Souan  (the  Assouan 
of  our  time)  was  considered  the  most  southern  point 
of  the  country.  When  king  Amenophis  IV.  sum- 
moned all  the  workmen  of  the  country,  from  the  city 
of  Elephantine  to   Samout   (Migdol),  the  Egyptian 


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382  THE  EXODUS  AND 

text,  which  has  preserved  this  information  for  Us, 
says  precisely  the  same  as  does  the  prophet  Ezekiel, 
in  predicting  to  the  Egyptians  of  his  time  the  devas- 
tation of  their  country  *  from  Migdol  as  far  as  Seve 
(Assouan)  on  the  frontier  of  the  land  of  Kush.'  * 
When  I  observe  that  this  Migdol  is  the  only  place  of 
that  name  which  I  have  met  with  in  the  I^ptian 
geographical  texts,  among  more  than  three  thousand 
geographical  proper  names,  the  probabiUty  at  once 
follows,  that  the  Migdol  of  the  prophet  Ezekiel  is  not 
different  from  the  Migdol  of  the  Exodus. 

It  is  time  to  leave  the  district  of  Sukot,  and  to 
follow  by  way  of  Pitom  the  ancient  road  which  led 
to  Zoan-Tanis,  the  capital  of  the  frontier  district,  a 
distance  of  22  Koman  miles,  according  to  the  ancient 
itineraries.  A  sandy  plain,  as  vast  as  it  is  dreary, 
called  at  this  day  San  in  remembrance  of  the  ancient 
name  of  Zoan,  and  covered  with  gigantic  ruins  of 
columns,  pillars,  sphinxes,  stSlae,  and  stones  of  build- 
ings— all  these  fragments  being  cut  in  the  hardest 
materiitl  from  the  granite  of  Syene, — shows  you  the 
position  of  that  city  of  Tanis,  to  which  the  Egyptian 
texts  and  the  classic  authors  are  agreed  in  giving  the 
epithet  of '  a  great  and  splendid  city  of  Egypt.'  Ac- 
cording to  the  geographical  inscriptions,  the  Egyp- 
tians gave  to  this  plain,  of  which  Tanis  was  the 
centre,  the  name  of  Sokhot  Zoan,  *  the  plain  of  Zoan,' 
the  origin  of  which  name  is  traced  back  as  far  as  the 

*  Ezek.  zxix.  10 ;  xzx.  6.  In  our  Authorized  Version,  as  so 
frequently  happens,  the  right  translation  is  given  in  the  margin, 
'  from  Migdol  to  Syene/  the  text  being  wrong,  and  in  fact  non- 
sense :  '  from  the  tower  of  Syene  to  the  border  of  Ethiopia '  is  like 
saying  '  from  Berwick  to  the  frontier  of  Scotland/ — ^Ed. 


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THE  EGYPTIAN  MONUMENTS.  383 

«ige  of  Eamses  ET.  The  author  of  the  78th  Psalm 
makes  use  in  two  verses  (12  and  43)  of  precisely  the 
same  phrase  in  reminding  the  Hebrews  of  his  time  of 
the  miracles  which  God  wrought  before  their  an- 
cestors '  the  children  of  Israel,  in  Egypt,  in  the  plain 
of  Zoan.'  This  remarkable  agreement  is  not  acci- 
dental, for  the  knowledge  of  the  Hebrews  concerning 
all  that  related  to  Tanis  is  proved  by  the  note  of  an 
annalist,  likewise  reported  in  Holy  Scripture,  that 
the  city  of  Hebron  was  built  seven  years  before  the 
foundation  of  Zoan.^ 

If  the  name  of  Zoan — which  the  Egyptians,  as 
well  as  the  Hebrews,  gave  to  this  great  city,  and 
which  means  *  a  station  where  beasts  of  burthen  are 
laden  before  starting  on  a  journey ' — is  of  a  purely 
Semitic  origin,  two  other  names,  which  are  likewise 
given  to  the  same  place  and  are  inscribed  on  the 
monuments  discovered  at  San,  reveal  their  derivation 
from  the  Egyptian  language.  These  are  the  names 
of  Zor  and  Pi-ramses.  The  first,  Zor — sometimes 
Zoru  in  the  plural — has  the  meaning  of  the  *  strong  ' 
place,  or  places,  which  agrees  with  the  nature  of  the 
country  lying  towards  the  East  and  defended  by  a 
great  number  of  fortifications,  of  which  Tanis  was 
one  of  the  strongest.* 

The   second  appellation,  Pi-ramses,  *the  city  of 

^  Numbers  ziii.  22.  Bespecting  the  probable  connection  in 
ihe  origin  of  the  cities,  which  seems  to  be  implied  in  this  mention 
of  them  together,  see  the  StvdenCa  Ancient  History  of  the  East, 
p.  116.— Ed. 

^  The  Egyptian  name  of  Maxor,  applied  to  this  country,  shows 
us  the  origin  of  the  Hebrew  word  Mazor,  which  is  given  in  Holy 
Scripture  to  the  same  region. 


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384  THE  EXODUS  AND 


Bamses,'  dates  from  the  time  of  the  second  king  of  that 
name,  the  founder  of  all  those  edifices  whose  gigantic 
ruins  still  astonish  the  traveller  of  our  day.     This  is 
the  new  city,  built  close  to  the  ancient  Zor,  and  so 
often  mentioned  in  the  papyri  of  the  British  Museum,* 
at  which  Eamses  11.  erected  sanctuaries  and  temples 
in  honour  of  a  circle  of  divinities,  called  *  the  gods  of 
Ramses.'  The  king  caused  himself  also  to  be  honoured 
with  a  religious  worship,  and  the  texts  of  the  later 
age  make  mention  of  the  '  god-king  Bamses,  sumamed 
the  very  vaUant.'    I  cannot  omit  to  quote  the  name 
of  the  high-priests  who  presided  over  the  different 
services  of  religion  in  the  sanctuaries  of  Zor-Bamses. 
According  to  the  Egyptian  texts  these  priests  bore 
the  name  of  Khar-tot,  that  is,  *  the  warrior.'     The 
origin  of  this  appellation,  which  seems  strange  for 
persons  so  peaceful,  is  satisfactorily  explained  by  the 
Egyptian  myths  concerning  the  divinities  of  the  city 
of  Bamses.     But  the  interest  attached  to  this  title 
arises  not  so  much  from  these  religious  legends  as 
from  the  fact,  that  Holy  Scripture  designates  by  the 
same  name  the  priests  whom  Pharaoh  summoned  to 
imitate  the   miracles   wrought  by  Moses.     The  in- 
terpreters of  Holy  Scripture   are  agreed   that  the 
name  of  Khartumim,  given  in  the  Bible  to  the  Egyp- 
tian magicians,  in  spite  of  its  Hebrew  complexion,  is 
evidently  derived  from  an  Egyptian  word.     And  here 
we  have  the  word  Khartot,  which  supplies  us  not 
only  with  the  means  of  discovering  the  real  meaning 
of  Khartumim,  but  also  with  a  new  proof  that  the 

^  See  especially  the  oontemporoty  description  at  Yol.  11.  pp. 
100-102.— En. 


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THE  EGYPTIAN  MONUMENTS.  385 

scene  of  the  interviews  between  Pharaoh  and  Moses 
is  laid  in  the  city  of  Zoan-Ramses. 

The  Egyptian  records,  especially  the  papyri, 
abound  in  dates  relating  to  the  building  of  the  new 
city  and  sanctuaries  of  Ramses,  and  to  the  labours  in 
stone  and  in  bricks  with  which  the  workmen  were 
overburthened,  to  make  them  complete  their  task 
quickly.  These  Egyptian  documents  furnish  details 
so  precise  and  specific  on  this  sort  of  work,  that  it  is 
impossible  not  to  recognize  in  them  the  most  evident 
connection  with  the  '  hard  bondage '  and  *  rigorous 
service  '  of  the  Hebrews  on  the  occasion  of  building 
certain  edifices  at  Pitom  and  Eamses.^  Any  one 
must  be  blind  who  refuses  to  see  the  light  which  is 
beginning  to  shine  into  the  darkness  of  thirty  cen- 
turies, and  which  enables  us  to  transfer  to  their  true 
places  the  events  which  the  good  Fathers  of  the  Church 
— excellent  Christians,  indeed,  but  ill  acquainted 
with  antiquity — ^would  have  confounded  till  the  end 
of  time,  had  not  the  monuments  of  the  Khedive  and 
the  treasures  of  the  British  Museum  come  in  good 
time  to  our  help. 

To  alter  the  position  of  the  city  of  Ramses,  in 
defiance  of  the  evidences  of  the  Egyptian  documents, 
would  involve  the  introduction  of  irreparable  con- 
fusion into  the  geographical  order  of  the  nomes  and 
cities  of  Egypt. 

This  city  of  Zoan-Ramses,  from  which,  about  the 

year  1600  before  our  era,  and  in  the  22nd  year  of 

his  glorious  reign,  the  gr^at  conqueror,  Thutmes  III., 

«  Exod.  i.  11,  U. 

VOL.11.  CO  >^!^T--^-^v 


ir    07  Ti:r. 


^ 


386  THE  EXODUS  AND 

set  out  at  the  head  of  his  army  to  attack  the  land 
of  Canaan : — ^This  city,  into  which,  in  the  5th  year 
of  his  reign,  Eamses  II.  made  his  triumphal  entry, 
after  having  won  his  victories  over  the  people  of  the 
Khetians,  and  in  which,  sixteen  years  later,  the  same 
Pharaoh  concluded  the  treaty  of  peace  and  alliance 
with  the  chief  of  that  people: — ^This  city,  whose 
great  plains  served  as  the  field  for  the  cavalry  and 
troops  of  the  kings  to  practise  their  warlike  ma- 
nceuvres  : — This  city,  whose  harbour  was  filled  with 
Egyptian  and  Phoenician  vessels,  which  carried  on 
the  commerce  between  Egypt  and  Syria : — ^This  city, 
which  the  Egyptian  texts  designate  expressly  as  the 
end  of  the  proper  Egyptian  territory  and  the  be- 
ginning of  that  of  the  foreigner; — This  city,  of  which 
an  Egyptian  poet  has  left  us  the  beautiful  description 
contained  in  a  papyrus  of  the  British  Museum: — 
This  same  city  where  the  Eamessids  loved  to  reside, 
in  order  to  receive  foreign  embassies  and  to  give 
orders  to  the  functionaries  of  their  court: — ^This  is 
the  very  city  where  the  children  of  Israel  experienced 
the  rigours  of  a  long  and  oppressive  slavery,  where 
Moses  wrought  his  miracles  in  the  presence  of  the 
Pharaoh  of  his  age ;  and  it  was  from  this  same  city 
that  the  Hebrews  set  out,  to  quit  the  fertile  land  of 
Egypt. 

We  will  now  follow  them,  stage  by  stage. 

Travellers  by  land,  who  were  leaving  Ramses  to 
pursue  their  journey  towards  the  East,  had  two  roads 
that  they  might  follow.  One  of  these  led,  in  a  north- 
easterly direction,  from  Eamses  to  Pelusium ;  passing 
half-way  through  the  city  of  Pitom,  situated  at  an 


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THE  EGYPTIAN  MONUMENTS.  387 

equal  distance  from  Eamses  and  from  Pelusium.  This 
is  that  bad  road,  described  by  Pliny,  across  the 
lagoons,  the  marshes,  and  a  whole  system  of  canals, 
of  the  region  of  Sukot.  According  to  what  the 
monuments  tell  us,  this  road  was  not  very  much 
frequented.  It  was  used  by  travellers  without  bag- 
gage, while  the  Pharaohs,  accompanied  by  their 
horses,  chariots,  and  troops,  preferred  the  great 
Pharaonic  road,  the  Sikkeh-es-soultanieh  of  the 
Orientals. 

This  last  contained  four  stations,  each  separated 
from  the  next  by  a  day's  march.  These  were  Eamses, 
*  the  barrier '  of  Sukot,  Khetam,  and  Migdol.  We  al- 
ready know  the  names  and  position  of  these  stations, 
with  the  exception  of  the  third,  called  Khetam.  This 
word  Khetam,  which  the  Hebrews  have  rendered  by 
Etham,  has  the  general  sense  of  *  fortress,'  as  I  have 
proved  before.  To  distinguish  it  from  other  Khetams 
which  existed  in  Egypt,  and  especially  from  the 
Khetam  of  the  province  of  Sukot,  situated  near  Pelu- 
sium, the  Egyptian  texts  very  often  add  to  the  word 
the  explanatory  remark,  *  which  is  situated  in  the 
province  of  Zor,'  that  is,  of  Tanis-Kamses. 

There  is  not  the  least  doubt  as  to  the  position  of 
this  important  place,  of  which  we  even  possess  a 
drawing  displayed  on  a  monument  of  Sethos  I.  at  Kar- 
nak.  According  to  this  drawing,  the  strong  place  of 
Khetam  was  situated  on  both  banks  of  a  river  (the 
Pelusiac  arm  of  the  Nile),  and  the  two  opposite  parts 
of  the  fortress  were  joined  by  a  great  bridge,  a 
Qanthareh  (or  Kantara),  as  it  is  called  in  Arabic.    At 

00  3 


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388  THE  EXODUS  AND 


a  little  distance  from  these  two  fortresses,  and  behind 

them,  is  found  the  inhabited  town,  called  in  Egyptian 

Tabenet.     While  this  name  at  once  recals  the  name 

of  Daphnse  {Aajfnnu)^  given  by  the  Greek  historian 

Herodotos^  to  an  Egyptian  fortress,  the  following 

observations  will  result  in  furnishing  proofe  of  the 

greatest  certainty  for  the  identification  now  proposed. 

Herodotus  speaks,  in  the  first  place,  of  Daphnse  in 

the  plural,  in  agreement  with  the  existence  of  the 

two  fortresses  according   to   the  Egyptian  drawing. 

He  gives  them  the   surname  of  *the  Pelusian'  on 

account  of  the  position  of  the  fortresses  in  question, 

on  the  two  opposite  banks  of  the  Pelusiac  branch. 

Herodotus  says   expressly,   that  at  his  day  (as  in 

former  times)  there  was  in  this  Pelusian  Daphnse  a 

garrison  which  guarded  the  entrance  into  Egypt  on  the 

side  of  Arabia  and  Syria.     The  ruins  of  these  two 

forts,  standing  over  against  one  another,  still  exist  in 

our  day;  and  the  name  of  Tel-Defenneh,  which  they 

bear,  at  once  recals  the  Egyptian  name  of  Tabenet 

and  the  name  of  Daphnae  mentioned  by  Herodotus. 

The  remembrance   of   the  bridge,   the  Qanthareh, 

which  joined  the  two  forts  of  Khetam-Daphnae,  has 

been  likewise  preserved  to  our  time,  for  the  name  of 

Guisr-el-Qanthareh,  ^  the  dyke  of  the  bridge,'  which  is 

now  applied  to  a  place  situated  a  little  distance  east 

of  Elietam,  must  be  regarded  as  the  last  reminiscence 

7  Herod,  ii.  30 :  where  aU  the  three  fix>ntier  fortreBses  and  their 
objects  are  mentioned,  viz.  on  the  S.,  the  N.E.,  and  the  N.W. : 
£iri  '9afifiiTi\ov  fiaatXioc  ^vXcucal  Karieraffay  iv  r€  'EKsi^ayriyr 
ir6\i  irpd^  Al0i6rtity  koI  kv  A&^yjiat  r^ffi  UtiXovaljioi  fiXXi| 
li  wpdc  *A.pa(i(iav  xal  Svpwy,  Kal  iv  Mapiy  irpoc  Ai/^vi^c  &AXi}. 


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THE  EGYPTIAN  MONUMENTS.  389 

of  the  only  passage  which,  in  ancient  times,  allowed  a 
traveller  to  enter  Egypt  dryshod  from  the  East. 

Having  thus  re-discovered,  by  means  of  their 
ancient  names  and  their  modem  positions,  the  four 
geographical  points  which  Holy  Scripture  calls  Ram- 
ses, Succoth,  Etham,  and  Migdol,  situated  at  a  day's 
distance  from  one  another,  I  am  quite  ready  to  answer 
the  question,  whether  the  Egyptian  texts  prove  to  us 
the  existence  of  a  road  which  led  from  Ramses  to 
Migdol,  through  these  intermediate  stations  of  Suc- 
coth and  Etham.  Once  more  the  answer  is  in  the 
highest  degree  aflirmative. 

A  happy  chance — rather  let  us  say,  Divine  Provi- 
dence— has  preserved,  in  one  of  the  papyri  of  the 
British  Museum,  the  most  precious  memorial  of  the 
epoch  contemporary  with  the  sojourn  of  the  IsraeUtes 
in  Egypt.  This  is  a  simple  letter,  written  more  than 
thirty  centuries  before  our  time  by  the  hand  of  an 
Egyptian  scribe,  to  report  his  journey  from  the  royal 
palace  at  Ramses,  which  was  occasioned  by  the  flight 
of  two  domestics.^ 

Thus  (he  says)  '  I  set  out  from  the  hall  of  the  royal  palace  on 
the  9th  day  of  the  3rd  month  of  summer  towards  evening,  in  pur^ 
suit  of  the  two  domestics.  Then  I  arrived  at  the  harrier  of  Sukot 
on  the  10th  day  of  the  same  month.  I  wajs  informed  that  they 
(that  is,  the  two  fugitives)  had  decided  to  go  hy  the  southern  route. 
On  the  12th  day  I  arrived  at  Khetam.  There  I  received  news 
that  the  grooms  who  came  from  the  country  [the  lagoons  of  Suf, 
said]  that  the  fugitives  had  got  heyond  the  region  of  the  Wall  to 
the  north  of  the  Migdol  of  king  Seti  Mineptah.' 

If  you  will  substitute,  in  this  precious  letter,  for 
the  mention  of  the  two  domestics  the  name  of  Moses 

•  Comp.  the  Eiitory,  Vol.  II.  p.  138. 

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390  THE  EXODUS  AND 

and  the  Hebrews,  and  put  in  place  of  the  scribe  who 
pursued  the  two  fugitives  the  Pharaoh  in  person  fol- 
lowing the  traces  of  the  children  of  Israel,  you  will 
have  the  exact  description  of  the  march  of  the 
Hebrews  related  in  Egyptian  terms. 

Exactly  as  the  Hebrews,  according  to  the  biblical 
narrative,  started  on  the  15th  day  of  the  1st  month 
from  the  city  of  Eamses,®  so  our  scribe,  on  the  9th 
day  of  the  11th  month  of  the  Egyptian  year,  quits  the 
palace  of  Eamses  to  go  in  pursuit  of  the  two  fugitives. 

Exactly  as  the  Hebrews  arrive  at  Succoth  on  the 
day  following  their  departure,^  so  the  Egyptian  enters 
Sukot  the  day  after  he  set  out  from  Ramses. 

Exactly  as  the  Hebrews  stop  at  Etham  on  the 
third  day  from  their  leaving  Ramses,^  so  the  Egyptian 
scribe,  on  the  third  day  of  his  journey,  arrives  at 
Khetam,  where  the  desert  begins. 

Exactly  as  the  two  fugitives,  pursued  by  the  scribe, 
who  dares  no  longer  continue  his  route  in  the  desert, 
had  taken  the  northerly  direction  towards  Migdol  and 
the  part  called  in  Egyptian  *  the  Wall,'  in  Greek  *  Ger- 
rhon,'  in  the  Bible  *  Shur,' — all  names  of  the  same 
meaning, — so  the  Hebrews  *  turned,'  as  Holy  Scripture 
says,*  to  enter  on  the  flats  of  the  lake  Sirbonis. 

To  add  a  single  word  to  these  topographical  com- 
parisons would  only  lessen  their  value.  Truth  is 
simple  ;  it  needs  no  long  demonstrations. 

According  to  the  indications  of  the  monuments,  in 
agreement  with  what  the  classical  accounts  tell  us,  the 
»  Exod.  xii.  37  ;  Numb,  xxxiii.  3. 

*  Exod.  ibid. ;  Numb,  xxxiii.  5. 

^  Exod.  xiii.  20 ;  Numb,  xxxiii.  6. 

*  Exod.  xiv.  2  j  Numb.  xxxiiL  7. 

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THE  EGYPTIAN  MONUMENTS.  391 

Egyptian  road  led  from  Migdol  towards  the  Mediter- 
ranean Sea,  as  far  as  the  Wall  of  Gerrhon  (the  Shur  of 
the  Bible),  situated  at  the  (western)  extremity  of  the 
lake  Sirbonis.  This  latter,  which  was  well  known  to 
the  ancients,  had  again  long  fallen  out  of  remembrance, 
and  even  in  the  last  century  a  French  traveller  in  Egypt 
naively  observed  that  *  to  speak  of  the  lake  Sirbon  is 
speaking  Greek  to  the  Arabs.'*  Divided  from  the 
Mediterranean  by  a  long  tongue  of  land  which,  in 
ancient  times,  formed  the  only  road  from  Egypt  to 
Palestine,  this  lake,  or  rather  this  lagoon,  covered  with 
a  luxuriant  vegetation  of  reeds  and  papyrus,  but  in 
our  days  almost  entirely  dried  up,  concealed  unex- 
pected dangers  owing  to  the  nature  of  its  shores  and 
the  presence  of  those  deadly  abysses  of  which  a  classic 
author  has  left  us  the  following  description  :  ^ 

*  On  the  eastern  side,  Egypt  is  protected  in  part  by 
the  Nile,  in  part  by  the  desert  and  marshy  plairs 
known  under  the  name  of  Gulfs  (or  Pits,ra)3a/[>ad/[>a). 
For  between  Ccele-Syria  and  Egypt  there  is  a  lake,  of 
very  narrow  width,  but  of  a  wonderful  depth,  and  ex- 
tending in  length  about  200  stadia  (20  geog.  miles), 
which  is  called  Sirbonis  ;  and  it  exposes  the  traveller 
approaching  it  unawares  to  unforeseen  dangers.  For 
its  basin  being  very  narrow,  like  a  riband,  and  sur- 
rounded on  all  sides  by  great  banks  of  sand,  when 
south  winds  blow  for  some  time,  a  quantity  of  sand  is 
drifted  over  it.  This  sand  hides  the  sheet  of  water 
from  the  sight,  and  confuses  the  appearance  of  the  lake 

^  Le  Mascrier,  Description  de  VEgypte,  1735,  p.  104. 
*  Diodorus,  i.  30.   We  give  a  literal  translation  in  place  of  Dr. 
BmgBch's  free  version. — ^En. 


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392  THE  EXODUS  AND 


with  the  dry  land,  so  that  they  are  indistinguishable. 
From  which  cause  many  have  been  swallowed  up  uoWi 
their  whole  armies  through  unacquaintance  with  the 
nature  of  the  spot  and  through  having  mistaken  the 
road.^  For  as  the  traveller  advances  gradually  the 
sand  gives  way  under  his  feet  and,  as  if  of  malignant 
purpose,  deceives  those  who  have  ventured  on  it,  till  at 
length,  suspecting  what  is  about  to  happen,  they  try 
to  help  themselves  when  there  is  no  longer  any  means 
of  getting  away  safe?  For  a  man  drawn  in  by  the 
swamp  can  neither  swim,  the  movements  of  his  body 
being  hampered  by  the  mud,  nor  can  he  get  out,  there 
being  no  soUd  support  to  raise  himself  on.  The  water 
and  sand  being  so  mixed  that  the  nature  of  both  is 
changed,  the  place  can  neither  be  forded  nor  crossed  in 
boats.     Thus  those  who  are  caught  in  these  places  are 

•  In  this  description  and  a  subsequent  passa^  (see  p.  396) 
DiodoruB  is  generally  thought  to  have  exaggerated  the  fate  which 
befel  a  part  of  the  Persian  army  of  Artaxerxes  Ochus  in  b.g.  350 ; 
but  the  views  of  Dr.  Brugsch  would  give  a  far  more  striking  sig- 
nificance to  the  passage  and  to  Milton's  image  founded  on  it 
{Paradise  Lost,  ii  692-4)  : 

'  A  gulf  profound  as  that  Serbonian  bog 
Betwixt  Damiata  and  Mount  Casias  old, 
Wh&re  a/rmin  wkole  haw  sunk.* 

As  to  the  different  manner  of  the  catastrophe,  th%  description 
of  Diodorus  throws  a  new  light  on  the  narrative  in  Exodus. 
Pharaoh  thought  he  had  caught  the  Israelites  'entangled'  be- 
tween the  sea,  the  desert,  and  the  lake  (Exod.  xiv.  2) ;  but  when 
they  were  led  safely  through  by  the  guiding  pillar  of  fire,  which 
was  turned  into  darkness  for  their  pursuers,  it  was  the  Egyptians 
that  became  entangled  on  the  treacherous  surface,  through  which 
'  their  chariots  dragged  heavily '  (verse  25)  before  the  whebning  wave 
borne  in  from  the  Mediterranean  completed  their  destruction. — ^Ed. 

7  Comp.  Exod.  xiv.  25  :  '  So  that  the  Egyptians  said,  Let  ua 
Jleejrom  the/ace  o/ Israeli — Ed. 


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THE  EGYPTIAN  MONUMENTS.  393 

drawn  to  the  bottom  of  the  abyss,  having  no  resource 
to  help  themselves,  as  the  banks  of  sand  sink  with 
them.  Such  is  the  nature  of  these  plains,  with  which 
the  name  of  gulfs  (or  pits,  fidpaOpa)  agrees  perfectly.' 

Thus  the  Hebrews,  on  approaching  this  tongue  of 
land  in  a  north-easterly  direction,  found  themselves  in 
face  of  the  Gulfs,  or,  in  the  language  of  the  Egyptian 
texts,  in  face  of  the  Khirot  (this  is  the  ancient  word 
which  applies  exactly  to  the  gulfs  of  weedy  lakes) 
near  the  site  of  Gerrhon.  We  can  now  perfectly 
understand  the  bibhcal  term  Pi-hahiroth,^  a  word 
which  literally  signifies  *  the  entrance  to  the  gulfs,'  in 
agreement  with  the  geographical  situation.  This  in- 
dication is  finally  fixed  with  precision  by  another 
place,  named  Baal-zephon,  for  ^  '  The  Lord  spake  unto 
Moses,  saying.  Speak  to  the  children  of  Israel,  that 
they  turn  and  encamp  before  Pi-hahiroth,  between 
Migdol  and  the  sea,  opposite  to  (lit.  in  face  of)  Baal- 
zephon  ;  ye  shall  encamp  opposite  to  it,  by  the  sea.' 

The  name  of  Baal-zephon,  which  (as  the  eminent 
Egyptologist  Mr.  Goodwin  has  discovered)  is  met  with 
in  one  of  the  papyri  of  the  British  Museum  under 
its  Egyptian  orthography,  Baali-Zapouna,  denotes  a 
divinity  whose  attribute  is  not  difficult  to  recognize. 
According  to  the  extremely  curious  indications  fur- 
nished by  the  Egyptian  texts  on  this  point,  the  god 
Baal-zephon,  the  *Lord  of  the  North,'  represented 
under  his  Semitic  name  the  Egyptian  god  Amon,  the 

*  Exod.  xiv.  2.  Mr.  Greville  Chester  (see  below,  p.  400)  ob- 
serves that  the  curve  of  the  sea^coast  between  the  two  headlands  is 
such  that  the  former  could  be  spoken  of  as  opposite  the  latter. 

•  Ibid. 


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394  THE  EXODUS  AND 


great  bird-catcher  who  frequents  the  lagoons,  the 
lord  of  the  northern  districts,  and  especially  of  the 
marshes,  to  whom  the  inscriptions  expressly  give  the 
title  of  Lord  of  the  Khirot,  that  is  *  gulfs '  of  the 
lagoons  of  papyrus.  The  Greeks,  after  their  manner, 
compared  him  with  one  of  their  corresponding  divine 
types,  and  thus  it  was  that  the  god  Amon  of  the  la- 
goons was  represented,  from  the  time  of  the  visits 
made  to  this  region  by  the  Greeks,  under  the  new- 
form  of  a  *  Zeus  Kasios  (Casius).'  The  geographical 
epithet  of  Casius,  given  to  this  Zeus,  is  explained  by 
the  Semitic-Egyptian  name  of  the  region  where  his 
temple  was  built. ^  This  is  Hazi  or  Hazion,  that  is, 
*  the  land  of  the  asylum,'  a  name  which  perfectly  suits 
the  position  of  a  sanctuary  situated  at  the  most  ad- 
vanced point  of  the  Egyptian  frontier  towards  the  East. 

It  was  on  this  narrow  tongue  of  land,  bounded  on 
the  one  side  by  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  on  the  other 
by  the  lagoons  of  weeds,  between  the  entrance  to  the 
Khiroth,  or  the  gulfs,  on  the  West,  and  the  sanctuary 
of  Baal-zephon  on  the  East,  that  the  great  catastrophe 
took  place.  I  may  repeat  what  I  have  already  said 
upon  this  subject  in  another  place. 

After  the  Hebrews,  marching  on  foot,  had  cleared 
the  flats  which  extend  between  the  Mediterranean  Sea 

'  Professor  Sayce,  in  his  interesting  letter  on  *  Brugsch-Bey'a 
Theory  of  the  Exodus  *  {Academy,  April  10,  1880),  confirms  this 
identification  from  the  Assyrian  records: — ' Tiglath-Pileser  IL, 
describing  his  campaign  in  Syria  in  b.c.  738,  speaks  of  another 
Baalzephon,  which  the  geographical  indications  of  the  inscription 
show  must  be  the  Syrian  Mount  Casiua  of  classical  geography 
(now  Jebel-el-Akra)  near  Seleuda.  Here  also  was  a  noted  temple 
of  Baal,  like  that  on  the  Mount  Casius  of  Egypt.' — ^Ed. 


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THE  EGYPTIAN  MONUMENTS.  396 

and  the  lake  Sirbonis,  a  great  wave  took  by  surprise 
the  Egyptian  cavalry  and  the  captains  of  the  war- 
chariots,  who  pursued  the  Hebrews.  Hampered  in 
their  movements  by  their  frightened  horses  and  their 
disordered  chariots,  these  captains  and  cavaliers  suf- 
fered what,  in  the  course  of  history,  has  occasionally 
befallen  not  only  simple  travellers,  but  whole  armies. 
True,  the  miracle  then  ceases  to  be  a  miracle ;  but, 
let  us  avow  it  with  fiill  sincerity,  the  Providence  of 
God  still  maintains  its  place  and  authority.^ 

When,  in  the  first  century  of  our  era,  the  geo- 
grapher Strabo,  a  thoughtfiil  man  and  a  good  observer, 
was  traveUing  in  Egypt,  he  made  the  following  entry 
in  his  journal : — 

*  At  the  time  when  I  was  staying  at  Alexandria, 
the  sea  rose  so  high  about  Pelusium  and  Mount  Casius 
that  it  inundated  the  land,  and  made  the  mountain 
an  island,  so  that  the  road,  which  leads  past  it  to 
Phoenicia,  became  practicable  for  vessels.'* 

'  Dr.  Bnigsch  has  here  made  a  perfectly  gratuitous  concession, 
and  fallen  into  the  common  error  of  confounding  a  miracle  with  a 
special  providence.  The  essence  of  the  miracle  consists  in  the 
attestation  of  the  Divine  presence  with  His  messenger  by  the  time 
and  circumstances  of  an  act,  which  may  nevertheless  be  in  itself 
an  application  of  what  we  call  the  laws  of  nature  to  a  particular 
case.  It  shows  the  Creator,  whose  word  established  the  laws  of 
nature — ('He  spake  and  it  was  done:  He  commanded  and  it 
stood  fast ')— repeating  the  word,  through  His  prophet  or  minister, 
by  which  those  laws  are  applied  to  a  special  purpose  and  occasion. 
Thus  here  the  wind  and  sea-waves  are  the  natural  instruments : 
their  use,  at  the  will  of  God  and  the  signal  given  by  Moses,  con- 
stitutes the  miracle,  without  which  all  becomes  unmeaning. — Ed. 

'  Strabo,  i.  p.  68.  The  phrase  *  practicable  for  vessels '  plainly 
suggests  that  vessels  could  pass  from  the  Mediterranean  into  the 
lake  either  across,  or  (as  seems  more  likely  from  the  nature  of  the 


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396  THE  EXODUS  AND 

Another  event  of  the  same  kind  is  related  by  an 
ancient  historian.  Diodorus,  speaking  of  a  campaign 
of  the  Persian  king  Artaxerxes  Ochus  against  E^ypt, 
mentions  a  catastrophe  which  befel  his  army  in  the 
same  place:* — 

*  When  the  king  of  Persia  (he  says)  had  gathered 
all  his  forces,  he  led  them  against  Egypt.  But  coming 
upon  the  great  lake,  about  which  are  the  places  called 
the  Gulfs,  he  lost  a  part  of  his  army,  because  he  was 
unaware  of  the  nature  of  that  region.' 

Without  intending  to  make  the  least  allusion  to 
the  passage  of  the  Hebrews,  these  authors  inform  us 
incidentally  of  historical  facts,  which  are  in  perfect 
agreement  with  all  that  the  sacred  books  tell  us  of 
the  passage  of  the  Hebrews  across  the  sea. 

Far  from  diminishing  the  value  of  the  sacred 
records  on  the  subject  of  the  departure  of  the  He- 
brews out  of  Egypt,  the  Egyptian  monuments,  on 
the  faith  of  which  we  are  compelled  to  change  our 
ideas  respecting  the  passage  of  the  Ked  Sea — traditions 
cherished  from  our  infancy — the  Egyptian  monuments, 
I  say,  contribute  rather  to  furnish  the  most  striking 
proofs  of  the  veracity  of  the  bibhcal  narratives,  and  thus 
to  reassure  weak  and  sceptical  minds  of  the  authen- 
ticity and  the  supreme  authority  of  the  sacred  books. 

If,  during  the  course  of  eighteen  centuries,  the 
interpreters  have  misunderstood   and   mistranslated 

ground)  through  a  new  gap  in  the  causeway  of  sand,  such  as  was 
broken  through  it  in  1878,  as  described  by  Mr.  Greville  Chester. 
It  is  clear  from  Diodorus  that,  in  his  and  Strabo's  time,  the 
Sirbonis  was  a  lake  of  considerable  depth ;  but  Pliny  describes  it 
as  an  inconsiderable  marsh  (iT.iV^.  v.  13,  s.  14). — Eo. 

*  Diodorus,  xvi.  46. 


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THE  EGYPTTAN  MONUMENTS.  397 

the  geographical  notions  contained  in  Holy  Scripture, 
the  error  is  certainly  not  due  to  the  sacred  history, 
but  to  those  who,  without  knowledge  of  the  history 
and  geography  of  ancient  times,  have  attempted  the 
task  of  reconstructing  the  Exodus  of  the  Hebrews,  at 
any  cost,  on  the  level  of  their  own  imperfect  compre- 
hension. 

Permit  me  still  one  la#t  word  on  the  sequel  of  the 
march  of  the  Hebrews,  after  their  passage  across  the 
gulfs.  The  sacred  books  tell  us:^  *Then  Moses  led 
the  Israelites  from  the  Sea  of  Eeeds,  and  they  went 
out  into  the  desert  of  Shur,  and,  having  gone  three 
days  in  the  desert,  they  found  no  water.  From 
thence  they  came  to  Marah,  but  they  could  not  drink 
of  the  waters  of  Marah,  because  they  were  bitter. 
Wherefore  the  place  was  called  Marah  (bitter). 
Then  they  came  to  Elim,  where  were  twelve  wells 
of  water  and  seventy  palm-trees ;  and  they  encamped 
there  by  the  waters.'  • 

All  these  indications  agree — as  might  have  been 
expected  beforehand — ^with  our  new  views  on  the 
route  of  the  Israelites.  After  reaching  the  Egyptian 
fortress  near  the  sanctuary  of  the  god  Baal-zephon, 
which  stood  on  one  of  the  heights  of  Mount  Casius, 
the  Hebrews  found  in  front  of  them  the  road  which 
led  from  Egypt  to  the  land  of  the  Philistines.  Accord- 
ing to  the  command  of  God,  forbidding  them  to  follow 
this  route,^  they  turned  southwards,  and  thus  came  to 
the  desert  of  Shur.  This  desert  of  '  the  Wall ' — so 
called  from  a  place  named  in  Egyptian  '  the  Wall ' 

»  Exod.  XV.  22,  23 ;  Numb,  xxxiii.  8. 

«  Exod.  XV.  27  j  Numb,  xxxiii.  9.  ^  lb.  xiii.  17. 


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398  THE  EXODUS  AND 

and  in  Greek  '  Gerrhon,'  a  word  which  Ukewise 
signifies  *  the  Wall,'  as  I  have  shown  above — lay  to 
the  east  of  the  two  districts  of  Pitom  and  Eamses.® 
There  was  in  this  desert  a  road,  but  Uttle  frequented, 
towards  the  Gulf  of  Suez  (as  we  now  call  it),  a  road 
which  the  Koman  writer  has  characterized  as  *  rugged 
with  hills  and  wanting  in  water-springs.'* 

The  bitter  waters,  at  the  place  called  Marah,  are 
recognized  in  the  Bitter  Lakes  of  .the  Isthmus  of  Suez. 
EUm  is  the  place  which  the  Egyptian  monuments 
designate  by  the  name  of  Aa-lim  or  Tent-lim,  that  is 
*  the  town  of  fish,'  situate  near  the  Gulf  of  Suez  in  a 
northerly  direction. 

When  the  Jews  arrived  at  EUm,  the  words  of 
Holy  Scripture — *  But  God  caused  the  people  to  make 
a  circuit  by  the  way  of  the  wilderness,  towards  the 
Sea  of  Weeds,'  — were  definitively  accompUshed.^ 

To  follow  the  Hebrews,  stage  by  stage,  till  their 
arrival  at  Mount  Sinai,  is  not  our  present  task  nor 
within  the  scope  of  this  Conference.  I  will  only  say 
that  the  Egyptian  monuments  contain  all  the  materials 
necessary  for  the  recovery  of  their  route,  and  for  the 
identification  of  the  Hebrew  names  of  the  different 
stations  with  their  corresponding  names  in  Egyptian.' 

*  This  '  Desert  of  Shur '  is,  in  Numbers  xzxiii.  8,  the  *  desert 
of  Etham/  which  the  people  enter  at  onoe  from  their  passage 
through  the  sea ;  and  Etham  is  described  as  '  in  the  edge  of  the 
desert'  (ver.  6).— Ed. 

*  Plin.  H.N,  vi.  33  :  *asp€irum  montibus  et  inops  aqnarum.* 

*  Exod.  xiii.  18. 

'  See  the  mention,  in  the  prefixed  '  Advertisement,'  of  the  Me- 
moir on  this  subject  in  Dr.  Brugsch's  Bibel  und  BenkmcUer, — Eb. 


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THE  EGYPTIAN  MONUMENTS.  399 


NOTE  BY  THE  EDITOR. 

It  is  not  within  the  Editor's  province  to  discuss  the  question 
treated  in  the  foregoing  Discourse.  But  the  criticisms  called  forth 
by  its  publication  in  the  first  edition  of  this  work  suggest  the  de- 
sirableness of  one  or  two  remarks  in  further  elucidation  of  Dr. 
Brugsch's  views. 

It  may  now  be  taken  as  established  beyond  question,  not  only 
that  the  Israelites  lived  in  Lower  Egypt,  as  a  distinct  Semitic 
tribe  under  appointed  governors,  but,  further,  that  their  abode  was 
not  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Memphis  or  of  Heliopolis — whence 
their  starting-point  on  the  Exodus  has  generally  been  assumed — 
but  in  the  lower  part  of  the  Delta,  where  the  eastern  border  of 
Egypt  proper  lay  along  the  Tanitic  arm  of  the  Nile. 

The  discoveries  of  Mariette  and  the  arguments  of  Brugsch 
leave  no  reasonable  doubt  that  the  primeval  city  of  Zoan,  the 
Tanis  of  classical  geography,  whose  name  survives  in  Sdn — was 
that  same  '  city  of  Bamses,'  on  the  new  buildings  of  which  the 
Israelites  were  forced  to  labour,  the  •  Pi-Eamses  '  which  was  the 
favourite  residence  and  delight  of  the  early  Pharaohs  of  the  Nine- 
teenth Dynasty,  and  especially  of  Bamses  II.  and  his  son  Mineptah 
II. ;  though  there  are  some  who  still  pursue  the  fruitless  labour  of 
identifyiiig  this  or  that  insignificant  mound  with  the  splendid  city 
which  must  have  left  far  other  traces.^  In  fact  the  case  is  some- 
what like  the  identification  of  Troy  by  SchHemann's  researches  at 
Hissarlik ; — there  are  no  other  ruinSy  save  those  of  Tanis,  adequate 
to  represent  the  great  and  beautiful  royal  city  of  Bamses.  To 
confirm  this  identification,  there  is  a  second  and  indubitable  mark 
of  the  point  whence  the  Exodus  began :  the  miracles  and  deliverance 
were  wrought  in  the  land  of  Egypt,  in  the  field  of  Zoan  *  (Psalm 
Ixxviii.  12,  43). 

The  starting-point  thus  fixed  determines  the  initial  direction  of 
the  march  of  the  Israelites  along  the  great  eastern  road  leading 
out  of  Egypt  towards  Syria, — in  the  general  direction  (to  say  no 
more  at  present)  of  the  route  ascribed  to  them  by  Brugsch.  The 
problem  of  their  exact  route,  and  especially  of  the  spot  where  the 
great  catastrophe  took  place,  can  only  be  solved  by  the  study  of 
the  Scripture  narrative  in  the  light  of  investigation  of  the  ground 

•  On  the  claim  of  Tel-el- Maskhoutah,  see  Vol.  U,,  pp.  424-6. 


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400  NOTE  ON  THE  EXODUS. 

by  competent  enquirers ;  for  both  oonditioiis  are  essential,  and  few, 
if  any,  ^ve  hitherto  united  them  in  a  degree  at  all  comparable 
to  Dr.  Brugsch  himself. 

Quite  recently,  however,  in  February  of  the  present  year  (1880), 
a  personal  examination  of  the  whole  route  traced  by  Dr.  Brugach, 
from  the  ruins  of  Zoan-Bamses-Tanis  to  the  tongue  of  land  dividing 
Lake  Sirbonis  from  the  Mediterranean,  has  been  made  by  Mr. 
GreviUe  Chester,  at  the  instance  and  with  the  aid  of  the  Palestine 
Exploration  Fund,  whose  'Quarterly  Stiitement'  for  July  contains  a 
most  interesting  account  of  Mr.  Chester's  adventurous  journey.  The 
discussion  of  the  paper  would  be  far  beyond  the  limits  of  this  Note, 
and  we  can  only  indicate  its  main  results.  Passing  over  some 
questions  of  detail,  Mr.  Chester  agrees  with  Dr.  Brugsch's  identifica- 
tion of  the  stations  along  the  route  up  to  the  most  critical  terminal 
points  of  Pi-hahiroth  (now  Gelse  Hemdeyeh),  at  the  entrance  on 
the  spit,  and  Baal-zephon  at  Mount  Casius  (now  El-Gelse)  j  and 
his  own  experience  furnished  almost  a  repetition  of  the  circum- 
stances of  the  passage  of  the  Israelites  on  a  small  scala  He  had 
encamped  (like  the  Israelites)  at  sunset,  on  the  tongue  of  sand 
between  Fi-hahiroth  and  Baal-zephon.  '  A  light  northerly  breeze 
was  blowing,  and  the  Mediterranean  broke  with  a  loud  noise  upon 
the  beach' — over  which,  Mr.  Chester  tells  us,  it  is  sometimes 
driven  into  the  lake.  '  About  two  o'clock  in  the  morning  I  was 
awakened  by  a  noise,  and  found  that  the  wind  had  changed  and 
a  furious  8.E.  by  E.  ujvnd  was  blowing  across  the  lake.  .  .  . 
Going  out  I  found  to  my  surprise  that  "  the  sea  had  seen  that 
and  flod."  There  was  now  a  dead  calm,  and  the  sea  had  retired  no 
less  than  26  paces  further  back  from  the  poini  it  had  reached  the 
previous  night.*  Such  is  the  comment  of  the  winds  and  waves 
themselves  upon  the  text — '  And  Jehovah  caused  the  sea  to  go 
back  by  a  strong  east  wind  all  that  night'  (Exod.  xiv.  21);  and 
Mr.  Chester  bears  equally  emphatic  testimony  to  the  effect  of  a 
violent  North  wind  in  causing  *the  sea  \x>  return  to  his  strength ' 
(ver.  27),  sweeping  over  the  tongue  of  land  into  the  lake : — 

'  The  Sea  : ' — such  is  the  phrase  over  and  over  again  in  the 
actual  narrative  (Exod.  xiv. ;  comp.  Numb,  xxxiii.  8),  vnthout  one 
mention  of  the  '  Bed  Sea,'  or  rather  Yam  Souph.  The  Sea  is  used 
in  SS.  specifically  for  the  Mediterranean.  The  passages  in  which 
the  Yam  Souph  is  mentioned  cannot  be  discussed  within  the  limits 
of  this  Note. 


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ADDITIONS    AND    NOTES. 

Communicated  by  Dr,  Bntgsch/ar  the  Second  English  Edition. 


VOLUME  I. 


1.  Page  10,  after  first  paragraph. 
Though  I  have  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  Egyptians 
migrated  into  Egypt  from  a  primeval  home  in  Asia,  yet  this  idea 
is  opposed  by  another  view,  according  to  which,  by  a  method 
founded  on  historical  data,  the  origin  of  the  Egyptian  people  would 
have  to  be  sought  in  the  Nigritian  (negro)  Barabra.  These  are 
supposed  to  have  ascended  into  the  Nile-valley  from  the  South, 
to  have  cultivated  it  and  created  one  of  the  few  centres  of  civili- 
zation in  the  ancient  world,  without  thereby  renouncing  the  pecu- 
liarities of  African  customs,  and  to  have  framed  a  kind  of  fetish 
worship,  the  foundation  of  which  was  laid  in  the  observation  of 
the  periodical  phenomena  of  the  Nile.  Their  mingling  with  Syro- 
Arabian  nomad  races,  who  penetrated  into  Egypt  from  the  East, 
and  probably  also  with  Libyan  immigrants  from  the  West,  is  sup- 
posed to  have  given  origin  to  the  mixed  race  of  the  ancient 
Egyptians,  in  which  African  blood  largely  predominated.'  Lep- 
sius  has  lately  shown  the  reasons  against  this  view^  with  remark- 
able clearness  and  great  acuteness,  and  has  proved,  in  the  most  con- 
vincing manner,  the  Asiatic  home  of  the  Egyptians,  in  agi^eement 
with  the  Biblical  accounts  in  the  list  of  nations.^  Of  the  sons  of 
Ham,  Gush  migrated  from  the  East  into  the  southern  parts  of 
Arabia  and  the  opposite  coasts  of  Africa^  (the  Somali  countries), 
where  their  abodes  are  marked  by  the  Egypto-Semitic  name  of 
Fun,  which  in  my  opinion  signifies  the  East  country,  since  in 
Hebrew  the  name  Paneh  (in  proper  names,  penu,  peni)  indicates 

*  Rob.  Hartmann,  Die  Volker  Afriea's,  Leipzig,  1879,  pp.  3,  &c. 
'  See  the  Introduction  to  his  NvMan  6frammar  {Nubisohe  Qrammatik. 
Berlin,  1880). 

*  Genesis  x.  ^  Genesis  x.  7. 

VOL.   n.  D  D 


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402  ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES. 

the  eastern  side.'  From  bence  one  body  (Sckivarm),  led  by  Nim- 
it>d,  went  to  the  region  of  the  Euphrates,  and  ruled  first  in  the 
land  of  Shinar  in  the  towns  of  Babel,  Erech,  Accad,  and  Cahieh.^ 
The  Babylonian  tradition  also  fully  recognized  the  arrival  of  these 
Cushite  emigrants  from  the  coasts  of  the  Ei^^hrsean  Sea,  and  had 
treated  thereof  in  its  own  myths.  A  second  branch  passed  over 
the  Bed  Sea,  and,  conquering  and  driving  out  the  native  negro 
races,  took  possession  of  the  country  situated  on  the  south  of 
Egypt,  between  the  coasts  of  the  Bed  Sea  and  the  eastern  bank 
of  the  Upper  Nile.  The  city  of  Meroe  formed  the  centre  of  the 
kingdom  founded  there. 

A  third  body  of  the  Cushites  went  to  the  north  of  Egypt,  and 
founded,  on  the  east  of  the  Delta,  the  kingdom  of  the  so-called 
Hyksos,  whom  tradition  designated  sometimes  as  Phoenicians,  some- 
times as  Arabians,  and  in  both  cases  quite  rightly.  Lepsius  has 
proved  by  excellent  reasons  the  Cushite  origin  of  the  Hyksos- 
statues  from  Sdn  (Tanb)  now  in  the  museum  of  Boulaq,  and  has 
made  more  than  merely  probable  the  immigration  of  the  Cushites 
into  the  region  of  the  Delta,  under  the  guidance  of  their  Ri^- 
shasUf  i.e.  Hykaoa — '  Kings  of  the  wandering  people,'  as  I  trans- 
late the  word,  not '  Kings  of  the  Shepherds,'  according  to  the  usual 
interpretation. 

The  last  authenticated  migration  of  the  Arabian  Cushites,  or 
Pun^  took  its  direction  to  the  PhoBnician  coasts,  where  their  name 
Fhoinikes  (and  still  more  the  Latin  form  of  Pcenij  Funici)  indicates 
their  ancient  native  designation.^  As  the  country  which  they  occu- 
pied on  the  eastern  coast  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea  bore  in  the 
Egyptian  inscriptions  the  name  of  Kefa^  Keft^  or  Keftkct^  this 
designation  also  is  very  significant  as  to  the  migration  of  the 
Cushite  races  to  Ethiopia,  Babylonia,  Egypt,  and  Phoenicia.  For, 
according  to  classical  traditions,  the  ancient  name  for  Ethiopia  was 
Cepheis  or  Cepbenia ;  the  Ethiopians  were  called  Cephenians ;  and  a 
king  of  Ethiopia  (father  of  Andromeda)  is  named  Cepheus.* 
According  to  the  ancient  l^end,  as  Lepsius  shows,  the  Ethiopian 

•  Comp.  Genesis  xvi.  12 ;  zziii.  19 ;  zzv.  18 ;  1  Kings  xvil.  3,  6. 

•  Genesis  x.  8-10. 

'  Herodotus  (vii.  89)  tells  us  that  *  the  Phoenicians,  aocording  to  their 
own  tradition,  dwelt  of  old  on  the  Red  Sea,  bat  passing  over  thence  they 
inhabit  the  parts  of  Syria  beside  the  sea ;  and  this  region,  with  that  ex- 
tending to  Egypt,  is  called  Palestine.* — Ed. 

•  The  names  written  with  0,  according  to  custom,  have  in  the  German, 
as  in  Greek,  a  K. 


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ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES.  403 

king  Cepheus  resided  in  lop^  (Joppa)  on  the  coast  of  Palestine, 
where  the  myth  of  Andromeda  had  its  special  local  source.  Her 
mother,  Cassiopeia,  the  wife  of  Cepheus,  is  called  also  wife  of  Phoenix, 
and  daughter  (t.0.  *  native*)  of  Arabia.  The  Phoenicians  themselves 
are  called  Cephenians,  Cepheids,  and  Cephids.  According  to  Hel- 
lanicus  the  Chaldeans  of  Babylon  bore  the  original  designation 
of  Cephenians.  The  Cepheian  tower  in  Babylon  was  shown,  and 
Cepheus  is  called  a  son  of  Belus. 

To  return  to  Egypt,  the  same  name  Keft  appears  to  me  to  form 
the  foundation  of  the  designation  Caphtor,  which  is  mentioned  in 
Holy  Scripture  as  an  island  and  as  the  fatherland  of  the  Philis- 
tines.' Without  being  able  to  specify  exactly  its  position  on  the 
Egyptian  coast,  I  cannot  pass  over  in  silence  the  fact  that  the 
monuments,  as  early  as  the  times  of  the  Twelfth  Dynasty,  mention 
a  country  Keftha-Har,  that  is  '  Kefbha  of  Horus,'  for  which  local 
divinity  a  special  priesthood  was  founded.  In  one  of  the  tombs  of 
the  kings  the  same  country  appears  under  the  name  Ke/t-fferau, 
and  is  placed  in  connection  with  the  Utur,  or  the  great  sea. 

If  from  these  observations,  the  bearing  of  which  is  of  the 
highest  importance  for  our  knowledge  of  the  migrations  of  the 
Cushites — ^the  Phoenicians  in  the  primeval  times  of  all  human  his- 
tory— ^the  chief  settlements  of  the  Cushites  in  Arabia,  Ethiopia, 
Phoenicia,  and  Egypt  are  determined  once  for  all,  then  also  with 
regard  to  the  migration  of  the  Egyptians  to  the  valley  of  the  NUe, 
the  proof  of  their  arrival  from  the  East,  and  immediately  from 
Arabia,  may  be  inferred  with  some  probability.  As  every  nation, 
in  which  historical  recollection  fails,  takes  refuge  in  mythological 
legends,  so  the  Egyptians  also,  in  their  myths  preserved  on  the 
monuments,  have  not  neglected  to  inform  posterity  of  their  opinions 
•about  their  origin  in  mythological  stories.  The  Land  of  the  God, 
that  is,  Southern  Arabia,^  and  the  land  of  Fun  or  Funt,  play  a 
chief  part  in  these  fables.  The  principal  and  highest  divinities, 
the  god  of  light,  Ra  (also  in  his  Theban  form  as  Amon),  and  the 
cosmic  goddess  Hathor,  are  always,  in  the  inscriptions  of  both  the 
older  and  later  monuments,  placed  in  connection  with  this  primi- 
tive cradle,  and  their  arrival  thence  in  Egypt  is  frequently  and 
plainly  referred  to.  A  special  local  form  of  the  god  of  light,  the 
Horus  of  Apollinopolis  Magna,  appears  in  the  heaven  under  his 

'  Deat.  11.  23  ;  Jer.  zlvii.  4 ;  Amos  ix.  7.     [The  word  *  island  '  perhaps 
indicates  only  a  maritime  district. — Ed.] 
'  Comp.  Lepsins,  op.  cU.  p.  civ. 

D  O  2 


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404  ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES. 

name  Hud  as  at  onoe  the  moming  and  the  evening  star,  and  his 
rising  and  setting  are  referred,  not  to  Egypt,  but  to  the  primeval 
home  of  the  Egyptians,  the  land  of  Pun.  The  red  colour  of  the  skin, 
which  belongs  to  the  Egyptians  in  the  coloured  representations  of 
the  monuments,  is  shared  by  them  with  the  Ethiopiaji,  Arabian, 
and  Babylonian  Oushites,  and  thus  their  relationship  to  this  migra- 
tory people  is  indicated.  The  frequent  mention  on  the  monuments 
of  the  'Land  of  the  God'  (i.6.  of  Ba,  the  god  of  light)  and  of 
Pan,  together  with  the  regions  belonging  to  it,^  showed  to  the 
Egyptians  ancient  representations  about  the  land  of  their  origin, 
the  significance  of  which  is  the  more  to  be  valued,  since  the  texts 
frequently  strike  the  key  of  a  yearning  home-sickness,  and  glorify 
the  East,  the  cradle  of  light  and  of  their  own  childhood,  as  a  land 
of  perfect  happiness. 

Put  (Phut)  and  Canaan  are  mentioned  in  Holy  Scripture  after 
Cush  and  Mizraim  as  sons  of  Ham.'  No  doubt  can  exist  as  to 
their  ethnographical  signification.  According  to  the  express 
words  of  the  list  of  the  nine  nations  found  at  Edfou,  the  name  Puti 
denoted  (in  the  compound  to-nrnorpiUif  *  the  land  of  the  Puti ' ) 
the  people,  called  elsewhere  by  the  more  common  name  of  Thehennu^ 
i.e.  the  Marmaridse  dwelling  to  the  west  of  the  Delta.  The  ancient 
name  of  this  people  has  also  been  clearly  preserved  in  the  Coptic 
language,  since  Ni-Phaiat  (in  the  plural  form)  served  as  the  general 
expression  for  the  Libyan  inhabitants  of  the  districts  situated  to 
the  west  of  the  Delta.  I  may  of  course  refrain  from  any  further 
explanation  of  the  meaning  of  Canaan  in  an  ethnographic  sense. 

2.  Page  149. 

To  the  time  of  the  double  reign  of  the  kings  Amenemhat 
I.  and  Usurtasen  I.  belongs  the  death  and  burial  of  a  faithful  sub- 
ject and  warrior,  named  Menthu-nesu,  whose  monument  is  pre- 
served in  the  Louvre  (under  CI).  A  very  remarkable  passage 
is  found  at  the  close  of  the  inscriptions  which  cover  this  stone, 
and  runs  thus : — 

'  The  words  which  this  stone  contains  are  an  account  of  that 
which  was  done  by  my  hand.     This  took  place  in  truth,  and  no 

«  See  ChampoUion,  Natieet  Detoriptivet,  ed.  Maspero,  p.  668.  The  most 
frequently  mentioned  are  Uten  (the  Biblical  Yedan),  Men,  Menti,  Masen 
Fekbir,  the  position  of  which  in  Arabia  is  confirmed  by  the  names  of  races 
preserved  by  Ptolemy,  the  Udeni,  Minsi,  Manitw,  Masonitie,  and  Mocritse. 

*  Genesis  x.  6. 


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ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES.  405 

lie  and  no  contradiction  is  contained  therein.  The  MerUhu  ajid  the 
Ifer-sh'a  were  destroyed,  and  the  i)alaoeB  of  the  Hethites  {Khetau, 
Hittites)  were  overthrown.' 

The  mention  of  the  last-named  people  at  this  time  is  extremely 
remarkahle,  for  it  appears  to  prove  that  at  this  time  the  Hethites 
were  settled  close  to  Egypt.  In  fact  in  the  time  of  Abraham  the 
Hethites  were  settled  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Hebron,  on  the 
range  of  hills  in  the  midst  of  the  Amorites.     (Gen.  xxiii.) 

3.  Page  184,  end  of  first  paragraph. 
On  a  monnment  preserved  in  the  Museum  at  Geneva,*  which 
was  dedicated  to  the  memory  of  a  certain  Ameni,  a  distinguished 
court  official  of  this  time,  the  following  passage  occurs,  towards 
the  conclusion  of  the  dedicatory  inscription  : — 

*  I  had  come  to  Abydiis  in  the  suite  of  the  Chief  Treasurer 
I-THBR-NOFiBT,  to  restore  a  statue  of  Osiris  of  the  nether  world, 
lord  of  Abydus,  when  king  Usurtasen  III.,  the  ever-living,  went 
by  water  to  smite  the  miserable  land  of  Kash  (Cush)  in  the  year 
19.'  This  date  affords  us  the  certainty  that  the  Iod^  mentioned 
undertook  several  campaigns  against  the  Ethiopian  Cushites. 

i.  Page  186,  auhfin. 
We  may  name  as  the  most  northern  monument  of  Usurtasen 
III.  his  statue  discovered  in  Tanis.' 

6.  Page  222,  ivhfin. 
On  the  site  of  the  ruins  of   Tanis  is  still  to   be    seen  the 
colossal  statue  of    the  fifth  Sebekhotep,  carved  out  of  syenite, 
•  with  short  inscriptions  which  describe  the  king  as  '  Mend  of  Ptah.'  ® 

6.  Page  342,  last  Urn. 

The  st^U  mentioned  on  page  378  belongs  to  the  time  of 
this  Thuthes  I.  I  do  not  know  how  it  happened  that  both 
Mariette  {Notices^  p.  345)  and  myself  referred  the  origin  of  this 
monument  to  the  third  king  of  that  name.^ 

7.  Pa^e396. 
The  tomb  of  the  Captain  Amenemhib  was  not  first  discovered 
by  Professor  Ebers,  but  was  already  known  before  his  time.  Cham- 

*  Comp.  Melanges  d*ArehSologie  igypt.  et  assyr.  1876,  p.  217,  &c. 

*  Comp.  J.  de  Roug^,  Intnr,  BiSrogl  pi.  72.  •  Of.  cp,  oU,  pi.  76. 

'  Comp.  Wiedemann,  Oesehiohte  der  aoht^hnt&»  agypHsohen  DyTuutie, 
p.  24,  note  6. 


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406  ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES. 

pollion  *  also  mentions  the  aepnlchnJ  chapel  of  an  Amenemhib, 
the  doors  of  which  are  adorned  with  the  names  of  the  kings 
Thutmes  III.  and  Amenhotep  II.  In  the  inscriptions  of  this 
chi4>el  the  faithful  servant  of  both  the  Pharaohs  is  called  '  the 
hereditary  lord,  ^.^  whom  the  divine  benefactor  rewarded,  who 
was  the  servant  of  the  king  from  his  cradle.'  A  certain  Beki,  who 
is  named  as  his  mother,  is  more  exactly  described  as  the  '  great 
nurse  of  the  lord  of  the  countiy.' 

8.  Paget  412-415. 
The  verses  of  this  poem  of  a  ooort  poet  inspired  by  the  deeds 
of  his  king,  beginning  '  I  make  them  behold,'  are  repeated  in  an 
inscription  which  is  found  on  the  outside  of  the  northern  circuit 
walls  of  the  temple  of  Kamak ;  only  with  the  difference,  that  in 
the  latter  case  they  refer  to  the  person  and  deeds  of  king  Seti  I.' 
Such  plagiarisms  in  making  use  of  older  inscriptions  are  by  no 
means  rare  on  the  monuments,  even  in  the  province  of  real 
historical  records.  They  show  how  little  scruple  the  ancient 
Egyptian  felt  at  literary  thefb,  if  it  only  served  ad  majarem  Pha- 
raanis  gloriam. 

9.  Page  452,  intt. 

Among  the  contemporaries  of  the  king  we  may  here  mention, 
on  account  of  his  prominent  position,  a  former  governor  of  Thebee, 
by  name  Rekhmara,  in  whose  sepulchral  chapel  ^  there  are  some 
very  remarkable  inscriptions  and  representations,  referring  to  tbe 
tributes  rendered  by  the  conquered  nations,  with  the  levying  of  which 
the  person  thus  named  was  entrusted.  The  matter  is  thus  spoken 
of  in  the  inscriptions :  '  This  is  the  collection  of  the  tributes  of  the 
countries  of  the  South  (Ethiopia)  and  of  the  land  of  Punt  (Arabia), 
of  the  tributes  of  the  land  of  Ruihennu  (Syria),  and  of  the  land  of 
Kefa  (Phosnicia),  and  [of  the  tributes]  of  all  nations,  which  king 
Thutmes  III. — ^may  he  live  for  ever  I — brought  home  [on]  his  vic- 
torious campaigns,  by  the  hereditary  lord  Rekhmara* 

10.  Page  467,  end. 

During  the  reign  of  this  Thutmes  IV.  occurred  the  'death  of 
the  royal  scribe  Za-anni,'  who  had  rendered  important  services  to 
this  Pharaoh  and  hiB  two  predecessors  on  the  throne,  by  raising 
troops.^  In  the  inscriptions  of  his  sepulchral  chapel  at  Thebes,  he 
himself  relates  as  follows  about  his  own  activity : — 

■  Naticet  Deteriptives,  p.  506,  TombeaaNo.  12. 

'  Comp.  Champollion,  yiotiees  DeteHptwes,  ii.  p.  96. 

*  Cf.  op,  eU.  p.  604.  •  Cf.  ep.  eit.  p.  381,  &c. 


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ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES.  407 

'  I  served  king  Thutmes  III.,  and  I  was  an  eye-witness  of  the 
victories  which  he  won  over  all  peoples.  He  brought  the  kings  of 
the  land  of  Zahi  as  living  captives  to  the  land  of  Egypt  He 
conquered  all  their  towns,  and  destroyed  all  their  tribes.  No  land 
waA  able  to  make  resistance  to  him.  It  was  I  also  that  recorded 
in  writing  the  victories  which  he  achieved  over  all  peoples,  even  as 
they  were  accomplished.  And  I  served  king  Amenhotep  11.,  and 
his  Majesty  held  me  worthy  of  his  affection.  And  I  served  king 
Thutmes  lY.,  the  dispenser  of  life  now  and  for  ever.  I  enlisted 
for  him  numerous  warriors.' 

Other  monuments,  which  are  now  exhibited  in  the  Museum  of 
Turin,  have  also  preserved  the  memory  of  this  person,  whose  wife 
and  sister  is  mentioned  by  the  name  of  Mutari,  and  whose  son  and 
heir  was  the  scribe  H'atithi.  Za-anni  must  have  been,  so  to 
speak,  the  general  staff-officer  of  his  time,  for  his  special  activity 
in  the  levying  of  troops  is  intimated  ia  the  following  inscription, 
which  is  over  a  represeutation  referring  to  the  matter :~' 

'  The  warriors  were  enrolled  in  the  presence  of  the  king,  all 
the  classes  of  young  men  were  separatied  according  to  their  ages, 
and  everyone  was  instructed  in  what  concerned  his  duty  in  the 
assembled  army  by  the  scribe  of  the  warriors,  Za-annL' 

11.  Pfl^e  490,  cn<£. 

That  Amenhotep  III.  had  a  Solomon-like  desire  for  (Asiatic) 
women  appears  to  me  to  be  shown  by  a  veiy  remarkable  in- 
scription, which  covers  a  great  scarabaeus  (a  kind  of  memorial- 
medal  acoordiag  to  our  modem  ideas),  which  was  acquired  quite 
lately,  through  a  lucky  chance,  by  a  lady-traveller  in  Egypt 
(Mme.  Kaufmann).  I  here  give  a  literal  translation  of  the  text, 
omitting  the  wearisome  titles  : — 

*'  In  the  10th  year  of  the  reign  of  king  Amenhotep  III.  and 
his  chief  wife,  queen  Thi,  whose  father  was  called  Ju4,  and  her 
mother  Thu&,  a  remarkable  present  was  brought  to  his  Majesty, 
(namely)  Kirgipa,  the  daughter  of  Satarona,  king  of  Naharana 
(Mesopotamia),  and  the  choicest  women  of  her  women's  house,  in 
number  317  female  persons.' 

It  is  needless  for  me  to  draw  attention  to  the  value  of  this 
short  text,  which  affords  us  the  opportunity  of  learning  the  names  of 
two  contemporaries  of  Asiatic  origin.  The  Bible  also  tells  us  of 
a  king  of  Mesopotamia,  Chushan-Bishathaim,  who  oppressed  the 
children  of  Israel  in  the  time  of  the  Judges.^ 

*  Ojf.  cU.  p.  830.  *  Judges  ill  8. 


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408  ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES. 

Another  inscription  on  a  stone  scarabseus  (in  the  collection  in 
the  Vatican)  is  dated  the  11th  year,  the  let  day  of  the  month 
Athyr  of  the  reign  of  the  same  king  and  his  wife  Thi.  In  this  it 
is  mentioned  that  the  king  had  formed  a  lake  for  his  great  wife  in 
her  city  of  Z'aru  (the  name  lecals  the  Hebrew  Zoar)  of  the  North 
country,  the  length  of  which  was  3,600  cubits,  and  the  breadth 
600  cubits.  It  is  added  that  the  king  in  person  celebrated  on  the 
lake  the  great  festival  of  the  inundation  on  the  16th  of  Athyr,  and 
was  conveyed  in  the  ship  Aten-nofru. 

In  conclusion,  we  may  mention  among  the  contemporaries  of 
Amenhotep  III.  the  chief  priest  of  Amon,  Beken-Rhonsu,  probably 
an  ancestor  of  the  chief  priest  and  chief  architect  of  the  same  name, 
who  lived  and  died  under  Kamses  II.  His  statue  is  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  Museum  at  Berlin.  The  inscriptions  on  it  call  his 
father  *  a  chief  of  the  young  men  of  the  city  of  Amon  (Diosix)lis), 
Amenemapet.'  We  may  further  mention,  as  having  died  during 
his  reign,  the  scribe  of  the  young  men,  and  master  of  the  horse, 
Horemhib,  who  had  accompanied  the  king,  for  the  last  time,  on  a 
campaign  into  the  interior  of  Africa,  after  having  ah'eady  rendered 
faithful  service  to  the  kings  Amenhotep  II.  and  Thutmes  lY.* 

12.  Page  514,  Ime  2. 
RecKt :  '  His  tomb  is  preserved  to  the  present  day.     The  sar- 
cophagus of  rose  granite  was  already  broken  to  pieces  intention- 
ally in  ancient  times.     A  piece  of  it  is  in  the  Berlin  Museum.'^ 

13.  Page  514,  end. 
A  memorial  stS16,  with  a  long  inscription,  and  the  date 
'  4th  year,  month  Khoiahk,  1st  day '  of  king  Ai  (whose  names  are 
half  erased,  as  if  men  wished  to  obliterate  the  remembrance  of  a 
usurper),  has  preserved  to  us  the  name  of  one  of  his  adherents,  a 
certain  Nakht  Khim,  priest  of  the  god  Khim  in  Fanopolis, 
K.hemmis. 

14.  Page  518,  line  6. 

Be<zd :  *  And  he  beheld  the  holiness  of  this  god.  And  Hor 
the  lord  of  Alabastr^polis  was  accompanied  by  his  son,'  <fec. 

15.  Pa^ge  520,  line  14. 

Bead:  *He  visited  the  locahties  of  the  gods,  which  were 
situated  in  the  cities,'  &c. 

•  Comp.  Champollion,  NoHocs  DescHpHveSt  p.  836. 

*  See  Lepsius,  Katdlog,  1871,  p.  43,  under  No.  201. 


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ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES.  409 

16.  Page  621,  line  4. 

This  is  especially  proved  by  the  relief  on  the  stone  plinth, 
which  serves  as  a  seat,  and  on  the  back  of  which  the  above- 
mentioned  inscription  is  found.  The  artist  has  tried  to  present 
vividly  before  our  eyes  out  of  the  dark  granite  the  forms  of 
king  Horns  and  his  wife  Notem-mut  in  a  sitting  posture.  The 
qneen,  specially  entitled  as  <  worshipper  of  Isis,  the  mother  of  the 
god/  in  fond  love  has  placed  her  right  arm  round  the  body  of  her 
royal  husband.  On  the  left  side  of  the  throne  she  appears  in  the 
form  of  a  recumbent  sphinx,  strangely  conceived.  The  female 
head  is  decorated  with  a  singular  head-dress,  with  strange  orna- 
ments ;  out  of  the  lion's  body  with  Jwe  breasts  springs  an  erect 
pair  of  wings,  which,  in  form  and  execution,  remind  us  of  Assyrian 
models.  On  the  opposite  side  of  the  throne  are  seen  fettered 
enemies  (Asiatics  and  Negroes),  as  conquered  representatives  of  the 
Northern  and  Southern  worlds. 


VOLUME   II. 

17.  Page  9,  third  poflragraph. 
To  '  the  second  year  of  his  reign'  add  *  the  20th  of  Mekhir.' 

18.  Ihid,y  last  line  btU  one. 
For  *  Hor-Elhem  '  rectd  *  Khem-Amun.' 

19.  Page  34,  sub  Jin. 

Ajnong  the  contemporaries  of  the  king,  Fau&b,  the  former 
governor  of  Thebes — son  of  the  chief  priest  of  Amon,  Neb-mesir 
(sumamed  Tera),  and  of  the  priestess  of  Amon,  Merit-ra — appears 
to  us  worthy  of  mention  on  account  of  his  high  position.  Besides 
Seti  I.,  Bamses  II.  is  also  named  as  a  royal  oontemporaiy  of  our 
'  Faucr.  In  his  tomb  at  Thebes  (No.  32  according  to  Champollion's 
enumeration)  two  renowned  artists  of  his  time  are  also  mentioned, 
the  painter  Amen-tMh-sUy  and  the  sculptor  {*  from  the  life ')  Hi  (or 
HiU)y  both  of  whom  doubtless  exerted  their  utmost  skill  in  adorn- 
ing his  tomb. 

20.  Page  37,  note. 

Add :  *  The  same  date,  in  connection  with  the  name  of  the  festival, 
is  found  a  second  time  in  an  inscription  on  the  sepulchral  chapel  of 


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410  ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES. 

the  chief  priest  of  Amon,  Neb-unon-f,  who  was  thus  a  contempo- 
rary of  Ramses  II.     The  following  is  a  literal  translation  : — 

''In  the  year  1,  the  month  Athyr,  when  his  Majesty  had 
descended  the  iiTer  from  the  capital  of  the  South,  and  testified  his 
homage  to  his  father  the  Thehan  Amon-ra,  the  deities  Mut  and 
Khonsu  of  Thehes,  (sumamed)  Nofer-hotep,  and  the  co-diyinities 
of  Thebes,  at  his  (t.e.  Amon's)  splendid  festival  of  Apet,  his 
journey  from  thence  was  happily  accomplished." ' 

21.  Page  46,  end. 

Read  thus :  '  Gauzanitis,  the  Qosan  (Qoshen)  of  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures.' 

22.  Pages  56-59. 

We  are  now  able  to  make  the  following  corrections  in  the 
translation  of  the  Heroic  Poem,  from  the  original  text,  published 
by  J.  de  Iloug6,  which  E.  de  Iloug6  copied  at  Luqsor. 

Page  56,  line  7.  *  His  heart  is  firm,  his  strength  like  that  of 
the  god  of  wai*/  &c. 

Line  11.  'He  seizes  the  bow,  and  no  one  is  eqtiol  to  him.' 

Lines  15-16.  '  No  one  knows  the  thousands  of  men  who  feU 
dovmy  nor  the  hundreds  of  thousands  that  samk  down  at  sight  of 
him.' 

Lines  20,  foil.  '  Wise  counsel  and  most  perfect  resolution  are 
found  even  at  his  first  answer.  He  is  a  protector  of  his  people, 
like  a  mountain  of  iron.' 

Line  33.  '  To  bow  themselves  through  fear  before  the  king.' 

Page  57,  line  10.  '  The  people  of  Khita  had  arrived  in  full 
number,  and  that  of  Naharain^  in  like  manner  that  of  Arathu,'<fec^ 

Page  58,  last  two  lines.  '  I  did  not  withhold  my  hand  from 
goodness,  so  that  anything  else  should  be  done  but  as  thy  wish 
required.' 

Page  59,  line  8  from  bottom.  '  In  their  breast  from  terror^ 
their  limbs,'  <kc 

23.  Page  76,  last  pa/ragraph  of  the  treaty. 
Read  thus :  '  That  which  is  found  in  the  middle  of  this  silver 

*  The  author  has  set  forth  the  views  of  the  school  of  Egyptologists 
who  recognize  the  peoples  enumerated  as  allies  of  the  Khita  in  the  nations 
of  Asia  Minor  and  the  islands — the  Dardanians,  Mjslans,  Maeonians  (old 
Lydians),  Carians,  Lycians,  &c. — ^in  his  highly  unportant  Appendix  IX,  to 
Dr.  Schliemann*s  lUot,  on  Troy  and  .^S^/rf.— Ed. 


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ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES.  411 

tablet,  and  on  the  front  side  of  it,  represents  the  image  of  the  god 
Sntekh,  embracing  the  image  of  the  great  king  of  the  land  of  Khita, 
and  surrounded  by  an  inscription  as  follows : — "  This  is  the  image 
of  the  god  Sutekh,  king  of  heaven,  protector  of  this  agreement,'' '  &c^ 

24.  Page  92,  line  3. 

The  full  title  of  Ajneneman  runs  thus : — '  The  hereditary  lord, 
the  first  prince  in  Memphis,  the  conductor  of  the  festival  of  MVt, 
the  architect  in  HeliopoliR,  the  overseer  of  all  the  offices  in  Upper 
and  Lower  Egypt,  the  chief  architect  of  the  king,  the  chief  com- 
mander of  the  troops  of  the  lord  of  the  country,  the  major  domus 
in  the  house  of  Thutmes  III.'  (i.e.  the  house  or  temple  built  of  old 
by  Thutmes  III.).* 

25.  Page  93,  be/are  kut  paragraph. 

The  great  stdl6  with  inscriptions  of  the  time  of  Bamses  II., 
which  was  discovered  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  place  now  called 
Maskhoutah  (in  the  Wady-Toumeilat,  near  the  railway  station  of 
Ramses),  appears  to  me  worthy  of  mention,  both  on  account  of  the 
place  where  it  was  found,  and  for  the  sake  of  its  contents.  In  it 
the  god  Hormakhu  of  On  speaks  to  this  Pharaoh  id  the  following 
words: — 

'  I  will  reward  thee  for  that  which  thou  hast  done,  my  son,  who 
lovest  me ;  for  I  have  known  that  thou  lovest  me.  I,  thy  father, 
give  thee  time  and  eternity,  to  be  king  of  the  nations.  Thy  length 
of  life  shall  equal  my  length  of  life  on  my  throne  on  earth.  Thy 
years  shall  equal  the  years  of  the  god  Tum.  Thou  shalt  shine 
radiantly  on  both  my  zones  of  light  (in  the  East  and  West),  and 
thou  shalt  illuminate  the  two  worlds.  Thou  shalt  be  a  protector 
to  Egypt,  and  wide  shall  be  thy  borders.  Thou  shalt  conquer  the 
countries  of  JTAoZ  (Phoenicia),  otKugh  (Ethiopia),  of  the  Thehennu^ 
(the  Marmaridse),  and  of  the  Shasu  (Arabs),  and  the  islands  and 
coasts  in  the  midst  of  the  great  sea,  by  the  tidumph  of  thine  arm. 
Thou  shalt  bring  their  inhabitants  to  Egypt,  king  Ramses 
Miamunl' 

In  a  second  inscription  the  god  says,  among  other  things : — 

'  Thou  shalt  protect  Egypt  with  thine  arms,  thou  shalt  subju- 
gate all  peoples,  and  they  shall  become  warriors  in  thy  service.' 

The  place  where  this  remarkable  stone  was  found,  in  the  de- 

•  Comp.  Mttanges  d'ArohSologU  fg,  et  asiyr,,  1876,  p.  284,  &c. 
'  Comp.  Lepeius,  Benkmdler,  lii.  29  e. 


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412  ADDITIONS  AND  NOTIS. 

preesion  to  the  west  of  Lake  Timsah,  through  which,  aooording  to 
the  Greek  tradition,  Bamses  II.  was  the  first  to  construct  a  fresh- 
water canal,  confirms  at  least  the  existence  of  ancient  Egyptian 
buildings  and  places  of  worship  in  this  part  of  £^pt  at  the  time 
of  that  king.  But  yet  this  does  not  furnish  any  proof  that 
Bamses  II.  founded  there  a  city  of  the  name  of  Bamses,  in  the 
building  of  which  the  Jews  had  to  perform  compulsory  labour.^ 

26.  Page  97,  before  last  pa/ragrapk. 

Bamses  caused  the  rock-temple  to  be  erected  after  his  wars  and 
victories  in  the  land  of  the  Khita.  The  inscriptions  of  Ibeamboul 
bear  witness  that  the  king  did  not  fiBdl  to  make  presents  and  dona- 
tions in  the  most  generous  manner  to  the  principal  deity  of  the 
sanctuary,  Ba,  the  god  of  light.  A  text  ^  speaks  on  this  subject  in 
a  way  not  to  be  misunderstood : — '  The  objects  gained  as  spoil  were 
offered  by  the  divine  benefactor  to  his  father  Ba,  after  he  had  re- 
turned from  the  land  of  Ehita^  and  had  smitten  the  foreign  nations, 
and  crushed  the  Asiatida  (^Armi)  in  their  abodes — consisting  of 
silver,  gold,  blue  stone,  green  stone,  and  other  precious  stones.' 

Many  officers  of  the  king  and  later  visitors  to  the  place  have 
attempted  to  immortalize  themselves  by  inscriptions  on  the  outside 
walls  of  the  temple  and  the  rock :  as,  to  dte  some  examples,  Setan, 
the  king's  son  of  Rush  (in  the  time  of  Bamses  II.) ;  Meriy  the 
deputy  governor  of  the  province  of  Wawa  (in  the  time  of  Seti  II. 
Mineptah  III.);  the  chief  priest  Aahmes,  snmamed  Turo;  the 
scribes  fforemhib  and  Ra7u>feT ;  the  sculptor  of  the  images  of  king 
Bamses  Miamun,  named  Fiaoi ;  another  ai*tist  Pa^nofer^  and  others. 

27.  Page  99,  Ivm  4. 
The  new  worships  founded  by  Bamses  II.,  which  were  connected 
with  his  name,  had  their  own  priests.  For  example,  a  'chief 
priest  of  Amon  of  Bamses'  is  frequently  mentioned.  Among 
others  invested  with  such  an  office  were  the  two  brothers,  Nu-Uxr 
maten  and  Amen-v>ah'8u.^ 

28.  Page  112,  line  20. 
Bead:  'Thy  girdle  of  the  finest  cotton,  thou  givest  it  for  a 
vile  rag.' 

>  On  the  erroneous  identification  of  the  remains  at  this  monnd  of 
Maskhontah  with  the  city  of  Baamses  or  Barneses  (flxod.  i.  11,  xiL  37), 
more  is  said  below,  pp.  424-6. 

*  Comp.  ChampoUion,  Notices  Degoriptiret,  p.  66.    . 

*  See  Lieblein,  Namert' Lexicon,  No.  1002. 


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ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES.  413 

29.  Page  115,  end. 
The  dangbter  of  the  king  of  Khita  bore,  according  to  the 
statement  on  the  great  Kamses-st^l^  of  Ibsamboul,  the  Egyptian 
name  of  ATarur-nofru.  In  Tanis  also,  E.  de  Roug^  discovered  her 
name  as  *  the  great  qneen  and  prinoees  of  the  land,  ATar^rwfm^^a 
{8ic)y  the  daughter  of  the  great  king  of  Khita.'  ^  She  was,  without 
doubt,  the  mother  of  the  princess  Bint-anthay  the  fayourite  daughter 
of  the  king,  mentioned  on  page  117. 

30.  Page  120,  at  beginning  of  the  n>ew  reign. 

During  the  lifetime  of  his  aged  father,  the  new  king  bore  the 
title  of  *  an  hereditary  prince  {i.e.  successor  to  the  throne)  on  the 
seat  of  the  earth-god  Set,  who  ruled  the  lands  of  his  father.'  ^ 

31.  Po^e*  122-8. 
On  the  basis   of  the   latest   publication   of   this  important 
historical  text,  by  J.  de  Iloug6  and  Mariette,  we  are  in  a  position 
to  correct  some  passages  in  our  version.     We  would  note  the  fol- 
lowing (the  lines  are  those  of  the  inscription,  not  of  the  page). 
Page  122,  line  9.     For  '  cities '  read  *  city.' 
Page  123,  line  li.    For  'Qauasha '  read  '  Aquasha.' 
line  16.   Bead:  '  I  give  you  to  know  thcU  I  the  king  am  your 
shepherd.' 

line  17.  Bead :  *  He  is  /or  you  like  a  father  who  preserves 
the  life  of  his  children.' 

Line  18.    Bead:  '  The  foreigners  plunder  its  borders.' 
Pages  123-4,  line  20.    Bead : '  in  sight  of  the  lowland  {Ta-ahu, 
the  most  ancient  designation  of  the  Libyan  Oasis,  now  called 
Farafrah).'« 

Page  125,  line  37.  Bead  :  *  [with  him].  Also  the  herds  of  his 
country,  consisting  of  cattle,  goats,  and  asses,  aU  were,'  &c. 

Lines  38-39.  Bead :  '  Then  these  were  given  over  to  the 
cavalry,  who  were  behind  them  on  horses.  [The  enemies]  fled 
(39)  [in  haste,  but  the  horsemen  overtook  them,  and]  a  great 
battle  [took  place].  They  brought  hither  the  killed  [in  great  num- 
bers].    No  man,'  &c. 

*  See  MSlangetd'Aroh,  ig,  et  assyr.  vol.  ii.  p.  286. 
»  Ck>mp.  J.  de  Roug6,  Insor.  hUrogl.  pi.  74. 

•  See  the  author's  Appendix  VIII.  to  Dr.  Bchliemaim*8  Iliog,  'On  Hera 
Boop]8.*~BD. 


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the  dimne  benefactor. 

Then/ Ac. 

Page 

127, 

line  63. 

J. 

de  Boug^ 

99 

»» 

„   65. 

99                   99 

M 

9) 

„  66. 

W                   »> 

» 

128 

„   60. 

»                  W 

19 

ff 

79      » 

>»                  »l 

f> 

» 

9t    y* 

»                   W 

414  ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES. 

Line  40.  Bead  :  '  [would  render  no  assistance].  Thej  were 
not  able  to  keep  them  at  a  distance.     But  it  was  done/  &c. 

Page  125,  line  41.    Becui : '  In  order  to  announce  the  strength  of 

s  752,  instead  of   750. 
6103  „        6111. 

2362  „        2370. 

1307  „        1308. 

64  „  54. 

3175  „        3174. 

32.  Page  130,  last  two  lines  of  first  paragraph. 
Bead :  '  Whose  name  is  again  reflected  in  the  Greek  designation 
of  the  town  Dardanis  in  the  region  mentioned.' 

33.  Page  136,  beginning. 
Read :  *  Pinehas,  a  former  gOTemor  of  Thebes,  an  Egyptian 
namesake,'  &c, 

34.  Page  160,  ctfter  first  para>graph. 

Add:  'After  such  fortunate  results  and  glorious  campaigns 
against  countries  and  peoples,  which  the  lust  of  plunder  had  con- 
ducted to  the  boundaries  of  Egypt  by  land  and  water,  it  should 
not  ezdte  surprise  if  the  poets  on  the  banks  of  the  holy  river 
hastened  to  magnify  the  renown  and  greatness  of  the  king  in 
rhythmic  language.  Many  samples  of  their  performances  are  pre- 
served to  us  on  the  stone  walls  of  the  temple  of  Medinet-Abou. 
A  great  st^le  on  the  first  pylon  of  this  temple,^  ynth.  the  date  of 
the  12th  year  of  the  king,  appears  to  me  worthy  of  special  notice. 
From  the  28th  line  onwards,  Amon  is  introduced  speaking  thus  : 
"  1  have  bestowed  on  thee  courage  and  victory,  and  thy  strength, 
which  remains  in  the  memory  of  foreign  nations.  I  have  pros- 
trated the  peoples  of  Asia  at  thy  feet  for  all  times  even  to  eternity. 
Thou  art  enthroned  as  king,  to  receive  each  day  as  thy  posses- 
sions  the  spoil  of  thy  hands.  The  kings  of  all  countries  and  of  all 
peoples  bring  their  children  before  thy  face.  I  have  surrendered 
them  altogether  into  thy  hand,  to  do  with  them  what  pleases  thee. 

' "  I  caused  thy  war-cry  to  resound  in  the  countries  of  thine 
enemies,  and  fear  of  thee  to  fill  the  valleys.  Princes  tremble  at  the 
remembrance  of  thee,  for  thy  battle-axe  swings  over  their  head. 

»  See  J.  de  Roug6,  Inter.  BUrogl,  pi.  131,  &c. 


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ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES.  415 

They  come  to  thee  as  at  one  call,  to  beseech  mercy  from  thee.  Thoa 
giyest  life  according  to  thy  pleasure,  and  thou  killest  according  to 
thy  will.     The  throne  of  all  nations  is  thine. 

^ ''  I  have  made  all  peoples  subjects  of  thy  dynasty.  I  make  them 
come  to  place  themselves  as  inferiors  in  the  service  of  thy  person. 
They  carry  their  presents,  which  their  kings  have  won  as  booty, 
and  they  offer  them  to  thee  as  tribute  of  the  country  for  thy 
Majesty.  Their  son  and  theii*  daughter  are  servants  in  thy  royal 
house  to  incline  thy  soul  to  mercy." 

'  The  long  address  of  the  god  concludes  with  the  words :  "  I 
raise  thee  to  be  sole  lord,  that  thou  mayest  establish  the  land  of 
Egypt."  ' 

35.  Page  160,  line  16. 

The  buildings,  offerings,  and  other  benefits  which  Eamses  III. 
caused  to  be  shared  among  the  temples  and  sanctuaries  of  the  gods 
of  the  country,  extended,  according  to  the  statements  of  the  great 
Harris  Papyrus,  to  the  following  places  both  in  and  out  of  Egypt.^ 

A.  In  Nubia  (To-Ehont). 

The  building  of  a  special  sanctuary  dedicated  to  Ajnon,  named 
Pi^^amses  Haq-On  'A^nakht  {i.e.  *the  well-fortified  town  of 
K'amses  Haq-On '). 

B.  In  Upper  Egypt. 

Nubti,  the  Greek  Ombi,  Ombos,  now  called  Koum-Ombou 
(situated  in  Nome  I.).  Here  the  Pi-Ramses  Haq-On  ('Temple  of 
Bamses  III. ' )  was  erected  in  the  Pi-Sutekh  ( *  Temple  of  Sutekh ' ), 
and  the  latter  was  protected  by  a  wall. 

Pi  Amun, '  the  city  of  Amon,'  the  Greek  Diospolis,  metropolis 
of  Nome  IV.     Here  the  following  buildings  were  erected  : — 

1.  TorHut  suten-Kanit  E'a-user-m^at  Mi-amun  ( '  the  house  of 
king  Korusefr-mlat  Mi-amtm*)  on  the  hill  of  the  necropolis  of 
Neh-^ankh.     At  the  present  day  the  temple  of  Medinet-Abou. 

2.  Pirl^amses  Haq-6n  (  '  iJie  temple  of  Ramses  III.'  )  Situa- 
tion uncertain. 

3.  TorUut  R'amses  Uaq-  (Jn  ( '  the  house  of  Eamses  III. ' ),  with 
the  additional  name  Nemu-  (or  Khnemu)  reshut  in  Amon's  city 
of  Apet.      This  is  the  temple   of  Eamses  III.  still  standing  at 

•  In  this  list  of  Bamessea,  the  names  of  the  cities  in  different  nomes 
are  reproduced  according  to  the  writing  of  the  period.  As  each  city  bore 
sevenJ  names,  it  is  not  surprising  to  find  them  written  sometimes  in  one 
form,  sometimes  in  another. 


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416  ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES. 

Kamak,  which  opens  in  a  northerly  direction  on  the  great  entrance 
court  of  this  national  sanctoarj.  It  is  the  temple  M  on  the 
general  plan  of  Kamak  in  Mariette's  publication. 

4.  Fi-RorVAer-Wbot  Miamwa  (*the  temple  of  Ramses  III/ )  ; 
situation  unknown. 

6.  Pt-^flwiwe«  iAi5r-(5w (' the  temple  of  Ramses  III.')  in  the 
Pi-Kh(ynsu,  or  town  of  Khonsu,  is  the  designation  of  the  temple 
of  Khonsu  at  Kamak  founded  by  this  king ;  T  on  the  general 
plan  of  Mariette. 

Kobti  (Coptos),  metropolis  of  Nome  V.,  with  the  temple  of 
Khim  (Pan),  Horus  and  Isis. 

HiU-sokhem  (Diospolis  Parva),  metropolis  of  Nome  VII. 

In  the  next  Nome,  YIII.,  with  its  metropolis  Tint  (This, 
Thinis),  the  following  towns  with  their  sanctuaries  are  mentioned : — 

1.  In  Abud  (Abydus)  a  special  sanctuary  was  erected  in  the 
interior  of  the  great  temple  of  Osiiis,  under  the  designation  7Vs> 
HtU-Ra'mses  Haq-On  (  *  the  house  of  Ramses  III.'),  and  the  whole 
quarter  of  this  god  (and  his  co-deities  Horus  and  Isis)  was  pro- 
tected by  a  wall. 

2.  In  Tvni  (Thinis,  This)  a  sanctuary  was  founded  in  the  temple 
of  the  god  Anhur  (Onuris  according  to  Greek  transcription,  the 
Egyptian  Mars)  under  the  same  designation  as  the  preceding,  but 
also  with  the  additional  name  Uta-tod  (  Uz*a-zad),  to  the  service  of 
which  457  persons  were  dedicated. 

3.  In  Neahi  (Ptolemais),  with  a  Pi-Sebek  or  '  temple  of  the  croco- 
dile-headed SebekJ 

Apu  (Panopolis),  metropolis  of  Nome  IX.,  with  a  temple  of 
Khim  (Pan),  of  Horus  and  of  Isis.  A  *  house  of  Ramses  III.'  was 
added  here  in  like  manner. 

Debui  (Aphroditopolis),  metropolis  of  Nome  X. 

Shas-hotep  (Hypsel^),  metropolis  of  Nome  XI.,  with  a  temple  of 
the  ram-headed  god  Ehnum. 

Siajout  (Lycopolis,  the  modem  Ossiout),  metropolis  of  Nome 
XIII.  Here  two  sanctuaries  were  founded  in  honour  of  the  god 
Ap-maten  '  of  the  South '  (a  special  local  form  of  the  jackal-headed 
Anubis),  and  his  temple  was  protected  by  a  wall. 

Khimunu  (Hermopolis  Magna),  metropolis  of  Nome  XV.  Two 
sanctuaries  of  Thot  were  founded,  one  being  designated  tOr-HfU 
(*  the  house '),  the  other  Pi  (*  town/  *  temple '),  of  king  Ramses  I II. 
The  temple  of  Thot  was  protected  by  a  wall. 


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ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES.  417 

Hut-^Mler  (Hibennu,  Hibis),  metiropolis  of  Nome  XVI.,  with  a 
temple  of  the  local  god  Khnum^ 

A-rud  (situated  in  the  district  of  the  same  nome),  with  a  local 
worship  of  the  god  Amarb-r'a, 

The  three  following  places  lay  within  the  district  of  NomeXYII. 
(the  Cynopolites  of  the  Greeks)  : 

FcMUui,  with  a  sanctuary  of  Thot,  the  Egyptian  Hermes ; 

MatvrKJwnt,  with  a  worship  of  Amon  ; 

A'MtAsha  (* island  of  Miisha= Moses'),  called  by  the  Greeks 
Musse  or  Mus6n,  with  a  worship  and  temple  of  the  god  Sebek.  At 
the  present  day  Surarieh.     [Spelt  I-enrMoaM  at  p.  117. — Ed.] 

Saptu,  metropolis  of  Nome  XYIII.,  with  a  temple  of  Anubis. 

Scbpt-moru  (Oxyrhynchus),  metropolis  of  Nome  XIX.,  with  a 
temple  of  the  (Typhonic)  Sutekh, 

Pi-her-she/ni  (Heracleopolis  Magna),  metropolis  of  Nome  XX., 
with  a  temple  of  Her-shafni  (with  a  ram's  head),  the  Harsaphes 
of  the  Greeks. 

In  the  next  Nome,  XXI.,  the  Arsinoites  of  the  Greek  classics 
(now  called  Fayoum),  with  its  metropolis,  Crocodilopolis,  the  fol- 
lowing places  are  mentioned  as  &ivoured  by  Kamses  III. : 

1.  Pi-sehek,  Crocodilopolis,  with  the  sanctuary  df.  Horus  of 
Lake  Moeris. 

2.  Pisutekh, '  the  town  of  Sutekh,'  called  by  its  common  name 
Sessu,     Situation  uncertain. 

3.  Pehuu  (position  unknown),  with  a  temple  of  the  Theban 
AmanrT^a,  a  kind  of  Diospolis  in  the  Fayoum. 

Tep-ah  (Aphroditopolis),  the  modem  Atfih,  metropolis  of 
Nome  XXII.,  with  a  temple  of  the  goddess  Hathor=:  Aphrodite.* 

C.  In  Lower  Egypt. 

Men-Twfer  (Memphis),  metropolis  of  Nome  I. 
Two  sanctuaries  were  founded  within  the  great  temple  of  Ptak 
(Vulcan),  named  after  the  king  thus  : 

1.  TorHut'R'omsea'Haq'On,  and 

2.  Pi-RamaeS'Haq-On^     Besides 

•  The  note  on  p.  415  applies  here ;  but  my  latest  studies  (see  the  Ho- 
tionnaire  Oiographique)  have  proved  to  me  that  the  place  JETfU-uer,  otherwise 
called  Hibennuy  Hehennu,  answers  to  the  town  Ibis  O/Stf,  Ibennu)  of  the 
Greek  geographers. 

*  Compare  the*  Author's  App&ndix  VIII,  to  Dr.  Schliemann*s  Iliot, '  On 
Hera  Boopis.' — Ed. 

VOL.  II.  B  E 


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418  ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES. 

3.  Pi-^iser^at  Miranvun^ '  the  town  on  the  road  to  the  west  of 
A-OTnerU  (or  p-^iromeruy 

{nut-to-thaT'ab\  the  Athrihis  of  the  Greeks,  metropolis  of 
Nome  X.,  with  offerings  to  Horns,  the  god  of  the  oonntry,  whose 
temple  was  snrronnded  with  walls. 

On  (the  Biblical  On),  metropolis  of  Nome  XIII.,  with  the  great 
deity  TumrEorRormakhu  and  his  ancient  temple.  Bamses  III. 
had  this  temple  deansed,  and  the  ruined  sanctuaries  restored  to  a 
good  condition.  DiffereTvt  from  it  is  PirJffa  (*  City  of  the  Sun '), 
Heliopolis,  the  temple-buildings  of  which  are  named  according  to 
their  position  as  '  situated  to  the  north  of  On,'  probably  the  same 
place,  of  which  the  ruins  have  been  disooyered  quite  lately  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  so-called  Td-el-Yahudi^  Here  Bamses  III. 
built  a  circuit-wall,  a  temple  under  the  name  Ta-HvJt'KamMS'Haq- 
On,  and  another  sanctuary  designated  Pi-R'amses-Haq-On.  He 
also  raised  a  sanctuary  to  lut^as,  the  divine  wife  of  Turn,  on  the 
west  side  of  the  canal  Ati  (of  Heliopolis).  In  the  neighbourhood 
of  this  temple  there  was  a  pl^use  called  Ropi  or  Er^^  with  the  local 
worship  of  a  Horus.  This  place  also  the  king  fortified  and  sur^ 
rounded  with  a  wall. 

North  of  On  and  the  above-mentioned  towns  or  temple-bmld- 
ings  one  came  to  the  town  of  Pi-balos  (the  Byblos  of  the  ancients  f 
now  caUed  Bilbeis),  which  was  situated  '  on  the  water  of  B'a,' 
the  Sun-god.  Within  it  was  a  sanctuary  of  the  goddess  Bcut 
(easily  explained  by  the  proximity  of  the  city  called  after  her 
Bubastus),  to  which  the  care  of  the  Mug  likewise  extended. 

The  case  was  the  same  with  regard  to  the  place  'AbuirmUer^ 
near  On,  in  the  territory  of  the  province  'An  or  'Ain  (in  later 
times  the  Nomos  Heroopolites),  towards  whose  goddess  Uie  same 
king  showed  his  beneficence. 

I  have  now,  in  conclusion,  to  specify  certain  buildings,  in  places 
the  importance  of  which,  in  their  historical  significance,  must 
specially  interest  the  reader. 

In  the  north  of  the  Delta  there  was  a  second  Thebes,  a  second 
city  of  Amon,  which  bears  the  whole  set  of  names  that  are  em- 
ployed in  the  south  of  Egypt — in  Patoris — ^but  especially  Horomon 
or  Pi-a/mon,  *  Diospolis,'  the  city  of  Amon,  Apet  and  Us  or  Ucu,  It 
is  called  besides  NoHnehUy  'the  city  {par  eotsoeHence)  of  the  North,' 

»  See  my  observations  on  this  subject  in  the  Berlin  ^eUtehri/t  fur 
Aegyptologie,  1871,  p.  86,  &c. 


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ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES.  419 

as  Thebes  is  called  I^c^ns,  'the  dty  of  the  South.'  Its  territory 
bore  the  corresponding  designation  pa-t<MnehUf  'the  country  of 
the  North,'  just  as  porUHiis^ '  the  country  of  the  South/  denoted 
the  so-called  Thebais  in  Upper  Egypt.  The  Phathmetic  branch  of 
the  Nile  (pchUymehit)  owed  the  origin  of  its  name  among  the  Greek 
geographers  to  this  designation,  as  on  the  other  hand  the  form 
ta-mehity  '  country  of  the  North/  is  the  mother  of  the  modem 
town  of  Damietta  (which  has  taken  the  place  of  Diospolis),  called 
by  the  Copts  Tamiati,  by  the  Arabs  Damidt^  and  which  is  already 
mentioned  by  Stephanus  Byzantinus  as  TcumiathU.  The  import- 
ance of  the  Lower  Egyptian  city  of  Diospolis,  close  to  the  sea,  was 
pre-eminent  in  ancient  times  as  at  the  present  day.  It  is  the  same 
Noraanon,  '  city  of  Amon,'  which  is  spoken  of  in  the  Bible  as  No  * 
or  as  No-amon.^  It  satisfies,  both  topographically  and  historically, 
in  £bu^  in  every  respect,  what  the  latter  place  named  in  Holy 
Scripture  requires  of  it.  It  is  the  Diospolis  Parva  of  Strabo 
(xviiL  p.  802). 

The  magnificent  buildings  of  Eamsee  III.  in  this  northern  city 
of  Amon  are  mentioned  in  the  Harris  Papyrus  together  with  those 
of  Thebes  in  Upper  Egypt,  and  by  the  same  designations.  Thus 
wo  find  there :  I.  tOrHut-siUen-kaMU-Rar^u^er-^at'Mi^Tnony  or 
'the  house  of  king  Ramses  III.;'  2.  Pi-IPamses-ffaq-On,  'the 
temple  of  Bamses  III. ; '  and  3.  Pi-JR'a  user-m'at  MUa/mon,  '  the 
temple  of  Bamses  III.,'  designated  thus  after  his  official  name. 

In  this  Na-pc^to-mehi  or  *  town  of  the  To-mehi '  (whence  comes 
evidently  the  designation  of  the  Biblical  Naphtuhim),'  Bamses  III. 
founded,  according  to  the  great  Harris  Papyrus,  an  entire  quarter 
of  the  town,  which  bore  the  name  Pi-JU'ttmseS'Haq-Onrd-nakht,  *  the 
well-fortified  town  of  Bamses,'  and  is  once  (z.  2)  denoted  expressly 
as  pct-derruif  that  is  'the  town.'  In  it  was  ta-huty  that  is  'the 
sanctuary,  the  temple '  of  a  local  form  of  Amon,  whose  image  was 
called  in  addition  '  that  of  Amon  of  Bamses  Haq-On.' 

*  Szek.  zzz.  14 ;  Jer.  zlvi.  25.  *  Nahum  ill.  8. 

>  In  case  any  of  my  readers,  in  ooniparing  the  Hebrew  form  of  the 
word  fiaphtuhim  (with  the  plural  termination  im)  with  the  Egyptian 
na-pa-tO'tnehi  or  na-pha'to-meM,  should  find  a  stumbling-block  in  the 
omission  of  the  m  in  mehi,  I  observe  that  there  happens  to  be  a  second 
designation  of  the  same  place,  yin-pa-atkut  'the  town  of  the  Fapyms 
lake,*  which  helps  us  over  aU  difficolties  in  the  comparison.  This  deriva- 
tion of  the  Naphtnhim  of  SS.  appears  to  me  far  preferable  to  that  which 
I  formerly  proposed  (Vol.  I.  p.  327),  connecting  them  with  the  nation  of 
the  Thuhen  (Marmaridse). 

s  £  2 


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420  ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES. 

The  last  place,  in  which  Eamses  LQ.  sought  to  immortalize 
himself  by  buildings,  hesLrs  in  the  same  noble  Harris  Papyrus  the 
name,  certainly  a  very  strange  one,  of  Pi-Sutekh  n  KwmMsu  Mi- 
amon,  '  the  city  of  Sutekh  of  Ramses  II.,'  for  that  this  king  is  in- 
tended is  shown  by  the  spelling  Bamessv  instead  of  the  spelling 
jR^amaea  for  the  name  of  the  third  king  Ramses.  The  latter,  as 
appears  from  the  text,  enlarged  the  '  Sutekh-city '  by  a  separate 
building,  called  Pi-E'cmues  Haq-6n  em  pirSutekh,  '  the  temple  of 
Ramses  III.  in  the  town  of  Sutekh.'  That  this  building  bore  yet 
another  designation  is  proved  by  another  passage  referring  to  it  in 
the  same  papyrus,  which  runs  thus: — Fi-Ramses-Haq-On  em 
Fi-Sfitekh  em  Fi-B^amessv  Mi-amon,  that  is  *  the  temple  of^ 
Ramses  III.  in  the  city  of  Sutekh  in  the  city  of  Eamses  II.' 

In  other  words :  Ramses  III.  raised  a  temple  after  his  own 
name,  in  the  quarter  of  the  temple  of  StUekh  in  the  city  of 
Eamses  II.,  a  designation  borne,  as  I  long  ago  proved,  by  a  new 
quarter  of  the  well-known  city  of  Tanis. 

As  will  be  perceived  from  the  foregoing  contributions,  Ramses 
III.,  in  his  buildings  in  Lower  Egypt,  confined  his  attention  to 
those  sanctuaries  which  lay  on  the  east  side  of  the  Delta,  nearly 
in  the  direction  of  a  straight  line  drawn  from  Heliopolis  north- 
wards to  Diospolis  (Damietta).  This  is  just  the  side  which  was 
most  exposed  to  the  attacks  of  enemies  from  the  East.  Even 
without  special  comment  this  fact  is  very  remarkable. 

D.  In  Falestmej 

or,  as  the  country  is  called  in  the  papyrus,  in  the  ta-n-Zaha, 
'  country  of  Zaha,'  Ramses  III.  likewise  founded  a  special  sanc- 
tuary, which  the  text  denotes  by  the  lengthy  name  torHut-Ramses 
Haq-On  em  porKmComa^  *  the  house  of  Ramses  III.  in  the  land  of 
Canaan.'  We  are  not  informed  as  to  its  exact  position,  but  at 
least  we  owe  to  the  papyrus  the  information,  that  in  the  sanctuary 
thus  designated  an  image  of  the  god  '  Amon  of  king  Ramses  III.' 
was  worshipped. 

36.  Fage  202,  after  line  11. 

In  the  temple  of  Khonsu  at  Kamak  a  memorial  has  been 
preserved,  though,  alas  I  in  a  very  fragmentary  condition,  of  the 
members  of  the  family  of  king  EEibhob,  remarkable  from  the 
fact  that  several  of  his  sons  bore  names  entirely  Semitia     Thus 


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ON  THE  EXODUS.  421 


the  seventh  was  called  Masaharthay  and  the  eighth  MasdqahaHha. 
The  name  of  the  former  appears  again  on  a  statue  now  in  Brussels, 
on  which  he  is  designated  as  'Crown  Prince  and  first  Prophet 
of  Amon.' 

37.  Page  202,  /ifM  13,  and  GenecUogieal  Table  IV. 

According  to  the  veiy  probable  results  of  the  researches  of  MJ 
Naville  (see  Berliner  dgypL  Zeitschri/t,  1878,  pp.  29,  f.)  the  sucoes- 
Bion  of  the  queens  of  the  Twenty-first  Dynasty  was  as  follows : 
Queen-Mother  Noiem*=i.  ,  .  . 

.  •  .  .=:King  Hirhor 

I  Queen 

« =Fidnkhi  The7Uamon*=iNehseni 

Finotem  I. = Queen  Tiu  Hathor  ffont-taui* 

I 

Rdmenklieper  Rdmdka 

38.  Notes  on  the  Exodus. 

1.  The  geographical  studies,  to  which  my  attention  has  been 
devoted  of  late  years,  and  the  results  of  which  are  contained  in  my 
great  CreographiccU  Dictionary ,  have  proved  to  me  most  con- 
vincingly that  I  have  not  deceived  myself,  and  that  the  general 
direction  of  the  march  of  the  Jews  out  of  Egypt  answers  to  all  the 
geographical  conditions  revealed  to  us  by  the  papyri  and  the  monu- 
ments regarding  the  principal  stations  on  the  route. 

I  do  not  at  all  dissemble  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  my  views, 
which  arise  out  of  several  passages  in  Holy  Scripture  concerning 
the  Exodus ;  but  I  constantly  ask  mysGlf— Where  is  the  city  of 
RamseSf  if  it  is  not  Tanisy  whose  name  of  Pi-Rcmhses  is  demon- 
strated by  the  monuments,  and  whose  gigantic  ruins  are  visible  at 
our  day  ?  I  aak  myself — ^Where  is  Mham,  the  Khetam  of  the 
monuments  1 — ^Where,  especially,  is  Migdoly  the  name  of  which  has 
no  other  meaning  than  the  northern  fortress  on  the  eastern  side  of 
Lower  Egypt  ?  Above  all,  I  ask  myself  how  we  are  to  explain 
the  fiskct,  that  the  towns  named  occur  in  the  same  geographical 
order  in  which  the  Scripture  narrative  makes  them  follow  one 
another.  The  difficulty,  moreover,  in  identifying  the  station  of 
Suceoth  with  the  monumental  name  of  Thuko  or  Thukot  disappears 


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422  ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES. 

as  soon  as  we  observe  (what  I  have  proved  in  an  article  in  the 
Aegyptische  Zeitschrift)  that  the  Egyptian  <A  (=0)  answens  in  many 
instances  to  the  letter  D  (^  of  the  corresponding  words  in  Hebrew. 
2.  A  monumeTUal  difficulty  exists  only  regarding  the  exact 
position  of  the  place  called  Pitum,  situated,  according  to  the  indi- 
cations of  the  papyri,  in  the  o(^untry  of  Succoth,  and  on  that  aocotint 
named,  in  several  documents,  the  town  of  Succoth.  This  town,  as 
is  proved  by  the  lists  of  nomes,  formed  the  centre  of  a  nome.  I 
have  made  the  remark  (on  p.  377)  that  a  serpent^  called  by  the 
name  of  Kerehy  was  worshipped  at  Pitum,  or  PUom^  as  the  living 
symbol  of  the  god  of  that  place.  As  the  result  of  new  researches,  I 
am  now  in  a  position  to  establish  the  fact,  that  the  said  '  serpent ' 
is  rather  Ajiah,  which  still  serves,  in  the  Coptic  language,*  to  desig- 
nate the  electric  fish,  whose  name  of  Kereh  is  derived  from  a  root 
signifying  to  8trikej  to  give  a  blow.  Its  Egyptian  name  Kereh, 
pre&ced  by  the  masculine  article,  j>a  or  pha — Phor-Kereh — gave  rise 
to  the  Greek  designation  of  Phagros  or  Phagrorios,  whence  must 
be  derived  (if  I  do  not  deceive  myself)  the  appellation  of  PhagrariO' 
poliSf  assigned  to  the  capital  of  the  like-named  nome.  The  posi- 
tion of  this  latter,  according  to  the  scanty  information  preserved  to 
us  from  antiquity,  is  very  uncertain.  All  that  we  are  warranted 
in  saying  is  confined  to  the  notice,  that  the  place  was  situated  on 
the  east  side  of  the  Delta,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Arabian 
Nome,  and  of  the  modem  valley  of  Toumeil&t.*  There  is  no 
doubt  that  the  name  of  t^e  sanctuary,  where,  according  to  the 
great  geographical  list  of  Edfou,  the  fish  Kereh  was  worshipped — 
that  is  to  say,  Pa-Kereh — ^gave  rise  to  the  Greek  denomination  of 
the  toMm,  Fhagroriopolis,  which  was  certainly  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Pitom,  and  appears  to  have  been  identical  with  the  latter. 

Another  question  respecting  the  position  of  Pitom.  If  we  were 
to  suppose  its  identity  with  the  town  of  Patumos,  mentioned  by 
Herodotus  (ii.  158),  the  question  would  become  very  simple. 
According  to  this  author,  Patumos  was  not  &r  firom  Bubastus. 
As  a  papyrus  in  the  British  Museum  speaks  of  lakes  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Pit07n,  it  would  be  necessary  to  seek  the  ancient 

*  Thus  Strabo  (zvii.  p.  804)  places  Fhagroriopolis  and  the  Phagroriopolite 
nome  near  the  city  of  Arsinoe  and  the  head  of  the  Red  Sea.  The  Wady-et- 
ToumeiUt  is  the  valley  nmning  west  and  east  from  the  (old)  Pelosiac 
hranch  of  the  Nile  to  Lake  Timsah,  having  along  its  course  the  oanal 
of  Sesostris  and  Kecho,  and  the  present  railway  to  Suez.— Ed. 


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ox  THE  EXODUS.  423 


podtioiL  of  this  place  on  the  west  side  of  the  valley  of  Tonmeildt, 
where  there  are  still  traces  of  lakes  at  the  present  day.  In  other 
words,  it  would  then  be  necessary  to  suppose  the  ancient  situation 
of  the  country  of  Thukot  (Succoth)  to  have  been  in  the  part  of 
Ix)wer  Egypt  now  referred  to ;  and  it  would  consequently  be  neces- 
sary to  take  this  point  for  the  first  station  of  the  Hebrews  after 
their  departure  from  Egypt. 

Such  is  what  I  have  called  above  the  monumerUal  diffletiUi/f  to 
which  I  draw  the  attention  of  the  reader,  in  order  to  omit  nothing 
that  can  serve  to  illustrate  the  route  of  the  Jews,  fleeing  from 
Kamses  to  betake  themselves  to  the  Desert.  But  it  is  by  no 
means  proved  that  the  town  of  Pitom,  mentioned  as  the  capital  of  a 
nome,  was  the  same  as  the  place  cited  by  Herodotus  as  FcUumos; 
nor  is  it  any  more  certain  that  Fhagroriopolis  was  identical  with 
Patumos,  for  the  simple  reason  that  we  know  nothing  about  the 
true  position  of  Fhagroriopolis. 

3.  I  repeat,  that  all  the  researches  I  have  made,  up  to  the  most 
recent  date,  have  suggested  to  me  no  proof  founded  on  the  monu- 
mental geography,  which  could  tell  in  favour  of  a  route  which 
would  have  led  along  this  southern  course  through  the  valley  of 
Toumeildt  to  the  Bed  Sea.  On  the  contrary,  the  stations  men- 
tioned in  the  Bible  are  met  with  in  the  lists  of  the  nomes  as  places 
belonging  to  the  North,  in  the  quarter  where  I  have  fixed  them  in 
my  '  Discourse  on  the  Exodus.'  ^  The  question  ynU  be  cleared  up, 
in  my  opinion,  as  soon  as  the  opportunity  shall  be  afforded  of 
making  excawUions  in  thevdUey  of  Toumeildt ,  in  order  to  discover 
monuments  which,  inscribed  with  geographical  names,  would 
reveal  to  us  at  a  stroke  the  mysteries  which  to  the  present  day 
cover  this  port  of  the  geography  of  Lower  Egypt. 

'  For  example,  the  aigoment  just  referred  to  would  affect  the  position  of 
the  Sethroite  name,  as  a  oonsequeDce  of  that  of  Pitom ;  and,  in  fact,  it  has 
been  attempted  to  place  this  nome  in  the  Wady-ToomeilAt,  and  to  find  an 
etymology  to  suit  this  position,  instead  of  Dr.  Brugsch's  derivation  from 
$et-r(hhatn  (VoL  n.  p.  370).  But,  passing  from  guesses  to  widenoe,  we  have 
the  testimony  of  Strabo  (xvii.  p.  803)  that  the  Sethroite  nome  extended 
along  one  of  the  two  lakes  on  the  left  of  the  Pelusiao  arm  of  the  Nile ; 
and  its  capital,  Heracleopolis  Parva  (Brugsch's  < Pitom'),  which  the 
Antonine  Itinerary  places  halfway  between  Tanis  and  Pelusium,  is  called 
Sethrum  (XdOpov^  by  Stephanus  Byzantinus.  This  is  but  one  example  of  the 
difference  between  the  geographieal  determinatum  of  the  places  in  question 
and  the  indention  of  sites  to  suit  a  preoonoeiyed  theoiy  of  the  Exodus. — Bd. 


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424  ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES. 

4.  The  most  important  point  that  remains  for  the  beginning  of 
these  researcheB  will  be  the  place  now  called  Mcukoutah  *  (near  the 
railway  station  called  'Ramses'),  which  Lepsins,  De  Lesseps, 
linant-Bej,  and  others  regard  as  the  city  of  Bamses  of  the  Book 
of  Exodus.  The  existence  of  a  fractured  group  <^  the  figures  of 
king  Ramses  II.  and  two  Heliopol|tan  divinities,  as  well  as  the  dis- 
coyery  of  a  great  st^U  of  the  same  epoch,®  may  sufioe  to  guarantee 
the  promise  of  discoyeries  still  more  precious  both  for  the  geography 
and  the  history  of  ancient  Egypt.  These  discoveries  will  furnish 
the  starting-point  for  all  further  researches  which  it  may  be  desired 
to  make  into  the  neighbouring  sites. 

Meanwhile,  in  the  very  act  of  writing  these  Notes,  I  have 
unexpectedly  received  from  Dr.  Schweinfurth — so  celebrated  for 
his  journey  into  the  heart  of  Africa — a  communication  of  the 
highest  importance  in  its  bearing  on  the  question  of  the  Exodus 
and  the  claim  of  this  mound  to  be  the  famous  city  of  Ramses. 
Having  made  a  journey  to  this  place  with  the  object  of  discovering 
among  the  numerous  building-bricks,  which  are  met  with  on  the 
site  of  Maskoutah,  traces  of  the  stalks  of  straw  and  of  other  plants, 
in  order  to  determine  their  exact  botanical  character  (Dr.  Schwein- 
furth being  a  botanist  of  the  highest  order),  he  took  the  oppor- 
tunity  to  study  and  examine  with  the  greatest  care  all  the  ancient 
bricks  at  this  place,  ioithout  hcuving  been  able  to  find  the  least  trace 
of  Biraw,  Without  my  having  asked  him  the  question,  or  indeed 
made  any  answer,  he  spontaneously  sent  me  the  following  declara- 
tion : — '  This  place,  where  the  bricks  are  made  only  of  the  mud  of 
the  Nile,  eanvnot  be  Eamses  ;  for  otherwise  we  ought  to  have  found 

*  The  mound  Tel-el- MeuhmtaK,  otherwise  called  Mturoata.  It  has  been 
lately  asserted  that  the  name  *  Ramses  *  was  not  given  to  the  railway  station 
by  the  French  engineers,  but  is  a  genuine  '  Pbaraonic  survival,'  because  the 
Guide  Joka-nney  while  admitting  that  the  name  Bamses  is  ^peuUe  9oh» 
silence  par  les  historiens  prqfanes,*  strangely  enough  adds  that  Td-Masroota 
*  r^pond,  d'aprh  les  distances  de  VIHnindre  d'Antonin^  d  Vemplaeemcnt  de 
V antique  Rametis  canstrtiite par  les  IfSbreuw.*  But  in  the  route  of  the  Itine^ 
rarff  through  this  valley  (pp.  169,  170,  Wesseling),  there  is  no  Ramses  nor 
any  name  the  least  like  it.  The  station  which  may  correspond  to  Tel^el 
Matroota  is  Thou,  12  Boman  miles  west  of  Hero,  i.e.  Heroopolis,  a  distance 
which  (as  has  been  pointed  out  by  Mr.  Stuart  Poole,  himself  an  advocate 
of  the  Wady-ToumeiUt  route)  makes  a  reductio  ad  absurdum  of  the  three 
days*  march  of  the  flying  Israelites  over  this  distance,  and  oonsequently 
of  this  as  the  site  of  Barneses.    {IHet,  ef  the  Bible,  art.  Bajcibsbs.)  — Kd. 

*  See  above,  p.  411. 


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ON  THE  EXODUS.  425 

there  stalks  of  straw,  smce,  according  to  the  Bible,  the  Israelites 
were  obliged  to  scatter  themselves  over  the  whole  land  of  Egypt  to 
seek  for  straw,  in  order  to  use  it  to  make  bricks/  ^  This  avowal  is 
important,  as  it  furnishes  another  proof  that  the  city  of  Bamses 
cannot  have  been  situated  at  Maskhoutah,  near  the  present 
railway  station  of  Ramses.' 

5.  There  remains  an  observation  for  me  to  make  on  a  point  of 
detail,  which  seems  to  me  of  less  importance,  but  which  has  been 
made  an  objection  in  order  to  raise  doubts  as  to  the  probability  of 
my  theory  of  the  Exodus.     If,  it  is  said,  the  Hebrews  set  out  from 

*  Exod.  v.  12.  The  context  removes  all  poBsibility  of  sapposing  that 
on  the  withdrawal  of  the  supply  of  straw  the  bricks  were  made  without  it 
— an  evasion  of  the  order  which  would  have  made  the  task  lighter  instead 
of  heavier,  and  which  (absurd  to  suppose  in  itself)  is  expressly  precluded 
by  the  words  of  Pharaoh's  order  to  the  taskmasters  (ver.  7) :  *  Ye  shall  no 
more  give  the  people  straw  to  make  brick  as  heretofore  :  let  them  go  and 
gather  gtraw  for  them$elve»,^  and  so  the  taskmasters  say  (w.  10-12),  '  Thus 
saith  Pharaoh,  I  will  not  give  you  straw.  Oo  ye,  get  straw  where  ye  can  find 
it ;  yet  not  aught  of  your  work  shall  be  diminished.  So  the  people  were 
scattered  abroad  throughout  all  the  land  of  Egypt  to  gather  stubble  for 
straw,*  not  <  instead  of  straw/  as  in  the  A.  V.,  but  to  be  used  as  the  chopped 
straw  was,  for  binding  the  friable  mud  of  which  the  sun-dried  bricks  were 
made.  Of  course  <  all  the  land  of  Egypt '  means  the  country  districts 
round  the  city  they  were  building. — Ed. 

'  The  identification  of  this  site  with  Ramses  is,  in  short,  an  oftvmptidm 
without  any  positive  evidence,  but  with  abundant  evidence  against  it.  The 
memorials  of  Ramses  II.  found  on  the  spot  are  no  evidence  for  the  name, 
unless  every  place  in  Egypt  similarly  marked  were  also  a  Pi-ram$e$,  and  in 
this  case  why  should  thit  be  chosen  for  the  Ramses  of  the  book  of  Exodus  ? 
But,  in  fact,  that  king's  memorials  are  found  elsewhere  through  the 
valley,  as  we  might  have  specially  expected  on  account  of  his  canal  (which, 
by  the  way,  furnishes  an  argument  against  the  residence  of  the  Israelites  in 
this  six)t  from  the  absence  of  any  mention  of  their  working  on  it,  but  only 
in  brickmaking,  and  building,  and  field  labour).  Again,  this  small  Tel  can 
hardly  have  been  the  '  Temple-city '  built  for  Pharaoh,  much  less  the  great 
and  splendid  and  wealthy  Pi-ramses  described  by  Panbesa  (Vol.  II.  pp.  100,  f.) ; 
and  that  the  Ramesea  whence  the  Israelites  started  had  a  large  and  wealthy 
Egyptian  population  is  proved  by  the  rich  spoil  which  the  Hebrews  bor- 
rowed from  their  Egyptian  neighbours.  Now  put  in  the  other  scale  the 
pontive  evidence  that  Barneses  was  Zoan-Tams,  cited  abundantly  by  Dr. 
Brugsch.  The  strangest  feature  in  the  whole  argument  is  that  some  eminent 
commentators,  fully  admitting  that  Tanis  in  '  the  field  of  Zoan  '  was  the 
residence  of  Pharaoh  and  the  scene  of  his  contest  with  Moses,  suddenly 
and  unaccountably  transfer  him,  with  his  court  and  army,  to  this  (imaginary) 
Barneses,  in  order  to  have  him  present  (as  of  course  he  was)  at  the  place 
whence  the  Israelites  started  I — Eo. 


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426  ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES. 

the  citj  of  Tanis,  which  wajs  situated  between  the  Tanitic  and  the 
Felosiac  arms  of  the  Nile,  how  can  we  explain  the  silence  of  the 
Bible  about  the  passage  of  such  a  great  body  of  emigrants,  accom- 
panied by  their  herds,  oyer  the  Pelusiac  Nile?  To  this  I  answer, 
that  Holy  Scripture  might  well  dispense  with  the  relation  of  that 
which  is  understood  of  itself ;  and,  further,  that  the  monuments 
have  even  preserved  the  dramng  of  the  bridge  which,  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Ehetam  (the  Etham  of  the  Bible),  led  from  one 
side  of  this  place  to  the  other.'  On  the  original  monument  we 
see  the  bridge  which  joins  the  two  quarters  of  the  town,  and  hy 
which  Seti  I.  must  have  crossed  with  his  army  in  order  to  return 
to  the  territory  of  Egypt,  properly  so  called.  The  existence  of  this 
bridge  has  left  its  trace  in  the  modern  name  of  Qantara-el- 
Khazneh^^  Hhe  bridge  of  the  treasure,'  the  first  part  of  which 
immediately  recals  the  bridge  of  the  Pharaohs  near  this  site,  while 
the  second  part,  et-Khazneh^  at  once  leads  our  thoughts  to  the 
name  of  Haama  or  Hazma,  given  by  the  texts  of  the  papyri  and 
the  monuments  to  the  whole  country  situated  to  the  east  of  the 
Pelusiac  arm,  and  rendered  by  the  Greek  geographers  by  the  name 
of  Cassium,,  Cassiotis. 

6.  Site  of  Migdol, — Tel-e9-SamoiU  is  a  name  which  exists  at 
the  present  day,  and  which  is  known  by  all  the  authors.  The 
ancient  name  concealed  under  it  is  Samhud,  and  this  name  serves 
in  another  manner  to  designate  the  position  of  the  place.  No 
doubt  can  exist  on  the  subject  of  this  identification.* 

■  See  above,  Vol.  II.  pp.  12,  19,  387,  388. 

*  Bat  the  bridge  across  the  Pelusiac  Nile  at  Ehetam  (Etham,  Daphnse, 
now  Defenneh)  must  not  be  confounded  with  the  present  station  of  El- 
Kantarah  (ten  miles  further  east),  at  the  intersection  of  the  great  highway 
with  the  Suez  Canal.  Mr.  Greville  Chester's  interesting  description  of  Tel 
Deph/neh  (as  he  spells  it)  shows  how  well  it  suits  the  position  of  Etham. 
<  on  the  edge  of  the  wilderness  *  (Numbers  zzziii.  6),  and  he  adds  that  <it 
could  easily  be  reached  in  two  days  from  Sin  (Tanis),  and  that,  supposing 
Lake  Menzaleh  had,  as  is  probable,  a. lower  level  in  ancient  times  than  at 
present,  Tel  Dephneh  would  probably  not  be  more  than  a  day's  journey 
from  TeUel'Hir  *  (Mr.  Chester's  Migdol,  and  Brugsch's  Araru  and  Saal- 
zepJum).  We  may  add  that  the  season  was  just  after  the  vernal  equinox, 
when  the  inundation  has  long  subsided. — Ed. 

»  This  note  was  communicated  by  Dr.  Brugsch  in  reply  to  Mr.  Greville 
Chester's  statement,  that  the  name  of  Samout  is  unknown  to  the  Arabs. 
(For  the  ancient  use  of  it,  see  Vol.  I.  pp.  237-8.)  Mr.  Chester  would  identify 
Migdol  with  Tel-el-Sir ;  but  the  question  between  these  two  neighbouring 
mounds  is  perfectly  insignificant  in  comparison  with  the  fact  of  its 


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ON  THE  EXODUS.  427 


7.  Baal-zephon. — The  identification  of  Mons  Casius  with  the 
place  called  BacU-zephany  that  is  *  Baal  of  the  North/  or  '  Lord  of 
the  North,'  is  not  proved  hj  monumental  evidence.  The  word 
C cuius  is  derived  fi*om  the  (Semitic)  name  Hctzina  or  Hazian 
for  all  the  country  to  the  east  of  the  Pelusiac  hranch  ;^  and  it  is 
preserved  clearly  enough  in  the  modem  appellation  of  Qaviarah- 
eUHazneh, 

Baal-zephon,  which  I  have  supposed  to  be  Mons  Casius,  allows 
of  two  explanations  :  either  it  is  the  tra/ndation  of  the  Egyptian 
title  neb-mehiy  *  Lord  of  the  North,'  given  to  the  god  Amon  wor- 
shipped in  this  country,  and  sumamed  likewise  neh-Khvroty  *'  lord  of 
the  lagoons,' — or  it  is  the  tra/Mcription  of  the  Egyptian  name  of  the 
city  Hauar  (or  -uaT)^  the  first  element  of  which  {Ha  =  *  house ') 
haa  been  suppressed,  just  as  in  the  Hebrew  name  Rmnses  in  place 
of  the  Egyptian  Fir'amses    ('abode  of  B'amses').     The  corre- 

poflition  in  this  locality ,  which  fnmishes  a  pivot  for  the  whole  question, 
inasmQch  as  we  only  know  of  one  Migdol,  that  which  is  placed  on  the 
J\r.£.  frontier  of  Egypt  by  the  concurrent  testimony  of  the  monuments  of 
Seti  I.  at  Eamak,  depicting  his  march  to  Palestine  (Yol.  II.  p.  12) ;  of  the 
Harris  papyrus,  describiDg  Ramses  III.  encamped  (like  Israel)  <  between 
Migdol  and  the  sea '  to  witness  the  victory  of  his  fleet  (Vol.  n.  pp.  163-^) ; 
of  the  prophets  who  include  the  whole  length  of  Egypt,  *  from  Syene  to 
Migdol  *  (Vol.  I.  pp.  237-8),  just  as  it  was  described  under  Amenhotep  IV. 
(YoL  I.  p.  498) ;  and  of  the  Antonine  Itinerary,  which  places  Magdolvm 
1 2  Roman  miles  in  a  S.  direction  from  Pelusium.  A  Migdol  nea/r  the  Chtlf  of 
Suez  it  a  purely  imagina/ry  rite  invented  to  suit  that  theory  ;  and  the  same 
may  be  said  of  any  Baakephon,  Etham,  or  Suoeoth  in  that  neighbourhood. 
The  sites  assigned  by  Brugsch,  on  the  other  hand,  are  determined  (whether 
rightly  or  wrongly)  by  iitrict  geographical  evidence.— ^D. 

*  The  distinction  between  the  uses  of  the  word  CoHim,  for  a  definite 
spot  and  in  a  wider  sense,  forms  an  important  element  in  the  whole  ques- 
tion. Herodotus  (ii.  6,  iii.  6)  first  mentions  it  as  a  mountain  extending  be- 
side Lake  Sirbonis  to  the  $ea,  which  may  mean  a  range  of  hills  or  a 
mere  promontory.  In  some  passages  of  Strabo,  &c.,  the  name  seems  to 
apply  to  the  region  8.  of  the  lake.  On  the  other  hand  Mont  Cariut  is  dis- 
tinctly defined  as  a  hill,  forming  a  promontory  on  the  sea-coast  (answer- 
ing precisely  to  the  headland  called  Bat  JKatieh  or  El  Gelte),  40  Roman 
miles  east  of  Pelusium,  and  24  west  of  Ostracena  (Strab.  1.  p.  68 ;  zvi.  p. 
759 ;  Itin,  Ant.  p.  162).  There  would  also  seem  to  have  been  a  place  Cat- 
Hum  distinct  from  Mount  Casius.  But,  in  whichever  sense,  the  name  Canut 
la  taken  from  the  Egyptian  name  of  the  district  Eazia/n,  and  has  no  direct 
connection  with  Baal-zephon.  Strong  as  is  the  evidence  furnished  by  the 
temple  of  Jupiter  Casius  for  regarding  the  place  as  a  <  Baal-zephon,'  the 
argument  applies  to  any  sanctuary  of  that  god,  and  most  of  all  to  Avarit, 
the  chief  seat  of  the  Hyksos,  whose  special  deity  he  was.— Ed. 


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428  ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES. 

spondenoe  of  the  Hebrew  word  Bdal  (Sys)  '^th  the  Egyptian  riar 
or  v!al  (meaning  '  leg ; '  see  my  Diet.  Geogr.  App.  s.  v.  u*ar)  presents 
no  stumbling-block,  when  we  call  to  mind  that  the  Hebrew  Ba^al 
\a  rendered  in  Egyptian  sometimes  by  b^ar,  sometimes  by  u'arJ 

From  this  would  follow  the  important  result,  that  the  place 
Ba'al-zephon,  *  the  city  of  Ba'al  of  the  North,'  would  be  the  same 
as  Hct-u*ar,  that  is  to  say,  as  the  Ayarib  of  Manetho.  And,  as 
there  were  several  places  named  u'ar  in  the  geographical  nomen- 
clature of  Egypt,  there  is  every  probability  that  the  one  designated 
in  the  Bible  as  ^oo^zephon  answers  to  the  '  Avaris  of  the  North  ' 
of  the  Egyptian  texts,  situated  to  the  east  of  the  Pelusiac  branch 
of  the  Nile.  Lepsius,  who  has  travelled  over  this  part  of  Lower 
Egypt,  has  established  by  fiill  proof  that  the  long  ruins  (ramparts 
now  covered  with  sand)  at  the  place  called  Td-d-Her  (or  Hir) 
mark  the  site  of  the  ancient  Ha-v!ar.  ' 

8.  The  Site  of  the  Hebrew  Gamp. — In  summing  up  my  latest 
researches,  it  appears  to  me  that  the  Hebrews,  on  quitting  Etham, 
directed  their  march  towards  Migdol^  where  they  encamped  opposite 
to  Avaris  (Baal-zephon),  With  this  interpretation  all  becomes 
clear.^ 

'  Headers  who  do  not  know  Hebrew  shoald  be  informed  that  the  second 
letter  of  the  alphabet  (3,  Beth)  represents  both  B  and  U  or  V. 

*  See  the  interesting  description  of  these  nuns  by  Mr.  Greville  Chester 
{nt  sup.  oit.  p.  148) :— *  TeUel-IRr  marks  the  site  of  a  town  of  large  extent 
and  considerable  importance,  and  Its  sar&u3e  is  strewn  with  innamerable 
sherds  of  pottery,  ancient  glass  of  fine  quality,  and  bits  of  hewn  stone ' 
(some  of  which  seem  to  be  window  frames).  <  On  the  west  side  of  the  Tel, 
the  side  farthest  from  the  desert,  rise  the  remain*  of  a  matsive  square  tower, 
each  of  whose  sides  measures  abont  94  paces.  The  north,  south,  and 
western  sides  of  this  fortress  descend  into  an  immense  desiccated  lake  or 
marsh.  The  eastern  side  of  the  tower,  which  is  built  of  crude  biick,  is 
joined  to  the  rest  of  the  sandy  Tel,  which  extends  eastwards  to  the  desert. 
...  It  is  at  once  evident  to  the  eye  that  this  was  an  important  frontier 
fortress.*  This  answers  in  all  respects  to  the  Hyksos*  frontier  fortress  of 
Han'o/r  (Avaris),  which  has  been  already  described  in  the  History  (Vol.  I- 
pp.  236-7).  It  stood  at  the  N.E.  frontier  of  Egypt,  on  the  right  side  of  the 
Pelusiac  arm  of  the  Nile,  and  had  on  its  west  side  either  a  lake  or  estuary 
(the  '  Pa-zetku  of  Avaris  *)  on  which  the  sailor  Aahmes  fought  under  the 
king  his  namesake  in  a  naval  battle  with  the  Hyksos,  and  also  water  on 
its  south  side.  (Vol.  I.  pp.  284-6.)  Finally,  its  distance  (about  7  or  8 
miles)  from  Brugsch's  site  of  Migdol  {TeUes-Samnutj  Mr.  Chester's  JM- 
Ifabooa)  gives  a  fit  site  for  the  camp  of  the  Israelites  *  between  Migdol  and 
the  sea '  (the  estuary  of  the  Pelusiac  Nile)  '  in  face  of  Baal-zephon.' — Bd. 

*  In  these  new  remarks  Dr.  Brugsoh  does  not  proceed  to  offer  any 
definite  idea  as  to  the  manner  of  the  catastrophe,  but  what  follows  will 


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ON  THE  EXODUS.  429 


9.  The  Oulfs  of  Pirhahiroth.^AB  to  the  Khirot,  the  'gulfs'  or 
<  lagunes/  it  is  Pliny  especially  who  speaks  of  them  at  length  in 
the  chapter  of  his  Hiatoria  NcUuraUa  relating  to  Lower  Egypt.  * 

10.  '  The  Sea*  vn  Exodus  xiv. — ^You  are  perfectly  right*  in 
recognizing  the  Mediterranean  in  'the  Sea'  of  the  Exodus. 
Schleiden,  in  his  remarkable  work  on  '  The  Isthmus  of  Suez '  {Die 

show  that  there  were  marshes,  lagoons,  and  treacherous  pits  about  the  sites 
of  Pelusimn  and  Avaris,  which  made  the  passage  between  them  and  the 
sea  as  difficult  and  dangerous  as  that  along  the  causeway  between  Sirbonis 
and  the  Mediterranean. — Ed. 

■  Dr.  Brugsch  wrote  this  note  at  Cairo,  away  from  his  sources  of  re- 
ference, and  we  have  failed  to  find  the  passage  in  Pliny  ;  but  Strabo  has 
statements  about  the  gulf  $  (fidpoBpa)  near  Pehmwn.  qmte  as  striking  as  those 
of  Diodorus  about  Lake  Sirbonis  (pp.  391-3).  After  describing  the  hill  and 
promontory  of  Mount  Casius,  with  its  tomb  of  Pompey,  he  proceeds  (xvi.  p. 
759):  'Next  is  the  road  to  Pelusium,  on  which  is  situated  Gerrha'  (the 
Anbu  andShwr  of  Brugsch,  about  the  west  end  of  Lake  Sirbonis).  ...  *  and 
the  pits  (fidffoBpa)  near  Pelusium,  formed  by  the  overflowing  of  the  Nile  in 
places  naturally  hollow  and  marshy.'  Again  (xvii.  p.  802) :  *  Pelusium 
itself  has  many  marshes  lying  around  it,  which  some  call  harathra  (fidpoBpa) 
or  water-holes,  and  swamps.  On  this  quarter  Egypt  is  difficult  of  access^ 
that  is,  from  the  eastern  side  towards  Phoenicia  and  Judaea.'  Compare 
this  with  Mr.  Greville  Chester's  striking  account  of  the  immense  marahes 
on  the  east  of  the  old  Pelusiac  arm  of  the  Nile,  between  the  sites  of  Pelu- 
sium and  Avaris  or  Baal-zephon  at  Tel-el-Hir. 

If  the  transference  of  the  catastrophe  to  this  region  loses  much  of  that 
wonderful  appropriateness  which  we  have  seen  in  the  causeway  between 
Lake  Sirbonis  and  the  sea,  Strabo  supplies  us  with  another  striking 
parallel  to  show  that  we  are  not  limited  to  this  or  that  spot  on  the  Medi- 
terranean shore  for  sudden  movements  of  wind  and  water  such  as 
overwhelmed  the  Egyptian  host.  The  geographer  relates  (xvi.  p.  768) 
how,  after  a  battle  on  the  coast  between  Tyre  and  Ptolemais  (Acre),  *  a 
wave  from  the  sea,  like  the  rising  tide,  overwhelmed  the  fugitives ;  some 
were  carried  out  to  sea  and  drowned,  others  perished  in  the  hollows  ;  then 
again  the  ebb  succeeding  uncovered  and  displayed  to  tight  the  hodiet  lying 
in  oonfusuyn  among  deadjUh  '  (oomp.  Exod.  xiv.  30). — Ed. 

*  This  note  refers  to  the  remark  made  at  the  end  of  p.  400,  since  writing 
which  we  find  the  same  point  strongly  insisted  on  in  The  Migration  ttf  the 
Sehrews  from  Egypt  (1879),  a  very  able  anonymous  work,  which  no  one 
who  wishes  to  study  the  subject  ought  to  neglect^  in  spite  of  faults  which 
this  is  not  the  place  to  discuss.  The  absence  of  any  mention  of  the  Tdm 
jSuf  in  Exod.  xiv.  is  equally  remarkable  in  the  summary  list  of  journeys  in 
Numbers  xxxiii.,  where  it  is  said  that  from  the  camp  before  Pihahiroth  the 
Israelites  'passed  through  the  midst  of  the  Sea  into  the  wilderness  of 
JEthamt '  (v.  8) ;  and  it  is  only  after  the  stages  of  Marah  (ind  EUm  that  they 
« encamped  by  the  Ydm  SAf'  (▼•  10).  What  and  where  that  Ydm  SUf  is, 
we  have  already  observed,  is  a  question  too  wide  to  be  discussed  here. — Ed. 


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430  ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES. 

LandeTige  von  Suez),  has  arrived  at  the  same  result  from  his  re- 
searches, and  has  critically  established  bj  the  best  proofe  the  later 
interpolation  of  TAm  SUpk  (the  Red  Sea  of  the  Versions).  The 
Red  Sea  in  all  the  Egyptian  texts  (amon^  others,  those  of  the  time 
of  Eamses  III.)  has  no  other  name  than  Yuma  Kot  or  Yurna  Sekot. 
Bat  nowhere  do  we  meet  with  an  expression  analogous  to  the 
Hebrew  Ydm  SUph,  SUph  is  a  plant  which  grows  in  lakes, 
but  not  in  the  sea.' 

11.  The  Region  <md  City  o/SHtph.^The  name  Ouf  {thu/)—ux 
Hebrew  SUph — vindicates,  according  to  the  text,  a  whole  navigable 
country,  covered  with  aquatic  plants,  especially  with  papyrus. 
These  are  undoubtedly  the  lakes  in  the  North  and  East  of  the 
Delta  There  was  likewise  a  dty  of  SUph,  named  in  the  Egyptian 
texts  and  in  the  Bible,  where  it  marks  the  eastern  end  of  a  long 
route  leading  to  Palestine. 

12.  The  Way  of  the  Land  of  the  Philistines  (Exod.  xiii.  17), — 
The  '  Road  of  the  Philistines '  of  Holy  Scripture  is  not  that  which 
commenced  at  Khetam,  the  Etham  of  the  Bible,  or  no  matter  what 
other  town  in  its  neighboui*hood,  but  that  which  touched  the 
country  of  Zahi  (Palestine),  near  Mount  Casius.  This  is  expressly 
stated  in  the  inscriptions — consult  my  Diet.  Geogr.  s.  voc.  Khnum 
(x»»w»»,  '  pits.')  * 

13.  The  Geography  of  Lake  Sirbonis  and  its  Neighbourhood.^ — 
While  fully  acknowledging,  without  expressly  sa3ring  so,  the  two 
principal  points  of  the  route  of  the  Exodus,  namely,  RamsesssTanis, 
and  Migdol,  Mr.  Chester's  researches  tend  to  prove  that  my  map 
of  the  Lake  Sirbonis,  in  respect  of  the  isthmus,  is  '  imaginative  * 


'  The  leading  passage  to  determine  the  original  meaning  of  the  word  is 
Kzod.  ii.  3,  where  the  '  ark  *  of  the  infant  Moses  is  made  of  r&ph. — Ed. 

«  Comp.  Vol.  I.  p.  239,  H.  12, 397.  The  exact  point  at  which  Philistia  be- 
gan is  placed  either  at  Moont  Casius  or  at  Ostracene,  which,  nnder  the  Roman 
Empire,  was  reckoned  as  the  point  from  which  Idnnuea  and  Palestine  be- 
gan (Plin.  H.  N.  V.  12,  s.  14).  The  best  commentators  Twhatever  their  view 
of  the  Exodos)  are  generally  agreed  that  the  passage  in  Exod.  xiii.  17,  18, 
describes  the/?kiZ,  not  the  initialy  direction  of  the  march. — Ed. 

*  The  following  remarks  are  made  in  a  letter  to  the  Editor,  with  reference 
to  Mr.  Greville  Chester's  paper  (see  p.  400),  which,  owing  to  accidental  cir- 
cumstances, did  not  reach  Dr.  Brngsch  till  the  foregoing  notes  had  been 
despatched.  We  are  able  to  add  the  high  authority  of  Captain  Burton  as  ' 
to  the  absurdity  of  assuming  that  the  ground  has  not  changed  in  3000  years ; 
as,  for  example,  if  a  thread  of  Nile  water  from  the  Pelusiac  branch  ever 
found  its  way  to  Lake  Sirbonis. — Ed. 


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ON  THE  EXODUS.  431 


and  '  highly  iroAginative/  and  that  I  have  so  far  abandoned  myself 
to  fancies  as  to  invent  localities  which  had  no  real  existence. 
'  Imaginative '  is,  in  fact,  what  one  invents ;  but  Mr.  Chester  seems 
not  to  be  aware  that,  for  the  neighbourhood  of  Lake  Sirbonis,  I 
have  only  followed  the  chartographic  indications  of  almost  all  who 
have  constructed  and  published  maps  of  Lower  Egypt.  He  has 
equally  overlooked  all  that  Schleiden  has  said  in  his  work  On  the 
Isthmus  of  Suez,  and  above  all  he  has  overlooked  the  long  article 
in  the  A.ppendix  to  my  Bictionnaire  Geographique,  which  I  have 
devoted  to  the  geographical  name  Ouf{=  SUph)^  to  illustrate,  in 
another  way,  the  point  where  the  catastrophe  took  place.  Mr. 
Chester  has  forgotten  (et  qu'il  me  pardonne  si  je  prends  la  liberie 
de  le  lui  reprocher)  that  my  labour  has  not  consisted  in  demon- 
strating topographically,  and  beyond  the  risk  of  error,  the  exact 
localities  of  the  Exodus  (that  is  to  say,  the  sites  of  their  ruins — 
such  as  Succoth,  Etham,  Migdol),  but  rather  in  discussing  the 
views  which  have  been  held  on  the  subject  of  the  direction  of  the 
Exodus,  and  determining  it,  on  the  basis  of  the  monuments,  along 
the  road  from  Tanis  to  Migdol.  Far  from  having  desired  to  estab- 
lish a  topographic  map  of  an  accuracy  above  reproach,  I  have  bad 
no  other  purpose  than  to  direct  public  attention  to  the  historical 
consequences  of  the  monumental  records  and  the  writings  on  papyrus 
bearing  on  the  subject  of  tbe  Exodus. 

Mr.  Chester  is  also  unaware  that  Tel^s-Samout  was  already 
known  to  the  Arabs  in  the  14th  century,  and  that  it  marks  the 
site  of  the  ancient  Migdol;  and  likewise  that  Lepsius,  after  his 
journey  to  these  regions,  proved,  in  a  clear  and  perfect  manner,  the 
identity  of  Tel^Hir  with  the  HwuHar  or  Avaris  of  the  Egyptian 
texts.  I  must  also  remind  him  that  the  name  Eomdneh  is  very 
ancient,  and  that  I  have  discovered  it  in  its  ancient  form  of  writ- 
ing.    (See  my  Diet.  Giogr,  Appendix,  s.  v.  Roman,) 

In  researches  of  this  kind,  especially  when  it  is  a  question  of 
attacking  a  literary  opponent,  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  be  ac- 
quainted also  with  the  opinions  of  other  scholars,  who  have  occupied 
themselves  with  the  same  researches  in  which  I  have  been  engaged 
as  the  consequence  of  my  geographical  studies.  In  conclusion,  the 
one  lesson  which  I  have  learnt  from  the  reading  of  Mr.  Chester's 
paper  is  that,  if  Pi-hahvroth  is  to  be  taken  as  where  I  have  placed 
it,  it  corresponds,  and  must  of  necessity  correspond,  to  another  spot 
in  the  Barathra  which  extended  over  the  region  up  to  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Lake  Sirbonis,  tbe  name  of  which,  if  I  am  not  mis- 


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432  ADDITIONS  AND  NOTES. 

taken,  U  derived  from  the  Egyptian  words  shir  bon,  that  is,  '  the 
lake  of  had  salt,  palt  of  had  quality.' 

With  r^ard  to  the  present  state  of  the  whole  question,  Dr. 
Brugsch  insiste  on  the  ahsoUUe  necessity  of  a  survey  of  the  region 
from  the  east  of  the  Delta  to  ihefrorUier  of  Palestine.  *  If  I  could 
afford  the  means,'  he  writes,  'I  would  go  and  examine  the  district 
anew,  and  make  excavations  on  the  sites.  /  Jeel  sure  of  finding  an 
them  ancient  remains  j  a/nd  I  should  be  able  to  solve  once  for  all  this 
most  interesting  question  of  the  Exodus.  But  whoever  may  under- 
take  or  he  charged  with  these  researches  ought  to  know :  (I)  the 
monumental  geography  of  this  part  of  Lower  Egypt;  (2)  the 
hieroglyphic  writing y  so  as  to  he  ahle  to  read  the  texts  that  he  might 
discover ;  (3)  the  Arabic  language,  to  avoid  heing  ill  informed  by 
the  Bedouins  who  inhabit  those  parts.  Perhaps  one  of  your 
learned  societies  engaged  in  Biblical  researches  would  devote  the 
small  sum  needful  to  accomplish  this  object,  by  sending  one  of  its 
members  to  explore  this  region  anew.  For  my  part,  I  would 
willingly  place  myself  at  his  disposal,  to  serve  as  his  guide  and 
interpreter  as  occasion  might  arise.' 

[*The  question  of  the  Exodus  is  not  yet  solved,'  wrote 
Dr.  Brugsch  when  he  began  to  communicate  these  'Additions,' 
in  the  midst  of  which  he  was  interrupted  by  dangerous  illness ; 
but  one  remark  as  to  its  present  position  must  not  be  withheld. 
Whatever  may  be  the  ultimate  verdict  of  Biblical,  historical,  and 
geographical  criticism  (for  the  question  involves  all  three),  we 
cannot  but  observe  the  remarkable  difference  in  the  methods  pur- 
sued by  Dr.  Brugsch  and  others.  Starting  from  the  assumption 
that  the  '  passage '  took  place  at  or  about  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of 
Suez,  they  feel  back  for  probaMe  sites  for  the  stations  of  the  jour- 
ney, 'if  haply  they  may  find  them.'  He  alone  begins  at  the 
beginning,  namely  the  starting-point  at  Bameses  in  the  field  of 
Zoan,  identified  with  Tanis  by  overwhelming  proofs ;  and  he  fol- 
lows the  march  along  the  well-known  road  marked  by  the  stations 
which  are  determined  each  by  independent  geographical  evidence, 
to  whatever  end  this  strict  critical  method  may  lead  him,  though 
his  guide,  like  that  followed  by  the  Israelites,  may  have  its  obscure 
as  well  as  its  bright  side,  trusting  to  the  issue  of  all  honest  dis- 
cussion— *  Lux  e  tenebrisJ — Ed.] 


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INDEX. 


AAH-HOTEP 

AAH-HOTEP,  queen  of  Karnes,  i. 
289 ;  treasures  found  in  her  coffin, 
290, 314, 315 ;  meaning  of  the  name, 
318  ;  q.  of  Amenhotep  I.,  328,  345 

Aahmes  I.  (Amosis),  king,  i.  290 ;  con- 
queror of  the  Hyksos,  295 ;  founds 
the  18th  dynasty,  316,  317;  his 
campaigns,  318 ;  line  of  fortresses, 
320 ;  wars  against  the  Phoenicians 
and  neg^es,  320;  restores  the 
temples  and  buildings,  296,  321 ; 
name  inscribed  on  the  quarries  of 
Tourah  and  Massaarah,  322 ;  his 
pedigree,  346 

— queen  of  Thutmes  I.,  i.  343 

— son  of  Baba-Abana,  i.  226 ;  in  the 
war  against  the  Hyksos,  237  ;  tomb 
at  El-Kab,  280,  /.,  303 ;  pedigree, 
281;  great  historical  inscription, 
283,  /.,  326,  329 

— Pen-nukheb,  memorial  stone  at 
El-Kab,  1.  287,  319,  326 

— courtier  of  Amen-hotep  IV.,  his 
prayer  to  the  sun,  i.  601 

— somamed  Turo,  chief  priest,  temp, 
Ramses  H.,  ii.  412 

— n.,  king  of  Dyn.  XXVI.  (Amasis), 
ii.  286,  326 

Aa-kheper-en-ra.    See  Thutmes  II. 

Aa-kheper-ka-ra.    See  Thutmes  I. 

Aa-khepru-ra.    See  Amenhotep  IV. 

Aalim,  ii.  398.    See  Elim 

Aa-nekht,  the  Bekhen  ('  tower ')  of 
Ostracene,  border-fortress  between 
Egypt  and  Zahi,  at  entrance  to  road 
of  the  Philistines,  i.  239 

Ab,  ii.  347.    See  Elephantin6 

VOL.  II.  P 


ADULAM 

Abd-el-Qumah,  pictorial  representa- 
tion of  brick-making  at,  i.  417 ;  tomb 
of  Amenhotep  II.  at,  459 

Abdu,  ii.  347.    See  Abydus 

Abd-ul-Latif,  Arabian  physician,  his 
account  of  Memphis,  i.  57 

Abeha  (Behan,  Bo6n,  Semneh),  i.  470 

Ab-en-pira-o,  'councillor  of  Pharaoh/ 
i.  253,  307  «. ;  ii.  146, 188,  379 

Abesha,  i.  178,  266 

Aboulhol,  Arabic  name  of  the  Sphinx, 
i.  97 

Abousimbel,  ii.  70.    See  Ibsamboul 

Abousir,  pyramid  at,  i.  106 

Abraham,  an  indication  of  his  being 
contemporary  with  Dyn.  XII.,  ii.  405 

Ab-sakabu,  i.  239  ;  water  of,  ii.  13 

Abydus  (Abdu,  Abud),  capital  of  Nome 
Vni.  (Up.  Eg.),  ii.  347 ;  table  of 
kings,  i.  44-46,  ii.  29  ;  well  at,  i.  162  ; 
temple  at,  441 ;  tablet,  441 ;  chief 
seat  in  Upper  Egypt  of  the  worshii- 
of  Osiris,  441 ;  temple  completed  by 
Ramses  II.,  ii.  36,  46 ;  inscription  on 
wall,  36-44 ;  pictures  of  the  battle  of 
B:ade8h,  48-54;  Nimrod's  tomb,  207  ; 
remarkable  inscription,  208-211  : 
sanctuary  and  wall  of  Ramses  m.  in 
the  temple  of  Osiris,  416 

Aoco  (Aak,  Acre),  i.  392 

Achaeans,  ii.  129 

Achaamenes,  satrap,  ii.  332 ;  killed  by 
Inaros,  332 

Achoris  (Hagar)  king,  ii.  287,  335 

Adon,  title,  i.  253,  307,  311,  312,  363, 
398,  617  ;  ii.  26,  71,  181, 182,  183 

Adulam  (Adullam),  i.  400;  ii.  110, 217 
F 


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▲DULIS 

Adolis,  i.  406,  408 

Adoma  (Edom),  i.  248,  336 ;  ii.  217 

Africa,  coast  opp.  Arabia.   See  Punt 

AfiicanuB  on  the  HyksoB,  i.  266 

Agabot  (Libyans),  i.  331 

Agesilaus,  ii.  336,  337,  388 

Agricnltore,  i.  23 

Ahnas,  i.  201 ;  ii.  224.  See  Heracleo- 
polis  Magna 

Ai,  the  holy  father,  i.  512;  restores 
the  worship  of  Amon,  prepares 
his  tomb  at  Biban-el-MoIouk,  513 ; 
his  titles  of  honour,  supremacy  in 
the  south,  514 ;  his  sarcophagus  and 
names,  514  ».,  ii.  408 

Alna,  or  Aian  (Aean),  the  Heroopolite 
nome,  i.  16,  262 ;  fortress  and  well, 
ii.  148;  temple,  418 

Ajalon,  ii.  217 

Aken  (Acina),  ancient  name  for  Nu- 
bia, i.  183,  199 

Akerith,  i.  456 ;  ii.  47,  66,  58 

Akharru,  the  •  hinder  land,'  Phoe- 
nicia, 1.  337 

A-kheper-ra.    See  Shashanq  IV. 

Akherkin,  i.  159 

Akhmun,  ii.  246.  See  Hermopolis 
Magna 

Alabastrdnpolis.    See  Ha-Suten 

Alexander  the  Great,  ii.  287,  288,  308, 
309,  318,  319,  339 

— ^gus,  ii.  316,  339 

Alexandria,  ii.  289 

Alisu,  ii.  142.    See  Arlsu 

Aliurta,  ii.  312,  314 

Alphabet,  old  Egyptian,  ii.  351 

Aluna,  i.  369,  370 

'Am  ('  people ')  for  the  Israelites,  ii.  219 

Ama,  Mentu-hotep's  mother,  i.  134 

Amada,  Nubian  temple  of,  memorial 
tablet,  i.  457,  459;  inscription  of 
Thutmes  17.,  462 

Amalekites,!.  266 

Amanus,  mountain  range,  i.  338 

Amasis,  ii.  298.    See  Aahmes  II. 

Amazons,  band  of,  ii.  25 

Ameneman,  architect  of  Thutmes  HI., 
i.  448 :— of  Ramses  IL,  IL  91;  pro- 


AMENHOTEP 
bably  the  oppressor  of  the  children 
of  Israel,  91 ;  his  full  titles,  ii.  411 

Amen-em-ape,  governor  of  the  South 
under  Ramses  II.,  ii.  79,  81 

Amen-em-apet,  chief  of  the  young 
men  of  Thebes,  under  Amenhotep 
m.,  ii.  408 

Amenemhat  I.,  i.  143  ;  instructions  to 
his  son,  144 ;  conquers  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Wawa-t,  144 ;  founds  the 
temple  of  Amon  at  Thebes,  145 ;  his 
pyramid,  146;  king  of  all  Egypt, 
146;  attempted  assassination,  148; 
reigns  with  his  son  Usurtasen,  148  ; 
war  with  the  Menthu,  Hersh*a,  and 
Hittites,  ii.  404-5 

Amenemhat  II.,  extends  the  southern 
boundary,  i.  165  ;  statue  of  his  wife, 
167 ;  inscription  at  Beni-Hassan, 
170,  171 

— ni.,  constructs  the  lake  Moeris,  i. 
187 ;  careful  about  the  rise  of  the 
Nile,  188, 189;  builds  the  Labyrinth, 
191 ;  inscriptions  on  the  rocks  of 
Sinai,  195  ;  at  Wady  Magharah,  196 

— IV.,  i.  140 ;  his  sister-queen,  198 

—royal  functionary  under  Mentn- 
hotep,  i.  134 

Amenemhib,  captain,  i.  396  ;  inscrip- 
tion of,  395-398,  455,  ii.  405-6 

—viceroy  of  Rush,  ii.  81 

Amen-hi-khopeshef.    See.  Ramses  Y., 

VI.,  X.,  xn. 

Amen-hi-unamif ,  prince,  ii.  79,  80 

Amenhotep  I.,  memorial  stone,  i.  291 ; 
campaigns,  326-328  ;  war  with  the 
Thuhen  or  Marmaridse,  327;  care 
in  building  the  great  temple  of 
Thebes,  328 ;  statue  of,  at  Kamak, 
restored  by  Thutmes  m.,  433 

—II.,  war  in  the  '  Red  Land,'  i.  465  ; 
revolt  in  Asia,  456 ;  memorial  tab- 
let in  the  temple  of  l^m^^^  453^ 
459;  picture  and  inscription  at 
Abd-el-Qumah,  459 ;  temples  in 
Egypt  and  Nubia,  460 ;  records  of, 
by  the  scribe  Za-anni,  ii.  407 

— III.,  rebuilds  and  restores  templet, 


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AMENHOTEP 
i.  296;  searabai  as  memorials, 
468 ;  lion  hunts,  468 ;  campaigns 
in  Ethiopia,  469 ;  progress  up  the 
Nile,  470 ;  hands  of  slain  foes  ont 
off,  471 ;  penetrates  into  the  Soadan, 
471  ;  list  of  oonqnered  tribes,  471, 
47^;  wealth,  governors,  472;  in- 
scription, 473-475 ;  colossal  statues 
of,  called  '  Memnon,'  476,  479,  480 ; 
opens  new  quarries  at  Mokattam 
for  temple-buildings  at  Thebes,  476, 
477;  memorial  tablet  at  Medinet 
Abou,  478 ;  finishes  and  adorns  the 
temple  on  the  Island  of  Ele- 
phantine, 486;  thirty  years*  ju- 
bilee, 487;  rewards  to  voluntary 
tax-payers,  488;  thefts  committed 
on  his  coronation-day,  489 ;  length 
of  his  reign,  489  ;  his  queen,  490 ; 
his  sons  and  daughters,  491 ;  re- 
cords of,  on  scarabaei,  ii.  406,  407  ; 
his  Asiatic  wife  and  numerous 
harem,  407  ;  his  lake  in  the  city  of 
Z*aru,  408 

Amenhotep  IV.,  his  foreign  blood,  i. 
491  ;  aversion  to  the  worship  of 
Amon,  492 ;  new  doctrines,  492 ;  pe- 
culiar features  and  figure,  492  ;  ob- 
literates the  nam'es  of  Amon  and 
Mut ;  rebellion  of  the  priests  and 
people ;  adopts  the  name  of  Khun- 
aten,  494 ;  question  about  identity, 
493  n. ;  founds  a  new  capital ;  builds 
a  temple  to  the  sun-god,  Aten,  494 ; 
inscriptions  at  Sllsilis,  498 ;  domes- 
tic life,  603 ;  pictures  and  inscrip- 
tion at  Tel-el- Amama,  603-606; 
victories  over  Syrians  and  Kushites, 
506;  death  without  male  issue, 
507 ;  sons-in-law,  608 

— first  seer  of  Amon,  his  buildings  at 
Thebes,  i.  164,  165 

— son  of  Hapu,  governor  under 
Amenhotep  m.,  i.  472;  special 
statue  dedicated  to  him,  473 ;  in- 
scription, 473-475;  his  colossal 
statues  of  the  king,  474,  476,  481 ; 
his  parentage,  482 ;  founds  the  tem- 


r  ¥ 


AMUNENSHA 
pie  of  Ha-kak,  483-485 ;  deified  as 

a  god  of  learning,  485 ;  his  works 

in  Egypt  and  Nubia,  486 
— chief  priest  of  Amon  under  Ramses 

IX. ;  presentation  of  his  reward,  ii. 
186,    187;   his  restoration  of  the 

great  temple,  188 
Ameni  (Amen),  inscription  of,  in  time 

of  Usurtasen  I.,  i.  166-158 
— inscription  of,  in  time  of  Usurtasen 

ni.,  ii.  405 
Ameniriiis,    queen,    ii.    277;    statue 

o^  at  Eamak,  281 ;  inscription,  282 
Ameni- Seneb,  governor  of  the  temple 

at  Abydus,  i.  162 
Amen-messu,  anti-king,  ii.  140 
Amenti,  the  under-world,  i.  485 
Amenu,  king,  his  pyramid,  i.  167 
Amen-uah-su,  painter  under  Bamses 

n.,  records  of,  ii.  31,  409 
— priest  of    *  Amon    of  Bamses  II,,' 

ii.  412 
Ammonites,  i.  403 
Amon,  Amon-ra,  king  of  the  gods,  i. 

34,  et  passim ;  origin  from    Pant 

(Arabia),  ii.  403;   cities   specially 

sacred  to:  1.  In  Upper  Egypt:  see 

Thebes  and  Diospolis  Parva :  2.  In 

Middle  Egypt  (the    Fayoum),  at 

Pehuu,  ii.  417  :  3.  In  Lower  Egypt ; 

see  Na- Amon :  temple  of,  at  Thebes, 

begun  by  Usurtasen  L,  i.  155;  ii. 

188  ;  works  xTpaUf passim;  buildings 

and  endowment  by  Thutmes  HI.,  i. 

419-424;  restored    by  the    chief- 

priest,  Amenhotep,    ii.    188.     See 

Kamak 
Amon-hi-khopesh-ef,  son  of  Bamses 

n.,  ii.  69 
Amon-seru,  dedication  of  the  temple 

of,  i.  369 
Amon-Zefes,  wife  of   the   architect 

Sem-nofer,  i.  60 
Amu  (*  people '),  east  of  Egypt,  i.  13, 

118,   177,  248,  276,  366,  398,  462, 

&c. ;  name  used  for  banditti,  ii.  110 
Amn-Kahak,  the,  i.  326 
Amnnensha,  king  of  Tennu,  i.  147 

2 


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INDEX. 


A-UVSBA 
A-Miuha  C  island  of  Moses ')»  ii*  417. 

See  I-en-Mosh^ 
Amyrteens,  ii  287.  332,  333 
An,  i.  447.    See  Tentyra 
An,  the  Knshitos,  i.  330,  332,  346 
Anait,  or  Analtis,  goddess,  i.  246.  See 

Antha 
A-nakhtu,  fortress,  ii.  13 
An-an-mth,  on  Ijake  Nesroan,  i.  377 
Anastasi  m.,  papyms,  ii,  100,  131 
Anaogas  ( Jenysns),  i.  336, 382, 389 ;  ii, 

47 
Anbu  (Shor,  Geirhon),  i.  147,  238 ;  ii. 

376,  390,  397 
Andromeda,  local  source  of  her  myth 

at  Idp6  (Joppa)  on  the  coast    of 

Palestine,  11.  403 
Andrdn-polis,  ii.  374 
Anentef  (Nentef),  kings  of  Dyn.  XI., 

i.  132 ;  their  coffins  discovered,  ib. 
Anhnr  (Onnris),  the  god  of  war.  i.  60, 

70 ;  deity  of  Sebennytns,  ii.  337 ; 

his  temple  at  This,  416 
Ani,  royal  architect,  ii.  34 
Anibe,    rock-tomb  with  records   re- 
specting the  boondaries  of  land  in 

Nnbia,  ii.  182 
Animal  worship,  institntion   of,  as- 
cribed to  king  Eakan,  i.  74 
Ankh, '  the  living  one,'  the  great  god 

worshipped  at  Pitom ;  his  peculi^ 

priesthood,  and  symbol,  ii.  377,  /. 

See  Kerch 
Ankh-nes-Amon,  daughter  of  Ehun- 

aten,  i.  607 
Ankh-Psamethik,  priest,  ii.  293 
—architect,  ii.  309 
Ankhs*es-Banofrehet,  qneen  of  Ama- 

sis,  ii.  326 
Annas,  i.  163 
Anna  (i.e.  <  obelisks  *),  city,  tlie  On  of 

SS.,  i.  160,  240,  261 ;  ii.  369.     See 

Heliopolis 
Antaeopolis   (Ni-ent-bak),  capital  of 

Nome  Xn,  (Up.  Bg.),  ii.  347 
<Antar,  stable  of,*  1.224 
Antha,  Ana'itis,  warrior  goddess,  IL 

34,99 


APOLLINOPOLIS 

Antilibanns,  1.  337,  399 

AntinoS,  city,  L  166 

Annbis,  god  with  a  jackal's  head,  i.  73, 
223,  224 ;  temples  at  Lyoopolis  and 
Sapto,  ii  416,  417 

Apachnan,  i.  263 

Ape,  Api,  Thebes  E.  of  the  Nile,  i. 
347,  366,  et  paeHm  (</.  Apeta)  ;  in 
Lower  Egypt,  IL  418 

Aper,  Aperia,  Apuimi,  an  Brythraean 
people,  not  Hebrews,  ii.  91,  134, 148 

Ape-tash,  i.  193 

Apeta  (Ape),  temple  of  the  empire  at, 
i.  164,  etpasnm 

Apheru,  god,  i.  197,  224 

Aphobis  (or  Aphophis,  Apophis. 
Aphosis),  shepherd-king,  i.  263, 
273,/.;  said  to  have  been  contem- 
poraiy  with  Joseph,  300 

Aphrodite.    See  Hathor 

Aphroditopolis  (Debui  Tebn),  capital 
of  Nome  X.  (Up.  Eg.),  ii.  347, 
376 ;  temple  built  by  Bamses  m., 
416 

—  (Tep-ah,  '  cow-city,'  now  Atfih), 
capital  of  Nome  XXTT.  (Up.  Eg.), 
with  temple  of  Hathor,  ii  348,  417 

Apis  (Hapi),  the  sacred  bull  of  Mem- 
phis, i.  39,  74 ;  the  tombs  of,  at  Saq- 
qarah,i.  74 ;  inscribed  tombstones,ii. 
228,  229,  232 ;  solemn  translation  of 
the  deceased,  to  the  Serapemn,  229  ; 
worship  of,  at  Memphis,  229,  232 ; 
memorial  stones  at  the  Serapemn, 
296-298;  care  bestowed  on  their 
burial  under  the  Persian  Empire, 
298 ;  time  occupied  in  the  construc- 
tion of  the  tombs,  298;  story  of 
Cambyses  refuted,  299, 300 ;  honour 
paid  by  Darius,  300;  sarcophagus 
with  dedicatory  inscription  by 
Ehabbash,  301;  latest  tablet  of 
king  Nakht-neb-ef,  302 

Apis  (Ni-ent-Hapi),  capital  of  Nome 
m.  (L.  Eg.),  u.  240,  348 

Apollinopolis  Magna  (Teb,  now  Ed- 
fou),  capital  of  Nome  II.  (Up.  Eg.), 
seat  of  Hor  (as  Hud)  and  Hathor, 


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437 


APOPHI8 
ii.  34,  847,  403 ;  temple  of  the  sun, 
i.  323;  geographical  and  mytholo- 
gical inscription,  236.    See  Edf  on 
Apophis,  the  snake  of  hell,  i.  484 
Apopi,  at  Apopa,  Hyksos  king,  i.  273. 

See  Aphobis 
Apries.    See  Uah-ab-ra 
Apo,  ii.  347.    See  Panopolis 
Apoimi,  ii.  91.    See  Aper 
A-qa-oa-sha,  the,  ii.  122,  123, 127 
Arabah,  the,  ii.  14 

Arabia,  and   the    opposite  ooast    of 
Africa,  called  the  *land  of  the  gods,' 
ii.  34  9>.,  ii.  403.    See  Pant 
Arabian  Hills,  the,  i.  20 
Arabian  Nome,  E.  of  the  Nile,  the 

modem  Sharhieh,  i.  21 
Arabs,  i.  91 ;  the  Shasu,  179 ;  Arab 

conquest  of  Mesopotamia,  367 
Arados  (^tho,  Aruth),    i.  377,  888, 

394,  401 ;  ii.  46,  Sec. 
Aram  (Syria),  i.  339 ;  wine  from,  403 
Architects,  royal  (Mar-ket),  office  of, 
i.  60 ;  list  of,  60 ;  pedigree  of,  ii. 
309 
Argo,  island,  i.  ^20 
Arinath,  i.  456 
Ariso,    or   Alisu    (Arias    or   Alius), 

usurpation  of,  Ii.  140,  141 
Armed  force,  the,  i.  64 
Ar6nuftta  Acrdn  (C.  Guardafui),  in  the 

land  of  Punt,  L  363,  366 
Arses,  king,  ii.  287, 339 
Arsinoites  Nomos(the  Fayoum),  Nome 

XXI.  (Up.  Eg.),  iL  417 
Art,  technical,  ancient  Egyptian,  i.  97 
—under  the  12th  dynasty,  i.  201-206 
Artazerxes  I.,  ii.  286,  314,332-3 
— n.  Mnemon,  ii.  384-338 
— m.  See  Ochus 
A-rud,  in  Upper  Egypt,  with  temple 

of  Amon-r*a,  ii.  417 
Arunata  (Orontes),  R.,  i.  337 
Aryandes,  satrap,  ii.  329,  830 
AsbytsB,  ii.  147 
Asebi  (Cyprus),  i.  372 ;  tribute  of  the 

king  of,  881,  383,  384,  404 
Ashdod,  ii.  322 


ATHU 

Asher.  Syria,  f.  268 

Asher,  tribe  of,  ii.  20 

ABher(u),  lake,  i.  477  ;  ii.  71,  189 

Ashtaroth-Earnaim,  ii.  6 

Ashur,  Assyria,  i.  268 

Asia  Minor  and  islands,  places  and 
tribes  of,  on  monuments  of  Bamses 
n.,  ii.  67, 410  J». ;  of  Bamses  HI.,  ii. 
168-9 

Asia,  Western,  war  of  yengeance 
against,  i.  336 

Askalon,  i.  337 ;  ii.  68,  69 

Asmara,  electrum,  i.  404 

As8a,king,i.  110,111 

Assarhaddon  (Esarhaddon),  ii.  266,/. ; 
memorial  stone  near  Beyrout,  276 

Assaseef,  necropolis  of  Thebes,  1.  132, 
448,  n. 

Asseth,  i.  263 

Assooan,  i.  64,  91 ;  rock-tablet,  346 

Assur,  king  of,  i.  339 ;  tribute  from, 
374,  376,  404 

Assnrbanipal,  king  of  Assyria,  ii.  266 ; 
record  of,  266-274 

Assyrian  Empire,  rise  of  the,  in 
Mesopotamia,  ii.  201 ;  invasion  of 
Egypt,  202;  conquest  of  Egypt, 
and  new  foreign  dynasty,  208-211 

Astarte,  worshipped  in  Egypt,  i.  68, 244 

Ata,  king,  i.  69,  72 

Ataiuhi  (Athiuhi)  and  Aliurta,  Per- 
sian governors  at  Coptos,  ii.  312 ; 
their  inscriptions  in  the  valley  of 
Hammamat,  313,  314 

Atargates,  ii.  6.    See  Derceto 

Atef -crown,  the,  ii.  144 

Aten,  sun-god,  1.  494 ;  his  obelisk  at 
Thebes  destroyed,  621 

Athaka,  mines  of,  11.  148 

Athenians  in  Egypt,  ii.  332 

Athothis  (Tota,  Aiot,  Ata),  i.  72 

Athribis  (Ha-ta-hir-ab),  capital  of 
Nome  X.  (L.  Eg.),  i.  73 ;  ii.  239, 
263,  348 ;  temple  of  Horus  at,  418 

Athu,  lakes  in  the  lowlands,  in  the 
extreme  N.  of  Egypt,  i.  146;  the 
Egyptian  equivalent  of  the  Semitic 
Souph,  11.  372-8.    OHnj^.  Nathu 


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438 


INDEX. 


ATHTB 

Athyr,  month,  i.  465, 527  ;  ii.  232,  296 
Ati,  king,  1.  116 

Ati,  the  canal  of  Heliopolis,  ii.  417 
Atot,  king,  i.  69,  72 
Atum,  i.  150.    See  Tom 
Aup  (Aupa),  i.  256;  northern  boun- 
dary of  the  Khalu,  i.  400,  ii.  110 
Auputh,  eldest  son   of  Shashanq  I., 

his  early  death,  ii.  222;   anoUier, 

239,  243,  251 
Avari8(Ha-ii'ar),i.235,266,  270;  siege 

and  capture  of,   by  Amasis,   285; 

probably  the  Baal-zephon  of  BS.,  ii. 

428;  ruins  of,  at  Tel-el-Hir,  428, 

431 
Azaba  (Ozaeb),  fortress  of,  i.  240 

BA,  name  of  a  pyramid,  i.  107 
Baal,  i.  244,  etpamm 

Baal-Mahar,  ii.  165, 168,/. 

Baal-Sutekh,  i.  279 ;  temple  to,  and 
his  wife  Astartha-Anatha,  ii.  3. 

Baal-Zapuna  (Baal-zephon,  SS.),  the 
special  form  of  the  Semitic  Baal  wor- 
shipped in  Egypt  at  Sutekh,  i.  277- 
8 ;  derivation  of  the  name,  ii.  427 

Baal-Zephon,  Mt.  Oasius,  i.  280 ;  ii. 
13,  393;  or  rather  Avaris,  427-8 

Baba  Abana,  i.  280;  tomb  of,  at  £1- 
Kab,  302  ;  inscription  referring  to 
a  famine  lasting  many  years,  304, 
305 

Babel,  Babylon,  Babylonia,  the  central 
point  whence  the  abodes  of  the 
most  ancient  nations  were  esti- 
mated, i.  255  n. ;  339,  367,  403 ; 
tablet  in  the  language  of,  ii.  209 ; 
peopled  by  Cushites,  402 

Babylon,  city  of  Egypt,  i.  150,  403 ; 
ii.  251 

Bainuter,  king,  i.  69,  75 

Bakhatana,  land  of,  ii.  191,/.,  194 

Barathra.    See  Gulfs  and  Pihahiroth 

Barkal,  Mt.,  1.  151,  329 ;  temple-for- 
tress on,  486  ;  meaning  of  name,  ii. 
236,  284 ;  memorials  of  Piankhiand 
Miamun  Nut  at,  238,/..  257,/. 

Bast,  goddess,  i.  245 ;  ii.  228 


BIOEH 

Beba,  governor  of  Pepi's  city,  i.  126 

Bedouins  on  Pharaoh's  property,  i. 
233 ;  wanderings  near  the  town  of 
Pibailos,  251 ;  (Shasu),  263 

Begig,  obelisk  at,  i.  153 

Behani  (Bodn),  i.470 ;  ii.  9 

Behereh,  Arab  name  of  Lower  Egypt, 
i.  19 

Beit-el- Walli,  rock-grottoes  of,  with 
victories  of  Ramses  II.,  ii.  78 

Bek,  architect,  i.  495 ;  his  tombstone, 
496 ;  inscription,496 ;  genealogy,497 

Bek-en-aten,  princess,  i.  495,  498 

Beken-khonsu,  architect,  i.  45 

— chief  priest  of  Amon,  under  Amen- 
hotep  m.,  his  statue  at  Berlin,  ii. 
408;  another  under  Bamses  U.,  in- 
scriptions on  his  statue  at  Munich, 
ii.  117, 119 

Bekhen  (tower),  i.  423 ;  li.^13 

Benben  (*  obelisk  *)  L  521 ;  chamber, 
the,  151,  ii.  252 

Beni- Hassan,  inscription,  i.  149 ;  rock- 
tombs  at,  155 ;  long  inscription  in 
the  Hall  of  Sacrifice,  169-171 

Berenice,  ii.  32 

Bersheh,  tombs  at,  i.  120 

Berytus(Beyrout),i.337,  392;  ii.llO; 
rock-tablets  near,  65,  276 

Bes,  or  Bas,  idol  peculiar  to  the  land 
of  Punt,  i.  136,  245 

Beth-anta  (Beth-anoth),  i.  393;  ii. 
20,  67,  218 

Beth-horon,ii.  217 

Beth-shean,  i.  393  ;  ii.  217 

Biamites,  Bimaites,  or  Basfamurites, 
the,  i.  259 

Biban-el-Molouk  (tombs  of  the  kings), 
i.  348 ;  tomb  of  king  Ai,  518 ;  burial- 
chamber  of  Ramses  II.,  ii.  119; 
sepulchre  of  Setl  II.,  139;  tomb 
of  Ramses  VI.,  astronomical  and 
chronological  value  of,  180 ;  thefts 
in  the  king's  tombs,  189, 190 

Bichere8,king,i.  84 

Bieneches,  king,  i.  69 

Bigeh,  island  of,  names  of  Amt^- 
hotep  nL's  governors  at»  i.  472 


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439 


BI-IN-DI-DI 
Bi-in-di-di,  i.  74.    See  Binebded 
Bi-ka-ra,  ii.  258, 263.  See  Miaxaan  Nut 

BUbeis,  i.  469.    See  Phil» 

Binebded  (Mendes),  the  sacred  ram 
wonhipped  at  Mendes,  i.  74 

Binothris,  king,  i.  69 ;  law  of  female 
snooession,  75 

Bint-antha,  favourite  daughter  of 
Ramses  n.  and  his  Kethite  queen, 
ii.  412 

Bint-resh,  princess,  ii.  192,/. 

Birket-el-Keronn,  i.  190 

BnOD,  shepherd  king,  i.  262 

Bocchoris,  king  (Bok-en-ran-ef,  Bn- 
kur-ni-ni-ip),  sole  Pharaoh  of  the 
24th  dynasty,  i.  51,  ii.  271,  280 

Boken-EhoDsn.     See  Beken-Khonsu 

Bokennifi,  ii.  239,  271 

Boundary-stones  erected  between 
negro4and  and  Egypt,  i.  182 

Brass  {U9em\  i.  386  ;  ii.  261 

Brick-making,  picture  of,  at  Abd-el 
Qumah,  i,  417,  418 

Bricks  at  Maskhoutah,  no  straw  or 
stubble  in,  ii.  424-5 

Bridge  over  the  Pelusiac  Nile  at 
Khetam  (Etham,  Daphnse,  Tel- 
Dafenneh),  ancient  Egyptian  pic- 
ture of,  ii.  19,  387,  388,  426 

British  Museum,  inscription  in,  of 
the  time  of  Horemhib,  i.  525 

Bubastic  arm  of  the  Nile,  i.  262 

Bubastids,  Hall  of  the,  at  Kamak, 
ii.  217,  219,  222,  226 

Bubastus  (Pi-bast,  *  city  of  Bast,'  Pi- 
beseth,  SS.)  capital  of  Nome  XVni. 
(L.  Eg.),  seat  of  Dyn.  XXH.,  i.  74, 
220,  245;  ii  207,  215,  228,  349,  869 

Buhau,  temple  of,  opposite  Wady 
Halfah,  i.  438 

BuU,  the  sacred,  of  Memphis,  i.  74,  see 
Apis :  of  Heliopolis,  74,  see  Mnevis 

Busiris  (Pi-usiri),  capital  of  Nome 
IX.  and  chief  seat  of  the  worship  of 
Osiris  in  Lower  Egypt,  i.  37,  441, 
467  ;  ii.  229,  239,  243,  264,  348 

Butau,  king  (BoSthos),  i.  69,  74 

Buto,  goddess,  i.  519 


CARCHSMISH 

Buto  (Pi-uto,  *city  of  Uto,'  Isis), 
capital  of  Nome  XIX.  (L.  Eg.), 
lake  and  city,  Thutmes  III.  exiled 
to,  by  his  sister,  i.  361,  426  ;  ii.  13, 
240,  316,  349 

Byblus,  i.  240,  ii.  418.    See  Pi-bailos 

Byssus,  i.  408 

CABASUS  (Qa-hebes),  capital  oC 
Nome  XI.  (L.  Eg.),  ii.  348 

Cabul,  ii.  67 

Cairo,  i.  58,  322,  &c. 

Calendar,  old  Egyptian,  fixed  holidays 
and  festivals,  i.  174-5 ;  ii.  162, 163 ; 
Table  of,  i.  527 

Cambyses,  his  alliance  with  the  Arabs, 
i.  270  It. ;  ii.  93,  286;  story  of  \m 
slaying  the  Apis-bull  refuted,  ii. 
299,  /.,  303,/.,  307  ;  true  date  of  his 
conquest  of  Egypt,  300,  313-316, 
329 

Canaan,  son  of  Ham,  ethnographical 
signification,  ii.  404 

—the  land  of  {pa  Kan*ana\  i.  248, 
411;  ii.  15,  20;  war  of  Ramses  II. 
with,  66,  /.;  Egyptian  fortresses  in, 
131 ;  towns  in,  159 ;  Ramses  III.'s 
temple  of  Amon  in,  419,  420.  See 
Zaha 

Canaanites,  i.  31 ;  ii.  4,  68,  77,  80  ; 
employed  as  the  bearers  of  official 
despatches,  131 

Canal  of  Seti  J.  and  Ramses  II.,  at- 
tempted reopening  of,  by  Necho,  ii. 
323;  of  Darius  I.,  inscriptions  re- 
lating to,  3 10, 3 1 1  of  M.  de  Lesseps, 
323 

Canana,  hill  town,  i.  248 

Canopic  branch  of  the  Nile,  i.  Ii, 
229,  230, 236  ;  ii.  147,  156 

Canopus  (Zoq^a),  capital  of  Nome  lY. 
(L.  Eg.\  ii.  147,  267,/.,  348 

—  decree  of,  i.  268 

—the  star,  i.  416 

Caphtor,  SS.  (Keftha-Hor),  an  *  island ' 
on  the  Egyptian  coast,  the  father- 
land of  the  Philistines,  ii.  403 

Carchemish  (Circesium),  i.  337 ;  ii.  3, 


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INDEX. 


CARDINAL 

164 ;      identified    with    JerablOs, 
xxzvi.n. 
Cardinal  points,  N.  E.  S.  W.,  how  esti- 
mated by  the  Semitic  nations,  and 
how  by  the  Egyptians,  i.  266  n. 
Carian-Colchian  nations,  victory  over, 

ii.  163,  160  (</.  Pref.  xx.) 
Cartouches,  royal,  1. 70  n. ;  of  Senof em, 
78 ;  of  Banuser,  108 ;  of  Kaankhra, 
216;  hieroglyphic  ^oMim 

Casiiis,  M.  with  fortified  temple  (Uti) 
of  Baal,  ii.  13  ;  also  a  district  (Cas- 
siotis),  426,  427.  See  Baal-zapuna 
and  Hazina 

Cassiopeia,  wife  of  Cepheus,  or  of 
Phoenix,  a  mythical  link  between 
Arabia  and  Phcenicia,  ii.  403 

Catabathmus,  ii.  130 

Cataracts  of  the  Nile :  the  first,  bound- 
ary of  Egypt  and  Nabia,  1.  329  ,*  the 
second,  the  boundary  of  negro-land, 
169,  438  (see  Wady  Halfah) ;  the 
third,  of  Kemian,  831 ;  god  of,  438 

Caucasians,  ii.  128,  129,  147 

Cepheis,  Cepheus,  and  cognate  names, 
in  Ethiopia,  Arabia,  and  Phoenicia, 
corresponding  to  the  Kef  a,  &c.,  of 
Egyptian  inscriptions,  ii.  402,  403 

Cliabrias,  ii.  336,  337,  338 

Qhabryes,  king,  i.  94.    See  Khafra 

Chaldasan  dynasty  in  Mesopotamia 
overthrown  by  the  Arabs,  i.  367 

Chariots  first  introduced  from  Canaan, 
i.  340. 

Cheops  (Ehufu,  Chembes,  Suphis),  i. 
86 ;  his  pyramid,  86 

Chester,  Mr.  Greville,  on  the  Exodus, 
ii.  400,  431 

Chronology  of  the  Pharaonic  history 
uncertain  till  Dyn.  XXVI.,  Pref. 
xxiii.,  i.  41 ;  method  of  genealogies, 
42;  ii.  264,  321,  340-6 

Cibyra,  ii.  169 

Cilida,  i.  460;  ii.  163;  places  in,  on 
monument  of  Ramses  m.,  168-160 

Civilization,  Egyptian,  not  first 
founded  by  the  priests  of  Mero§, 
i.  9 ;  course  of,  up  the  Nile,  10 


DAXIETTA 

Cleopatra's  Needles,  i.  461 

Clysma,  ii.  239 

Cocheiche,  the  great  dyke  of,  i.  62 

Coele-Syria,  i.  337 

Colossse,  ii.  169 

Commerce,  i.  24 ;  with  Libya,  Pales- 
tine, &c.,  199;  Phoenician,  254, 
403 

Conon,  ii.  336 

Conquests,  lists  of.    See  Lists 

Conspiracy,  the  Harem,  ii.  164-172 

Coptos  (Qobt),  capital  of  Nome  V. 
(Up.  Eg.),  i.  138,  136,  ii.  347 ;  road 
from,  to  Leucos  Limen  (Qosseir), 
i.  138 ;  to  Berenice,  ii.  .82 ;  temple 
of  Bamses  m.  to  Khim,  Horus, 
and  Isis,  416 

Coracesium,  ii.  169 

Crocodile  worship,  i.  192 

Crocodilopolis  (Pi-sebek,  Pi-sekhem- 
kheper-ra,  Shet),  capital  of  Nome 
XXI.  (Up.  Eg.),  i.  164,  194,  201 ;  u. 
240, 248, 266,  374 ;  temple  of  Horns 
on  lake  Moeris,  417 

Cronos,  i.  36.    See  Seb 

Crowns,  the  two,  insignia  of  Upper 
and  Lower  Egypt^  i.  20 

Crypt  at  Heliopolis,  ii.  249 

Cus83  (Qors,  Qos),  capital  of  Nome 
XIV.  (Up.  Eg.),  ii.  347 

Cush,  son  of  Ham,  migrated  from  the 
East  to  Arabia  and  Africa,  the  land 
of  Pun,  streams  of  Cushite  migra- 
tions thence  to  Ethiopia,  Babylonia, 
Egypt,  and  Phoenicia,  ii.  401,  402. 
SeeKxah 

Cynopolis,  Cyndnpolis  (C^a-sa),  capital 
of  Nome  XVn.  (Up.  Eg.),  i.  170. 
179,616;  11348,417 

Cyprus  (Asebi),  i.  372,  381,  383,  384, 
404;  places  in,  on  monument  of 
Ramses  III.,  ii.  168-160 

Cyrene,  ii.  130,  326,  326 


DAMASCUS,  i.  337,  392,  403 
Damietta       (Grk.      Tamiathis, 
Coptic  Tamiati,    Arab.     Damiilt), 


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DAKAU 
successor  of  Na-amon;  origin  of 
the  name,  ii.  419 

Danan  (Danai),  ii.  130,  146, 164 

DaphnsB  (Tabenet,  now  Tel-Defen- 
neb),  ii  307-8,  426.    See  Khetam 

Daphne  (Tnnep),  i.  399  ;  ii.  3 

Daidani  or  Dandani,  Dardanis,  ii.  47, 
130,  414  (jtf.  Preface,  xx.) 

Darius  I.,  king,  ii.  286,  314;  shows 
honour  to  the  Apis-bulls,  800, 301  ; 
testers  Egyptian  learning,  307  ;  his 
temple  of  Amon  at  Hibis  (El-Khar- 
geh)  in  the  Great  Oasis,  307,  330 ; 
his  canal,  310,  311,  330;  his  claim 
to  equality  with  Sesostris,  331 

— II.,  king,  ii.  286;  record  of  his 
works  at  El-Ehargeh,  307 

—  HL,  king,  iL  287, 308, 309, 819, 339 

Dashour,  pyramid  of,  i.  113 

Debui.    See  Aphroditopolis 

Delta,  the,  i.  21,  etpaesim 

Denderah,  temple  at,  i.  117 

Der  (Dirr)  temple,  picture  of  a  razzia 
on  the  negroes,  ii.  78 ;  sun-city  of 
Pira,  94,  183 

Derceto  (Atargatis),  goddess,  ii.  6 

Der-el-bahri,  royal  tombs  and  stage- 
temple  at,  i.  347 ;  pictures  and  in- 
scriptions, 351 

Der- el- Medineh,  temple  called  Hakak 
at,  i.  486 

Despatches,  official,  records  of,  11. 
131,132 

Did  (Didi),  king  of  the  Libyans,  ii. 
123, 153 

Diditm  or  Didun,  god,  i.  437,  462 

Diodorus,  i.  85 ;  ii.  391,  396 

Dionysus,  same  as  Bes,  i.  137 

Diospolis,  i.  283,  312 ;  ef,  Thebes 

— Parya.  1.  In  Upper  Egypt;  $fie 
Hut-Sokhem  and  Pehuu.  2.  In 
Lower  Egypt  (Pi-Khun-en-Amon), 
capital  of  Nome  XVU.,  ii.  349, 375. 
See  Na-Amon 

Dynasties  of  gods,  demi-gods,  and 
manes,  i.  34,  35,  36 

—of  Pharaohs,  causes  of  change  of 
dynasty,  i.  76 


EGYPT 
Df nasties,  1st,  2nd,  and  3rd,  i.  69 
—4th  and  6th,  Table  of  kings,  i.  84 
— 6th  to  nth,  i.  116  ;   connection  of 

nth,  13th,  17th,  and  18th,  314 
—12th,  Table  of  kings,  i.  140 
— 13th,  imperfect  accounts,  i.   208  ; 

revolts  and  internal  troubles,  211; 

list  of  kings  in  the  Turin  papyrus, 

214-216 ;  in  the  chamber  of  Eamak, 

222 
—14th  to  17th,  i.  210,  261-316 
—  18th,  i.  316;  genealogical  tree  of 

the  Pharaohs  and  their  wives,  346 
—19th,  ii.  1 
—20th,  ii.  146 

—21st,  ii.  200 ;  queens  of,  421 
—22nd,  ii.  215 
—23rd,  ii.  233 
-24th,  ii.  233,  280 
—26th,  ii.  234 
—26th  to  31st,  ii.  286,  287 ;  character 

of  their  monuments,  290,  291 
—26th,  of  SaJs,  ii.  321^329 
—27th,  Persians,  ii.  329-333 
—28th,  of  Sa'is,  ii.  333 
—29th   and   30th,  at    Mendes   and 

Sebennytus,  ii.  316,  335,  336 
—31st,  of  Persians,  ii.  339 
—32nd,  of  Macedonians,  ii.  339 
—33rd,  of  the  Ptolemies,  ii.  340 

ECLIPSE  of  the  moon,  in  Thake- 
loth  n.'s  reign,  ii.  226,  227 

Edesieh,  temple  of,  ii.  21.  See 
Bedesieh 

Edfou  (ApoUinopolis  Magna),  temple 
of,  i.  322-3 ;  geographical  inscrip- 
tion at,  236,  240 ;  u.  404 

Bdom,i.  147,160,248,326    . 

Education,  i.  29  ;  ii.  307 

Egypt»  its  native  name,  i.  16 ;  Asiatic 
names,  18 ;  two  great  divisions,  18 ; 
inHuence  of  nomes  on  political  state 
of,  22, 173 ;  condition  of,  under  the 
12th  djmasty,  198,  /. ;  the  central 
point  of  a  world-intercourse  in  the 
reign  of  Thutmes  III.,  366 ;  decline 
and  fall  of,  ii  287 ;  death-blow  by 


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INDEX. 


BGYPT 
the  Persians,  288 ;  silence  of  the 
monuments,  290 ;  history,  from 
Psammetichus  to  Ptolemy,  321 
Egypt,  prehistoric,  i.  32 ;  no  age  of 
stone,  bronze,  or  iron,  32  ;  mythical 
inventions,  33 
— list  of  its  nomes,  ii.  347-349 
Egyptians,  the  race  little  altered,  i.  7  ; 
not  Africans,  8 ;  origin  from  Asia,  8 ; 
and  immediately  from  Arabia,  ii. 
403 ;  language  akin  to  Indo-Oer- 
manic  and  Semitic,  i.  9;  an  agri- 
cultural people,  24 ;  navigation,  24 ; 
mental  endowments,  24 ;  character, 
26}  desire  of  learn iug,  340;  trade 
and  arts,  341 ;  theory  of  their  Nigri- 
tian  origin  refuted  by  Lepsius,  ii. 
401 ;  from  the  East,  and  probably 
from  Arabia ;  a  Cnshite  race,  kin- 
dred with  Ethiopians,  Arabians, 
Babylonians,  and  Phoenicians,  401, 
403 ;  all  coloured  red  on  the  monu- 
ments, 403-4;  rc^garded  Arabia  as 
their  sacred  cradle,  404 

Eileithyia  (Nekheb),  capital  of  Nome 
m.  (Up.  Eg.),  i.  279,  440,  ii.  347. 
See  El-Eab 

Electric  tish.    See  Eereh 

Electrum  (Asmara),  i.  404.  Comp. 
Usem 

Elephantine  (Ab),  island  and  city,  i. 
18,  181,  224,  437 ;  temple  to  local 
god,  439,  486;  obelisks  from,  ii. 
69 ;  dialect  of,  i.  19 ;  ii.  114 ;  capi- 
tal of  Nome  I.  (Up.  Eg.),  347,  374 

Eleutherus,  B.,  i.  337 

Blim  (Aa-lim  or  Tent-lim,  *  the  town 
of  fish  '),  ii  397,  398 

El-Kab  (Eileithyiapolis),  i.  226,  226 ; 
inscriptions  at,  237,  302 ;  tombs  at, 
280 ;  Seti  L's  temple,  ii.  31 

El-Ehargeh,  ii  294.    See  Hibis 

Ellahoon  pyramid,  i.  191,  193 

EUesieh,  inscription  to  Nahi,  1.  387  ; 
rock-tombs,.  438 

El-Qaasarieh,  remains  of  temple,  i.  66 

Bpiphi,  the  month,  i.  181,  439,  468, 
627 ;  IL  32,  &o. 


FENEKH 

Eraof  KingNub,about  1760  B.C.,  i.  299 

Eratosthenes,  1.  86 

Erpa,  title,  i.  62  ;  ii.  312 

Esneh  (Latopolis),  temple,  L  36,  440 

Etearchus,  ii.  264.    See  Tahaiaqa 

Etham,  i.  234,  239,  247  ;  ii.  12,  66,  98, 
132, 138,  386,/.,  421,  426.  See  Khe- 
tam 

Ethiopia  {ef.  Kush)  first  peopled  by 
Cushites,  with  capital  at  Merog,  ii. 
402 ;  not  the  primitive  home  of  the 
Egyptians,  i.  9;  civilized  from 
Egypt,  10 ;  inferiority  of  its  art,  1 1 ; 
riches  of,  333  ;  independence  and 
kingdom  of,  with  capital  at  l^apata, 
ii.  236, 236 ;  Egyptian  manners,  lan- 
guage, and  customs  preserved,  236 ; 
position  of  the  women  of  the  royal 
house,  236 ;  extension  of  the  king- 
dom, 236,  /. ;  threefold  division, 
264 ;  contest  with  Assyria,  266,/. ; 
end  of  empire,  281 

Ethiopian  proper  names,  etymology 
of,  ii.  282-284 

Etruscans,  ii.  129 

Euphrates,  i.  338,  339,  399,  &c. 

Eusebius,  his  Ckroniean,  i.  300  n. 

Exodus,  the,  1.  233,  238;  date  of, 
about  1300  B.C.,  296,  299,  300  n.; 
the  Pharaoh  of,  ii.  133 

— ^the,  and  the  Egyptian  Monuments, 
Discourse  on,  ii.  367,/.,  421,/. ;  Dr. 
Brugsch*s  method  of  identifying 
the  sites,  432 

FAMINES  in  Egypt,  i.  168,  304.  306 
Fayoum,  province  of,  Nome  XXI. 

(Up.  Eg.),  the  Arsinoite,   i    189; 

crocodile- worship  in,  191,  dec ;  tem- 
ples in,  ii.  417 
Feasts,  calendars  of,  i.  176,  176,  225, 

388  ;  ii.  162 
Fekhir,  a  region  of  Pun  (Arabia),  the 

MocritsB  of  Ptolemy,  ii.  404,  «. 
Female  succession,  law  of,  i.  76, 76 
Fenekh,    or    Fenikh,    the    earliest 

Phcenidans  in  Egypt^  i.   268,  277, 

296,  322  ;  ii.  219 


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443 


FRONTIERS 

Frontiers  of  Bgypt,  extension  of, 
under  the  12th  dynasty,  i.  198 

Fugitive  servants,  report  about,  paral- 
lel to  the  Exodus,  ii.  138,  389 

GAIilLES,  1.  403 ;  ii.  53 
Gallii,  the,  i  13.    See  Kar 
Ganabut,  tribute  from,  i.  378 
Gauzanitis  (Gozan,  Goshen),  ii.  3,  46, 

75,  410 
Gaza,  Gazatu,  i.  318,  337,  363,  367, 

369 ;  ii.  131 
Gebel  Touneh,  rock-tablet  at,  i.  506 
Genealogical  Tables : — 
— Family  of  Ameni  and  Khnumhotep, 

i.  156 
— of  Aahmes,  son  of  Abana-  Baba,  i.  281 
-  of  Dynasty  XVm.,  i.  346 
— at  end  of  Vol.  II.  :— 

I.  of  a  Family,  Dyn.  Xin. 

II.  of  the  Bamessids 

in.  of  the  architect  Ameneman 
IV.  Royal  Families  of  Dyn.  XX.- 
XXVI. 
Germanicus,  Csesar,  his  visit  to  Thebes, 

1.  366 
Ge-ro*a-ro-pi,  sister  to  Miamnn  Nut, 

11. 258 
Gerrhon,  i.  147.    See  Anbu 
Gharbieh,  Arabic  name  of,  the  region 

west  of  the  Nile,  the  ancient  Libyan 

nome,  i.  21 
Gilead,  balm  of,  i.  403 
Girgaui,    valley    of,    inscription    of 

Amenemhat  III.'s  victory,  i.  144 
Gizeh,  pyramids  of,  i.  86;  memorial 

stone  at,  463 ;  inscription,  464-466 
Gods,  land  of  the  (Arabia),  L  411 ;  it 

403  ief.  Holy  Land) 
Gold-mines  of  Egypt  and  Nubia,  ii. 

32,  33 ;  in  Wady-Alaki,  81 
Gold- washing,  ii.  33,  82 
Goeem  (Qosem,  Grk.  Phacussa,  Coptic 

Qous,  Arab.  Faqous),  capital  of  the 

Arabian  nome  (XX.  L.  Eg.),  the 

'land  of  Goshen '  (88.),  ii.  349,  369, 

410 
Guardafui,  Cape,  i.  416 


HARABAT 
*  Gulfs'  or  'pits'  (Jbarathra)  oi   the 

lake  Sirbonis,  ii.  391,  near  Pelusium, 

429, 432 
Gynsecdn-polis,  ii.  374 


HA,  ii.  347.    See  Hut-Sokhem 
Ha-ben-ben  (*  house  of  the  obe- 
lisk '),  ii.  252.    See  Benben 

Habennu.    See  Hasuten  and  Hibennu 

Hadramaut,  i.  139 

Hagar,  king.    See  Achoris 

Haggi  Qandil,  rock-tablets  at,  1.  506 

Hai,  tomb  of,  i.  526,  &q. 

Hak  (Haq),  title  ('prince'  or  'king'), 
i.  127.  136,  173,  178,  228,  265,  274  ; 
ii.  145,/ 

Hakak,  temple  at  Der-el-Medineh, 
memorial  stone  at,  i.  483-485 

Hak-Shaus.  i.  265.    See  Hyksos 

Haleb  (Khilibu),  ii.  3,  46 

Hamath,  i.  392;  ii.  110 

Hammamat,  rocky  valley,  road 
through,  from  Coptos  to  Bed  Sea, 
with  quairies,  and  gold  and  silver 
mines,  i.  133-7,  201 ;  inscriptions 
of  Pepi,  117  ;  of  Dyn.  XI.,  134,  135 
(borings  for  water,  ii.  87) ;  of  Dyn. 
Xn.,  i.  144,  187,  194-5 ;  of  Dyn. 
XIIL,  221 ;  of  Seti  I.,  ii.  32-4,  and 
Bamses  n.,  87  (gold-washing  and 
water-boring);  of  Bamses  IV. 
(great  expedition),  174-8 ;  of  the 
architect  Ehnum-ab-ra,  220,  310; 
of  Persian  satraps,  312,/. 

Hands  of  slain  foes  cut  off,  i.  471 

Hannu,  sent  by  Sankh-ka-ra  to  the 
land  of  Punt,  i.  137,  138 

Ha-nub,  i.  54,  125 

Hapi.    See  Apis 

Hapi,  the  Nile-god,  u.  86 

Hapu,  architect,  i.  60 

Hapasefa,  tomb  of,  at  Lycopolis,  i.  224 

Haq.     See  Hak 

Haq- Mama.    See  Bamses  IV. 

Haq-On.    See  Bamses  HI.,  VI.,  XHI. 

Haq- Us.    See  Thakelath  I. 

Harabat-el-Madfouneh,  1.  44,  50 


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HARSH 

Harem  conspiracy  in  Bamses  IIL's 
lime,  ii.  164-172 

Harincola  (Rhinocolura),  i.  336,  389 

Harris  papyrus,  the,  xxii.,  i.  230 

Hashop,  queen,  i.  343,  344 ;  assumes 
a  king's  titles  and  dress,  349 ;  erases 
the  name  of  Thutmes  II.  from  the 
monuments,  349;  her  buildings, 
351 ;  expedition  to  the  balsam-land 
of  Punt,  351 ;  homage  paid  to  her 
ambassador,  353  ;  gifts  and  trea- 
sures, 355,  356;  her  royal  attire, 
357;  dedication  of  the  treasures, 
358-360 ;  her  peaceful  reign,  361 ; 
shares  the  throne  with  her  brother, 
Thutmes  III.,  362  ;  their  joint  tablet 
at  Wady-Magharah,  363 ;  her  obe- 
lisk of  rose  granite,  362 ;  obelisks 
at  Thebes,  420-1 

Hasuten  (*  house  of  the  king,*  *royal 
city  ; '  Alabastr6npolls),  capital  of 
Nome  XVIII.  (Up.  Kg.),  early  resi- 
dence of  Horemhib,  i.  515,/.,  called 
also  Habennu,  ii.  348 

Hathor,  goddess  (Grk.  Aphrodite), 
protectress  of  Mafkat,  i.  81 ;  tem- 
ple of,  at  Tentyra,  inscription,  446, 
&c. ;  her  origin  from  Arabia,  ii. 
403 ;  worshipped  in  the  form  of  a 
cow  at  Tepahe  (the  *  cow-city ') 
or  Aphroditopolis,  292,  417 

Hathor,  the  month,  i.  155,  527 

Hat-kheper-ra.  See  Shashanq  I. ; 
Thakelath  H. 

Hat-ra.    See  Thakelath  L 

Hat-ta-hir-ab,  ii.  417.    See  Athribis 

Ha-u'ar  ('house  of  the  leg*),  i.  235, 
236,  237 ;  ii.  428,  431.    See  Avaris 

Hazi,  Hazina,  or  Hazion,  *  land  of  the 
asylum'  (Easion,  or  Casius),  the 
district  east  of  the  Pelusiac  Nile, 
i.  239 ;  ii.  13,  394,  426,  427 

Hebrews,  the,  i.  17, 18,298,/.;  u.  102, 
/,  134,  365,/ 

Hebron,  i.  230;  ii.  383;  Hethites 
settled  at,  in  time  of  Abraham,  405 

Heh,  or  Heha,  i.  166,  182,  199 

fleka,  architect,  i.  60 


HIBI8    . 

Heliopolis  (Annu,  On),  one  of  the  three 
capitals  of  Bgypt ;  capital  of  Nome 
Xfn.  (L.  Eg.) ;  temple  and  obelisks 
at,  i.  23,  149,  153,  204,  252,  308, 
448, 450-1;  ii.  29,  348,  375,  et  ptu- 
Hm ;  works  of  Ramses  m.  in  the 
temple  of  Tum-B'a-Hormakhu,  418 

— another,  418 

Heliopolitan  nome,i.  23,  463;  ii.  134, 
239,  348,  369 

Helmet,  royal,  or  double  crown,  i. 
517,  619 

Hephsestus,  Ptah,  i.  56 

Heracleopolis  Magna(Khinen8u),  capi- 
tal ©f  Nome  XX.  (Up.  Eg.),  ii.  224, 
239,  241,  245,  &c.,  348 ;  temple  of 
the  ram-headed  Her-shafni,  417 

— Parva,  ii.  373,  423.    See  Pitom 

Heracleum  (Earbana),  i.  229 

Hermes,  i.  100.    See  Thut 

Hermonthis,  i.  150,  440 

Hermopolis  Magna  (Ehimunu),  capi- 
tal of  Nome  XV.  (Up.  Eg.),  i.  100, 
103,  317,  444 ;  ii.  239,  241, 243,  245, 
347;  temple  of  Thot,  416  (<?/. 
Elhmun) 

-  Parva (Pi-Thut,  *city  of  Thut*),  ca- 
pital of  Nome  XV.  (L.  Eg.),  ii.  239, 
243,  254,  292,  349,  375 

Herodotus,  i.  44, 92,  100,  128, 191,  tec. 

Heroopolitan  nome,  i.  252 ;  ii.  418 

Her-sh'a,  east  of  Egypt,  destroyed 
under  Dyn.  XII.,  ii.  405 

Her-shafni  (Grk.  Harsaphes),  ram- 
headed  god  of  Heliopolis,  ii.  416 

Hethites.    See  Kheta 

Hi,  governor  of  the  South,  1. 472,  509 

Hi,  Hui,  sculptor,  under  Bamses  II., 
records  of,  ii.  31,  409 

—  administrator  of  the  temples  under 
Ramses  II.,  ii.  91 

Hibennu,  Hibonu  ('  Phosnix-city,* 
Hipponon,  or  Habennu,  Hut-uer; 
Hibjs),  capital  of  Nome  XVI.  (Up. 
Eg.),  ii.  241,  245,  319,  348;  temple 
of  Khnum  by  Ramses  HI.,  417 

Hibis  (Bl-Ehargeh),inthe  Great  Oasis, 
temple  at,  ii.  307 


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445 


BIPFONON 

Hipponon,  ii.  241.    See  Hibenna 

Hib8et,  festival  of,  i.  121, 122 

Hierapolis  (Mabog),  ii.  6 

Hin,  measure,  ii.  199 

Hinder  region,  the  N.  as  estimated  bj 
the  Egyptians,  but  the  W.  by  Se- 
mitic nations,  term  applied  to  the 
Khar  in  Assyrian  inscriptions,  1. 
255  n.    See  Cardinal  Points 

Hir  pyramid,  i.  101 

Hirhor,  the  priest-king,  his  usurpa- 
tion, ii.  200 ;  previous  high  position 
at  court,  200,  201 ;  overthrow  of 
his  race,  234 ;  they  retire  to 
Ethiopia,  234 ;  seat  of  their  future 
royalty,  235 ;  member  of  his  family, 
with  Semitic  names,  420-1 

Hirpit,  title,  i.  253,  &c. ;  ii.  380 

Hir-seshta,  the  secret  learning,  i.  64 

Hirusha,  the,  i.  118  ;  Pepi's  wars  with, 
119,  145,  161.     Comp.  Her'sha 

Hittites,  the,  of  Scripture,  i.  338 ;  ii. 
2.    See  Khita 

Holy  Land,  the,  Arabia,  i.  411,  &c. 

Holy  Scripture,  agreement  of  the 
monuments  with,  i.  306;  ii.  363, 
365 

Hontsen,  king's  daughter,  pyramid 
to,  i.  98 

Hor  (Horus,  Apollo),  god,  and  proto- 
type of  the  king,  i.  20,  37,  79,  et 
poMfim  \  connected  with  Punt  (Ara- 
bia), ii,  403 

Horemhib  (Horus),  king,  i.  615 ;  his 
relationship  to  the  royal  family, 
615  ;  retirement  at  Ha-suten,  515  ; 
statues  of  him  and  his  wife  at 
Turin,  616,  ii.  409;  with  inscrip- 
tion recording  his  early  history,  i. 
616-520 ;  crown  prince  and  son-in- 
law  to  Ai,  519;  coronation  and 
titles,  519;  voyage  to  Thebes  and 
coronation,  520-1,  ii.  408 ;  enlarges 
and  beautifies  the  temple  of  Amon, 
i.  521 ;  campaign  and  victories  in 
the  South,  522 ;  pictures  illustrating 
his  conquests,  522-525 

— master  Of  the  horse  under  Amenho- 


HTKS08 
tep  n.,Thutmes  IV .,  and  Amenhotep 
m.,  ii.  408 

Horemhib,  scribe  under  Ramses  H., 
ii.412 

Hor-em-saf,  architect,  ii.  220,  309 

Hormakhn  (Grk.  Harmachis),  the  god 
of  light  of  Heliopolis,  i.  370 ;  also 
of  Thebes,  ii.  33,  219,  220;  the 
Sun  on  the  meridian,  i.  464;  the 
Sphinx  his  emblem,  99,  464 ;  his 
festival,  390;  special  god  of  the 
Pharaohs,  473 ;  ii.  63,&c. ;  the  throne 
of  Egypt  his  seat,  144,  155;  his 
sanctuaries  at  Ibsamboul,  94-5,  and 
Zoan-Tanis,  98 ;  etpauim 

Horse  and  chariot,  introduced  from 
Asia,  first  mentioned,  i.  340,  342 

Hor-shesu,  the  successors  of  Horus,  i.  40 

Horsiise,  priest  and  satrap,  ii.  230, 270 

Hortotef,  prince,  i  103 

Horus.    See  Hor  and  Hud 

Hotep-hi-ma.    See  Mineptah  H. 

Hu,  name  of  the  Sphinx,  i.  99 

Hud,  of  Apollinopolis  Magna,  a  local 
form  of  Horus,  connected  with 
Punt,  ii.  403-4 

Huni,  king,  i.  69,  70,  83 

Hunt,  Lake  Mceris,  i.  193 

Hut-Sokhem  or  Ha  (Diospolis  Parva 
in  Upper  Egypt,  now  Hou),  capital 
of  Nome  VIL,  ii.  347  ;  temple  of 
Ramses  HI.  at,  416 

Hut-uer.    See  Hibennu 

Hyksos,  the,  a  branch  of  the  Cushite 
migration  from  Arabia,  ii.  402  ;  the 
dynasty  of,  i.  261 ;  Josephus's  ac- 
count of,  261, 262  ;  Arab  origin,  263 ; 
not  mentioned  in  monuments,  264 ; 
the  name  is  Hak-Shaus  <Eing  of 
the  Arabs,'  265,  266;  also  called 
Phoenicians,  267  ;  conclusions  about 
them,  270-2 ;  names  of  kings  erased, 
272;  the  two  surviving,  273  (eee 
Apophis,  Kubti);  rising  against 
them,  279 ;  their  expulsion,  285-8 ; 
hatred  of,  confined  to  the  South, 
291 ;  they  increased  the  splendour  of 
Zoan-Tanis,  294 ;  their  monuments 


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HTPBELE 
destroyed  by  the  kings  of  the  eigh- 
teenth dynasty,  294  (^.  Menti) 
Hypsele  (Shas-hotep),  capital  of  Nome 
XL  (Up.  Bg.)>  temple  of  Ehnun 
by  Ramses  IH.,  ii.  347,  416 

1BREEM  (Primis),  fortress  of,  i.  438 ; 
ii.  182 

Ibsamboul  (Abousimbel),  rock -tablet 
at,  ii.  70,  89  ;  memorial-stone  of  the 
peoples  of  Africa  conquered  by 
Ramses  II.»  81 ;  of  the  relations  be- 
tween Egypt  and  Khita,  88-90; 
rock-temple  of,  94-97;  bnilt  after 
the  victories  of  Ramses  II.  over  the 
Khita,  412 ;  inscription  of  Seti  II.» 
140,  141 

l-en-Mosh6  or  A-Musha,  the  *  island  ' 
or  *  river-bank  of  Moses '  (now  Su- 
rarieh),  ii.  117 ;  temple  of  Sebek  by 
Ramses  III.,  417 

Incense,  the  true,  from  the  land  of 
Punt,  i.  355 ;  devoted  to  the 
temple  at  Thebes,  359 

Inu'amu  (Janmia),  i.  337,  373,  389; 
battle  of,  ii.  15 

Inundation,  regulation  of  the,  i.  52-3, 
188,  219 ;  festival  of  the,  ii.  408 

lonians,  battle  of  the,  ii.  309 

I("'p4  (Joppa),  i.  392 ;  local  source  of 
the  myth  of  Andromeda,  ii.  4(!3 

Ise  (Isis),  Ramses  III.'s  wife,  ii.  172 

Isi-Anhur,  ii.  336.    See  Nakht-hor-ib 

Isis,  goddess,  i.  37,  98,  99,  361,  446^ 
465;  ii.  29,  et  passim 

Israel,  the  children  of,  pursuit  of,  ii. 
389,  390 :— kingdom  of,  216 

Israelites,  chronological  relation  to 
the  Hyksos  kings,  i.  296;  date  of 
migration  into  Egypt,  about  1730 
B.C.,  299 ;  no  mention  of  them  in 
the  inscriptions,  explained,  ii. 
103 

I-ther-nofirt,  chief  treasurer  of  Usur- 
tasen  m.,  ii.  405 


JACOB,  his  migration  into  Egypt, 
i.  299 


KAL 

Jeroboam  at  the  court  of  Shashanq,  ii. 
216 

Jerusalem  taken  by  Shashanq,  ii.  216 

Jezireh,  i.  52. 

Jobakchoi,  the,  i.  327 

Joppa,  i.  337,  392,  403 ;  ii.  112,  403 

Jordan  (lurduna),  1.  337 ;  the  ford  of, 
ii.  Ill 

Joseph,  i.  158,  278;  his  sale  into 
Egypt  placed  by  tradition  under 
the  Hyksos  king  Apophis,  300; 
contemporary  record  of  a  famine 
for  many  years,  802,  304 ;  his  office 
of  Adon  and  Ab-en-pirao,  307,  ii. 
146,  379 ;  meaning  of  his  name  of 
Zaphnatpaneakh,  i.  307i  ii-  378  ; 
names  of  his  wife  and  her  fother, 
and  of  his  master,  Putiphar,  i.  308  ; 
striking  parallel  in  the  tale  of  the 
Two  Brothers,  309,/. ;  ii.  139, ». 

Josephus,  i.  235 ;  his  acoount  of  the 
origin  of  the  Hyksos,  262,  263 

Jua  (-aa,  -ao),  father  of  Thi,  queen  of 
Amenhotep  HI.,  i.  345,  490 ;  ii.  407 

Jubilee  of  Amenhotep  m.,  i.  487 

—  the  thirty  years',  of  Ramses  n.*s 
reign,  ii.  114;  others,  passim 

Judah  invaded  by  Shashanq  I.,  ii. 
216 ;  cities,  kc,  conquered,  217 

Judah- Malek  (*the  royal')  in  the 
list  of  Shashanq's  conquests,  ii.  217 

Judges  of  ancient  Egypt,  i.  64 

Jupiter,  i.  327.    See  Amon  and  Oasis 

KADESH,  king  of,  leader  of  the 
league  in  Palestine,  1.  394 :  for- 
tress of,  taken  by^  Seti  I.,  ii.  16 ; 
pictures  of  the  battle  of  Ramses  II. 
against,  at  Abydus,  48-54 

Kadosh,  goddess,  i.  245 

Eahani,  i.  241 

E^dechos,  king  (Eakau),  i.  69,  70; 
worship  of  Apis  and  Mnevis  esta- 
blished in  his  reign,  74 

Kakami,  pyramid  of  the  black  bull,  L 
73  (c/.  Kodiome) 

Kakau,  king.    See  Eaiechos 

Eal,  Kar  (the  Galla),  i.  13 


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447 


KAMBATHET 

Kambathet,  ii.  304.    See  Cambyses 

Kames,  king,  i.  289»  290 

Kanaah,  1.  371 

Kan'azia,  or  Kan^aan,  fort,  i.  248; 
li.  12, 14 ;  Bamesseom  at,  164,  420 

Kanbaza,  ii.  304.    See  Oambjses 

Ka-ra>ma,  Usarkon  II. 's  wife,  ii.  224 

Karamat,  Shashanq  L's  wife,  ii.  212 ; 
inscription  concerning  her  property 
in  Egypt,  213,  214 

Karba,  Karbana,  Karbanit  (Hera- 
clenm),  i.  229  {cf.  Canopns) 

Karbelmati,  i.  327.    See  Sai's 

Rari,  or  Kali  (the  land  furthest  S.), 
i.  437,  462,  474 ;  ii.  84 

Eamak,  monuments  at,  1.  142 ;  vil- 
lage, 154 ;  list  of  kings  in  the 
chamber  of,  222 ;  temple  of,  com- 
mencement, 322 ;  inscriptions  at, 
366;  the  Hall  of  Pillais,  390,  410; 
list  of  towns,  392;  gardens  and 
arable  land  given  to  temple,  421 ; 
doors  and  gates  of  Thntmes  III., 
422, 423;  thanksgiving  of  the  priests, 
423,  424  ;  table  of  kings,  430 ;  HaU 
of  Ancestors,  433 ;  representation 
of  Amenhotep  n.  on  southern  gate, 
459  ;  of  Bamses  I.'s  coronation,  ii. 
9  ;  Great  Hall  of  Columns,  10,  21, 
92  ;  Mineptah  II. 's  inscription,  122- 
128  ;  record  of  Shashanq  I.*s  inva- 
sion of  Judah,  216 ;  list  of  con- 
quered countries,  217, 218  ;  Hall  of 
the  Bubastids,  219 

Kara,  Kalu,  i.  487.    See  Karl 

Kas,  a  district  of  Kush,  i.  169 

Kashy  i.  183.    See  Kush 

Kati  (Galilee),  ii.  77  ;  beer  from,  102, 
154 

Kefa,  Keft,  Kefeth,  Kefthu  (Caphtor, 
SS.),  the  kknd  and  people  of  Phoe- 
nicia, and  afterwards  of  the  Philis- 
tines, i.  256,  381,  385,  386 ;  ii.  402, 
403 ;  tributes  of,  406 

Keftha-Hor  (the  '  Keftha  of  Horus '), 
with  a  special  priesthood,  ii.  403. 
See  CSaphtor 

Kemi,  or  Kami  (black  land),  ancient 


KHARTOT 
name  of  Egypt,  i.  16 ;    ii.    265 ; 
et  pauifit 

Kepkep.    See  Kipkip 

Kerch  (*  the  smooth  '),  the  symbol  of 
the  <  living  *  god  worshipped  at  Pi- 
tom,  ii.  377,  422 

Kerkasorus,  i.  236 

Kerkesh,  or  Keshkesh  (the  Giige- 
sites),  ii.  47 

Kerman,  near  Tombos,  list  of  vic- 
tories at,  i.  331 

Ket,  weight,  ii.  199 

Khaankhra.    See  Sebek-hotep  VI. 

Khabbash,  anti-king  to  Xerxes,  ii. 
301,  331 ;  his  sarcophagus  for  the 
Apis-bull,  302  ;  named  in  an  inscrip- 
tion of  Ptolemy  I.,  315 

Khafra,  king  (Cephren  or  Chabryes), 
i.  84,  94 ;  his  pyramid,  94  ;  statues, 
96,  204 ;  name  on  the  Sphinx,  98, 
464,  466;  his  prophet  and  wife, 
100 

Kha-ka-ra.    See  Usurtasen  II. 

Kha-kau-ra.    See  Usurtasen  in. 

Khaleb  (Khalybon),  i.  337,  398,  &c. 

Khamhat,  inscription  in  tomb  of,  i.487 

Khamus,  Amenhotep  II.'s  son,  and 
chief  priest,  i.  461 

—  Bamses  II.*s  favourite  son,  ii.  69  ; 
high-priest  of  Ptah,  1 16 ;  buildings 
in  Memphis,  116 ;  death,  116 

—  governor  of  Thebes,  ii.  190 

—  See  Ramses  IX.  and  XTII. 
Kha-nofer,  pyramid,  i.  124,  146 
Khar  or  Khal,  Kharu  or  Khalu,  the 

Phoenicians,  i.  14,  267,  320,  337, 
367,  369,  381,  394,  400,  403-4,  510- 
11 ;  ii.  14,  16,  80,  142,  157  ;  on  the 
sea-coast  of  Zaba,  from  Egypt  to 
the  Canaanites,  i.  319,  320;  and 
in  Egypt,  as  far  as  Zoan-Tanis, 
254-  6,  267  ;  their  influence,  257  ; 
language,  258 ;  remnant  of,  about 
lake  Menzaleh,  14,  258^9;  em- 
ployed as  bearers  of  despatches,  ii. 
131 
Khartot  (Khartumim),  •  warrior- 
priests,*  at  Pi-ramses,  Zoan-Tanis, 


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INDEX. 


KHEM-AMUN 

the     *  magicians  '    who  withstood 
Moses,  ii.  384 
Khem-Amnn,  Bamses  I/s  temple  of, 
at  Wady-Halfah,  ii.  9  (as  corrected 
at  409) 
Khemmis.    See  Panopolis 
Kheper*ka-ra.    See  Usurtasen  L 
Kheper-ma-ra.    See  Ramses  X. 
Khesea,  district  of  Kosh,  i.  159 
Khesef-Thamhae,  fortress  of  Bamses 

m.,  Libyans  defeated  at,  ii.  153 
Khesaa,  ii.  348.    See  Xois 
Kheta,  the,  i.  14.    See  Khita 
Khetam  ('the  fortress')  of    Sukot, 

near  Pelosium,  ii.  380 
— (^tham),  at  Tabenet  (Daphne)  on 
the  great  Pharaonic  road  to  Pales- 
tine, drawing  of,  at  Eamak,  ii.  12, 
19,  386-8,  389,  390,  426 
Kheti,  wife  of  Ehnomhotep,  i.  179 
Khilibn  (Haleb),  ii.  3,  46,  109  ;  king 

of,  at  the  battle  of  Eadesh,  51 
Khim  (Pan),  i.   390;    ii.    177,    313, 

408 
Ehimunu.    See  Hermopolis  Magna 
Ehinensu  (Ahnas),  ii.  224,  308,  309, 

348.  See  Heracleopolis  Magna 
Ehita,  Eheta  (the  Ehethites  or  Hit- 
tites  of  8S.), '  the  great  land  of,'  i. 
384 ;  wars  of  kings  of  Dyn.  XII. 
with,  ii.  404;  settled  close  to 
Kgypt  in  the  time  of  Abraham,  405  ; 
a  great  division  of  the  Ruthen,  i. 
338;  tribute  from,  379,  384,  404; 
rise  of,  ii.  2;  locality  and  supremacy, 
3 ;  deities,  towns,  3 ;  military  array, 
4 ;  non- Semitic  names,  5  ;  list  of 
their  peoples  and  cities,  6-7 ;  supre- 
macy in  Western  Asia  before  the 
Assyrians,  7  ;  war  with  Egypt,  46 ; 
treaty  of  alliance,  71,  /.,  410 ;  re- 
lations of  Mineptahll.  with,  130 
Ehitasar,  or  Ehitasir,  king  of  Ehita, 
ii.  3,  4 ;  treaty  with  Ramses  11. 
written  on  a  silver  tablet,  70-76, 
410 ;  marriage  alliance,  78,  418 
Ehmun  (Hermopolis  Magna),  worship 
of  the  moon  at,  i.  317 


KIP-KIP 

Ehnum,  Ehnum-ra,  god  of  Ele- 
phantine, i.  36,  186;  temple  to,  at 
Eoummeh,  438,  444  ;  ii.  225,  260 

Ehnum-ab-r'a,  king,  burial  of  the 
Apis-bull,  ii.  297.    See  Amasis 

—  architect,  i.  43,  45  ;  ii.  220 ;  his 
pedigree,  309;  inscription  at  Ham- 
mamat,  310 

Ehnum-Amon.    See  Hashop 

Ehnumhotep,  i.  156;  his  tomb  at 
Beni-Hassan,  long  inscription,  169  ,* 
paintings,  177 ;  honours  accorded 
to  his  descendants,  179,  180 

Ehoiakh,  month,  i.  187,  524 ;  ii.  296 

Ehonsu,  Ehonsu-em-us  (*the  good 
and  friendly*),  son  of  Amon  and 
Mut,  god  of  Thebes,  ii.  22,  71,  119, 
163,  178,  191,  213,  /.,  214 ;  his 
temple  at  Thebes,  the  chapel  of  the 
Ramessids,  195,  416,  420 

— 'the  administrator*  of  Thebes, 
journey  of  his  image  to  Bakhatana, 
and  contest  with  a  demon,  ii.  193,/ 

Ehonsu-Thut,  i.  73.    See  Thut 

Ehont  *  forwards,'  t.^.  the  South,  ii. 
255  n.    See  Cardinal  Points 

Ehont-Hon-nofer,  a  genersd  name  for 
all  inner  Africa;  wars  against^  i. 
285,  286,  329,  330,  346;  ii.  41 

Ehu-aten,  new  city  buUt  by  king 
Ehun-aten,  1.  494 

Ehuf  u,  i.  85,  93.     See  Cheops 

Ehu-mennu,  the  Hall  of  Pillars  at 
Eamak,  i.  389,  430 

Ehunaten,  name  adopted  by  Amen- 
hotep  IV.,  i.  494 ;  question  of  their 
identity,  493  ». 

Ehu-setu,  pyramid,  i.  135 

Eing,  the,  of  Upper  and  Lower  Bgypt, 
his  titles,  &c.,  1.  61 

Eings  of  Kgypt,  list  of,  with  their 
epochs,  ii.  341-346 

Eings  and  satraps  in  Lower  Egypt, 
list  of,  ii.  239,  243 

Eing's  sons  of  Tini,  i.  51 ;  of  Eush, 
51,  332,  etpamm 

Eip-kip,  or  Eepkep,  capital  of  Ta> 
khont  (Nubia),  ii.  264,  265 


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449 


KIBOIPA 

Kizgipa,  Asiatic  wife  of  Amenhotep 
nL,  ai07 

Kissing  the  ground  before  Pharaoh, 
i.  104 

Kiti  (Chittim),  i.  394 

Kobti,  ii.  416.    See  Ck)pto8 

Kochome,  necropolis  of  Memphis,  1. 73 

Koloe,  i.  437 

KoDO£so,  island  of,  bas-relief  of  Men- 
tahotep  at,  i.  133;  inscription,  462 

Komsko,  i.  144 

Kouban,  stone  with  Inscription  to 
Ramses  II.  at,  ii.  8S-87 

Koammeh,  temple-fortress  at,  i.  181, 
189,  199,220,438,460 

Kurdistan,  ii.  47 

Kush  (Kash),  Ethiopia,  IJsaitasen's 
expedition  against,  i.  169 ;  names  of 
the  races  on  a  memorial  stone  at 
Wady-Halfah,169;  final  subjugation 
by  Usurtasen  in.,  182 ;  the  gover- 
nor of,  first  mentioned,  332 ;  tribute, 
381,  384,  ii.  406;  seat  of  a  new 
kingdom,  236;  subdivision  of  the 
kingdom,  with  capital  at  Napata, 
264 

T  ABYRINTH,  built  by  king  Amen- 
-Li     emhat  ITI.,  i  191 ;  meaning  of 

the  name,  Lape-ro-hunt,  193 
Lakes  and  waters  with  Semitic  names, 

i.232 
Language,  Egyptian,  akin   to   both 

Aryan  and   Semitic,   i.  9;  of   the 

Khethites,  its  peculiarities,  ii.  6 
Latopolis,  i.  440.    See  Esneh 
Lebanon,  Libanon,  Mount,  i.  337,  388, 

398,  401.     Cemp.  limanon 
Lee  and  Rollin  papyrus,  ii.  170,/. 
Leka,  Liku  (the  Ligyes),  u.  47,57,/., 

122,/.,  129 
Leontes  B.,  i.  337 
Leontopolis,  ii.  12,  374.    See  Ta'a-pa- 

mau 
Letopolis,  nome  of,  i.  467.  See  Sokhem 
Letter  of  an  Egyptian,  describing  the 

city    of    Bamses-Miamun  (Zoan- 

Tanis),  ii.  100 ;  of  a  priest  on  the 
VOL.  II.  G 


MAH 

new  literature  of  Ramses  II.  *s  time, 
108-114;  autograph  of  Ramses 
Xni.,  19^7 

Leucos  Limen(Qosseir),  i.  138;  ii.  87 

Libu,  the,  i.  11,  229.    See  Libyans 

Libyan  Desert,  the,  i.  20 

Libyan  nome,  west  of  the  Nile,  the 
modem  Gharbieh,  i.  21 

Libyans,  the,  i.  11,  12  ;  revolt  of,  77  ; 
irruption  of,  230;  wars  of  Seti  I. 
against,  ii.  21 ;  their  invasion  and 
defeat  by  Mineptah  II.,  121 ;  war 
of  Ramses  m.  with,  147  ;  &c. 

Limanon  (Limenen,  Rimenen,  the  re- 
gion of  Lebanon),  tribute  of,  i.379, 
383,  404 ;  fortress  in,  388  ;  the  in- 
habitants submit  to  Seti  I.,  ii.  18  ; 
trees  felled  for  ship-building,  18 

Lion,  fighting,  of  Ramses  n.,  ii.  80 

Lists  of  countries,  peoples,  and  places 
conquered  by  Thutmes  m.in  Upper 
Ruthen,  i.  392,  393 ;  in  the  S.,  406- 
9 ;  by  Amenhotep  m.,  471-2;  by 
Ramses  m.,  ii.  158-9 ;  by  Shashanq 
I.  in  Palestine,  217-8 ;  of  names  of 
the  Khita,  6-7 

Lowlands,  the  Egyptian,  i.  228 

Lui  (Levi,  Roi,  or  Loi),  high- priest 
and  architect,  ii.  136,  139 

Luqsor,  list  of  prisoners,  ii.  69; 
temple,  obelisks,  &c.,  92 

Luten.    See  Ruten 

Lycians,  ii.  129 

Lycopolis,  Lycon-polis  (Siajout,  now 
Ossiout),  capital  of  Nome  XIIT. 
(Up.  Eg.),  ii.  347,  874;  records  in 
the  tombs  of,  i.  223,  224;  temple 
of  Anubis,  ii.  416 

"IfAFKAT  (green-stone,  tuiquoise), 
-LU.    and  land  of,  i.  81,  160,  196, 489 ; 

ii.  149 
Magdolum.     See  Migdol 
Maghaiah,  i.  80.  /Si?«  Wady-Maghaiah 
Magicians  of  Exediu,  ii.  384.    See 

Khartot 
Mah,    a    captain    in    the    reign    of 

Thutmes  IH.,  i.  398,  461 


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450 


INDEX. 


MAH 

Mah,  the  nome  of,  i.  156-8, 180 
Mai,  architect  of  Ramses  II.,  ii.  98  n. 
— scribe  and  judge,  ii.  168,/. 
Main,  a  district  of  Nubia,  i.  406 ;  ii. 

81  ».,  181 
Ma-ka-ra.    See  Hashop 
Makitha,  ii.  21.    See  Megiddo 
Haktol  or  Magdol,  ii.  237.  ^S^^Migdol 
Malunna,  ii.  47,  66,  /. 
Mama.    See  Ramses  IV. 
Ma-men-ia.    See  Seti  I. 
Ma-neb-ra.    See  Amenhotep  HI. 
Manetbo,  i.  23,  39,  42,  etjfostim 
Manufactures,  i.  26 
Map,  old  Egyptian,  at  Turin,  ii.  81 
Marah  (the  Bitter  Lakes),  ii.  397-8 
Marajui,  Mauri,  Libyan  king,  ii.  123, 

126,  163 
Mareotic  nome,  ii.  130 
Marina,  title  (lord),  i.  374,  376,  &c. 
Marmarica,  i.  327 ;  ii.  21,  242 
Marmaridae,  i.  327-8,  460,  607 ;  ii.  21, 

79, 123,  404.    See  Thuhen 
Mas,  viceroy  in  Ethiopia,  ii.  136 
Masahartha  and  Masaqahartha,  7th 
and  8th  sons  of  Hirhor,  ii.  419,  420 
Masen,  region  of  Punt  in  Arabia,  the 

Masonitae  of  Ptolemy,  ii.  404 
Mashaphal,    Massala,    king    of    the 

Maxyes,  ii.  166 
Massaarah,  i.  91 ;  quarries  of,   with 

rock -tablets  of  Aahmes,  322 
Maskhoutah,  in  Wady-ToumeilAt,  me- 
morials of  Ramses  II.  at,  ii.  411, 
424 ;  but  not  the  city  of  Ramses, 
412,  426 
Mastabat-el-Faraoun,  pyramid,  i.  113. 

See  Dashour 
Mastemut,  paint,  i.  177,  178 
Mastura.    See  Cambyses 
Masu  (Masius  M.),  ii.  47 
Masui,  viceroy,  ii.  81 
Mat,  the   (Assyrians),  successors  to 

the  Khita,  ii.  202 
Matarieh  village,  i.  149,  448 
M'a-ur-nofru,  or  M*a-nofru-r'a,  queen 
of  Ramses  II.,  daughter  of  the  king 
of  Khita,  ii.  413 


MEMPHIS 
Maurosar,  king  of  Khita,  ii.  3 
Mauthanar,  king  of  Khita,  ii.  3, 16 
Maxyes,  the,  of  Libya,  irruption  of, 
under  Mineptah  II.,  i.  230 ;  war  of 
Ramses  III.  with,  ii.  147, 155 
Ifazai,  police,  i.  264 ;  ii.  91,  380,  &c. 
Mazor  (*  fortified '),  origin  of  Mizraim, 
properly  a  part  of  Lower  Bgypt^  L 
18,231,244;  ii.  237,  383  a. 
Measures,  ii.  199 

Medinet-Abou,  temple  of,  i.  347,  435 ; 
new   temple  of   Amenhotep   III., 
477;    his    memorial  tablet,    478; 
monuments  of  the  reign  of  Ramses 
in.  in  his  Ramesseum,  ii.  150,  415 ; 
inscriptions,   161,    167,    169;    pic- 
tures,  167;    names    of    conquered 
cities,  168, 169 ;  temple  at,  on  the 
Nebankh,  with  inscriptions  of  the 
Egyptian   calendar   and  holidays, 
162 ;  festivals,  163  ;  list  of  Ramses 
in.*s  sons,  173 
Medinet-el-Fayoum,  i.  194 
Megabyzus,  satrap,  ii.  332 
Megiddo,  battle  of,  i.  269,  370,  371 ; 
account  of  the  harvest  reaped  by 
Thutmes  m.,  373 ;  battle  of  Necho 
with  Josiah,  ii.  322 
Mehet-en-usekh,  mother  of  Nimrod, 

ii.  206 
Meidoum   (Mitum),    i.    69;  pyramid 

near,  pictures  discovered  in,  82 
Mekhir,  the  month,  i.   66,   175,  363, 

440,  489,  627  ;  ii.  296 
'  Memnon,*  statues  of,  i.  476,  478 ;  the 

vocal,  479-482* 
Memnonium  at  Abydus,  i  162;  of 
Seti  I.,  dedicated  to  his  father,  ii. 
28 ;  inscription  in,  29 
Memphis  (Mennofer,  Telmonf),  one 
of  the  three  capitals  of  Egypt,  i. 
23 ;  capital  of  Nome  I.  (L.  Eg,),ii. 
348,  417 ;  founded  by  Mena,  L  53; 
its  names,  temples,  and  necropolis. 
64,  66;  ruins  at  Mit-Rahineh,  56; 
stones  used  for  building  Cairo,  58 : 
importance  of  the  high-priests,  68; 
necropolis,  69 ;  worship  of  the  sacml 


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451 


MEN 
bull  (Apis),  74,  ii.  229 ;  temple  of 
Ptah,  29,  90;  capital  of  the  last 
Bubastids,  228*;  siege  by  Piankhi, 
249-251;    sanctuaries    of    Ramses 
m.  at,  417 
Men  and  Menti,  regions  of  Punt  in 
Arabia,  the  Minaei  and  HanitaB  of 
Ptolemy,  ii.  404  n. 
Mena  (Menes),  date  of  his  accession, 
i.   41  ;  calculations  based  on  Ma- 
netho,  42 ;  the  first  Pharaoh,  51 ; 
cursed  by  Tnephachthus,  52  ;  his  or- 
dinances and  works,  52 ;  changes 
the  course  of  the  Nile,  52 ;  builds 
Memphis,  63 ;  killed  by  a  crocodile, 
67  ;  meaning  of  the  name,  70 
Menankh,  pyramid,  i.  126 
Menat-Khufu,  town,  i.  170, 171 
Mendes,  the  sacred  ram,  i.  74 
Mendes  (Pi-bi-neb-dad,  *city  of  the 
sacred  ram  '\  capital  of  Nome  XVI. 
(L.  Eg.),  i.  74,  240;  ii.  349 ;  seat  of 
Dyn.  XXIX.,  316,  336 
Men-kau-hor  (Mencheres),  Dyn.  V., 

i.  110 
Menkaura  (Mencheres),  Dyn.  IV.,  i. 
101-103;    builder    of    the    third 
pyramid,   101;    coffin-lid    and    in- 
scription, 101 ;   his  character,  dei- 
fication, and  religious  studies,  102 
Men-kheper-ra.    See  Thutmes  III. 
Men-kheper-ra  succeeds   his  father, 
Pinotem,  ii.  203;  recals   the  ban- 
ished Ramessids,  203 
Men-khepru-ra.    See  Thutmes  IV. 
Men-ma-ra.    See  Ramses  XIII. 
Mennofer  ('  the  good  place '),  i.  65. 
;.    See  Memphis 

^en-nofer,  Pepi*s  pyramid,  i.  120 
^en*pehnti-ra.    See  Ramses  I. 
Men-setu,  pyramid,  i.  108 
'Menthu,  an  Asiatic  people,  destroyed 
•    under  Dyn.  XII.,  ii.  406 
Menthu,  Monthu,  god,  i.  372,  440 
Menthu-khopeshef,     chief     of     the 

police,  ii.  190 
Menthu-nesu,  under  Pyn.  XII.,  monu- 
ment of,  ii.  404 


MEEGE 
Menti,  foreig^n  non-Egyptian  kings 
(the  Hyksos),  i.  268,  269;  called 
*  inhabitants  of  the  land  of  Asher ' 
(Syria),  268;  their  capital,  270; 
adopted  the  customs,  &c.,  of  the 
Egyptians,  270;  patrons  of  art,  271 ; 
their  names  erased  from  their 
monuments,  272;  two  preserved, 
273.    See  Hyksos 

Mentu-hotep  L  Ranebtaui,  i.  127, 131, 
134,  143 

Mentu-hotep  II.,  his  pyramid,  i.  1 34 

Mentu-hotep,  royal  architect  to 
Usurtasen  I.,  inscription  at  Bonlaq, 
i.  161,  162;  character  and  accom- 
plishments, 163 

Menzaleh,  lake,  i.  14,  120,  232,  238, 
258;  ii.  372 

Mer-en.ra,  king,  i.  123;  preparations 

'  for  his  burial,  124 ;    name  on  the 

wall  of  the  temple  at  Abydus,  130 

Men,  royal  architect  to  Usurtasen  I., 
inscription  at  the  Louvre,  i.  164 

— governor  of  Wawa  under  Seti  II., 
ii.  412 

-  Adon,  in  Ramses  IX. *s  reign,  ii.  183 

— (Merris),  daughter  of  Ramses  II., 
named  by  tradition  as  the  rescuer 
of  Moses,  ii.  117 

Meribast,  chief  priest  of  Amon,  ii. 
173 

Merimes,  governor  of  Kush  in  Amen- 
hotep  m.'s  reign,  i.  472 

Meri-ra,  king.    See  Pepi 

Merira,  Meri-patah-ankh,  chief  of  the 
public  works  under  Pepi,  J.  121 

Meri-ra,  chief  prophet  of  the  Sun,  i  500 

Meri-ra-ankh,  tomb  of,  i.  60,  121 

Meri-ra-ankh-nes,  Pepi's  wife,  her 
tomb.  i.  m 

Merisankb,  Khafra*s  wife,  i.  100 

Meritum,  king,  ii.  180 

Merkaura,  or  Meri-ka-ra,  king,  i.  223 

Meroe,  the  priests  of,  not  the  founders 
of  Egyptian  civilization,  i.  9 ;  the 
Melul^ha  of  the  Assjrrian  inscrip- 
tions, ii.  264,  /.,  273:   centre  of 
i       a  primeval  Cushite  kingdom,  402 

G  2 


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MXRTISEN 

Mertisen,  artists  of  the  family  of,  i. 
143;  his  pedigree,  205,  206 

MeruT,  i.  74.    See  Mnevis 

Mesha,  young  soldiers,  i.  64 

Mesket  (Meskenet),  'treasure/  or 
rather  *  temple  *  cities,  ii.  102,  308 

Mesopotamia,  monumental  records  of 
foreign  wars  in,  i.  15,  &c. ;  Arab 
conquest  of,  367.    See  Nabarain 

Mesori,  the  month,  i.  247,  296,  627 ; 
ii.  156,  227,  295 

Mesphres,  king,  i.  450 

Metelis  (Sonti-Nofer),  capital  of 
Nome  Vn.  (L.  Kg.),  ii.  348 

Miamun,  <  friend  of  Amun.'  See  Bam- 
ses  II. ;  Setnakht ;  Ramses  lY.,  V. ; 
Meritum;  Bamses  VI.,  IX.,  XI., 
Xn.,  Xm. ;  Shashanq  I.,  n. ;  Usar- 
kon  I.,  n. ;  Thakelath  I.,  11.  \ 
Pimai 

Miamun  Nut,  successor  to  Piankhi,  ii. 
257 ;  his  dream  and  campaign 
against  Lower  Egypt,  257 ;  official 
designation,  258;  memorial  stone, 
258 ;  sisters,  258 ;  inscription,  259- 
263 ;  his  success  not  lasting,  264 

Miamun-ra,  name  of  Darius  n.,  ii.  333 

Migdol  <the  tower  '  (Tel-es-Samout), 
the  northernmost  point  of  Egypt, 
i.  237,  238;  U.  12,  381,  382, 389, 390, 
421,  426,  431 ;  its  position  the  key 
to  the  question  of  the  Exodus,  427 ; 
naval  engagement  at,  153, 154 

Mineptah  I.,  ii.  10.    See  Seti  I. 

— n.  (Menephthes),  hereditary  prince 
in  his  father's  lifetime,  ii.  120, 
413;  mean  character  of  his  archi- 
tectural works,  120;  his  inscrip- 
tion in  the  temple  of  Amon,  121- 
128;  corrections  in,  413;  invasion 
by  and  defeat  of  the  Libyans,  121 ; 
battle  of  Prosopis,  126 ;  relations 
with  the  Ehita,  130;  despatches, 
131 ;  the  Phaiaoh  of  the  Exodus, 
133;  his  court  at  Zoan- Ramses, 
1 34 ;  troubles  of  his  reign,  135 ; 
men  of  letters,  137;  his  end  un- 
recorded, 135 1». ;  his  dirge,  136  ». 


NABU-SEZIBANNI 
Mineptah  Siptah,  anti-king  to  Set- 
nakht, U.  140;  inscription  of  his 
supporter,  Seti,  at  Ibsambonl,  141 

Minerals,  i.  201 

Misraim,  Muzur,  Mudraya,  Asiatic 
names  for  Egypt,  derived  probably 
from  Mazor  (^.  v.),  i.  18,  231 

Mit-Rahineh  (Mitrahenne),  ruins  of 
Memphis  at,  i.  56;  prostrate  co- 
lossus of  Ramses  II.,  ii.  90 ;  re- 
mains of  a  house,  292 

Mitum  (Meidoum),  ii.  240,  248 

Mnevis,  the  sacred  bull  of  HeliopoUs, 
i.  39,  74  ;  ii.  293 

Mob,  the,  or  lowest  classes,  i.  26 

Mceris,  lake  (She,  She-uer,  Mi-ner), 
constructed  by  Amenemhat  m.,  i. 
187 ;  derivation  of  name,  190 ;  dis- 
covery of  the  site,  190;  different 
names,  192 

Mokattam,  lulls  of,  quarries  in,  i.  91 ; 
new  quarries  opened,  476 

Mont,  Monthu  (Mars),  i.  34,  etpauim 

Month- em-ha,  ally  and  friend  of 
Taharaqa,  ii.  278 

Moses,  his  name  preserved  in  f-en- 
Mo8h6,ii.ll7 

Mushanath,  ii.  47 

Mut-em-ua  ('  Mother  in  the  boat '), 
queen  of  Thutmes  IV.,  i.  468 

Mut-Nof  er-t,  daughter  of  Thutmes  L, 
her  statue,  i.  433 

Mut-ut-ankhes,  wife  of  Usarkon,  ii.  224 

Muzur,  Lower  Egypt,  under  the  As- 
syrians, ii.  237 

Mycerinus,  i.  101.    See  Mencheres 


F 


^A-AMON  or  PI-AMON,  «the  city 
of  Amon '  (No  and  No- Amon,  SS.; 
Diospolis  Parva,  q.v.%  a  second 
Thebes  in  Lower  Egypt,  called  bf 
all  the  same  titles,  also  J\/d-meMt 
*the  city  of  the  North,'  on  the 
Phatnitic  mouth  of  the  Nile,  at  or 
near  Damietta ;  magnificent  build- 
ings of  Ramses  ID.  at,  ii.  418-9 
Nabu-Sesibanni,  son  of  Necho,  ii.  27S, 
274 


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453 


NAHABAIN 
Nabaiain,  or  Naharina  (Aram,  Meso- 
potamia), i.  838;  memorial  tablet 
set  up  by  Thutmes  HI.,  378 ;  booty 
from,  381 ;  prisoners,  386 ;  tribute, 
404 ;  &c. 
Nahasi  Negroes,  the,  i.  12 ;  language 

of,  258;  race,  330 
Nahi,  Egyptian  governor  of  the  south 
country,  i.  343,  387 ;  his  inscription 
at  EUesieh,  387,  438 
Nahr-el-Kelb,  river,  Egyptian  monu- 
ments at  the  mouth  of,  ii.  276 
Naifaurot  (Nepherites)  I.  and  II.,  iL 

287,  335 
Nakht-hor-hib  (Nectarebes,  Nectanebo 

I.),  king,  iL  287,  308,  317,  336 
Nakht-Khim,  priest  of  Khim,  in  time 

of  king  Ai,  iL  408 
Nahkt-neb-ef  (Nectanebo  IL),  the  last 
Pharaoh,  his  pair  of  lions,  ii.  287, 
292;  a  famous  magician,  294  ;  burial 
of  an  Apis-bull,  302,  317,  338 
Nahkt-neb-ef,   chief   captain,  sarco- 
phagus of,  iL  317 
Nakhtu,  viceroy  of  Kush,  iL  81 
Nap,  or  Napata,at  Mt.  Barkal,  i.  329 ; 
the  capital  of  the  new  kingdom  of 
Ethiopia,  ii.  235,  236  ;  inscriptions 
of  Ethiopian  kings  at,  tee  Barkal 
Na-pa-to-mehi,  or  Na-pa^athu  (Naph- 
tuhim,  SS.),  buildings  of   Bamses 
lU.  at,  iL  419 
Naph,  or  Noph  (Napata),  the  princes 

of,  in  Scripture,  ii.  237 
Naphtuhim,  origin  of  name,  L  327; 

iL  419 
Na-ris, '  the  eity  of  the  South,'  a  name 

of  Thebes  {q.  r.),  iL  418 
Naromath,  ii.  207.    See  Nimrod 
— son  of  Usarkon  IL,  chief  priest  of 
Amon,  &c.,  iL  224 ;  his  descendants 
hereditary  priests  of  Khnum,  226 
Nasruna,  river,  L  399 
Nathu,  Natho,  the  marsh-land  of  the 
Delta,  L  520 ;  on  the  Phatnitic  arm 
of  the  Nile  and  the  sea-board,  ii. 
316.     Comp,  Athu 
Navigation,  i.  139 


NI-ENT-BAK 

Neb-aio,  high-priest,  i.  445;  inscrip- 
tion of,  446 

Neb-ankh  (*the  coffin  mountain'),  L 
347 ;  iL  161-2 . 

Neb-kher-ra,  i.  131.  5iff«  Mentuhotep  I. 

Neb-pehuti-ra.    See  Aahmes  I. 

Nebuchadnezzar,  ii.  322-8 

Neb-unon-f,  chief  priest  of  Amon, 
in  time  of  Ramses  II.,  inscription 
of,  ii.  410 

Necherophes,  king,  L  69,  77 

Necho.    See  Neku 

Negeb,  the  land  S.  of  Palestine,  i.  392, 
398 ;  u.  13 

Negro  peoples,  list  of,  conquered  by 
Amenhotep  HI.,  i.  471,  472;  tri- 
butes of,  609,  510 ;  their  excellent 
workmanship,  511,  512 

Negroes,  the,  in  Pepi's  army,  i.  1 1 9 ;  raz- 
zias on,  184,  ii.  78 ;  song  of,  L  335, 523 

Nehera,  L  171 

Nehi,  the  first  'king's  son  of  Kush,' 
i-  332-3.     Comp.  Nahi 

Nekheb,  ii.  347.    See  Bileithyia 

Nekht,  son  of  Khnumhotep,  governor 
of  Cynopolis,  i.  179, 180 

Neku  (Nikuu,  Neco,  Neohao,  Necho) 

—I.,  king  of  Memphis  and  Sais,  father 
of  Psamethik  I.,  ii.  270,  272,  273 ; 
carried  prisoner  to  Nineveh  and 
pardoned,  277 

—II..  son  of  Psamethik  I.,  Apis-tablet 
of,  ii.  296,  297  ;  his  reign,  322,  323 

Nentef,  kings,  L  1 31.    See  Anentef 

Nephercheres,  king,  L  69,  76,  84, 107 

Nepherites  I.  and  H.  See  Naifaurot 

Neshi    (Ptolema^s),    Bamses     III.'s 

temple  of  Sebek  at,  ii.  416 
Nes-ro-an,  lake,  L  377 
Nes-su-Amon,    royal    councillor,    ii. 

187,  190 
Ni,  in  Mesopotamia,  Bt616  set  up  by 
Thutmes  III.,  i.  379 ;  not  Nineveh, 
400 ;  taken  by  Amenhotep  II.,  456 
Ni-'a,  Ni',  Ni  (the  *  great  city ; '  Ni- 
Amon,  Thebes),  L  436  ;  U.  236,  270, 
271,  275,  278,  272,  347.    See  Thebes 
Ni-ent-bak.    &<?  Antaeopolis 


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454 


INDEX. 


NI-BNT-HAPI 

Ni-ent-Hapi,  iL  848.    See  ApU 
Nikuu,    See  Neku 

Nile,  the  (Nil,  Nabar,  Nahal),  mean- 
ing of  the  word,  i.  20 ;  its  course 
changed  by  Mena,  52 ;  inunda- 
tions of,  188 ;  height  recorded  in 
the  reigns  of  Amenemhat  III.,  189  ; 
and  Sebekhotep  III.,  219 

Nimrod  leads  a  branch  of  Cushites 
from  Pun  to  the  Euphrates,  con- 
firmed by  Babylonian  tradition,  ii. 
402 

Kimrod,  king  of  Assyria,  invades 
Egypt,  ii.  203 ;  his  death  and  burial 
at  Abydus,  206 ;  statue  of,  at  Flo- 
rence, 212  ;  meaning  of  the  name, 
284.    See  Naromath 

Nineveh,  i.  400;  ii.  7,  202,  267,  268, 
271,  274,  276 

Nitocris  (Nitaker),  queen,  Dyn.  VI., 
tradition  of,  i.  127,  128 ;  enlarges 
the  pyramid  of  Menkara,  129 

— princess  of  XXVIth  Dynasty,  her 
Babylonian  marriage,,  ii.  326 

No  (*  t1t£  city  *),  Noa  (*  the  great  city '), 
in  SS.  No-Amon  (*  citj'  of  Amun '), 
capital  of  Patoris,  i.  278,  282,  288 ; 
necropolis  of,  289.    See  Thebes 

Nobles,  the  ancient  Egyptian,  i.  28 

Nof er  (*  good,'  *  beautiful '),  pyramid, 
i.  110 

Noferabra,  prophet,  i.  99 

Nofer-ar-ka-ra,  king^  his  p3rramid, 
i.  107  ;  officers,  108  ;  several  kings 
of  the  name,  131 

Noferhotep,  physician,  i.  73 

—wife  of  Ti,  i.  110 

— surname  of  the  ged  Ehonsu,  ii.  410 

Nofer-i-Thi,  wife  of  Amenhotep  IV., 
i.  501 ;  her  address  to  the  sun,  602 

Nofer-ka-ra,  king,  i.  76  ;  his  pyramid, 
126  ;  several  kings  of  the  name,  131 

^See  Ramses  IX. 

Noferkara-em-piamon,  secretary  and 
councillor,  ii.  187,  190 

Nofer-ka-Sokari,  king,  i.  69,  70 

Nofer-kheper-ra.    See  Amenhotep  IV. 

Nofer-setu,  pyramid,  i.  113 


OBELISKS 

Nofert,  wife  of  Rahotep,  i.  83 

Nofert,  queen  of  Amenemhat  II.,  her 
life-size  statue  at  Tanis,  i.  167-8 

Nofert-ari  Aahmes,  queen,  i.  323- 
326 ;  deified  as  the  ancestress  of 
the  Eighteenth  Dynasty,  324 

Nofer-tum-khu-ra.    See  Taharaqa 

Noferu-Ra,  daughter  of  the  king  of 
Bakhatana,wife  of  Ramses  XII.,  ii. 
191 

Nofre-Ma,  tomb  of,  at  Meidoum,  i.83  n. 

Nofrus,  fortress,  ii.  241 

Nokheb,  god,  i.  440 

Nomes,  the  ancient,  of  Egypt,  i.  21; 
number  of,  21 ;  their  capitals,  22 ; 
governors,  temples,  &c.,  22  ;  boun- 
dary stones,  22  ;  lists  of,  22,  ii.  347 

Noph,  ii.  260.     See  Naph 

Notem,  queen-mother  of  Dyn.  XXI., 
ii.  421 

Notem-mnt,  wife  of  king  Horemhib, 
her  statue,  i.  607,  614,  615 ;  ii.  409 

Nthariush  (-uth).    See  Darius 

Nub  ('gold  '),  surname  of  the  god 
Set,  i.  244,  271 ;  ii.  125,  255 

Nub,  Nubti,  Hyksos  king,  i.  273  ;  era 
of,  231,  246,  296,  297 ;  ii.  99 

Nubia,  gold  from,  i.  160;  riches  of, 
333  ;  the  works  of  Ramses  II.  in,  ii. 
94;  (Ta-Ehont)  a  division  of  Ethio- 
pia, 264;  temple  of  Amon  by 
Ramses  HI.,  415 

Nubkas,  queen,  i.  218 

Nubkaura.    See  Amenemhat  II. 

Nubti,  ii.  415.    See  Ombos 

Nukheb,  prince  of,  i.  461 

Nu-ta-maten,   priest   of    *Amon    of 

Ramses  II.'  at  Tanis,  ii.  412 
NuterCgod').  See  Ramses  III.,  VI., 

Xin.,  Thakeloth  I. 
Nuter-setu,  pyramid,  i.  110 

OASIS  of  Amon,  i.  327 
—the  Great,  ii.  201,  203,/.,  307. 
See  Hibis  and  El-Khargeh 
Obelisks  of  Eleventh  Dynasty,  i.  135 
ra. ;  of  Usurtasen  I.  at  Heliopolis  and 
in  the  Fayoum,  149,  152,  204 ;  of 


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455 


0CHU8 
queen  Hashop,  362 ;    of  Thatmes 
ni.  at  Thebes,  448,  449 ;  at  Helio- 
polis,  450-1 
Ochos,  king,  ii.  287,  338,  339 ;  disas- 
ter to  his  army  at  Lake  Sirbonis, 
392,  396 
Ollaqi,  valley  of,  i.  146 
Ombos    (Nubti),    i.    440;  temple  of 

Bamses  III.,  ii.  415 
On,  i.  74,  etpamm.    See  Heliopolis 
Onka  (Anka),  Phoenician  goddess,  i.  245 
Onnos  (Unas),  king,  i.  84,  113 
Onnris,  ii.  416.     See  Anhur 
Ophir,  the,  of  the  Egyptians,  i.  136 
Opperty   M.,   his    comments  on    the 

record  of  Assurbanipal,  ii.  272 
Orbiney  papyrus,  the,  i.  309-311 
Orontes,  river,  i.  337,  398  ;  ii.  46 
Osiris  (Bacchus),  son  of  Seb,  i.  37 ; 
his  temple  at  Abydus,  196 ;  two  arms 
of   the  Nile  regarded  as  his  legs, 
235,  236;  chief  seat  of  his  worship 
in  Lower  Egypt,  Busiris,  441 ;  in 
Upper  Egypt,  Abydus,  441 
Osiris  and  Isis,  statues  of,  ii.  292 
Osorkhon,  king,  ii.  233 
Ossiout,  rock-tomb  near,  i.  223 
Ostracene  (-cine),  i.  239 ;  tower  of  Seti 
I.  at,  the  boundary  of  Egypt  and 
Zahi,  ii.  13;  tower  of  Mineptah  II., 
132.    See  Aanekht 
Othoes,  king,  i.  115.    See  Teta 
Overseers,  i.  63 

Ozyrhynchus  (Pi-maza,   Sapt-moru), 
capital  of  Nome  XVIU.  (Up.  Eg.), 
the    city  of  Typhon,  i.   180,  516 ; 
ii.  348,  417 
Ozaeb,  i.  240 

FHIR,  genealogy  of,  i.  280,  281, 
283,  342 
Painting  in  ancient  Egypt,  i.  203 
Paintings  in  tombs,  i.  88,  et  pauim  ; 

on  walls,  ^TOMim 
Pakhons,  the  month,  i.  186,  247,  362, 

421,  440,  466,  490,  627 ;  u.  163 
Palestine.    See  Ruthen  aiid  Zaha 
Pa-nakhtu,  tower  of,  ii.  13 


PATAH'SHEPSES 

Pa-Eereh  (*  city  of  the  electric  fish  '), 
ii.  422,  423.    See  Phagroriopolis 

Panbesa,  the  scribe,  his  letter  de- 
scribing the  city  of  Ramses,  ii.  100 

Panof  er,  artist,under  Ramses  U.,  ii.  4 1 2 

Panopolis  (Apu,  Ehemmis),  capital  of 
Nome  IX.  (Up.  Eg.),  ii.  347,  408 ; 
temple  of  Horus  and  Isis  built  by 
Ramses  III.,  416 

Panrshns,  Assyrian  king,  ii.  202 

Paoni,  the  month,  i.  186,  438,  527 

Paophi,  the  month,  i.  134,  167,  331, 
346,  390,  401,  627 

Papyrus,  the  Abbot,  i.  282  ;  record  of 
Aahmes,  283-287 

— Anastasi  III.,  letter  of  Panbesa, 
describing  the  city  of  Ramses,  ii. 
100;  records  of  despatches,  131, 132 

— the  Harris,  1.  249  ;  summary  of  the 
reign  of  Setnakht,  ii.  143,  144  ;  ac- 
count of  the  reign  of  Ramses  III., 
146  ;  list  of  Ramessea,  161,  415,/. 

— the  Lee  and  Rollin,  a^icoimt  of  the 
harem  conspiracy,  ii.  170  ;  use  of 
magic,  170-172 

— the  medical,  discovered  at  Mem- 
phis, i.  73 

— the  Orbiney,  parallel  to  the  story 
of  Joseph,  i.  309-311 

—of  Patah  Hotep,  i.  Ill,  112 

— ^the  Sallier,  historical,  in  British 
Museum,  i.  274-279 

—the  Turin,  i.  39,  47,  48;  list  of 
kings,  214-216 

— probable  autograph  letter  of  Ram- 
ses Xm.,  ii.  197 

— with  the  geography  of  Lake  Moeris, 
i.  192 

— rolls  of  the  Nineteenth  Dynasty,  i. 
231 

Parihu,  prince  of  Punt,  i.  366 

Pa-Sahura,  i.  107 

Pastophorus  of  the  Vatican,  the,  ii. 
291,  304  n.    See  Uzahorenpiris 

Patah  (Vulcan),  the  god  of  Memphis, 
i.  36,  36 ;  worship  of,  54,  68,  145 

Patah-hotep,  papyrus  of,  1.  Ill,  112 

Patah-shepseSftomb  of,  i.l03;  steward 


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INDEX. 


PATOHHIT 
of  the  provision  stores,  like  Joseph, 
104 ;  prophet  of  the  pjrTaznids  of 
Unas  and  Teta,116 
Patomhit  (F^-to-me-hit,  'the  country 
of  the  North  '),  the  Delta,  i.  317,  ii. 
419 
Pa-to-ris  (*  the  cotmtiy  of  the  8oath«' 
Patbros,  Patrosim,   SS.»  the   The- 
bftid),  i.  278,  316,  ii.  419 ;  a  province 
under  the  Ethiopians,  237 
Patumoe,  ii.  422,  423 
Pauer,  governor  of  Thebes,  under  Seti 
I.  and  Ramses  II. ;  his   tomb  at 
.     Thebes,  ii.  31,  81,  409 
— a  *  sculptor  from  the  life,*  ii.  98  n 
Paur,  governor  of  the  south,  memorial 

of,  at  Shetaui,  i.  514 
Pajni,  the  month,  i.  456,  627 ;  ii.  56, 

164,  219,  296 
Pa-zetku,  or  Zeku,  lake  beside  Avaris, 

i.  237,  284 
Pedigree  of  the  architect  Khnum-ab- 

r  a,  ii.  309 
Pehenuka,  officer  of  Nofer-ar-ka-ra, 

i.  108 
Pehuu,  a  Diospolis  in  the  Fayoum,  ii. 

417 
Pelusiac  branch  of  the  Nile,  i.  229, 
232,  236,  270,  336 ;  bridge  over,  at 
Btham,  ii.  12,  387-8,  426  ;  crossing 
of,  not  mentioned  in  *  Exodus,'  ex- 
plained, 425-6 
Penni,  Adon  of  Wawa,  tomb  at  Anibe, 

ii.  183,  184 
Pentaur,  the  priest,  heroic  poem  of,  i. 

277,  416 ;  ii.  47,  66-65,  410 
Pepi  Merira,  king,  i.  116,  126;  in- 
scriptions at  Wady-Magharah  and 
elsewhere,  117 ;  his  servant,  Una, 
117 ;  monolith,  118 ;  wars,  118, 119  ; 
pyramid,  120 ;  plan  of  a  temple,  on 
leather,  found  in  his  time,  447 
Pepi-na,  guardian  of  Pepi's  pyramid, 

i.  121 
Pepi-nakht,  functionary  under  Pepi, 

i.  121 
Peraara,  cartouche  of,  i.  61  n. 
Perao,  i.  61 .    See  Pharaoh 


PIAOI 
Persians,  the,  in  Bgypt,  ii.  303,329,339 
Pet-baal,  i.  292 
Petlse,  high-priest  and  satrap,  11.  231, 

261,  253 
Petubastes,  king,  ii.  233 
Phacoussa  (-se,  -an),  chief  city  of  the 
Arabian  nome,  the  Gkisem  (Guesem, 
Qoshen)  of  the  monuments,  iL  369 
Phagroriopolis,  ii.  422,  423 
Phamenoth,  the  month,  i.  175,  363, 

442,  527 ;  ii.  297 
Pharaoh,  his  titles,  i.  61 ;  wife,  daugh- 
ters, harem,    children,   62;   court, 
62;  officials,  63 ;  ii.  13^.  (hmp  Plr*ao 
Pharaohs,  visits  of,  to  Nubia,  i.  335 ; 
causes  of  the  fall  of,  ii.  289 ;  the 
last,  316 ;  fkll  of  the  kingdom  of ,  3 1 9 
Pharmuthi,  the  month,  i.  186,  363,  368 
Phathmetic  (Phatnitic)  branch  of  the 
Nile  (^pa-to-mehit),  origin  of    the 
name,  ii.  419 
Philae,  I.,  i.  35,  133,  218,  469,  472 ;  ii. 

141,  283 
Philip  Arrhidseus,  ii.  339 
Philistia.    See  Zaha 
Philistines,  land  of,  its  boundary  to- 
wards Egypt,  ii.  13  :— *  road  of,'  i. 
239,  336,  ii.  12,  397.  430 
Philosophers,  Egyptian,  i.  25,  26 
Phcenida,  i.  460.    See  Khar 
Phcenician  usurper  in  Egypt,  i.  257, 

ii.  142 
Phcenicians,  Cushite  emigrants  from 
Arabia,     ii.    402 ;    Caphtor    their 
fatherland,    403;    their    maritime 
commerce,  i.  254,  265,  403 ;  articles 
imported  by,  403,  404 ;  high  style 
of  art  in  their  works,  510, 511 ;  lan- 
guage, 257.    See  Fenekh,  Kefa,  and 
egpeoially  Khar 
Pi-Amon,   *the   city  of    Amon,*    ii. 
415,418.    <SS$0  Thebes  aiuf  Na-Amon 
Piankhi,  king,  his  offering  at  On,  i. 
150 ;  conquest  of  Egypt  recorded  in 
his  great  inscription  at  Mount  Bar- 
kal,  ii.  239-257,  421 
Piaoi,   sculptor    of    the    images    of 
Bamses  II.,  ii.  412 


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457 


PIBAIL08 
Pibail<»(Bybl08,  now  BUbefe),  i.  240, 

251 ;  sanctoaryof  the  goddess  Bast 

at,  ii.  418 
Pi-bMt  (Pibeseth,  88.),  i  74 ;  ii.  369. 

See  BnbastQS 
Pi-Bi-netMiad,  ii.  349.    See  Mendes 
Pidasa  (Pidasis),  ii.  47 
H-hahiioth,  ii.  393, 429,  482 
Pi-HathoT  (•  the  city  of  Hathor '),  ii. 

376.    ^e^Aphroditopolifi 
Pi-her-shefni,  ii  417.    See  Heracleo- 

polis  liagna 
Pi-khnn-en-Amon,  ii.  349.    See  Dios- 

polis  F^urva  evnd  Na-Amon 
Pimai,  king,  ii.  228,  232  ;  name,  284 
Pimaz  (Ozyrhynchas),  ii.  241,  348 
Pinehas,  noble,  ii.  136,  414 
Pinotem  I.,  king  and  high-priest,  ii. 

190,  203,  421 
— secretary  and  councillor,  ii.  190 
Pl-nnb  (Momempbis),  ii.  240 
Pi-qe-io-ro,  prince  of  Pisaptn,  ii.  262, 

263,  276 
Pi-R'a,  *city  of  the  Snn*  (a  second 

On  or  Heliopolis),  *  to  the  north  of 

On,'  probably  at  Tel-el-Tahudi,  in 

the  Wady-Tonmeililt,ii.  418 
Pi-ramesBu  (city  of  Ramses  II.),  i.  281 ; 

ii.  100,  370,  383,  420.    See  Baam- 

ses  and  Zoan-Tanis 
Pi- Ramses,  cities,  temples,  and  other 

buildings  of  Ramses  m.,ii.  416-419. 

Comp,  Ramessea 
Pir'ao  (Pharaoh),  meaning;   special 

title  of  Mineptah  II.,  ii.  ]  13 
Pir-em-hera,  a  sacred  book,  f.  103 
Pi-sebek.    See  Crooodilopolis 
Pisebkhan  L,  nnder-king  at  Tanis,  in 

the  time  of  Bhashanq  I.,  ii.  207 
Pi-Satekh  of  Ramses  n.,  ii.  419.     See 

2Soan 
Pi-tebhn,  statues  of,  iL  291 
Pi-Thut,    ii.  849.      See   Hermopolis 

Parva 
Pi-tom,  *city  of  Tom,'  the  8un-god 

(Pithom  88.,  Heracleopolis  Parva), 

chief  town  of  the  region  of  Sukot, 

the   Sethroite  nome,  i.  233,  234; 


PUN 
ii.  370,  372,  373,  376,  376,  S78,  382, 
386,  422 

Pitsho,  comitry  (Midian),  i.  179 

Pi-nser,  ii.  348.     See  Busiris 

Pi-Uto,  ii.  349.    See  Buto 

Pliny,  i.  183;  ii.  397 

Poems,  in  praise  of  Thutmes  m.,  i. 
412, /.,ii.  406  ;  of  Beti  L,  ii.  406 ;  of 
Ramses  II.  by  Pentaur,  66,/.,  410  ; 
of  Ramses  in.,  414 

Potiphar,  i.  808,  311 

Potsherds,  inscriptions  on,  i.  488,  489 

Prahionamif,  son  of  Ramses  II.,  ii.  60 

Primi  (Qasr  Ibreem),  i.  183,  488 

Princes,  the,  of  Kosh,  and  of  Hineb,  i.6 1 

Prisoners,  hostages,  slaves,  i.  27 ;  em- 
ployed on  public  works,  417 ;  their 
labour  like  that  of  the  Israelites  in 
Egypt,  417 

Prophet  of  the  pyramid  of  Pharaoh, 
the  office,  i.  60 

Prosopis,  battle  of,  ii.  124,  128 

Psamethik  I.,  founder  of  the  26th 
dynasty,  ii.  281 ;  unites  the  rival 
djmastic  claims,  281 ;  builds  new 
sepulchral  chambers  for  the  Apis- 
balls,  296  ;  his  reign,  322 

— n.  Psammis,  ii.  323 

— m.,  Psammenitns,  ii.  829 

Psametik,  prophet,  i.  99, 100 

Psampolis  (Pimas,  Pimases,  Pimsa), 
ancient  name  for  Ibsamboul,  ii.  96 

Paamus  (Psamut,  Psamuthis),  king,  ii. 
287,  336 

Ptah,  temple  of,  at  Memphis,  i.  441,  ii. 
417,  et  pastim  (</.  Patah) 

Ptolemals,  ii.  348,  416.  See  8men-hor 
and 'Seshi 

Pnam,  royal  architect  at  the  court  of 
Thutmes  HI.,  i.  417 

Pun,  Punt  (*  the  Bast  country '),  in 
Arabia  and  the  opposite  coast  of 
Africa  (Ophir,  Somauli),  i.  136; 
peopled  by  Cushites,  ii.  401 ;  the 
'land  of  God,'  and  cradle  of  the 
Egyptians,  403, 404 ;  first  expedition 
to,  i.  137,  138 ;  Queen  Hashop's  ex- 
pedition to,  362>367  ;  precious  things 


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458 


INDEX. 


PUT 

from,  379  ;  tributes  from,  383,  386, 

ii.  406 
Put  (Phut),  son  of  Ham,  the  Libyan 

Tehennu  (or  Marmaridse),  W.   of 

the  Delta,  ii.  404 
Putha,  sculptor,  pictures  of,  i.  498 
Pyramids  : — i.  31 ;  Abousir,  106 ;  Ab- 

setu,   106;    Ba,  107;   Bai-u,   116; 

Black  bull,  73  ;  Dashour,  113  ;  Ella- 

hoon,   191;    Gizeh.   86;   Hir,    101; 

Kha-nofer,  124,146;  Khorp,   167; 

Khu-setu,     135;     Menankh,     126; 

Menkara,    129 ;    Menkau-ra,    101 ; 

Men-nofer,    120 ;    Men-setu,    108  ; 

Mentu-hotep,  135;  Mer-en-ra,  121; 

Nofer,    110;    Nofer-ar-kara,    107; 

Nofer-ka-ra,  126;  Nofer-setu,  113; 

Nuter-setu,  110;  Qebeh,  106;  Tat^ 

setu,  116 
— construction  of,  by  each  king,!.  89 ; 

origin  of  the  word,  89 ;  particular 

names,  90 ;  materials  for,  90 

QA-HEBES,  ii.  348.    See  Cabasus 
Qanta  a-el-Hazneh,  ii.  426,  427 
Qa-sa,  ii.  348.    See  Cynopolis 
Qasr  Agerud,  i.  262 
— Ibreem,  i.  183.    See  Primi 
Qasrieh,  ii.  90 

Qazautana(Gozan,Gauzanite8),ii.  3, 46 
Qebeh,  pyramid,  i.  105 
Qel'an,  slingers,  ii.  60 
Qinaa  (Kanah),  the  brook,  i.  371 
Qir-kamosh,  the   Carchemish  of  the 

Bible  (now  Jerablfts),  i.  337,  399 ; 

ii.  47 
Qobti,  ii.  347.     See  Coptos 
Qors,  Qos,  ii.  347.    See  Cusae 
Qosseir,  i.  138.    See  Leucos  Limen 
Qosem.     See  Gosem 
Qumah,  L  347;   inscription  on  tomb 

at,  623 
—old,    ii.    28;    Seti    I.'s  sepulchral 

temple  at,  92 


R 


A,  the  sun-god,  i.  36 ;  the  sign  of, 

70  ;  worship,  87,  &c. 
high-priest  of,  i.  461 


BAMSBS 
Ra-aa-qenen,  i.  273.    See  Apepi 
Raamses,  Ramses,  city  of,  ii.  45, 100, 
366,  370,  399  ;  not  at  Maskhoutah, 
412,  421,  424-^.     See  Pi-ramessu 
and  Zoan 

Ra-bi-tha,  ii.  217 

Ra-haa-ab.    See  Uah-ab-ra 

Rahotep  and  his  wife,  the  oldest 
statues  known,  i.  82,  83 

Ra-kheper-ka.    See  Nakhtnebef 

Ra-khu-taui,  king,  i.  213 

Ram,  the  sacred,  i.  74.  ^S!^  Binebded, 
Mendes 

Ramaka,  son  of  Pinotem  I.,  ii.  421 

Ramenkheper,  ii.  421.  See  Men- 
kheper-ra 

Ramessea  of  Ramses  m.,  ii.  161,  415 

Ramesseum,  at  Thebes,  ii  66,  93; 
at  Heliopolis,  97  ;  at  Medinet  Abon, 
25  n.,  160,  167  ;  at  Kan 'ana,  164 

Ramessids,  the,  i.  46  ;  banished  to  the 
Great  Oasis,  ii.  201 ;  recalled  by 
Menkheper-ra,  203-206;  Table  II. 

Ramessu.    See  Ramses 

Ramses  I.,  ii.  8 ;  his  family  doubtful, 
8 ;  memorial  of  his  coronation  at 
Kamak,  9 ;  war  and  treaty  with  the 
Khita,  9 ;  monument  at  Wady 
Half  ah,  death,  9 

—II.  (Sesostris),  his  date  about  IB.'iO 
B.C.,  i.  299 ;  rebuilds  the  temple 
at  Abydus,  163 ;  associated  with 
his  father  Seti  I.,  ii.  26 ;  his  right 
through  his  mother.  26 ;  inscription 
at  Abydus,  26 ;  number  of  his  monu- 
ments, 36 ;  completes  the  temple  at 
Abydus,  36,  46;  his  journey  to 
Thebes,  34,  46,  410 ;  inferiority  of 
his  buildings  and  sculptures,  46; 
war  with  the  Khita,  46;  previous 
campaigns,  66 ;  war  with  Tunep, 
66  ;  with  Canaan,  66  ;  stcrming  of 
Askalon,  68;  list  of  prisoners  in- 
scribed at  Luqsor,  69;  his  mari- 
time wars,  70;  treaty  withtlie  king 
of  Khita,  71-76,  410;  marries  a 
daughter  of  the  king  of  Khita,  78 ; 
her  name,  413;  razzia  on  the  ne- 


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INDEX. 


459 


BAM8ES 
gioes,  78 ;  wars  with  Knsh  and  the 
Libjans,  79 ;  pictnres  of  his  court, 
79,  80  ;  gold-washing,  81-83  ;  tem- 
ples built  by,  87, 88 ;  temple  of  Ptah 
at  Memphis,  90 ;  varioos  buildings, 
91 ;  works  in  Nubia,  94  ;  rock-temple 
of  Ibsamboul,  94 ;  his  special  resi- 
dence at  Zoan-Tanis,  98  ;  new  tem- 
ple city,  and  worship  of  gods  there 
with  himself,  98,  384,  412 ;  his  'city 
of  Sutekh  of  Ramses  Miamun,'  419 ; 
the  Phara4>h  of  the  oppreuion^  103  ; 
number  of  prisoners,  and  their 
various  employments,  106 ;  his  long 
reign,  114  ;  thirty  years*  jubilee, 
114;  his  family,  116;  oontempora- 
ries,117  ;  tomb  at  Biban-el-Molouk, 
1 19 ;  stS16  with  inscriptions  at  Mas- 
khoutah  inWady-ToumeiMt;  extent 
of  his  conquests,  411,  424 
Bamses  ni.  (Rharapsinitus),  i.  211, 
238;  his  campaigns  against  the 
Shasu,  249;  protects  his  frontiers, 
252 ;  troubles  on  his  accession, 
ii.  142,  162 ;  account  of  his  reign 
in  the  Harris  papyrus,  146;  re- 
stores the  several  ranks  in  the 
state,  146 ;  war  with  the  Libyans 
and  Mazyes,  147 ;  fortress  and  well 
in  the  land  of  the  Aperin,  148 ; 
fleet  on  the  Red  Sea,  148;  voyages 
to  the  Indian  Ocean,  148;  the  cop- 
per mines  of  'Athaka  discovered, 
148 ;  treasures  from  the  peninsula  of 
Sinai,  148 ;  plants,  trees,  and  shrubs, 
149 ;  peaceful  state  of  his  kingdom, 
149  ;  memorials  in  the  Ramesseum 
at  Medinet  Abou,  160 ;  treasures  de- 
dicated to  Amon,  161 ;  boundless 
generosity,  162 ;  victory  over  the 
Carian-Golchian  nations,  163 ;  over 
the^Kaxyes,  166,  166;  pictures  of 
def^ted  kings,  167 ;  list  of  con- 
quered cities  and  countries,  168, 169 ; 
booty  and  captives  devoted  to  the 
temples,  160 ;  list  of  his  Ramessea, 
161;  works  at  Thebes,  163;  erects 
a  Bamesseum  at  Eanaan,  164 ;  the 


BANEBMA 

harem  conspiracy,  164-172  ;  his  sons 
and  the  order  of  their  succession, 
172 ;  his  rock-hewn  tomb  and  its 
pictures,  174 ;  song  of  praise  for  hU 
victories,  at  Medinet-Abou,  414 ;  his 
buildings,  in  Nubia,  416  ;  in  Upper 
Egypt,  416 ;  in  Lower  Egypt,  417  ; 
in  Palestine,  419 

Ramses  IV.,  ii.  174 ;  rock-tablet  relat- 
ing the  expedition  to  Hammamat, 
174~178 ;  additions  to  the  temple 
of  Khonsu  at  Thebes,  178 

— v.,  ii.  178;  his  tomb  at  Biban-el- 
Molouk  appropriated  by  Ramses 
VI.,  178  ;  rock-tablet  at  Silsilis,  178, 
179 

— Meiitum  {q.  r.),  ii.  180 

— YL,  ii.  180  ;  astronomical  and  chro- 
nological value  of  his  tomb,  180; 
record  respecting  boundaries  of 
lands  in  Nubia,  181,  182 

—VII.,  ii.  186 

— Vm.,  ii.  186 

— IX.,  ii.  186;  growing  power  of 
the  priests  of  Amon,  186 ;  presenta- 
tion of  rewards  to  them,  186,  187 ; 
burglaries  in  the  royal  tombs  at 
Biban-el-Molouk,  189 

—X.,  U.  190 

—XL,  u.  190 

— XII.,  ii.  190;  curious  inscription, 
191-194  ;  the  king's  visit  to  Naha- 
rain,  and  marriage,  191 ;  cure  of  the 
queen's  sister,  193 

— XIIL,  ii.  196  ;  finishes  the  temple  of 
Khonsu,  196 ;  deposed  by  the  priest 
Hirhor,  196 ;  his  probable  autograph 
letter,  197  ;  banished,  201 ;  his  de- 
scendants, 202,/. 

— XVI.,  marriage  with  an  Assyrian 
princess,  ii.  202 ;  recognized  as 
king  at  Thebes,  207 

Ramses,  city  of.  See  Raamses  and 
Pi-ramessu 

Ramses,  railway  station  of,  not  an 
ancient  name,  ii.  424,  426 

Ramses-Nekht,  seer,  i.  164 

Ranebma.    See  Ramses  VL 


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460 


INDEX. 


&ANEBKA-NAKHT 
Ranebma-Nakht,  governor  of  Thebes, 

ii.  190 
Ranebtaui.    See  Mentubotep  I. 
Ra-n-maat.    8ee  Amenemhat  m. 
R*anofer,  scribe,  in  time  of  Ramses 

n.,  ii.  412 
Ranseneb,   commander   at    Sokhem- 

khakaora,  i.  219 
Rannser,  king  (Rathnres),  i.  84 ;  his 

pyramid,  108;  tablet  of,  109 
Ra-sekeaen,    Hak    or    sub-king    of 

Thebes,  i.  274-279,  282,  283.    See 

Taa 
Rashid,  i.  11.    See  Rosetta 
Rasnotsemhet.    See  Nakht-hor-ib 
Ra-sokhem-sut-taui.    See  Sebekhotep 

IV. 
Ratatf,  king,  i.  84,  94 
Rathnres,  i.  108.    See  Rannser 
Ra-uah-ab.    See  Psamethik  I. 
Ra-nah-em-ab.    See  Neku  II. 
Ra-nser-ma.    See  Ramses  II. 
Red  land,  the,  i.  16,  455 
Red  Sea,  its  Egyptian  name,  ii.  430. 

Camp.  Y^m  Siiph 
Redesieh,  temple,  ii.  21,  32 
Registers,  valne  of,  i.  174 
Rekhl-kbet,  the,  experts,  i.  278 
Rekhmar*a,  inscription  of ;  collector 

of  tribates  under  Thntmes  IU.,ii.406 
Religion,  innovations  in,  ii.  292  ;   de- 
mons, genii,  and  witchcraft,  293 
Reshpu,  idol,  i.  245 
Resurrection  of  the  body,  belief  of  the 

ancient  Egyptians  in  the,  i.  87 
Rhampsinitus  (Ramessu-pa-Nuter, '  R. 

the  god  *),  ii.  145.    See  Ramses  III. 
Rhinocolura,  or  Rhinocomra,  i.  239. 

See  Ab-sakabu 
Rlbatha  (Rohoboth),  water  of,  ii.  13, 

109 
Ribu,  or  Libu,  i.  11.    See  Libyans 
Roads  from  Egypt  to  Syria  and  the 

Euphrates,   i.    338;    the  Northern 

from  Tanis  to  Pelusium,  through 

Pitom,  ii.  382,  386  ;  the  great  Pha- 

raonic  (Sikkeh-es-Soultanieh)  from 

Tanis  to  Palestine,  387 ;   its  four 


8ANGAB 
stations,  Ramses  (Tanis),  the  barrier 
of  Sukot,  Khetam,  and  lligdol,  387- 
391 ;  through  the  desert  of  Shor  to 
the  Gulf  of  Suez,  398.  Comp, 
Philistines 

Rohan,  valley  of,  inscriptions,  i.  187, 
195 

Rohannu,  Mt.,  i.  146 

Rosetta  (Rashid),  i.  11 

Rosetta  stone,  the,  i.  122 

Rndamon.    See  Urdamaneh 

Ruten,  or  Luten,  Rutennu,  or  Latennu, 
the,  i.  14 ;  first  appeaianoe  of  tbe 
name,  268,  269,  286;  the  Upper, 
territory  coincident  with  that  of 
the  Twelve  Tribes,  269,  338 ;  con- 
quered by  Thutmes  HI.,  367 ;  list 
of  places  in,  392,  393 ;  tribates  of, 
374,  377,  380,  404, 609,  &c ;  ii.  406  ; 
extreme  north  of  Egyptian  empire 
under  Ramses  II.,  411 

Ruthen  and  Khita,  connection  be- 
tween, ii.  23 


S' 


A'A-NEEHT,  king,  i.  345,  608 
Sahura  (Sephres),  king,  i.  84, 106  ; 

his  pyramid  and  effigy,  106 
Said,  Arabic  name  of  Upper  Egypt,  i. 

18 
Sair  (Seir),  i.  249 
Sais,  Sai,  Sa,  the  city  of  Nit  or  Neith 

(Athena),  capital  of  Nome  Y.  (L. 

Eg.),  i.  327 ;  ii.  239,  240,  /,  256, 

256,  286,  287,  288,/.,  304,/.,  348 
Saite    dignitaries,  stone   sarcophagi 

of,  ii.  291 
Sakhau,  or  Ehasau,  i.  227.    See  Xois 
Salatis,  Hyksos  king,  i.  262 
Sallier  papyrus,  i.  274-279 
Samta,  Samtaui,  *lord  of  both  worlds/ 

name  of  Thutmes  in.,  i.  425;    of 

Cambyses,  ii.  299,  329. 
Samtaui-taf-nakht,     inscription      of, 

under  Darius  ML  and  Alexander 

the  Great,  ii.  319,  320 
Samud,  Samout,   i.    238,  498.      See 

Migdol 
Sangar,  tribute  of,  i.  379 


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INDEX. 


461 


8ANKH-KA-BA 
Sankh-ka-ra,  king,   i.   131,  136 ;    in- 

scaription  at  Hammamat,  135 
Sa-pa-li-li,  king  of  Ehita,  ii.  3,  9 
Sapti,  king,  i.  69,  73 
Sapt-morn.    See  Oxyrhynchus 
Saptn,  capital  of  Nome  XVm.  (Up. 

Eg.),  with    temple  of  Anubia   by 

Bamaes  m.,  ii.  417 
Saqqarah,  Serapemn  at,  tombs  of  the 

Apis-bulls,  1.  74 
Sarbat-el-khadem,  inBcription  of  the 

joint  reign  of  qaeen  Hashop  and 

Thatmes  HE.,  i.  461 ;  inscription  of 

the  time  of  Amenhotep  HI.,  489 
Sardanapalns.    See  Assur-bani-pal 
Sargon,  ii.  224.    See  Usarkon 
Satarona,  king  of  Naharana,  sends  his 

daughter  and  a  whole  harem  to 

Amenhotep  m.,  ii.  407 
Satrap,  Ptolemy  so  called,  ii.  289,  316 
Satraps,  Assyrian,  in  Lower  Egypt,  ii. 

231,232,267,/. 
Scarabsei,  as  amulets  and  memorials, 

i.  462,  468 ;  interesting  records  of 

Amenhotep  m.  on,  ii.  408 
Schleiden  on  the  Exodus,  ii.  360,  366, 

430,  431 
Schools,  i.  200 ;  ii.  307 
Scribes,  the,  i.  66 ;  temple-scribes  in 

Mineptah  II. 's  time,  ii.  137 
Sculpture,  i.  203 
Sea,  the  (Exod.  xiv.),  and  the  Tarn 

Suf  (Red  Sea),  ii.  400.  429-430 
^Seb,  or  Zeb  (Cronos,  Saturn),  god  of 

the  earth,  i.  86,  36 
Sebek,  the  god,  i.  70;  the  crocodile 

his  emblem,  192 ;  temples  to,  194, 

213,  440 
— city  of,  i.  201.    See  Crooodilopolis 
Sebekhotep,  name  of  the  greater  num- 
ber of  kings -oi  the  13th  djsnasty;  i. 

213  t  "•   •" 

--III.,  the  height  of  I^.NileJn' his 

day,  i.  218,  2Pl9 
—IV.,  his  statues,  i.  220 
— v.,  his  monuments,  i.  220 ;  colossal 

statue  at  Tanis,  ii.  406 
— ^VI.,  i.  ^16 ;  his  memorial  stone,  221 


SENTA  ^ 

Sebek-nofru-ra,  queen,  i.  191,  198, 208, 
213 

Sebercheres  (Shepseskaf),  king,  i  84 

Sebennytus  (Theb-nuten),  capital  of 
Nome  XII.  (L.  Eg.),  ii.  348 ;  seat  of 
Dyn.  XXX.,  816,  336 

Segot  or  Segol,  'the  barrier  of  Sukot,* 
ii.  380,  387 

Se-hathor,  official  under  king  Nub- 
ka-ra,  inscription,  i.  166 ;  re-erects 
public  monuments,  167 

Sehdl,  island  of,  ii.  141 

Sehotep-ab-ra.    See  Amenemhat  I. 

— guardian  of  the  temple  at  Abydus, 
i.  196 ;  inscription,  197 

Seir,  mount,  i.  249 

Sekha-en-ra.    See  Ramses  XI. 

Sekhem-kheper-ra.  See  Shashanq  II., 
Usarkon  I. 

Sekhuu,  i.  317.    See  Xois 

Semempses,  king,  i.  69 ;  miracles  and 
plagues  in  his  reign,  74 

Semitic  race,  its  generic  tjrpes,  i.  14  ; 
immigrants,  picture  of,  177,  178 ; 
colonists,  240 ;  natives  in  Egypt, 
241 ;  names,  241 ;  words  used  by 
priests  cmd  scribes,  243 ;  worship  of 
their  gods  adopted  by  the  Egyp- 
tians, 244;  influence  on  religion, 
manners  and  language,  ii.  106^ 
107 

Semitism,  i.  230-247 ;  power  of,  shown 
by  the  stone  of  Tanis,  246 

Semneh,  inscription  on  boundary  stone 
at,  i.  166,  182 ;  border  fortress,  181, 
437 ;  height  of  the  Nile  inscribed 
on  rock,  189  ;  temple  to  Usurtasen 
III.,  437  ;  memorial  tablet  and  list 
of  prisoners,  470 

Senebef  and  his  son  Hor-heb,  memo- 
rial sUine,  ii.  229 

Senen-Tatien.    See  Khabbash 

Senmut,  architect  to  queen  Hashop, 
i.  360,  861 

Senoferu,  king,  1.  69,  78  ;  his  car- 
touche, 78 ;  titles  of  honour,  79 ; 
tomb,  81 

Senta,  king,  i.  69,  70,  73 


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INPEX. 


»      BEBAPEUM 

Serapemn,  the,  at  Memphis,  Apis  tab- 
lets in,  ii.  229,  232 

8er-ka-ra.    See  Amenhotep  I. 

Ser-kbeprn-ra.    See  Horemhib 

Serpent,  the  symbol  of  'the  living' 
god  worshipped  at  Pitom,  ii.  377 ; 
or  rather  the  electric  fish,  422 

Servants,  i.  27 

Sesochris,  king.  i.  69,  77 

Sesostris  (Sestura,  Settura),  surname 
of  Ramses  IL,  ii.  36,  65 ;  of  Darius 
L,  307.  329,  331  n. 

Set  (Typhon),  i.  37.  &c. 

Set  (or  Sutekh)  Nub,  god,  his  temples 
at  Zoan  and  Avaris,  i.  271 

Set-aa-pehuti,  Hyksos  king.   See  Nub 

Setau'an,  viceroy  of  Eush,  with  the 
care  of  the  gold-mines,  ii.  81,  412 

Sethroe,  ii.  348.     See  Thuku 

Seihroite  nome,  the,  'region  of  the 
river  mouths,'  i.  235,  237,  ii.  370; 
Joseph  the  nomarch  of,  i.  307,  ii. 
878,  423 

Beti  I.,  Mmeptah  I.  (Sethos),  ii.  10 ; 
his  Great  Hall  of  Columns  at  Kar- 
nak,  10;  representations  of  his  wars, 
10;  campaign  against  the  Shasu. 
11 ;  route  from  Khetam  to  Ean'aan. 
12-14 ;  inscriptions  recording  his 
victory,  14-16;  triumphal  return, 
19 ;  list  of  nations  conquered,  20 ; 
wars  against  the  Libyans,  21 ;  record 
of  prisoners  and  spoils,  22,  23  ;  ser- 
vices to  the  temple  of  Amon,  23  ;  his 
wife  of  the  royal  line  of  Dynasty 
XVIIL,  24s.  worships  Baal-Sutekh, 
24 ;  assooiaf^  hift  infant  son,  Ramses  .^ 
n.,  i^j^king  in  his  own  ri^ht;  •'35  ; 
wareSrith  Kush  ^and'jPnnt,  '»26  ; 
arttttii  Wl4,i«7;  hi^  tomb,  pic- 
"T^ttes,  and  inscrii^ions,  28 ;  his  Mem- 
noniuin,  to  founses  I.,  28 ;  his  name  of 

V  "Usiri,  28 ;  inscription  to,  by  Ramses 
II.,  29 ;  table  of  kings  at  Abydus, 
29;   temples    at  Memphis,   Helio- 

,  polis,  El-Kab,  and  Specs  Artemidos. 
29,  31 ;  sculptors  of  his  reisrrt,  31 ; 
tributes  and  taxes,  32  ;  gold  mines 


SHASHANQ 
in  Egypt  and  Nubia,  32,  33 ;  jour- 
ney to  the  gold  mines,  32 ;  inscrip- 
tions at  the  temple  of  Redesieh,  38 ; 
poem  in  honour  of  Thutmes  in. 
plagiarized  for  him,  406 

Seti  II.  Mineptah  m.,  ii.  137;  re- 
cords of  the  first  two  years  of  his 
reign.  137;  report  concerning^  Ins 
fugitive  servants.  138,  389;  temple 
at  Thebes,  139 ;  sepulchre  at  Biban- 
el-Molouk,  139 

Setnakht,  king,  ii.  140 ;  the  anti-king 
Mineptah  Siptah,  140;  a  Phoenician 
usurper,  142,  143;  restores  order, 
143;  account  of  his  reign  by  his  son 
Ramses  III.,  143,  144 

Settura.    See  Sesostris. 

Shabak  (Sabaco).  king.  ii.  275  m.. 
277,/. ;  meaning  of  his  name,  284 

Shabatak  (Sebichus),  king,  ii.  277  ;  his 
statue,  278 ;  meaning  of  name,  284 

Shabatun  (Sabbaticus),  R.,  i.  337 ;  ii.  54 

Shakana,  lake.  i.  240  ;  ii.  122 

Sharkieh,  Arabic  name  of  the  region 
east  of  the  Nile,  the  ancient  Arabian 
nome,  i.  21 

Shashanq,  king  of  Assyria,  father  of 
Nimrod,  conqueror  of  Egypt^  ii. 
207  (ef.  203);  \isits  his  son's  tomb 
at  Abydus,  207  ;  inscription,  208 

Shashanq  I.  (Shishak  of  the  Bible), 
son  of  Nimrod,  made  king  of  Egypt, 
ii.  207,  212;  his  Egyptian  wife 
Earamat,  and  her  inheritance, 
212-214 ;  his  royal  residence  at 
Bubastus.  215 ;  receives  the   fugi- 

..  tive  Jeroboam,  216;  his  invasion 
of  Judah  recorded  at  Eamak,  217; 

V  'llw'tt'*6m}nfered  tbwn^  217>  218^ 

-  Hall'of  Tftfe  ^Btlbsstids'^t  Earnak*. 
■  219T  record  lof-'ita  building,  ;219  ; 
memorial  tablet,  221 

-—Shashanq  11!,  fang,  ii.  225   '       ' "  ^ 

— m.,  king,  ii.  228 

—IV.,  king,  ii.  228 

Shashanq,  son  of  Usarkon  I.,  higli^ 
priest  of  Amon,  and  grandfather^  of 
Shashanq  II.,- ii:  223,  225  "^ 


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INDEX. 


463 


SHA8HANQ 

Shashanq,  son  of  Usarkon  11.,  chief 
priest  of  Ptah,  ii.  224;  the  office 
hereditaij  in  his  family,  225 

Shas-hotep,  ii.  347.    See  Hypsele 

Shasu  (Shasa,  Shaos,  Shanas),  the,  i. 
263 ;  attracted  to  the  Delta,  248, 
250;  extent  of  their  territory  in 
the  reign  of  Seti  I.,  266 ;  booty  from, 
383  ;  campaigns  against,  ii.  12-14 ; 
name  used  for  robbers,  110;  re- 
ceived into  the  Delta,  1.32,  &c. 

Sheat,  a  district  of  Kush,  i.  159 

Shedd^,  son  of  Ad,  his  irruption  into 
Egypt,  i.  266 

Sheikh-el- BeUed,  the,  i.  96,  204 

Shemik,  a  district  of  Kush,  i.  159 

Shepseskaf,  king,  i.  103;  inscription  at 
Saqqarah,  103,  104 

Shepseskaf -ankh,  prophet,  i.  105 

Sherohan,  city,  i.  285,  288,  369 

Shet  (Sheti,  Shat),  i.  166,  193 

Shetat,  feast  of,  i.  171,  176 

Shishak,  ii.  216.    See  Shashanq  I. 

Shu  (Agathodsemon),  the  god  of  the 
air,  i.  35,  &c. 

Shur,  i.  147 ;  ii.  389,  390,  891 ;  desert 
of,  397.    See  Anba 

Si-Amon  ('son  of  Amon ').  See  Hirhor 

Si-Bast.    See  Usarkon  n. 

Siajont,  Slant,  ii.  347.    See  Lycopolis 

Sidon,  i.  337 ;  ii.  324 

Si-Ise  (*  son  of  Isis  *)•  See  Thakelath 
I.,  n. ;  Nakht-hor-hib 

Silsilis,  rock-grotto  at,  song  of  praise 
in,  i.  336;  quarries,  inscription 
of  a  stonemason,  490,  498 ;  of 
king  Horemhib,  622,  523;  rock- 
tablet  of  Ramses  Y.,  ii.  178,  179 ; 
inscription  recording  the  building 
of  the  Hall  of  the  Bubastids,  219, 
220  ;  memorial  tablet  to  Shashanq 
I.  and  his  son  Auputh,  221,  222 

Silver  tablet,  treaty  on,  ii.  71-76,  410 

Simyra  (Zamira),  i.  388 

Sinai,  peninsula  of,  turquoise  and 
copper  mines  worked,  conquests, 
and  inscriptions,  by  Senoferu,  i. 
80;    Ehufu,    93;    Banuser,    109; 


SPHINX 

Usurtasen  I.,  160;  Amenemhat  III., 

195,  196,  201;   Thutmes  IL,  346; 

Hashop    and    Thutmes    III.,  451; 

Amenhotep  UL,   418;    called  the 

•  land  of  the  gods,'  411 ». ;  treasures 

from,  ii.  148 ;  &c. 
Sineh,  his  flight  from  Egypt  to  Edom, 

illustrating  the  route  of  the  Bxodus, 

i.  146,/*. ;  his  exploits  and  marriage, 

147  ;  his  return,  148 
Singara  (Sinear),  i.  401, 404 ;  ii.  20, 67 
Si-Nit  ('  son  of  Nit ').    See  Amasis 
Siptah.     See  Mineptah 
Sirbonis,  lake,  i.  147,  238;  ii.  391,/., 

400,  430-2 
Smam-kheftu-f,  Ramses  II.'s  fighting 

lion,  ii.  80 
Smen-hor    (Ptolema'is  ?),    capital    of 

Nome  XXI.  (Up.  Eg.),  ii.  348 
Smonkhkara,  king  (Mermesha,  Mer- 

menfiu),  colossal  statues  of,  i.  219 
Sokar  (Osiris),  worship  of,  i.  54 
Sokhem  (Letopolis),  capital  of  Nome 

XL  (L.  Eg.),  i.  73  ;  U.  239,  264,  348 
— (Sekhem,    Khesem)   the    Holy  of 

Holies  in  the  temples,  i.  419,  429, 

435 
Sokhem-khakaura,  fortress,  i.  219 
Sokhet,  worship  of,  i.  64 
Soleb,  inscriptions  at,  i.  607 
Song  of  praise  to  Thutmes  HI.,   i. 

412-416 
Sonti-Nofer,  ii.  348.    See  Metelis 
8otep-en-Amon.     See  Thakelath   I. ; 

Usarkon  II. ;  Shashanq  II. ;  Pimai 
Sotep-en-Anhur.  See  Nakht-hor-hib 
Sotep-en-Ptah.      See  Ramses  XIII. ; 

Ehabbash 
Sotep-en-ra.    See  Ramses  n.,  IX.,  X., 

XII. ;  Sotnakht ;  Shashanq  L,  III. ; 

Thakelath  II. 
—daughter  of  Amenhotep  IV.,  L  496 
Sothis  star,  rising  of,  L  176,  439 
Souph.    See  Suf 
SpeoB  Artemidos,  rock-grotto  erected 

by  Seti  I.,  ii.  31 
Sphinx,  the  great,  at  Gizeh,  i.  96,  97 ; 

temples  of  and  near,  97,  98 ;  older 


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464 


INDEX. 


SPHINXES 
than  Khofu,  98,  99 ;  an  emblem  of 
Hormakha,  99,  464 ;  cleared  of  sand 
hj  Thutmes  IV .  ,*  his  ohapel  and  in- 
scription between  its  paws,  97,  98, 
463-466 ;  inscriptions  of  visitors,  97 
Sphinxes  before  temples,  i.  271 ;  of 
the  Louvre,  272;  one  female  (the 
Egyptian  sphinx  being  generally 
male),  ii.  409 
Strabo,  i.  151, 162, 191 ;  ii.  31 1, 396, 429 
Buan  (Syene,  Assouan),  i.  19,  91,  &o. ; 
the  southernmost  point  of  Egypt, 
u.  381-2 
Saocoth,  i.  238,  373.    See  Sukot 
Suchos  (sacred  crocodile),  i.  194 
Suf,  Sufi,  Souph,  i.  232;  *sea  of,'  ii. 
376,/.,  389 ;  *  city  and  region  of,'  i. 
138  ;  ii.  176,  430 
Suhen,  i.  391 

Sukot,  Suko,  Suku  (Succoth),  i.  233, 
248, 250 ;  ii.  138,  370 ;  region  of  the 
Bethroite  nome,  373,  421,  422,  423 ; 
its  foreign  population,  380.  (y» 
Thuku 
Sukot,  the  barrier  of,  station  on  the 
great  Pharaonio  road,  ii.  380,  387, 
389,  390 
Sun,  the,  personified  in  the  deities, 
Ra  (the  rising  sun  in  the  Bast), 
Tum  (the  setting  sun  in  the  West), 
Hormakhu  (the  sun  at  it^  meridian 
height),  Khepra  (the  sun  at  mid- 
night), i.  494  ;  temple  of,  at  Edfou, 
322  ;  at  Ehu-aten,  498 
Suphis,  king,  i.  69,  84, 85.  See  Cheops 
Sutekh,  snmamed  Nub,  also  Set, 
Egyptian  name  of  the  Semitic  Baal, 
especially  Baal-Zapuna,  a  foreign 
Semitic  (Hyksos)  deity  of  evil, 
worshipped  also  in  Egypt,  especially 
by  the  Bamessids,  i.  244,  271,  276, 
277,  278  ;  ii.  3,  49,  60,  63,  71,  75  ; 
his  likeness  on  the  silver  plate  of 
the  treaty  between  Ramses  U.  and 
the  king  of  Ehita,  76,  411;  his 
worship  at  Tanis,  99 ;  temples  of, 
417 ;  Bamses  n.'s  dty  of,  at  Zoan- 
Tanis,  419 


TANTEBEB 

Suten-rekh,  title  of  king's  grand- 
children, i.  28  ;  ii.  303 

Syene,  i.  12,  19,  184,  etpauim 

Syncellus,  i.  300,  &c. 

Syrians,  the,  their  irruptions,  aided 
by  the  Shasu- Arabs,  i.  270 

TAA,  kings  of  Dyn.  XVII. ;  their 
tombs  at  Thebes,  i.  282, 283 

— I.    See  Ba-sekenen 

— II.  A  or  Ao, « the  Great,'  i.  282, 283 

— m.  Ken,  *the  brave,'  i.  282,  283, 
288 

Ta'a-pa-mau  (Leontopolis),  ii.  12 

Tabenet,  ii.  388.    See  Daphne 

Tachos,  king.    See  Teos 

Tafnakhth(Tnephachthus,  Technatis), 
king  of  Sa'is  and  Memphis,  ii.  238  ; 
father  of  Bocchoris,  i.  51;  grand- 
father of  Neku,  and  great-grand- 
father of  Psamethik,  277,  281  (<«« 
Geneal.  Table  IV.);  his  renuncia- 
tion of  luxury  and  curse  on  Henes, 
61,  62 ;  his  revolt  against  Egypt, 
and  submission  to  Piankhi,  238,  y. 

Ta-ha-ra-qa  (Tirhakah,  Tearco,  Etear- 
chus,  Tarachus,  Tarkus),  ii.  264,/*. ; 
his  memorials  at  Thebes,  278 

Ta-Hut  ('  the  house  of  ')  Ramses  m., 
several  temples  built  by  that  king, 
ii.  416-420 

Tai-uzai,  ii.  241 

Takhis  or  Tekhis,  city  of  Upper 
Buthen,  on  R.  Nasruna,  i.  399,  400 

Ta-Ehont  (Nubia),  the  regions  bor- 
dering on  Egypt  from  the  First  Ca- 
taract to  the  south  of  Mt.  Barkal, 
i.  321,  329;  ii.  264 

Tamahu,  the  Libyan,  i.  229 ;  warlike 
dances  of,  360 

Tamera,  name  of  Lower  Egypt,  i.  17 

Tamiathis,  Tamiati,  ii.  419.  See  Da- 
mietta 

Tanis,  i.  160.    See  Zoan 

Tanitic  branch  of  Nile,  i.  230 ;  iL  372 

— nome  (14th),  the  seat  of  Semitic 
races,  i.  231 ;  ii.  12 

Tanterer,  ii.  347.    See  Tentyra 


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465 


TA-NXJTEB 

Ta-nater,  the  land  of  the  gods,  i.  136, 
410 

IVtfoau,  Tarufu  (Lat.  Troja,  the  •  Egyp- 
tian Troy,*  now  Tonrah),  qoarries 
of,  i.  63.  91,  118,  166,  322,  476;  ii. 
91;  deities  of,  i.  295  n.;  rock- 
tablet  in,  322 

Ta-setn,  pyramid,  i.  116 

Tatehan  (Teneh),  ii.  244 

Tat-ka-ia,  king,  i.  110.    See  Assa 

Taurus,  M.,  i.  338 

Ta-nser,  queen,  ii.  140,  141 

Tax-payers,  voluntary,  presents  to,  i. 
487,  488 

Teb.     See  ApoUinopolis  Magna 

Tebn,  ii.  347.    See  Aphroditopolis 

Teohnatis.    ^Sstf  Taf  nakhth 

Tefab,  rock-tomb  of,  near  Ossiout,  i. 
223 

Tehen,  the,  i.  229.    i&d  Thuhen 

Tel-el- Amarna  (Khn-aten),  i.  494, 
496  ;  prayer  of  Aahmes,  501 ;  queen 
Nofer-i-Thrs  address  to  the  sun, 
602 ;  rock-pictures  and  inscriptions 
of  Khunaten's  family,  503-506 

Tel-el-Maskhoutah.   See  Maskhoutah 

Tel-el- Yahndi  (*  mound  of  the  Jews  ') 
in  the  Wady-ToumeilAt,  probably 
site  of  Pi-R*a,  a  second  On  or  Helio- 
polis,  ii  418 

Tel-es-Samout,  the  ancient  Migdol, 
u.  426,  431 

Tel-Hukhdam,  statue  at,  i.  272 

Tel-monf,  modem  name  of  Memphis, 
i.  66 

Ten,  weight,  ii.  199 

Tennu,  kingdom  of,  i.  147 

Tentyra  (Tanterer,  now  Denderah), 
capital  of  Nome  VI.  (Up.  Eg.),  tem- 
ple at,  i.  446,  U.  347 

Teos,  Tachos  (Ziho),  king,  ii.  287,  337 

Tep-ah,  'the  cow-city,'  it  348,  417. 
See  Aphroditopolis 

Teshcr  (Erythneans),  i.  16 ;  U.  265 

Teta,  king,  i.  72 ;  his  hair-ointment, 
72,  76, 115;  his  pyramid,  116 

Thakelath  I.  (Tiglath),  ii.  224 

—IT.,  ii.  225;  record  of  an  eclipse 

VOL.  II.  II 


THUHBN 
of  the  moon,  226,  228 ;  irruptions  of 
the  Ethiopians  and  Assyrians,  226 

Thamask  (Damascus),  i.  387 

Thamhu,  ii.  124,  126,  152;  another 
name  of  the  Thuhen,  q.9, 

Thebes,  capital  of  Upper  Egypt,  i.  20 ; 
and  of  Nome  IV.,  ii.  347, 415  (called 
Ni,  No,  *  the  eUy;  Ni'a,  No'a, '  the 
great  city,'  Ni-Amon,  No-Amon, 
*  city  of  Amon ; '  Na-ris,  <  the  eity  of 
the  South,'  ii.  418 ;  A-pet^  the  sacred 
city  B.  of  the  Nile,  i.  286) ;  seat  of 
Dyn.  XI.,  i.  131 ;  of  Dyn.  Xm.  and 
XVn.,  210, 221,  277,/.,  282,  288,/. ; 
tombs  of  these  Dynasties  at,  283 ; 
capital  of  Egypt  under  Dyn.  XVin., 
317,  /,  et  pasiim;  priests  of,  expel 
Ramessids,  and  usurp  the  crown  as 
Dyn.  XXI.,  ii.  196, 200 ;  expelled  by 
the  Assyrians,  206  ;  Ramses  XVI.  ac- 
knowledged at,  207;  subdued  by 
the  Ethiopians,  236;  twice  captured 
by  Assurbanipal,  268-9,  273-4;— 
great  temple  of,  see  Amon ;  see  also 
Memnonium,  Ramesseum,  &c. ;  tem- 
ples of  Ramses  HI.  at,  415 ;  necro- 
polis of,  i.  524-5,  et  passim 

Theb-nuter,  ii.  348.  See  Sebennytus 

Thentamon,  ii.  421 

Thi,  queen,  wife  of  Amenhotep  m., 
i.  479,  490;  her  connection  with 
Z'aru  in  the  North  country,  ii.  408 

— nurse  to  king  Khunaten,  i.  512 

This  or  Thinis  (Tini),  capital  of  Nome 
VIII.  (Up.  Eg.),  its  situation  and 
vast  necropolis,  i.  50;  cradle  of 
the  Egyptian  monarchy,  51;  seat 
of  the  earliest  dynasties,  i.  71 ; 
sanctuary  of  Ramses  HI.  in  the 
temple  of  Anhur,  ii.  347,  416 

Thot,  Thoth,  the  month,  i.  175,  226, 
226,527;  ii.  247,  442 

Thua  (-aa,  -ao),  mother  of  Thi,  queen 
of  Amenhotep  m.,  i.  345,  490 ;  ii. 
407 

Thuhen,  Thuhi,  Thuheni,  Thuhennu, 
Tehen,  Tehennu,  Thamhu  (Naph- 
tuhim,SS.),  i.  827,  414;  ii  21,  79, 

H 


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466 


INDEX. 


THUKU 
80,  123,  126,  162,  404.    See  Mar- 
maridsB 
Thnku,  Thnkot,  Toko,  capital  of  Kome 
Vni.  (L.  Kg.),  i.  233  ».,  248  n.,  260 
n. ;  ii.  132,  133, 138,  848 ;  identified 
with  Snkot,  421-2 
That  (Henues),    the  scribe  of  the 
gods,  i.  88;   worship  of,  100;   et 
pauim 
Thutmes  I.  (•  child  of  Thut ; '  Thoth- 
mes,  Thotmosis),  i.  286,  318,  319, 
328  ;  his  victories,  331,  332 ;  *  war  of 
vengeance,'  336 ;  campaign  against 
the  Bnthen,  339 ;  erects  a  tablet  of 
victory,   342,  ii.  406;  great  tem- 
ple at  Eamak,  i.  343 ;  short  life  and 
reign,  343;  tomb,  348;  statue  de- 
stroyed by  queen  Hashop,  432  ;  re- 
erected  by  Thutmes  m.,  432 
—  n.,  his    name  erased   from    the 
monuments  by  queen   Hashop,  i. 
344 ;  campaign  against  the  Bhasu- 
Arabs,  346;  rock-tablet  near  As- 
souan, 346;  buildings  at  Thebes, 
347 ;  tomb,  348 
— m.,  secluded  by  his  sister  at  Buto, 
i.  361 ;  admitted  to  the  throne  with 
her,  362  ;  their  joint  tablet  at  Wady- 
Magharah,  362  ;  his  long  reign,  364; 
numerous  monuments,  366;  riches 
in  the  treasuries  of  the  temples, 
366;  wars  and  victories,  366;  number 
of  campaigns,  366 ;  against  Rnthen 
and  Zahi,  367  ;  record  of  campaigns 
and  tributes,  368-376 ;  further  vic- 
tories, tributes,  and  booty,  376-386 ; 
registration  of  the  tributes,    386, 
387;  return  to  Egypt,  387,   388; 
thanksgiving  and  homage  to  the 
gods,  387 ;  feasts  of  victory,  388 ; 
buildings  and  obelisks  as  memo- 
rials, 389 ;  catalogues  of  peoples  of 
Up.  Ruthen,  391-393 ;  confederacy 
in    Palestine,     394;    his    captain 
Amenemhib,     396-398 ;    wars    in 
Naharain,   398 ;  summary  of  cam- 
paigns,   401,    402 ;    tributes    and 
treatment  of  hostile  towns,  402; 


TIU 

articles  brought  from  Phoenicia 
and  Palestine,  403;  from  other 
places,  404,  406  ;  pictures  of  plants 
and  animals  from  Ruthen,  409, 410 ; 
poem  in  praise  of  the  king  and 
Amon,  412-416 ;  prisoners  employed 
on  public  works,  417-419 ;  gifts  to 
the  temple,  420, 421 ;  meaning  of  the 
king's  name,  426 ;  relations  to  his 
sister,  queen  Hashop,  426 ;  inscrip- 
tion of  his  24th  year,  426-^28 ;  his 
important  share  as  founder  of  the 
temple  precincts,  429 ;  re-erects  the 
statues  of  former  kings,  432 ;  endea- 
vours to  preserve  the  monuments  of 
his  forefathers,  433,  434 ;  architec- 
tural works,  436 ;  numerous  monu- 
ments executed  by  prisoners,  436 ; 
rock-tombs,  temples,  437-439 ;  tem- 
ple and  inscription  at  Abydus, 
442-446;  temple  to  the  goddess 
Hathor,  446;  to  the  god  Ptah  at 
Memphis,  448 ;  beautifies  the  temple 
of  the  sun  at  Heliopolis,  448; 
obelisks,  448,  449 ;  his  deification 
during  his  lifetime,  460 ;  numerous 
memorials  of,  462  ;  chronological 
summary  of  his  reign,  463 ;  tributes 
from  Ethiopia,  Arabia,  Syria,  and 
Phoenicia,  ii.  406 ;  conquest  of  Zahi, 
406 ;  his  victories  recorded  by  the 
scribe  Za-anni,  406-7 

Thutmes  IV.,  his  surnames,  i.  461; 
campaigns,  462  ;  memorial  stone  in 
front  of  the  Sphinx,  97,  463;  in- 
scription about  the  vision  of  Hor- 
makhu,  464-466;  removes  the  sand 
from  the  Sphinx,  466 ;  his  records 
by  the  scribe  Za-anni,  ii.  407 

Thutmes,  governor  of  the  South  under 
Amenhotep  HI.,  i.  472 

Thutmesu,  burgomaster  of  Thebes,  i. 
626,  626 

Ti,  royal  architect,  i.  60;  his  tomb,  109 

Timaius,  king,  i.  262 

Tini,  i.  60.    See  This 

Tin  Hathor  Hont-taui,  queen  of  Pino- 
temL,ii.  421 


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INDEX. 


467 


TNEPHACHTHUS 
Tnephachthas,  Technatis,  renonnoes 
luzoiy;  his  curse  on  Menes,  i.  61, 
52.    See  Tafnakhth 

To-khont,  ii.  416.    See  Nabia 

Toin»  the  sun-god  of  Heliopolis,  tute- 
lar deity  of  Pitom  and  Sukot»  ii. 
376,  377.     Gmp,  Turn 

Tombos,  island,  i.  331 

Tombs,  construction  of,  i.  87 

To-mehit,  'country  of  the  North,' 
name  preserved  in  the  Coptic  Ta- 
miati,  Arab.  Damiat,  Damietta,  ii. 
418 

ToTso  of  Ramses  II.  from  the  temple 
of  Ptah  at  Memphis,  ii.  90,  331 

Toeorthos,  king,  i.  69 ;  the  physician- 
god,  77 

Tota,  king,  i.  69,  70,  72 

Totnn,  the  god,  i.  185,  186 

ToumeiMt,  the  valley  of,  ii.  422,/. 

Tonrah.    See  Taroau 

'Treasure  cities,'  or  rather  temple- 
cities,  built  by  the  Israelites,  ii.  102 

Treaty  of  Bamses  II.  and  king  of 
Khita,  ii.  71,  410 

Tributes  and  taxes  of  Thutmes  III., 
i.  374,/. ;  marked,  weighed,  and  re- 
gistered, 386 

Tritonis,  lake,  i.  229 

Troja.    iSe^  Taroau 

Tua,  or  Tui,  queen  of  Seti  I.,  mother 
of  Ramses  n.,  grand-daughter  of 
Khunaten,  ii.  24 

Taher,  chosen  ones,  ii.  50 

Tnku.    See  Thuku 

Tom,  the  sun-god,  the  sun  in  the  West, 
L  150,  464,  et  passim,  Oomp.  Tom 

Tunep  (Daphne),  catalogue  of  the 
booty  carried  from,  1.  376 ;  tribute, 
404;  Ramses  II. 's  wars  with,  ii. 
66 

Turin  papyrus,  i.  39,  47,  48  ;  ii.  165 

Turquoises,  i.  196 

Tut  'ankh-amon,  king,  i.  608 ;  his  me- 
morial at  Thebes,  508,  509 ;  offer- 
ings from  the  South  and  the  Ru- 
then,  509,  510;  short  reign,  512 

Tutesher,  or  red  mount,  i.  91 


USEBCHEBES 
Two  Brothers,  tale  of  the,  i.  309-311 ; 

written  for  Seti  n.,  ii.  139 
Tybi,  the  month,  L  55,  442,  505,  527 
Tyre,  i.  387 

UA-BN-RA.  See  Amenhotep  lY. 
Uah-ab-ra,  king  (Pharaoh- Ho- 
phra,  Apries,  Vaphres),  son  of  Psa- 
methik  n.,  his  Apis-tablet,  ii.  296 ; 
his  reign,  arrogance,  and  prosperity, 
323,  324;  league  with  Zedekiah, 
324 ;  conquered  by  Nebuchadnezzar, 
325 ;  the  story  of  his  fall,  325-6 

Uak,  feast  of,  i.  225 

Has.    See  Us 

Uenephes  I.,  i.  69 ;  his  pyramid  of  the 
black  bull,  73 

— n.,  i.  69 

Uit,  fortress  of,  i.  239 

Una,  1.  116 ;  brings  a  sarcophagus  for 
Pepi  from  Troja,  118 ;  his  wars  and 
expeditions,  119,  120;  historical 
text  in  his  tomb  at  Memphis,  123 ; 
governor  of  Upper  Egypt,  123; 
brings  materials  for  the  Ehanofer 
pyramid,  124 ;  brings  alabaster  slab 
from  Ha-nub,  124,  125 

Unas  (Onnos),  king,  i.  113 

Unnofer,  a  name  of  Osiris,  ii.  36,  41, 
44 

Uot-kheper-ra.    See  Karnes 

Urdamaneh  (Rudamon),  Assyrian 
campaign  against,  ii.  272,  273; 
his  parentage,  275  n 

Urkhuru,  tomb  of,  i.  107 

Ur-maa  Nofiru-ra,  queen  of  Ramses  n., 
ii.  78 

Usarkon  I.  (Sargon),  ii.  223 ;  contest 
between  his  two  sons  for  the  crown, 
223 

— -n.,  his  wives,  ii.  224 

—  prince,  high-priest  of  Amon,  ii. 
225-227 

Us,  Uas,  see  Thebes  :  in  Lower  Bgypt, 
ii.  418 

Usem,  brass,  rather  than  electrum,i.386 

Usercheres  (Uskaf),  king,  his  pyra- 
mid, i.  106 


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468 


INDEX. 


U8EB-KHA-RA 

User-kha-ra.    See  Setnakht 

User-khepru-ra.    See  Seti  11. 

Uaer-ma-ra.  See  Bamses  Xn.,  Usar- 
kon  n.,  Shashacq  III.»  Pimai 

Udri,  tomb  of,  ii.  27,  28.    See  Seti 

Uskhopesh,  the  Theban  Amon,  ii.  308 

Usurtasen  I.,  inscription  at  Helio- 
polis,  i.  149, 162 ;  fragments  of  obe- 
lisk near  lake  Moeris,  153;  works 
on  the  temple  of  Amon  at  Thebes, 
166,  ii.  188;  not  the  Pharaoh  of 
Joseph,  i.  168 ;  inscriptions  at  Beni- 
Hassan,  166, 171 ;  his  statue  at  Tanis, 
203;  inscription  of  Ehnnmhotep, 
1 69 ;  victories  over  the  Hittites,  &c., 
ii.  404-5 

Usurtasen  II.,  his  prosperous  reign ; 
inscription  at  Sjene,  i.  168 

— m.,  his  power  and  wisdom,  i.  180 ; 
inscription  at  Elephantine,  181, 
two  inscribed  pillars  at  Wady- 
Halfah,  182,  IL  362>366;  builds 
sanctuaries  and  fortresses,  i.  181 ; 
final  subjection  of  Kush,  182 ;  war 
with  the  Menthn,  Hersh*a,  and  Hit- 
tites, ii.  404 ;  in  Ethiopia,  405 ;  his 
statue  at  Tanis,  405 

—artist,  i.  206 

Uten  (Yedan,  SS.),  a  region  of  Pun, 
in  Arabia,  the  Udeni  of  Ptolemy, 
ii.  404  n, 
Uti  or  Uit  (Buto),  frontier  fortress 

at  M.  Casins,  i.  239,  ii.  13 
Utur,  the  great  sea,  iL  403 
Uza-hor-en-pi-ris,  commander  of  the 
fleet  under  Amasis,  ii.  303 ;  serves 
Cambyses  and  Darius,  303  ;  inscrip- 
tion on  his  shrine-bearing  statiie, 
3-306 

VALUES  and  prices,  list  of,  about 
B.C.  1000,  ii.  198,  199 
Vaphres.    See  Uah-ab-ra 

WADY    ALAKI    (Al-aki,   Akita), 
gold  mines,  ii.  81 
— Arabah,  i.  248 
— Halfah,   memorial  of  Usurtasen  I. 


ZAHA 
near,  i.  169 ;  fortress,  temples,  and 
inscriptions  of   Usurtasen  m.  at, 
181-3,  ii.  352  ;  memorial  stone   of 
Ramses  L  at,  9 

— Magharah,  in  the  peninsola  of 
Sinai,  rock  inscription  of  Senof  em, 
i.  80;  tablet  of  Khufu's  victories, 
92;  tablet  of  Banuser,  109;  min- 
ing works  of  Tatkara,  110 ;  inscrip- 
tion of  king  Nofer-ka-ra,  126;  of 
Amenemhat  IIL,  195 ;  joint  tablet 
of  queen  Hashop  and  Thutmes  m., 
362 

Wawa,  Wawa-t,  land  of,  L  144, 146, 
333;  tribute  from,  378,  380,  382, 
384 ;  temple  lands  in«  iL  181-8 

Weights,  ii.  199 

Wells,  at  Abydus,  i.  162 ;  sunk  at  Akita, 
ii.  82,  33,  81,  86 ;  four  on  the  old 
road  from  Goptos  to  Qosseir,  87 

XEBXES  I.  (Eshiarsh  or  Khsherish) 
and  the  anti-kin?  Khabbash,  ii. 
314,  315 ;  his  tyranny  in  Egypt,  332 
— n.,  ii.  333 

Xo!s  (Sakhau,  Ehesuu),  capital  of 
Nome  VI.  (L.  Eg.),  seat  of  Dyn. 
XIV.,  i.  210,  227,  317 

YAM-SOUPH, « Sea  of  Weeds '  (the 
<  Bed  Sea  *  of  the  Versions),  i. 
232  ;  ii.  376,/.,  429,  430 
Year,  the  ancient  Egyptian,  different 
forms  of,  i.  176 ;  of  366^  days,  440 
Yuma  Kot,  or  Yuma  Sekot,  Egyptian 
name  of  the  Bed  Sea,  ii.  430 

ZAANNI,  royal  scribe  and  general 
staff  officer,  recorded  the  vic- 
tories of  Thutmes  m.,  Amenhotep 
II.,  and  Thutmes  IV.,  ii.  406-7 
Zaha,  Zahi  (to-en-Zaha, '  the  country 
of  Zaha,'),  land  of  the  Phoenicians, 
on  the  sea-coast  from  Egypt  to  the 
Canaanites,  aft.  of  the  Philistines, 
i.  319,  320,  367,  ii.  13;  boundary 
with  Egypt,  i.  239,  ii.  13,  154,  430; 
war  of  Aahmes  in,  i.  819;  subdued 


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INDEX. 


469 


ZA-PATAH 
by  Thntmes  m.,  368,  S76,  401,  402, 
414;  kings  taken  captive,  ii.  406; 
places  taken,  booty,  and  tribute,  i. 
379,  380,  384;  products  of,  403; 
vessels  of  gold  and  silver  wrought 
in,  379;  wars  of  Seti  I.,  ii.  18; 
of  Bamses  n.,  62,  57 ;  a  city  of 
Bamses  II.  in,  67  ;  a  Bamesseum  of 
Ramses  III.  in  the  dty  of  Kanaan,* 
164,  420 

Za-Patah,  i  64 

Zar,  Zal,  Zani,  i.  160;  ii.  408.  See 
Zoon 

Zarduna  (Zarthon,  Zaretan,  SS.),  ii. 
132 

Zar-Tyrns,  i.  399 

Z'am,  city,  lake  made  in,  by  Amen- 
hotep  III.,  ii.  408  ;  probably  Zoan 

Ziho,  king.     See  Teos 

Zoan  (Egyptian  and  Hebrew),  Tania 
(Greek),  also  Zor,  Zar,  Zal  (pi.  Zoru, 
Zam,  Zalu),  'strong  place,*  and  Pi- 
Bamessn  ('  the  city  of  Bamses  *),  now 
Sdn,  the  *  great  and  splendid  city  of 
Lower  Egypt,'  in  the  midst  of  a 
Semitic  population,  i.  160;  ii. 
382-3 ;  an  essentially  foreign  city, 
on  the  eastern  border  of  Egypt,  231 ; 
capital  of  Nome  XIV.,  i.  230,  ii.  349 ; 
meaning  of  the  name,  383 ;  its  oldest 
monuments  of  Pepi's  time,  i.  117; 
works  of  Dyn.  XH.,  160,  167,  168, 
203;  of  Dyn.  Xm.,  212,  219,  220; 
date  compared  with  Hebron,  230 ; 
iL  383 ;  stone  of  Bamses  II.,  with 
inscription  dated  from  the  era  of 
Nub,  i.  246,  /.,  296,  ii.  99 ;  begin- 
ning of  the  land  of  the  Shasu  from 
the  west  eastwards,  i.  248  ;  also 
of  the  Khar  (Phoenicians),  266, 
257,  267,  399 ;  administrative  cen- 
tre of  eastern  provinces  under  the 
Bamessids,  253;  trilingual  stone 
called  the  Decree  of  Canopus,  268 ; 
seat  of  the  Hyksos  kings,  271 ; 
adorned  by  them  with  new  temples 


ZOB 
and  monuments,  271,  294 ;  starting- 
point  for  campaigns  towstrds  the 
East,  368 ;  and  of  the  great  roads  to 
Palestine,  ii.  98, 386,/. ;  the  special 
residence  of  Bamses  IL,  46,  77, 
98 ;  importance  of  its  position — the 
hey  of  Egypt,  98 ;  abandoned  by  the 
kings  of  Dyn.  XVUI.,  100 ;  new 
temple-city  of  Bamses  II.  to  gods 
associated  with  himself,  98, 384,412 ; 
henceforth  called  Pi-Bamessu,  100, 
384;  a  quarter  of  it  called  *the 
city  of  Sutekh  of  Bamses  Miamun,' 
419;  records  of  oppression  in  its 
building,  385 ;  abundant  notices  by 
the  scribes,  100;  full  description  in 
a  letter,  100-102 ;  here  u  the  teat  of 
the  court,  100;  one  of  the  'trea- 
sure cities,'  or  rather '  temple-cities,* 
built  by  the  Israelites  for  Pharaoh, 
102 ;  importance  of  its  history,  103, 
/.,  385 ;  despatches  sent  out  from  it, 
132 ;  the  royal  seat  of  Mineptah  U., 
the  Pharaoh  of  the  Exodus,  of  which 
it  was  the  starting-point,  133,  386 ; 
and  of  Mineptah  m.,  138 ;  report 
on  fugitive  servants,  an  exact 
parallel  to  the  Exodus,  138  «.,  389- 
390  ;  its  college  of  priests,  201 ; 
buildings  of  Bamses  III.  in,  419 ; 
seat  of  the  23rd  dynasty,  233 ;  an 
unnamed  satrap  of,  254 ;  subdued 
by  Assurbanipal,  270 ;  its  site  still 
strewn  with  monuments  and  statues, 
i.  212,  220;  ii.  99 

Zoan,  plain  or  *  field  of  *  (Ps.  Ixxviii. 
12,  43,  so  called  also  in  Egyptian, 
Sokhot-Zoan),  the  muster-place  and 
exercise  groimd  of  Egyptian  armies 
and  the  scene  of  the  miracles  of 
Moses,  i.  212 ;  ii.  104,  133,  383 ;  its 
present  aspect,  99 

Zoar,  i.  257 

Zodiac  on  ceiling  at  Denderah,  i.  447 

Zoq*a,  ii.  348.    See  Canopus 

Zor  (Zor-Tyrus),  i.  257 


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NTIQUITIES  &  ANCIENT  AET. 


LE   GLEANINGS:    The  Ethnologt,  Histort,  and  Akt  op 

Ancient  £otft,  as  Rbtbalhd  bt  thb  Paintinos  and  Bas-bbliiifs.  With 
DeacriptioiiB  of  Nubia  and  its  great  Rock  Temples  to  the  Second  Cataract. 
By  YILLIEBS  STUABT,  of  Dromana,  M.P.  With  68  Coloured  Lithographs 
and  Plates.    Royal  Svo.    81«.  6d, 

dE    MANNERS    AND    CUSTOMS     OF    THE    ANCIENT 

EGYPTIANS.  Thhib  PsivA-n  Lifb,  Gotebnxbnt,  Laws,  Abtb,  Manu- 
PACTUBBS,  Rbligion,  Aobxcdltubb,  Eablt  Histobt,  &c.  Derived  from  a 
comparison  of  the  Paintings,  Scnlptnres,  and  Monnments  still  existing,  with 
the  accounts  of  Ancient  Authors.  By  SIR  J.  GARDNER  WILKINSON, 
F.RS.  A  New  MUUm,  revised  and  edited  by  SAMUEL  BIRCH,  LL.D. 
With  600  Illustrations,    a  vols.    Medium  8ya    84«. 

POPULAR  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  ANCIENT  EGYPTIANS. 

Revised  and  Abridged  ftom  his  Laiger  Work.  By  SIR  J.  G.  WILKINSON. 
With  600  Woodcuts.    2  vols.    PostSvo.     12*. 

ISTORY    OF    POTTERY    AND    PORCELAIN;    Egyptian, 

Asstrian,  Grbbk,  Etruscan,  Roman,  Mndi^sval,  and  Modbbn.  By  SAMUEL 
BIRCH  and  JOSEPH  MARRYAT.  New  Edition.  With  Coloured  Plates 
and  500  Woodcuts.     2  vols.    Medium  8vo.    42«.  each. 

LIOS,    A    COMPLETE    HISTORY    OF    THE    CITY    AND 

COUNTRY  OF  THE  TROJANS.    Thb  Rbsult  of  Disoovbbibs  and  Rb- 

SBABCKBS  ON  THB  SfTB  OF  TbOT  AND  THBOUOHOUT  THB  TbOAD  IN  1871-3, 
1878-9.      InCLTTDINO  AN  AxTTOmOOBAFKTOF  THB  AUTHOB.     By  DR   HENRY 

8CHLIEMANN,  F.S.A.,  Author  of  'Mycena  and  Tiiyns.'  With  Notes  by 
Professors  Virchow,  Brugseh  Bey,  Sayce,  Max  MiiUer,  Mahafl^,  Ascherson, 
Calvert,  and  Duffield.    With  2,000  Illustiations.    Imperial  8vo.    60«. 

NCIENT    MYCENiE  ;    Discoybribs  and  Researches  on  the 

SiTBs  OF  Mycbnjb  AND  TiBTNs.  By  DR.  SCHLIEMANN.  The  Preface  by 
the  RioHT  Hon.  W.  E.  GLADSTONE,  MJP.  With  20  Plans  and  650  Illus- 
trations.   Medium  8vo.    60«. 

HE    FIVE    GREAT    MONARCHIES    OF    THE   ANCIENT 

EASTERN  WORLD:  or  the  History,  Gboorapht,  and  Antiquitibs  of 
AssTBiA,  Babylonia,  Chaldaa,  Mhdia,  and  Phbsia.  Collected  and  Dlustrated 
firom  Ancient  and  Modern  Sources.  By  CANON  RAWLINSON,  M.A.  With 
Maps  and  600  Illustrations.    8  vols.    8vo.    42«. 

[ISTORY    OF    HERODOTUS:    A    New    English    Version. 

Edited  with  Notes  and  Appendices,  illustrating  the  History  and  Geography  of 
Herodotus,  from  the  most  recent  sources  of  information,  and  embodying  the 
chief  results,  historical  and  ethnographical,  which  have  been  obtained  in 
cuneform  and  hieroglyphieal  discovery.  By  CANON  RAWLINSON,  MJl. 
Assisted  by  Sib  Hbnrt  Rawunson  and  Sib  J.  Gabdnbb  Wilkinson.  With 
Maps  and  350  Woodcuts.    4  vols.    8vo.    48s. 


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2  Works  relating  to  ArUiquitiea  and  ilrt— continued. 

NINEVEH   AND   BABYLON;    A   Narrativb  of  Discovkbus 

ICAOV  DTJBiNa  A  SicoirD  ExpnnnoN  to  Asstbia,  1849-51 ;  wttb  Tratkl^  a 
Abmunia,  KuBDOTAir.  AiTD  TEB  DnntT.  By  SIR  HENRY  LAYARD,  ILC3. 
With  lUustntioDS.    Post  8vo.     7s.  fkl, 

NINEVEH  AND  ITS  REMAINS ;   An  Account  of  Rbsbabcies 

AND    J>ISCX>TBBIB8    HADE  DURINO    AX    ExPRDITION    TO    ASSYRIA,     1845-7.      6t 

SIR  HENRY  LAYAJID,  KG.B.    With  lUastntioos.    Port  8ro.     7b,  ed,  ' 

THE    CITIES     AND    CEMETERIES    OF    ETRURIA.      By 

OEORGE  DENNIS.  A  New  Editioo  revised,  reooTding  aII  the  Recent  Dis- 
eoreriee.    With  22  Plann  and  200  Hliutrations.    2  role.    Medium  8ro.    42«. 

A  HISTORY  OF  ARCHITECTURE   IN  ALL  COUNTRIES. 

From  thv  Eabumt  Timw  to  Tin  Pbi&mt  Day.  By  JAMES  FERaUSSON, 
F.R.S.    Revised  Edition,  with  2,000  Illustrations.     4  vols.    Medium  8to. 

Vols.  I.  &  IL— ANCIENT  AND  MEDIAEVAL.    63*. 

Vol.  in.— INDIAN  AND  EASTERN.    42«. 

Vou  IV.— MODERN.    3U.  6A 

A  HISTORY  OF  GREEK  SCULPTURE.    From  thb  Earliest 

TnoBS  nowK  to  nn  Aon  of  Phrdias.  Bj  A.  S.  MURRAY,  of  the  British 
Museum.    With  Illustrations.    Royal  8vo.    21«. 

RUDE  STONE  MONUMENTS  IN  ALL  COUNTRIES :  THEIR 

AGE  AND  USES.  By  JAMES  FERGUSSON.  F.R.a  With  280  Illastra- 
tions.    Medium  8vo.    24«. 

THE  TEMPLES  OF  THE  JEWS.    And  the  Othkr  Builddios 

IN  THB  Haram  arra  AT  JiRTTSALRW.  By  JAMES  FERGUSSON,  D.C.L.,  FJLS. 
With  70  Ulustrations.    4to.     42$, 

AN  ATLAS  OF  ANCIENT  GEOGRAPHY,  BIBLICAL  A\D 

CLASSICAL.  Compiled  under  the  Superintendenee  of  WM.  SMITH,  D.C.L., 
and  GEORGE  GROVE,  LL.D.  With  Descriptive  Text,  givinff  the  Sourtes 
and  Authorities,  Indices,  &c    With  46  Maps.    Folio,  half-boand.    £6.  6«. 

DICTIONARY  OF   CHRISTIAN  ANTIQUITIES.     Comprising 

the  History,  InTrnmoirs,  and  ANTiQurrias  of  the  Christiak  Ouurch.  Br 
Various  Writers.  Edited  by  WM.  SMITH,  D.C.L.,  and  ARGHDEACO.V 
CHEETHAM,  M.A.    With  Dlustiations.     2  vols.    Medium  8vo.    £8.  13s.6i 

DICTIONARY  OF  CHRISTIAN  BIOGRAPHY,  LITERATUKE, 

SECTS,  AND  DOCTRINES.  From  the  Timr  of  tsr  AponiAS  io  tkk  Ans  of 
CHABLBKAaMB.  By  Various  Writers.  Edited  by  WM.  SMITH,  D.C.L,  soi 
Rev.  PROFESSOR  WACE.  (To  be  completed  in  4  vols.)  Vols.  I.  andU. 
Medium  8vo.    31«.  6(7.  each. 

CYPRUS ;  ITS  ANCIENT  CITIES,  TOMBS,  AND  TEMPLES. 

A  Nabbattvb  of  Risbarchbs  and  Excavatioks  dubino  Tbn  Ybars*  RBSIDCrCt 
nr  that  Islakd.  By  LOUIS  P.  DI  CESNOLA.  With  Maps  and  400  IUa»- 
trations.    Medium  8vo.    60s. 

A  HISTORY  OF   ANCIENT  GEOGRAPHY   AMONG    THE 

GREEKS  AND  ROMANS,  from  tub  Earlibbt  Aobs  till  thb  Faix  optki 
RoKAB  Empibb.  By  E.  H.  BUNBURY,  F.R.G.S.  With  20  Maps.  2  vols. 
8vo.    i2s. 

JOHN  MURRAY,  Albemarle  Street. 

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50,  Albemarle  Street, 

November,  1880. 


MR.    MURRAY'S 


LIST   OF 


Fe^TpceMiNS  we^Kg. 


ILIOS, 

A  COMPLETE  HISTORY  OF  THE  CITY  AND  COUNTRY  OF  THE  TROJANS. 

THE    RESULT   OF    DISCOVERIES    AND    RESEARCFIES 

ON  THE    SITE    OF   TROY   AND   THROUGHOUT  THE   TROAD 

IN   1871-3,    1878-9. 

Including  an  Autobiography  of  the  Author. 

By  Dr.  HENJEIY   SCHLIEMAmr,  F.B.A.,  &c.  &c., 

Author  of  "  Troy  and  Us  Remains,"  and  '*  Mycenae  and  Tiryns." 

With  Preface,  Appendices,  and  Notes  by  Professors  VircAow,  Brugsch  Bey,  Sayce, 
Max  MUiUr,  Mahaffy,  Ascherson,  Mr,  Calvert,  and  Mr,  Duffield. 

With  nearly  2,000  Illostrations.     Imperial  8vo.     50 j. 


UNBEATEN  TRACKS  IN  JAPAN. 

TRAVELS    OF    A    LADY    IN    THE   INTERIOR. 
Including  Visits  to  the  Aborigines  of  Yezo  and  to  the  Shrines  of 

NiKKO    AND    IS& 

B7  ISABELLA  BIRD, 

Author  of  *' A  Lady's  Life  in  the  Rocky  Mountains/*  &c 

3rd  Thousand.     With  Map  and  Illustrations.      2  vols.     Crown  8vo.     24J. 


DUTY. 

WITH  ILLUSTRATIONS  OF  COURAGE,  PATIENCE,  and  ENDURANCE. 
By  SAMTJEL  SMILBSy  LL.D. 

A  Companion  Volume  to  *' Self-Help,'*  '*  Character;'  ''Thrift." 
loth  Thousand.     Post  8vo.     ds. 

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MR.  MURRArS  LIST  OF  FORTHCOMING    WORKS. 

MRS.   GROTE!   A  SKETCH. 

By  LADY  EASTLAXE. 

Post  8vo.    6j. 


PERSONAL  LIFE  of  DAVID  LIVINGSTONE,  LLD.,  D.C.L 

FROM  HIS  UNPUBLISHED  JOURNALS  AND  CORRESPONDENCE. 

[\Vith  the  sanction  of  his  Family,) 

By  WILLIAM  GABDEN  BLAIKIE,  D.D.,  LL.D. 

New  College,  Edinburgh. 
Portrait  and  Map.     8vo. 


LIFE  AND   LETTERS  OF  JOHN,   LORD  CAMPBELL, 

LORD  CHIEF  JUSTICE,  AND  AFTERWARDS 

LORD    CHANCELLOR    OF    ENGLAND, 

BASED    ON    HIS    AUTOBIOGRAPHY,    JOURNALS,    AND 
CORRESPONDENCE. 

Edited  by  his  Daughter  the  Hon.  llxi.  HABDOASTLE. 

Portrait    2  Vols.    8vo. 


JAPAN :  ITS  HISTORY,  TRADITIONS,  AND  RELIGIONS. 

WITH  THE  NARRATIVE  OF  A  VISIT  IN   1879. 
By    SIB   EDWARD   J.    EEED,   E.G.B.,   F.B.S.,   M.P. 

Willi  Map  and  Illustrations.     2  vols.     8vo.     2&r. 


CHRISTIAN   INSTITUTIONS: 
ESSAYS  ON   ECCLESIASTICAL  SUBJECTS. 

ByABTHTTE  PENBHYN  STANLEY,  D.D., 

Dean  of  Westminster. 


contents: 


Baptism. 

ThK   EuCHAIilbT. 

The  Eucharist  in  the  Early  Church. 

The  Eucharistic  Sacrifice. 

The  Real  Presence. 

The  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ. 


Absolution. 

Ecclesiastical  Vestments. 

Basilicas. 

The  Pope. 

The  Litany. 

The  Belief  of  the  Early  Christlus. 

8vo. 


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MR.   MURRAY'S  LIST  OF  FORTHCOMING    WORKS.         '■ 

THE    EASTERN    QUESTION. 

Bx  tlie  late  VISCOUNT  STJEIATFOBD  D£  BEBCLIFFE,  E.G.,  G.G.B. 

BEING   A   SELECTION   FROM    HIS   WRITINGS    DURING    THE    LAST 
FIVE  YEARS  OF  HIS  LIFE. 

With  a  Preface  by  BEAN  STANLEY. 

Post  8vo. 


A    PILGRIMAGE    TO    NEJD, 

THE    CRADLE    OF    THE    ARAB    RACE,    AND    A   VISIT    TO    THE 

COURT    OF    THE    ARAB    EMIR. 

By  LADY  ANNE  BLUNT. 

Author  of  the  "  Bedouins  of  the  Euphrates  Valley." 

With  IllustratioDS  from  the  Author's  Drawings.     2  vols.     Post  8vo. 

We  were  passed  on  by  the  Bedouins  from  kinsman  to  kinsman,  and  were  ever^here 
received  as  friends ;  nor  is  it  too  much  to  say  that  while  in  Arabia  we  enjoyed  the  singular 
advantage  of  being  accepted  as  members  of  an  Arabian  family.  This  gave  us  an  unique 
occasion  of  seeing  and  of  understanding  what  we  saw ;  and  we  have  only  ourselves  to  blame 

if  we  did  not  turn  it  to  very  important  profit We  are,  I  believe,  the  only  European 

travellers  who  have  made  the  complete  journey  from  Damascus  to  Hiiil,  or  from  Hail  to 
Ba^^dad,  while  only  two  Europeans  besides  ourselves  have  visited  Jebel  Shammar  at  all. — From 
Editor's  Pre/act. 


MEMOIR  OF  THE  PUBLIC  LIFE  OF 
THE  RIGHT  HON.  JOHN  CHARLES  HERRIES, 

DURING   THE    REIGNS   OF    GEORGE   III.,   GEORGE    IV., 
WILLIAM    IV.,    AND    QUEEN    VICTORIA. 

FOUNDED    ON    HIS    LETTERS    AND    OTHER    UNPUBLISHED    DOCUMENTS. 

By  his  Son  EDWABD  fTRRTtTF.S,  O.B. 

2  vols.     8vo. 


INDIA    IN    1880. 

By  Sir  BIOHABD  TEUPI.E,  Bart.,  Q.O.B.I.,  C.I.B.,  D.O.L. 

Late  Governor  of  Bombay,  Lieut-Governor  of  Bengal,  and  Finance  Minister  of  India. 
CONTENTS : 


Claims  of  India  on  the  continuous 
attention  of  england. 

Objects  of  Beauty  and  Interest. 

Material  Progress  of  the  Natives. 

Mental  Progress  of  the  Natives. 

National  Education. 

Religious  Missions. 

Native  States  and  Chiefsiiips. 

Official  Classes,  European  and 
Native. 

Non-official  Europeans. 

Law  and  Legislation. 

Revenues. 

Canals  and  Irrigation. 

Roads  and  Railways. 


Products,  Agricultural  and  Indus- 
trial. 

Commerce,  Internal  and  External. 

Famines. 

Public  Health  and  Sanitation. 

Physical  Science. 

Learned  Research. 

Wild  Sports. 

'Foreign  Relations. 

Armies. 

Navy  and  Marine. 

Finances. 

Statistical  Summary.  ^ 

Effects  and  Prospects  of  British 
Rule. 


8vo. 

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4         MR.   MURRAY'S  UST  OF  FORTHCOMING    WORKS. 

LIFE  OF  SAMUEL  WiLBERFORCE,  D.D., 

Latb  bishop  of  oxford,  and  WINCHESTER, 
WITH  EXTRACTS  FROM  HIS  DIARIES  and  CORRESPONDENCE. 

Edited  by  his  Son,  BEaiNALB  WILBSBFOBCB, 

Assisted  by  several  Clerical  and  Lay  Friends  of  his  Father* 

With  Portrait.    VOL.  II.    8vo. 


A  HISTORY  OF  GREEK  SCULPTURE. 

FROM   THE   EARLIEST   TIMES   DOWN  TO  THE  AGE   OF   PIIEIDIAS. 
By  A.   8.   tfUBBAY, 

Of  the  DepartmcDt  of  Antiquities,  British  Museum. 

With  70  Ulustiations.     Royal  8vo. 


MEMOIRS  OF  THE  LIFE  AND  EVENTFUL  CAREER  OF 
F.M.  THE  DUKE  DE  SALDANHA, 

SOLDIER    AND    STATESMAN. 
WITH  SELECTIONS   FROM  HIS  CORRESPONDENCE. 

By  the  CONDB  DA  CABNOTA. 

With  Portrait  and  Maps.     2  vols.     8vo.     30X. 

Contents  :— Services  in  the  Peninsula  under  the  Duke  of  Wellington — Campal;:riS 
in  the  Brazils — Imprisonment  at  Lisbon  and  Exile — Prime  Minister  of  Poriugal— 
Commander-in-Chief  in  War  of  Succession  in  Portugal — Supports  Donna  Maria  against 
Dom  Miguel — Battles  and  Sieges — Successes  as  Commander  of  Queen's  Forces—Places 
her  on  the  Throne — Ambassador  at  Madrid,  Vienna,  London,  Paris,  and  Rome— Special 
Missions  to  England — Civil  War  in  Portugal— Defence  of  the  Queen  and  her  Throne- 
Secures  Peace  for  his  Country. 


THE  MANIFOLD  WITNESS  FOR  CHRIST. 

Being  an  attempt  to  Exhibit  the  Combined  Force  of  Various  Evidences 
OF  Christianity,  Direct  and  Indirect. 

Part    L— CHRISTIANITY    AND    NATURAL    THEOLOGY. 
Part  IL— THE    POSITIVE    EVIDENCE    OF    CHRISTIANITY. 

By  ALFBED  BABEY,  B.I).,   D.C.L., 

Principal  of  King's  College,  London ;  Canon  of  Worcester ;  and  Honorary  ^^ftfrlfiin  tc  the  Quceo.       * 

8vo.      12/. 

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MR.   MURRAY'S  LIST  OF  FORTHCOMING    WORKS.         $ 

THE  POWER  OF  MOVEMENT  IN  PLANTS. 

By  CHAS.  BABWnr,  LL.D.,  F.B.S.,  asuBtedby  FRANCIS  DAKWIST. 

With  Woodcuts.     Crown  8vo. 


MADAME   DE  STAEL: 

A    STUDY    OF    HER    LIFE    AND    TIMES. 

THE  FIRST  REVOLUTION  AND  THE  FIRST  EMPIRE, 

By  A.  STEVENS,  LL.D. 

With  Portraits.      2   Vols.      Crown  8vo. 


THE  LIFE,  LETTERS,  AND  JOURNALS  OF 
FIELD-MARSHAL  SIR  WM.  MAYNARD  GOMM,  G.C.B. 

COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  IN  INDIA,  CONSTABLE  OF  THE  TOWER, 
AND  COLONEL  OF  THE  COLDSTREAM  GUARDS,  1784—1879. 

Edited  by  FBANCIS  CTTLLING  CABB  GOMM, 

H.M.  Madras  Civil  Service. 
With  Portrait.    8vo. 


SPEECHES   AND   ADDRESSES, 

POLITICAL  AND   LITERARY. 

DELIVERED    IN   THE    HOUSE    OF    LORDS,    IN    CANADA, 
AND    ELSEWHERE. 

By  the  Bight  Hon.  The  EABL  OF  DX7FF£BIN. 

Lftte  Governor-General  of  Canada.    Ambassador  at  the  Court  of  St  Petersbui^. 
8vo. 


HISTORY  OF   EGYPT   UNDER  THE   PHARAOHS. 

DERIVED    ENTIRELY    FROM    THE    MONUMENTS. 

WITH  A  MEMOIR  ON  THE   EXODUS  OF  THE  ISRAELITES  AND  THE 
EGYPTIAN    MONUMENTS. 

By  Dr.  HENBY  BBX7GSGH   BEY. 

Second  Edition^  rnnsed^  with  a  new  Preface  and  original  Notes  by  the  Author. 
With  Maps.     2  vols.     8vo. 


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MR.    MURRAY'S  UST  OF  FORTHCOMING    WORKS. 

RAMBLES  AMONG  THE  HILLS; 

IN  THE  PEAK  OF  DERBYSHIRE  AND  THE  SOUTH  DOWNS. 

WITH    DESCRIPTIONS   AND    SKETCHES    OF    OLD   HOUSES.   CHURCHES, 
AND   PEOPLE    BY   THE   WAY. 

By  LOUIS  J.  JENNINGS, 

Author  of  "  Field  Paths  and  Green  Lanes  in  Surrey  and  Sussex.*' 
With  Illustrations.     Post  8vo. 


THE  CAT. 

AN  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  STUDY  OF  BACK-BONED  ANIMALS, 
ESPECIALLY    MAMMALS. 

By   ST.    GEORGE  MIVABT, 

Author  of  "Lessons  from  Nature,"  &c,  &c. 
With  numerous  Illustrations.     Medium  8vo. 


A  POPULAR  ACCOUNT  OF  PERUVIAN   BARK 

AND    ITS    INTRODUCTION  INTO   BRITISH   INDIA. 
By  CLEMENTS    B.   MABEHAM,   C.B.,  F.B.S. 

With  Maps  and  Woodcuts.     Post  8vo. 


ENGLISH   STUDIES 

OF  THE   LATE 

REV.    J.    S.    BREWER,     M.A., 

OF  THE  KECORD  OFFICE,  AND  PROFESSOR  OF  MODERN   HISTORY,    KING's  COLL.,    LONDON. 

CONTENTS : 

New  Sources  of  English  History.         Hatfield  House. 
Green's    Short     History    of    the        The  Stuarts. 

English  People.  Shakspeare. 

The    Royal    Supremacy   and    the        How  to  Study  English  History. 

History  o)f  its  Introduction.  l  Ancient  London. 

P^  RASMUS.  I 

8vo. 


SIBERIA   IN   EUROPE. 

A    NATURALIST'S    VISIT    TO    THE    VALLEY    OF    THE    PETCHORA 

IN    NORTH-EAST    RUSSIA, 

WITH    DESCRIPTIONS    OF    BIRDS    AND    THEIR    MIGRATIONS. 

By  HENBY  SEEBOHM,  F.Z.S.,  F.L.S.,  F.B.G.S. 

With  Map  and  Illustrations.      Crown  Svo. 


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MR.   MURRAY'S  LIST  OF  FORTHCOMING  WORKS. 


SKETCHES  OF  EMINENT  STATESMEN  AND  WRITERS, 
WITH  OTHER   ESSAYS. 

REPRINTED  FROM  THE   "QUARTERLY   REVIEW,"   WITH 
ADDITIONS  AND   CORRECTIONS. 


By  A.   HAYWABD,    a.C. 

CONTENTS: 

Thiers. 

Bismarck. 

Cavour. 

Metternich. 

Melbourne. 

Montalbmbert. 

Wellesley. 

Byron  and  Tennyson. 

Venice. 

St.  Simon. 

2  Vols.    8vo. 

SEVIGNlft. 

Du  Deffand. 
Holland  House. 
Strawberry  Hill. 

THE   GARDENS  OF  THE  SUN. 

A    NATURALIST'S    JOURNAL     ON     THE     MOUNTAINS     AND     IN 

THE    FORESTS    AND    SWAMPS    OF    BORNEO    AND 

THE     SOOLOO     ARCHIPELAGO. 

By  F.  W.  BUBrBIDOE, 

Trinity  College  Botanical  Gardens,  Dublin. 
With  Illustrations.     Crown  Svo. 


THE   STUDENT'S   ROMAN   EMPIRE, 

FROM  THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  EMPIRE  TO  THE  ACCESSION 
OF  COM  MODUS,  a.d.  i8o. 

Post  Svo, 

This  work  will  take  up  the  History  at  the  point  at  \^hich  Dean  l.iilixU  ka^cs  cF, 
pnd  carry  it  down  to  the  period  at  which  Gibbon  bej»ins. 


A   NEW   LIFE   OF  ALBERT  DURER, 

AND    A    HISTORY    OF    HIS    ART. 
By  MOBITZ    THAUSING, 

Keeper  oi  Archduke  Albert's  Art  Collections  at  Vienna. 
Portrait  and  Illustrations.     2  vols.     Medium  8vo. 


LECTURES  ON   ARCHITECTURE, 

DELIVERED    BEFORE    THE    ROYAL    ACADEMY. 
By  the  lato  BDWABB    BABBT,  B.A. 

Svo. 


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8         MR.   MURRAY'S  LIST  OF  FORTHCOMING    WORKS. 


THE    HUGUENOTS: 


THEIR    SETTLEMENTS,    CHURCHES    AND    INDUSTRIES    IN 
ENGLAND    AND    IRELAND. 

By  SAMUEL    SMILES,   LL.D. 

New  Edition,     With  Frontispiece.    Crown  8yo.     Ts,  6d, 


THE  PSALMS  OF  DAVID. 

WITH    NOTES   EXPLANATORY    AND    CRITIC AL» 

By  G.  H.  S.  JOHNSON',  Dean  of  Wells ;   C.  J.  ELLIOTT,  Canon  of 
Christ  Chnrcli;   and  F.  C.  COOK,  Canon  of  Exeter. 

Ntfw  and  Revised  Edition,     Medium  8vo. 

(Detached  from  the  Speaker's  Commentary.) 


A   DICTIONARY  OF  HYMN0L06Y. 

INTENDED  AS  A  COMPANION  TO  EXISTING    HYMN  BOOKS. 

Setting  forth  the  Origin  and  History  of  the  Hymns  in  Common  Use,  a 
Description  of  the  most  Popular  Hymnals,  and  Biographical  Notices 
of  their  Authors  and  Translators. 

By  Eev.  JOHN  JULIAN,  F.E.S.L., 

Vicar  of  Wincobank,  Sheffield. 

8vo. 

N.B, — This  Work  is  designed  to  embrace  the  following  subjects : — 

I.  Thb  History  op  every  Hymn  in  general  use  in  England,  Ireland,  and  Scotland,  em- 
bracing Originals  and  Translations. 
a.  Biographical  Notices  op  Authors,  Translators,  and  Compilers  op  Hymns. 

3.  An  investigation  into  Anonymous  Authors  op  Hymns. 

4.  Historical  Articles   on   Greek,    Latin,    anb   German   Hymnoov<»on    Service   Books 

Missals,  Brrviaries,  Early  Hymn  Books,  &c.  ;  and  Noies  on  French,  Danish,  and 
OTHER  Hymns,  prom  which  Translations  have  been  made  into  £nglish. 

5.  Details  op  the  sources  op  English  Hymnological  inpormation. 

'  As  the  field  of  research  is  exceedingly  wide,  the  assistance  of  eminent  hymnologists  has 
been  scciin  d  to  ensure  the  fullest  and  most  accurate  information  posiJble. 


THE  LIFE  AND  WRITINGS  OF  ST.  JOHN  THE  DIVINE. 

By  the  LORD  BISHOP  OF  BBBBY  AND  BAPHOE. 

2  vols.     8vo. 


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MR.  MURRAY'S  UST  OF  FORTHCOMING    WORKS 


CONTINUATION   OP  ELWIN'S  EDITION. 

THE    WORKS    OF~ALEXANDER    POPE; 

POETRY,     Vol,    IIL 

CONTAINING   THE    SATIRES,    THE    MORAL    ESSAYS,    &c.,    WITH 

INTRODUCTIONS    AND    NOTES. 

By   W.    J.    COTTBTHOPE,    M.A. 

8vo. 


LIFE  OF  JONATHAN  SWIFT. 

By  HENBY    ORAXE,  B.A., 

Late  Scholar  and  Snell  Exhibitioner,  Balliol  College,  Oxford. 
8vo. 


HOUSEHOLD  SURGERY ;  or  HINTS  for  EMERGENCIES. 

By  JOHN    80X7TH. 

A  New  Edition,  with  Additions.     Woodcuts.     Fcap .  8vo. 


A   HANDBOOK   FOR  TRAVELLERS   IN   BENGAL. 

FROM  CALCUTTA  TO  JAGHERNAULT  ON   THE  WEST,  ALLAHABAD 
ON  THE  NORTH,  AND  RANGOON  ON  THE  EAST. 

By  E.    B.    EASTWIOK, 

Author  of  "  Handbook  to  Bombay"  and  the  "  Handbook  to  Madras.** 
With  Maps  and  Plans.     Post  Svo. 


HANDBOOK   FOR   BOMBAY. 

A  New  Edition,  most  carefully  Revised  on  the  spot,  and  for  the  most  part  rewritten. 

By  E.  B.  EASTWICE. 

With  Map.     Post  Svo. 


DUCANGE'S  MEDI>tVAL  LATIN-ENGLISH  DICTIONARY. 

Re-arranged  and  Edited  in  accordance  with  the  Modem  Science  of  Philolc^. 

By  E.  A.   DAYMAN,   B.D., 

Prabendary  of  Sarum,  formerly  Fellow  and  Tutor  of  Exeter  College,  Oxford, 

and  J.   H.   HESSELS. 

Small  4to. 


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A  MANUAL  OF   NAVAL  ARCHITECTURE. 

B7  W.    H.   WHITE, 

Assistant-Constructor,  Royal  Navy. 

Second  and  revised  Edition^  i^dth  130  Illustrations.     8vo. 


The  STUDENPS  MANUAL  of  the  GEOGRAPHY  of  INDIA. 


By  GEORGE    SMITH,  IX.D., 

Author  of  the  "  Life  of  Dr.  Wilson,  Dr.  Duff,"  &c. 
Post  8vo. 


A  GLOSSARY  OF  PECULIAR  ANGLO-INDIAN 
COLLOQUIAL  WORDS  AND  PHRASES. 

ETYMOLOGICAL,    HISTORICAL,    AND    GEOGRAPHICAL. 
By  HENBY  YXnLE,  O.B.,  and  A&THXTB  BTONELL,  Fh.D. 


8vo. 


NEW   DICTIONARY  OF  THE   ENGLISH   LANGUAGE. 

FOR    PRACTICAL    REFERENCE,   METHODICALLY   ARRANGED,    AND 

BASED    UPON    THE    BEST    PHILOLOGICAL   AUTHORITIES. 

Medium  Svo. 


THE   STUDENT'S   HISTORY  OF   MODERN   EUROPE. 

FROM    THE   END    OF   THE   MIDDLE   AGES   TO   THE 

TREATY    OF   BERLIN,    1878. 

Post  8vo. 

Being  a  new  Volume  of  "Murray's  Students*  Manuals." 


LONDON!    PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

By   the   late   PETEB    OXTKNIKGHAM,    F.S.A. 
Revised  and  Edited  by  JAMES   THOBNE,  F.S.A., 

Author  of  the  "  Handbook  to  the  Environs  of  London."- 

In  this  work  will  be  found  much  antiquarian,  historical,  and  entertaining  infonnatioo, 
together  with  ample  descriptions  of  all  the  streets  and  buildings  of  note  now  to  be  seen,  as 
well  as  those  no  longer  existing ;  and  every  place  endeared  to  Englishmen  by  Interesting  and 
Historical  associations. 

New  Library  Edition,    3  Vols*    8vo. 


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MR.  MURRAY'S  UST  OF  FORTHCOMING    WORKS,        ii 

THE 

SPEAKER'S  COMMENTARY  on  the  NEW  TESTAMENT. 

Edited  by  F.  0.  OOOK,  M.A.» 

Canon  of  Exeter,  late  Pt«acher  at  Lincoln's  Inn,  and  Chaplain  in  Ordinary  to  the  Queen. 
To  be  completed  in  4  Vols.    Medium  8vo. 

Vol.  111.  . 

-RAWAva  (  ^  ^-  GiFFORD,  D.D.,  Hon.  Canon  of  Worcester,  Rector 

ttOKAHB   J  of  Much  Hadham,  and  Examining  Chaplain  to  the 

(  Bishop  of  London. 

^^•M««iM«v««Mi  (  T.  S.  Evans,  Canon  of  Durham,  and  Professor  of  Greek  in 

COUHTHIAn j  D^h^„  University. 

I  J.  Waite,  M.A.,  Vicar  of  Norham,  Northumberland. 
OATiATIATrS J.  S.  Howson,  D.D.,  Dean  of  Chester. 

^^STmbsSS"  )  ^-  ^  J'*^*'^"'  ^-^-^  l^t«  ^«^  of  Lincoln. 
THXSBALOVIAVsl  (  ^^^'  Prel>endAry  Meyrick,  and  the  Dean  of  Raphoe. 
mnd  PHUXMOV )  Wm.  Alexander,  D.D.»  Bishop  of  Derry  and  Raphoe. 

PAROEAL  EPI8TLB8 .      John  Jackson,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  London. 

HSBBXW8    W.  Kay,  D.D. 

Vol.  IV. 
BPI8TLE  of  8T.  JAXX8      Robert  Scott,  D.D.,  Dean  of  Rochester. 

SFI8TLE8  of  W.  JOHH     Wm.  Alexander,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Derry  and  Raphoe. 

8T  P-BTSR  &  IT  nrm  \  ^"^oi^  Cook,  and  J.  R.  Lumby,  D.D.,  Nonisian  Professor 
»x.  x^j>AA»  m  9x.  «  uMMii  j  ^^  Divinity  at  Cambridge. 

U^AnOV    OF    W.  )  wj,LB.g^  I)  I).,  Archdeacon  of  Dublin. 


•  * 


Vols.   I.  &  II.   are  now  PuMUhed, 


THE  APOCRYPHA, 

WITH    A    COMMENTARY,    EXPLANATORY   &    CRITICAL, 

By  Various  Writers. 

Edited  by  BeT.  HENBT  WAGE,  M.A., 

Preacher  of  Lincoln's  Inn,  Professor  of  Ecclesiastical  History,  King's  College,  London. 

2  Vols.    Medium  8vo. 

(Uniform  with  the  Speaker's  Commentary.) 


THE 

STUDENT'S  COMMENTARY  on  the  OLD  TESTAMENT. 

ABRIDGED    FROM    THE    "SPEAKER'S    COMMENTARY." 
Edited  by  JOHN  M.  FULLER,  H.A., 

Vicar  of  Bexley,  and  formerly  Fellow  of  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge. 

Vol.  IV.— Isaiah  to  Malachi.    Crown  8vo.    7^.  6d, 

Digitized  by  VjOOQ  IC 


50^  Albeharlb  Strsbt, 
October^  i88a 


MR.    MURRAY'S 


LIST    OF 


NEW  &  REGENT  PUBLICATIONS. 


Handbook  to  the  Mediterranean. 

For  Travellers  in  General,  and  especially  for  Yachtsmen. 

DESCRIBING  THE    PRINCIPAL    CITIES,    SEAPORTS,    HARBOURS, 

AND  BORDER  LANDS, 

THE   COASTS   OF  AFRICA.    SPAIN,    ITALY.    DALMATIA,  GREECE.   ASIA   MINOR. 

Forming  a  Guide  to 

CORSICA,  SARDINIA,  SiCILYy  MALTA,    THE  BALEARIC  ISLANDS, 

CRETE,  RHODES,    CYPRUS,  b'c. 

By  Oolonel  R.  L.   PLAYFAIR, 

Author  of  "  Travels  in  the  Footsteps  of  Brace,"  "  Handbook  to  Algeria  and  l^mis." 
With  ntarly  50  Maps^  Plans^  6rv.    /Vr/  8w. 


-♦4- 


A  Smaller  Manual  of  Modern  Geography. 

FOR    SCHOOLS    AND    YOUNG    PERSONS. 

By   JOHN    RI0HARD80N,    M.A. 

Diocesan  Inspector  of  Schools,  and  Author  of  "  The  School  liCannal  of  Modern  Geography. " 

250  //.     Post  8w.     2J.  &/. 


-M- 


Old  French  Plate. 

FURNISHING   TABLES    OF   THE    PARIS    DATE-LETTERS    AND 
FACSIMILES    OF    OTHER   MARKS. 

A   HANDBOOK    FOR   THE    COLLECTOR. 

By  WILFRID   J.    ORIPPS,  M.A.,  F.8.A., 

Author  of  "Old  English  Plate." 
WUh  lUustratwm.    Szv.    %s,  6d, 


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N£iy  AND  RECENT  PUBUCATIONS.  13 

A  Handbook  to  Political  Questions 
of  the  Day. 

WITH    THE   ARGUMENTS    ON    EITHER   SIDE. 
By  8YDNEY  O.  BUXTON. 

Second  Edition,    ^vo,    5/. 


A   Histoiy  of  Ancient  Geography  among 
the  Greeks  and  Romans, 

FROM  THE  EARLIEST    AGES    TILL    THE    FALL   OF  THE 
ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

By   E.    H.    BUN  BURY,    F.R.Q.8. 

With  20  Maps,     2  Vols,     Svo,    42s, 


The  Student's  Hume. 

A    HISTORY    OF   ENGLAND    FROM    THE    EARLIEST   TIMES   TO 
THE   TREATY   OF   BERLIN,    1878. 

New  Edition,  Revised,  <:orrbcted,  and  partly  Re-written. 

By   J.    8.    BREWER,    M.A. 

Late  of  the  Record  Office^  Professor  of  Modem  History,  King's  College,  Londoa 

Maps  and  Woodcuts,     (830  pp.)    Post  ^o.     Js.  ed. 


-^4- 


The  Convocation  Prayer  Book; 

BEING  THE  BOOK  OF  COMMON  PRAYER,  WITH  ALTERED  RUBRICS, 

SHOWING  WHAT  WOULD  BE  THE  CONDITION  OF  THE  BOOK  IP  AMENDED 

IN  CONFORMITY  WITH  THE  RECOMMENDATIONS  OF  THE  CONVOCATIONS 

OF  CANTERBURY  AND  YORK  IN  1879. 

Post  ^uo,     5^. 

Digitized  by  VjOOQ  IC 


H 


MR.   MURRAY'S  LIST  OF 


The  Metallurgy  of  Silver  and  Gold 


Parting  of  Silver  and  Gold. 
Smelting  of  Silver  Ores. 
Amalgamation   of   Silver  Ores,  in 

PART,    ending     with     THE     CAZO 

Process. 


Physical  Properties  and  Chemistry 
of  Silver,  in  relation  to  Metal- 
lurgy. 

Alloys. 
'  Ores. 

Assaying. 

By   JOHN    PEROY,  M.D.,   F.R.S., 

Lecturer  on  Metallurgy  to  the  Advanced  Oass  of  Officers  of  the  Royal  Artillery,  and  Hononuy  Member 
of  the  Institution  of  Civil  Engineers,  of  the  Society  of  Engineers,  and  of  the  Iron  and  Steel  Institnte. 

WUh  numerem  Ulustraiums,    Ssv.    yu. 

^4 - 


Life  of  Samuel  Wilberforce, 

late   bishop  of  oxford  and  afterwards    of   WINCHESTER. 

WITH    EXTRACTS    FROM    HIS    DIARIES    AND    CORRESPONDENCE 

By  A.    R.   A8HWELL,   M.A.,  late  Canon  of  Chichester. 

Fifth  Thousand.    Vol.  I.     WUh  Portrmi,    8w.     15J. 


-♦4- 


Histoiy  of  British  Commerce, 

AND    OF    THE   PROGRESS    OF   THE   NATION,  FROM   1763  TO  1878. 

By   LEONE    LEVI,   F.S.A., 

Barrist«r-at-Lavr,  Professor  of  the  Principles  and  Practice  of  Commeioe  and  Commercial  Lav, 
King's  Collq;e,  London. 

New,  Revised,  aftd  Enlarged  Edition,     With  Diagrams,    9/zw,     iSf. 


-M- 


St.  Chrysostom :    His  Life  and  Times. 

A   SKETCH   OF  THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  EMPIRE  IN  THE 
IVth  CENTURY. 

By   W.    R.   W.    STEPHENS,    M.A., 

Prebendary  of  Chichester,  and  Author  of  the  "  Life  of  Dean  Hook. 
Seewd  and  revised  Edition,     With  Portrait,    8w.     12s, 

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NEIV  AND  RECENT  PUBUCATIONS.  15 

Life   of  Dr.  John  Wilson  (of  Bombay) : 

FIFTY  YEARS  MISSIONARY,   PHILANTHROPIST  AND  SCHOLAR. 
By   GEORGE   SMITH,    LL.D. 

Popular  Editwn.     With  Portrait  and  Ulustratiom,     Crown  Svo.    gs. 


-♦♦- 


Nile  Gleanings: 


THE    ETHNOLOGY,    HISTORY,    AND    ART   OF    ANCIENT  EGYPT,    AS 
REVEALED  BY  THE  PAINTINGS  AND  BAS-RELIEFS. 

WITH   DESCRIPTIONS  OF   NUBIA  AND   ITS   GREAT   ROCK  TEMPLES   TO 
THE   SECOND   CATARACT. 

By   VILLIER8   8TUART,  of  Dromana,    M.P. 

PVttA  58  Coi4mred  Lithographs  and  Plates  from  Impressions  from  the  Monuments, 
Royal  Szv.    31J.  6</. 


■♦4- 


The  Civil  and  Political  Correspondence 
of  the  Duke  of  Wellington.    Vol.  VIII. 

Edited  by  his  SON. 

CONTENTS  \ 

RsvoRM  Bills  of  1831-32.— Thb  Dukx  on  Corporal  Punishment. ->0*Connell. 
—Separation  of  Holland  from  Belgium. —Siege  of  Antwerp.^British 
Expedition  in  aid  of  Dom  Pedro  of  Portugal,  &c.,  &c. 

8ZV.      90f. 

♦♦ 


The  Greek  Verb. 

ITS  STRUCTURE  AND  DEVELOPMENT. 

From  the  German  of  Professor  OURTIUS. 

Translated  by  A.  S.  WILKIN8,  M.A.,  Prof,  of  Latin  and  Comp.  PhUology;  and 

E.  B.  ENGLAND,  M. A.,  Assistant  Lecturer  in  Classics, 

Owens  College,  Manchester. 

%vo,     I&f. 


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Gleanings  of  Past  Years,   1843-78. 

By   the    Right   Hon.  W.  E.  GLADSTONE,  M.P. 

CONTENTS. 


Vol.  I.— The  Throne  and  the  P&incb 
Consort,  the  Cabinet,  and 
Constitution. 

Vol.  II.— Personal  and  Literary. 


Vol.  III.— Historical  &  Speculative. 
Vol.  IV.— Foreign. 
Vols.  V.  &  VL— Ecclesiasticau 
Vol.  VTI.— Miscellaneous. 


Small  Sa/0,     2s.  6d,  each. 


A  Lady's  Life  in  the  Rocky  Mountains. 

By    ISABELLA    BIRD, 

Author  of  "A  Residence  in  the  Sandwich  Islands,**  &c 

Third  Editi0n.     IVith  Illustrations,     Crown  Sizw.     los.  6d, 
♦♦ 

The  Cities  and  Cemeteries  of  Etruria. 

By  GEORGE   DENNIS. 

A   NEW    EDITION.       REVISED   AND   INCORPORATING   ALL   THE 
MOST    RECENT   DISCOVERIES. 

fVilh  Maps  and  200  IllusiratioHS,    2  Vols,    Medium  9vo,    42s. 
^4 

Memoir  of  the  late 
Robert  Milman,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Calcutta, 

AND    METROPOLITAN    OF    INDIA. 

WITH  A  SELECTION  FROM  HIS  CORRESPONDENCE  AND  JOURNALS 

By   his  Sister   FRANCES    MARIA   MILMAN. 

IVilh  Afap,     8zw.     I2s, 

Digitized  by  VjOOQ  IC 


NEW  AND   RECENT  PUBLICATIONS.  17 

Memoirs  of 
Kdward,  Catherine,  and  Mary  Stanley. 

By  the  DEAN  OF  WESTMINSTER. 

Third  Edition,      Crown  Svo,     gj, 
♦«♦ 

The  Synoptic  Gospels, 

THE  DEATH  OF  CHRIST,  THE  WORTH  OF  LIFE,  and  other  ESSAYS. 

By  WILLIAM   THOMSON,  D.D.,  Lord  Archbishop  of  York. 

Crown  Svo.     9X, 


The  Lex  Salica; 

THE  TEN  TEXTS  WITH  THE  GLOSSES,  AND  THE  LEX  EMENDATA. 
Edited  Synoptically,  by  J.   H.   HESGELS. 

WITH  NOTES  ON  THE  FRANKISH  WORDS  IN  THE  LEX  SALICA. 

By    H.     KERN, 

Professor  of  Sanscrit,  University  of  Leyden. 

4/0,     42J-. 

"  In  the  Salic  Laws  and  the  Pandects  of  Justinian  we  may  compare  the  first  rudiments  and 
the  full  maturity  of  Civil  wisdom."— Gibbon. 


The  Moral  Philosophy  of  Aristotle. 

COMPKISING 

A  TRANSLATION  OF  THE  NICOMACHEAN  ETHICS,   AND  THE 
PARAPHRASE    ATTRIBUTED    TO   ANDRONICUS. 

ir/TJ/  INTRODUCTORY  ANALYSES. 

ADAPTED    FOR    STUDENTS   AT   THE    UNIVERSITIES.    ETC. 

By   WALTER    M.    HATCH,    M.A., 

Late  Fellow  of  New  College,  Oxford. 
%vo,      1 8  J. 

Digitized  by  VjOOQ  IC 


1 8  MR.   MURRArS  LIST  OF 

Illustrated  Lectures  on  Gothic 
Architecture. 

DELIVERED   AT  THE  ROYAL  ACADEMY 
By   the   late    Sir    Q.    GILBERT    8C0TT,    R.A. 

With  450  Illustrations,     2  Vols,    Medium  Zvo.    42J. 
^4 

Twenty  Years  in  the  Wild  West  of  Ireland ; 

OR,   LIFE   IN   CONNAUGHT. 
By    Mrs.    HOUSTOUN, 

Author  of  "  A  Yacht  Voyage  to  Tcxa«.* 
Post  ^O,     9X. 


Life   of  Dr.    Erasmus    Darwin. 

WITH  A  STUDY  OF  HIS  SCIENTIFIC  WORKS. 
By   CHARLE8   DARWIN,    F.R.8.,  and   ERNEST   KRAUSE. 

Portrait  and  Woodcuts.     %vo,    'js.  6d. 
M 

The  Ancient  Egyptians. 

By    Sir    J.    GARDNER    WILKINSON,   F.R.S. 

THEIR  MANNERS,   CUSTOMS,  PRIVATE  LIFE,   GOVERNMENT,   LAWS, 

ARTS,   MANUFACTURES,   RELIGION,   AGRICULTURE, 

EARLY  HISTORY,   ETC., 

DERIVED  FROM  A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  PAINTINGS,  SCULPTURES,  AND  MONU- 
MENTS STILL  EXISTING,  WITH  THE  ACCOUNTS  OF  ANCIENT  AUTHORS. 

A  New  Edition  Revised  by  SAMUEL    BIRCH,  LL.D. 

With  500  Illustrations,  Coloured  Plates,  ^r^,    3  Vols,     Medium  8w.     &jj. 


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The  River  of  Golden  Sand. 

NARRATIVE    OF   A   JOURNEY   THROUGH    CHINA  TO   BURMAH. 
By  Oapt.  WILLIAM    GILL,   R.E. 

WITH  AN  INTRODUCTORY  PREFACE 
By   Col.    HENRY    YULE,    C.B. 

IVUh  10  Maps  and  various  Ulttstrations,     2  Vols,    %uo,    30;. 
¥^ 


Rheinsberg : 


MEMORIALS    OF   THE    EARLY   DAYS   OF   FREDERICK  THE 
GREAT  AND   PRINCE   HENRY  OF    PRUSSIA. 

By    ANDREW    HAMILTON. 
2  vols.     Crown  Svo,     21s. 


The  Ascent  of  the  Matterhorn. 

By    EDWARD    WHYMPER 

Th/'rd   Thousand,      With  Maps' and  100  Illustrations,      Mediitm  2fV3.      icxr.   6</. 


The  Wild  Sports  and  Natural  History 
of  the  Highlands  of  Scotland. 

By    CHARLES   8T.   JOHN. 

New  Edition^  with  70  Illustrations  ly  Whymper,  Corbould,  Collins,  Elwes, 
and  Harrison  Weir.     Crown  Svo.     15s, 


Mycenae  and  Tiryns. 

A    NARRATIVE    OF    RESEARCHES   AND    DISCOVERIES. 

By   Dr.    HENRY   SCHLIEMANN. 

With  500  Illustrations,     Medium  Svo.     Sos, 

Digitized  by  VjOOQ  IC 


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MR.   MURRAY'S  LIST  OF 


British  Burma  and  its  People ; 

SKETCHES    OF   THE    NATIVES,    THEIR    MANNERS,    CUSTOMS, 
AND    RELIGION. 

By  Oapt.  O.  J.  F.  8.   FORBES,  F.R.G.S..  M.R.A.8.,  &c. 

Late  Officiating  Deputy-Commiasiooer,  British  Buniia. 
Croum  8ftf.     lor.  6</. 


An  Atlas  of  Ancient  Geography. 

BIBLICAL   AND   CLASSICAL. 

Intended  to    Illustrate   Smith's   Classical  and   Biblical   Dictionarifs, 
AND  the    V  Speaker's  Commentary  on  the  Bible." 

Compiled    under   the   Superintendence   of  WM.    SMITH,   D.C.L., 
and   QEORQE    QROVE,    F.R.G.S. 

WITH    DESCRIPTIVE    TEXT.    GIVING   THE   SOURCES   AND 
AUTHORITIES,    INDICES.    &c. 

Forty-three  Maps  and  Plans,    FoUo^  half-hound.    £6  6s. 

^4. 


DR.   WM.    SMITH'S    NEW    DICTIONARIES. 


A  Dictionary  of  Chris- 
tian Antiquities. 

The  History  and  Institutions 
of  the  Christian  Church,  from 
the  Time  of  the  Apostles  to 
the  Age  of  Charlemagne.  I 

By  Various  Writers.  Edited  by  ' 
WM.  smith.  D.C.L.,  and  ARCHDEA-  i 
CON    CHEETHAM.  With     II-    ; 

lustrations.      2    Voli,     Medium  8vo.    ! 


£3  15s.  til. 

*<.*  This  work  can  be  had  in   14 
mnn'l'.ly  parts,  55,  each. 


A  Dictionary  of  Chris- 
tian Biography. 

Literature,  Sects,  and  Doc- 
trines. From  the  Time  oi 
the  Apostles  to  the  Age  ot 
Charlemagne. 

By  Various  Writers.  EiHimI 
by  WM.  SMITH.  D.C.L..  and  HENKY 
WAGE,  M.  A.  ['Jo  Incompleted  in  ^Vi\i  J 
Vols^  I.  and  II.  Medium  8vo.  31  j".  t~'- 
each. 


*»•  This  work  will  be  issueo  in 
monthly  parts,  5^.  each. 


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NEIV  AND   RECENT  PUBUCATIONS. 


21 


NEW   BOOKS   OF    DR.    WM.   SMITH'S   EDUOATIONAL   SERIES. 


English  Composition. 

With    copious    Illustrations 
and  Practical  Exercises. 


By  THEOPHILU8  D.  HALL»  M.A., 
Fellow  of  University  College,  London. 
i2ino.     y,  6d, 


Italian  Principia. 

A  Grammar,  Delectus,  Exer- 
cise Book,  with  Vocabularies. 

By  SIQNOR  RIOCI,  Professor  of 
Italian  at  the  City  of  London  College. 
l2mo.     y,  (ki. 


The    Bedouins    of    the  |  Cyprus ;      its     History, 
Euphrates  Valley.  !  Art,  and  Antiquities. 


By  Lady  ANNE  BLUNT.  With 
some  Account  of  the  Arabs  and  their 
Horses.  With  Map  and  Illustrations. 
2  vols.    Crown  8vo.     24J. 


->4- 


By     LOUI8    Dl     CE8NOLA.      400 

Illustrations.     Medium  8vo.     5QX. 


BIOGRAPHIES    BY   SAMUEL   SMILES. 

Life  of  Thomas  Edward,  :  Life  of  Robert  Dick, 


Shoemaker     of     Banff, 
Scotch  Naturalist. 

iSth  Thousaml.    With  Portrait  and 
30  Illustrations.  Crown  8vo.   105-.  6^. 


Baker  of  Thurso,  Geo- 
logist and  Botanist. 

loth  Thousand,  With  Portrait  and 
50  Illustrations.     Crown  8vo.     I2J. 


The  Cathedral :  its  Place 
in  the  Life  and  Work 
of  the  Church. 

By  the  BISHOP  OF  TRURO.  Second 
Edition.     Crown  8vo.     dr. 


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Jews  at  Jerusalem. 

By    JAMES     FERQU88ON,    F.R.S. 
Plates  and  Woodcuts.    410.    42^. 


The  Witness  of  the 
Psalms  to  Christ  and 
Christianity. 

By  the  BISHOP  OF  DZRRY.  Second 
Edition.     8vo.     14/. 


Memoir      of      Caroline 
Herschel. 

By  Mrs.  JOHN  HERSOHEL.     Netv 
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MR.    MURRAY'S  LIST  OF 


Travels  and  Researches 
Among  the  Lakes  and 
Mountains  of  Eastern 
and  Central  Africa. 

By  Capt.  J.  FREDERICK  ELTON, 
and  H,  B.  OOTTERILL.  With  Maps 
and  Illustrations.     8vo.     2is, 


The    Talmud. 

Selected   Extracts    illustrat- 
ing the  Teaching  of  the  Bible. 

By    Dr.     BARCLAY,     BISHOP    OF 
JERUSALEM.     8vo.      I4J. 


Nyassa. 


The   Missionary  Settlement 
of  "  Livingstonia." 

By  E.  D.  YOUNa    Stcond  Edition. 
With  Maps.     Post  8vo.  ^s.  6d. 


Life  of  St.  Hugh  of 
Avalon,  Bishop  of  Lin- 
coln. 

And  some  Account  of  his 
Predecessors  in  the  See  of 
Lincoln. 

By  GEO.  a  PERRY.  Oanon  of 
Lincoln,  Author  of  "The  Student's 
Manual  of  the  History  of  the  English 
Church."     Crown  8vo.     loj.  6d. 


A  Little  Light  on  Cretan 
Insurrection. 

By  A.  F.  YULE.    Post  8vo.  2J.  6d, 


The  Satsuma  Rebellion. 

An  Episode  of  Modem 
Japanese  History 

By  AUGUSTUS  H.  MOUN8EY, 
F.R.aa,  H.B.M.  Secretary  of  Lega- 
tion at  Athens;  recently  H.B.M. 
Secretary  of  Legation  in  Japan. 
Maps.     Crown  8vo.     lOf.  6d. 


Life  of  the  Right  Hon. 
William  Pitt 

By  EaH  STANHOPE.  New  Edition. 
Portraits.    3  vols.    8vo.     36J. 


Lives  of  the  Early 
Flemish  Painters;  and 
their  Works. 

By  CROWE  and  OAVALCASELLE. 
Third  Edition.  Woodcuts.  Post 
8vo.     7J.  6d. 


Burckhardt's  Cicerone, 
or  Art  Guide  to  Pic- 
ture Galleries  in  Italy. 

Translated  from  the  German,  New 
Edition  Revistd  by  J.  A.  CROWE. 
Post  8vo.    6j. 


Handbook  to  St.  Paul's 

Cathedral. 

Condensed  from  the  Larger 
Work. 

By  DEAN  MILMAN,  D.D.  With 
20  Illustrations.  Crown  8va  \osM. 
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The      Agamemnon      of 

^schylus. 

Translated  by  the  EARL  OF  CAR. 
NARVON.    Small  8vo.    6s, 


Scepticism   in   Geology, 
and  the  Reasons  for  it. 

An  Assemblage  of  Facts  from 
Nature  refuting  the  Theory  of 
"  Causes  now  in  Action." 

By  VERIFIER.  Second  Edition^ 
Revised,  Woodcuts.    Post  8vo.    6/. 


My    Boyhood. 


A  True  Story  of  Country 
IJfe  and  Adventures  for  the 
Old  and  Young. 

By  H.  a  BARKLEY.  With  Illus- 
trations by  CoRBOULD.  PostSvo.  dr. 


Leaves  from  my  Sketch 
Book. 

Paris  —  Aries — Monaco — Nurem- 
burg  — Switzerland  —  Rome— Egypt 
—  Venice  —  Naples  —  Pompeii  — 
Paestum— The  NUe,  &c. 

By  E.  W.  COOKE,  R.A.  50  Plates. 
2  vols.    Small  folio.    31J.  6d,  each. 


Aristotle. 

ByOEOROE  QROTE.  F.R.8.     With 
Additional  Essays.    8vo.     i8j. 


The  Odyssey  of  Homen 
Books  I.— XII. 

Rendered  into  English  blank  verse 
by  GENL.  8CHCMBERQ.     8vo.     \2s. 


Six  Months  in  Ascension. 

An  Unscientific  Account  of 
a  Scientific  Expedition. 

JBy  Mrs.  GILL.  Prefaced  by  a 
Brief  and  Popular  History  of  the 
Methods  employed  to  Discover  the 
Sun's  Distance  from  the  Earth  by 
DAVID  GILL,  Astronomer  Royal, 
Cape  of  Good  Hope.  Second  Edition,, 
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Field  Paths  and  Green 
Lanes. 

An   Account    of    Rambles 
chiefly  in  Surrey  and  Sussex. 

By  LOUI8  J.  JENNlNOa      Illus- 
trations.   Post  8vo.     loj.  6r/. 


The    Etched   Work    of 
Rembrandt  Van  Rhyn. 

A  Descriptive  Catalogue, 
preceded  by  a  Life  and 
Genealogy. 

ByCHARLES  H.  MIDDLETCN,  B.A. 
With  Plates.    Medium  8vo.    yis,  dd. 


Hortensius.  ' 

By  WILLIAM  FORSYTH,  Q.0.    With 
Illustrations.    8vo.     is.  dd. 


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The  Speakers  Commentary  on  the 
Old  Testament : 

EXPLANATORY    AND    CRITICAL,    WITH    A   REVISION    OF 
THE   TRANSLATION. 

Edited   by  F.    C.    COOK,    M.A.,  Oanon    of  Exeter. 

Now  Ready  J  complete  in  6  Vols,    Medium  Zvo.     £6  15^. 

Vol.  I.— Pentateuch.  301. 

Genesis Edward  Harold  Browne,  D.D.,  Lord  Bishop  of  Winches! 

Exodus The  Editor,  and  Samuel  Clark,  M.A.,  late  Rector 

Eaton  Bishop. 

LeyitieiLs  Samuel  Clark,  M.A. 

««».K«*.  J  T.  E.  EspiN,  B.D.,  Chancellor  and  Canon  of  Chester. 

*™"**"    jj.  F.  Thrupp,  M.A.,  late  Vicar  of  Barringlon. 

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Joshua   Canon  Espin,  B.D. 

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Kings,  Chronicles,  Esra,  )  George  Rawlinson,  M.A,  Canon  of  Canterbury,  and  O 
Kehemiah,  Esther  ...  {     den  Professor  of  Ancient  History  at  Oxford. 

Vol.  IV.— Poetical  Books.    24s. 

Job The  Editor. 

(  G.  H.  S.  Johnson,  M.  A.,  Dean  of  Wells. 

Psalms  ]  The  Editor. 

( C.  J.  Elliott,  M.A.,  Hon.  Canon  of  Christ  Church, 
Vicar  of  Winkfield. 

Proverbs    E.  H.  Plumptre,  M.  A.,  Prebendary  of  St.  Paul's,  Vica 

Bickley,  and  Professor  of  Pastoral  Theology,  King's  Colli 
London. 

Eeclesiastes  W.   T.    Bullock,   M.A.,   Prebendary  of   St  Paul's, 

Chaplain  at  Kensington  Palace. 

Sonj  of  Solomon T.  Kingsbury,  M.A.,  Prebendary  of  Salibbuiy,  and  Vies 

Burbage. 

Vol.  v.— Isaiah  and  Jeremiah.    2af. 

liaiah W.  Kay,  D.D.,  Hon.  Canon  of  St.  Albans,  and  Rectc 

Great  Leighs. 
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Heeea,  Jonah E.  Huxtable,  M.A.,  Prebendary  of  Wells. 

Amos,   Kahum,    Zepha-)  R.  Gandell,  M.A.,  Prebendary  of  Wells,  and  Profesa 

niah )      Arabic,  Oxford. 

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