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VOL. n. 

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u>n)oir I PREsno bt 


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332 Inscription of the priest Sam-taui Taf-nakht, tinder Darius 

(cir,) in. and Alexander the Great 319 

Its allusion to the yictory of Alexander oyer Darius . . 320 



Dtwastt of Sais : B.C. 666-627. 

Trustworthiness of the history and chronology . . . . 32 1 

666. 1. Reign of PsAXBTEmL, son of Neku,B.c. 666-612 . 322 

First commercial intercourse with the Greeks . . . . 322 

His force of Greek mercenaries 322 

Desertion of the Egyptian military caste .... 822 

His fleet manned hy Phoenician sailors 322 

Long siege and capture of Azotus (Ashdod) . . . 322 

612. 8. NxKxr or Nbghao H. : Phabaoh-Nboho (SS.) b.o. 612-696. 322 

' Defeats and slays King Josiah at Megiddo .... 322 

610. Conquers Western Asia as far as the Euphrates . . 322 

606 Its reconquest by Nebuchadnezzar 323 

604. HiB recal to Babylon and peace with Necho . 323 

Necho*8 fleets : circunmayigation of Aj&ica (P) ... 323 

Attempt to reconstruct the canal of Sesostris . . 323 

696-1. 8. PsAXETHiK n., Psammis (Herod.), Psammuthis (Man.) . 323 

War with the Ethiopians of Napata 323 

691. 4. Uahabba, Phabaoh-Hophba (SS.), Vaphbbs (Man.), 

Apbibs (Herod.) B.o. 691--672 324 

His great prosperity and arrogance 324 

Successful war with Sidon and Tyre 324 

League with ZedeMah against Nebuchadnezzar . . . 324 

686. Receives the Jewish lemnant in E^^t 324 

Prophecies of Jeremiah and Ezekiel fulfilled by Nebuchad- 
nezzar's conquest of Egypt and the death of Apries . . 326 

TheEgyptianstory of hisfaU 326 

Inyasion of Gyrene: revolt of Egyptian army . . 326 

Amasis chosen king by acclamation 326 

Defeat and death of Apries 326 

Probable intervention of Nebuchadnezzar .... 326 

672. 5. AxASis : EjsonTM-AB-B'A Aahicbb Si-Nxit : B.C. 672-628 . 326 

At first a vassal of Nebuchadnezzar 326 

Babylonian marriage of the Princess Nitocris . . . 326 

AmasiB marries the daughter of Psamethik H. . . . 326 

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His personal habits and goveniment 827 

Encourages Greek commerce^ settlers, and art . . . 327 

Unexampled prosperity of his reign 327 

His probable revolt against Nebuchadnezzar learnt from a 

Babylonian record 328 

Navy of Amasis-r-Conquest of Cyprus 328 

Relations with Greeks— The » Ring of Polycrates * . .328 

Alliance with Lydia and Babylon against Cyrus . . . 328 

Preparations of Cambyses against E^rypt .... 329 

527. 6. PsAMBimx HI. : the Psaxmbnttus of Herodotus . . . 329 

Defeated and put to death by Cambyses .... 329 

S n. Egypt xnimBB the Pbbsian Kings. Dtit. XXVH. b.o. 627-414P 

627. 1. CiJCBTSBS : Kaxbathbt or Kakbttza : b.c. 629-522 . 329 
His respect for Egyptian institutions 329 

622. Aryandes, viceroy of Egypt 329 

Death of Cambyses in Syria 329 

(The Magian pseudo-Smerdis not in the list) . . . 329n. 

621.2. DawttsL: Nthamttsh: b.c. 621-486 329 

His surname of Ssttuba, Sesostris .... 329, 330 
Conciliates the Egyptians : promotes education . . . .330 
His temple of Amon in the Great Oasis .... 330 
Attempt to reopen the Red Sea Canal . . . . ' . 330 
Story of his visit to Egypt^ and piety towards an Apis, 

tested by the Apis-tablets 330,331 

His claim to a sttftue at Memphis beside Sesostris . . . 331 

487. Revolt of Egypt under king Ehabbash . . . .331 

427. 8. XxBXBB 1. : Eshiabsh or Ehshsbish: b.c. 486-466 . . 332 

Subdues the revolt : Achsemenes satrap .... 332 

Evidence of continued resistance 332 

466. 4. Artaxerxxs I. Arta-Efshbbesh : b.c. 466-426 . 332 
461. Revolt under the Libyan Inaros 332 

He defeats and kills Achssmenes at Papremis . . 332 

Aid from the Athenians — Siege of Memphis . . . . 332 

Defeat of the allies by Megabyzus 332 

466. AmyrtfiBuSy of Sai's, holds out in the marshes . . . 333 

426. 5. Xerxes U. : b.o. 425-4 . . . . . .333 

424. 6. SoeDiANTTS, usurper in Persia 333 

424. 7. Daritts II. Nothus: Ntharixtbh, b.c. 424-406 . . . 333 
His works at the temple in the Great Oasis ... 333 
Successful revolt of %ypt 333 

§ III. Dtkastt XXVm., OF Saw. 

506 f Amtrtbs or Aktrt^sitb : 6 years 333 

Questions relating to him ' . 333,334 

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$ IV. Thb last natiyib Phabiohs : b.c. 899-^840. 





A. Dtnabty XXIX.^ of Mbetsib: b.o. 309-878. 

NATFAtnEtOT I. : Nhphskitib I. : b.o. 899-898 

Alliance with tbe LacedsBmonians against Persia 

Nayal defeat by the Athenians 

Hagab or Hakoki : Achoris : B.C. 398-880 

Alliance with Evagoras, tyrant of Cyprus 

Peace of Antalcidas between the Greeks and Persia 

Egyptian preparations for defence . 

Psamxjt: PsAJDnrTHis: b.c. 880-879 

Naifaubot II. : Nsphbritbs II.: b.c. 879-8 

B. Btwastt XXX., OP SEBEinrTTVB : b.c. 878-340. 

378. LNakht^hor-hib: Nbctaitbbo I. : B.C. 378-360 . 
376. Egypt inyaded by Phamabazus and Chabrias 
375. Complete failure of the attack .... 

Twenty-five years' peace— Last revival of Egyptian art 

Works of Nectanebo throughout all Egypt . 

Restoration of the temple of Anhur at Sebennytus . 
864. 2. Zmo : Tbos : Tachos : B.C. 364-361 

Preparations against Artaxerxes II. 

Aid from Greeks under Agesilaus and Chabrias . 

Teos insults Agesilaus 

Leads his fleet and army against Phoenicia . 

Eevolt of Egypt and mutiny of the army 

Desertion of Agesilaus and the Greeks 

Teos flies to Artaxerzes 

361. 8. Nakht-iteb-sf : Nsotaitebo II. : b.c. 861-340 . 

Victory over a rival prince of Mendes 
860. Departure of Agesilaus and Chabrias . 

Nectanebo's unwarlike tastes 

His fine monuments throughout Egypt 

Famed as a builder and magician .... 

First unsuccessful attack of Ochus (Artaxerxes III.) 

Desertion of Mentor and his mercenaries . 

Invasion of Egypt by Ochus .... 
840. Nectanebo, the last of the Pharaohs, flies to Ethiopia 

$ V. Dtkasty XXXL, of Pkrsiaws: b.c. 840-382. 

340. 1. OcHUB (reign in Egypt), B.C. 840-838 .... 

338.8. Absbb: B.C. 838-336 

386. 8. Dabitb HI. Codoxaknvb : b.c. 886-382 
332. Egypt submits to Alexander the Great 

VOL. II. a 

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§ VI. Dtkabtt XXXTT., of MACBDOiriAirs : b.o. 332-^11. 

B.C. PAOl 

332. 1. AuszAirDEB thx GsBiiT : b.o. 382-323 .... 339 

323. 8. Pmr.TP Abbhibjiub : b.c. 323--317 339 

323. 8. AuQUHDBB Mqvb: B.a 323-311 . . 339 

323. Ptolemy son of Lagus, ' Satrap/ but in fact apyereign . . 340 

306. AjBsnmes the crown as Ptoluubvs I. Soteb . 340 

$ Vn. Dtkabtt XXXIU., of thb Qbbbk PioLsiaBB : b.o. 323-330. 

323. The years of Ptolxmt L date from the beginning of his 

actual rule over Egypt 340 

30. Victory of Octavian and death of Clbopatba., the last of the 

line of the Ptolemies 340 

»f ^fSJV^ made a Roman Province 340 


A. List of the Euros, with theib Epochs .... 341 

B. Thb Nomxb of Eotpt, accobdiko to thb MoiriricBNTB . . 347 

C. TBAjrscBiPTioir of thb Ascnarr EoTPriAir Names . 360 
SpBcncEir text, with litebal aits fbee TBAirsLATioirB . . 362 


Additioeb A2n> Notes coeteibuted bt the Authob. . 401 

Ikbex 433 


Plan of the Great Temple of Amon at Thebes (Eamak) 
Plan of the Temple of Seti I. and Ramses II. at Abydus . 
Plan of the Ramesseum, or Memnonium, at Thebes 
Plan and Section of the Temple of Abou Simbel, or Ibeamboul 
Tomb at Saqqarah, inscribed with the name of Psammetichus 




Table I. — Genealogy of a Distinguished Family, related to some 
Members of the Thirteenth Dynasty. 
,1 IT. — Genealogy of the Ramessids. 
,, ni. — Genealogy of Amen-em-an, the architect of the city of 

„ IV.— Genealogy of Royal Families of Dynasties XX. to XXVI. 
Map of Lowxb Eoipt At the end m Pocket 

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Page 20, line 25. For ' Ajsliur ' reaa < Asher.' 

Pages 91>2. For ' a pictured lamily group ' read ' a family group of 

many figures.' 
Page 99, line 1. For 'united, &c.' read 'taken as a model, boCh in his 

likeness and his names.' 
Page 100, note. It should have been stated that the letter of Panbesa 

is in the Papyrus Anastasi UI. 
Pftge 145, title. Iruert ' I.' before ' Raxbrb UI.' 
Page 153, note. The real meaning is that ' the peoples ' touched bj the 

inTaders in tiieir progress trembled with fear; 'and they (the 

invaders) came up/ &c. 
Page 190, end. Before the names of the kings ; 

far Vin., IX., X., read IX , X., XI. 
Page 192, foil. For 'Khonsu the oracular,' read * Ehonsu the admini- 
Page 195, mid. For XI., read XII. 

Pftge 225. Before names of kings ; for IV. and V., read V. and VI. 
Page 228. For VI., VII., VIII., read VU., VHI., IX. 
Page 246, end. For ' Achnimi ' read * Akhmun.' 
Page 277, line 5. For ' son ' read * grandson.' 
Page 287, lines 4 and 7. For ' Naif-an-rot ' read ' Naif-au-rot.' 
Page 827, note 9. For 298, read 297. 

Page 8d6, line 2 and note 7. For ' Nakht-hor-ib ' read ' Nakht-hor-hib.' 
Page 365. To the references to Exodus for the stages, add Numbers 

zxxiiL 3-^. 
Page 365, line 7 ; and 876, line 6. For ' Sea of Sea-weed,' read ' Sea of 


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By dr henry BRUGSCH-BEY 



ooBSUPO]n>D» wnniBR or thb b. aoad. or soiehok biblin, nc. 

iJI/ter tHe w^M*Ml Traiulatitm bif the UOt Henry DatOy Seymour, FJLO^.) 





Paps aniir lUitslrdtona 



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S7!2-a 3 

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Review of the recent Schism 

Rise of the Khita, to thi N.E. of Egypt 

They appear as early as Thatmee IIL 

They are the Hittites of Scripture 

Their locality, and supremacy in Western Asia . 

Mention of them and their gods in Egyptian inscriptions. 

Thdr kings, Sapalili, Maurosur, Mautiianar, and Ehitasar, 
contemporary with Ramses 1., Seti I., and Ramses U. 

Their deities, Sntekh and his warrior wife, Astartha-Anatha. 

Thdr towns, Daphne and Haleb, certainly fixed . 

Thdr military array ; nan'SemUic names . 

Idst of their peoples and cities on the inscriptions 

Th^ supremacy in Western Asia before the Assyrians 
1400. L Ramses I. : h^ unknown relation to Dynasty XVIII. . 

His reign neither long nor remarkable .... 

Memorial of his coronation, at Eamak 

War and Treaty with the king of the Ehita 

Monument at Wady Halfah. Tomb at Biban-el-Molouk 
1366. n. Ma-icxn-ba Mineptah I Seti I. (Sethob) 

Celebrated on the national temple at Thebes . 

His Great Hall of Columns at Eamak 

Wars of Seti depicted on the N. outer wall . 

Inroads of the E. border nations on the Delta . 

War of his first year against the Shasu 

His route traced from Ehetham to Ean'aan 

In8criptk>ns recording his yictories .... 























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Fellingof cedars in Lebanon 18 

Oelebration of his return home 19 

list of nations conquered by him 20 

His other campaigns in Asia 21 

His wars against the Libyans 21 

Heoord of prisoners and spoils, showing high art . . . 22 
Connection of the Ruthen and the Ehita .... 23 
Services of Seti to the temple of Amon . . .23,24 

His wife, Tui, heiress of the old line of kings ... 24 
Worship of Baal-Sutekh by kings of XlXth Dynasty . . 24 
Association of Ramses H. as the legitimate heir ... 25 

Related in the inscriptions of Ramses If 26,26 

Wars with the ooimtries of Kush and Pont ... 26 

Viceroys or ' King's Sons of Kush ' 27 

Climax of Egyptian art. Works of Seti I. . 27 

His tomb : its pictures and inscriptions 27, 28 

The * Memnonium ' in honour of Ramses 1 28 

The king's name of Usiri, in honour of Osiris . . . 27, 28 

The temple of Osiris at Abydus, finished by Ramses H. . 29, 30 

The Table of Kings at Abydus 20 

Temples at Memphis, Heliopolis, El-Kab, &c. . . .29, 31 
Records of the sculptor Hi and the painter Amen-uah-su . 31 
Tributes and taxes. Gold mines in Egypt and Nubia. . 32 
Road from the Kile to Coptos. Gbld washing . . 32 

Inscriptions of the temple at Redesieh . . . . 32, 33 

Death and apotheosis of Seti 1 35 

1333. ni. Rajcbbsu II. Miamuk, RAxeoB H., Ssbosibis 35 

Vast number of his monuments over all Egypt . . . 35 
Completion of the temple at Abydus. — ^Inscription . .36-44 
Journey to Thebes for the feast of Amon . . . . 45 
Return to his royal residence at Zoan-Tanis ... 45 
Age of Ramses. His 60 sons and 59 daughters . . 46 

Inferiority of his buildings and sculptures .... 46 
His great war with the Khita, in his 5th year . . . 46 
The heroic poem of Pentaur : its many copies . . . 47-48 

First translation of it by E. de Roug^ 48 

Pictures of the camps, armies, and battle of Kadesh . . 48-51 
Record of the battle on the temple walls at Kamak . . 52-64 
Pentaur's poem engraved on the temple walls ... 55 

Its style compared with that of Moses 65 

Translation of the poem of Pentaur 56-65 

Preidous campaigns of Ramses against Kadesh . . . 65 
Rock tablets of fieyrout -, the * Columns of Sesostris ' . .65 
War with Tunep — Inscription in the Theban Ramesseum . 66 
Campaign in Canaan in his 8th year ..... 66 

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Names of places — The storming of Ashalon . .67,68 

lists of prisoners inscribed at Lnqsor 69 

Maritime wars proTed by an inscription at Ibsamboul . . 70 

Pressure of Semitic tribes upon Egypt 70, 77 

Treaty between Ramses II. and Khitasir of Khita . 71 

Its inscription on a silver tablet (comp. p. 410) . . 71, 74, 76 

Ramses honoured as a god by the Khita 77 

Ramses 11. marries the daughter of the king of Khita 78 

Pictures at Berr and Beit-el-Walli 78 

Negro-hunting razzias and wars with Kush ... 78 
Victories oyer the Marmaridse and Phoenicians . . 79 

Pictures of courts held after these victories 79,80 

Names of Ethiopian and Libyan tribes subdued . . . 81 
Names of viceroys of the South under Ramses II. 81 

The Nubian gold-mines in the land of Akita . . . . 81 
Well and gold-washing works of Ramses 11. . . .82 
Inscription about them at Kouban .... 83-87 

Earlier weUs in the valley of Hammamat .... 87 
Temples built at Abydus, Thebes, and Memphis . . . 87 
The memorial tablet at Ibsamboul, d5th year of Ramses II. 88 
Relations between Egypt and the E^hita .... 88 
Temple of Ptah at Memphis (near Qasrieh) . . . 80 

The great torso of Ramses at Mit-Rahineh .... 90 
Labours of the Ajmirui, i.e. Erythneans, not Hebrews . . 91 
The architect Ameneman and his family .... 91 
PrchMy the overseer of the IsraditeB in Egypt . . . 91 

Great works of Ramses 11. at Thebes 92 

At Kamak : the Hall of Columns completed . . . . 92 
At Luqsor: the Temple of Amon, obelisks and statues . 92 
At Old Qumah : sepulchral temple of Seti I. . . 92 

The Ramesseum, with the greatest colossus of Ramses, said 

to haye been thrown down by Oambyses . . 92, 93 

Boast of Ramses, that ' he made Egypt anew ' . . . 94 
Numerous temples and towns in Nubia .... 94 

The great rock temple of Ibsamboul 94 

Derivation of the name from Pimas (Qreek, Psampolis) . 96 

Pictures on the waUs 96 

Ramesseum and obelisks at Heliopolis ; the architect . 98 

Zoan-Tanis the tpecial rendenee of HartueB II, . . . 98 
Its locality— the key of Egypt on the East .... 98 
New temple-city built by Ramses to the gods of Egypt, with 

Baal-Sutekh, and himself 99 

Memorial stone of the 400th year of king Nub ... 99 
Plesent aspect of the ^fM of Zoan ' : ruins and inscriptions 99 
Inscriptionsin honour of Ramses II 99 

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New name of Zoan, JPi^BamessUf the CUyof Ramsei . 100 

New capital of Egypt : ' here is the seat of the court ' . . 100 

Vivid description in an old Egyptian letter . « . 100-102 

It is the 9ame as the < temple-city ' JRaamees (Ex. i. 13) . . 102 


OTHBB, TEAir RaMSBS 11. 103 

Absence of the name of the Israelites explained . . . 103 
Importance of Zoan-Tanis in Egyptian history . . 104 

Immense number of foreign prisoners in Egypt . . . 104 
Their various employments: soldiers; sailors; slaves . . 105 
Semitic influence on religion, manners, and language . . 106 
Introduction of Semitic words by the scribes . 106 

Remarkable letter satirizing the new literature . 107-114 

Long reign of Ramses IL, 67 years — ^His 30 years' jubilee . 114 
Family of Ramses : 60 sons and 69 daughters . 116 

His eldest eon Khamus, and 14th son Mineptah . . 116 

His daughters : Meri (Merris) probably the rescuer of Moses 117 
The name of Moses preserved in I-en-Moshd • . .117 
Contemporariesof the king: especially Bekenkhonsu . . 117 

Inscription on his statue at Munich 118 

Seeds of trouble at the death of Ramses II 119 

His tomb in the Biban-el-Molouk : a poor work . . .119 
1300. IV. MnniPTAH II. Hotbp-hi-xa (Mbnephthbs) . . . 120 
Mean character of his architectural works .... 120 
He carved his own name on ancient monuments . . 121 

His great inscription in the temple of Amon relating the in- 
vasion and defeat of the Libyans at Prosopis . 121-128 
The alliesof the Libyans Asiatic, not European . 128, 129 
Names of Libyan tribes W. of the Delta .... 130 
Peaceful relations with the Ehita or Oanaanites . 130,131 
Oanaanites employed as bearers of official despatches . . 131 

Copies of such papers 131, 132 

Nomad Shasu received into the Delta .... 132 
MmxPTAH n. xusi Bx THS Phabaoh of thx ExoDirs . . 133 
His special title, Pib'ao, ' great house, high gate ' ^ . . 133 
The 'field of Zoan ' (Ps. Ixzviii 43) his usual residence . . 133 
The ^ApsTj Apwf'a, or *Apenu proved to be no^ the Hebrews 134 
Troubles of his reign : its end unrecorded .... 136 
His contemporaries: Mas, viceroy of Ethiopia . . 136 

Pinehas; Lui (Levi), priest and chief architect . . . 136 

^ Dr. Brugsch identifies Mineptah H. with the Pheron, or JPheroe, 
son of Sesostris, of Herod. iL 111. It is a remarkable coincidence that 
this * Fharaoh ' should be the one so called by the Egyptian informants of 
the historian. — Ed. 

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The ' Doge ' of Minept&h : its refeienoe doubtful . . . 
Men of letters under BamBes n. and Mineptah II. 
Y. SbtiII. MiiniPTAHlII.,8onof Mineptahll. . . . 
Beoords of the first two yean of his reign .... 
Zoan-Tanis still the captal—Boyal road to the East . . 
Beport coneermng fuffitive ierwmU, an exact parallel to the 

Exodm (compare p. 889) 

Temple of Seti U. at Thebes.— FaTonr of the Priests . . 
The TaU of the Two Brothers, a parallel to the life of Joseph, 

written for him (compare Vol. L p. 908) .... 
His magnificent sepulchre in the Biban-el-Molouk . . . 
YL SEXNAXHT-MsKEB-MiAXinr II., son of Seti H. 
Time of trouble— The anti-king Mineptah Siptah . . . 
Inscriptions of Siptah's supporter, Seti .... 
Inscriptions of Siptah erased by Setnakht 
Usurpation of a Phoenician, Ansa or Alisu 
Account of these troubles by Ramses III., son of Setnakht, 
in the great Harris Papyrus 



. . 130 

. 140 
. . 140 

. 141 

. 142 





I. Ramsbs hi. Haq-On, i.e. ' Prince of Heliopolis * 
Commonly called Ramessu-pa-nuti, 'Ramses the god, 

RHAXPaiKiTUB of Herodotus' .... 
Account of his reign in the Harris Papyrus 
Restoration of the several ranks in the state . 
Punishment of the late invaders of Egypt . 
Yictory oyer the Sahir, the Seirites of SS. 
New war with the Libyan and Mazyan invaders 
Great fortress and well in the land of the Aperiu . 
Fleet on the Red Sea — ^Yoyages to the Indian Ocean 
Mines of 'Athaka and the peninsula of Sinai . 
Planting of trees : peace and security in Egypt . 
Memorials in his Ramesseum at Medinet-Abou 
Immense wealth in this * treasury of Rhampsinitus ' 
Troubled state of Egypt at his accession 
Yictory over the Libyans under kings Zamar 




. . 145 

. 145 
. . 146 

. 146 
. . 147 

. 147 
. 147, 148 

. 148 
. 148, 140 

. 149 
. . 160 

. 151 
. . 152 
. 152, 153 

* Dr. Brugsch identifies Ramses IH. also with the king Proteus, 
named by several Greek authors, in whose reign E^ypt was risited by 
Paris, Helen, and Menelaus (Herod, ii. 112, 118). — Ed. 

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Great victory by sea and land at Migdol oyer the Carian- 

Golchian invaders from Oilicia and Armenia . . 163-155 
Victory over the Mazyes under king Mashashal . . 155, 156 
Detailed lists of slain, captives, and booty . . . . 156 
Pictures and names of defeated kings, at Medinet-Abou * 157, 158 
Names of conquered cities and countries on the coasts and 

islands of A^sia Minor 158, 159 

Booty and captives devoted to the temples .... 160 
List of the Bamessea of Ramses 111. (Oomp. Additions) . 160, 161 
Grand temple of Amon at Medinet-Abou, its reliefs . 161, 162 
The Egyptian calendar and holidays .... 162, 163 
Other works at Thebes — Ramessea in foreign lands . 163, 164 
Remarkable account of a conspiracy at court . . 164-1 72 

Foreign names of Kamses's chief wife and her father . . 172 
His sons and the order of their succession .... 173 
Hjs rock-hewn tomb and its coloured pictures . . . 174 
1166. II. Ramessu IV. MiAMUir m. (Ha(i Maa or Mama) . . 174 
His expeditions to the rocky valleys of Arabian Eigypt . . 174 
Great memorial tablet at Hammamat . . . 175-178 

Insignificance of his architectural works 178 

His rival and successor, HI. Ramessu V. AMrnraiXHOPSSHEF, 

not of the fisuuily of Ramses III 178 

His inscribed rock-tablet at Silsilis 178-179 

V. Rambssu MiAMinr Mbbitttm (7th son of Ramses IH.), 

probably viceroy of his brother, IV. Rambsbtj VI. . .180 
Astronomical and chronological value of this king's tomb . 186 
Record respecting boundaries of lands in Nubia . . 181-182 
The district of Wawa and its sun-city Pira (Dirr) , . 183 
The Adon Penni, and Men the viceroy of Kush . . . 183 
Historical importance of family records .... 184 
Dominion S. of the tropic stiU maintained . . . . 185 
VI., Vn. Rambsstj VIL and Rambsbit VOL insignificant . 185 
1133. Vin. Ramessu IX. — Growing power of the priests of Amon 185 
Inscription of the chief priest and architect, Amenhotep . 186-189 
Burglaries hi the royal tombs at Biban-el-Molouk . 189, 190 
IX., X., XI. Ramessu X., Ramessu XI., and Ramessu XH. 190 
Their names in the oracle-temple of EJionsu . . . 191 

Curious inscription of Ramses XTT. 101 

His visit to Naharain, and marriage to the daughter of the 

tributary king of Bakhatana 191 

The god Ehonsu sent to cure the queen's demoniac sister . 193 
Agreement between the spirit and the god .... 193 

Retumof the ark of Ehonsu to Thebes 194 

Difficulty of identifying Bakhatana 194 

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XII. Rakhsit Xin. apparently ends the Twentietli Dynasty : 
bat petty kings of tiie Ramessid family still under the 
Twenty-first and Twenty-second Dynasties . . 196 

The temj^e of Ehonsu the family chapel of the Bamessids . 195 
Deposition of Ramessu XIII. by the priest Hirhor . 196 

Letter^ (probable) autoffraph of Ramses XUI . ... 196 
Memorial of 27th year of Ramses XIII. at Abydus . 196, 197 
list of Values and Prices about B.C. 1000 . . . 196-199 



1100-966. Usurpation of HiBHOB Si-AMON (son of Amon) . . 200 

His preTious high position at the court 200 

The Rameasids banished to the Great Oasis .... 201 
Sue of the Astynan Empire in Mesopotamia . . . . 201 
Alliance of its kings with the Ramessids .... 202 
Marriage of Ramessu XVI. with an Assyrian princess . . 202 
The Assyrians under King Nimrod invade Egypt . 202 

PiNOTBU I. king, of the line of Hirhor 203 

His son, Men-kheper-ra, recals the banished Ramessids . 208-6 
Death of Nimrod (Naromath) — His burial at Abydus . 206 
PiBXBEHAN I., son of Hirhor, under-king at Tanis . . . 207 
Shashanq, father of Nimrod, visits Thebes and Abydus . 207 

Avenges the neglect of Nimrod's tomb 207 

His inscription at Abydus : an historical revelation . 208,/ 
A real Assyrian conqttest ofJSgypt, and a new foreign dynasty, 

with Shashanq, son of Nimrod, as king 207 and 211 

Statue of Nimrod in the Museum at Florence . . . 212 
Earamat, wife of Shashanq I., an E^n^tian princess . . 213 
Inscription concerning her property in Egypt . . 213, 214 



Their names purely Assyrian 215 

L Shashanq I. — ^His royal residence at Bubastas . 207, 215 
His good understanding with the Ramessids . . . . 215 
Shashanq (Shiahak) receives the fugitive Jeroboam . .216 

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His invasion of Judah recorded at Kamak . . . 217 

Long list of conquered towns and districts . . .217 

Close relations of the Fenekh (Phoenicians) to the Hebrews 219 

Shashanq's' Hall of the Bubastids' at Kamak . . . 219 

Record of its building preserved at Silsilis . . . . 219 

Its architect, Hor-em-saf, and hi^ genealogy 220 
Memorial tablet of Shashanq and his eldest son Auputh 221, 222 

938. II. UsABKON I. (Sargon), son and successor of Shashanq I. . 223 

His second wife, daughter of the Tanite king, Fisebkhan II. 223 

Her son, Shashanq, high-priest of Amon .... 223 

Contest between Usarkon's two sons for the crown . . . 223 

900. III. Succession of the elder, Thaebloth I. (Tiglath) . . 224. 

866. ly. His son UsABXOir n., last king of the elder line . . 224 

His sons, Shashanq and Naromath, high-priests . . 224 

888. v. SHASHAKft n., grandson of the high-priest Shashanq, 

the second, son of Usarkon L 225 

800. VI. Thaiubloih H. marries the priest Nimrod's daughter . 226 

Inscription of his son, the high-priest Usarkon . . 226 

Record of an ominous eclipse of the moon . . . • 226 

766. 1 Irruptions of the Ethiopians and Assyrians . . . 226-27 

788. [yTL, Vm., IX. SHASHAsra HI., Pdcai, and SHASHAjra IV. 228 

700. J Residence transferred from Bubastus to Memphis . . 228 
Four tombstones of an Apis bull under these kings . 229, 280 
Petty kings appearing as Assyrian satraps ... * 231 
The supreme royal power confined to Lower Egypt . . . 281 
Upper Egypt under UsASEOir, king and high-priest of Amon 232 

Calculation of the life of the Apis 282 

The three kings of Dynasty XXIU., of Tanis . . .288 
Note on BocoHOBiB, sole Idng of Dynasty XXIV. . . . 228 



1000 The dethroned line of Hirhor retire to Ethiopia . . .224 
(about) Loss of Egypt's dominion, but permanence of Egyptian civi- 
lization and religion, in Ethiopia 285 

Nap or Napata, at Mount Barkd, the new capital . 235 

Piankhi, son of Hirhor: meaning of the name . . . 286 

Political and religious constitution on the Egyptian model . 286 

Distinguished position of the women of the royal house '. . 286 

Extension of the kingdom to Upper Egypt, Patorie . . 287 

Petty kings in Lower Egypt, Mutur, under the Assyrians . 237 

Middle Egypt a ' march ' between the two powers . . 287 

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The Ethiopians the ' Princes of Noph ' of Scriptuie . . . 237 
766. Tatsaxbtk (Tnephachthus), king of Sua and Memphis^ 

conquers the Ethiopian yassals in Middle £^pt . 238 

List of petty kings and satraps in Lower Egypt . . 239 

The great inscription of king Piankhi at Mount Barkal, 

recording his conquest of Middle and Lower Egypt 240-257 
MiAinTir Nut, son (P) and successor of Piankhi . . 257 

JBGs dream, and campaign against Lower Egypt . . 257 

HiB moniunent and inscription at Mount Barlod . . 258-263 
The success not lasting — Schism in Ethiopia • . 264 

The three divisions of Patoris (Thehes), Takhont or Meluhha 

(Nubia), and Rush (capital Napata) 264 

700. Tahasaqa, Tirhaka, Tearko, Tarkus, Etearchus ... 265 
New light from the Assyrian cuneiform inscriptions . . 265 

Victory of Sennacherib at Altaku 265 

The AsvAJ£ ov Absubbaiopal son of Sennacherib . . 266 
Conquest of Lower Egypt by Tirhaka, and its reconquest by 

Assurbanipal 267-270 

Assyrian list of the petty kings and satraps . 270 

M. Oppert's summary of the narrative 272 

Campaign against Urdakaitbh or Rttdaxon, the successor 

of Tirhaka, and twofold capture of Thebes by the 

Assyrians 272-276 

Keview of events under Assarhaddon and Assurbanipal 275-277 
Important part played by Nikuu (Necho) grandson of Taf- 

nakht, king of Memphis and Sus, father of Psamethik I. . 277 

Obscurity of the succeeding period 277 

Taharaqa, Piankhi and his wife Ameniritis, Shabak 

(Sabaco), Shabatak (Sebichus), all contemporary . . 277 
Sitting statue of Shabatak, at Memphis .... 278 
Monuments at Thebes of Taharaqa and Monthemha . . 278 
Rudamon, stepson of Taharaqa, and an earlier Rudamon . 279 
Dynasty XXIV, \ the Bocohorib of Manetho, discovered in 

Bek-en-ran-ef (in the Assyrian list, Bu-kur-ni-ni-ip) . 280 
Family relationships of Dynasties XXI.— XXVI. . . . 280 
Psamethik, of Sfus, unites the rival claims .... 281 
Statue and inscription of queen Ameniritis . . 281-2 

Etymology of the Ethiopian proper names illustrated from 

the existing language of the Nubian Baiabra . . 282-5 

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B.C. PAe« 

666. List of the Kings, with the Dates of their Aocesaion . 286, 287 

Dedine and fall of the Egyptian monarchy . . . 287 

Sau succeeds to Thebes ; Alexandria to Sais . . . 288, 289 

Causes of the fall of the Pharaohs .... 289,290 


Character of its monuments : return to ancient models . 291 
Lmoyations in religion — ^Demons and magic . . . . 293 
New historical light from the Apis Tablets . . . 290 

— of Psamethik I. : his additions to the Serapeum. . 296, 296 

— of Neku II. Uah-ab-ra (Apries), and Amasis . , 296, 297 
Care bestowed on the burial of the bulls . . . . 298 
The Greek story of Cambyses and the Apis refuted . 299, 300 

Honour paid by Darius to the Apis 301 

Ehabbash, the Egyptian king, rival to Xerxes . . 302 

His sarcophagus intended for an Apis 802 

366. Latest Apis tablet of king Nakht-neb-ef .... 302 


Readiness of Egyptian nobles to serve the Ghreat Ejng . 303 
Inscription of Uzahorenpiris, imder Cambyses and Darius, on 
the statue called the Pastophorus of the Vatican . 303-306 

CAXBTBEsplacedin anewlight 307 

Egyptian learning fostered by Dabiits 1 307 

His temple at Hibis (El-Khargeh) in the Great Oasis . 307 

Works and inscriptions of Daritb U. at the temple . 307, 308 
Pedigree of the architect Ehnum-ab-ra . . . 308-310 

Other inscriptions of the same architect 310 

Inscriptions relating to the attempted Canal of Darius I. 

through the Isthmus of Suez .... 310,311 

Inscriptions of the Persian officers Ataiuhi and Aliurta 312-14 

627. The true date of the conquest by Cambyses . . . . 316 
Xbbzbb I. and the anti-ldng Ehabbash . .316 

311. Inscription of the satrap Ptolemy, son of Lagus . .316,316 


Dynasties XXIX. and XXX. at Mendes and Sebennytus. 316 

36&-340. The last Pharaoh, Nakht-itbb-bf 317 

280 {dr,) The sarcophagus of his grandson, Nahkt-neb-ef . . 317 

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After the death of King Horemhib, the Eighteenth 
Dynasty ended its eventful history. The heretic king 
Khunaten had, by his novelties in the teaching about 
the being of the gods, somewhat diminished its splen- 
dour in the eyes of the orthodox priests and people, 
and had created a schism in the internal life of the 
nation, which the immediate successors of Khunaten 
found it difficult to heal. The new teaching, with its 
Semitic foundation, had at once gained many adherents 
among the susceptible Egyptians. Its banishment and 
extirpation, under the guidance of the Theban priests 
of Amon, whose power and influence were now for 
the first time used against the kings, formed the sad 
tenor of the internal events in the next portion of 
1»^V0L. n. B 

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Egyptian history. How peace and reconciliation were 
brought about, it is now difficult to say ; but Horem- 
hib certainly appeared in the light of a happy me- 
diator between the ruling adherents of the doctrine 
of Amon and the severely persecuted servants of the 
living god of the sun's disk. 

While the kingdom was disturbed by such a schism, 
and the excitable spirits of the Egyptians were highly 
roused on each side of the question, a great nation 
had in the meantime been growing up, beyond the 
frontier on the north-east, to an importance and power 
which began to endanger the Egyptian supremacy in 
Western Asia. 

Already, during the wars undertaken by Thutmes 
ni. against the Syrian peoples and towns of that 
region, the Kheta or Khita had shown themselves on 
the scene of those yearly repeated and long-enduring 
struggles, under the leadership of their own kings, as 
a dominant race. The contemporary Egyptian inscrip- 
tions designate them as ' the great people,' or ' the 
great country,' less with respect to the space they 
occupied, than from their just reputation for those 
brave and chivalrous qualities, which the inhabi- 
tants of Khita, a race as noble as the Egyptians, 
were acknowledged even by their enemies to possess. 
We believe we are falling into no error if we perse- 
vere in our opinion, which recognises in these people 
the same Khethites (Hittites) about whom Holy 
Scripture has so much to tell us, from the days of 
the patriarch Abraham till the time of the Captivity. 
When Thutmes HI. fought with them and conquered 

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their towns, they \7ere seated as an important people 
in the most northern parts of the land of Syria. At 
the commencement of the Nineteenth Dynasty, the 
power of the Khita had been extended over the whole 
of the surrounding nations. These predecessors of 
the Assyrian Empire held the first place in the league 
of the cities and kings of Western Asia. Their im- 
portance grew from year to year in such a way, that 
even the Egyptian .inscriptions do not hesitate to 
mention the names of the kings of the Khita in a con- 
spicuous manner, and to speak of their gods with 
reverence. When Bamses I. ascended the throne of 
Egypt, Sa-pa-li-li, Saplel, or Saprer, ruled as king of 
the Khita. He was followed by his son and heir in 
the empire, Maurosar, who after his death left two 
sons behind him, of whom the elder was that Mau- 
thanar, who appears as a contemporary of Seti I. and 
an enemy of Egypt, while the younger, Khitasar or 
Khitasir, appears as the friend, ally, and father-in-law 
of the Pharaoh Bamses 11. At the head of their 
divinities stood the glorious god of war, Sutekh (the 
Khethite counterpart of Amon), and his wife, the 
steed-driving queen of heaven, Astartha-Anatha. 

Among the towns of the Khita, Tunep (Daphne) 
and Khilibu (Haleb) are two points certainly fixed by 
their definite position, and both with temples of the 
f^reat Baal-Sutekh. On the other hand, the name of 
tlie country of Qazauatana points with infalUble cer- 
tainty to the region of Gozan (Gauzanitis) to the east 
of the Euphrates, between the towns of Circesium in 
the south and Thapsacus in the north. The situation 


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of the places or countries of the Khita — ^Zaranda, 
Pirqa or Pilqa (Peleg, Paliga ?), Khissap, Sarsu, Sarpina, 
Zaiath-khirra (hinder Zaiath) — and others named at 
the same time as those just mentioned, must be deter- 
mined by future enquiries. Perhaps we may find an 
answer to these questions in the Assyrian inscriptions. 

If it is allowable to form a judgment on the origin 
of this cultivated and powerful people from its out- 
ward bearing and appearance, it seems to us, under 
the guidance of the monuments, to be at least very 
doubtful whether we should reckon this chivalrous 
race among the Canaanites. Beardless, armed in a 
difierent manner, fighting three men on each chariot 
of war, arranged in their order of battle according to 
a well-considered plan previously laid down, the Khita 
present a striking contrast to their Canaanite allies. 
In the representations of the wars of Eamses 11. against 
Khitasar, the prince of the Khita, the great foreign 
king appears surrounded by his generals and servants, 
who are mentioned by name, down to the 'letter- 
writer Khirpasar.' His warriors were divided into 
foot-soldiers and fighters on chariots, and consisted 
partly of native Khethites, partly of foreign merce- 
naries. Their hosts were led to battle by Kasans, or 
' commanders of the fighters on the chariots,' by 
' generals,' and Hirpits, or ' captains of the foreigners.' 
The nucleus of the army was formed of the native- 
bom Khita, under the designation of Tuhir, or ' the 
chosen ones.' In the battle at Kadesh, 8,000 of these 
stood in the foremost rank, under the command of 
Kamaiz ; while 9,000 others followed their king. In 

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the same battle, the noblemen Thargannas and Pais 
led the chariots in the fight ; Thaadar commanded the 
mercenaries of the IQiita ; l^ebisuanna was at the 
head of the foreign warriors from Annas ; another 
chief appears as the general of the mercenaries from 
Nagebus. Sapzar and Mazarima appear as brothers 
of the king of Khita ; whether real brothers, or per- 
haps only allies. Among other names of Khethite 
origin, the following are mentioned : Garbitus, Thar- 
gathazas, Tadar or Tadal, Zauazas, Samarius, and that 
of the ' ambassador ' Tarthisebu. It is evident at once 
that these names do not bear a Semitic, or at any rate 
not a pure Semitic stamp. The endings in «, r, and w, 
prevail. In the proper name Thargatha-zas, in which 
the ending zds plays the same part as in the proper 
name Zaua-zas, Thargatha seems to answer to the 
goddess called by the Greeks and Romans Atargates 
or Atargatis, Derketo and Dercetis, who possessed 
very celebrated temples in Askalon and Astaroth- 
Kamaim, as well as in the Syrian town of Hierapolis 

The unmistakable peculiarities of the language, to 
which I have now called the attention of the reader, are 
for the most part found in that unexplained series of 
names of towns, which form the second division of 
the northern peoples, or northern cities, in the lists of 
the victories of Thutmes III. at Karnak. As examples, 
to show their foreign formation, let us cite the follow- 
ing names, which can be read with certainty, on the 
basis of M. Mariette's deciphering of the series : — 

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CHAP. ht. 

20. Pirkheta 

21. Ai 

22. Amau 

24. Thnka 

25. Thel-manna 

26. Legaba 

27. Tunipa (Daphne) 
32. Nfi 

34. Ar 

35. Zizal 

36. Zakal 

39. Arzakana 

40. Kharkakhi (or Kliarkaka) 

41. Bursu 

42. Lerti 

45. Unai 

46. 'Annfer 

47. Ithakhab 

48. TJniuqa 

50. Sakti 

51. Anbillina 

52. Zanruisu (Zarmisn) 

53. Suka 

54. Pazala 

55. Sathekhbeg 

56. Amarseki 

57. Khalros 

58. Nenuran'aantha 

59. Shauirantha 

60. Mairrekhnas 

61. Zagerel 

63. Kanretu 

64. Tariza 

66. Anriz 

67. A'aree 

68. Khazrezaa 

69. Amir 

70. Ehatha'ai 
73. Thenrmiru 
84. Anauban 

185. Khatuma 

186. Magnas 

187. Thepkanna 

188. Thuthana (Susan ?) 

189. Nireb 

190. Theleb (Thalaba) 

191. Atugaren 

196. Niahapa (Nisibis) 

197. Tarzeker 

198. Abatha 

199. Ziras 

200. 'Authir 

201. Natub 

202. Zetharseth 

203. Aithna 

204. Sukaua 
206. Tuaub 

206. Abir[na]th 

207. Shainarkai 

208. 'Aurma 

212. Kalnab 

213. Ares 

214. Anautasenu 

215. Azana 

216. Zetharsetha 

217. Tulbentha 

218. Mauthi 

221. Atur 

222. Eartha-meruth 

223. A-siiha 

224. Taniros 

226. Athebena 

227. Ashameth 

228. Athakar 

229. Tazet 

230. Athnm 

231. Thnkamros 

232. 'Abetha 

235. Ansakeb 

236. Area 

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iTir. XIX. 


237. Arfeha 
247. Fama 

252. Sur 

253. Papaa 

254. Nnzona 

255. Zamanlra 
259. Suki-beki 

263. A-thini 

264. Karshaua 

265. Retama 

271. Zazker 

272. Maurmar 

279. Khaitn 

280. Pederi (Pethor ?) 

281. Athrithan 

282. Mashana 

283. A-anreka 

284. Nepiriiiriu (Nipur) 

285. Nathkiiia 

286. Athetama 

287. AbeLlenu 

288. Airanel 

289. Airanel (jtie) 

290. Ann'aui 

292. Thaiekh 

293. Aurna 
296. Papabi 

306. Aiber 

307. Kel-maitha (Ehilmod) 

308. Amak 

309. Kaxel 

310. Amnai 

311. Ehalbn (Haleb) 

312. Piananel (Pnuel) 

315. Aukam 

316. Puroth 
318. Aripenekha 
320. Puqiu 

322. Thinnur 

323. Zamaa 
333. lurima 
338. Thethup. 
343. Shusaron 

347. Thamaqur 

348. Retep(?)(Re-ap!) 

349. Maurika 

It is clear that this list exhibits in their oldest or- 
thography the greater number of these towns, which 
are afterwards mentioned so frequently in the records 
of wars in Assyrian history, in the cuneiform inscrip- 
tions which have been deciphered. They are the old 
allied cities of those Khita, of unknown origin, who, 
long before the rise of Nineveh and Babylon, played the 
same part which at a later period the Assyrians under- 
took with success. Though we are not yet in a position 
to solve the obscure problem here suggested, yet future 
discoveries will doubtless afford convincing proofs, that 
the rule of the Khita in the highest antiquity was of an 

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importance which we can now only guess at. This list 
of towns will therefore remain a monument of the 
greatest value, as a memorial of times and peoples 
long since vanished, whose lost remembrance is awak- 
ened to new life by the dead letters of these numerous 
names. With such a perception of their value, the 
reader may cast his eye over the long catalogue of 
those very ancient names which we have transcribed, 
even if his own science should not avail him better than 
ours for subjecting them to a comparative investigation. 
For in these names, so far as they are not demonstrably 
of Semitic origin, fies the key to their language. The' 
right understanding of them offers, therefore, the 
surest means of fixing the place of the Khita in the 
life of the ancient nations. 


Although we possess no information from the 
monuments about the family ties which united the 
king, who was the head and founder of the Nineteenth 
Dynasty, with his predecessor Horemhib, there must 
have been nevertheless a close connection between 
thenL Whether Ramses was the son, son-in-law, or 
brother of Horemhib, is as yet undecided. If I say 
the brother, I am led to this as a possible supposition 
by the testimony of the memorial stone of a contem- 
porary family, which mentions the brothers Horemhib 
and Bamses among the sons of a certain Ha-Aai, an 

* overseer of the cutters of hieroglyphs ' of his unnamed 

* lord of the land ' (Ai ? see Vol. I. c. xiii. near end). 

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The reign of Ramses I. seems to have been neither 
of long duration, nor to have been filled with remark- 
able deeds. His fame consists chiefly in the place he 
occupies in the historical series, as the father of a very 
celebrated son, and the grandfather of one who was 
covered with glory and sung of as a hero to the latest 
ages. His recognition as the legitimate king by the 
priests of Amon is authenticated by the representa- 
tion of his solemn coronation on the entrance gate of 
the temple of Karnak.^ 

He had a war with the IQiita, although we only 
learn this fact incidentally from the contents of the 
treaty of peace concluded by Ramses H. with the 
Khita.^ His royal opponent Saplel had, after the end 
of the war, made an offensive and defensive aUiance 
with Ramses I., and so the IQiita and the Egyptians 
continued to exercise their sovereignty within their 
own boundaries, without molesting one another any 

A memorial stone of the second year of his reign, 
found at the second cataract at Wady-Halfa (the 
place was then called Behani, and is the Boon of 
Ptolemy), informs us, that king Ramses I. founded 
there a storehouse for the temple of his divine father 
Hor-khem, and filled it with captive men-servants 
and maid-servants from the conquered countries. Of 

' For the better understanding of the frequent allusions in 
the following pages to the parts of the temple of Kamak, the reader 
may consult the description in Murray's Handbook for Egypty 
p. 496. The plan of the temple is given on page 11. — Ed. 

' This treaty is translated in full under the reign of Bamses II. 
(See pp. 71, f.)— Ed. 

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10 MINEPTAH SETI I. chap. xiv. 

whatever consequence the fact thus recorded may 
have been to tlie ancient inhabitants of the temple at 
Behani, the history of his times gains Uttle by it. 

After his death, Ramses I. was laid in his own 
tomb-chamber in the valley of the kings' sepulchres, 
and he was succeeded in the kingdom by his son, to 
whom the monuments give the name of 


After a long interval, there rises again a brilliant 
star on the horizon of Egyptian history. The voice 
of the monuments begins anew to speak of the victories 
of Pharaoh, and to sing the glory of the empire. It is 
chiefly the great national temple at Thebes which re- 
cords the honours of Seti by inscriptions and by pic- 
tures ; for the king executed Works to the glorious god 
Amon, the finished splendour of which is only surpassed 
by their extraordinary size. We refer to the building 
of that wonderful ' Great Hall ' in the temple at Karnak, 
where 134 <5olumns of astonishing height and circum- 
ference still attract the admiration of our fastidious age. 
As the description of this building does not come 
within the hmits of our historical work, we are obhged 
to refer our readers to the excellent accounts of 
Egyptian travellers. The outer wall, however, on the 
north side of this hall, must have our full attention, 
since its representations stand in the closest connection 
with the wars of Seti, beginning with the first year of 
his reign. 

These wars arose from the constant advances of 
the neighbouring peoples, to the east of Egypt, upon 

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DTS. m. 



the Delta. The long 
duration of peace, 
as well perhaps as 
the weak reign of 
Ramses L, had in- 
duced these neigh- 
bours, and espe- 
cially the Arabian 
Shasu, to take the 
bold resolveof press- 
ing forward over the 
eastern frontier of 
Egypt, * to find sus- 
tenance for them- 
selves and their 
cattle on the posses- 
sions of Pharaoh/ 
Six battle paintings, 
ranged in a series, 
give us a view of 
the principal events 
of this campaign. 
We will endeavour, 
under the guidance 
of the inscriptions 
annexed to them, to 
put their contents 
faithfully before our 

The wars of Seti 
in the East began. 





A. First Propylon. B. Open Area, with corridors, 
and a single colomn erect. 0. Second Propylon. 
D. Great Hall. B. Third Propylon. P. Fourth Pro- 
pylon. G. Hall with Oairid figures. H. Granite 
Sanctuary and adjoining chambers. I. Open Court. 
K. Columnar Edifice of Thutmos m. L. Temple of 

a. Sculptures of Seti I. b. Sculptures of Shishak. 
e. Sculptures of Ramses n. d. Small Obelisks. 
e. Large Obelisks, f. PIUaraijLIIilKtesen I. g. HaU of 







12 MINEPTAH SETI L chap. xiv. 

as we have already remarked, in the very first year 
of his reign. Their theatre was formed by the 
countries and fortresses in the region of the Shasu 
Bedouins, ' from the fortress of Khetam (the Etham 
of the Bible), in the land of Zalu (that is, the Tanitic 
nome), as far as the place Kan'ana or Kan'aan.' By 
these data the scene of the struggle is very closely 
fixed, and at the same time proof is afibrded that the 
Shasu had pressed forward westward quite into the 
proper Egyptian territory, to make good their claims 
derived from the times of the Hyksos. The king 
assembled his army, put his chariots of war in array, 
and himself rode in his two-horse chariot against the 
invading Bedouins. The road which the Egyptian 
army took is clearly indicated by the pictures and 
the inscriptions. 

The campaign was begun from the fortress of 
Khetam, which we have just mentioned, and which 
was situated on both sides of an arm of the Nile, 
swarming with crocodiles, and with banks covered 
with reeds. The king took thence the direction of 
the biblical *road of the Phihstines,' ' and first reached 
the fortified but otherwise unknown place, Ta'a-pa- 
mau, * the house of lions,' Leontopolis, near a small 
fountain of sweet water enclosed by a wall. His 
march was next directed to the Egyptian fortress of 
Migdol, mentioned in Holy Scripture, close to the 

' Respecting this important road, and the localities by which 
its course is determined, see farther in the author's Discourse on 
the Exodus and the Egyptian Monuments at the end of this 
volume. — Ed. 

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springs in the country of Hazina or Hazian (the 
Kasion or Mount Casius of the ancients), and along the 
road to the * north ' fortress Uti (Buto, as the Greeks 
would write it), also near a spring. Uti denotes 
the fortified place where stood the often-mentioned 
temple on Mount Casius, in which a Jupiter (Amon) 
was worshipped, who was the Baal Zapuna of the 
Egyptian inscriptions, that is, the Baal Zephon of Holy 
Scripture. The army passed along the seashore to 
Ostracine, where there was a Bekhen, or tower, which 
the inscriptions designate as Pa-nakhtu, or ' the con- 
queror's tower' of King Seti. At this point the 
proper Egyptian boundary ended, and the territory of 
the land of Zahi, which was afterwards the land of 
the Philistines, began. The next halting-place on 
their territory was a fortified spot, newly built by 
King Seti, situated at the water of Absaqab. Two 
other fortresses lay on either side of the road. The 
one, which was also the larger, is called ' the town, 
which the king had built at the spring of ... , tha.' 
It is called ' a strong place ' in a second passage, and 
its water is designated as that of Eibatha, without 
doubt the Eohoboth of the Bible, to the south-west 
of Beersheba, in Negeb or the south country of 
Palestine. The smaller fortress stood near Ta- 
khnum-notem, that is * the pleasant (or sweet) spring.' 
It is called 'A-nakhtu, that is, * the fortress of vic- 
tory.' Passing by a new fortress (the name is unfor- 
tunately destroyed), the end of the road was reached, 
and at the same time the eastern boundary of the 
land of the Shasu, marked by the hill-fortress of 

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14 MINEPTAH SETI I. chap. xiv. 

Kan'aan,* near which a stream seems to have fallen 
into a lake. 

We find ourselves here, as it appears, in the 
Arabah, and we have the choice between one or other 
of the fortresses situated there. In spite of many 
obscurities, the direction of the road is precisely de- 
termined. The king had taken possession of the 
land of the Shasu to its extremest boundary. The 
fortress of Kan'aan was stormed by Seti and his army, 
and thus Pharaoh became the lord of the whole of 
the Edomitish Negeb. 

This first victory is celebrated by the following 

inscription : — 

' In the first year of King Seti, there took place by the strong 
arm of Pharaoh the annihilation of the hostile Shaflu, from the 
fortress of Khetam, of the land of Zalu, as far as Kan'aan. The 
king was against them like a fierce lion. They were turned into 
a heap of corpses in their hill country. They lay there in their 
blood. Not one escaped to tell of his strength to the distant nations.' 

The warriors of the Shasu, driven out of their 
own land, attempted to make head against king Seti 
and his army, after they had marched on northwards, 
and had made a stand in the territory of the Phoe- 
nicians or Kharu. The king mounted his chariot of 
war, whose pair of horses bore the name, 'Amon 
gives him strength,' and dashed into the crowds of the 
scattered enemies, who were this time completely 
beaten and overcome. The inscription goes on as 
follows : — 

^ In the great Harris papyrus of the time of Ramessu III. 
Kan'aan is called a fortress ' of the land of Zahi.' Did this land 
then extend as £ar as the shores of the Dead Sea) 

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'In the first year of King Seti, they came to report to his 
Holiness that the hostile Shasu intended mischief, that the elders 
of their tribes had assembled together, and had made a stand in the 
territory of the Phoenicians (Ehal). They were seised with the 
curse of discord, and slew one another. To those only who had 
not forgotten the orders of the royal court was the king gracious 
on that account/ 

The prisoners were carried to Egypt by the king, 
as will be related more at length presently. 

It seems to be indubitable that the population also 
of (southern ?) Phoenicia did really assist the Shasu 
in their wars against this Pharaoh. But vengeance 
quickly overtook them also. In the furious encounter 
of the chariots of war, which were launched against 
one another on both sides, the Phoenicians succumbed 
in the battle at Inu'amu (Jamnia), and * Pharaoh anni- 
hilated the kings of the land of the Phoenicians.' 

From hence the Egyptian army turned against 
the inhabitants of the interior country, the Ruthen of 
Canaan. The kings of the several cities were suc- 
cessively overcome in many battles, in which a son of 
Seti fought by the side of his father, and the inhabi- 
tants were reduced under the Egyptian sceptre. 
Pharaoh himself took especial delight in the combat, 
for the inscription says that 

' His joy is to undertake the battle, and his delight is to dash 
into it. His heart is only satisfied at the sight of the stream of 
blood when he strikes off the heads of his enemies. A moment of 
tiae struggle of men is dearer to him than a day of pleasure. He 
alays them with one stroke, and spares none among them. And 
whoever of them is left remaining finds himself in his grasp, and 
is carried off to Egypt alive as a prisoner.' 

In his victorious campaign throughout the whole 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

16 MINEPTAH SETI I. chap, xit, 

land of Canaan, through which he was borne by his 
pair of horses named ' big with victory/ the great 
fortress of Kadesh, which had abeady played such 
an important part under Thutmes HE., was reached 
by the Egyptian army. The inscription thus desig- 
nates the campaign : — 

'This is the going np of Pharaoh, to conquer the land of 
Kadesh in the territory of the Amorites.' 

The arrival of the army was unexpected. The 
herdsmen were even pasturing their cattle under the 
trees which surrounded the city, when Pharaoh ap- 
peared on his war-chariot. Each seeks to save himself; 
the herds flee with their keepers ; the warriors of 
Kadesh, as they sally out, are pierced by the arrows of 
Seti, and fall from their war-chariots. The defenders 
in the interior of the fortress fare no better. They also 
give way before the violent assault of the Egyptian 
army, and fortress and people fall into the hands of 
Pharaoh's warriors. 

From Kadesh onwards, the land of the Khita lay 
open before the hosts of Pharaoh. The then king of 
the country, Mauthanar, had broken the existing 
treaties, which had been made between his predecessor 
and the Egyptians, and had given notice to Pharaoh 
of the termination of their aUiance. Seti made no delay 
in faUing upon the territory of the Khita, as the 
avenger of the broken treaties. Success crowned his 
enterprise. Although the well-ordered hosts of the 
beardless light-red Khita, on foot, on horseback, and 
on chariots, offered a determined resistance to the 

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Egyptians, yet for all this the Pharaoh triumphed. 
The inscription describes this victory in the brief 
words : — 

' These are the miserable inhabitants of the land of the Khita ; 
the king has prepared for them a great overthrow/ 

And then the song of praise to Seti sounds forth 
with the most vigorous choice of plirases. Thus it 
is said of Pharaoh : — 

' He is a jackal which rushes prowling through this hmd, a 
grim lion that frequents the most hidden paths of all regions, a 
poweriiil bnll with a pair of sharpened horns.' ' He has struck 
down the Asiatics, he has thrown to the ground the Khita ; he 
has slain their princes.' ^ 

After the main battle had been fought, the king 
(whose pair of horses this time bokre the name ' Amon 
gives him strength ') had taken an immense number 
of prisoners, and prepared deliberately for his return 
home. Peace was concluded with the powerful Khita, 
and so the inscriptions could sing of him : — 

'The king was victorious, great was his strength. His war- 
cry was like that of the son of Nut (that is, Baal-Sutekh). He 
returns home in triumph ; he has annihilated the peoples, he has 
struck to the ground the land of Khita, he has made an end of his 
adversaries. The enmity of all peoples is turned into friendship. 
The terror of the king has penetrated them, his boldness has 
opened their hearts. The kings of the countries find themselves 
bound before him.' 

On his return, which took place by the great royal 
highway through Kadesh, Seti made a diversion to 

' An engraving of the picture at Kamak of Seti I. destroying 
the Khita in battle, is given in Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, 
2nd ed. vol. L p. 43, Plate IV.— Ed. 
VOL. n. C 

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18 MINEPTAH SETI I. chap. xrr. 

the land of Limanon, the position of which answers 
exactly to the better known name of Mount Lebanon. 
The inhabitants of the country, Canaanites of the 
purest race, received the king in the most reverential 
manner, hfting up their hands to hail the conqueror. 
A short annexed inscription says : — 

* The priests aod elders of the land of limanon^ they speak thus, 
while they pray before the lord of the land to exalt his renown : 
'' Thou appearest like thy father, the Sun-god, men live in thy 

The king himself, as it appears, had made known 
certain intentions, for an Egyptian scribe assures him, 
* All shall be accomphshed as thou hast said.' The 
question related to the feUing of cedars in the wooded 
mountain-region of Lebanon, for the building of a new 
great ship on the river of Egypt for the service of the 
Theban Amon, and for the fabrication of those tall 
masts which were wont to adorn the front of the 
propyla before the temples. In fact we see, in the 
Uvely representation here preserved, the Canaanites 
actively employed in felling the highest and straightest 
trees with their axes. An inscription, though half- 
destroyed, nevertheless enables us to understand 
clearly the object of their labours. It runs as 
follows (shghtly fiUing up the parts wanting) : — 

' [The inhabitants of the land of] Limanon fell | [the trees for 
the building of a] great ship on the river | [in Thebes of the 
South], and in like manner for | [King Seti's] high masts at 
Amon's | [temple in Thebes].' 

With this the deeds of Setiin the East had reached 
heir conclusion. 

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' He had smitten the wandering peoples (An), and struck to 
the ground the agi-lcultural peoples (Menti), and had placed his 
boundaries at the beginning of the world, and at the utmost 
borders of the river-land of Naharain/ — ' which the great sea 

His return took the form of a specially festive 
triumphal procession. Laden with rich booty from 
the land of Ruthen, with silver and gold, with blue, 
green, red, and other precious stones of the foreign 
country, accompanied by numerous captives of all 
lands, which he had again subjected to the supremacy 
of Egypt, Seti reached the plains of his home by the 
same road which had led him from Egypt into the 
foreign countries. At the frontier, near Khetam, the 
priests and great men of the land waited to meet him 
with rich gifts of flowers. The following inscription 
will give the best account of the object of this festive 
gathering : — 

' The priests, the great ones, and the most distinguished men 
of South and North Egypt have arrived to praise the divine bene- 
&ctor on his return from the land of Ruthen, accompanied by an 
immensely rich booty, such as never had happened since the time 
of the sun-god Ra. They speak thus in praise of the king and in 
glorification of his fame : 

* " Thou hast returned home from the foreign countries which 
thou hast overcome. Thou hast triumphed over thy enemies which 
are subjected to thee. May the duration of thy life as king be as 
long as the sun in heaven ! Thou hast quenched thy wrath upon 
the nine foreign nations. The Sun-god himself has established thy 
boundaries. His hand protected thee, when thy battle-axe was 
raised above the heads of all peoples, whose kings fell under thy 
sword." ' 

United with these representations, the richness of 
which we can only lay before our readers in a cursory 
description, are the lists of the nations conquered by 


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20 MINEPTAH SETI I. chap. xiv. 

Seti. We will confine ourselves to those names, out 
of the whole number, that appear in the more distinct 
forms in which they are henceforward generally men- 
tioned on the monuments. 

1. Khita, the land of the Khita. 

2. Naharam, the riveivlaiid (Mesopotamia). 

3. Upper Ruihen, Canaan. 

4. Lower Kuthen, Northern Syria. 

5. Singar, the city and the land of Singara, the Sinear of Holy 


6. TJnu, an unknown island or coast land. 

7. Kadesh, in the land of the Amorites. 

Q TCuA f I ^^ n&mes require to be more accurately defined. 

10. Asebi, the island of Cyprus. 

11. Mannus, the city and land of Mallos. 

12. Aguptha, the land of Cappadocia. 

13. Balnu, Balane®, to the north of Aradus. 

To these we may add the names of the cities of 
Canaan mentioned in Seti's temple at Abydus (see be- 
low, p. 29), and which were conquered by Seti : — 


Zor or Tyre. 

Inua'm or Jamnia. 

PsrHir (Hil) GaKleel or Hali in the tribe of Ashur. 

Bitha-'antha or Beth-anoth (in what was afterwards Judah). 

Qartha-Wbu or Kiriath-eneb (in Judah). 

That the wars and victories of the king in the East 
did not take place only in the first year of his reign 
is self-evident, and is sufficiently confirmed by several 
repetitions in the sculptures. The memorial wall at Kar- 
nak may be expected to unite together in one general 
representation everything glorious which the Pha- 
raoh Seti had performed, as hero and favourite of the 

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gods, up to the building of the great Hall of Columns. 
This is proved, not only by the wars against the Li- 
byan peoples, which will be spoken of further on, but 
also by several inscriptions with dates later than his 
first year ; as, for example, the historical record in 
the temple in the desert of Eedesieh, which was built 
in the ninth year of the reign of Seti, and which 
cites the following names of the peoples which had 
then been conquered : 1. Sangar, i.e. Singara ; 2. Ka- 

deshu ; 3. Makita, i.e. Megiddo ; 4. Ha ; 

5. the Shasu Arabs of Edom ; 6. Asal or Asar, a name 
which we can hardly venture to identify with Assur. 
Seti carried on his wars not only in the East but in 
the West, and in particular against the Libyan tribes, 
who now accordingly appear for the first time on the 
Egyptian monuments. The double plume on the 
crown of the head and the side locks of hair mark in 
the most striking manner these races, which the in- 
scriptions designate by the name of Thuhi, Thuhen, 
or Thuheni — that is, ' the light or fair ' people ; and 
they likewise denote by the same name the later 
Greeks, for the expression Marmaridas, inhabitants 
of the country of Marmarica, always means these 
people. Li this campaign Seti took his son and heir, 
fiamessu, among the company of his followers. The 
kings of the Marmaridae were thoroughly beaten. In 
the battle itself Seti appears on a chariot, whose 
pair of horses bore the name, * Victorious is Amon.* 
The campaign reached a mountainous country, full 
of caverns ; so, at least, the contents of the appended 
inscription lead us to conclude : — 

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22 MINEPTAH SETI L chap. xrv. 

* He (the king) utterly destroyed them, when he stood on the 
field of battle. They could not hold their bows, and remained 
hidden in their caves like foxes, through fear of the king/ 

It may be well supposed that, after these extensive 
campaigns, which brought such a copious booty to 
Egypt, besides captives, Amon, the god of the empire, 
and his much venerated temple in Ape, would be the 
first to be remembered ; and the memorial wall of the 
temple decisively confirms this supposition. The 
booty as well as the prisoners were solemnly dedi- 
cated to the god and to his wife Mut, and to the young 
son of Amon, Khonsu. In confirmation of this I 
may bring to the reader's knowledge, in an exact 
translation, a few of the inscriptions : — 

* The king presents the booty to his father Amon, on hLs return 
from the miserable land of Buthen, consisting of silver, gold, blue, 
green, red, and other precious stones, and of the kings of the 
peoples, whom he holds bound in his hand, to fill therewith the 
storehouse of his father Amon, on account of the victory which he 
has granted to the king.' 

The following is added with regard to the pri- 
soners : — 

' The kings of the peoples which had not known "Egy^t are 
brought by Pharaoh in consequence of his victory over the mise- 
rable land of Buthen. They speak thus to glorify his Holiness and 
to praise his great deeds : 

* " Hail to thee ! mighty is thy name, glorious thy renown. The 
people may well rejoice which is subjected to thy will; but he 
appears in fetters who oversteps thy boundaries. By thy name ! 
We did not know Egypt; our fathers had not entered it. Grant 
us freedom out of thy hand ! " ' 

Gold, silver, and precious stones, in purses, golden 
vessels, even to drinking-horns with wonderful handles 

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in the shape of heads of animals and other ornaments 
fall of taste, display to the spectator the generosity 
of the king towards the temple, and confirm afresh 
the remarks we made on the artistic excellence and 
skill of the Western Asiatic world. The inscriptions 
contribute their part to the explanation. Among 
others is the following : — 

* The prisoners are presented by the divine benefactor to his 
fikther Amon, from the hostile kings of the nations which had not 
known £^gypt — ^their gifts rest on their shoulders, — ^tofill therewith 
aU the storehouses, as men-servants and maid-servants, in conse- 
quence of the victories which the god has given the king over all 

The following inscription is remarkable, in relation 
to the connection between Euthen and Khita : — 

* The great kings of the miserable land of Kuthen are brought 
by the king in consequence of his victory over the people of the 
Elhita, to fill with them the storehouse of his noble father, Amon- 
Ra, the lord of Thebes, because he has given him the victory over 
the southern world and the subjection of the northern world. 

' Hie kings of the nations speak thus, to praise Pharaoh and to 
exalt his glory : 

' " Hail to thee ! king of Kemi, sun of the nine peoples, exalted 
be thou like the gods ! " ' 

In this tone the hieroglyphs describe with great 
fulness, as well as with the inevitable repetitions, the 
king's glory and his services to the temple of Amon 
of Thebes. 

Seti I. must have proved his entire devotion to 
the Theban priests, or, to speak in official tone like 
the I^yptians, to the Theban Amon ; at least, the 
inscriptions leave this impression. His buildings, 
wonderfully beautiful creations of the unknown 

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24 MINEPTAH SETI L chap. xtv. 

masters of his time, bespeak the efforts of the Pharaoh 
to express his gratitude for the distinguished position 
which the priests had allowed him. His rich presents 
complete the proof of the regard of the king for the 
temple at Ape. A special reason for this lay in the 
peculiar position of Seti with regard to the great 
question of the hereditary right to the throne. 

The monuments name as the wife of the king, or 
rather as mother of his great son and successor Eam- 
ses n., the queen Tua or Tui, whose name at once 
reminds us of the family of the heretical Pharaoh, 
Khunaten. In genealogical succession, she was a 
granddaughter of that heretical king, whom the 
Theban priests had so bitterly excommunicated, al- 
though he belonged to the legitimate race of kings. 
But however hateful this connection might be to the 
priests, yet it was in accordance with the law of the 
hereditary succession. Her grandfather's blood flowed 
in her veins, although, on the other hand, there was 
entailed on her from her ancestress of the same name 
the curse of a foreign descent. The remembrance of 
this origin must further have appeared all the more 
distasteful to the priests, as king Seti and his race 
worshipped the foreign gods in the most obtrusive 
manner, and at the head of them all the Canaanitish 
Baal-Sutekh or Set, after whose name his father, 
Eamses I., had called him Seti — that is, * the Setish,' 
or the ' follower of Set.* Thus he had to avoid an 
open breach, and to soothe the stubborn caste of the 
priests of Amon. As a conqueror Seti had done his 
part for Egypt, and he was bound to try *o win over 

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the priests as a benefactor and a generous king. And 
yet he seems to have had less success than he hoped, 
since at an early period he conferred the highest 
dignity of the empire on his infant heir, his son 
Bamessu, as associated king. In the great historical 
inscription of Abydus, Eamses 11. relates the pro- 
ceeding in his own words : — 

'The lord of all himself nurtured me, and brought me up. I 
was a little boy before I attained the lordship ; tiien he gave over 
to me the land. I was yet in mj mother's womb, when the great 
ones saluted me full of veneratioiL* I was solemnly inducted as 
the eldest son into the dignity of heir of the throne on the chair of 
the earth-god Seb. And I gave my ordei*8 as chief of the body- 
guard and of the chariot-fighters. Then my father presented me 
publicly to the people : I was a boy on his lap, and he spake thus : 
"I will have him crowned as king, for I desire to behold his 
grandeur while I am still alive." [Then came forward] the 
officials of the court to place the double crown on my head (and my 
£ather spake), " Place the regal circlet on his brow." Thus he 
spake of me while he still remaLned on earth, '' May he restore 
order to the land ; may he set up again [what has fallen into 
decay]. May he care for the inhabitants." Thus spake he [with 
good intention] in lus very great love for me. Still he left me in 
the house of the women and of the royal concubines, alter the manner 
of the damsels of the palace. He chose me [women] from among 
the [maidens], who wore a harness of leather.' 

We stop here, for the above translation is quite 

enough to serve as a proof of our assertion. Eamses 

was, as a tender child, associated in the kingly office 

with his father, and a band of Amazons formed his 


^ In the Bamesseum at Medinet-Abou, Hhere is a curious 
tableau representing the conception of Ramses, and even here he 
is represented wearing the crown of sovereignty. This difficult 
subject is in allegorical form ; it is most delicately and ingeniously 
managed.' (Yilliers Stuart, N^Ue Gleanings, p. 248.)— Ed. 

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26 SETI I. AND RAMSES H. chap. xrv. 

In another inscription of the times of Eamses II., 
the early reign of the king is mentioned in like manner 
by the writer in the following words : — 

* Thou wast a lord (Adon) of this land, and thou actedst wisely, 
when thou wast still in the egg. In thy childhood what thou 
saidst took place for the welfoj^e of the land. When thou wast 
a boy, with the youth's locks of hair, no monument saw the light 
without thy command ; no business was done without thy know- 
ledge. Thou wast raised to be a governor (Rohir) of this land 
when thou wast a youth and countedst ten full years. All build- 
ings proceeded from thy hands, and the laying of their foundation- 
stones was performed.* 

When Ramses 11. ascended the throne, he may have 
been about twelve years old, or a little more. From 
this epoch we should count the years of his reign up 
to its sixty-seventh year, so that he was an old man of 
eighty when he left this mortal scene. 

After Seti had assured the birthright of his race, in 
the manner we have described, by the joint elevation 
of his eldest son to the throne, it must have been easy 
for him to meet the reproach that he was not of royal 
descent. While he actually ruled the land as king, 
Ramses, his son, as legitimate sovereign, gave authority 
to all the acts of his father. 

It seems to have been under their double reign 
that the wars took place, of which we have not yet 
spoken, and which were waged against the nations to 
the south of Egypt. When Seti, however, in the great 
list of conquered peoples, on his wall of victories at 
Kamak, mentions the countries of Kush and Punt, with 
all the great and small races of the southern lands of 
Africa, as the subjects of his crown, we must not forget 

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that here, as so often on the monuments, the ancient 
usage was followed of exhibiting before the eyes of the 
vain I^yptians, in a renewed publication with more 
or less detail, the whole catalogue of those peoples, 
transcribed jfrom the temple-books of the ' subjects of 
Egypt.' Nevertheless, several records of the time of 
Seti bear witness to campaigns of the Egyptian army 
beyond the frontier city of Syene (as those of Doshe 
and Sesebi). Egyptian viceroys, already well known 
to us under the name of King's sons of Kush, acted as 
governors in the place of Pharaoh in the south, and 
took care that the tributes imposed were regularly paid. 
As such are mentioned, in the joint reign of Seti and 
Ramses 11., governors named Ani and Amenemape, 
a son of Pa-uer. The family of the latter, consisting 
of numerous members, will occupy us hereafter, for 
a special reason. 

The reign of Seti belongs to that period in the his- 
tory of the country, in which Egyptian art enjoyed the 
peculiar care and favour of the king, and, on the other 
hand, answered to this patronage in the most worthy 
manner by the creation of real masterpieces. The 
Hall of Columns of Kamak, in so far as it was carried 
out while Seti was alive, and the temple of Osiris, in 
the desert at Abydus, are master-works of the first 
order, the splendour of which consists, above all else, in 
the lavish profusion and beauty of the sculpture, even 
to the hieroglyphic characters. The celebrated tomb 
also of Seti (or, as the Pharaoh is there called, to avoid 
the hated name of Seti, Usiri) belongs to the most 
remarkable performances of Theban art, even to the 

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2S SETI I. AND RAMSES U. chap. xty. 

variegated ornamentation in colours, which adds an 
abundance of rich life to the pictures and writing. It 
is the one called after the name of its discoverer, 
' Belzoni's tomb/ which still to this day forms the chief 
point of attraction to all visitors to the Valley of the 
Kings at Thebes. Its artistic importance is enhanced 
by the rich abundance of pictures and inscriptions, 
which are for the most part of a mythological character, 
but which also involve a special significance in relation 
to astronomy, as do, above all, the very instructive 
roof-pictures of the so-called Golden Chamber. Unique 
in its kind is the mythological substance of a long text, 
which is found in a side chamber of the same tomb, 
and which (as M. Naville has lately proved)^ has for its 
subject a description of the destruction of the corrupt 
human race, according to the Egjrptian view. 

As Seti had erected one of the most splendid works 
to the god Amon on the right bank of the Theban 
metropolis, so also at his command there rose on the 
western bank of the river that wonderful temple, which 
he dedicated to the memory of his deceased father 
Eamessu I. I mean the ' Menmonium ' of Seti at old 
Qumah. Again, in many places on this monument, 
which belonged to the West country and consequently 
to the realm of Osiris, the king avoids giving himself 
the name of Seti. He calls himself generally Usiri, or 
Usiri Seti (in the last phrase Seti is another word, and 
not the name of the god Set). The sanctuary bore the 

^ Trcmsactions of the Society of BMical ArcfuBohgy^ vol. iv. 
pp. 1, foil. 1875. [See also Yilliers Stuart, NUe Gleanings^ 
p. 260.— Ed.] 

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designation, * the splendid temple-building of king 

Mneptah Seti, in the city of Amon, on the western 

side of Thebes ; ' frequently also with the addition ' in 

sight of Ape ' (namely, of the temple of Kamak). The 

temple, as has been remarked above, was dedicated to 

his deceased father, but also, moreover, to the gods 

of the dead, Osiris and Hathor, besides Amon and his 

company. The death of King Seti took place while 

the temple was in course of building. So we are told 

by the inscription which Ramses 11. put up, as the 

finisher of the building, since it is there stated as 

follows : — 

* King Ramses II. executed this work, as his monument to 
his father Amon-ra, the king of the gods, the lord of heaven, the 
ruler of Thebes ; and he finished the house of his Either King 
Mineptah (Seti). For he died, and entered the realm of heaven, 
and he united himself with the sun-god in heaven, when this his 
house was being built. The gates showed a vacant space, and all 
the walls of stone and brick were yet to be raised ; all the work 
in it of writing or painting was unfinished.' 

In similar expressions does the inscription of Eamses 
at Abydus describe the unfinished building of the 
temple in the desert of that city, which was dedicated 
to Osiris and his associate gods, Isis, Hor, Amon, 
Hormakhu, and Ptah. Seti also dedicated a special 
document to the memory of his royal ancestors in the 
temple of Abydus, namely, the very celebrated Table 
of the Kings, called that of Abydus, containing the 
names of seventy-six kings, up to the founder of the 
empire, Mena. (See Appendix, A.) 

In Memphis and Heliopolis, king Seti I. raised 
temples, or added new parts to temples already existing, 

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SETI I. AND RAMSES II. chap. xit. 


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which are likewise designated as ' splendid buildings.* 
Even though their last remains have now disappeared 
from the earth without leaving a trace, nevertheless 
their former existence is most surely proved by the 
testimony of inscriptions. In the same way, at the 
foot of the mountain behind the old town of El- 
kab, he erected a special temple to the goddess, of 
the South, the heavenly Nukheb, and a similar one, 
in the form of a rock-grotto, to the goddess Hathor, 
in her shape of a lioness, as Pakhith, in the cavern 
called by the ancients Speos Artemidos (the cave of 

On these and similar works, the Theban school of 
artists, who were in the service of the temple of Amon, 
and applied themselves to the highest style of art, were 
especially occupied. Among the sculptors of the time, 
the nanie of a certain Hi has been preserved ; among 
the painters, Amen-uah-su is expressly celebrated as 
the ' first painter.'^ Both worked by the king's order 
in the decoration of the tomb which was destined for 
the then governor of Thebes, by name Pa-uer, the son 
of the chief priest of Amon, Neb-nuteru sumamed 
Thera, and of the oldest among the holy wives of the 
god, Mer-amon-ra ; and also for his brother Tathao.^ 
Such records, which relate to the most important 
contemporaries of the kings, are useful and precious, 
for they frequently render good service in fixing the 
contemporary circumstances and events in Egyptian 
history nearly in their chronological order. They 
serve to keep open the sources which are destined 
^ Compare DenknMer, iii. pp. 132, &c, ^ Ibid. 


j by Google 

32 SETI L AND RAMSES H. chap. ht. 

sooner or later to bring the hidden stagnant waters of 
Egyptian chronology and the succession of the kings 
into a united current. 

The tributes and the taxes, which under* the third 
Thutmes were yearly contributed in rich abundance to 
the Pharaoh by the conquered nations and his own 
subjects, seem henceforward, from the reign of Seti, 
to have flowed in less abundantly, while the wants of 
the kings were the same, and the erection of costly 
buildings required a great expenditure. New sources 
must needs therefore be opened for the requisite means. 
So they began to devote special care to the regular 
working of the existing gold-mines in Egypt and 
Nubia, and, what was of the first importance, to give 
the needful attention to the formation of wells in the 
midst of the parched mountain regions, from which 
the gold was to be won. One of these regions was 
the extent of desert on the eastern side of the Nile, 
opposite Edfou, which at this day bears the name of 
Eedesieh, and contains the remains of an old-Egyptian 
rock-temple. It marks the^site of one of the resting- 
places on the great road of commerce, which in ancient 
days led straight through the desert from the town of 
Coptos, on the Nile, to the harbour of Berenice on the 
Eed Sea. The inscriptions on the temple date from 
the times of Seti. They not only estabhsh the exist- 
ence of gold ore in the interior of the mountain, but 
also the position of a well {hydreuma^ as the Greeks 
called it), made at the command of the king. They 
relate how, in the ninth year of king Seti, in the month 
Epiphi, on the 20th day, the Pharaoh undertook a 

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journey to the solitary mountain region, as it was his 
wish to see for himself the gold-mines which existed 
there. After he had mounted up many miles, he made 
a halt, to teke counsel with himself and to come to a 
conclusion upon the information he had received, that 
the want of water made the road almost impassable, 
and that travellers by it died of thirst in the hot season 
of the year. At a proper place a well was bored deep 
in the rocky ground, and a small rock-temple was 
made there, * to the name of King Seti,' by the express 
order of the Pharaoh. Thereupon everything was 
done to carry on the gold-washing with success. The 
people who followed this laborious occupation were 
placed under the supervision of a hir-pit or * overseer 
of the foreign peoples,' and all other measures were 
taken to ensure for all future time the keeping up of 
the temple and the worship of its divine inhabitants, 
Osiris, Isis, and Horus, besides the three great divini- 
ties of the country, Amon of Thebes, Ptah of Memphis, 
and Hormakhu of Thebes. 

That the inhabitants of the country were highly 
pleased with this work is declared by the inscriptions 
on the temple : 

' King Seti did this for his memorial for his fiather Amon-Ea 
and his company of gods, namelj, he built anew for them a house 
of god, in the interior of which the divinities dwell in full content- 
ment. He had the well bored for them. Such a thing was never 
done before by any king, except him, the king. Thus did King 
Seti do a good work, the beneficent dispenser of water, who pro- 
longs life to his people ; he is for every one a father and a mother. 
They speak from mouth to mouth, '^ Amon grant him (a long exist- 
ence), increase to him an everlasting duration. Ye gods of the 
well ! assure to him your length <^ life, since he has made for us 
VOL. n, D 

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34 SETI I. AND RAMSES H. chap. xit. 

the road to travel upon, and h^js opened what lay shut up before 
our face. Now can we travel up with ease, and reach the goal 
and remain living. The difficult road lies open there before us, 
and the way has become good. Now the gold can be carried up, 
as the king and lord has seen. All the living generations, and 
those which shall be hereafter, will pray for an eternal remembrance 
for him. May he celebrate the thirty years' jubilee-feasts like 
Tum ; may he flourish like Horus of Apollinopolis; because he has 
founded a memorial in the lands of the gods,^ because he has bored 
for water in the mountains,' 

In the execution of the work, the utility of which 
the inhabitants of the country so frequently recog- 
nize, Ani, the King's son of Kush of that time, as 
well as commander-in-chief of the Mazai, was present 
as the directing architect. This fact is attested by 
rock-inscriptions, accompanied by pictorial represen- 
tations, as for example that of the warlike foreign 
goddess Antha, the Anaitis of the ancients, who rides 
on horseback wielding a battle-axe and shield, like 

Whether, after all, the gold-mines yielded rich 
produce, whether the gold-washers delivered to the 
* reckoner of silver and gold of the land of the country 
of Upper and Lower Egypt, Hi-shera,'^ the shining 
grains of their laborious employment in satisfactory 
quantity, on these points the lay of the poet on the 
monuments is for ever silent. 

As Seti's reign flows on parallel with that of his 

^ I will here call the attention of the reader to the fact, that 
in this and other places — for example, in the rock-inscriptions of 
Hammamit — ^the Arabian desert and the coast adjoining it, on the 
Red Sea, is designated as * the land of the gods.' 

^ See lieblein's Dictionary of Proper NcuineSy No. 882, 

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great son Eamses, as king of the country, we will 
leave his end untouched, and suppose, with the 
ancients, that his soul suddenly flew up like a bird to 
the !E^yptian heaven, to enjoy a better existence in 
the bark of the sun. His decease took place before 
his own tomb and his buildings in honour of the im- 
mortal ones were finished. The temples of Abydus 
and of old Qumah have already afibrded us proofs 
of this. 

His son and associated king, Bamessu, bore the 
names — 


This is the king who above all others bears the name 
•of honour of A-nakhtu, ' the Conqueror,' and whom the 
monuments and the rolls of the books often designate 
by his popular names of Ses, Sestesu, Setesu, or Ses- 
tura, that is, the * Sethosis who is also called Eamesses ' 
of the Manethonian record, and the renowned legen- 
dary conqueror Sesostris of the Greek historians. 

The number of his monuments, which still to the 
present day cover the soil of Egypt and Nubia as 
the ruined remnants of a glorious past, or are daily 
brought to Ught from their concealment, is so great 
and almost countless, that the historian of his life 
and deeds finds himself in a difficulty where to 
begin, how to spin together the principal threads, 
and where to end his work. K to honour the 
memory of his father be the chief duty and the first 
; work of a dutiful son — and we shall see that this was 


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36 RAMSES U. MIAMUN. chap. xit. 

the persuasion of Eamses H. — the beginning is made 
easy for us, and we shall honour the king's memory in 
the worthiest manner by using the very words of the 
great Sesostris about his first acts on entering upon 
his sole reign. 

King Seti had died. The temple of Abydus stood 
half finished. The first royal care of Eamses was to 
complete the work, and, in a long inscription on the 
left wall of the entrance, to record the intention with 
which his heart was charged, for the imitation of his 
contemporaries and of posterity. 

^ The lord of the land arose as king, to show honour to his 
father, in his first year, on his first journey to Thebes. He had 
caused likenesses of his father, who was king Seti I., to be sculp- 
tured, the one in Thebes, the other in Memphis at the entrance 
gate, which he had executed for himself, besides those which were 
in Nifur, tiie necropolis of Abydus. Hius he fulfilled the wish 
which moved his heart, since he had been on earth, on the ground 
of the god TJnnofer. He renewed the remembrance of his father, 
and of those who rest in the under world, in that he made his name 
to Uve, and caused his portraits to be made, and fixed the revenues 
set apart for his venerated person, and filled his house and richly 
decked out his altars. The walls were rebuilt, which had become 
old in his favourite house, the halls in his temple were rebuilt, its 
walls were covered, its gates were raised up ; whatever had fallen 
into decay in the burial-place of his father in the necropolis was 
restored, and [the works of art which] had been carried away 
were brought back into the interior. 

^ All this did the Conquering King Bamses II. for his father 
Seti I. He established for him the sacrifices in rich profusion, in 
his name and in that of the (earlier) kings. His breast had a 
tender feeling towards his parent, and his heart beat for him who 
brought him up. 

'On one of these days, it was in the first year, on the 23rd day 
of the month Athyr,' on [his return home] after (the conclusion) 

< The feast began on the 19th of PaophL It lasted twenly-six 

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of the feast of the voyage of Amon to Thebes, then he went out, 
endowed with power and strength by Amon and by Tarn, out of 
the city of Thebes. They had assured him a recompense through 
neyer-ending years, as long as the duration of the existence of the 
sun in heaven. — 

' He raised his hand, which bore the incense- vessel, up towards 
the heavenly orb of light of the living god. The sacrificial gifts 
were splendid, they were received with satisfaction in all his ... (t) 
The king (now) returned from the capital of the land of the South. 
[AlS soon as] the sun [had risen], the journey was commenced. As 
the ships of the king sailed cm, they threw their brightness on the 
river. The order was given for the journey down the stream to 
the stronghold of the city of Ramessu, the Conqueror. 

* Then the king, in ordar to behold his father, made the rowers 
enter the canal of Nifur, with the intention of offering a sacrifice 
to the beneficent god Unnc^er with his choicest libations, and of 
praying to [the divinity] of his brother Anhur, the son of Ra in 
... as which he abides there. 

' There he found the halls of the dead of the former kings, and 
their graves, which are in Abydus, hastening to the beginning of 
desolation* Their burial-places had become dilapidated from the 
foundations. [The stones were torn away] out of the ground, 
their walls lay scattered about on the road, no brick held to an- 
other, the hall " of the second birth " lay in ruins, nothing had 
been built up [for the father by his son], who should have been 
busied in preserving it according to his expectations, since its pos- 
sessor had flown up to heaven. Not one son had renewed the 
memorial of his fsither, who rested in the ^(rave. 

* There was the temple of Seti. The front and back elevations 
were in process of building when he entered the realm of heaven. 
Unfibushed was his monument; the columns were not raised on 
their bases, his statues lay upon the earth ; they were not sculp* 
tured according to the corresponding measure of "the golden 
chamber " His revenues failed. The servants of the temple with- 
out distinction had taken what was brought in from the fields, 
the boundary marks of which were not staked out on the land. 

days^ and it ended on the 12th of Athyr. On the 17th of Athyr 
the feast of the fifth day after it took place ; so that the journey 
of the king to Abydus is fixed precisely to the 23rd of Athyr. 

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38 RAMSES n. MTAMUN. cup. xit. 

' The king speaks to the chamberlain at his side : ** Speak, 
that there may be assembled the princes, the fiavoorites of the 
king, the commanders of the body-guards, as they are (i.e. all of 
them), the architects, according to their number, and the superin- 
tendents of the house of the rolls of the books.** 

' When they had come before the king, their noses touched the 
ground, and their feet lay on the ground for joy ; they fell down 
to the ground, and with their hands they prayed to the king. 
They praised this divine bane&ctor, while they exalted his grace 
in his presence. They related exactly what he had achieved, and 
recited his glorious deeds as they had been done. All words that 
proceeded out of their mouths were employed to describe the deeds 
of the lord of the land in full truth. Thus they lay prostrate and 
touching the earth befoi^e the king, speaking thus : 

* " We are come before thee, the lord of heaven, lord of the 
earth, s«n, life of the whole world, lord of time, measurer of 
the course of the sun, Tum for men, lord of prosperity, creator of 
the harvest, feushioner and former of mortals, dispenser of breath to 
all men ; animator of the whole company of the gods ; pillar of 
heaven, threshold of the earth, weigher of the balance of the two 
worlds, lord of rich gifts, increaser of the com, at whose feet the 
Ranen (the Egyptian Ceres) waits ; thou former of the great, creator 
of the small, whose words engender the most splendid abundance ; 
thou who watchest when other men rest, whose strength over- 
shadows Egypt, conqueror of the foreigners, who hast returned 
home victorious, whose arm protects the Egyptians, who loves 
justice, in which he lives by his laws ; protector of the land, rich 
in years; the conqueror whose terror has stncken down the 
foreigners; thou our Lord, our sun, by whose words out of his 
mouth Tum lives. Here we are all assembled before thee ; grant 
us life out of thy hands, O Pharaoh, and breath for our nostrils ; 
all men live, on whom he has risen (like the sun)." 

< The king speaks to them after an interval : " I have called you 
because of a determination regarding that which I am about to do. 
I have beheld the houses of the Necropolis, the graves of Abydus. 
The buildings of them require labour from the times of their pos- 
sessors down to the present day. When the son arose in the place 
of his father, he did not I'enew the memorial of his parent. In 
my mind I have pondered with myself the splendid occasion for 
good works for coming times (1). The most beautiful thing to 

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behold, the best thing to hear, is a child with a thankful breast, 
whose heart beats for his &ther. Wherefore my heart ui^ges me to 
do what is good for Mineptah. I will cause them to talk for ever 
and eternally of his son, who has awakened his name to life. My 
&ther Osiris wiU reward me for this with a long existence, like his 
son Horus. Let me do what he did ; let me be excellent, just as 
he was excellent, for my parent, I, who am a scion of the sun- 
god Ra. 

* ** Let me speak to you of SetL The lord of all, he himself 
nourished me and brought me up. I was a little boy before I 
attained to the government ; then be gave over to me the country. 
I was yet in my mother's womb when the great ones greeted me 
with veneration. I was solenmly inducted as eldest son into the 
dignity of an heir of the throne, on the chair of the earth-god Seb. 
And I gave my orders as the chief of the life-guards and of the 
fighters on chariots. Then my father showed me publicly to the 
people, and I was a boy on his lap, and he spake thus : ' I will 
cause him to be crowned as king, for I will behold his excellence 
while I am yet alive.' [Then came forward] the officials of the 
court to place the double crown on my head (and my father spake) : 
' Place the regal circlet on his brow.' Thus he spake of me while 
he stiU remained on earth : ' Let him establish order in the land, let 
him raise up again what has fidlen into decay, let him take care of 
the inhabitants.' Thus spake he [with kind intention] in his very 
great love for me ; yet he left me in the house of the women and 
of the royal concubines, after the manner of the maidens of the 
palace. He chose for me women among the maidens, who wore a 
harness of leather. ... It was the house of the women that took 
care of and nourished me. 

* ** Thus was I like the sun-god Ba, the first of mortals. The 
inhabitants of the South and of the North lay at my feet. [I gave 
orders for the buildings], I myself laid their foundation-stone to 
build [the work. I had an image] made of him who begat me, 
my fitther, of gold, quite new. 

< *' In the first year of my reign as king I had given orders 
to provide his temple with stores. I secured to him his fields, 
[and fixed their boundaries], and appointed him revenues for his 
worship, [and arranged the sacrifices of oxen and geese and bread] 
and wine and incense and other things. I planted for him groves 
to grow up for him. Thus was his house under my protection ; I 

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40 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. oea#. xiv* 

took upon myself all his buildingB from the time that [I was 
crowned as king]. And thus I was a child [whose heart was full 
of thanks towards] his &ther who had exalted me. 

' '^ I will renew the memorial. I will not neglect his tomb as 
children are accustomed to do, who do not remember their father. 
[Men shall speak of me] as of a son who did good, and shall estimate 
the strength of my fjEither in me his child. I will complete it 
because I am lord of the land. I will take care of it because it is 
fitting and right. 

^ ^* I clothe the walls in the temple of my parent. I will com* 
mission the man of my choice to hasten the buildings for him, to 
build up again what was sunken of its walls, [and to raise up] his 
temple wings on the [front side], to clothe his house, to erect his 
pillars, and to place the blocks on the places of the foundation- 
stone. Beautifully shall the most splendid double memorial be made 
at once. Let it be inscribed with my name, and with the name of 
my father. As the son is, so was the father [who begat him]." 

' The king's friends speak in answer to the divine bene&ctor : 
** Thou art the Sun-god, thy body is his body, no king is like to 
thee, thou alone art like the son of Osiris. What thou hast done 
is like his story. The mother Isis [never saw] such a king since the 
Sun-god, except thee and her son Horus. Greater is that which 
thou hast done than what he did when he ruled as king after 
Osiris. The laws of the land continue fixed. Such a son Ls 
dear to his fiGither. The holy offiipring [of Ea], who has formed 
him in the mother ^g, [his heart] beats for him who brought him 
up. Glorious is he. None has done the deeds of Horus for his father 
up to the present day, except thou, O king ! Thou loved one I Thou 
hast performed more than it was necessary to do ; no permission 
for good [is necessary any more for thee. May such a king as 
thou be] our leader, whose word we may obey! Was not that 
which has just come to pass, to remember him, an example for 
thee ? Thou didst refuse to forget [thy father]. Thy heart was 
true to thy father, King Seti, father of the divine one, the heavenly 

* " Since the time of Ea, since kings have reigned, no other is 
to be compared to thee. Never was seen fiu^e to face, nor was 
heard of in story, [any other son] who has busied himself in re- 
newing the memorial of his father. None who rose up woum 
honour his &ther. Each one worked for his own name, except 

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only thee alone and Horus. As thou hast done, so did the son of 

' *' Therefore thou art a beautiful heir, like to him ; his kingdom, 
thou guidest it in the same way. If any one does according as 
the god did, there will be to him a duration of life for that which 
he has done. The god Ea in heaven [is highly delighted], his 
company of gods is full of joy, the gods are friendly disposed towards 
Egypt, since thy rule as king of the land. 

' " Noble is thy just disposition ; it has reached as &r as the 
heights of heaven. Thy upright wisdom pleases the sim-god Ka. 
Tum is full of delight [because of thy conduct] ; TJnnofer triumphs 
because of thy deeds, O king, for his name. He speaks thus : 
' [My dear son], let there be granted to thee the duration of heaven, 
the power of the gods, the secret of the lord of the depth, so long 
as thou shalt remain on earth, like the disk of the sun.' 

' ^* Moved is the heart of Mineptah, his name lives anew ; thou 
hast caused him to be made in gold and precious stones, [and thou 
hast set] up his [statues] of silver. [And his temple] thou hast built 
for him anew in thy name, and in the name of all the kings who 
are in heaven, and whose chambers need the work. No son has 
done what thou hast done since the time of Ka down to the [pre- 
sent day]. 

* " [That which thou hast determined], king, do it. Eemem^ 
ber that which was sunk in forgetfulness, renew the monuments in 
the Necropolis, and all the plans which were behindhand, execute 
them as is right and fitting. — Thou art now king of Upper Egypt 
and Lower Egypt. Do good even as thou wiliest. Let thy heart 
be satisfied in doiog what is right. For that which is done for the 
honour of the gods, that will be accepted and [rewarded by the 
immortals] when thou hereafter shalt rise to heaven. When thy 
grace raises himself to the orb of light, then shall the eyes see thy 
glorious virtues in the sight of gods and men. Thus do thou! Benew 
memorial after memorial to the gods. Therefore shall thy father 
Ha command that thy name shall resound in all lands, beginning 
in the south with Khonti-hon-Nofer, northwards from the shores 
of the sea as far as the nations of Ruthen. The foreign fortresses 
and towns d the kiog and the cities, well guarded and occupied 
with their inhabitants, and [the dwellers in all places, they speak 
of thee], that thou art as a god for every one. They awake to 
ofibr incense to thee. Thus according to the will of thy father 

Digitized by 


42 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. ghap. xit. 

Tttin, the black land (Egypt), and the red land (the Erythneans), 
praise thee, O king." 

' When [this speech] from the lips of the princes before their 
lord [was ended], then the king commanded, and gave commission 
to the architects, and separated the people of the masons and of the 
stone-cutters with the help of the graver, and the draughtsmen, 
and all kinds of artists, to build the most holy place for his fiather, 
and to raise up what had fallen into decay in the Necropolis, and 
in the temple of his father, who sojourns among the deceased ones. 

^ Then [he began] to have the statues of his father carved, from 
the first year. The revenues were doubled for his worship, his 
temple was enriched according to the number of its wants. He 
appointed its register of fields and peasants and herds. He named 
its priests according to their service, and the prophet, to raise in 
his hands [the incense-vessel], and he appointed the temple ser- 
vants for the performance of the works for him. His bams were 
many, full of wheat [and his storehouses in all plenty]. His do- 
main was immense in the South and in the North, and was placed 
under the administration of the superintendent of his temple. In 
such wise did King Bamses II. for his father. King Seti, under 
the protection of Unnofer. 

* He repeated what he had done for his honour in Thebes, in 
On, and in Memphis, where his statues rested in their places, and 
in all the places of the granaries. 

* Hiese are the words of King Bamses II., [to sing] what he 
did for his father, the Osiris-king Seti. He speaks thus : 

' '* Awake, raise thy fiuse to heaven, behold the sun, my father 
Mineptah, thou who art like God. Here am I, who make thy 
name to live. I am thy guardian, and my care is directed to thy 
temple and to thy altars, which are raised up again. Thou restest 
in the deep like Osiris, while I rule like Ba among men (and 
possess) the great throne of Tum, like Horus, the son of Isis, the 
guardian of his fiGither. Beautiful is that which I have done for 
thee. — 

^ '^ Thou enterest on a second existence. I caused thee to be 
fashioned, I built thy house which thou didst love, in which thy image 
stands, in the Necropolis of Abydus for ever. I set apart revenues for 
thee for thy worship daily, to be just towards thee. If anything 
is in my power, which seems to be wanting to thee, I do it for 
thee. Thy heart shall be satisfied, that the best shall be done for 

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thy name. I appoint for thee the priests of the vessel of holy water, 
provided with everything for sprinkling the water on the ground, 
besides meat and drink. I myself, I myself am come here to 
behold thy temple near that of XJnnofer, the eternal king. I 
nrged on the building of it, I clothed [the walls], I did that which 
thou didst wish, that it may be done for thy whole house. I esta- 
blished thy name therein to all eternity. May it be done in truth, 
may it succeed according to my intention. I dedicated to thee the 
lands of the South for the service of thy temple, and the lands of the 
North, they bring to thee their gifts before thy beautiful counte- 
nance. I gathered together the people of thy service one and all, 
assigning them to the prophet of thy temple. All thy property 
shall remain in one great whole, to keep up thy temple for all time. 
I made presents to thy silver chamber ; it is rich in treasures which 
are well pleasing to the heart, and I apportioned to thee the tri- 
butes at the same time. I dedicated to thee ships with their 
freight on the great sea, which should bring to thee [the wonderful 
productions] of the holy land. The merchants carry on their com- 
merce with their wares, and their productions of gold and silver 
and bronze. I fixed for thee the number of the fields according to 
the proportion of the claims [of thy temple]. Great is their number 
according to their valuation in acres. I provided thee with land- 
surveyors and husbandmen, to deliver the com for thy revenues. I 
dedicated to thee barks with their crews, and labourers for the 
felling of wood, for the purpose of building what is wanting in 
ships for thy house. I gave thee herds of all kinds of cattle to 
increase thy revenues, according to what is right. I fixed for thee 
the tribute of birds in the marshes for thy necessary sustenance. 
I [caused to be delivered to thee] living geese, to keep up the 
breed of the birds. I gave to thee fishermen on the river and on 
all the lakes, to feed the workmen who load the sea-going ships. 
I have provided thy temple with all kinds of guilds of my handi- 
[craftsmen]. Thy temple servants have been made up to their full 
number fit>m the best people, and the peasants pay their taxes in 
woven stufi^ for thy drapery. Thy men-servants and maid-servants 
work in the fields in all the town districts. Each man thus per- 
forms his service, to fill thy house. 

* '* Thou hast entered into the realm of heaven. Thou acoom- 
paniest the sun-god Ra. Thou art united with the stars and the 
moon. Thou restest in the deep, Uke those who dwell in it with 

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44 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. chap. xrv. 

Unnofer, the eternal. Thy hands move the god Turn in heaven 
and on earth, like the wandering stars and the fixed stars. Thoa 
remainest in the forepart of the bark of millions. When the sun 
rises in the tabernacle of heaven, thine eyes behold his splendour. 
When Turn (the evening sun) goes to rest on the earth, thou art 
in his train. Thou enterest the secret house before his lord. Thy 
foot wanders in the deep. Thou remainest in the company of the 
gods of the under world. 

' '* But I obtain by my prayers the breath (of life) at thy awaking, 
thou glorious one ! and I praise thy numerous names day by day, 
I who love my father. — I let myself be guided by thy virtue. So 
long as I stay on earth, I will offer a sacrifice to thee. My hand 
shall bring the libations for thy name to thy [remembrance] in all 
thy abodes. 

' '^ Come, speak to Ea [that he may grant long years] of life to 
his son, and to TJnnofer, with a heart full of love, that he may grant 
length of time upon length of time, united to the thirty-years' feasts 
of jubilee, to King Ramses. Well will it be for thee that I should be 
king for a long time, for thou wilt be honoured by a good son, who 
remembers his father. I will be a [protector and] guardian for thy 
temple day by day, to have regard to the wants of thy worship in 
every way. If I should hear of any injury which threatens to in- 
vade it, I will give the order immediately to remove it in every way. 
Thou shalt be treated as if thou wert still alive. So long as I shall 
reign, my attention shall be directed continually to thy temple. My 
heart beats for thee ; I will be thy guardian for the honour of thy 
name. If thou also remainest in the deep, the best, the very best 
shall be thy portion as long as I live, I, King Ramses." ' 

The reader will perhaps permit me to spare him the 
long answer of the father, Seti, as we can hardly cover 
the whole breadth, as well as go deep into the essential 
substance, of the old Egyptian records. In short, I 
will only mention this one point, that the spirit of the 
deceased king appears from the world below, to give 
the most satisfactory answer, in the way which was ex- 
pected, to the vows of Ramses his son. To him, the 
son, all good fortune, all glory, health and joy, and 

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whatever else a man, especially if he were an old-Egyp- 
tian Pharaoh, could wish besides, should be granted 
most richly by the gods, but above all, what Ramses 
most coveted, a very long term of life, to be measured 
as long as possible by the thirty years' feast of jubilee. 

What gives this inscription its special value in 
relation to history, may be stated in a few words, al- 
though those who have hitherto interpreted the docu- 
ment seem to have been in the dark upon this point. 

In the first year of his real reign as sole king, Ramses 
n. undertook with great splendour a journey to Thebes, 
to celebrate the customary great feast there to the god 
Amon. On his return to the city of Ramses, the biblical 
Raamses (Zoan-Tanis), where he had fixed his royal 
residence, the wish came upon him to travel to Abydus, 
to visit the temple and the tomb of his father Seti. 
Here he had to learn the melancholy news, that the 
buUdings and service of the temple of his deceased 
father were in a very decayed condition, not to speak 
of the forgotten and dilapidated tombs of the former 
kings. (Here we may ask. Which kings ?) Hence, 
Seti was first buried in Abydus, whose soil, impreg- 
nated with salt, is favourable to the preservation 
of the dead, and the position of his temple to 
Osiris quite agrees with this ; but he was probably 
afterwards removed to the vaUey of the royal tombs 
at Thebes. We are here in presence of a riddle, 
which the documents known do not as yet suffice to 

It is scarcely worth while to relate what Ramses II. 
did for the buildings of his father at Abydus. In the 

Digitized by 


46 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. chap. ht. 

course of his long reign the king completed the temple. 
When the great building was entirely finished, 
Eamses must have been already advanced in years, 
since not less than sixty sons and fifty-nine daughters 
of Eamses 11. greeted in their effigies the entrance 
of the pilgrims at the principal gate. 

In proportion as the works executed under Seti, 
the father, present to the astonished eyes of the be- 
holder splendid examples of Egyptian architecture 
and sculpture, just so poor and inferior are the build- 
ings which were executed under the reign of Eamses, 
and which bear the names of the Conquering King. 
The feeling also of gratitude towards his parent 
seems to have gradually faded away with Eamses, as 
years increased upon him, to such a degree that he 
did not even deem it wrong to chisel out the names 
and memorials of his father in many places of the 
temple walls, and to substitute his own. 

As we wish to leave it to our readers to form their 
own opinion on the boastful Eamses, we will turn to 
another field of his activity, and follow him, in the 
oth year of his reign, to the stream of the Orontes in 
Syria, the waters of which washed the fortress of 
Kadesh on all sides. 

A great war had broken out between Egypt and 
the land of Khita. The king of the latter had 
assembled his allies to check the Egyptians. Kadesh 
was the rallying-place of the confederates. There 
appeared, besides the prince of Khita, the kings and 
peoples of Arathu (Aradus), Khilibu (Haleb), of the 
river-land of Naharain, of Qazauadana (Gauzanitis), of 

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Malunna, of Pidasa (Pidasis), of Leka (the Ligyes),* 
of the Dardani, or Dandani (Dardanians in Kurdistan),^ 
of the Masu (the inhabitants of Mount Masius), of 
Eerkesh (the GKrgesites ?) or Keshkesh, of Qirqimosh 
(Carchemish), of Akerith, of Anau-gas (Jenysus), of 
Mushanath, all * peoples from the extremest end of 
the sea to the land of the £hita.' 

It was a slaughter of peoples, in the fullest sense 
of the word, that was prepared at Kadesh. 

Since we prefer to follow the inscriptions them- 
selves as the historians of the remarkable events which 
form the chief subject of the Egyptian record, we 
wish first to estabUsh the fact that Bamses came out 
of the fight at Kadesh a doubtful conqueror, and had 
to thank his own personal bravery for his life and 
preservation, since ' he was all alone and no other was 
with him.' This heroic feat gave the occasion for 
poets, sculptors, and painters, to make the most of 
such fortunate materials, in order to immortalize in 
words and pictures the great deeds of the * Conqueror '- 
king. The temple-scribe, Pentaur, a jovial companion, 
who, to the special disgust of his old teacher, mani- 
fested a decided inclination for wine, women, and 
song, had the honour, in the 7 th year of Ramses 11., 
to win the prize as the composer of an heroic song, of 
whiiph we not only possess a copy in a roll of papyrus, 
but (its words cover the whole surface of walls in the 

I See Herodotus, vii. 72, where the ligyes ore mentioned as a 
peoplle of Asia Minor, next to the Matieni and the Mariandyni, as 
tdiie§B in the Persian host. 

Compare Herodotus, i. 189. 

Digitized by 


48 KAMSES n. AQAMUN. chap. iiv. 

temples of Abydus,® Luqsor, Kamak, the Eamesseum 
at Ibsamboul, in order to call the attention of the 
visitor, even at a distance, to the deeds of Eamses. 

The fame of having for the first time brought to 
the knowledge of science in a complete translation 
this the oldest heroic song of the world, belongs with 
the most perfect right to the French scholar, E. de 
Eoug^. If in our own translation, which we shall 
presently lay before the reader, we have in many 
places made essential corrections of the version of that 
master, we have herein only responded to the require- 
ments of science, by giving efiect to the latest acquisi- 
tions in the field of old-Egyptian decipherment, as 
applied to the interpretation of this heroic song. 

Prom the poet we pass to the unknown painter and 
sculptor, who has chiselled in deep work on the stone 
of the same wall, with a bold execution of the several 
parts, the procession of the warriors, the battle before 
Kadesh, the storming of the fortress, the overthrow 
of the enemy, and the camp Hfe of the Egyptians. 
The whole conception must even at this day be ac- 
knowledged to be grand beyond measure, for the 
representation sets before our eyes the deeds which 
were performed more vividly than any description in 
words and with the finest handling of the mateirial, 
and displays the whole composition even to its snnall- 
est details. 1 

Here in the camp of the Egyptians, which I was 
laid out as a square, and was surrounded by an ;krti- 

^ The parts of this temple which were dug oat have heen a\g&ui 
carefuUj covered up with sand. I 

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ficial wall of the shields of the Egyptian warriors 
placed aide by side, we see displayed the actions and 
life of the soldiers and the camp-servants, who rest on 
the ground by the side of the baggage and the numerous 
necessaries for a long journey. Among them wander 
asses, and even the favourite hon of the king has his 
place within the enclosure. The tent of Pharaoh is 
seen in the middle of the camp, and near it the mova- 
ble shrine of the great gods of Egypt. Above the 
whole is placed the inscription : — 

'This is the first I^on of Amon, who bestows victoiy on 
King Kamses II. Pharaoh is with it. It is occupied in pitching 
its camp.' 

Not far off the king sits on his throne, and receives 
the report of his generals, or gives the necessary orders 
to his followers. Important episodes are not want- 
ing. Thus the Egyptians are dragging forward two 
foreigners, about whom the appended inscription thus 
informs us : — 

' This is the arrival of the spies of Pharaoh ; they hring twa 
Fipies of the people of the Khita before Pharaoh. They are beating 
them to make them declare where the king of Khita is.' 

There the chariots of war and the warriors of the 
king are passing in good order before Pharaoh : among 
them the legions of Amon, Ptah, Pra, and Sutekh. 
Then, after the gods, the hosts of the warriors are for 
the most part mentioned by name. Mercenary troops 
also are not wanting, for the Colchian Shardana, whose 
fine linen was well known to antiquity under the name 
of Sardonian, appear among the Egyptian allies. They 

VOL. II. B . • ' —'-r^- 

50 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. chap. xiv. 

are particularly distinguished by their helmets with 
horns and a ball-shaped crest, by their long swords 
and the round shields on their left arm, while their 
right hand grasps a spear. 

The host also of the IQiita and of their allies are 
represented with a lively pictorial expression, for the 
artist has been guided by the intention of bringing 
before the eyes of the beholder the orderly masses of 
the Khita warriors, and the less regular and warlike 
troops of the allied peoples, according to their costume 
and arms. The Canaanites are distinguished in the 
most striking manner from the allies, of races unknown 
to us, who are attired with turban-like coverings for 
the head, or with high caps such as are still worn at 
the present day by the Persians. Short swords, lances, 
bows and arrows, form the weapons of the enemies of 
the Egyptians. We have already made the necessary 
observations on the warlike and truly chivalrous 
appearance of the Khita, and must now particularly 
mention the Tuhir, or ' chosen ones,' who follow in 
the train of their king. Among these are the Qel'au, 
or slingers, who attended close about the person of 
their prince. 

Wonderfully rich is the great battle-picture which 
represents the fight of the chariots before Kadesh on 
the banks of the Orontes. While the gigantic form 
of Ramses, in the very midst of the mass of hostile 
chariots, performs deeds of the highest prowess, to the 
astonishment of the Egyptians and of their enemies, 
his brave son, Prahiunamif, as the chief commander 
of the chariots, heads the attack on the chariots of the 

Digitized by 



enemy. Several of his brothers, the children of Eamses, 
take part in the battle. The chariots of the Khita 
and their warriors are thrown into the river; and 
among them the King of KhiKbu, whom his warriors 
have just dragged out of the water, and are endeavour- 
ing to restore to animation while the battle is raging. 
They hold their lord by the legs, with his head 
hanging down. The inscription by the side runs 
thus : — 

' This is the T^ing of Khilibu. His warriors are raising him 
up after Pharaoh has thrown him into the water.' 

The battle, or rather its beginning, is described in 
the following manner in a short inscription annexed 
to the picture : — 

' When the king had halted, lie sat down to the north-west of 
the town of Kadesh. He had oome up with the hostile hosts 
of Elhita, being quite alone, no other was with him. There were 
thousands and hundreds of chariots round about him on all sides. 
He dashed them down in heaps of dead bodies before his horses. 
He killed all the kings of all the peoples who were allies of the 
(king) of Khita, together with his princes and elders, his waniors 
and his horses. He threw them one upon another, head over 
heels, into the water of the Orontes. There the king of Khita 
tamed round, and raised up his hands to implore the divine 

The battle, or rather butchery, seems to have 
been as little agreeable to the people of the Khita as 
to their lords, for — 

' The hostile Khita speak, praiedng the divine benefactor thus : 
" Give us freedom (literally, breath) from thy hand, O good king ( 
Let us lie at thy feet ; the fear of thee has opened tiie land of 
Elhita. We are like the foals of mares, which tremble in terror at 
the sight of the grim Uon." ' 


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52 ItAMSES n. MIAMUN. ohap. hy. 

In the customary manner, as already described, 
the inscriptions sing the praise of their king : — 

' The brave and bold conqueror of the nations, of the highest 
Talonr in the field of battle, firm on horseback, and glorious on 
his chaiiot, whom none can escape when he seizes his bow and 

A less poetical and ornate description of the great 
event, which is expressly stated to have happened 
before Kadesh, is preserved in a record repeated 
several times on the walls of the temple. We will 
not withhold it from our readers, if only because it 
shows with what clearness, in spite of their simple 
phraseology, the writers of thirty-two centuries ago 
were able to place before their contemporaries an 
historical description, in order to depict to their imagi- 
nation, in true Homeric style, the fame and exploits 
of their hero. 

'(1) In the 5th year, in the month Epiphi, on the 9th day, 
in the reign of king Ramses II., the Pharaoh was (2) in the land 
of Zahi, on his second campaign. Good watch was kept orer the 
king in the camp of Pharaoh on the heights to the south of (3) the 
city of Kadesh. Pharaoh came forth as soon as the snn rose, and 
put on the (war) array of his father Monthu. And the sovereign 
went further (4) upwards, and came to the south of the town of 
Shabatun. There came to meet him two Shasu, in order to speak 
to (5) Pharaoh thus : 

' ** We are brothers, who belong to the chiefs of the tribes of 
the Shasu, which are (6) in the dominion of the king of Khita. 
They commanded us to go to Pharaoh, to speak thus : We wish to 
be servants (7) to the house of Pharaoh, so that we may separate 
ourselves from the king of Khita. But now (8) the king of 
Khita stays in the land of Khilibu, to the north of Tunep, for 
he fears Pharaoh, intending forwards (9) to advance.'' 

' Thus spake the two Shasu. But the words which they had 
spoken to the king were vain lies ; (10) for the king of Khita had 

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sent them to spy eat where Pharaoh was, so that the (11) soldiers 
of Pharaoh should not prepare an ambush in the rear, in order 
to fight with the king of Khita. For the king of Khita had 
(12) come with all the kings of all peoples, with horses and riders, 
which he brought with him in great numbers, and stood there 
ready (13) in an ambush behind the town of Kadesh, the wicked. 
And the king did not discover the meaning of their words. 

' And Pharaoh went further downwards, and came to the re- 
gion to the north-west of Kadesh, where he stayed to rest on 
( 1 4) a golden couch of repose. There came in the spies, who belonged 
to the servants of the king, and brought with them two spies of 
the king of (15) Elhita. When they had been brought forward, 
Pharaoh spake to them : " Who are ye I " They said, " We be- 
long to (16) the king of Khita, who sent us to see where Pharaoh 
is." Then spake to them (17) Pharaoh : " He, where stays he, the 
king of ELhitat For I have heard say that he is in the land of 
Khilibu." They said : '' Behold (18) the king of Khita stays 
there, and much people with him, whom he has brought with him 
(19) in great numbers from all countries which are situated in the 
territory of the land of Khita, of the land of Naharain (20) and of 
all the KitL^ They are provided with riders and horses, who 
bring with them (21) the implements of war, and they are more 
than the sand of the sea. Behold, they stay there in ambush to 
fight behind the town of Kadesh, (22) the wicked/' 

* Then Pharaoh called the princes before him, that they might 
hear (23) all the words which the two spies of the land of Khita, 
who were present, had spoken. The king spake to them : '' Be- 
hold the wisdom (24) of the governor and of the princes of the lands 
of the house of Pharaoh in this matter ! They stood there speak- 
iag daily thus to Pharaoh — (25) * The king of Khita is in the land 
of Khilibu ; he has fled before Pharaoh since he heard say that 
he would come to him according to the words of Pharaoh dailyi' 
(26) Now behold what I have had to hear in this hour from the 
two spies. The king of Khita is come up with much people, 
who are with him with horses and riders (27) as many as the 
sand. They stand there behind the town of Kadesh, the wicked. 
Thus haa it happened that the governor and the princes knew 
nothing, to whom (28) the countries of the house of Pharaoh 

' Kit! means ' circle,' like the Hebrew Galil, Galilee. 


Digitized by ' 

54 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. chap. xiy. 

are entrusted. (29) It was their duty to have said, They are 
come up." 

' Then the princes who were before Pharaoh spake thus : '^ The 
fkxHt (30) is great which the governor and the princes of the house 
of Pharaoh have committed, that they did not make enquiries 
(31) where the king of Khita stayed at each time, (32) that they 
might have given notice daily to Pharaoh." 

' Then (33) was the commission given to a captain to urge on 
in haste the army of the king, which entered into the country 

(34) to the south of Shabatun, to direct them to the spot where 

(35) Pharaoh was^ For Pharaoh had relied on the words of the 
princes, while in the meantime the king of Khita came up with 
much people that were with him, with riders (36) and horses. So 
exceeding great was the number of the people that was with him. 
They had passed over the ditch, which is to the south of the town 
of Kadesh, and they fell upon the army of Pharaoh, which entered 
in without having any information. And (37) the army and the 
horses of Pharaoh gave way before them on the road upwards 
to the place where the king was. Then the hostile hosts of the 
king of Khita surrounded the (38) followers of Pharaoh, who 
were by his side. 

* When Pharaoh beheld this, he became wroth against them, 
and he was like his father Monthu. He put on his war array 
(39) and took his arms, and appeared like the god Baal in hid 
time. And he mounted his horse, and hurried forth in a qmck 
course. (40) He was all alone. Qe rushed into the midst of the 
hostile hosts of the king of Khita and the much people that were 
with him. (41) And Pharaoh, like the god Sutekh, the glorious, 
cast them down and slew them. And I the king flung them down 
head over heels, one after the other, into the water of the Arantha. 
I (42) subdued all the people, and yet I was alone, for my war- 
riors and my charioteers had left me in the lurch. None of them 
stood (by me). Then the king of Khita raised his hands to pray 
before me. 

' (43-44) I swear it as truly as the Sun-god loves me, as truly 
as my father, the god Turn, blesses me, that all the deeds which I 
the king have related, these I truly performed before my army, 
and before my charioteers.' 

About two years after the events which we have 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


just described, Pentaur, the Theban poet, had finished 
his heroic song. The fact that it was engraved on the 
temple walls, and on the hard stone, may serve as a 
proof of the recognition which was accorded to the 
poet by the king and his contemporaries. And, indeed, 
even our own age will hardly refuse to applaud this 
work, although a translation cannot reach the power 
and beauty of the original. Throughout the poem the 
peculiar cast of thought of the Egyptian poet fourteen 
centuries before Christ shines out continually in all its 
fulness, and confirms our opinion that the Mosaic 
language exhibits to us an exact counterpart of the 
Egyptian mode of speech. The whole substance of 
thought in minds living at the same time, and in 
society with each other, must needs have tended to- 
wards the same conception and form, even though the 
idea which the one had of God was essentially different 
from the views of the other concerning the nature of 
the Creator of all things. 

We cannot forego the opportunity of rendering 
with all fidehty, and laying before our readers in an 
(English) garb, the contents of this wonderful docu- 
ment, precious ahke for its form and as a record. 
With this object, we have repeatedly compared with 
one another the copies extant on the monuments, 
and, as the foundation of all, we have given the pre- 
ference to the well-known papyrus of the British 
Museum. Following the example of E. de Eoug^, we 
have, however, transposed to a suitable place the Uttle 
episode which relates to the charioteer Menna, 

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56 RAltSES IL MIAMUN. ohap. xiv. 


* BeginiuDg of the victory of king Ramses Miamon — may lie 
live for ever I — which he obtained over the people of the Khita, 
of Naharain, of Malunna, of BLdasa, of the Dardani, over the people 
of Masa, of Elarkisha, of Qasnatan, of Qarkemish, of EAti, of 
Anaugas, over the people of Akerith and Mushanath. 

' The youthful king with the bold hand has not his equal. His 
arms are powerful, his heart is firm, his courage is like that of the 
god of war, Monthu, in the midst [of the fight. He leads] his war- 
riors to unknown peoples. He seizes his weapons, and is a wall [of 
iron far his warriors], their shield in the day of battla He seizes 
his bow, and no man offers opposition. Mightier than a hundred 

thousand united together goes he forwards 

His courage is firm like that of a bull which seizes [the 

* He has smitten] all peoples who had united themselves 

together. No man knows the thousands of men who stood against 
him. A hundred thousand sank before his glance. Terrible is he 
when his war-cry resounds ; bolder than the whole world ; [dread- 
ful] as the grim lion in the valley of the gazelles. His command 
[will be performed. No opponent dares] to speak against him. 
Wise is his counsel. Complete are his decisions, when he wears 
the royal orown Atef and declares his wOl, a protector of his people 
[against unrighteousness]. His heait is like a mountain of iron. 
Such is king Ramses Miamun. 

' After the king had armed his people and his chariots, and in 
like manner the Shardonians, which were once his prisoners .... 
. . . then was the order given them for the battle. The king took 
his way downwards, and his people and his chariots accompanied 
him, and followed the best road on their march. 

' In the fifth year, on the ninth day of the month Payni, the 
fortress of Khetam (Etham) of the land of Zar opened to the 
king As if he had been the god of war, Monthu him- 
self, the whole world trembled [at his approach], and terror seized 
all enemies who came near to bow themselves before the king. 
And his warriors passed by the path of the desert, and went on 
along the roads of the north. 

^ A translation of this poem by Professor E. L. Lushington, 
is given in Records of the Fctst, vol. ii pp. 65, foil. — Ed. 

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'Many days after this the king was in the city of Ramses 
Miamnn [which is situated in Zahi]. After the king had marched 

upwards, he reached and arrived as fiur as Kadesh. Then 

the king passed by in their sight like his &ther Mentha, the lord 
of Thebes. He marched through the YsXliy of the river Arunatha, 
(with him) the first legion of Amon, who secures victory to the 
king Ramses Miamun. And when the king approached the city, 
behold there was the miserable king of the hostile Ehita (already) 
arrived. He had assembled with him all the peoples from the 
uttermost ends of the sea to the people of the Khita. They had 
arrived in great numbers : the people of Nahandn, the people of 
Arathu, of the Dardani, the Masu, the Pidasa, the Malunna, the 
Karkish (or Kashkish), the Leka, Qazuadana, Kirkamish, Akarith, 
Katiy the whole people oi Anaugas every one of them, Musha^ 
nath, and E^adesh. He had left no people on his road without 
bringing them with him. Their number was endless; nothing 
like it had ever been before. They covered mountains and valleys 
like grasshoppers for their number. He had not left silver nor 
gold with his people ; he had taken away all their goods and posses- 
sions, to give it to the people who accompanied him to the war. 

* Now had the miserable king of the hostile Khita and the many 
peoples which were with him hidden themselves in an ambush 
to the north-west of the dty of Eladesh, while Pharaoh was alone, 
no other was with him. The legion of Amon advanced behind 
him. The legion of Phra went into the ditch on the territory 
which lies to the west of the town of Shabatuna, divided by a long 
interval from the legion of Ptah, in the midst, [in the direction] 
towards the town of Amama. The legion of Sutekh marched on by 
their roads. And the king called together all the chief men of his 
warriors. Behold, they were at the lake of the land of the 
Amorites. At the same time the miserable king of Khita was in 
the midst of his warriors, which were with him. But his hand 
was not so bold as to venture on battle with Pharaoh. Therefore 
he drew away the horsemen and the chariots, which were numerous 
as the sand. And they stood three men on each war-chariot, and 
there were assembled in one spot the best heroes of the army of 
Khita, well appointed with all weapons for the fight. They did not 
dare to advance. They stood in ambush to the north-west of the 
town of Kadeslu Then they went out from Kadesh, on the side of 
the souUiy and threw themselves into the midst of the legion of 

Digitized by 


68 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. chap. xrr. 

Pra-Hormakhu, which gave way, and was not prepared for the fight. 
There Pharaoh's warriors and chariots gave way before them. And 
Pharaoh had placed himself to the north of the town of Kadesh, on 
the west side of the river Amnatha. Then they came to tell 
the king. Then the king arose, like his father Month; he 
grasped his weapons and put on his armour, just like Baal in his 
time^ And the noble pair of horses which carried Pharaoh, and 
whose name was ' Victory in Thebes,' they were from the court 
of King Ramses Miamun. When the king had quickened his 
course, he rushed into the midst of the hostile hosts of Khita, all 
alone, no other was with him. When Pharaoh had done this, he 
looked behind him and found himself surrounded by 2,500 pairs 
of horses, and his retreat was beset by the bravest heroes of the king 
of the miserable Khita, and by all the numerous peoples which were 
with him, of Arathu, of Masu, of Pidasa, of Keshkesh, of Malunna^ 
of Qazauadana, of Khilibu, of Akerith, of Kadesh, and of Leka. 
And there were three men on each chariot, and they were all 
gathered together. 

' And not one of my princes, not one of my captains of the 
chariots, not one of my chief men, not one of my knights was 
there. My warriors and my chariots had abandoned me, not one 
of them was there to take part in the battle. 

' Thereupon speaks Pharaoh : '* Where art thou, my father 
Amon ? If this means that the father has forgotten his son, behold 
have I done anything without thy knowledge, or have I not gone 
and followed the judgments of thy mouth) Never were the 
precepts of thy mouth transgressed, nor have I broken thy com- 
mands in any respect. The noble lord and ruler of Egypt, 
should he bow himself before the foreign peoples in his way? 
Whatever may be the intention of these herdsmen, Amon should 
stand higher than the miserable one who knows nothing of God. 
Shall it have been for nothing that I have dedicated to thee many 
and noble monuments, that I have filled thy temples with my 
prisoners of war, that I have built to thee temples to last many 
thousands of years, that I have given to thee all my substance as 
household furniture, that the whole united land has been ordered 
to pay tribute to thee, that I have dedicated to thee sacrifices of ten 
thousands of oxen, and of all good and sweetHsmeUing woods) 
Never did I withhold my hand from doing that which thy wish 
required. I have built for thee propyla and wonderful works 

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jm m. : EXPLOIT OF RAMSES. 59 

of stone, I have raised to thee masts for all times, I have conveyed 
obelisks for thee from the island of Elephantine. It was I who had 
brought for thee the everlasting stone, who caused the ships to go 
for thee on the sea, to bring thee the productions of foreign 
nations. Where has it been told that such a thing was done at any 
other time % Let him be pnt to shame who rejects thy commands, 
but good be to him who acknowledges thee, O Amon I I have acted 
for thee with a willing heart ; therefore I call on thee. Behold now, 
Amon, I am in the midst of many unknown peoples in great numbers* 
All have united themselves, and I am all alone; no other is with me ; 
my warriors and my charioteers have deserted me. I called to them, 
and not one of them heard my voice. But I find that Amon 
is better to me than millions of warriors, than hundreds of thou- 
sands of horses, than tens of thousands of brothers and sons, even if 
they were all united together in one place. The works of a mul- 
titude of men are nothing; Amon is better than they. What has 
happened to me here is according to the command of thy mouth, O 
Amon, and I wiQ not transgress thy command. Behold I call 
upon thee at the uttermost ends of the world." 

* And my voice found an echo in Hermonthis, and Amon heard 
it and came at my cry. He reached out his hand to me, and I 
shouted for joy. He called out to me from behind: "I have 
hastened to thee, Bamses Miamun. I am with thee. I am he, 
thy father, the sun-god Ba. My hand is with thee. Yes 1 I am 
worth more than hundreds of thousands united in one place. I 
am the lord of victory, the friend of valour ; I have foimd in thee 
a right spirit, and my heart rejoices thereat." 

' All this came to pass. I was changed, being made like the god 
Monthu. I hurled the dart with my right hand, I fought with my 
left hand. I was like Baal in his time before their sight. I had 
fonnd 2,500 pairs of horses; I was in the midst of them; but they 
were dashed in pieces before my horses. Not one of them raised his 
hand to fight; their courage was sunken in their breasts, their 
limbs gave way, they could not hurl the dart, nor had they the 
courage to thrnst with the spear. I made them fall into the waters 
just as the crocodiles fall in. They tumbled down on their faces 
one after another. I killed them at my pleasure, so that not 
one looked back behind him, nor did another turn round. Each 
one fell, he raised himself not up again. 

< There stood still the miserable Idngof Eliita in the midst of his 

Digitized by 


60 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. chap. xir. 

warriors and bis chariots, to behold the fight of the king. He was 
all alone ; not one of bis warriors, not one of his chariots was with 
him. There he tamed round for fright before the king. There- 
upon he sent the princes in great niunbers. each of them with bis 
chariot, well equipped with all kinds of offensive weapons : the long 
of Arathu and him of Masa, the king of Malunna and him of 
Leka, the king of the Dardani and him of Kesbkesh, the king of 
Qarqamasb and him of Elbilibu. There were all together the 
brothers of the king of EJiita united in one place, to the number of 
2,500 pairs of horses. They forthwith rushed right on, their 
countenance directed to the flame of fire (i.e. my &ce). 

' I rushed down upon them^ Like Monthu was I. I let them 
taste my band in the space of a moment. I dashed them down, 
and killed them where they stood. Then cried out one of them to bis 
neighbour, saying, '' This is no man. Ah I woe to us ! He who is in 
our midst is Sutekh, the glorious ; Baal is in all his limbs. Let us 
hasten and flee before him. Let us save our lives; let us try 
our breath." As soon as any one attacked him, his hand fell down 
and every limb of his body. They could not aim either the bow 
or the spear. They only looked at him as he came on in his 
headlong career from afar. The king was behind them like a 

* (Thus speaks the king) : — 

' I struck them down ; they did not escape me. I lifted up 
my voice to my warriors and to my charioteers, and spake to them, 
** Halt ! stand ! take courage, my warriors, my charioteers 1 Look 
upon my victory. I am alone, but Amon is my helper, and bis 
hand is with me." 

' When Menna, my charioteer, beheld with Ids eyes bow 
many pairs of horses surrounded me, his courage left him, and 
his heart was afraid. Evident terror and great fright took posses- 
sion of his whole body. Immediately he spake to me : " My gracious 
lord, thou brave king, thou guardian of the Egyptians in the day of 
battle, protect us. We stand alone in the midst of enemies. Stop, 
to save the breath of life for us. Give us deliverance, protect us, 
O King Ramses Miamun." 

< Then spake the king to bis charioteer : '' Halt I stand ! take 
courage, my charioteer. I wiU dash myself down among them 
as the sparrow-hawk dashes down. I will slay them, I will cut 
them in pieces, I will dash them to the ground in the dust Why, 

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then, is sncli a thought in thy heart) Theee are unclean ones for 
Amon, wretches who do not acknowledge the god." 

' And the king hurried onwards. He charged down upon the 
hostile hosts (tf Khita. For the sixth time, when he charged upon 
Uiem, (says the king) " There was I like to Baal hehind them in his 
time, when he has strength. I killed them ; none escaped me." 

' And the king cried to his warriors, and to his chariot-fighters, 
and likewise to his princes, who had taken no part in the fight, 
" Miserable is your courage, my chariot-fighters. Of no profit is 
it to have you for friends. If there had been only one of you who 
had shown himself a good (warrior 9) for my country ! If I had not 
stood firm aa your royal lord, you had been conquered. I exalt you 
daily to be princes. I place the son in the inheritance of his father, 
warding off all injury from the land of the Egyptians, and you for- 
sake me ! Such servants are worthless. I made you rich, I was your 
protecting lord, and each of you who complained supplicating to me, 
I gave him protection in his affairs every day. No Pharaoh has 
done for his people what I have done for you. I allowed you to 
remain in your villages and in your towns. Neither the captain nor 
his chariot-horses did any work. I pointed out to them the road 
from their city, that they might find it in like manner at the day and 
at the hour at which the battle comes on. Now behold 1 A bad 
aervioe altogether has been performed for me. None of you stood 
by, ready to stretch out his hand to me when I fought. By the name 
of my j&ther Amon ! O that I may be for llgypt like my fiither, 
the sun-god Ba! Not a single one of you would watch, to attend 
to what concerns his duty in the land of Egypt. For such ought to 
be the good kind of men, who have been entrusted with work for the 
memorial-places in Thebes, the city of Amon. This is a great fault 
which my warriors and chariot-fighters have committed, greater 
than it is possible to describe. Now behold, I have achieved the 
victory. No warrior and no chariot-fighter was with me. The 
whole world frt>m afar beholds the strength of my arm. I was all 
alone. No other was with me. No prince was by my side, of the 
captains of the chariots, no captain of the soldiers, nor any horseman. 
The foreign peoples were eye-witnesses of this. They publish my 
name to thd furthest and most unknown regions. All the com- 
batants whom my hand left surviving, they stood there, turning 
themselves to wonder at what I did ; and though millions of them 
had been there, they woidd not have kept their feet, but would 

Digitized by 


62 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. chip, xrr, 

have run away. For every one who shot an arrow aimed at me, his 
own weapon failed, which should have reached me." 

* When now my warriors and my charioteers saw that I was 
named like Monthn of the victorious arm, and that Amon my 
fieither was with me, and the special favour he had done for me, 
and that the foreigners all lay like hay before my horses, then 
they came forward one after another out of the camp at the time 
of evening, and found all the people which had come against 
them, the best combatants of the people of Khita, and of the sons 
and brothers of their king, stretched out and weltering in their 
blood. And when it was light on the (next morning) in the plain 
of the land of Kadesh, one could hardly find a place forliis foot on 
iuxx>unt of their multitude. 

' Then came my warriors forward to praise highly my name, 
full of astonishment at what I had done. My princes came forward 
to honour my courage, and my chariot-fighters also to praise my 

^ ** How wast thou, great champion of firm courage, the saviour 
of thy warriors and of thy chariot-fighters I Thou son of Amon, 
who came forth out of the hands of the god, thou hast annihilated 
the people of Khita by thy powerful arm. Thou art a good 
champion, a lord of victory ; no other king fights as thou dost for 
his warriors in the day of battle. Thou, O bold one, art the first 
in the fight. The whole world united in one place does not trouble 
thee. Thou art the greatest conqueror at the head of thy warriors 
in the sight of the whole world. No one dares to contend with 
thee. Thou art he who protects the Egyptians, who chastises 
the foreigners. Thou hast broken the neck of Khita for everlasting 

' Thereupon the king answered his warriors and hjs chariot- 
fighters, and likewise his princes : " My warriors, my charioteers, 
who have not taken part in the fight, a man does not succeed in 
obtaining honour in his dty unless he comes and exhibits his prowess 
before his lord, the king. €k>od will be his name, if he is brave 
in the battle. By deeds, by deeds, will such a one obtain the 
applause [of the land]. Have I not given what is good to each of 
you, that ye have left me, so that I was alone in the midst of hostile 
hosts? Forsaken by you, my life was in peril, and you breathed 
tranquilly, and I was alone. Could you not have said in your 
hearts that I was a rampart of iron to youf Will any one obef^ 

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bim who leaves me in the lurch when I am alone without anj 
follower t when nobody comeB, of the piinoes, of the knights, and 
of the chief men of the army, to reach me out his hand f I was 
alone thus fighting, and I have withstood millions of foreigners, I 
all alone. 

^ " * Victory in Thebes,' and * Mut is satisfied,' my pair of 
horses, it was they who found me, to strengthen my hand, when I 
-was all alone in the midst of the raging multitude of hostile hosts. 
I will myself henceforth have their fodder given to them for their 
nourishment in my presence, when I shall dwell in the palace, 
because I have found them in the midst of hostUe hosts, together 
with the captain of the horsemen, Menna, my charioteer, out of the 
band of the trusted servants in the palace, who stay near me. Here 
are the eye-witnesses of the battle. Behold, these did I find.'' 

< The king returned in victory and strength ; he had smitten 
hundreds of thousands all together in one place with his arm. 

* VThen the earth was (again) light, he arranged the hosts of 
warriors for the fight, and he stood there prepared for the battle, 
like a bull which has whetted his horns. He appeared to them a 
likeness of the god Monthu, who has armed himself for the battle. 
Lfikewise his brave warriors, who dashed into the fight, just as 
the hawk swoops down upon the kids. 

* The diadem of the royal snake adorned my head. It spat fire 
and glowing flame in the face of my enemies. I appeared like the 
sun-god at his rising in the early morning. My shining beams were 
a consuming fire for the limbs of the wicked. They cried out to 
one another, '' Take care, do not fall ! For the powerful snake of 
royalty, which accompanies him, has placed itself on his horse. It 
helps him. Every one who comes in his way and fiiils down, there 
oomes forth fire and fiame to consume his body." 

< And they remained afar off, and threw themselves down on the 
earth, to entreat the king in the sis^ht [of his army]. And the king 
bad power over them and slew them without their being able to 
escape. As bodies tumbled before his horses, so they lay there 
stretched out all together in their blood. 

* Then the king of the hostile people of Ehita sent a messenger 
to pray piteonsly to the great name of the king, speaking thus : 
*' Thou art Ea-Hormakhu. Thou art Sutekh the glorious, the son 
of Nut» Baal in his time. Thy terror is upon the land of Khita, 
for thou hast broken the neck of ELhita for ever and ever." 

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64 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. oeip. ziy. 

'Thereupon he allowed his messenger to enter. He bore a 
writing in his hand with the address, *' To the great double-name of 
the king " (and thus it ran) : 

< '* May this suffice for the satisfaction of the heart of the holiness 
of the royal house, the Sun-Horus, the mighty Bull, who loves 
justice, the great lord, the protector of his people, the brave with 
his arm, the rampart of his life-guards in the day of battle, the 
king Ramses Miamun. 

* " The servant speaks, he makes known to Pharaoh, my gracious 
lord, the beautiful son of Ra-Hormakhu, as follows : 

* '' Since thou art the son of Amon, from whose body thou art 
sprung, so has he granted to thee all the peoples together. 

' '* The people of Egypt and the people of Khita ought to be 
brothers together as thy servants. Let them be at thy feet. The 
sun-god Ra has granted thee the best [inhabitants of the earth]. 
Bo us no injury, glorious spirit, whose anger weighs upon the 
people of Khita. 

* *' Would it be good if thou shouldst wish to kill thy servants, 
whom thou hast brought under thy power f Thy look is terrible, 
and thou art not mildly disposed. Calm thyself. Yesterday thou 
camest and hast slain hundreds of thousands. Thou oomest to- 
day, and — ^none will be left remaining [to serve thee]. 

* '' Do not carry out thy purpose, thou mighty king. Better 
is peace than war. Give us freedom." 

' Then the king turned back in a gentle humour, like his fiither 
Monthu in his time, and Pharaoh assembled all the leaders of the 
army and of the chariot-fighters and of the life-guards. And when 
they were all assembled together in one place, they were permitted 
to hear the contents of the message which the great king of Khita 
had seat to him. [When they had heard] these words, which the 
messenger of the king of Khita had brought as his embassy to 
Pharaoh, then they answered and spake thus to the king : 

' '' Excellent, excellent is that ! Let thy anger pass away, O 
great lord our king ! He who does not accept peace must offer it. 
Who would content thee in the day of thy wrath I " 

' Then the king gave order to listen to the words of him (the 
king of Khita), and he let his hands rest, in order to return to 
the south. Then the king went in peace to the land of Egypt 
with his princes, with his army, and his charioteers, in serene 
humour, in the sight of his [people]. All countries feared the power 

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of the king, as of the I6rd of both the worlds. It had [protected] his 
own warriors. All peoples came at his name, and their kings fell 
down to pray before his beantiful countenance. The king reached 
the city of Ramses Miamun, the great worshipper of Ra-Hor- 
makhn, and rested in his palace in the most serene humouTy 
just like the snn on his throne. And Amon came to greet him, 
speaking thus to him : ** Be thou blessed, thou our son, whom we 
love, Ramses Miamun I May they (the gods) secure to him with- 
out end many thirty-years' feasts of jubilee for ever on the chair 
of his &ther Tum, and may aU lands be under his feet ! " ' 

Thus did the poet on the banks of the holy river 
sing the heroic deed of King Eamses before Kadesh. 
We are indebted to the Egyptian Homer for full infor- 
mation about this historical event, the knowledge of 
which was never transmitted by tradition to the 
memory of men. 

The wars of the king in Syria and Canaan cer- 
tainly did not begin in the fifth year of his reign, in 
which the great battle of Kadesh took place ; but as 
early as the preceding years Ramses had extended his 
first campaign as far as these countries. The three 
celebrated rock-tablets in the neighbourhood of Bey- 
rout — ^which were as well known to the Greek tra- 
vellers in the fifth century before our era (they are 
the steke of Sesostris mentioned by Herodotus H. 102), 
as they are still in our own day the goal of enquiring 
pilgrims in the land of Palestine — testify to the 
presence of king Ramses at this very place in the 
second year and first campaign, and in the fifth year 
and second campaign, of his reign. 

After peace had been made with the Khita, their 
frontiers were henceforth spared, although several 
cities could not prevail upon themselves to acknow- 


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66 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. chap. xiv. 

ledge the Egyptian supremacy. In one of these, 
* Tunep, in the land of Naharain/ where Ramses had 
set up his eflSgies as visible memorials of his cam- 
paigns against Khita, the opposition of the population 
assumed such a serious aspect, that Ramses saw 
himself obliged to lead his anny and his chariots in 
person against Tunep. The memorial inscription 
preserved in the Ramesseum at Thebes, unfortunately 
destroyed in its upper part, describes this campaign 
in the following terms : — 

* [There arose a new 9] war, which was against a city of Khita, 
in which the two statues of Pharaoh were set up. The king had 
reduced them [under his power. Then the king assembled] his 
warriors and his chariots, and gave orders to his warriors and his 
chariots [to attack] the hostile Khita, who were in the neigh- 
bourhood of the city of Tunep, in the land of NaJiarain. And the 
king put on his armour [and mounted his chariot]. He stood there 
in the battle against the town of the hostile Elhita at the head of 
his warriors, and of his [chariots. His] armour was upon him. 
And the king came again to take his armour, and to put it on. 
(And he utterly smote] the hostile Khita, who were in the 
neighbourhood of the city of Tunep in the land of Naharain« 
After that he no more put on his armour.' 

In the eighth year we again find the king on the 
soil of the land of Canaan, where, in the territory of 
what was afterwards Galilee, as well as in the neigh- 
bourhood of that ill-famed country, the inhabitants 
mocked at Pharaoh's highness, and at length tired out 
his patience. They were punished by the capture of 
their fortresses ; and their kings and elders, together 
with the men capable of bearing arms, were carried 
away to the land of Kemi, after the Egyptian warriors 
had grossly insulted them, beaten them, and, in token 

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of shame, had plucked out the long beards of the 
Canaanites. The representation of the conquest of 
the fortresses had its place on the northern flanking- 
tower at the comer of the west side of the temple of 
Eamses on the west side of Thebes. An inscription 
was annexed to every fortress, beginning with the 
words, ' This is the city which the king took in the 
eighth year,' to which the particular designation of 
the place was added. In what has been preserved 
we can make out the names : Shalama (that is the 
town of peace), the place Salem, or Saleim, to the 
south of Scythopolis ; Maroma, that is Merom ; 'Ain- 
'Anamim, that is, Anim or Engannim ; * Dapur in the 
land of the Amorites,' the well-known fortress on 
Mount Tabor ; * the town Kalopu, on the mountain of 
Beitha-Antha,' that is, the Bethanath of Scripture, in 
the land of Cabul. 

That Eamses was the ruling lord ' of the foreign 
peoples of Singara and Khita,' that he had conquered, 
and probably also had occupied, the greater number 
of their cities, is proved especially by the names of 
the conquered places which the monuinents of Eamses 
at Karnak exhibit, and the appearance of which 
entirely corresponds with the appellations of the places 
of the Khita in the list of nations of Thutmes III. I 
may adduce as examples Qa-sa-na-litha, Qa-li-pa, Khi- 
ri-za, Pa-rihi, Ab-el, Qa-ro-ma-na, Qa-si-ri-ba-na, Sha- 
ma-sha-na, Ei-hu-za, Sa-a-bi-tha, Ka-za-a, Qa-sa-ri-'a, 
Qau-zas, Ka-ri-ka, Qa-ma-sa-pui, A-zar or A-zal. 

As in the north, so also in the south, the wars 
against the cities of Canaan called into play all the 

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68 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. ch^. xiv. 

warlike activity of Ramses. Here above all the storm- 
ing of As-qa-li-na, that is, Askalon, appeared to the 
Egyptians a great exploit, worthy of being perpetuated 
by a representation on the stone walls of the temple 
of Kamak. 

The fortress of Askalon, which in the time of 
Joshua was counted among the five princely cities of 
the Philistines, lay on the Mediterranean Sea, in a 
fertile district. It was strongly fortified, and belonged 
sometimes to the Syrians and sometimes to the Egyp- 
tians, according as the one or the other held the 
supremacy of the lands and peoples of Western Asia. 
According to our Egyptian representation, it was situ- 
ated on a height, and was inhabited by pure Canaanites, 
who outwardly differed in nothing from the rest of 
the inhabitants of Ruthen. The attack of Pharaoh, 
who, in his court-chariot, drawn by his pair of horses 
called ' Amon-neb-nakhto,' that is, ' Amon is the lord 
of victory,' personally directed his warriors, resulted 
in a speedy capture by storm. The warriors of Pha- 
raoh mounted the walls of the city on ladders, and 
beat in the barricaded doors with bright axes. Men 
and women are trying to appease the victors by 
their prayers. The king of ' the miserable city ' ac- 
knowledges his fault with the words : * He rejoices, 
who acts according to thy will, but woe to him 
who transgresses thy boundaries. We will make 
known thy glory to all the nations who know not 

Thus was Askalon punished for its revolt from 
Egypt, and again subjected to the sceptre of Pharaoh. 

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This seems to have been the only instance in the an- 
cient history of Egypt, in which Askalon broke faith 
with the house of Pharaoh. 

As a consequence of the wars of king Kamses in 
Western Asia, besides the booty (about which, however, 
the inscriptions are silent), a great number of prisoners 
were transplanted to the valley of the NUe. On the 
front wall of the temple of Luqsor, behind the obelisks 
and the splendid sitting figures of the king, there is a 
scene relating to this, with the superscription, * Cata- 
logue of the princes of the people of Khita, whom 
Pharaoh has brought back as living prisoners, to 
fill the house of his father Amon, and of the people 
of the Dardani, of Pidasa, and others.' As leaders of 
the band of the prisoners there appear the king's sons, 
who had taken part in the campaign against Khita, 
and had distinguished themselves at the storming of 
Tabor : Amon-hi-khopesh-ef, Kha-m-us, Miamun, and 
Seti. The foreigners are brought by the Pharaoh in 
person to the god Amon ; and, as usual, the action is 
designated as the * bringing of the prisoners from 
all countries to which the king has come, to bind them, 
and whom the king has conquered. He brings their 
inhabitants with him as Uving prisoners, to fill with 
them the house of his father Amon/ 

While Bamses in the representations and inscrip- 
tions, so far as they have escaped the destructive hand 
of man and the all-devouring tooth of time, appears 
before our sight as a champion of the first rank on 
land, fighting on his wax chariot, represented in 
heroic form, with his warriors by his side, and hib 

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70 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. ckap. xiv. 

grown-up sons accompanying him,^ in the face of a 
great confederacy of nations whose representatives 
belong to the most distant and unknown lands, — it is, 
on the other hand, beyond doubt that his campaigns 
were also carried on by water, and that his ships 
measured themselves in sea-fights with the most power- 
ful maritime nations, for the dominion of the sea. A 
short but precious notice on the long rock-tablet 
(without date) on the outside of the temple of Abusim- 
bel (or rather Ibsamboul), places this fact apparently 
beyond doubt. Unfortunately, the extant monuments 
contain no other indications which might serve as a 
further support for a fact of such historical importance. 
The increasing movements of the nations, and the 
growing troubles in Canaan, the pushing forward of 
whole races in Western Asia, owing to the immigration 
of warlike tribes of foreign origin, seem to have at- 
tracted the serious attention of the kings of Khita, as 
well as of the Egyptian Pharaoh. The then lord of 
Khita, Khita-sir, was the first to make to his Egyptian 
friend the proposal, written on a tablet of silver, for 
an offensive and defensive alUance. Kamses IE. was 
prudent enough not to refuse such a proposal, and a 
treaty was made, which laid the foundation of the 
intimate friendship, so often mentioned by the chroni- 
clers of the time, between the two great empires of 
Asia and Africa. 

• The preeenoe of these grown-up sons will prove to a French 
adholar that Ramsee II. could not have fought at Kadesh as a 
hoy of ten yetvrs old, — [A bas-relief at Abusimbel, representing 
Bomses the Great in battle, followed hj six of his sons on three 

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The historical account of this treaty has been 
handed down to us in a clear and intelligible manner^ 
although with some breaks. The inscription con- 
cerning it, the translation of which we now give, will 
make our readers acquainted with the contents of this 
remarkable document better than any further exr 
planation : ^ — 

'Offensive and Defensive Alliance between Khita and 


' In the year 21, in the month Tjbi, on the 21st day of the 
month, in the reign of King Bamessu Miamnn, the dispenser of life 
eternally and for ever, the worshipper of the divinities Amon-ra 
(of Thebes), Hormakhu (of Heliopolis), Ptah (of Memphis), Mut, 
the lady of the Asher-lake (near Kamak), and Khonsu, the peace- 
loving, there took place a public sitting on the throne of Horns 
among the living, resembling his father Hormakhu in eternity, 
in eternity, evermore. 

' On that day the king was in the diy of Kamses, presenting his 
peace-offerings to his father Amon-ra, and to the gods Hormakhu- 
Tnm, the lord of Heliopolis, and to Amon of Eamessu Mia- 
mun, to Ptah of Ramessu Miamun, and to Sutekh, the strong, the 
son of the goddess of heaven Nut, that they might grant to him 
many thirty years' jubilee feasts, and innumerable happy years, 
and the subjection of all peoples under his feet for ever. 

' Then came forward the ambassador of the king, and the Adon 
[of his house, by name ...... and prasented the ambassadors] 

of the great king of Khita, Khitaair, who were sent to Pharaoh to 
propose friendship with the king Kamessu Miamun, the dispenser 
of life eternally and for ever, just as his fisither the Sun-god [dis- 
penses it] each day. 

* This is the copy of the contents of the silver tablet, which the 
great king of Khita, Elhitasir, had caused to be made, and which 
was presented to the Pharaoh by the hand of his ambassador Tar- 
chariots, is engraved from a sketch by Mr, Villiers Stuart, J^ile 
Gleanings, PL XIII. p. 176.— Ed.] 

* This treaty has been translated by Mr, 0. W. Goodwin, in 
Records of the Past, vol. iv. p. 25, foil.— Ed. 

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72 RAMSES 11. MIAMUN. chap. xtv. 

thi-sebu and his ambassador Ha-mes, to propose friendship with 
the king Ramessu Miamun, the bull among the princes, who places 
his boundary-marks where it pleases him in all lands. 

* The trea:ty which had been proposed by the great king of 
Khita, Khitasir, the powerful, the son of Maro-sir, the great king 
of Khita, the powerful, the son of the son of Sapa-li-li, the great 
king of Khita, the powerful, on the silver tablet, to Kamessu Mia- 
mim, the great prince of Egypt, the powerful, the son of Mineptah 
Seti, the great prince of Egypt, the powerful, the son's son of 
Kamessu I., the great king of Egypt, the powerful, — this was a 
good treaty for friendship and concord, which assured peace [and 
established ooncordj for a longer period than was previously the 
case, since a long time. For it was the agreement of the great 
prince of Egypt in common with the great king of Khita, that the 
god should not allow enmity to exist between them, on the basis 
of a treaty. 

* To wit, in the times of Mau-than-er, the great king of Khita, 
my brother, he was at war with [Mineptah Seti] the great prince 
of Egypt. 

* But now, from this very day forward, Khitasir, the great 
king of Khita, shall look upon this treaty, so that the agreement 
may remain, which the god Ea has made, which the god Sutekh 
has made, for the people of ^gypt and for the people of Khita, 
that there should be no enmity between them for evermore. 

* And these are the contents : — 

* Khitasir, the great king of Khita, is in covenant with Eamessu 
Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, from this very day forward, 
that there may subsist a good friendship and a good understanding 
between them for evermore. 

' He shall be my ally ; he shall he my friend : 

* I will be his ally ; I will be his friend : for ever. 

* To wit, in the time of IViau-than-er, the great king of Khita, 
his brother, after his murder, Khita-sir placed himself on the throne 
of his father as the great king of Khita. I strove for friendship 
with Eamessu Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, and it is [my 
wish] that the friendship and the concord may be better than the 
friendship and the concord which before existed, and which was 

' I declare : I, the great king of Khita, will hold together with 
[Eamessu Miamun], the great prince of Egypt, in good friendship 

Digitized by 



and in good concord. The sons of the sons of the great king of 
EJiita will hold together and be friends with the sons of the Bona 
of Eamessu Miamun,the great prince of Egypt. 

*In virtue of our treaty for concord, and in virtue of our 
agreement [for friendship, let the people] of Egypt [be bound in 
friendship] with the people of Khita. Let a like friendship and a 
like concord subsist in such measure for ever. 

* Never let enmity rise between them. Never let the great king 
of Kbita invade the land of Egypt, if anything shall have been plun- 
dered from it (the land of Khita).^ Never let Ramessu Miamun, the 
great prince of Egypt, overstep the boundary of the land [of Khita, 
if anything shall have been plundered] frx)m it (the land of Egypt). 

* The just treaty, which existed in the times of Saparli-li, the 
great king of Elhita, likewise the just treaty which existed in the 
times of Mau-than-er, the great king of Khita, my brother, that 
will I keep. 

* Bamessu Miamun, the gi-eat prince of Egypt, declares that he 
will keep it. [We have come to an understanding about it] with 
one another at the same time from this day forward, and we will 
fulfil it, and will act in a righteous manner. 

' If another shall come as an enemy to the lands of Bamessu 
Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, then let him send an embassy 
to the great king of Kiiita to this effect : '^ Come ! and make me 
stronger than him." Then shall the great king of Khita [assemble 
his warriors], and the king of Khita [shall come] and smite his 
enemies. But if it should not be the wish of the great king of 
Khita to march out in person, then he shall send his warriors and 
his chai'iots, that they may smite his enemies. Otherwise [he would 
incur] the wrath of Bamessu Miamun, [the great prince of Egypt. 
And if Bamessu Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, should banish 
for a crime] subjects from his country, and they should commit 
another crime against him, then shall he (the king of Khita) come 
forward to kill them. The great king of Khita shall act in common 
with [the great prince of Egj^t]. 

' [If another should come as an enemy to the lands of the 
great king of Khita, then shall he send an embassy to the great 
prince of !^ypt with the request that] he would come in great 

* Mr. Goodwin has, ' to carry away anything from it (Egypt),' 
and so vice versd in the next clause. — Ed. 

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74 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. chap, xiv* 

power to kill his enemies ; and if it be the intention of Bamesstr 
Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, (himself) to come, he shall 
[smite the enemies of the great king of Khita. If it is not the- 
intention of the great prince of Egypt to march out in person, 
then he shall send his warriors and his two-] horse chariots, while 
he sends back the answer to the people of Khita. 

* If any subjects of the great king of Khita have offended him^ 
then Eamessu Miamun, [the great prince of Egypt, shall not re- 
ceive them in his land, but shall advance to kill them] 

the oath, with the wish to say : I will go . . . until . . . Bamessir 

Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, living for ever 

their . . . that he may be given for them (?) to the lord, and that 
Eamessu Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, may speak accord- 
ing to his agreement evermore 

* [If servants shall flee away] out of the territories of Eamessu 
Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, to betake themselves to the 
great king of Khita, the great king of Khita shall not i^ceive 
them, but the great king of Khita shall give them up to Eamessu 
Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, [that they may receive their 

' K servants of Eamessu Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, 
leave his country], and betake themselves to the land of Khita, to- 
make themselves servants of another, they shall not remain in the 
land of Khita, [they shall be given up] to Eamessu Miamun, the 
great prince of Egypt. 

' If on the other hand there should flee away [servants of the 
great king of Kiiita, in order to betake themselves to] Eamessu 
Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, [in order to stay in Egypt]^ 
then those who have come from the land of E^ta in order to 
betake themselves to Eamessu Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, 
shall not be [received by] Eamessu Miamun, the great prince of 
Egypt, [but] the great prince of Egypt, Eamessu Miamun, [shall 
deliver them up to the great king of Khita]. 

' [And if there shall leave the land of Khita persons] of skilful 
mind, so that they come to the land of Egypt to make themselves 
servants of another, then Eamessu Miamun will not allow them 
to settle, he will deliver them up to the great king of Khita. 

' When this [treaty] shall be known [by the inhabitants of the 
land of Egypt and of the land of Khita, then shall they not offend 
against it, for all that stands written on] the silver tablet, these 

Digitized by 



are words which wiU have been approved by the company of the 
gods among the male gods and among the female gods, among 
1^1066 namely of the land of Khita, and by the company of the gods 
among the male gods and among the female gods, among those 
namely of the land of Egypt. They ai'e witnesses for me [to the 
validity] of these words, [which they have allowed. 

* This is the catal<^e of the gods of the land of Khita : 

Sutekh, of the city] of Tunep (Daphne), 

Sutekh, of the land of Khita, 

Sutekh, of the city of Amema, 

Sutekh, of the city of Zaranda, 

Sutekh, of the city of Pilqa, 

Sutekh, of the city of Khissap, 

Sutekh, of the city of Sarsu, 

Sutekh, of the city of Khilbu (Haleb> 

Sutekh, of the city of 

Sutekh, of the city of Sarpina, 

Astartha, of the land of Khita, 

The god of the land of Zaiath-khirri, 

The god of the land of Ka . . . . 

The god of the land of Kher .... 

The goddess of the city of Akh .... 

[The goddess of the dty of ] . . . and of the land of A . . ua, 

The goddess of the land of Zaina, 

The god of the land of . . . nath . . . er. 
* [I have invoked these male and these] female [gods of the land 
of Khita, these are the gods] of the land, [as witnesses to] my oath. 
[With them have been associated the male and the female gods] of 
the mountains, and of the rivers of the land of Khita, the gods of 
the land of Qazauadana (Gauzanitis), Amon, Pra, Sutekh, and the 
male and the female gods of the land of Egypt, of the earth, of the 
sea, of the winds, and of the storms. 

'With regard to the commandment which the silver tablet 
contains for the people of Khita and for the people of Egypt, he 
who shall not observe it shall be given over [to the vengeance] of 
the company of the gods of Khita, and shall be given over [to the 
vengeance] of the company of the gods of Egypt, [he] and his 
house and his servants. 

'But he who shall observe these commandments, which the 

Digitized by 


76 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. chap. xrv. 

silver tablet contains, whether he be of the people of Khita or [of 
the people of the Egyptians], because he has not neglected them, the 
<x>mpanj of the gods of the land of Khita and the company of the 
gods of the land of Egypt shall secure his reward and preserve life 
[for him] and his servants and those who are with him, and who 
are with his servants. 

' If there flee away of the inhabitants [one from the land of 
Egypt], or two or three, and they betake themselves to the great 
king of Khita, [the gi'eat king of Khita shall not] allow them [to 
remain, but he shall] deliver them up, and send them back to 
Hamessu Miamun, the great prince of Egypt. 

' Now with respect to the [inhabitant of the land of Egypt], 
who is delivered up to Eamessu Miamun, the great prince of 
Egypt, his flELult shall not be avenged upon him, his [house] 
shall not be taken away, nor his [wife] nor his [children]. There 
shall not be [put to death his mother, neither shall he be punished 
in his eyes, nor on his mouth, nor on the soles of his feet], so that 
thus no crime shall be brought forward against him. 

' In the same way shall it be done, if inhabitants of the land of 
Khita take to flight, be it one alone, or two, or three, to betake 
themselves to Hamessu Miamun, the great prince of Egypt. 
Bamessu Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, shall cause them to 
be seized, and they shall be delivered up to the great king of Khita. 

* [With regard to] him who [is delivered up, his crime shall not 
be brought forward against him]. His [house] shall not be taken 
away, nor his wives, nor his children, nor his people ; his mother 
shall not be put to death, he shall not be punished in his eyes, nor 
on his mouth, nor on the soles of his feet, nor shall any accusation 
be brought forward against him. 

' That which is in the middle of this silver tablet and on its 
front side is a likeness of the god Sutekh .... surrounded by an 
inscription to this effect : " This is the [picture] of the god Sutekh, 
the king of heaven and [earth]." At the time (?) of the treaty, which 
Khitasir, the great king of Khita, made.' ' 

In such a form were peace and friendship made 
at Eamses, the city in Lower Egypt, between the two 

' The two following lines of the conclusion are in feet too 
much destroyed to enable us to find out any connection between 
them and the parts which have been preserved. 

Digitized by 



most powerful nations of the world at that time> 
Blita in the East, and Kemi in the West. It was to 
be hoped that the new offensive and defensive alliance, 
which united the princes and countries in the manner 
thus described, would attain its end, and bridle the 
fermenting restless mass of the people of the Canaan- 
ites, which lay between them, and keep down every 
rising and movement of the hostilely disposed Semites, 
and confine them within the limits once for all fixed. 
For that a ferment existed, even in the inmost heart 
of the Egyptian land, is sufficiently proved by the 
aJlusion in the treaty to the evasions of evil-disposed 
subjects. We may perhaps read between the lines 
that the Jewish people are meant, who, since their 
migration into the land of Egypt, had increased be- 
yond measure, and without doubt were already making 
preparations to withdraw themselves from the power 
of their oppressors on the banks of the Nile. But 
how ? and when ? — this was hidden in the councils of 
the Eternal. 

The scribes at the court of Pharaoh at Ramses- 
Tanis, — and we must not forget that Ramessu Miamun 
had fixed his court there, — ^were fiiU of joy at the 
great event of the conclusion of peace. Their letters, 
so far as a kind fate has preserved them for us, over- 
flow with high delight that the war was at an end, 
and that Kemi and Khita had now become fraternal 
peoples. Their boasting rose to such a pitch of the 
wonted Egyptian pride, as to assert that king Ramessu 
had already assumed the position of a god for Kliita, 
and for the regions of the heathen, namely Kati. 

Digitized by 


78 RAMSES II. MIAMUN. chap. xiv. 

As we intend in a later portion of the history of 
Eamses to lay before our readers in a faithful trans- 
lation some proofs of Egyptian vain-glory in such 
matters, we will first give additional confirmation of 
the proved fact, that Eamses Uved in such friendly 
relations with the king of Khita of his time, that even 
family alHances were made between the two. Accord- 
ing to a memorial tablet which was set up solemnly 
in the temple of Ibsamboul, and the long inscription 
on which begins with the date of the year 34 of the 
reign of Eamessu, the Egyptian king married the 
daughter of the king of Khita. The prince of Khita, 
clad in the dress of his country, himself conducted 
the bride to his son-in-law. After the marriage had 
taken place, the young wife, as queen, received the 
name of Ur-maa Nofiru-ra. 

When we turn our glance to the West and to 
the South, we have there also to recognize the mili- 
tary activity of the king, whose successes are cele- 
brated with their wonted fiilness by the Nubian 
monuments, which are the real trophies of the famed 

In the temple of Der (or Dirr, as I heard the 
name always pronounced by the Nubian inhabitants 
of the district) there is represented a razzia of the 
king against the poor negroes, whose wives and 
children behold the irruption of the Pharaoh with 
aflfrighted gaze.* In like manner the battle-pieces of 
the rock-grotto of Beit-el-Walli place before our eyes 
the victories of Pharaoh over the land of Kush, the 
* Compare ViUiers Stuart, Nile Gleanings, p. 166. 

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Thuhen (Mannaridae), and the Syrian Khalu or Ph(B- 
nicians. The date of these wars is nowhere given, 
and it is only the circumstances of the action, and the 
historical personages of those days, beginning with the 
king's children, that enable us to form a general con- 
ception as to the campaigns in the earlier or later 
years of the life of Ramessu. 

We must imagine, from the written and pictorial 
testimony on the rock-walls of that temple grotto, 
that the king had just returned from his campaigns 
against the people of the South, and held a court in 
the midst of the temple. He was already covered 
with glory, for 

* The deeds of victory are inscribed a hundred thousand tunes 
on the glorious Persea. As the chastifler of the foreigners, who 
has placed his boundary-marks according to his pleasure in the 
land of the Kuthennu, he is in truth the son of Ba, and his very 

Before the king, who is seated on his throne, ap- 
pears 'the hereditary prince Amen-hi-unamif,' who 
presents to him a train of captive negroes, and the 
booty or tributes of leopards' skins, lions, giraffes, 
antelopes, gazelles, and of gold rings, ivory, and fruits, 
and other such productions of the South. 

The then governor also of the South, the ' king's 
son of Kush, Amen-em-ape, a son of Pa-uer,' presents 
himself before his lord and master, in order to be de- 
corated for his honest and successful services with the 
gold necklace of honour. For a campaign had just 
been brought to a close, which had subjected the 
revolted negro tribes anew to the sceptre of Egypt. 
In its principal battle, Ramses appeared high on his 

Digitized by 



80 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. cha^. xiv. 

chariot. His son named above, and his pious 
brother Khamus, accompanied the king. 

Here is another court of the king in the South. 
At his feet lies his faithful attendant, the lion Smam- 
kheftu-f, ' the tearer to pieces of his enemies.' Here 
again it is his son, the brave Aman-hi-unamif (i.e., 
* Amon is on his right hand '), who, accompanied by 
Egyptian warriors, brings to the Pharaoh in Nubia 
some captive Khal-Phoenicians, without doubt for the 
purpose of being employed as workmen on the build- 
ings which Ramses was erecting there.* 

The Libyan land also must have yielded her cap- 
tive children for the same buildings, since we admire 
the strength of the giant king, who is just giving a 
Thuhen the death-stroke with his scimitar, called 
Antha-em-nekh, ' Anaitis is the protector.' Prisoners 
of the Canaanite tribes are also seen employed on the 
same work, for the king had carried on wars against 
them. His own words declare of his victories, ' that 
henceforth sand is in their dwellings, instead of the 
fruits of the earth.' Accompanied by one of his 
sons, he took their chief city, the ' miserable king ' of 
which declares to Sesostris, * No other is to be com- 
pared to Baal as thou art. Thou, king, art his true 
son for ever.' 

Ramses seems to have subjugated only small tribes 

^ Excellent engravings of these scenes are given by Yilliers 
Stuart, Nile Gleanings, Plates XLVI., XLVII., pp. 130, 138. 
There are casts from^the sculptures of Beit-el-Walli in the British 
Museum. The fighting-lion of Bamses appears also at Der (see 
p. 78), where the 1^ of a captive negro in his mouth verifies his 
name. — "Ed. 

Digitized by 



of Ethiopia and Libya, in his campaigns into the in- 
terior of the African continent. We learn the names 
of these incidentally on several monuments : thus, 
for example, the above-mentioned memorial-stone of 
Ibsambul cites as conquered people of Africa the 
Auntom, Hebuu, Tenfu, Temuu, and Hetau (a sixth 
name is destroyed), whom the Memphian god Ptah- 
Totunen delivers as subjects into the hands of his 
son Eamses.^ 

The office of the viceroys of the South continued 
in fiill importance during the long reign of this king. 
The monuments mention to us as such, accompanied 
by the usual title of honour of * King's sons of Kush/ 
the l^ptiali lords Pa-uer, Amenemapi, son of Pa-uer, 
Setau-'an (who was entrusted also with the administra- 
tion of the gold-mines), Amenemhib, Nakhtu,. and 

In order to increase his revenues and fill the trea- 
sury of the state, Eamses, following the example of 
his father Seti, turned his particular attention to the 
gold districts which had been discovered, and especially 
to the Nubian gold-mines of what is now the Wady- 
Alaki (Al-aki), anciently called Aki-ta. But water 
was wanting in the dreary sterile valleys of this 
mountainous country, and men and beasts died on the 
roads to the gold districts. By a curious accident, 
science is in possession of the old Egyptian map (at 

^ Ck)mpar8 aboye, the numbers 25, 28, 77, in the list of the 
tribes of the South under Thutmes III. (Vol. I. chap, xiii.) 
It is highly probable that the countries and peoples mentioned 
here scarcely extended beyond Napata. Main (No. 4, ibid,), for ex- 
ample, is mentioned as in Anibe, in the neighbourhood of Ibrim. 

Digitized by 


82 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. chap. xrv. 

Turin), which enables us to recognize the situation 
of the mountain tracks, the roads, the places where 
the gold was found, the wells, and all the other ap- 
purtenances and buildings. Here, according to the 
annexed inscriptions, are * the mountains out of which 
the gold was extracted ; they are marked with a red 
colour ; ' there ' the roads which have been abandoned, 
leading to the sea : ' here * the houses of .... of the 
gold-washing,' the * well,' and the ' memorial-stone of 
king Mineptah I. Seti I. : ' there, ' the temple of Amon 
in the holy mountain.' Nothing is forgotten which 
could seem calculated to give the spectator an idea of 
the state of the region, even to the stones and the 
scattered trees along the roads. Seti P., the gold- 
seeker, had first worked the gold-mines, but without 
any remarkable success, as will be shown further on. 
He made the well named in the inscriptions, and 
erected near it the memorial-stone of which the in- 
scription on the map speaks. The shaft of the well 
had a depth of more than 63 yards (120 Egyptian 
cubits), but the water soon became exhausted, and 
the mine was abandoned. 

It was not till the third year of the reign of King 
Ramses that the works were opened, which are men- 
tioned with such detail in the inscription given below. 
The inscription covers a stone which was found at the 
village of Kouban, opposite Dakkeh, on the eastern 
bank of the Nubian territory. Here was situated in 
ancient times a fortified place, provided with walls, 
trenches, and towers, destined by the Pharaohs for a 
bulwark against the irruptions of the Nubian tribes. 

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Inscribed blocks of stone, in the neighbourhood, 
mention the kings Thutmes HI., Horemhib, and 
Eamses 11. This place seems at the same time to have 
been the point of departure for the communication 
with the gold-mines, in which the prisoners of war 
and malefactors were forced to carry on their laborious 
works under the burning rays of a tropical sun. Even 
to the time of the Greeks, the remembrance was pre- 
served of their cruel treatment and of the dreadful 
condition of those condemned to the gold-washings. 

We now give the words of the stone inscription 

' (1) In the year 3, in the month Tybi, on the fourth day, in 
the reign of king Bame&su Miamun, the dispenser of life eternally 
and for ever, the friend of the Theban Amon-Ka of Api. 

'(2) A court was held on the throne of Hor (that is, of the 
ting), among the living. Like his father, the everlasting Sun- 
god, the divine benefactor, the lord of the south land, the radiant 
Hud-Hor, a beautiful golden sparrow-hawk, he has spread out his 
wings over Egypt, giving shade to the inhabitants in the protecting 
wall of the strong and victorious. When he goes forth thence 
diffusing terror, it is to (3) display his power for enlarging his 
boundaries. The glittering brilliancy of colour has been granted to 
his body by the victories of Monthu.* He is the lord of the two 
crowns of Hor and of Set. A shout of joy resounded in heaven 
on the day of his birth. The gods (spake) thus : We have be- 
gotten him ; (4) the goddesses thus : He is bom of us to govern 
the kingdom of Ra ; Amon thus : I am he who formed him, to 
put truth in its place. The land was set in order, the heaven 
quieted, the company of the gods satisfied, through his piety. 

' This inscription is translated by Dr. Birch, in Records of 
the Past, vol. viii. pp. 75, folL 

* A veiy obscure and uncertain passage. The whole inscrip- 
tion is in high-flown and cumbrous language, which makes it 
difficult for the translator to keep hold of the threads of the de- 
scription. The introduction is in a singularly bombastic style. 

e 2 

Digitized by 


84 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. ckat. xiv. 

He is a mighty bull for the miserable land of Kush, who pushes 
back (5) the conspirators from the land of the negroes. His 
hoof crushes the An (the Kushites) and his horn gores them. He 
has made himself master of the land of Nubia, and his terror, 
it has reached the land of E^ari. His name resounds in (6) all 
lands, because of the victories which his hands have achieved. 
The gold appears on the mountains at his name, as at the name of 
his father Hor, the lord of Baka, the well-beloved in the land of 
the south, as at the name of Hor in the land of Maama, the lord 
of Buhan (Bo6n). (7) Thus is King Eamessu Miamun, the dis- 
penser of life eternally and for ever, like his father the everlasting 

* Then was the king in the city of Memphis to worship his 
fathers, the gods, and the lords of South and North Egypt, that 
they might grant him power and victory and a long duration of 
life of infinitely many (8) years. On one of these days it came to 
pass, that the king sat there on his great throne of gold, attired 
with the royal diadem, and with the ornament of the double plume, 
to consult about the countries from which the gold is obtained, 
and to consider the method and way of boring (9) wells on the 
roads, which are accursed for want of water, since he had heard 
that there was much gold existing in the land of Akita, but that 
the approach to it was accursed on account of the utter want of 
water. There were taken there some (10) gold-washers to the 
place where it was ; but those who had gone thither had died of 
thirst on the road, together with the asses which were with them. 
They could not find what was required (11) for them to drink on 
their upw2u*d journey, imless it happened that the rain fell from 
heaven. So could no gold be obtained in this country, on accovint 
of the want of water. 

* Then spake the king to his nobleman, who stood beside him : 
" Let the princes be caUed who are present. (12) I will take 
counsel with them about this land, as to what measures should be 
taken." Ajb soon as they had been brought before the divine bene- 
factor, they lifted up their hands to praise his name with speeches 
in his honour, and to pray before his beautiful coimtenance. And 
the king described to them the condition of this land, in order to 
take (13) their advice upon it, with the view of boring wells on 
the road. And they spake before the king : " Thou art like the 
sun. Eveiything succeeds with thee. What thy heart desires, 

Digitized by 



that comes to pass. When thou oonoeivefit a wish in the night, it 
is aooomplished as soon as the earth becomes light (again). We 
have hastened to thee to do what there is to do, for (14) great is 
the number of thy astonishing works, since thou hast appeared as 
king in the country. We heard nothing, we saw nothing, and yet 
what is there, it was done just as it is. All the sayings of thy 
mouth are like the words of Hormakhu. Thy tongue is a balance ; 
thy lips are a standard measure (15) according to the just scales 
of the god Thut. Where is that hidden which thou didst not 
know 1 Where is the wise man who might be like thee f There 
is no place found, which thou hast not seen ; there is no land which 
thou hast not trodden. Everything excellent found an entrance 
into ihj ears since (16) thou wast an Adon of this land. Thou 
didst act with wisdom when thou didst still sit in the egg. In thy 
time of childhood that happened which thou saidst, for the welfare 
of the land. When thou grewest up to boyhood with the lock of 
hair of youth, no memorial saw the light without thy command. 
(17) No business was carried out without thy knowledge. Thou 
wBst raised to be an overseer (Rohir) of this land, when thou wast 
a youth and didst count ten full years. All buildings went forward 
und^ thy hand, and the laying of their foundation stones was 
carried out. When thou spakest to the water : Come upon the 
mountun, then appeared the rain (18) immediately at thy com- 
mand. Thou art like the Sun-god. As the body of the Creator, 
so is that which he begets. Truly thou art the living likeness of 
Ba, the heir of thy father Tum of Heliopolis. Taste is on thy 
tongue, feeling is in thy heart. The place of thy tongue is the 
shrine of truth. The divinity site on thy lips, and all thy words 
will be performed for ever. (19) What thy understanding has 
done is like the works of Ptah, the fashioner of the works of art. 
Thou art ever he whose intentions are all carried out, whose words 
are all fulfilled, thou our great lord and ruler ! As regards the 
land of AJdta, may a decision be made according to the counsel 
taken concerning it." 

' Then spake the Idng^B son of the miserable land of Eush, 
(20) saying thus before the king : " (The land) is in this state. 
It is accursed for want of water since the time of Ra. People die 
of thirst in it. AU former kings wished to bore wells in it, but 
they were not successful. (21) King Seti I. also did the same, 
He had a well bored 120 cubits deep in his time, but they aban- 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

86 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. chap. xit. 

doned it, for no water made its appearance. If then now thou 
thyself wouldest speak to thy father^ the Nile-god ELapi, (22) the 
father of the gods : ' Let the water come up on the mountain/ 
he wOl do all that thou sayest^ yea, indeed, all which thou hast 
designed will be accomplished before us, and not only according to 
hearsay, because thy fathers the gods love thee more than all 
kings (23) which have been since the time of Ra/' ' 

* Says the king to the princes : ^' If all is true that ye have 
spoken, and water has not been opened in that country since the 
time of the god, as ye have said, then I will bore a well there, to 
afford water perpetually, yea 1 that the weU (24) may be under 
the command of the father Amon-Ra, the Theban god, and of Hor, 
the lords of the land of Nubia, that their heart may be fixed in 
love. I will therefore appoint that it be called after [their name." 
And the princes] (25) praised their lord and worshipped him, and 
fell prostrate before him (the king), and raised shouts <^ joy (26) to 
the heights of heaven. 

' Then spake the king to a royal scribe [who was near him : 
** Prepare thyself and betake thyself to the] (27) road to the land 
of Akita. Let the second day of the month be the day on [which] 
thou shalt [carry out thy mission." The scribe did] (28) just as 
he was bidden. Behold, he assembled the people [which were skilful 
in boring, that they should work and form a well, whidi should 
furnish water to those who travelled] (29) the road to the land of 
Akita. Never was the like done since the earlier kings. [And 
of the water which streamed out brooks were formed, and] 
(30) fishermen from the islands in the neighbourhood of the lagoons 
of Natho enjoyed themselves, for they built [small boats and made 
use of the ] (31) as a rudder with the wind. 

' Then there came the bearer of a letter from the king's son of 
the miserable land of Kush [about the well, to say to the king : 
** All has in hcb been done] (32) that thy Holiness has spoken 
with his own mouth. There has appeared water out of it 12 cubits 
deep. There were 4 cubits in it .... t ... . the depth .... 

(33) they .... out as was the intention of the work. 

The god has inclined his heart ftivourably through thy love. Never 
has such a thing happened [since the time of the god Ra]." 

' (34) [And the inhabitants of] Akita made joyful music on great 
drums (t) Those who had diseased eyes [washed themselves with 
the water and were healed. They all sang : (35) " Hail] to the 

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king ! The water which is in the depth was obedient to him. He 
hath opened the water on the [mountain.'' And they offered 
thanks] (36) to him through the king's son, because of his mission. 
That was more pleasant to [the heart of the king than all else. 
Thus then were] (37) his plans well carried out. Beautiful was 
the acknowledgment which [the inhabitants of the district] uttered. 
[A road was made from] (38) this well to the well of Ramses 
>f^<»nmfi^ the conqueror [in the land . . . .].' 

As early as the time of the Eleventh Dynasty we 
find clear traces of borings for water in the waste 
valleys of Hammamat. Twelve hundred years before 
the accession of king Kamses IE., one of his ancestors, 
Sankh-ka-ra, had made four wells on the old road 
from Coptos to (^osseir, the remains of which can still 
be distinguished.^ Thus did the ancients anticipate 
the enterprises of our later generations, and execute 
works, the utility and importance of which are still 
recognized and valued by travellers through the 
deserts of Africa in the present day. 

From Eamses, the borer of wells, to Kamses the 
builder of temples and the founder of cities, is only a 
step. What he performed in this respect in the very 
commencement of his reign, the Pharaoh has himself 
narrated to us so explicitly, that it is almost impossible 
to forget it. Abydus was the first scene of his new 
erections, although we are incidentally informed that 
he had built two temple-gates in Thebes and Memphis 
to the memory of his father, at the entrance to which 
the statues of Seti kept a watch of honour. 

Concerning the city of Id^emphis, and its buildings 
erected by Eamses, we have detailed information fi-om 

» See VoL I. p. 137. 

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88 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. chap. xiv. 

a conversation between Eamses 11. and Ptah, the an- 
cient god of the city and the great architect of the 
world. A stone has perpetuated this, and the curious 
reader may still at the present day Usten to the words 
of the two, as inscribed near the second cataract. 

On the memorial tablet of Ibsamboul, which bears 
at its head the date of the 35th year, and the 1 3th 
of Tybi, in the reign of Eamses H., we find first, in 
the conversation between the god and Ramses, very 
remarkable information on the relations between 
Egypt and Khita. The god begins his long address 
with the usual flatteries addressed to the king, from 
which I cite the following passage in a faithful trans- 
lation. The god says : — 

' I have given thee strength and might and the power of thy 
arm in all countries. Thou hast wounded the hearts of all peoples, 
which are placed under thy feet. When thou comest forth on each 
new day, the great kings of all nations lead to thee a captive people, 
to do homage to thee with their children, lliey are given into the 
power of thy strong arm, to do with them whatsoever pleases thee, 
O King Kamses II. I have placed in all hearts reverence for thee. 
The love of all peoples is turned towards thee. Thy manly courage 
is spread abroad over all the plains, acd the fear of thee goes 
through the mountains. The kings tremble at the thought of thee, 
and thou art regarded as their established head. They come to 
thee with a prayer to entreat thy friendship. Thou allowest to 
live whom thou wiliest : thou killest whom it pleases thee. The 
throne of all peoples is with thee.' 

Some lines further on is the passage which is of 
importance for us : — 

' The people of Ehita are subjects of thy palace. I have placed 
it in their hearts to serve thee, while they hiunbly approach thy 
person with their productions and the booty in prisoners of 
their king. All their property is brought to thee. His eldest 

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daughter standa forward at their head, to soften the heart of king 
Kamsee II. — a great inconceivable wonder. She herself knew 
not the impression which her beauty made on thy heart. Thy 
name is great and glorious for ever. Thou art the most complete 
example of strength and power. He is inconceivably great, who 
orders and does not obey. Since the times of the traditions of the 
gods, which are hidden in the house of the rolls of writing, from 
the times of the sun-god Ra down to thee^ history had nothing 
to report about the Khita people, but that they had one heart and 
one soul with Egypt.' 

The Pharaoh, moved by so much goodwill and 
kindness, does not want for an answer to his divine 
father. His reply is not less rich in images and ideas, 
which, thirty-two centuries before our day, furnish 
the tasteful expression of his thoughts. The king's 
answer touches especially on the most essential point 
of his gratitude towards the Memphian God, proved 
by the Ramses-buildings in the interior of the great 
temple-city of Memphis. We will not withhold from 
the eyes of the curious reader his statements on this 
subject, together with the accompanying introduction. 
He says, word for word : — 

* Thou hast committed to me what thou haat created. I do and 
I will do again all good for Uiee, so long ss I shall be sole king, just 
as thou hast been. I have cared for the land, in order to create 
for thee a new Egypt, just as it existed in the old time. I have 
set up images of the gods, according to thy likeness, yea, according 
to their colour axid form, which hold possession of Egypt according 
to their desire. They have been formed by the hand of the artist 
in the temples. Thy sanctuary in the town of Memphis was 
enlarged. It was beautified by long-enduring works, and by well- 
executed works in stone, which are adorned with gold and jewels. 
I have caused a court to be opened for thee on the north, with a 
splendid double-winged tower in front. Its gates are like the 
heavenly orb of light. The people offer their prayers there. I have 
built for thee a splendid sanctuary in the interior of the walled 

90 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. chap. xrr. 

enclosure. Each god's image is in the unapproachable shrine, and 
remains in its exalted place. I have provided them with priests 
and prophets of the land of Egypt, with arable land and herds 
of cattle. The account of the property of the temple in all things 
amounts to millions. All thy great thirty years' feasts of jubilee 
are celebrated. Thus has everything which thou hast commanded 
me been carried out in rich abundance according to thy wish. 
There are oxen and calves without end ; all their sacrificial meat is 
provided, to the number of hundreds of thousands ; the smell of 
their fat reaches to heaven; the heavenly ones receive it. I cause 
the whole world to admire the completeness of the monuments which 
I have dedicated to thee. I brand with a hot iron the foreigib 
peoples of the whole earth with thy name. They belong to thy 
person for evermore. Thou hast in truth created them.' 

According to this, Eamses had cared in a splendid 
manner for the temple of Ptah in Memphis. He had 
erected for him the whole northern court, together 
with the propyla belonging to it ; and had buUt a tem- 
ple within the surrounding wall, numerous remains of 
which have lately been discovered near the Arab village 
of Qasrieh. He had erected images of the gods, and had 
provided the necessary means for the divine service of 
the great Architect. There is no dearth of statues of 
Kamses H. and the members of his family. The most 
celebrated and most often visited is the great torso of 
Eamses, the property of the English nation, which, 
lying in a trench among the ruins of the very cele- 
brated temple of Ptah near the present Arab village 
of Mitrahenne, in vain awaits its re-erection. Besides 
this, the smaller statues of the king, and of his wife 
and daughters, have been torn away from the surface 
of the grove of palm-trees at the same place. The 
waU of the temple at Abydus has already made us 
acquainted with the statues of king Seti. The king 

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also raised in Memphis other temples and buildings to 
Ms name. The chief master of the house of Pharaoh 
and the leader of the Mazai (poUcemen), Hi, was also 
* administrator of a Ramses-temple in Pi-neb-am, and 
the administrator of the sun-temple of Kamessu- 
Miamun in the southern part of Memphis.' ^ For the 
building of the last * the people,' and the * red-skins,* 
(Apuirui, not Hebrews but Erythrasans) ^ were doomed 
to the laborious task of dragging over the heavy- 
blocks of stone out of the quarries of the Trojan 
range of mountains on the other side of the river. 
These people were likewise employed as drawers of 
stone for the buUding of the great propylon called 
' Meriu-ma,' which Eamses erected at the temple of 
Ptah, and for which a certain Ameneman had under- 
taken the office of architect and chief of the poUcemen. 
The family of Ameneman plays too great a part in 
the Egyptian monumental history of this period, to be 
passed over in silence. We can the less do so, as 
the several members of the genealogical tree, which 
we lay before our readers as a separate table,* were 
invested with the most important offices in the land of 
the Pharaohs, and Ameneman himself was probably 
the immediate oppressor placed by Eamses H. over 
the children of Israel in Egypt. The genealogical 
tree has been compiled on the authority of a pictured 

' See my Easay, ' A new City of Eamses/ in the Aegyptiache 
JSeUschrifi, 1876, page 69. 

^ On this interesting question of identification, see farther 
below, p. 134. 

' See Table III. at the end of this volume, < Genealogy of 
Amen-em-an, the Architect of the City of Bamses.' 

Digitized by 


92 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. chap. xtv. 

family group, which is preserved in the collection of 
antiquities at Naples, — a precious and rare memorial 
of ancient times. 

Like Abydus and Memphis, so also the old capital 
of the empire, Thebes, was the object of the especial 
care of Eamses II. New temples were erected on 
both sides of the river, or those which already existed 
were enlarged. In the great sanctuary of Ape 
(Karnak), the king first completed the mighty hall of 
Seti L, by the erection of the fifty-four columns 
which were wanting on the south side, and of a stone 
wall to surround the whole temple on the east as far 
as the wall of the Hall of Columns just mentioned.* 
In Luqsor the temple of Amon, founded but not 
finished by Amenhotep EX, was completed, the two 
splendid propyla were placed before it, and two 
beautiful obelisks^ were erected beside the giant 
sitting statues of the king in granite, as guards of 
honour at the middle gate. On the western side, the 
temple of the dead built by Seti I. at Old Qumah 
was finished, and on the south-western side of it a 
special temple of victory, called the * Eamesseum,' 
was dedicated to the God Amon.^ Here stood 

^ See the Plan on p. 11. 

^ One of these is now in Paris, where it occupies the centre 
of the Place de la Concorde. 

^ For a description of this edifice, which ' for symmetry of 
architecture and elegance of sculpture may vie with any other 
Egyptian monument/ see Murray's Hcmdhook for Egypt^ p. 457, 
6th edit. It shows a very complete type of the plan of an 
Egyptian temple of the later and more complex form. It is 
commonly considered to he the huilding which the Greeks called 
the Tomh of Osymandyas and the Memnonium, or ' Temple of 

Digitized by 









00 o 


of H 


also the largest statues of the king, which, accord- 
ing to tradition, Cambyses, on his visit to Thebes, 
threw down from their po- 

We should be forced to 
overstep the limits of this 
work, were we even to 
attempt to describe the 
several parts of all these 
remarkable buildings, or to 
call attention to the remains 
of all the other edifices 
which still exist in Thebes, 
although only in their last 
ruins, and bear on their 
face the name of the great 
Sesostris. We should have 
to write a history of the 
monuments, and not a his- 
tory of the Pharaohs. 

We must likewise neces- 
sarily abstain from the at- 

'' A, A, Towen of Propjlon. b. Entrance. 

tempt to mention even the %^J^ "^ Ir^cHl^^ T S! 

1 . , ,, » ^ ^ the Pylon, o, O, 2nd Area, with H, H, 

names and situations OI the Oalrid oolmnnB. i and j, Traces of sculp- 
ture. K, Bcalpturee representing the wars 

buildings erected by the J^irSTcSin^M^SS. \l 

n . . .-. .-, Pedestals for statues, t, Sculptured battle 

same King in tne other scenes, u, chamber with astronomical 

^ subject on ceiling, v, Another chamber, 

parts of Egypt, whether we S^^k"^ sculptured scenes, y, other 








Menmon.' The latter name is thonght to have sprang from the 
Biimame Micmiun of Eamses II.; but the Greek myth of the 
Ethiopian or Egyptian Memnon still awaits fuller elucidation. — 

Digitized by 


94 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. chap. xiy. 

know them by trustworthy documentary records, or 
from the last remnants of them which still exist. 
The name of Kamses 11. is thus everywhere to be 
found, and there appears from this point of view to 
be truth in his assertion, that * he made Egypt anew.' 
(See above, p. 89.) 

In Nubia, Ramses must be especially designated as 
a founder of temples and towns ' to his name,' for the 
works of Ramses put life into many formerly desert 
spots in these lonely regions of rocks. * The Sun- 
town,' Pira, near Dirr, the Amon-town, Piamon, near 
Wady-Seboua, the Ptah-town, Pi-Ptah, near Gerf- 
Hussein, are works of Ramses, which still to the 
present day form points of attraction much visited by 
curious travellers, although the original plan of the 
buildings erected in the heart of the rocky mountain 
range seems to have been imperfectly carried out. 
But what shall we say, on the other hand, of the 
rock-temple of Ibsamboul, the wonderful fa9ade of 
which surpasses everything which our imagination 
can conceive of grandeur in a human work ? How 
small, how insignificant appear, in comparison with it, 
the pretty erections of our day, or the brick boxes 
fuU of windows, which serve for private use or for 
public purposes in the midst of our populous districts, 
and which have been erected with the help of steam 
and the most complete apphances of machinery! 
There in Nubia, in a solitary wall of rock, far re- 
moved from the dwellings of men, in hoary antiquity 
a temple was hewn to the great gods of the land of 
Egypt, Amon of Thebes, Ptah of Memphis, Hormakhu 

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of HeKopolis, and, as a fourth united with these, the 
new god Kamessu-Miamun — hewn as if by enchant- 
ment — for this is the proper word — so bold, so power- 
ful, so exceeding all human measure, as if giants had 
turned the bare rocks into a living work of art I 
Standing before this work, achieved by the hands of 
men, the thoughtful child of our modern age first 
feels the greatness of antiquity in its all-powerful 
might. It was not clever calculation, not profit, nor 
utility, but the most elevated feeling of gratitude to 
God, that caused such a work to be executed ; a 
work worthy of and fit for the immortal incon- 
ceivable almighty Deity, to whom the ancients dedi- 
cated it in high veneration for the Everlasting and 
the Incomprehensible J 

The name of the place, as now expressed in the 
tongue of the Arabs, is Abou Simbel, that is * father of 
the ear of com.' None of the sitting figures, which 
stand out from the wall of rock like giant forms of the 
olden time, and with a disdainful smile upon their hps 
look down upon the pigmy race at their feet, carries 
any emblem in the hand, which can in the least 
degree be compared to an ear of com. More correct, 
because there is a foundation for it, is the designation 
Ibsamboul,^ for it has a direct relation to the ancient 

^ The construction of this temple is very clearly shown by the 
subjoined plan and section from Murray's Handbook for Egypt, 
p. 542, 6th edit. An excellent sketch of one of the enormous 
colossi of Eamses on its front is given by Mr. Villiers Stuart, 
Nil^ Gleanings, p. 164. — Ed. 

' It seems, however, that the first part of the Arabic name 
preserves the ancient appellation, which has been discovered by 

Digitized by 




CHA.P. XT?. 

name Psampolis, which in old Greek times travellers 
gave to this wonderful place ; that is, the city {iroyug) 
of Psam. This last designation, again, came from the 
old Egyptian name of the place, Pimases or Pimas, 
Pimsa, from which the Greeks formed the more 
euphonious name of Psampolis. 


A, Entrance, b, Great Hall, supported by eight Osirid colomns. o, Second hall, rap- 
ported by four square columns, with religious subjects on the walls, d, Third hall, with 
similar subjects, b. Sanctuary, with an altar in the middle, and at the end four seated 
figures of Ptah, Amon, Horns, and Ramses himself. 

We must refrain from entering the temple, to 
admire the wall-pictures in the freshest colours, and 
to see here the Khita, there the Libyans, here the 

Mr. Villiers Stuart {^Ue Gleanings, p. 169) on a newly cleared 
comer of the temple-frescoes in the form f\ Ahbou: an- 
other example of coincidence in form between Egyptian and 
Semitic words, which has been converted into a new meaning. In 
hieroglyphic texts, also, the place is called Abushak and Ahahak, 
(Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, vol. iii. p. 116,2nd edit) — Ed. 


zed by Google 


Negroes, there the Phoenicians, falling beneath the 
sword of Eamessu ' the god/ We must deny our- 
selves the pleasure of passing through the halls of the 
gods, and reading the inscriptions on the walls and 
pillars, and on the enormous memorial tablets. After 
long wanderings, we step out of the darkness of the 
primeval cave back into the bright light of day, 
silent, our thoughts turned within, confounded and 
almost overpowered by the indescribable impression 
of our own helplessness. We have experienced, in 
the gigantic tomb of a time long passed away, some 
portion of that nameless feeling, which moved our 
forefathers of old in their inmost being, at the sight 
of the most sublime of all dwellings made for the 
gods, the wonderful rock-temple of Ibsamboul. 

Who was the architect?— who conceived the 
thought ? — ^who laid down the plan ? — ^who carried it 
out? — who were the artists that executed these 
gigantic works ? — on such questions history keeps a 
deep silence. But whoever the forgotten author of 
this building may have been, he was a man full of 
enthusiasm, whose heart guided his hand, who sought 
not vain Mammon as his reward, but the eternal 
duration of his immortal and incomparable work. 

Although Eamses raised his monuments in Thebes, 
and went up to the old capital of the empire to cele- 
brate the festival of Anion ; — though he held pubhc 
courts in Memphis, to take counsel about the gold- 
fields in the Nubian country ; — though he visited 
Abydus, to see the tombs of the kings and the temple 
of the dead built by his father; — ^not to mention 


Digitized by 


98 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. chap. xrv. 

Heliopolis, in which he dedicated a temple and obelisks 
to the 8un-god ; ^ — ^yet neither these nor other cities 
formed his permanent abode. On the eastern frontier 
of Egypt, in the low-lands of the Delta, in Zoa^ji-Tanis, 
was the proper royal residence of this Pharaoh.^ 

We have often mentioned this city, and have come 
to understand its important position. Connected with 
the sea by its situation on the then broad and navi- 
gable Tanitic arm of the Nile, and commanding also 
the entrance of the great road, covered by ' Khetams,* 
or fortresses, which led to Palestine either in a north- 
easterly 'direction through Pelusium, or in an easterly 
direction through Migdol, on the royal road, Zoan- 
Tanis was, in the proper sense of the word, the key of 
Egypt Impressed with the importance of the position 
of this ' great city,' Ramessu transferred his court to 
Zoan, strengthened its fortifications, and founded a 
new temple-city, the holy places of which were dedi- 
cated to the great gods of the country, Amon, Ptah, 
and Hormakhu, with whom as a fourth he associated 
the foreign Baal-Sutekh. With the newly estabUshed 

^ We obtain precise information on the name of the Barnes- 
seum of Heliopolis, and on the person of its architect, from two in- 
scriptions in the quany to the north of the second pyramid of Gizeh, 
that of king Khafra. The smaller inscription runs, * The architect 
of the city of the Sun (Pira), Mai :' the greater one, * The architect 
of the beautiful temple of Eamessu Miamun in the great temple 
of the Ancient one (a surname of the sun-god Ra), Mai, a son of 
the architect Bok-en-amon of Thebes.' Below these, in like manner 
the sculptor from the life, Pa-uer, has immortalized himself Mai, 
the son of Bok-en-amon, certainly belonged to that great family of 
architects, whose genealogy we shall hereafter lay before our readers. 
(The Table referred to is given below. Chap. XIX.) 

* Compare Vol. I. pp. 160, 230, and the Discourse on the 
Exodus. (See Index, s. v. * Zoan.')— Ed. 

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divinities the king himself was united both by his 
effigy and his names, and there appeared in due 
order an Amon of Kamessu, a Ptah, a Hormakhu, and 
finally ' a Sutekh, of the same Pharaoh. The new 
temple-city had a superabundance of statues and obe- 
lisks, memorial stones, and other works. The most 
wonderful memorial must ever continue to be the 
stone, which has already been mentioned, with the 
date of the year 400 of king Nub. The inscription 
upon it, so far as it belongs to the historical scope of 
this work, has been translated, and its important 
bearing alike on Egyptian and Biblical chronology 
discussed, in the chapter on the Shepherd Kings.^ 

The plain covered with the ruins resembles a vast 
charnel-house, on which the dead remnants of stones, 
memorials of Eamses the Great, lie scattered broadcast, 
broken and worn, like the mouldering bones of gene- 
rations slain long ago. From several inscriptions (not 
less than a dozen) on the obelisks and fragments of 
ruins at Tanis, we derive incidentally much important 
information of an historical and mythological charac- 
ter. One of these describes the king as 

* Warrior (mohar) of the goddess Antha (Anai'tis), 
£uU of the god Sutekh (Baal).' 

Another calls him ' the bull in the land of Kuten ' 
{sic) ; another again boasts of him, that he has made 
a great slaughter among the Shasu Arabs. Inscrip- 
tions on pillars say that * he has prepared festivals for 

' See YoL I. pp. 296-7. We have transferred the translatioiiy 
which Dr. Brugsch gives here, to the place where it seems much 
more appropriate. — Ed. 


Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

100 BAMSES n. MTAMUN. chap. xrr. 

the temples of the god Sutekh/ that *he has conquered 
Kush and led into captivity the people of the Shasu ; ' 
' there, where he opened a road, he has taken them 
for his possession.' For the knowledge of these and 
similar records, which throw light on the history of 
the king and on the importance of Tanis, science is 
indebted to the researches of E. de Koug^.^ 

The hieratic rolls of papyrus, which have outlived 
the ravages of time, with one voice designate the 
newly founded temple-city (for the kings of the 
Eighteenth Dynasty had quite abandoned the old Zoan) 
as the central point of the court history of Egypt. 
Here resided the scribes, who in their letters have left 
behind for us the manifold information, which their life 
at the court, the ordinances of the king and of the chief 
officials, and their relations with their families in the 
most distant parts of the country, required them to 
give without reserve. Zoan, or, as the place is hence- 
forth called, Pi-Eamessu, * the city of Ramses,' became 
henceforward the especial capital of the empire. 

It will be useful to the reader to hear in what 
manner an Egyptian letter-writer described the import- 
ance of this town on the occasion of his visit to it : * — 

' So I arrived in tbe city of EamseB-Miamun, and I have found 
it excellent, for nothing can compare with it on the Theban land 
and soil. [Here is the seat] of the court.* It is pleasant to live 

' Comp. Melanges d'ArehSoL Egypt, tome ii. p. 288, foil. 

4 This ' Letter of Panbesa, containing an account of the city of 
Bomeses/ is translated by Mr. C. W. Goodwin, in Records of the 
Pa9t, voL vi. p. 11, foil.— En. 

* The Egyptian for court is Pcb-khervnu, The word means the 
residence of a king for the time being, as, for example, in the in- 

Digitized by 


DTK. XIX. THE crrr of ramses. 101 

in. Its fields are full of good things, and life passes in constant 
plenty and abundance. Its canals are rich in fish, its lakes swarm 
with birds, its meadows are green with vegetables, there is no end 
of the lentils ; melons with a taste like honey grow in the irrigated 
fields. Its bams are full of wheat and durra, and reach as high 
as heaven. Onions and sesame are in the enclosures, and the apple- 
tree blooms (1). The vine, the almond-tree, and the fig-tree grow 
in the gardens. Sweet is their wine for the inhabitants of Kemi. 
They mix it with honey. The red fish is in the lotus-canal, the 
Borian-fish in the ponds, many kinds of Bori-fish, besides carp and 
pike,^ in the canal of Pu-harotha ; fat fish and Khipti-peunu fish 
are in the pools of the inundation, the Hauaz-fish in the full 
month of the Nile, near the " city of the conqueror " (Tanis). The 
dty-canal Pshenhor produces salt, the lake-region of Pahir natron. 
Their sea-ships enter the harbour ; plenty and abundance is perpe- 
tual in it. He rejoices who has settled there. Mj information is no 
jest. The common people, as well as the higher classes, say, '' Come 
hither! let us celebrate to him his heavenly and his earthly feasts." 
The inhabitants of the reedy lake (Thufi) arrived with lilies, those 
of Pshenhor with papyrus flowers. Fruits from the nurseries, 
flowers from the gardens, birds from the ponds, were dedicated to 
liim. Those who dwell near the sea came with fish, and the in- 
habitants of their lakes honoured him. The youths of the *^ Con- 
queroz^s city" were perpetually clad in festive attire. Fine oil 
was on their heads of fresh curled hair. They stood at their doors, 
their hands laden with branches and flowers from Pahathor, and 
with garlands from Pahir, on the day of the entry of king Ra- 
messu-Miamun, the god of war Monthu upon earth, in the early 

ecription first deciphered by me, of the seventh year of Alexan- 
der 11. {aeeAegj^LZeitsehrift, 1871, p. 2, and below, Chap. XIX., 
stibjm.), it is related of Ptolemy I. that he made the city of Alex- 
andria his KhenwUy that is, his residence^ It would lead to many 
errors to recognise this sense in the same appellation found in the 
quarries of Silsilis, as has been done, among others, by M. Maspero, 
and by Professor Lauth, of Munich, who has even made a high school 
in the midst of the quarries of SiLdlis; but such errors are easily 
avoided by research into the real meaning of the inscriptions. 

^ I give this name conjecturallyy as the Egyptian word is not 
jet explained* 

Digitized by 


102 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. chap. xit. 

morning of the monthly feast of Kihith (that is, on the 1st of 
Khoiak). All people were assembled, neighbour with neighbouFy 
to bring forward theur complaints. 

* Delicious was the wine for the inhabitants of the " Conqueror's 
city." Their dder was like . . . . , their sherbets were like 
almonds mixed with honey. There was beer from ELati (Galilee) 
in the harbour, wine in the giirdens, fine oil at the lake Sagabi, 
garlands in the apple-orchards. The sweet song of women re- 
sounded to the tunes of Memphis. So they sat there with joyful 
heart, or walked about without ceasing. King Bamessu-Miamun, 
he was the god they celebrated.'^ 

In spite of the unexplained names of the fishes and 
plants, the scribe could hardly have given a clearer or 
livelier account of the impression made on his sus- 
ceptible mind by the new city of Eamses in its festal 
attire on the day of the entry of Pharaoh. We 
may suppose that many a Hebrew, perhaps Moses 
himself, jostled the Egyptian scribe in his wandering 
through the gaily dressed streets of the temple-city. 

And this city of Eamses is the very same which is 
named in Holy Scripture as one of the two places in 
which Pharaoh had built for him * arei miskenoth/ 
* treasure cities,' as the translators understand it.® It 
would be better, having regard to the actual Egyptian 
word * mesket,' * meskenet,' * temple, holy place ' (as, 
for example, king Darius designates his temple erected 

7 Eespecting the above translation I may be allowed to remark, 
that the yersions of the document, as yet known to me, labour 
under the common fiault of mistaking the connection of the several 
parts of the description given in the letter, or rather of not ex- 
pressing it at all. One sentence follows another without any tran- 
sition from the preceding to the succeeding. / 

* Ezod. i. 13 : * And they built for Pharaoh treasure ctties, \ 
Pithom and Raamses.' j 

Digitized by 



in the great Oasis to the Theban Amon) to translate it 
* temple-cities.' The new Pharaoh, * who knew not 
Joseph/ who adorned the city of Eamses, the capital 
of the Tanitic nome, and the city of Pithom, the capi- 
tal of what was afterwards the Sethroitic nome, with 
temple-cities, is no other, can he no other ^ than Bamessu 
n., of whose buildings at Zoan the monuments and 
the papyrus-rolls speak in complete agreement. And 
although, as it happens, Fitum is not named as a city 
in which Bamses erected new temples to the local 
divinities, the fact is all the more certain, that Zoan 
contained a new city of Bamses, the great temple- 
district of the newly founded sanctuaries of the above- 
named gods. Bamessu II. is the Pharaoh of the 
oppression^ and the father of that unnamed princess^ 
who found the child Moses exposed in the bulrushes on 
the hank of the river. 

While the fact, that the Pharaoh we have named 
was the founder of the city of Bamses, is so strongly 
demonstrated by the evidence of the Egyptian records 
both on stone and papyrus, that only want of intelli- 
gence and mental blindness can deny it, the inscrip- 
tions do not mention one syllable about the IsraeUtes. 
We must suppose that the captives were included in 
the general name of foreigners, of whom the docu- 
ments make such frequent mention. The hope, how- 
ever, is not completely excluded, that some hidden 
papyrus may still give us information about them, as 
unexpected as it woxdd be welcome. 

We must again remark, and insist with strong 
eipphasis on the fact, that from this time, and in the 

Digitized by 


104 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. chap. xrr. 

future history of the empire, the town of Zoan-Tanis is 
of great importance. On the wide plains before Zoan, 
the hosts of the warriors were mustered to be exer- 
cised in the manoeuvres of battle ; here the chariots 
of war rolled by with their prancing pairs of horses ; 
the sea-going ships and their crews came to land at 
the harbours on the broad river. From this place 
Thutmes m. had started ^ in his war against Western 
Asia ; it was to Tanis that Eamses 11. had directed his 
return jfrom Thebes ; ^ here he had received the em- 
bassy of peace from the king of Khita;^ and from 
hence, as we shall presently have to relate, Moses led 
the Hebrews out of the land of bondage to the land 
of promise, to give his people the milk and honey 
of the Holy Land in exchange for the flesh-pots of 

The numbers of prisoners, who, in the campaigns 
of the Egyptians, were transplanted to the Nile valley 
from foreign countries, and from whose best repre- 
sentatives, as the inscriptions expressly state, the gaps 
in the native population, caused by war and sickness, 
were filled up according to ancient usage, must under 
Ramses Sesostris have reached an unprecedented 
height. K we add to these the descendants of the 
foreigners transplanted to Egypt after former wars, a 
total number is reached, which certainly amounted to 
a third, and probably still more, of all the families of 
i^ypt. So far as the contemporary information will 
allow us to judge, it was the custom to place the 
northern groups in the south, and the southern people 
9 See Vol. I. p. 368. ^ Vol. II. p. 45. « Vol. II. p. 71. 

Digitized by 



in the north, in order by this prudent measure to 
prevent any dangerous combination of neighbours 
related by blood. 

The foreigners were employed in various services, 
according to their qualities and capacity. Those most 
active, and most experienced in war, were formed into 
foreign legions, the commanders of which, for the most 
part Egyptians, bore the name of Hir-pit (* captain of 
the foreigners '). Others, experienced in sea life, were 
enrolled in the Egyptian fleet. Others again were 
assigned to the service of the royal palace, or of the 
temples, or of distinguished personages, while no less 
a number were employed on the buildings, in the 
quarries, or in the mines. The king's name was 
branded upon them with a hot iron, to prevent their 
flight, and to facihtate their recapture. On the whole, 
the prisoners were treated with a certain mildness, 
for their captivity was not regarded as slavery in our 
sense of the word. 

The influx of Semitic hostages and prisoners from 
Asia exercised a continually increasing influence on re- 
ligion, manners, and language. The Egyptian language 
was enriched (we might almost say, for our profit) with 
foreign expressions, often indeed from mere whim, but 
more often for good reasons, in order properly to 
designate unknown objects by their native names. 
The letters and documents of the time of the Kames- 
sids are fiiU of Sendtic words thus introduced, and 
in this respect they are scarcely less affected than the 
German language now, the strength and beauty of 
which are so much degraded by the borrowing of 

Digitized by 


106 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. cha.p. xtt. 

outlandish words. The learned court-scribes, espe- 
cially, seem to have felt a sentimental craving for 
the use of foreign words without any necessity, in 
order to give themselves in the eyes of the pubUc an 
air of learned culture. The Egyptian expressions for 
designating a * hero ' were supplanted by the words 
Mohar, or Ariel, borrowed from the Semitic ; the 
Egyptian Nofer, * a young man,' was changed for the 
Semitic name Na'ara-na ; the army was in the same 
way called Zeba, and many other incongruous ex- 
pressions were adopted- 

The young Egyptian world, satiated with the tra- 
ditions of the past thousands of years which had now 
vanished away, found a pleasure in the fresh and lively 
vigour of the Semitic spirit, to which a different and 
more attractive view of the universe gave a forward 
impulse. Besides all this,.the long campaigns in foreign 
countries had paralysed the religious development in 
the native schools of the priests. The caste of the 
holy fathers itself counted many discontented persons 
in its ranks, who preferred the life abroad, and the 
adventures of a campaign, to the quiet contemplative 
existence within the temple walls ; although the old 
teachers had used their utmost endeavours to put a 
ban upon the disinclination to scientific occupation, 
by epistolary warnings and even threatenings, some 
of which have been preserved to the present day. 
Among the young poets and historians within the 
temple walls there was awakened a desire hitherto 
unknown to set forth the warlike deeds of the Egyp- 
tian heroes in measured rhythm. It is to this impulse 

Digitized by 



that we owe the heroic poem of the priest Pentaur, 
the beauty of which seems to have enchanted even 
the old masters of the language. Much mediocrity, 
on the other hand, was mingled with all this, and was 
for this reason alone rejected and condemned by the 
judgment of the cultivated priests. In order to give 
the reader a specimen of the views of the masters in 
this respect, we will lay before them the reply of one 
of them to his former pupil, who, as a scribe of 
Pharaoh, entertained the belief that, while portraying 
his hero in an artificial and confused composition, he 
had achieved a masterpiece. The answer of the 
priestly teacher is as biting and sharp, as it is scrupu- 
lously respectful. In placing a literal translation of 
the whole piece before my readers, I have endeavoured 
to represent the words borrowed from the Semitic by 
the French expressions answering to them. The 
reader of the translation will thus best form an idea 
of the impression which the original writing must 
have made on an admirer of the pure language of 
ancient Egypt, free from foreign words, at the epoch 
of B.C. 1300. 

The whole contents of this letter were first made 
available for science, in the year 1866, by the united 
labour of two scholars, one French and the other 
English, both men of the highest merit in the pursuit 
of ancient Egyptian researches. We must express 
our regret that the judgment we formerly pronounced 
on the result of the labour of these two colleagues 
was such as to arouse much ill-feeling. Although we 
gave fuU praise to the rich fulness of the explanations 

Digitized by 


108 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. chap. xrr. 

of words in the old language which had been till then 
unknown or wrongly interpreted, we had the frank- 
ness to remark upon the less successful parts in the 
translation referred to, more particularly as to the 
conception of the meaning which lies at the foundation 
of the whole letter. The learned world may now 
examine the translation I offer, and compare it with 
the translation of those scholars, and after a scrupulous 
and minute examination may form their own judg- 
ment on the justice of our former assertions. We of 
course allow for the new advances which the science 
has made since the appearance of that remarkable 
work, and of which we have availed ourselves in our 
own translation. But even after making allowance 
for these aids towards the better understanding of 
this letter of the time of Ramses 11., which is so 
remarkable in an historical sense, we can in no respect 
withdraw our former judgment, for in our opinion it 
is the simple truth, and we believe it to be the part 
of an honourable man under all circumstances to 
contend for the truth. And in having the courage 
to bear witness to this truth, according to the best of 
my knowledge and my conscience, without considera- 
tion for persons and circumstances, I believed that I 
was doing service, not to myself, but to science alone.^ 

' This carious compositioii is given in Records of the Past 
(vol. ii. pp. 107y foil.), under the rather strange title of ' Travels 
of an Egyptian/ from the translation of M. Chabas, which gave 
rise to much discussion between him and Dr. firugsch. Much 
of the obscurity of the language is due to our ignorance of the 
literary exercise of which it seems to be a mock-heroic burlesque. 
If even the parodies of the 'Anti- Jacobin ' lose half their reUsh 

Digitized by 



' Thy piece of writing has too much glane. It is a cargo of 
highflown phrases, the meaning of which may be the reward of 
those who seek for it; a cargo which thou hast laden at thy 
pleasure. I describe a champion, so sayest thou repeatedly ; we 
on the other hand say, Is there truth in thy portraiture ? 

' Set out ! examine thy yoke, the horses gallop like foxes ; 
their eye is reddened ; they are like the hurricane when it bursts 
forth. Put on the armour j seize the bow ! We will admire the 
deeds of thy hand. 

* I will portray for thee the likeness of a champion : I will 
let thee know what he does. Thou hast not gone to the land of 
Khita, neither hast thou beheld the land of Aupa. The appear- 
ance of Khatuma (Adamal) thou knowest not. Likewise the 
land of Igad'ai, what is it like 1 The Zor of Sesostris and the 
city of Khilibu (Haleb) is on none of its sides. How is its 
fordt Thou hast not taken thy road to Kadesh and Tubikhi, 
neither hast thou gone to the Shasu with numerous foreign 
soldiers, neither hast thou trodden the way to the Magar (Migron), 
where the heaven is darkened in the daytime. It is planted with 
maple-trees, oaks, and acacias, which reach up to heaven ; full of 
beasts, bears, and lions ; and surrounded by Shasu in all direc- 
tions. Thou hast not gone up to the mountain of Shaua (Shawah), 
neither hast thou trodden it ; there thy hands hold fast to the 
[rim] of thy chariot ; a jerk has shaken thy horses in drawing it. I 
pray thee, let us go to the city of (Hi- 1) Birotha. Thou must hasten 
to its ascent, after thou hast passed over its ford, in front of it. 

* Do thou explain the relish for the chcMnpion ! Thy chariot lies 
there [before] thee ; thy [strength] has fallen lame ; thou treadest the 
backward path at eventide. All thy limbs are ground small. Thy 
[bones] are broken to pieces. Sweet is the [sleep]. Thou awakest. 
There has been a time for the thief in this unfortunate night. Thou 
wast alone, in the belief that the brother would not come to the 
brother. Some grooms entered into the stable ; the horse kicks out, 
the thief goes back in the night ; thy clothes are stolen. Thy 
groom wakes up in the night, he sees what has happened to him, 
he takes what is left, he goes to the evil-doers, he mixes himself up 

in the absence of their forgotten originals, who can hope to detect 
the points of a parody written in old Egyptian more than thirty 
centoriee ago t — Ed. 

Digitized by 


110 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. oflAP. nr. 

with the tribes of the Shaao. He acts as if he were an Amu. 
The enemies oome, ihej [feel about] for the robber. He is dLs- 
covered, and is immovable from terror. Thou wakest, thou findest 
no tmce of them, for they have carried off thy property. 

* Become (again) a champion, who is fully accoutred. Let thy 
ear be fbll of that which I will relate to thee besides. 

' The town '* Hidden/' such is the meaning of its name Kapuna, 
what is its state t Its goddess (we will speak of) at another time. 
Thou hast not visited it. Be good enough to look out for Birotha 
(Berytus), Ziduna (Sidon), and Zareptha (Sarepta). Where are the 
fords of the land of Nazana ? The land of Authu ( Avathus), what is 
its state? They speak of another city in the sea, Zor (Tyru»), the 
lake is her name. The drinking water is brought to her in boats. 
She is richer in fishes than in sand. I tell thee of something else. 
Dangerous is it to enter into Zar'au-na (Zareah).^ Thou wilt say, 
it is burning with a very painful sting ! Champion ! come ! Go 
forwards on the way to the K'aikana. Where is the road <^ 'Aksapu 
( Achsib) 1 Towards no city. Pray look at the mountcun of User. 
How is its crest ? Where is the mountain of Ikama 9 Who can 
surmount it? Champion I whither must you take a journey to the 
city of Huzor (Hazor) ) How is its ford 1 Let me (choose) the 
road to Hamatha (Hamath), Bagana (Beth-Dagon), and Dagal-ael 
(Migdal-El 1). Here is the place where all champions meet. Be 
good enough to spy out its road, cast a look on I'ana (Ijon). 
When one goes to Adamin (Adumim), to what is one opposite) 
Do not draw back, but instruct ns ! Guide us ! that we may know, 
thou leader ! 

* I will name to thee other cities besides these. Thou hast not 
gone to the land of Takhis, to Kafir-Marlena, Thamnah (Thimnah), 
Kadesh (Kedes), Dapur (Tabor), Azai, Haimemma (Horonaim), 
nor hast thou beheld Qairtha-Anbu (Kiriath-eneb) near Bitha- 
Thupail (Tophel), nor dost thou know Adulma (Adullam), Zidiputha 
( Jotapata), nor dost thou know any better the name of Khaan- 
roza, in the land of Aupa,* the bull on its frontiers. Here is the 
place, where all the mighty warriors are seen. Be good enough 

* Zareah means in Hebrew • to beat,' * to sting,' particularly 
with relation to Zir'eah, hornets, wasps ; hence the play upon the 
name of the city. 

' The country of Aupa or Aup formed the northernmost boun- 
dary of the Khalu or Phoenicians. 

Digitized by 



to look and see how Sina is situated, and tell me about Behobu. 
Describe Bil^iarSheal (Bethshean), and TharqaraeL The ford of 
Jiiduna (Jordan), how is it crossed ? Teach me to know the pas- 
sage in order to enter into the city of Makitha (Megiddo), which 
lies in front of it. Yerily thou art a ehamipion, well skilled in 
tbe work of the strong hand. Pray, is there found a ehampion like 
thee, to place at the head of the army, or a geigneur, who can beat 
thee in shooting t 

' Drive along the edge of the precipice, on the slippery height, 
over a depth of 2,000 cubits, full of rocks and boulders. Thou 
takest thy way back in a zigzag, thou bearest thy bow, thou takest 
the iron in thy left hand. Thou lettest the old men see, if their 
eyes are good, how, worn out with fatigue, thou supportest thyself 
with thy hand. II est perdu, le chameau, U ckcmipum. Eh hienf 
Make to thyself a name among the champions and the knights 
of the land of Egypt. Let thy name be like that of Qazailoni,* 
the lord of Asel, because he discovered lions in the interior of tbe 
balsam-forest of Baka, at the narrow passes, which are rendered 
dangerous by the Shasn, who lie in ambush among the trees. They 
measured 14 cubits by 5 cubits. Their nose reached to the soles 
of their feet. Of a grim appearance, without softness, they ceased 
not for caresses. Thou art alone, no sti-onger one is with thee, no 
armJie is behind thee, thou findest no lion de dieu (ariel),^ who 
, prepares the way for thee, and gives thee counsel on the road before 
thee. Thou knowest not the road. The hair of thy head stands* 
on end ; it bristles up. Thy soul is given into thy hands. Thy path 
is full of rocks and boulders, there is no way out near, it is over- 
grown with thorns and thistles, with creepers and wolf s-foot. 
Abysses are on one side of thee, the moimtain and the wall of 

^ This word seems to be connected with Kislon (i.e. strong), 
which was the name, for example, of the father of Elidad, the prince 
of the tribe of Benjamin (see Numbers zzxiv. 21). 

^ A very remarkable word, which shows a full knowledge of 
Semitic in the writer. In Hebrew also, ard or arielf * the lion of 
Ck>d,' means a hero. In 2 Sam. zxiii. 20, it is related of Benaiah, 
of Qabzeel (the name sounds uncommonly like Qazail-oni), that he, 
the commander of the bodyguard of David, slew two Moabitish 
arid, i.e. heroes (* lion-like men of Moab,* A.V.) ; killed a lion 
snowed up in a pit, and overcame an Egyptian in full armour 
with only a staff. 

Digitized by 


112 RAMSES IL MIAMUN. chap. xiv. 

rock on the other. Thou drivest in against it. The chariot, on 
which thou art, jumps. Thou art troubled to hold up thy horses. 
If it falls into the abyss, the pole drags thee down too. Thy 
eeintures are pulled away. They fall down. Thou shacklest 
the horse, because the pole is broken on the path of the narrow 
pass. Not knowing how to bind it up, thou imderstandest not 
how it is to be repaired. The easieu is left on the spot, as the 
load is too heavy for the horses. Thy courage has evaporated. 
Thou beginnest to run. The heaven is cloudless. Thou art 
thirsty; the enemy is behind thee; a trembling seizes thee; a 
twig of thorny acacia worries thee ; thou thrustest it aside ; the 
horse is scratched, till at length thou findeet rest. 

* Explain thou (to me) thy relish for the ch{Mnp%on ! 

* Thou comest into Jopu ( Joppa). Thou findest the date-tree in 
full bloom in its time. Thou openest wide the hole of thy mouth, 
in order to eat. Thou findest that the maid who keeps the garden 
is fair. She does whatever thou wantest of her. She yields 
to thee the skin of her bosom. Thou art recognized, thou art 
brought to trial, and owest thy preservation to the champion. 
Thy girdle of the finest stuff, thou payest it as the price for a bad 
rag.* Thou sleepest every evening with a rug of fur over thee. 
Thou sleepest a deep sleep, for thou art weary. A thief takes 
thy bow and thy sword from thy side; thy quiver and thy armour 
are cut to pieces in the darkness ; thy pair of horses run away. The 
groom takes his course over a slippery path, which rises before him. 
He breaks thy chariot in pieces ; he follows thy foot-tracks. [He 
finds] thy equipments, which had fallen on the ground, and had 
sunk into the sand ; it becomes again (i.e., leaving only) an empty 

* Prayer does not avail thee ; even when thy mouth says, " Give 
food in addition to water, that I may reach my goal in safety : " they 
are deaf, and will not hear. They say not yes to thy words. The 
iron-workers enter into the smithy : they rummage in the work- 
shops of the carpenters ; the handicraftsmen and saddlers are at 
hand ; they do whatever thou requirest. They put together thy 
chariot ; they put aside the parts of it that are made useless ; thy 

* An expression with a double meaning, intelligible to those 
who know the secondary sense at the present day of the oriental 
word < rags/ in Arabic Sharmutah. 

Digitized by 



spokeB KB^fa^awnk quite new; thy wheels are put on, they put the 
cottiTOiM on the axles, and on the hinder part; they splice thy yoke, 
the^ put on the box of thy chariot ; the [workmen] in iron forge 

the . ; they put the ring that is wanting on thy whip, 

they replace the lanidres npon it. 

' Thoa goest quickly onward to fight on the battle-field, to do 
the works of a strong hand and of firm courage. 

' Before I wrote I sought me out a chamjpionf who knows his 
power {Ut. hand), and leads the jeuTMfse, a chief in the arm^f [who 
goes forward] even to the end of the world. 

' Answer me not, ** That Ib good, this is bad; " repeat not to me 
your opinion. Gome, I will tell thee all which lies before thee, 
at the end of thy journey. 

' I begin for thee with the city of Sesostris. Thou hast not 
set foot in it by foroa Thou hast not eaten the fish in the brook. 
.... Thou hast not washed thyself in it. With thy permission 
I will remind thee of Hadna ; where are its fortifications 1 Come, 
I pray thee, to Uti, the strong fortress of Sesostris User^maa-ra, 
to Sabaq-Ael and Ab-saqabu. I will inform thee of the posi- 
tion oi 'Aini, the customs of which thou knowest not. Nakhai 
and Rehoburotha thou hast not seen, since thou wast bom, 
champion I Bapih (Raphia) is widely extended. What is its 
wall liket It extends for a mile in the direction of Qazatha 

'Answer quickly. That which I have said is my idea of a 
champion in reply to thee. I let the people keep away from thy 
name, I wish them a seigneur. If thou art angry at the words 
which I have addressed to thee, yet I know how to estimate thy 
heart in every way. A &ther chastises, but he knows the right mea- 
sure a himdred thousand times. I know thee. To put on armour 
is really beyond thy ability. No man whose hand and courage is 
warlike makes himself &moos in my esteem. I am open and clear, 
like the spring-water of the god Monthu. It matters very little 
what flows over thy tongue, for thy compositions are very confused. 
Thou comest to me in a covering of misrepresentations, with a 
cargo of blunders. Thou tearest the words to tatters, just as it 
comes into thy mind. Thou dost not take pains to find out their 
force for thyself. If thou rushest wildly forward, thou wilt not 
succeed. '^That comparison is there between one who does not 
know the goal that he wishes to reach, and one who reaches iti 


Digitized by 


114 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. chap. xit. 

Now, what is he like t I have not gone back, but I have reached 
(my goal). Soften thy heart, let thy heart be cheerM ; may the 
way to eat cause thee no trouble ! 

' I have struck out for thee the end of thy composition, and I 
return to thee thy descriptions. What thy words contain, that is 
altogether on my tongue, it has remained on my lips. It is a confused 
medley, when one hears it j an uneducated person could not under- 
stand it. It is like a man from the lowlands speaking with a man 
from Elephantine.^ But since thou art the scribe of Pharaoh, thou 
resemblest the water for the land, that it may become fertile. Take 
my meaning kindly, and do not say, ** Thou hast made my name to 
stink before all other men/' Understand me as having wished to 
impart to thee the true position of a chcMnpian, in doing which I 
have visited for thee every f orttgn people, and placed before thee in 
a general view the countries, and (every) city according to its special 
character. Acquaint us kindly, that thou so understandest it. If 
thou findest that the remarks upon thy work are apposite, thou 
wilt be for us like the £unous Uah.' 

Eamses II. enjoyed a long reign. The monuments 
expressly testify to a rule of sixty-seven years, of 
which probably more than half must be assigned to 
his joint reign with his father. His thirty-years' 
jubilee as (sole ?) Pharaoh was the occasion for great 
festivities throughout the whole country, of which we 
have frequent mention in the inscriptions at Silsilis, 
El-Kab, Bigeh, Seh61, and even upon several scarabaei. 
The prince and high priest of Ptah of Memphis, 
Khamus, travelled through the principal cities of the 
land, in order to make the necessary preparations, 
through the governors, for celebrating this great 
feast of joy in honour of his father in a proper 

The return of this jubilee seems to have been cal- 

' This is the passage referred to at Yol. I. p. 19. — Ed. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


culated according to a fixed cycle of years, perhaps 
when the lunar and solar years coincided * at short 
intervals of three or four years, in the same manner 
as the festivals. In the 30th year Khamus celebrated 
the feast under his own superintendence, according to 
usage and prescription, in Bigeh and in Silsilis, where 
at that time Khai was governor of the district, while 
at El-Kab the governor Ta conducted the festivities. 
The recurrence of the succeeding jubilees took place 
— the second in the 34th year, the third in the 37th 
year, and the fourth in the 40th year, of the reign of 
Bamses U. 

Great in war, and active in the works of peace, 
Ramses seems also to have enjoyed the richest blessings 
of heaven in his family life. The outer wall of the 
front of the temple of Abydus displays the effigies 
and the names (only partially preserved) of 119 
children (60 sons and 59 daughters) ; which gives 
ground for supposing a great number of concubines, 
besides his lawful wives, already known to us, namely, 
his favourite wife Isenofer, the mother of Khamus, 
the queen Nofer-ari,^ Mienmut, and the daughter of 
the king of Khita. 

» Comp. Vol. I. pp. 121-2. 

^ The small temple at Ibsamboul, specially dedicated to queen 
Nofer-ari Mer-en-shoa (*the good consort beloved of Amon'), 
contains some interesting pictures of the fitmily of Bamses, of 
which Mr. Villiers Stuart gives engravings {Nile Oleanings), 
Among them is a splendid coloured portrait of the queen, and 
another representing her in a group with the goddess Anke. In 
the same temple Bamses is represented with his fieunily between 
his knees and at his feet. Mr. Yilliers Stuart also gives coloured 
and other engravings from the pictures at Ibsamboul^ representing 


Digitized by 


116 RAMSES n. MIAMUN. chap, xit. 

Among his sons, Khamus held a fond place in 
his father's heart. He was high priest of Ptah in 
Memphis, and in that character did his best to restore 
the decayed worship of the holy Apis-bulls, which 
were regarded as the living type of Ptah-Sokari, and 
to invest it with the greatest splendour. His buildings 
in Memphis, and in the so-called Serapeum, the burial- 
place of the holy bulls, are celebrated by inscriptions 
as splendid works of the age, and their author is 
overwhelmed with praises. From all that the monu- 
ments tell us about Khamus, in words more or less 
clear, the king's son seems to have been a learned 
and pious prince, who devoted himself especially to 
the holy service of the deity, and remained in the 
temple of Ptah at Memphis, keeping himself more 
estranged from state affairs than was altogether 
pleasing to his royal father. 

The elder sons, including Khamus, died during the 
long reign of their father. The fourteenth in the long 
list of children, by name Mineptah, ' the friend of 
Ptah,' was chosen by destiny to mount at last the 
throne of the Pharaohs. He had already taken part 
in the affairs of government during the lifetime of his 
aged father, and in this capacity he appears on 
the monuments of Bamses H., by the side of his 
royal parent. 

Of the daughters of the king, the monuments 

Bamses on Mb chariot attended in battle by Mb fighting lion ; 
also followed by sue of his sons in three chariots ; also in a duel 
with a Libyan foe ; also a portrait of Ms eldest son, Amen-hi* 
khop-sanef ; also a colossal statue of his daughter Ba-ta-anta. — 'Es>. 

Digitized by 


»w. XII. * PHAEAOH'a DAUGHTER.' 117 

name, during the lifetime of the Pharaoh, as real 
queens and wives of Egyptian kings (perhaps sub- 
kings or brothers), his favourite daughter, called by 
the Semitic name of Bint-antha, Uhe daughter of 
Anaitis,' and Meri-amon, and Neb-taui. A much 
younger sister of the name of Meri deserves to be 
mentioned, since her name reminds us of the princess 
Merris (also called Thermuthis), according to the 
Jewish tradition,* who found the child Moses on the 
bank of the stream, when she went to bathe. Is it by 
accident, or by divine providence, that in the reign 
of Eamses HI., about 100 years after the death of his 
ancestor, the great Sesostris, a place is mentioned in 
Middle £^pt, which bears the name of the great 
Jewish legislator ? It is called I-en-Mosh^, * the island 
of Moses ' or * the river-bank of Moses.' It lay on 
the eastern side of the river, near the city of the 
heretic king Khu-n-aten. The place still existed in 
the time of the Eomans ; those who describe Egypt 
at that time designate it, with a mistaken apprehension 
of its true meaning, as Musai, or Musdn, as if it had 
some connection with the Greek Muses. 

The list of contemporaries during the long reign 
of the king, about whom the monuments furnish us 
with information, is almost innumerable. It were a 
labour which would repay the cost, to collect together 
their names and families, so as to form a general view 
of their generations under Bamses 11. Among them, 
a distinguished place was held by that Bekenkhonsu, 

' Joseph. Antiq, IL 9, § 35; Artapanus, ap, Euseb. Prcep. 
Evcmg. ix. 27. 

Digitized by 


118 RAMSES II. MIAMUN, ohap. xir. 

upon whose statue (in Munich) the follovdng notice of 
his career is handed down to the latest generations : — 

' (1) The hereditary lord and first prophet of Amon, Beken- 
khonsu, speaks thus : I was truthful and yirtuous towards mj 
lord. I undertook with pleasure that which my god taught me. 
I walked in his ways. I performed acts of piety within his 
temple. I was a great architect in the town of Amon, my heart 
being filled with good works for my lord. 

*0 ye men, all of you altogether, of reflecting mind, (2) ye who 
remain now upon the earth, and ye who will come after me for 
thousands and later thousands of years, according to your age and 
frailty, whose heart is possessed by the knowledge of virtue, I give 
you to know what services I performed on earth, in that office 
which was my lot from my birth. 

* I was for four years a very litUe child. For twelve years 
(3) I was a boy. I was the superintendent of the office for the sus- 
tenance of the king Mineptah Seii. I was a priest of Amon for 
four years. I was a holy fia.ther of Amon for twelve years. I 
was third prophet of Amon for sixteen years. I was second pro- 
phet of Amon for twelve years. He (the king) rewarded me, and 
distinguished me because of my deserts. He named me as first 
prophet of Amon for six years. I was (4) a good father for my 
temple servants, in that I afforded sustenance to their families, 
and stretched out my hand to the fallen, and gave food to the poor, 
and did my best for my temple. I was the great architect of the 
Theban palace for his (Seti's) son, who sprang from his loins, the 
king Eamses II. He himself raised a memorial to his father 
Amon, (5) when he was placed upon the throne as king. 

' The skilled in art, and the first prophet of Amon, Bekenkhonsu, 
speaks thus : I performed the best I could for the temple of Amon 
as architect of my lord. I erected for him the wing-tower *' of 
Bamessu II., the friend of Amon, who listens to those who pray to 
him,'' (thus is he named) at the first gate of the temple of Amon. 
1 placed obelisks at the same made of granite. Their height reaches 
to the vault of heaven. A propylon is (6) before the same in sight 
of the city of Thebes, and ponds and gardens, with flourishing 
trees. I made two great double doors of gold. Their height 
reaches to heaven. I caused to be made double pairs of great 
masts. I set them up in the splendid court in sight of his 

Digitized by 



temple. I had great barks built on the liver for Amon, Mut, and 

Although the day of the death of Bekenkhonsu 
is not given in the inscription, yet it is clear that he 
must have departed this life while priest of Amon, 
after having completed sixty-six years.* We can 
therefore divide his whole life of sixty-six years into 
the following sections : — 


Bekenkhonsu was a little child 

4 years . 


A boy, and at last official of 

the palace 

. 12 „ . 


Priest of Amon . . . , 

4 „ . 


Holy father of Amon • 

12 „ . 


Third prophet of A mon. 

16 „ . 


Second prophet of Amon 

12 „ . 


First prophet of Amon • 

6 „ . 


It is hardly probable that the great Sesostris died 
leaving his earthly empire in peaceful circumstances. 
A large family of sons and grandsons were ready in 
his advanced years to dispute the inheritance of their 
father. The seeds of stormy and unquiet times were 
sown. The historical records in the sequel justify 
these anticipations in the most striking manner. 

The body of Pharaoh was laid in his sepulchral 
chamber in the rocky valley of Biban-el-Molouk. The 
son of Seti, so full of gratitude to his father, notwith- 
standing the large number of his children, had not left 

^ ChampolKon has briefly described the extensive but much- 
rnined sepulchre of this man, on ihe west side of Thebes, in his 
Notices Desoript, tome i. p. 538. On its second door the French 
hierogrammatist read the following inscription : — ' The hereditary 
lord and president of the prophets of Amon-ra, the lord of Thebes, 
the first prophet of Amon, Bekenkhonsu, the Uessed.' 

Digitized by 


120 MINEPTAH n. HOTEPHDiA. chap. xit. 

one descendant who prepared for him a tomh worthy 
of his deeds and great name, a tomb which might 
even be compared with the splendid sepulchre of Seti. 
The tomb of Bamses is an insignificant structui^e, of 
rather tasteless work, seldom visited by travellers in 
the Nile valley, who scarcely imagine that the great 
Sesostris of Greek legend can have found his last 
resting-place in these mean chambers. At his death, 
Pharaoh might have said of himself, * I stood alone, 
no other was with me,' as formerly in his struggle 
against the Khita. 


We must still retain our judgment, which we ex- 
pressed in the first [French] edition of our History of 
Egypt, upon the insignificant character of the works of 
this king. In opposition to the opinion of a learned 
colleague, who never set his foot on Egyptian soil, we 
must be permitted again to affirm, with all decision, 
as the result of the most minute examination of the 
monuments, that Mineptah EL does not rank with 
those Pharaohs who have transmitted their remem- 
brance to posterity by grand buildings and the con- 
struction of new temples, or by the enlargement of 
such as already existed. A glance at the detailed 
architectural plan of the temple of Kamak, which M. 
Mariette has recently published, with the names of all 
the royal builders, is alone sufficient to prove that 
Mineptah did as good as nothing for the great temple 
of the empire at Api. With the exception of small 

Digitized by 



works, hardly worthy of being named, the new 
Pharaoh contented himself with the cheap glory of 
utilizing, or rather misusing, the monuments of his 
predecessors, as far back as the Twelfth Dynasty and 
not excepting even the works of the Hyksos, as bearers 
of his royal shields ; for in the cartouches of former 
kings, whence he had chiselled out their names, he 
unscrupulously inserted his own, without any respect 
for the judgment of posterity. Short, unimportant, 
badly executed inscriptions, for the most part during 
the first years of his reign, commemorate merely his 
existence, without any further information of histori- 
cal value. We must make an exception in favour of 
that single important record, which Mineptah caused 
to be chiselled on the inner side-wall of one of the 
southern forecourts of the great temple of Amon at 
Api, to call to the remembrance of the Thebans his 
great friendship with the gods. 

The contents of this inscription, unfortunately in- 
jured in its upper portion, are extremely important, 
for it announces to us the irruption of the Libyan 
peoples and their allies into Egypt, and their repulse 
by the victorious Egyptian army. We lay before our 
readers the most important p^rt of this inscription in 
an accurate translation, and we do not hesitate to give 
the completion of the parts that are wanting, as they 
must necessarily be supplied from the connection of 
the whole and of the several parts : ^-^ 

* This infloription is translated by Dr. S. Birch, in Records of 
the Poitf vol. iv. pp. 39, foil. The variations in the spelling of the 
names are faithfully preserved from Dr. Brugsch'a German. — En. 

Digitized by 


122 MINEPTAH n. HOTEPHIMA. chap. ht. 

< (1) Catalogue of the peoples which were smitten by the king : 
• . . . ] -i the A-qa-ua-sha, the Tu-li-sha, the Li-ku» the Bhair-dan, 
the Sha-ka-li-sha, peoples of the North, which came hither out of 
all countries. 

' (2) [In the year Y,, in the month . ...» in the reign of the 
lord of the diadem] to whom his father Amon has given power, the 
Idng of Upper and Lower Egypt, Mineptah Hotephima, the dis- 
penser of life, the divine benefactor, was [in the town of MemphiB, 
to thank the god Ptah] (3) [for] his [benefits]. For all gods pro- 
tect him, all peoples were in fear of his glanca The king Mineptah 
(4) [received at that time a message, that the king of the Libyans 
bad Mien upon ihe towns of the country] and plundered them, 
and turned them into heaps of rubbish; that the cowards had 
submitted to his will ; that he had overstepped the boundaries of 
his country, that he had gained the upper hand. 

' (5) [Then the king caused the towns to be fortified, and 
measures to be taken] in all directions for the protection of the 
breath of life. He gave it back to the inhabitants who were 
without it, sitting still in (their) hiding-places. Powerful was his 
might to (6) [attain his end. He had entrenchments drawn] to 
protect the city of On, the city of the sun-god Tum, and to protect 
the great fortress of Tanen (i.e. Memphis), and to extend [the 
works for the protection of other cities] in great numbers. 

* (7) [For the foreign peoples had long since made inroads 
Idso from the East, and had pitched] their tents before the town of 
Pi-bailoB (Byblus, Bilbeis) ; they found themselves (already) on 
the canal Sha-ka-na, to the north of the canal Ao (of Heliopolis), 
(8) [so that the adjoining land] was not cultivated, but was left as 
pasture for the cattle on account of the foreigners. It lay waste 
there from the times of our forefathers. All the kings of Upper 
Egypt sat in their entrenchments (9) [and were occupied in build- 
ing themselves memorials], and the kings of Lower Egypt found 
themselves in the midst of their cities, surrounded with earth- 
works, cut off from everything by warriors, for they had no mer- 
cenaries to oppose to them. 

'Thus had it been (10) [untU the day when king Mineptah] 
ascended the throne of Horus. He was crowned to preserve life 
to mortals. He was brought in as king to protect men. There 
was the strength in him to do this, because he was the likeness 
of the [beautiful] feoed (11) [god (Ptah). And the king sent 

Digitized by 



messengers to the land of Ma f }>bair. The choicest of his mer- 
oenarieB were equipped; his chariots were assembled from all 
directions ; and his spies [betook them to the load to keep him 
informed. Thus had he] prepared [eyer3rthmg] for his equipment 
in (12) [a short time. And thus was he armed for the approaching 
struggle. For he is a hero] ; he takes no count of hundreds of 
thousands (of enemies) on the day of the turmoil of battle. His 
life-guards mardied forward; there came on the most powerful 
w a rriors ; and beautiful was the sight at the entrance of the 
mercenaries for all the inhabitants [of Egypt]. 

' (13) [And they came to announce to the king : *' In . . . . ] 
month of the summer has it happened, that the miserable king of 
the hostile land of libu, Mar-ajui, a son of Did, has made an 
irruption into the land of the Thuhennu (the Marmaridse) with his 
foreign mercenaries, (14) [the catalogue of whom is as follows : 
the Sh]airdan, the Shakalsha, the Qauasha, the liku, the Turisha : 
since he has sought out the best of all combatants, and of all the 
quick runners of his country. He has also brought with him his 
wife and his children; (15) [besides there are come with him 
the princes] and the captains of the host. He has reached the 
boundaries of the west land at the fields of the town of Pi-ar« 
shop (Proeopis)." 

* Then his Majesty was enraged against them like a lion, 
(16) [and he assembled the princes and leaders of his host and 
spake thuB ;] " Listen to the sayings of your lord* I give you [to 
know] what you have to do at my word. For I am the king, your 
shepherd. My care is to enquire (17) [what tends to the good of 
the land. Who among] you is like him, to keep life for his 
children ) Should they be anxious like the birds t You do not 
know the goodness of his intentions." No answer (was made to 
this) on the part of (18) [the princes. And the king continued : 
" It is not my intention to await the enemy, so that the land] should 
be wasted and abandoned at the advance of all foreign peoples, to 
plunder its boundaries. The enemies (19) overstep them daily. 
Each takes [what he pleases, and it is their intention] to plunder 
the frontier cities. They have already advanced into the nelds of 
Egypt irom the boundary of the river onwards. They have gained 
a firm footing, and spend days and months therein. [They have] 
settled themselves (20) [near the towns. Others of them] have 
reached the mountains of the Oasis, and the lands in sight of the 

Digitized by 


1 24 MINEPTAH n. HOTEPHIMA. chap. xrr. 

nome of Taahu.* It was a privilege ever smee the kings of Upper 
Egypt, on the ground of the historical records of other times. But 
no one (21) knows [that they ever came in large numhers] like 
vermin. Let no more be granted to them than their belly re- 
quires. If they love death and hate life, if their temper is haughty 
to do (22) [what they wish, then let them apply to] their king, let 
them remain on (their) ground and soil, and go to the battle, so as 
always to fill their bodies. They have come to Egypt to seek 
sostenance for their mouth. They [diiwt] their mind (23) [to this, 
to fill] their belly [with] my property, just like the fishermen. 
Their king is like a dog, a bragging fellow. His courage is naught. 
Having arrived, he sits there planning (24) [a treaty, to carry out 
with him] the people of the Piti-shu, whom I allowed to take away 
wheat in ships, to preserve the life of this people of Khita, because I, 
the king, am he whom the gods have chosen* All plenty, (25) [all 
sustenance, lies] in my hand, the king Mineptah, the dispenser 
of life. In my name are laid [the supporting columns] of my 
[buildings]. I act as king of the country. [All] happens (26) [in 
my name in the land of Egypt]. What is spoken in Thebes 
pleases Amon. He has turned himself away fix)m the people of 
the Mashauasha (Maxyes), and (he) looks [no more] on the people 
of the Thamhu, they are (27) [lost." 

* Thus spake the king to] the leaders of the host, who stood 
before him, that they should destroy the people of the Libu. They 
went forth, and the hand of God was with them. Amon was at 
their [side] as a shield. The news reached the [people] of Egypt, 
(28) [namely, that the king in his own person would take part] in 
the campaign on the fourteenth day. Then his Majesty beheld in 
a dream as if the statue of Ftah, which is placed at ihe [gate of the 
temple,] stepped down to Pharaoh. It was like a giant. (29) [And 
it was] as if it spoke to him : ** Remain altogether behind," and, 
handily; to him the battle sword, ** Mayest thou cast off the lazy 
disposition that is in thee." And Pharaoh spoke to it : ** Behold ! 
(30) [thy word shall be accomplished]." 

< And my warriors and the chariotd in sufficient number had 
prepared an ambush before them in the high land of the country 
of the nome of Prosopis. 

' Then the miserable king of (31) [the hostQe Libu caused bis 

' Called Touho by the Copts, in Middle Egypt. 


Digitized by ' 


warriora and his meroenarieB to advance] in the night of the first 
of Epiphi, when the earth hecame light enough for the enooimter. 
When the miserable king of the hostile libn had arrived, about 
the time of the 3rd of Epiphi, he had bronght (32) [with him all 
his hosts. But] thej held back. When the warriors of his M^jestf 
had charged forward, together with the chaiiots, then was Amon- 
Ba with them, and the god Nub reached out to them his hand« 
£ach (33) [man fought bravely. A great defeat was infiicted on 
ifaem, and they lay there in] their blood. No man was left remain- 
ing of them, for the foreign mercenaries oi his Majesty had spent 
tax. hours in annihilating them. The sword gave (34) [no mercy, 
so that] the land was [fuU of corpses.] 

' While they thus fought, the miserable king of the libn stood 
theie fill! of fear, his courage deserted him ; then fled (35) [he in 
quick flight, and left] his sandals, his bow, his quiver, in his haste 
behind him ; and [all other things] which he had with' him. He, 
in whose body there was no timidity, and whose form was ani- 
mated by a great manly courage, (36) [he fled like a woman. Then 
the meroenaries of his Mcjesty took what he had left] of his 
property, his money which he had gathered in, his silver, his gold, 
bis vesseb of iron, the ornaments of his wife, his chairs, his bows, 
his weapons, and all other things which he had brought (37) [with 
him. All was allotted to the] palace of the king, whither it was 
bj^ought together with the prisoners. When in the meantime the 
miserable king of the libu had hurried forth in his flight, then 
there [followed] him a number (38) [of the people of his nation, 
since they had escaped] destruction by the sword. Then did the 
cavalry who sat upon their horses spring forward to pursue them. 
[The enemy] fell in (39) [their flight into their hands, and great 
destruction was inflicted on them]. No [man] had seen the like 
in the historical records of the kings of Lower Egypt, at the time 
when this land of Egypt was in their [power], when the enemy 
maintained their ground flrmly, at the time when the kings of 
Upper Egypt (40) [would afford no assistance]. But [all] this was 
done by the gods from love to their son who loves them, to preserve 
the land of Egypt for its ruler, and to protect the temples of the 
land of Ta-Mera, in order to exalt (41) [the glory of the king to 
the latest generations. * 

' Then the governor] of the frontier garrisons of the west la^d 
sent a report to the royal court to the following effect : '* The 

Digitized by 


126 MINEPTAH 11. HOTEPHIMA. chap. xnr. 

enemy Mauri has arrived in flight; his body trembled; he 
escaped far ftway only by favour of the night. (42) [His flight, 
however, does no barm, for] want [will be his fate.] He has fallen. 
All the gods are for Egypt. The promises which he had made are 
become vain, and all his words have rolled back on his own head. 
His fate is not known, whether he is dead, (43) [or whether he ia 
living. Thou, O king !] leave him his life. If he is alive, he will 
not raise himself up any more. He has fallen down, and his people 
have become hostile (to him). Thou wilt be the man who will 
undertake it, by giving orders to kill (44) [the rebels among the 
inhabitants] in the land of the Thamhu, and [of the Libn]. Let 
them set up another in his place, one of his Wothers, who took 
part in the battle. He will be obliged to acknowledge him, since 
he is himself despised by the princes as a (45) [monster without an 

' Then the king gave the order that there should return home] 
the leaders of the foreign mercenaries, the life-guards, the chariots 
of war, and all the waniors of the army whose service was ended. 
But those who were of the young men, in full force, (46) [re- 
ceived the command to .drive] before them the asses which were 
loaded with the (cut off) members of the micircumdsed peoj^e of 
the libu, and with the (cut off) hands of all the peoples which 
were with them, like foals in the clover, and with all things 
(47) [which the warriors of Egypt had taken as booty from] the 
enemy, to their own countiy. Then the whole land rejoiced to 
the height of heaven ; the towns and villages sang the wonderful 
deeds that had been done; the (48) [river resounded with the 
joyful shouts of the dwellers on its banks, and they] carried the 
booty imder the window of the palace in order that his Majesty 
might behold their conquests. 

' This is the catalogue of the {nisoners, who were carried away 
out of this land of the Libu, together with the foreign peoples, 
whom they had brought with them in great numbers, Ukewise 
of the things (49) [which had been taken from them] and brought 
to the magazines of king Mineptah; (who was called) "the An- 
nihilator of the Thuhennu,'' in the town of Frosopis, and to the 
upper towns of the country from the place called ** of Mineptah ** 
(50) [to the city ..• . ]. 

* 1. liemJbftn of the uncircumcised — 

Of king's children and brothers of the king 
of the libu .«•«•« 6 

Digitized by 



their members were cut off and delivered 

[Of leaders and people] of the Liba. Their 

members were cut off and delivered over. 6359 men 
Making together : of king's children, leaders 
'(51) [and common people of the libu, whose 

members were cut off and delivered 

over 6365 men] 

*(52) [2. Hand8o/thedrcumciaed:jiBmely, of ike 
Tulisha, the Shar]dina, the Shakal-sha, 
and the Aqkiuasha of the lands of the 
sea : 

* (53) Sfaakalsha : 242 men, number of the hands . 250 

Tulisha: 750 „ „ „ „ . 790 

* (54) Shairdana [x x] 

Aqaiuasha, who were circumcised, and 
whose hands were cut off and delivered 
over, though they were circumcised. 

[Number of the hands : 1 040 + x] 

* (55) [The members and hands were stoi'ed up in] heaps. The 
members of the undrcumdsed were brought to the place where 
the king was. Their number, of 6,111 men, amounted in all 
to ... x pieces 

' (56) [Of the circumcised the number] of their hands [amounted 
to], of common men (namely) 2370 

'3. As living captives, there were delivered 
of the Shakalsha and Talisha, who 
had come with the hostile tribes of 

the Libu [9146] men 

' (57) [Further of the ... . and] Libu . . 218 „ 
Of the women of the king of the hostile Libu, whom 
he had brought with him, living women ... 12 
So that altogether those who were delivered over [of 

the enemy as living prisoners, the (58) number 

amounted to] of men and women . . • . 9376 

« 4. Other booty. 

Weapons that were in their hands, or that had been 

taken from the prisoners : 
Bronze swords of the Mashuasha • 9111 pieces 

Digitized by 





* (59) [Swordsy daggers, and other weap<»is of the] land [of the 

Libu] 120,214 pieces 

' Pairs of chariotrhorses, which had been driven by the king of 

the Libu, and the children [and brothers] of the king of the libu, 

and whicdi were deliyered over alive . . . 113 pairs 

' (60) The objects [which were otherwise taken as booty] with 

the Mashuasha [were given as a present to the warriors] of the 

king, who had fought against the hostile libu 

Of cattle of various sorts 


Of various [....] 
Silver drinking-cups 
Other vessels 
Swords • 
. . • bronze armours and daggers, and many 

other implements 3174 „ 

' (61) When [the booty, as the number has been written above,] 
was placed apart, fire was set to the camp, to their tents of skins, 
and to all their baggage.' 

1308 head 

[54] . 
X pieces 

104 „ 

Such was the great battle of Prosopis, in the 5th 
year^ of the reign of lilineptah, by which the threat- 
ening irruption of the Libyans (libu) and their allies 
upon Egypt was repulsed. With the Libyans, who 
were held in contempt by the Egyptians as uncircum- 
cised, were joined mercenary troops of the Caucaso- 
Colchian race, who in these times had migrated into 
Libya,® and rendered mihtary service for pay, partly 
in Egypt and partly in Libya. Li the times of Bamses 
m. they appeared again on the scene of Egyptian 

7 This regnal year is determined once for all by a monument 
which I have discovered at Cairo. See also my work, in the press, 
On the Libyan PeopUs in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries 
before Christ, 

* May they have been revolted prisoners of war, whom 
Bamses II. (Sesostris) had brought firom Asia to l!gypt in his 
military expeditions t 

Digitized by 


vnr. xix. ALLIES OF THE LIBYANS, 129 

history, increased by names of peoples and races, 
some of which have been preserved among the 
Greeks in the exact equivalent forms. We annex the 
Kst of them, in order that we may here at once dis- 
pose of the question as to the origin of these tribes, 
who were highly esteemed by the Egyptians as being 
circumcised : — 

1. Qaiqasha : ihe GaucaoAna. 

2. Aqaiuasha : the Ach»ans of the Cauoasus. 

3. Shardana : ihe Sardones, Chartani. 

4. Shakakha : the people of Zagylis, 

5. Torsha: theTaurians. 

6. Zakar, Zakkari : the Zjges, Zjgritee. 

7. Leka ; the Ligyes. 

8. XJashaah : the Ossetes. 

To identify these circumcised tribes, as some have 
done, with the Achseans, Sardinians, SicuU, Etrus- 
cans, Teucrians, Lycians, and Oscans, of classical 
antiquity, is to introduce a serious error into the 
primitive history of the classic nations. 

We ought to give all credit to the assurances of 
the inscriptions on stone and the writings on papyrus, 
when they tell us how, after her deliverance from such 
dangerous enemies as the Libyans and their allies, 
I^ypt again took breath with joyful courage, and 
the people, feeling themselves freed from a pressing 
incubus, gave loud and jubilant utterance to their 
joyous sense of victory. The chief share in this re- 
joicing must have belonged to the Egyptian lowlanders 
of the Delta, whose cities and villages touched, to the 
west, on the borders of the enemies, and especially 
on the Colchian group and the Carian inmiigrants, 


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130 MINEPTAH n. HOTEPHIMA. chap. xit. 

whom we shall again meet with presently when we 
come to describe the wars of Eamses m. against the 
Libyans. In what was afterwards called the Mareotic 
nome, the Danau were settled in the district named 
by the geographer Ptolemy Teneia, or Taineia. Their 
next neighbours were the Purosatha, the Prosoditae of 
the same writer ; while onwards along the coast, as 
far as the great Catabathmus, the last remnant of the 
Shakalsha still remained at the time of the Eomans 
in the village of Zagyhs ; and the descendants of the 
Shardana and the Zakkar were perpetuated in the 
small tribes of the Chartani and the Zygritae. The 
whole coast beyond, as far as Cyrene, appears to have 
been a gathering-ground of warlike adventurers of 
the Colchio-Cretan tribes, up to the Dardani,* whose 
name again is faithfully reflected in that of the city 
of Dardanis. 

The officials and priests at the court of Mineptah 
were not backward in extolling their Pharaoh to the 
heavens. The fragments, which happen to have been 
preserved, of the writings and epistolary communi- 
cations of some of these officers, display a poetical 
enthusiasm in lauding the king, whom they commonly 
introduce under his throne name of Bi-n-ra (or Bi-n- 
pra, 'soul of Ba'), as an invincible conqueror; and 
they exhaust themselves iLsque ad naiLseam in the 
most flattering descriptions of his exploits. 

The relations which Mineptah maintained with the 
Khita, towards the East, were of the most friendly 
nature, in consequence of th^ old treaty of peace.^ His 
» See p. 46. » See p. 71. 

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contribution of com to the people of the Khita, al- 
ready mentioned,* gives the most striking confirmation 
of this view. The fortresses and wells, which the 
kings Thutmes m. and Eamses 11. had established in 
Canaan, and had provided with Egyptian garrisons, 
still existed under Mineptah. With them, as well as 
with the inhabitants of Graza, who were dependent on 
Egypt, a constant intercourse was regularly main- 
tained, and messengers went to and fro as bearers of 
the king's orders, or to carry tidings to the court from 
the East. The official bearers of despatches belonged 
mostly to the people of the Canaanites, as their names 
fiiUy prove. We cite, as an example, with some cor- 
rections, the records of despatches inscribed on the 
back of the papyrus Anastasi HI. (first deciphered 
by M. Chabas), which was written in the third regnal 
year of king Mineptah : — 

'In the year 3, Fakhons, day 15. There have gone up (i.e. 
departed) from €kza the servant Ba'al .... son of Zaprir, who 
is bound for Khal (Phoenicia); two government despatches of 
miscellaneous contents. The messenger of the controller (1) Khaa ; 
one despatch. The prince (king 1) of Zor (Tyrus), Ba'al-ma-i-om- 
ga-bu ; one despatch.' 

' In the year 3, Pakhons, day 27. There have arrived the leaders 
of the foreign legion of the fountain of Mineptah-Hotephima, in 
order that these overseers might vindicate themselves in the for- 
tress of Khetam (the Etham of the Bible), in the district of Zor 
(the Tanitic nome).' 

* In the year 3, Pakhons, day 28. There have departed from 
Gaza the servant Thut, son of Za-ka-li-man, the Maza (?) Buin, 
son of Sha-ma-Ba'al, from the same place; Sntekh-mes, son of 
'Aper-degar, from the same place; who have gone to the king; the 
steward of the controller (?) Elhaa. Replies : one despatch.' 

a See p. 124. 

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132 MINEPTAH n. HOTEPHIMA. chap.xit, 

' There have departed from the tower of Mineptah-Hotephima 
(Ostracine), the servant Kekh-amon, son of Zor, who goes to the 
land of Zarduna,' and who is bound for Elhal (Phoenicia); two 
despatches of miscellaneous contents. The steward of the con- 
troller (1), Pen-amon; one despatch. The temple-overseer, Ba- 
messu, from this city (i.e. Tanis) ; one despatch. The town-reeve, 
Zani, from the city of Mineptah-Hotephima, which is situated in 
the district of Amor, who are going to the king ; two despatches 
of miscellaneous contents. The steward of the controller (1) Plr'a- 
em-hib; one despatch. The ,,..(?)..,. Pr'aem-hib; one 

* In the year 3, Pakhons, day 25. There has departed the com- 
mander of the war-chariots, Aji-uaruu, of the administration of 
the court of the king Bi-n-ra Miamun.' 

Ill this list of officers, depaxting and arriving, we 
have to recognize nothing more than the business- 
entries of some scribe, to serve as his memoranda on 
future occasions. 

The nomad tribes of the Edomite Shasu — ^who 
under Seti I. still regarded the eastern region of the 
Delta, up to the neighbourhood of Zoan, the city of 
Eamses, as their own possession, until they were driven 
out by that Pharaoh over the eastern frontier — ^be- 
stirred themselves anew Mineptah II., but now 
in a manner alike peacefiil and loyal. As faithful sub- 
jects of Pharaoh, they asked for a passage through 
the border fortress of Khetam, in the land of Thuku * 
(Sukotli), in order to find sustenance for themselves 
and their herds in the rich pasture-lands of the lake 
distrirt about the city of Pitum (Pithom). 

On this subject an Egyptian official makes the 
following report : — 

^ The Hebrew Zarthon, Zaretan in the A.Y. (Josh. iii. 16). 
^ So here in the German* Bee the note to Yol. I. p. 233. — £d. 

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' Another matter for the satisfaction of my master's heart We 
ha^e carried into effect the passage of the tribes of the Shasu from 
the land of Adoma (Edom), through the fortress (Khetam) of 
Mineptah-Hotephima, which is situated in Thuku (Sukoth), to 
the lakes of the city Pi-tam, of Mineptah-Hotephima, which are 
situated in the land of Thuku, in order to feed themselves and to 
feed their herds on the possessions of Pharaoh, who is there a 
beneficent sun for all peoples. In the year 8 . . . . Set, I caused 
them to be conducted, according to the list of the ... * for 
the . . • . of the other names of the days, on which the for- 
tress (Khetam) of Mineptah-Hotephima is opened for their pas- 

As Eamses-Sesostris, the builder of the temple-city 
of the same name in the territory of Zoan-Tanis, must 
be regarded beyond aU doubt as the Pharaoh under 
whom the Jewish legislator Moses first saw the light, 
so the chronological relations — having regard to the 
great age of the two contemporaries, Eamses 11. and 
Moses — demand that Mineptah 11. should in all proba- 
bility be acknowledged as the Pharaoh op the Exodus. 
He also had his royal seat in the city of Ramses, and 
seems to have strengthened its fortifications. The 
Bible speaks of him only under the general name of 
Phabaoh, that is, under a true Egyptian title, which 
was becoming more and more frequent at the time 
now under our notice. Pir-*ao — * great house, high 
gate' — is, according to the monuments, the desig- 
nation of the king of the land of Egypt for the time 
being. This does not of itself furnish a decisive argu- 
ment ; but then, besides, the incidental statement of 
the Psalmist, that Moses wrought his wonders in the 
Jidd of Zoan (Psalm Ixxviii. 43), carries us back again 

* Pap. Anastasi YL, pp. 4, 5« 

• Digitized by Google 

134 MINEPTAH n. HOTEPHIMA. chap. uv. 

to those sovereigns, Eamses II. and Mineptah, who 
were fond of holding their court in Zoan-Eamses. 

Some scholars have recently sought to recognize 
the Egyptian appellation of the Hebrews in the name of 
the so-called 'Aper, 'Apura, or 'Aperiu, the Erythraean 
people in the east of the nome of Heliopolis, in what 
is known as the ' red country ' on the ' red mountain ; ' 
and hence they have drawn conclusions which — 
speaking modestly, according to our knowledge of the 
monuments — ^rest on a weak foundation- According 
to the inscriptions, the name of this people appears in 
connection with the breeding of horses and the art of 
horsemanship. In an historical narrative of the time 
of Thutmes HI. (unfortunately much obliterated),* the 
Apura are named as horsemen or knights {senen), 
who mount their horses at the king's command. In 
another document, of the time of £amses HI., long 
after the Exodus of the Jews from Egi^t, 2,083 
Aperiu are introduced, as settlers in Heliopolis, with 
the words, * Knights, sons of the kings and noble 
lords (Marina) of the 'Aper, settled people, who dwell 
in this place.* Under Eamses IV. we agam meet with 
Aper, 800 in number, as inhabitants of foreign origin 
in the district of 'Ani or *Aini, on the wertem shore 
of the Eed Sea, in the neighbourhood of the modern 

These and similar data completely exclude all 
thought of the Hebrews, unless any one is disposed to 

^ Translated for the first time by Mr. Goodwin in the Trans- 
actions of ike Society of Biblical Archceology, vol. iii., part i., pp. 
342, folL 

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have recourse to suppositions and conjectures against 
the most explicit statements of the biblical records. 
On the other hand, the hope can scarcely be cherished 
that we shall ever find on the public monuments — 
rather let us say in some hidden roll of papyrus — ^the 
events, repeated in an Egyptian version, which relate 
to the Exodus of the Jews and the destruction of 
Pharaoh in the Eed Sea. For the record of these 
events was inseparably connected with the humiliating 
confession of a divine visitation, to which a patriotic 
writer at the court of Pharaoh would hardly have 
brought his mind. 

Presupposing, then, that Mineptah is to be regarded 
as the Pharaoh of the Exodus, this king must have 
had to endure serious disturbances of all kinds during 
the time of his reign : — ^in the West the Libyans, in the 
East the Hebrews, and — ^we have now to add — in the 
South a spirit of rebellion, which declared itself by the 
insurrection of a rival king of the family of the great 
Eamses-Sesostris. The events which form the lament- 
able close of his rule are passed over by the monu- 
ments with perfect silence. The dumb tumulus covers 
the misfortunes which befel Egypt and her king. 

In casting a glance over the most eminent con- 
temporaries of this king, we are reminded especially 
of his viceroy in Ethiopia, the * king's son of Kush,' 
named Mas, — ^the same who had been invested with this 
high oflSce in the southern province under Bamses 11. 
His memory has been perpetuated in a rock-inscription 
at Assouan. We may further make mention — ^in- 
structed by a record in the quarries of Silsilis — of the 

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136 MINEPTAH n. HOTEPHIMA. oblip. xir. 

noble Pinehas, an Egyptian namesake of the Hebrew 
Phinehas, the son of Eleazar, son of Aaron. In con- 
clusion, let us not forget the very influential high- 
priest of Amon, Eoi or Loi, Lui (i.e. Levi), who under 
Mineptah held the command of the legion of Amon, 
administered the treasury of Amon, and, according to 
the custom of the time,^ was chief architect to 
Pharaoh. To be sure this must have been an easy 
office for him, since there was not much building, ex- 
cept perhaps the royal sepulchre, which the drowned 
Pharaoh probably never entered.® 

The more troublous the times, the less thought 

7 See onr acoount of the life of his predecessor, Bek-en-khonsn, 
pp. 117-19. 

® Without discussing the Author's view, which is beyond an 
Editor^s province, it wiU suffice to say that writers of high au- 
thority, both Biblical scholars and Egyptologists, hold that it is 
not a necessary inference from the Scripture narrative that 
Pharaoh himself was drowned in the Eed Sea, and it is difficult to 
Buppose that this was Mineptah's end, unless we impute to the 
Egyptians an elaborate fiction about his death and burial. Besides 
his splendid tomb, we possess a papyrus (Anastasi lY.) containing 
a highly eulogistic ' Dirge of Mineptah ' (as it is entitled by the 
translators), in which the Pharaoh is congratulated on having been 
blessed by Amon with ' a good old age,' after a lifetime of pleasure 
' and a most prosperous reign,' ending : * Thou hast gone before 
the gods, the victor, the justified.' The piece has been translated 
by M. Chabas {LEgypU aux temps de VExode), and by Dr. Birch 
(Records of the Past, vol. iv. pp. 49, foil.), who observes that the 
titles do not exactly correspond with those of Mineptah, and that 
the dirge ma/y refer to his son Seti II. M. Maspero holds that the 
composition is copied almost word for word from a song of triumph 
dedicated to Mineptah II. and appropriated to Seti II. by a mere 
substitution of names {Histoire ancienne des peuples de VOrient, 
p. 255). The same high authority places the Exodus under Seti 
II., but for reasons which do not seem very decisive (p. 259). — Ed« 

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Dmxnr. LITERARY ACnviTT. 137 

was there of heroic expeditions, and the greater was 
the attention paid to the pursuit of elegant knowledge 
under a learned priesthood. The worthy Thebans 
have left us many specimens of their works. History, 
divinity, practical philosophy, poetry and tales, — all 
that unbent the mind from the anxieties of worldly 
business was brought within the sphere of their 
activity. The following templenscribes are among 
the brilliant stars of this galaxy of writers r Qa-ga-bu, 
Hor, Anna, Mer-em-aput, Bek-en-ptah, Hor-a, Amon- 
masu, Su-an-ro, Ser-ptah. If we add to these the 
name, belonging to the earlier time, of Pentaur, the 
author of the epic of Eamses-Sesostris, also of Amen- 
em-ant, the director of the Theban library, as well as 
those of Amon-em-api and Pan-bas, we have com- 
pleted the cycle of the hghts of learning in those 
times from Bamses IE. downwards. 

Mineptah 11. was succeeded in his dominion by his 
son and heir — 

with the official name of 


Already during the lifetime of his royal father, 
Seti n. enjoyed a special distinction, inasmuch as, with 
reference to his future dignity as Pharaoh, the son is 
frequently designated, and that with unmistakable 
emphasis, as crown prince of the empire. We possess 
records of the first two years only of his reign, which 

138 SETI n, MINEPTAH IIL chap. xrv. 

at that time extended over all Egypt, in inscriptions 
scattered here and there as far to the south as 
Ibsamboul. The Bamses-city of Zoan-Tanis remained, 
as before, the special residence of the court, whence 
were issued the king's orders to his officers, especially 
with regard to the administration of the Egyptian posts 
in Western Asia. As in the preceding time, special 
attention was devoted to the fortresses eastward of 
Tanis, which covered the entrance from Syria. Here 
was the old royal road, which offered fugitives the 
only opportunity of escaping from the king's power, 
though not without danger. That such attempts 
were often made, is proved by the following report 
of a scribe, who had gone out upon the road from 
the city of Ramses, in order to retake two fugitive 
servants of the court :- — 

* I Bet out (he says) &om the hall of the royal palace on the 
9th day of the month Epiphi, in the evening, after the two 
servants. I arrived at the fortress of Thuku (Sukoth) on the lOth 
of EpiphL I was informed that the men had resolved to take 
their way towards the south. On the 12th I reached Khetam 
(Etham). There I was informed that grooms, who had come 
from the neighbourhood [of the ' sedge-city/ had reported] that the 
fugitives had already passed the rampart (Le. the Shur of the 
Bible, Qerrhon of the Greeks) to the north of the Migdol of king 
Seti Mineptah/ » 

Notwithstanding the apparent shortness of his 
reign, in consequence of the power of one or two 
anti-kings, of whom we shall have to speak further, 

* On the striking light which this letter throws on the passage 
of the Israelites out of Egypt, see the author's Digcourse on the 
Exodus and the Egyptian Monuments^ printed at the end of this 
yolume. — Ed. 

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Seti n. found the time and means to erect a special 
sanctuary to his father Amon in the great temple of 
the empire at Api. This is the small temple, consist- 
ing of three chambers, to the north-west of the great 
front court ; ^ an insignificant building, which merely 
attests the oflScial acknowledgment of the king on the 
part of the priestly guild of Thebes. Loi (Levi), the 
high-priest of the god Amon, was friendly to the king, 
as was also his son and successor in office, Eoma. 
Both were declared adherents of the king, whose 
affection for the pious fetthers of Amon shows itself 
also in other forms in the extant papyri. It was for 
him, while he was still crown prince, that a temple- 
scribe composed that wonderful tale of * The Two 
Brothers,' the translation of which, by the late master 
of Egyptology, E. de Eoug6, gave such an unexpected 
surprise to the learned woild.^ 

The sepulchre of this king, in the rocky valley of 
Biban-el-Molouk, is reaUy princelike and magnificent. 
In it also we have a new proof of the priestly recog- 
nition of his sovereignty over the land of Egypt. 

After his death the sovereignty passed in regular 
succession to his son — 

' Marked L on the plan of Mariette-Bey. 

^ The first part of this beautiful tale, which contains a wonder- 
ful parallel to the history of Joseph, has been already given in 
Vol. I. pp. 309-11.— Ed. 

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140 SETNAKHT MERER MIAMUN. chap. xty. 



called by his oflScial surname — I jS| VsA 



All that we are able to say of him can be con- 
densed into a few words ; that he was the father of a 
great illustrious king, and that he lived in times full 
of disturbance and trouble. As his father had, in all 
probabiUty, been opposed by a rival king, Amen- 
messu, so had the son of the latter, Mineptah Siptah; 
become a dangerous successor against Setnakht. 
Siptah, the husband of that queen Ta-user, — ^whose 
grave obtained a very distinguished position in the 
valley of the kings at Thebes, in the midst of those of 
the men, — seems to have been favoured by a number 
of adherents in the city of Amon, and to have owed 
his elevation to the throne to the help of an Egyptian 
noble, named Bi. This latter held the office of one 
of the first confidential servants of the king, and he 
declares on his own behalf that ' he put away false- 
hood and gave honour to the truth, inasmuch as he 
set the king upon his father's throne — ^he, the great 
keeper of the seal for aU the land, Eamessu-kha-em- 
nutern-Bi.' Among the remaining adherents of the 
anti-king, no insignificant part was played by his 
governor of the southern lands, Seti, whose memory 
has been perpetuated by an inscription on the south 
wall of the rock-temple of Ibsamboul. In that repre- 
sentation, this official exhibits himself as a zealous 

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worshipper of the Theban Amon, and there is ap- 
pended an inscription of four lines, giving the follow- 
ing explanation : — 

' (1) Worship offered to Amon, that he may grant life, pro-, 
speritjy and health, to the person of the king's envoy into all lands, 
the companion (2) of the lord of the land, of the friend of Hor (i.e. 
the king) in his house, the first commander of the war-chariots of 
his Majesty, (3) who understood his purpose, when the king came, 
to exalt (him) the long's son of Kush, (4) Seti, upon his throne 
(or, the throne of his father f ) in the first year of the lord of the 
land, Ramessu Siptah/ 

On the summit of a group of rocks on the island 

of Sehel, in the neighbourhood of Philae, there remains 

the following inscription of the same Seti, annexed to 

the name of his king : — 

'In the year 3, Pakhons, day 21. Honour to thy name, O 
king I May it attest the acknowledgments of the person of the 
commander of the chariots, and the King's son of Kush, and the 
governor of the southern lands, Seti 1 ' 

Underneath is an inscription nearly to the same 

effect : — • 

' The hereditary prince, hearer of the fan, King^s son of Kush, 
governor of the southern lands, Seti— «' 

We cannot tell what other historical information 
the inscriptions and papyrus-rolls of those rival and 
anti-kings might have been ready to give us (i.e. if 
they had not been cancelled by their successful rivals). 
On the last visit which we paid at Thebes, a year ago, 
to the grave of * the great queen and lady of the land, 
the princess of Upper and Lower Egypt, Ta-user,' we 
were able again to corroborate the fact, that the 
names of her husband Siptah are seen at its entrance, 

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while in the interior, on the piece which has been laid 
on to cover the names of the queen, the royal shields 
of Setnakht meet the spectator in a re-engraving. 
Setnakht took possession of his predecessor's sepul- 
chre, or rather that of his wife, without in a single 
case replacing the feminine grammatical signs in the 
inscriptions by the corresponding mascuUne forms. 
His rival having been driven out, Setnakht could 
deal with the tomb at his pleasure. 

Nor was it only against native claimants of the 
throne, that Setnakht had to maintain a conflict for 
the double crown : foreigners also' contributed their 
efforts to turn Egypt upside down. A certain Klial, 
or Phoenician, had seized the throne, maintained him- 
self on it for some time, driven the Egyptians into 
banishment, and grievously oppressed those left in the 
land. This is that Arisu or Alisu, Arius or Alius, 
whom the great Harris papyrus first made known to 
us. We conclude with a translation of the part of 
this record which refers to the Nineteenth Dynasty, 
while we regret our inabihty to suppress the remark, 
that the translations hitherto put forth by several 
scholars have completely mistaken the sense of the 
document just in its most important passages.® 

King Eamses HI., the son of Setnakht, gives, by 

' The most recent translation of the * Great Harris Papyrus/ 
by Professor Eisenlohr and Dr. Samuel Birch, is given in the 
Records of the Fcut, vols. vi. and viii. The historical part here 
referred to, forming the last five of the seventy-nine leaves into 
which the papyrus was divided by Mr. Harris (Plates 75-79 of 
the British Museum publication), begins at vol. vi. p. 45 (see Dr. 
Brugsch's mention of the B. M. edition in his Preface), — Ed. 

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way of introduction to his own reign, the following 
summary of the events immediately before his acces- 
fflon to the throne : — 

' Thus says king Rameflsu III., the great god, to the princes and 
leaders of the land, to the warriors and to the chariot soldiers, to 
the Shairdana, and the numerous foreign mercenaries, and to all 
the living inhabitants of the land of Ta-mera : — 

' Hearken I I make you to know my glorious deeds, which I 
liave performed as king of men. 

* The people of i^ypt lived in banishment abroad. Of those 
who lived in the interior of the land, none had any to care for 
him. So passed away long years, until other times came. The 
land of Egypt belonged to princes from foreign parts. They slew 
one another, whether noble or mean.' 

'Other times came on afterwards, during years of scardly. 
Arisu, a Phanician, had raised himself among them to be a prince, 
and he compelled all the people to pay him tribute. Whatever any 
had gathered together, that his companions robbed them of. Thus 
did they. The gods were treated like the men. They went with- 
out the appointed sin-offerings in the temples. 

'Then did the gods turn this state of things to prosperity. 
They restored to the land its even balance, such as its condition 
properly required. And they established their son, who had come 
forth from their body, as king of the whole land on their exalted 
throne. This was king Setnakht Merer Miamun. 

'He was like the person of Set when he is indignant. He 
took care for the whole land. If rebels showed themselves, he 
slew the wicked who made a disturbance in the land of Ta-mera. 

' He purified the exalted royal throne of Egypt, and so he was 
the ruler of the inhabitants on the throne of the sun-god Tum, 
while he raised up their faces. Sach as showed themselves refusing 
to acknowledge any one as a brother, were locked up.^ 

* Literally, walled up. That this punishment was sometimes 
inflicted by the kings, I can prove by the testimony of my own 
eyes. When Mariette-Bey opened the sepulchres of the Apis-bulls 
in the Serapeum, in 1850, tJiere was found in one of the waUs 
the skeleton of a culprit who had been walled up in ancient times. 

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' He restored order to the temples, granting the sacred revenues 
for the due offei-ings to the gods, as their statutes prescribe. 

'He raised me up as heir to the throne on the seat of the 
earth-god Seb, to be the great governor of the Egyptian dominions 
in care for the whole people, who have found themselves united 
together again. 

' And he went to his rest out of his orbit of light, like the 
company of the celestials. The (funeral) rites of Osiris were 
accomplished for him. He was borne (to his grave) in his royal 
boat over the river, and was laid in his everlasting house on the 
west side of Thebes. 

* And my father Amon, the lord of the gods, and Ea, and Ptah 
with the beautiful face, caused me to be crowned as lord of the 
land on the throne of my parent. 

'I received the dignities of my father amidst shouts of joy. 
The people were content and delighted because of the peace* They 
rejoiced in my countenance as king of the land, for I was like 
Horus, who was king over the land on the throne of Osiris. Thus 
was I crowned with the Atef-crown, together with the Uraeus- 
serpents ; I put on the ornament of the double plumes, like the god 
Tatanen ; thus I reposed myself on the throne-seat of Hormakhu ; 
thus was I clothed with the robes of state, like Tum«' 

King Ramses, the third of the name, opened the 
long series of Pharaohs of the succeeding dynasty. 
With him also we begin a new chapter of our History 
of Egypt. 

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Uaer>iam-r A Ifiiunna. 






RAMSES m. HAQ-ON. B.C. 1200, 

As this king's official name was User-ma-ra Miamun, 
he is only distinguished from Bamses 11. by the title 
Haq-On, that is, * Prince of Heliopolis/ Among the 
people, as is proved by the monuments, he bore the 
appellation of Sambssu-pa-nuteb, or pa-nuti, that is, 
' Bamses the god,' from which the Greeks formed the 
well-known name of Ehampsinitus.^ And, as his 
name, so also his deeds — ^nay even his wealth in the 
blessing of children — remind us of Bamses Sesostris, 
whom he evidently honoured as the ideal type and 
model of a great Pharaoh. 

The miserable state of Egypt before his accession 
could not be better described than in his own words, 
cited in the last chapter. The same Harris papyrus, 
which has enabled us to lay before our readers such 
valuable information on the condition of the land of 
the Pharaohs at the time referred to, proceeds to give 
ageneral viewof the * glorious deeds ' of this Bamses. 
It is a comprehensive outline of his eventful life, of 
' Herod, ii 121. 


Digitized by 


146 RAMSES in. HAQ-ON. chap. xv. 

which, following the king's own words, we propose to 
set forth in order the chief occurrences.* 

The first care of king Rhampsinitus, after his acces- 
sion, was for the restoration and demarcation of the 
several castes, which he arranged in their descending 
degrees, as follows : The Ab en Pir'ao, * counsellors of 
Pharaoh,' an office with which we have seen Joseph 
invested at the court of Pharaoh:* the * great 
princes,' evidently the governors and representatives 
of the king in the several nomes : ' the infantry and 
chariot-soldiers ; ' the mercenaries of the tribes of the 
Shardana and the Kahak; and, lastly, the lowest 
classes of the officers and servants. 

He was next occupied with wars against foreign 
nations, who had invaded the borders of Egypt, and 
for whose punishment he prepared severe blows in 
their own land. The Danau were pursued by Pharaoh 
to the Cilician coast, and were there defeated ; so in 
Cyprus were the Zekkaru (Zygritae), and the Perusatha 
(Prosoditae) ; while the Colchio-Caucasian Shardana 
(Sardones), and the Uashasha (Ossetes), on the other 
hand, were exterminated in their settlements west of 
the Delta, and were transplanted to Egypt in great 
masses, with their families. They were compelled to 
settle in a Eamesseum,.a fortress still unknown to us, 
and to pay every year, according to the custom of 
the country, a tribute of woven stuffs and corn to 
the temples of Egypt. 

« See the Harris Papyrus, Plates 76-79 ; Records of the Fast, 
vol. viii. pp. 47-52. — Ed. 
» See Vol. I. p. 307. 

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On the east of Egypt, the arms of the king 
achieved a like success against the Sahir, the Seirites 
of Holy Scripture, who are clearly recognized as a 
branch of the Shasu. The king plundered their tents 
and the dwellers in them, seized their possession^ 
and effects, with their cattle, and carried off the 
people as prisoners to Egypt, to give them as special 
slaves to the temples. 

A new war was kindled by the Libyans and 
Maxyes. In hke manner as had already happened 
under the reign of Mineptah 11., these nomad and 
warlike tribes of the West had made an inroad into 
the Delta, and occupied the whole country which 
stretched along the left bank of the Canopic branch 
of the NUe, from Memphis as far as Carbana (Canopus). 
In the neighbourhood of the latter place, along the 
seashore, lay the district of Gautut, the cities of which 
they had held for many years. They and their allies 
were defeated by the Pharaoh, and among the latter 
the king mentions by name the Asbita (Asbytae), the 
Kaikasha (Caucasians), the Shai-ap (who cannot be 
more closely defined), the Hasa (Ausees), the Bakana 
(Bakaloi). The king of the Libu, his family, and the 
whole people, together with their herds, were trans- 
planted as captives to Egypt, where some were placed 
in the fortified ' Kamessea,' and others branded with 
hot iron *in the name of the king' as sailors. A 
magnificent gift was made of their herds to the temple 
of Amon at Thebes. 

Por the protection of the eastern frontier towards 
Suez, the king formed a great well, and surrounded it 

L 2 

Digitized by 


148 RAMSES m HAQ-ON. chap. xt. 

with strong defences, in the country of 'Aina or 'Aian 
(the home of the 'Aperiu, or ErythraBans). The walls 
had a height of thirty Egyptian cubits (nearly six- 
teen metres, 52^ Enghsh feet). In the harbour of 
Suez, and therefore in close proximity to the fortress 
of the well, Bamses HI. built a fleet of large and small 
ships, to make voyages on the Red Sea to the coasts of 
Punt and ' the Holy Land.' The bringing of the costly 
productions of those distant regions, and especially 
of incense, is expressly set forth as the immediate 
purpose of their construction. Connected with these 
objects was the estabUshing of trade relations with 
the kings and princes of the countries on those coasts, 
and a caravan trade by land was established on the 
road from Kosseir to Coptos on the Nile. In a word, 
Ramses HE. opened a direct intercourse by land and 
sea with the rich countries on the shores of the Indian 
Ocean, which in later times was renewed by the 
Ptolemies, with great advantage to the commerce of 
the whole world. 

Not less important for Egypt, which above all 
things required copper for a variety of objects of in- 
dustrial activity, was the despatch of a mission by 
land (on asses I), and on ships by sea, for the discovery 
of the rich copper mines of 'Athaka (in the neighbour- 
hood of the gulf of Akaba ?) ; and the metal, shining 
like gold, and in the form of bricks, was brought from 
the smelting-houses in those parts and laden on the 

The king also turned his attention anew to the 
treasures of the peninsula of Sinai, which from the 

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times of king Senoferu * had appeared to the Egyp- 
tians so desirable. Laden with rich presents for the 
temple of the goddess Hathor, protectress of the 
Mafka peninsula, distinguished ofBcials went thither 
on the king's commission, to bring to the treasuries 
of Pharaoh the much-prized greenish-blue copper- 
stone (Mafka turquoises ?). 

In the whole land of Egypt (thus the king con- 
cludes his remarkable account) he planted trees and 
shrubs to give the inhabitants rest under their cool 
shade. The benefit which he conferred on his country 
by this measure will be fully appreciated by those 
who have passed long years of their life in the valley 
of the Nile. The planting of trees has likewise been 
undertaken in the most receut times by the Khedive 
Ismael Pasha, and complete success has attended this 
beneficent work. 

In a beautiful poetic effusion of rhetoric, Bhampsi- 
nitus concludes by extolling the peaceful condition of 
the whole country. The weakest woman could travel 
unmolested on all the roads.^ T!be Shardana and the 
Kahak remained quietly in their cities. Kush had 
ceased to annoy Egypt with its attacks. The Phoeni- 
cians let their bows and arrows rest in peace. 

In a prolonged strain of pi:^se to himself, the king 
enumerates his benefits towards gods and men, to- 

* See VoL I. p. 80. 

* We are uresistibly leminded of Bede's ^Mcription (E, E, iL 
16) of the security estiiblished in Britain by Edwin of Northum- 
brim, * at, sicut usque hodie in proverbio dicitur, etiam si mulier 
una cum recens nato parvulo vellet totam perambulare inaulain a 
mari ad mare, nullo se Isdente valeret.' — Ed. 

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150 RAMSES m. HAQ-OX. chap, x v. 

wards poor and rich ; and finally, in the 32nd year of 
his reign, he recommends his son Eamses IV., whom 
he had raised to the throne as joint king with himself, 
to the recognition and obedience of his fortunate 

We have thus placed clearly before the eyes of 
our readers a short sketch of the deeds of this 
Egyptian Pharaoh during his reign of thirty-two 
years. In so far as the sure guidance of the monu- 
ments does not fail us, we will endeavour to fill up 
this broad outhne of his deeds with more definite facts. 
The material for our work is supplied by the Rames- 
seum at Medinet-Abou ; that enormous building which, 
lying to the west of the city of Thebes, and to the 
south-west of the gigantic statues of Memnon, was 
turned from a treasure-house into a complete temple 
of victory. The 5th, 8th, and 11th years of the reign 
of Ramses III. designate the period of time occupied 
in the gradual completion of the plan laid down for 
the buildings, from west to east." The treasure- 

« From a hieratic inscription on the rock of the quarry of 
SiLdliSy put up in the month Pakhons of the 5th year of Eam- 
ees III., it is clearly ascertained that, at the date named, the king 
had given to his court-official, Seti-em-hib, the treasurer of the 
temple about to be founded anew, the commission to quarry stones 
at that place for the building. Here is the translation of this re- 

'In the year 5, in the month Pakhons, under the reign of 
the king and lord of the land, User^ma-ra Miamnn, the son of Ka 
and lord of the crowns, Bamses Haq-An, the fiiend of all the 
gods, the dispenser of life for ever and ever, the command of his 
royal Majesty was issued to the treasurer Seti-em-hib, at the temple 
of many years' duration of King XJser-ma-ra Miamun in the city 
of Amon, to put into execution the monumental works at the 

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chambers, on the southern side of the hindmost 
hall, are now empty. Pictures and words alone 
replace the ' mammon ' which is now gone. If it be 
true, as the inscriptions clearly and distinctly declare, 
that the treasures once hoarded here were dedicated 
by Rhampsinitus as gifts to the Theban Amon, the 
king of the gods had no reason to complain. Gold 
in grains, in full purses up to the weight of 1000 lbs., 
from the mines of Amamu in the land of Kush, of 
Edfou (ApoUinopohs Magna), of Ombos and of Koptos ; 
bars of silver ; whole pyramids of blue and green 
stones, besides the much-prized bluestone of Tafrer 
(the land of the Tybftrenes ?), and the real greenstone 
of Boshatha ; copper ore ; lead ; precious sorts of 
incense from Punt and from the Holy Land ; more- 
over gold and silver statues, images of animals, vases, 
chests, and other ornaments, down to the seal-rings 
with the name of the king upon them ; — all these and 
many other things a hundred-thousandfold did the 
Pharaoh dedicate to show his gratitude to the god, of 
course with an elaborate address : ''— 

' I dedicate this to thee as a memorial for thy temple, consist- 
ing of clear raw copper, aQd raw gold, and [of all works of art], 

temple of many years' duration of King User-marra Miamun in 
the city of Amon on the west side of Us (Thebes). 

[Catalogue] of the people who were under his com* 

mand: men 2,000 

Hewers of stone : men ...... 200 

The crews of 40 broad ships of 100 cubits long (1) 

and of 4 pairs of ships with beaks . . . 800 

Making together individual heads . , t • • 3,000 ' 
^ Concerning the details of these offerings, see below, p. 160. — Ed. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

152 llAMSES ra. HAQ-ON. cffAP. XY. 

which hare oome forth from the workshops Of the sculptor. The 
productions of the land of Ruthen shall be brought to thee as 
gifte, to fiU the treasury of thy temple with the best things of all 

Again : — 

' Thou hast received gold and silyer like sand on the [sea] shore. 
What thorn hast created in the river and in the mountain, that I 
dedicate to thee by heaps upon the earth. Let it be an adornment 
for thy Majesty for ever. I offer to thee blue and green precious 
stones, and aU kinds of jewels in chests of bright copper. I have 
made for thee numberless talismans out of all kinds of valuable 
precious stones.' 

In truth Rhampsinitus was in this respect no 
niggard, and if we may be allowed from the costliness 
of his gifts to draw a safe conclusion as to the position 
of the donor, Ramses HI. must have enjoyed enormous 
wealth. We shall not omit the opportunity presently, 
on the authority of information contained in the 
Harris papyrus, to set in a clear hght the boundless 
generosity of the king, not only towards the temple of 
Amon, but also towards the sanctuaries of the great 
national gods, Ptah of Memphis^ and Ra of HeUopolis. 

When Ramses lH. came to the throne, things 
looked, bad for Egypt, as well in the East as in the 

' The hostile Asiatics and Thuhennu robbers (the Libyan Mar- 
maride) showed themselves only to iz^jur^ the state of £!gypt. 
The land lay open before them in weakness sinoe the time of Uie 
earlier kings. They did evil to gods as well as to men. No one 
had so strong an arm as to oppose them, on account of their 
hostile intentions.' 

In the 5th year of his reign the enemies prepared 

a fresh attack on Egypt from the West. 

* The people of the Thamhu assembled together in one place. 
The tribes of the Mazyes prepared themselves for a raid out of 

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their own country. The leaden of their warrioni had confidence 
in their plans.' 

As in former times the Libyan kings, Didi, Ma- 
shakan, and Mar-aju, were the prime movers of 
hostilities against Egypt, so now the kings Zamar 
and Zautmar of Libya appear as instigators and 
leaders in battle. Their last great place of reunion 
was the country of Libya in the narrower sense of 
the word. The victory of the king over the enemy 
was very decisive. It took place in the neighbour- 
hood of the Ramses-fortress of Khesef-Thamhue. 
The defeat of the enemy, both circumcised and un- 
circumcised tribes, was tremendous; for 12,535 
members and hands, which were cut off from dead 
enemies, were counted over before the proud vic- 
torious king. 

Three years after this event, which gave occasion 
for great festivities in Egypt, a warlike movemefit 
broke out against Egypt from the North, caused by 
the migrations of the Carian and Colchian tribes 
which, from Cilicia and the mountains of Armenia, 
partly by land through Asia Minor, and partly by 
water on the Mediterranean, made a formidable cam- 
paign against Egypt, only to be at last utterly de- 
feated in a naval engagement at Migdol, at the mouth 
of the Pelusiac branch of the Nile. The inscriptions 
of the temple of victory relate to us this great event 
in the following manner : — 

* A quiyering* seized the people in their limbs: they came up 

^ Kot of fear, but of eager agitation, as it is said below of the 
irar-horses (p. 154). — ^Ed. 

Digitized by 


154 BAMSES m. HAQ-ON. chap. rv. 

leaping from their ooaats and islands, and spread themselves all a^t 
once over the lands. No people stood before their arms, beginning 
with the people of Khita, of Kadi (Gkdilee), and Karchemish, 
Aradus, and Alus. They wasted these countries, and pitched 
a camp at one place in the land of the Amorites. They plun- 
dered the inhabitants and the territory as if they had been nothing-. 
And they came on (against Egypt), but there was held in readiness 
a fiery furnace before their countenance on the side of Egypt. Their 
home was in the land of the Purosatha. the Zakkar, the Shakalsha, 
the Daanau, and the XJashuash. These nations had leagued 
together; they laid their hand on the double land of Egypt, to 
encircle the land. Their heart was full of confidence, they were 
full of plans. This happened, since such was the will of this god, 
the lord of the gods (Amon of Thebes). An ambush was pre- 
pared to take them' in the snare like birds. He (Amon) gave me 
strength, and granted success to my plans. My arm was strong 
as iron when I broke forth. I had guarded well my boundary up 
to Zah (Philistia). There stood in ambush over against them the 
chief leaders, the governors, the noble marinas, and the chief 
people of the warriors. [A defence] was built on the water, like 
a strong wall, of ships of war, of merchantmen, of boats and 
skiffs. They were manned from the forepart to the hindpart 
with the bravest warriors, who bore their arms, and with the best 
life-guards of the land of Egypt. They were like roaring lions on 
the mountain. The knights were of the swiftest in the race, 
and the most distinguished horsemen of a skilful hand. Their 
horses quivered in all their limbs, ready to trample the nations 
under their hoofs. I was like the war-god Monthu, the strong. 
I held my ground before them. They beheld the battle of my 
hands. I, king Bamessu III., I went &r forward in the van, 
conscious of my might, strong of arm, protecting my soldiers in • 
the day of battle. They who had reached the botmdaiy of 
my country never more reaped harvest. Their soul and their 
spirit passed away for ever. They who had assembled themselves 
over against the others on the great sea, a mighty firebrand 
lightened before them, in front of the mouths of the river. A wall 
of iron shut them in upon the lake. They were driven away, 
dashed to the ground, hewn down on the bank of the water. 
They were slain by hundreds of heaps of corpses. The end was a 
new beginning. Their ships and all their possessions lay strewn 

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on the mirror of the water. Thus have I taken from the nationB 
the desire to direct theii* thoughts against Egypt. They exalt 
mj name in their country ; yea, their heart is on fire for me so 
long as I shall sit on the throne of Hormakhu.' 

Such was this great battle by sea and land against 

those invaders, of whom numerous inscriptions, some 

longer, some shorter, tell us so much in eloquent 

language. I will give here two examples : — 

'A trembling seized the inhabitants of the nordiem regions 
in their body, because of the Pui-osatha and the Zakkar, because 
they plundered their land. If they went out to meet them, their 
spirit failed. Some were brave people by land, others on the sea.' 
Those who came by way of the land, Amon-ra pursued them and 
annihilated them.' Those who entered into the mouths of the 
Nile were caught like birds in nets. They were made prisoners.' 

Again : — 

'It came to pass that the people of the northern regions, who 
reside in their islands and on their coasts, shuddered in their 
bodies. They entered into the lakes of the mouths of the Nile. 
Their noses snuffed the wind : ^ their desire was to breathe a soft 
air. The king broke forth like a whirlwind upon them, to fight 
them in the battle-field, like all his heroes. Their spirit was anni- 
hilated where they stood, their soul was taken from them ; a 
stronger than they came upon them.[ 

But few years of peace and rest had passed by, 
when, in the 11th year of Ehampsinitus, a new 
struggle threatened the safety of the country from the 
W^t. The Maxyes attacked Egypt under the leader- 
ship of their king Mashashal (Massala). a son of Kapur, 
in great force, in order to obtain possession of the 

^ How it was possible to translate so simple a sentence, in 
opposition to the first rules of grammar, by 'they were brave 
people of another country,' appears absolutely incomprehensible. 

' This phrase is used here as, in our translation of the Bible, 
of the wild ass (Jeremiah ii. 24, xiv. 6).— En. 

Digitized by 





rich districts on the banks of the Canopic mouth of 
the Nile. A great battle was fought about the month 
of Meson in the same year, and the enemy were 
utterly defeated. The number of the enemy who 
were killed was very considerable, and as they 
were circumcised, only their hands were cut off. 
Not less was the number of the prisoners, and the 
amount of the spoil, of which a detailed list has 
been handed down to us. I will here give the trans- 
lation of the remarkable document relating to these 
details : — 

* Total number of hands (cut off) • • 

Prisoners of war of Pharaoh belonging 
to the nation of the Maxyes : 
Commanders . 
Maxyes: Men. 


Their wives 
Maid-servants . 













Total number of prisoners of war of 
Pharaoh, without distinction, heads 

Maxyes, whom the king killed on the 

Other things (as spoil) : 
Swords, 5 cubits long ' 
Swords, 3 cubits long * 






' So in the German, EUen ; but a measure answering to the 
foot would seem more reascmable. Be this as it may, the itom 

Digitized by 



Bows 603 

Chariota of war 93 

Quivers 2310 

Spears 92 

Horses and asses of the Maxyes • • 183 ' 

This list seems to deserve special attention, as it 
gives the impression of being a faithful and complete 

That the campaigns thus described were not the 
only ones conducted by the king on the blood-stained 
field of honour during his reign, appears from many 
inscriptions and tablets of victory. We know that he 
undertook expeditions on the south of Egypt, and 
conquered the negroes (Nahasi), the Thiraui, and the 
Amarai or Amalai. We are also informed from the 
same sources that, besides the Purosatha, the * Tuirsha 
of the sea ' were numbered among his enemies, and 
that the Khal (Phoenicians) and the Amorites received 
a severe chastisement from the Egyptian king. 

Of very special value are the effigies of the con- 
quered foreign kings and leaders, which the Pharaoh 
Bamses m. caused to be sculptured in a long series, 
one after the other, in his palace, or Ramesseum, by 
the side of the temple of Amon at Medinet Abou, 
and that, as appears to us, in a portraiture quite true 
to life. So far as this has been preserved, we will 
give at least the translation of the inscriptions which 
are appended to the figures of the several persons in 
succession : — 

lengths have a parallel in the swords found bj Dr. Schliemann at 
Myceoffi, the long ones being perhaps swords of state. — Ed. 

Digitized by 


158 RAMSES m. HAQ-ON. chap. xt. 

< 1. The king of the misonkfe land of Kush (Ethiopia). 
2-3. DeBtrojed# 

4. The king of the lilm (Libja). 

5. The king of Turaes (land of the K^^poes). 

6. The king of the Maahauaaha (Mazyea^ 

7. The king of Taraua (land of the Negroes). 

8. The miaeiuble king of Khita (Hethitea) as a Uving prisoner. 

9. The miserable king of the Anion (Amorites). 

10. The leader of t\kB hostile bands of the Zakkari (Zjgjrite). 

11. The people of the sea of Shairdana (Chartani). 

12. The leader of the hostile bands of the Shasu (Edomites). 

13. The people of the sea of Tuirsha (Taurus). 

14. The leader of the hoatQe bands of the Pu[rosatha] (Pro- 


The campaign of vengeance which Ramses EI. 
undertook against several of the nations above named, 
in order to attack them in their own homes, by land 
and sea, must have been far more instructive than 
the detailed descriptions of the wars on African soil. 
That this campaign actually took place, we have all 
reasonable assurance in the names of the conquered 
foreign cities and countries, which cover one side of 
the pylon of the temple of Medinet Abou, and which 
we will now give in an exact translation. The reader 
cannot fail to share our astonishment at regogmzing 
among them names well known to classical antiquity, 
in the form in which they were written 1200 years 
before the Christian era : * — 

M. Ma . . . 13. Puther .... (Pataral iu 

2. Poro .... I Lyda). 

' A translation of this list is also given, with the rest of the 
inscription, by Dr. Biroh in Records of the Past, vol. vi. pp. 17, 
foU.— Ed. 

Digitized by 


BT3T. XI. 



4- Zizi . . . 


Kabur (Cibyra in Cilicia). 

5. TLarsbka(Tar8U8m0ilicia). 


Aimal (Myle in Cilicia). 

6. Khareb. 


XT . . . lu(AleinCaicia). 

7. Salomaski (Salamis in Cy- 


Kushpita (Casyponis in 



8. KathiaD(Citi!im in Cyprus). 


Kanu (comp. Caunus in 

9. Aimar (Marion in Cyprus). 


10. Sali (SoU in Cyprus). 


L . . . aros (Larissa). 

11. Ithal (Idalium in Cyprus). 



12. (M)aquas (Acamas in Cy- 



prus 1). 


Zaur(Zor-Tyrus in Cilicia). 

13. TarshebL 


Kilsenen (Colossse t in 

14. Bimr. 


15. A ... si. 


Maulnus (Mallus in Cilicia). 

16. Aman (Mons Amanus). 


Samai (Syme, a Carian is- 

17. Alikan. 


18. Pikaz. 



19. . • . ubai. 


Me . . . an. 

20. Kerena, Kelena (Cerynia 


I-bir-, I-bil. 

in Cyprus). 


Athena (Adana in Cilicia). 

21. Kir . . . (Curium in Cy- 


Karkamash (Coraoesium in 



22. Aburoth. 

Even if some of the parallel names should receive 
rectification hereafter, yet still on the whole the fact 
remains certain, that, in this list of the conquered 
towns, places on the coast and islands of Asia Minor 
were intended by the Egyptians. In making the 
comparison we must at once set aside the idea, that 
the succession of the names corresponds to the situa- 
tion of the towns and countries ; since even the Usts 
of the better-known towns, as for instance those of 
Canaan, are thrown together on the monuments in 
inextricable confusion. Even the assumption, which 
has lately found favour, of different campaigns having 
been made in different directions, does not help us to 

Digitized by 


160 . RAMSES in. HAQ-ON. chap.xv. 

get completely over the difficulty of the totally irregu- 
lar succession of the towns. In the case before us, we 
may assume as certain, that the places enumerated 
were the seats of Carian peoples in Asia Minor and on 
the neighbouring islands, and especially in CiUcia and 
Cyprus. I am happy to have been able first to point 
out this fact to the learned world.* 

The rich spoil, which the king carried off in his 
campaigns from the captured cities and the conquered 
peoples, enabled him to enrich most lavishly with gifts, 
not only the sanctuaries in Thebes, but also the temples 
of Heliopolis, Memphis, and other places in Egypt, 
to adorn them with buildings *in his name,* which 
are called * Ramessea,' and to devote the prisoners 
of war as slaves to the holy service of the gods in 
Upper and Lower Egypt. The presents and buildings, 
for which the gods were indebted to their grateful son 
Eamses III., are all set forth according to their situa- 
tion, number, and description, in the great Harris 
papyrus, which from this point of view has all the 
value of an important temple archive. We would 
have laid before our readers the catalogue contained 
in it, if only in a general summary, if this comprehen- 
sive document, which has never yet been published, 
had been brought to our knowledge in its full extent.^ 

^ In last September's sitting of the Boyal Sodetj of the Sciences 
at Gottingen (1877), I took the opportunity to state more fully the 
proo& of these discoveries. 

^ Compare what is said in the Author's Preface respecting the 
complete edition of the Harris Papyrus published by the British 
Museum. The list of donations referred to will be found in the 
translation in Records of the Poet, vol. vi. pp. 36, foil. — Ed. 

Digitized by 



The translations of it, which several scholars have 
written with the document before them, are partly 
unintelligible, unless we have the original at hand, 
partly evidently incorrect, so that it is difficult to 
obtain a clear view of the several buildings and dona- 
tions mentioned in it. The Bamessea are found in 
various parts of the country. Thebes possesses the 
lion's share, and next to it Heliopohs and Memphis. 
With regard to other places, new temples of Kamses 
m. are named in a summary, in their succession from 
south to north : — 

A Eamesseum in Thinis (Villth nome) in honour 
of the Egyptian Mars, Anhur (called Onuris by the 

A Eamesseum in Abydus (Villth nome) for the 
god Osiris, 

A Bamesseum in Coptos (Vth nome), 
A Bamesseum in Apu (Panopohs, IXth nome), 
Two Bamessea in LycopoUs (XHIth nome). 
Two Bamessea in Hermopolis (XVth nome), 
A Bamesseum in the temple-town of Sutekh, in 
the city of Pi-Bamses Miamun (the Baamses of the 

The reader desirous of further information will 
find in my * Geographical Dictionary ' a general list 
of the buildings and sanctuaries, which Bamses III. 
erected both in Upper and Lower Egypt. The great 
Harris papyrus, which has been made known in the 
meantime, enables us to supply the gaps which were 
perceptible in that Ust. 

The temple of Amon at Medinet Abou, on Neb- 


Digitized by 


162 RAMSES m. HAQ-ON. chap. xv. 

ankh, the holy mountain of the dead, still remains 
the most beautiful and remarkable monument of this 
king. The abundant reliefs, which cover the interior 
and exterior walls, represent various detached epi- 
sodes in his campaigns, even to an occasional lion- 
hunt, in a lifelike and artistic style. The appended 
inscriptions give an instructive explanation of the 
scenes. Other inscriptions, as the one on the wall 
which runs along the south, side, give us an insight 
into the order of the feasts, as then observed, inclusive 
of the sacrifices,* and into the fixed holidays of the old 
Egyptian calendar, according to the latest arrange- 
ment. We find here a ' heavenly ' calendar, expressly 
distinguished from the ' earthly * one. Among the 
general holidays were the 29th, 30th, 1st, 2nd, 4th, 6th, 
8th, and 15th days of each month. The days are set 
forth in this order, according to the Egyptian assump- 
tion that the 29th day is that on which the conjunc- 
tion of the sun and moon takes place, and on which 
the world was created.^ So far as the several feast- 
days have been preserved, they give us a further 
insight into the festivals celebrated at Thebes in the 
13th century B.C., as the reader will see from the 
following extract : — 

1 Thot. Rising of the Sothis-star (Sirius), a sacrifice for 


^ Science is indebted to Mr. .Biimichen for the publication of 
these important lists, from which the same scholar has with great 
acumen fixed the size of several very important measures of com 
used in ancient times. 

7 Compare Horapollo, i, lO, 

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1 7 Thot Eire of the Uaga feast. 

18 n Uag& feast. 

19 ,, Feast of Thut (HermeR). 

22 ,, Feast of the great manifestation of Osiris. 

17 PaophL Eve of the Amon-feast of Api. 

1 9-23 „ The first five days of the Amon-feast of Api. 

1 2 Athyr. Last day of the festival of Api. 

17 y. Special feast after the festival of Api. 

1 Eiioiak. Feast of Haihor. 

20 ,, Feast of sacrifice. 

21 ,y Opening of the Tomb (of Osiris). 

22 „ Feast of the hoeing of the earth. 

23 ,, Preparation of the sacrificial altar in the Tomb 

(of Osiris). 

24 ,y Exhibition of [the corpse] of Sokar (Osiiis) in 

the midst of the sacrifice. 

25 „ Feast of the (mourning) goddesses. 

26 „ Feast of Sokar (Osiris). 

27 „ Feast (of the father) of the palms. 

28 „ Feast of the procession of the obelisk. 

30 „ Feast of the setting up of the image of Did. 

1 TybL Feast of the coronation of Horns, which served 

also for that of king Ramses III. 
6 ,, A new Amon-feast founded by Ramses III. 

22 „ Heri-feast. 

29 (1) II Day of the exhibition of the meadow. 

The feasts which follow these are unfortunately 
obliterated. To the special feast-days must be added 
still further the 26th of Pakhons, in commemoration 
of the king's accession to the throne. 

On the eastern side of Thebes, Eamses III. laid 
the foundation-stone of an oracle-giving temple of the 
god Khonsu, the son of Amon and of the goddess Mut. 
He likewise founded a new Eamesseum, which ad- 
joined on the south the great forecourt of the temple 

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164 RAMSES m. HAQ-ON- chap. xr. 

of Amon, and which was dedicated to Amon of Ape. 
To this day it still stands tolerably well preserved in 
its parts, but it is a very ordinary piece of architec- 
ture, almost worthless from an artistic point of view. 
An inscription on its eastern outer side hands down 
to us the record of a royal ordinance, according to 
which Ramses m., in the 16th year of his reign, in 
the month Payni, appointed special sacrifices for the 
god. The altar dedicated for this purpose was an 
artistic work of silver. 

Not only in Egypt proper, but in foreign countries 
also, temples were built in honour of the gods by the 
command of Kamses. According to a statement in 
the Harris papyrus, the king erected in the land of 
Zahi (the PhiUstia of later times), a Bamesseum to 
Amon in the city of Kanaan, which is already well 
known to us. A statue of the god was set up in its 
holy of hoUes in the name of the king. The obliga- 
tion was laid on the tribes of the Ruthen to provide 
this temple with all necessaries. 

That Ramses, in spite of his good fortune and his 
riches, did not enjoy his throne without cares and 
alarms, is proved by a harem conspiracy, which aimed 
at his overthrow. The highest officials and servants 
were mixed up in this plot. The threads of the con- 
spiracy had their centre in the women's apartments, 
and extended even beyond the king's court. It was 
discovered. The king immediately summoned a court 
of justice, and himself named the judges who were to 
try and sentence the guilty. By great good fortune 
the judgments which were delivered have been handed 

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down to us nearly complete. Science has to thank 
our deceased French friend, Dev^ria, for having been 
the first to explain and elucidate this remarkable 
document, which is now at Turin.' The names of 
the judges are contained in the following extract : — 

Page 2. (1) 'And the commissioii was given to the tzeasorer 
Montha-em-taui, the treasurer Paif-roui, (2) the feji-bearer Karo, 
the councillor Pi-besat, the councillor Kedenden, the councillor 
Baal-mahar, (3) the councillor Pi-aru-suno, tiie councillor Thut- 
rekh-nofer, the royal interpreter Pen-rennu, the scribe Mai, (4) the 
scribe Pra-em-hib of the chancery, the eolour-bearer Hor-a, of the 
ganison ; to this effect : 

(5) ' B^^rding the speeches which people have uttered, and 
which are unknown, you shall institute an enquiiy about them. 
(6) They shall be brought to a trial to see if they deserve death. 
Then they shall put themselves to death with their own hand.' ^ 

Eanises III. warns the judges to conduct the aflair 
conscientiously, and concludes with these words ; — 

Page 3. (1) 'If all that has happened was such that it was 
actually done by them, (2) let their doing be upon their own heads. 
(3) I am the guardian and protector for ever, and (4) bearer of 
the royal inflignia of justice in presence of the god-king (5) Amon- 
la, and in presence of the prince of eternity, Osiris.' 

This is followed by a second and longer section, 
which enables us to understand very clearly the result 
of the trial : — 

^ This document, called by M. ThvSTm (Journal AsicUique, 
1865) ' Le Papyrus Judiciaire de Turin,' is translated by Mr. Le 
Page Renouf in Records of the Pasty vol. viii. pp. 53, foil. We add 
the numbers of the pages, lines, and sections of the papyrus from 
that translation. — Ed. 

^ This judicial suicide, which is repeatedly mentioned in the 
document^ furnishes an interesting parallel in those remote times 
to the form of execution under later despotisms, from the Eoman 
Ciesarstothe 'happy despatch' of Japan. (Comp.p. 109, note.) — En. 

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166 KAMSES m. HAQ-ON, cbap. xt, 

Faqe 4. (1) * These are the persons who were brought up on 
account of their great crimes before the judgmentnseat, to be judged 
by the treasurer Monthu-em-taui, by the treasurer Paif-roui, by the 
fan-bearer Karo, by the councillor Pi-besat, by the scribe Mai of the 
chancery, and by the standard-bearer Hor-a, and who were judged 
and found guilty, and to whom punishment was awarded, that 
their offence might be expiated. 

(2) ' The chief culprit Boka-kamon« He was houfle-steward He 
was brought up because of actual participation in the doings of the 
wife Thi and the women of the harem. He had conspired with 
them, and had carried abroad their commission given by word of 
mouth to their mothers and sisters there, to stir up the people, 
and to assemble the malcontents, to commit a crime against their 
lord. They set him before the elders of the judgment-seat. They 
judged his ofienoe, and found him guilty of having done so, and 
he was fdly convicted of his crime. The judges awarded him his 

(3) * The chief culprit Mestu-su-ra. He was a councillor. He 
was brought up because of his actual participation in the doings of 
Boka-kamon, the house-steward. He had conspired with the 
women to stir up the malcontents, to commit a crime against their 
lord. They set him before the eldei-s of the judgment-seat. They 
judged his offence. They found him guilty, and awarded him 
his punishment. 

(4) ' The chief culprit Panauk. He was ^e royal secretary of the 
harem, for the service of the women's house. He was brought up 
on account of his actual participation in the conspiracy of Boka- 
kamon and Mestu-sn-ra, to commit a crime against their lord. 
They set him before the elders of the judgment-seat. They judged 
his offence. They found him guilty, and awarded him his punish- 

(6) * The chief culprit Pen-tuauu. He was the royal secretary of 
the harem, for the service of the women's house. He was brought 
up on account of his actual participation in the conspiracy of 
Boka-kamon and Mestu-su-ra and the other chief culprit, who 
was the overseer of the harem of the women in the women's house, 
to increase the number of the malcontents who had conspired to 
commit a crime against their lord. They set him before the elders 
of the judgment-seat. They judged his offence. They found him 
guilty, and awarded him his punishment. 

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(6) ' The chief culprit Pi-nif-emtu-amon. He was a land-siu*- 
veyor, for the service of the women's house. He was brought up 
because he had listened to the speeches which the conspirators and 
the women of the women's house had indulged in, without giving 
information of them. He was set before the elders of the judgment- 
Heat. They judged his offence, and found him guilty, and awarded 
liini his punishment. 

(7) ' The chief culprit Karpusa. He was a land-surveyor, for the 
service of the women's house. He was brought up on account of 
the talk which he had heard, but had kept silence. He was set 
before the elders of the judgment-seat, and they judged his oiSence, 
and found him guilty, and awarded him his punishment. 

(8) * The chief culprit Kha-m-apet. He was a land-surveyor, for 
the service of the women's house. He was brought .up on account 
of the talk which he had heard, but had kept silence. He was set 
before the elders of the judgmentrseat, and they judged his offence, 
and found him guilty, and awarded him his punishment. 

(9) 'The chief culprit Kharem-maanro. He was a land-surveyor, 
for the service of the women's house. He was brought up because 
of the talk which he had heard, but had kept silence. He was set 
before the elders of the judgment-seat, and ikej judged his offence, 
and found him guilty, and awarded him his punishment. 

( 10) * The chief culprit Seti-em-pi-thut. He was a land-surveyor, 
for the service of the women's house. He was broughtup on account 
of the talk which he had -heard, but had kept silence. He was set 
before the elders of the judgment-seat, and they judged his offence, 
and found him guilty, and awarded^ him his punishment. 

(11) 'The chief culprit Seti-em-pi-amon. He was a lan^-sur- 
veyor, for the service of the women's bouse. He was brought up on 
account of the talk which he had heard, but had kept silence. He 
was set before the elders of H^he judgment-seat, and they judged his 
oflfonoe, and found him guilty, and awarded him his .punishment. 

(12) * The chief culprit Ua-ro-ma. He was a councillor. He 
was brought up because he had been an ear-witness of the commu- 
ni(»rtionfi of the overseer of the house, and had held his tongue and 
k^t silence, without giving any information thereof. He wa<s set 
before the elders of the judgment-seat, and they found him guilty, 
and awarded him his punishment. 

(13) ' The chief culprit Akh-hib-set. He was the accomplice of 
Boka-kamon. He was brought up because he had been an ear- 

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168 RAMSES m. HAQ-ON. crap. xt. 

witness of the communications of Boka-kamon. He had been 
his confidant, without having reported it. He was set before the 
elders of the judgment-seat, and they found him guilty, and 
awarded him his punishment. 

(14)' The chief culprit Fi-lo-ka. He was a councillor, and scribe 
of the treasury. He was brought up on account of his actual par- 
ticipation with Boka-kamon. He had also heard his communica- 
tions, without having made report of them. He was set before the 
elders of the judgment-seat, they found him guilty, and awarded 
\\^vn his punishment. 

(15)^ The chief culprit, the Libyan IninL He was a ooundllcMr. 
He was brought up because of his actual participation with Boka- 
kamon. He had listened to his oonununications without having 
made report of them. He was set before the elders of the judg- 
ment-seat, they found him guilty, and awarded him his punishment. 

Page 5. (1) ' The wives of the people of th^ gate of the women's 
house, who had joined the conspirators, were brought before the 
elders of the judgment-seat. They found them guilty, and awarded 
them their punishment Six women. 

(2) ' The chief culprit Fi-keti, a son of Lema. He was treasurer. 
He was brought up on account of his actual participation with the 
chief accused, Pen-hiban. He had conspired with him to assemble 
the malcontents, to commit a crime against their lord. He was 
brought before the elders 6f the judgment-seat They found him 
guilty, and awarded him his punishment 

(3) ' The chief culprit Ban-em-us. He was the captain of the 
foreign legion of the Kushi. He was brought up on account of a 
messfige, which his sister, who was in the service of the women's 
house, had sent to him, to stir up the people who were malcontent 
(saying), '* Come, accomplish the crime against thy lord." He was 
set before Kedenden, Baal-mahar, Pi^aru-sunu, and Thut-rekh- 
nofer. They judged him, and found him guilty, and awarded him 
his punishment. 

(4) ' Persons who were brought up on account of their crime, and 
on account of their actual participation with Boka-kamon (namely), 
Pi-as and Pen-ta-ur. They were set before the elders of the judg- 
ment-seat to be tried. They found them guilty, laid them down 
by their arms (i.e. by force) at the judgment-seat, and they died 
by their own hand ^ without their expiation being completed. 

^ Mr. Le Page Benouf observes : — ' The expression om-/ mut- 
nef fese/iB a very remarkable one. The pronoun t'es^ has a re- 

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(5) * The chief accuaed Pi-fui : he was a captain of the soldiers. 
The chief aooused Mes-std : he was a sorihe of the treasnrj. The 
chief accused Kamon : he was an oyerseer. The chief accused I-ri : 
he was a priest of the goddess Sokhet. Thechief accused Nehxefau: 
he was a coundUor. The chief accused Shat-sotem : he was a 
scribe of the treasury. Making together, 6. 

(6) ' These are the persons who were brought up, on account 
of their crime, to the judgment-seat, before Kedenden, Baal-mahar, 
Pi-oru-sunu, Thut-rekh-nofer, and Meri-usi-amon. They judged 
them for their crime, they found them guilty. They laid them 
down before the tribunal. They died by their own hand. 

(7) ' Pen-ta-ur, so is called l^e second of this name. He was 
brought up because of his actual participation with Thi, his mother, 
when tiiey hatched the conspiracy with the women of the women's 
house, and because of the crime whidi was to have been committed 
against their lord. He was set before the councillors to be judged. 
They found him guilty, they laid him down where he stood. He 
died by his own hand. 

(8) 'The chief accused Han-uten-amon. He was a councillor. He 
was brought up because of the crime of the women of the women's 
house. He had been an ear-witness in the midst of them, without 
having given information. They set him before the councillors to 
judge him. They found him guilty. They laid him down where 
he stood. He died by his own hand. 

(9) ' The chief accused Amen-khau. He was Aden for the service 
of the women's house. He was brought up because of the crime 
of the women of the women's house. He had been an ear-witness 
among them, without having given information. They set him 
before the councillors to be judged. They found him guilty. They 
laid him down where he stood. He died by his own hand. 

(10) ' The chief accused Pi-ari He was a royal scribe of the 
harem, for the service of the women's house. He was brought up 
because of the crime of the women of the women's house. He 
had been an ear*witness in the midst of them, without having 
given information of it. They set him before the councillors to be 
judged. They found him guilty. They laid him down where he 
stood. He died by his own hand. 

flexive force, and very emphatically marks the agent of the deed 
or the efficient cause of the state expressed by the verb. As x^P^ 
t^esef signifies ol^oyei'^Ci self-existerU, so mtU fesef has the sense of 
avTodayarot, dying hy one^B own hand.* — Ed. 

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170 RAMSES m. HAQ-ON. chap. xv. 

Page 6. (1) ' These are the persons who received their punish- 
ment, and had their noses and their ears cut off, because they had in 
fact neglected to give full evidence in their depositions. The women 
had arrived and had reached the place where these were. They kept 
a beer-house there, and they were in league with Pi-as. Their crime 
was thus expiated. 

(2) ' The chief culprit Pi- bast. He was a councillor. His 
punishment was accomplished on him. He died by his own hand. 

(3) * The chief culprit Mai. He was scribe in the chancery. 

(4) ' The chief culprit Tai-nakht-tha. He was commander of 
the garrison. 

(5) ' The chief culprit NanaL He was the overseer of the 

(6) ' Persons, about whom it was doubtful if they had conspired 
with them with thoroughly evil intentions. 

(7) ' They laid down, without completing his expiation, the chief 
culprit Hor-a. He was the standard-bearer of the garrison.* 

Here ends the Turin papyrus. The following ex- 
tracts, which belong to the same trial, are found in two 
separate fragments of the Lee and Eollin papyrus.^ 

The translation of the first fragment is as fol- 
lows : — 

' .... to all the people of this place, in which I am staying, 
and to all inhabitants of the country. Thus then spake Penhi, 
who was superintendent of the herds of cattle, to him : '' If I only 
possessed a writing, which would give me power and strength ! " 

' Then he gave him a writing from the rolls of the books of 
Bamses III., the great god, his lord. Then there came upon him 
a divine magic, an enchantment for men. He reached (thereby ?) 
to the side | of the women's house, and into that other great and 
deep place. He formed human figures of wax, with the intention 
of having them carried in by the hand of the land-surveyor Adi- 
roma ; | to alienate the mind of one of the girls, and to bewitch the 

^ The Lee papyrus (so named from its former owner Dr. Lee) 
and the Bollin papyrus (in the Biblioth^ue Nationale at Paris) 
are two fragments of the same papyrus, and have been published 
by M. Chabas on the same plate, in the Papyrus Magique de 
Harris. — ^Bd. 

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others. Some of the discourses were carried in, others were brought 
out- Now, however, he was brought to trial | on account of them, 
and there was found in them incitation to all kinds of wickedness, 
and all kinds of villanj, which it was his intention to have done. 
It was true, that he had done all this in conjunction with | the 
other chief culprits, who, like him, were without a god or a goddess. 
They inflicted on him the great punishment of death, such as the 
Loly writings pronounced against him.' 

In a second fragment of the same papyrus the 
following words can be further made out : — 

' [He had committed this offence and was judged] for it. They 
found in it the material for all kinds of wickedness and all kinds 
of viUany which his heart had imagined to do. It was true, 
(namely) [all that he had done in conjunction with] the other chief 
culprits, who, like him, were without a god or a goddess. Such 
were the grievous crimes, worthy of death, and the grievous sins 
[in the country], which he had done. But now he was convicted 
on account of these grievous offences worthy of death, which he had 
committed. He died by his own hand. For the elders, who were 
before him, had given sentence that he should die by his own hand | 
[with the other chief culprits, who like him] were without tbe 
sun-god Ba, according as the holy writings declared what should 
be done to him.' 

The contents of the EoUin papyrus, and likewise 

a fragment of a greater papyrus, are confined to the 

following official statement : — 

^ He had made some magical writings to ward off ill luck ; he had 
made some gods of wax, and some human figures, to paralyze the 
limbs of a man ; | and he had put these into the hand of Boka- 
kamon, though the sun-god Ba did not permit that he should 
accomplish this, either he or the superintendent of the house, or 
the other chief culprits, because he (the god) said, '' Let them go for- 
ward with it, that they may furnish grounds for proceeding against 
them." Thus had he attempted to complete the shameful deeds 
which he had prepared, without the sun-god Ba having granted 
them actual success. He was brought to trial, and they found out the 
real facts, consisting in all kinds of crime and | ail sorts of viUany, 

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172 RAMSES m. HAQ-ON. chap. xt. 

which his heart had imagined to do. It was true that he had 
purposed to do all this in concert with all the chief culprits, who 
were like him. This was | a grievous crime, worthy of death, and 
grievous wickedness for the land, which he had committed. But 
thej found out the grievous crime, worthj of death, which he had 
committed. He died by his own hand.' 

The reader can now, from the preceding translations, 
form his own idea of the way in which the harem 
conspiracy endeavoured to compass the destruction of 
the king by magical influence. At the head of the 
women of the royal harem there was a lady, Thi, who 
is frequently named, and her son Pentaur, a second 
accused person of this name. We shall not err in 
supposing her to have been a wife of the king, and 
her son the son of Ramses III., who had plotted, 
during the lifetime of his own father, to place himself 
upon the throne. This wide-spread conspiracy, in 
which humble and distinguished persons took part, and 
above all the immediate oflScials of the king in the 
service of the harem, points to an intrigue at the court 
in opposition to the reigning king, which vividly re- 
minds us of similar events in Eastern history. In spite 
of the parts that are missing of this great trial, what 
has been preserved will always form a remarkable 
contribution to the life of the Pharaohs and the dan- 
gers which threatened them in their immediate circle. 

The wife of Eamses, or at least the one of whose 
name and origin the monuments inform us, bore, be- 
sides her Egyptian appellation, Ise, that is, Isis, the 
foreign name of Hema-rozath, or Hemalozatha. The 
name also of her father, Hebuanrozanath, has nothing 
of an Egyptian sound, so that we may suppose that 

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the Pharaoh had followed the custom of the time, 
and had brought home a foreign princess (of Khita? 
or Assyria?) as his wife, and had placed her beside 
him on the throne. We are accurately informed from 
the monuments about the number and names of his 
sons. The list of them in the temple of victory of 
Medinet Abou is all the more precious, because it gives 
us likewise the opportunity of knowing beforehand 
and settling the names of the successors of the king. 
The following are the sons in their order : — 

1. Prince BamesBu I.^ oommuider of the infantry, afterwardg 
king Ramessu lY. 

2. Prince Bamassu 11., aftenrards king Bameesu YI. 

3. Prince Eamessn III., royal master of the horse, afterwards 
king Ramessu YII. 

4. Prince Bamessu lY., Set-hi-khopeshef, royal master of the 
horse, afterwards king Rameesu YIII. 

5. Prince Pra-hi-nnamif, first captain of the chariots of war. 

6. Prince Menthn-hi-khopeehef, chief marshal of the army. 

7. Prince Bamessu Y., Meritum, high-priest of the Sun in 
Heliopolis, afterwards king Meritum. 

8. Prince Bamessu YI., Khamus, high-priest of Ptah-Sokar in 

9. Prince Bamessu YII., Amon-hi-khopeshef. 
10. Prince Bamessu YIII., Miamun. 

Of eight other princes and fourteen princesses we 
do not know the names. Their portraits have no ex- 
planatory inscriptions appended. 

Among the contemporaries of the king we must 
mention, above all the rest, the Theban chief priest of 
Amon, Meribast. 

After the example of his predecessors, Ramses HI. 
had prepared during his lifetime his *orbit of light,' that 
is, his future sepulchre in the valley of the royal tombs. 

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according to the pattern of the age, in the form of a 
long tunnel in the rock, divided into rooms and halls. 
In its decoration it corresponds with the modest pro- 
portions of the other buildings of the king, being re- 
markable only for a range of side-chambers, in which, 
among other things, the possessions of the king, such 
as weapons, household furniture, and so forth, are 
represented in coloured pictures, just as they were once 
actually deposited in the rooms apportioned for them. 
After the death of king Ehampsinitus, the eldest of 
his sons ascended the throne — ^ 



or, as he afterwards changed his name, according to 
the probable supposition of Lepsius, — 


According to the inscriptions which cover the walls 
of the rock in the valleys of Hammamat, this Eamses 
took especial pleasure in the exploration of the desert 
mountain valleys on the Arabian side of Egypt. 
Under the pretext of making search there for stones 
suitable for the erection of monuments, the most dis- 
tinguished Egyptians were sent away to these gloomy 
regions, and their mission was perpetuated by inscrip- 
tions on the rock. We will subjoin in a literal trans- 
lation the historical contents of a rock-tablet of 
the third year of his reign, in order to give an idea 
of the number of officials and workmen who, in the 
twelfth century before our era, gave Ufe to these wild 

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The memorial tablet begins with the date of the 
27th Payni in the third year of the reign of king 
Ramessu. We will, as usual, pass over in silence the 
long list of official flatteries, of which two, unusually- 
detailed, must have had an historical foundation. In 
one of them the praise of the Pharaoh is sung, for that he 
had ' laid waste the lands and plundered the inhabitants 
in their valleys,' which evidently refers to a war in 
some mountain regions. In the other it is vauntingly 
declared that 

* Good times were in Egypt, as in those of the Son-god Ba, in 
his kingdom, for this divine henefactor was like the god Thut, on 
aooonnt of the keeping of the laws.' 

Without doubt our Eamses IV. must have occupied 
himself in establishing a state of order by means of 
wise ordinances ; and this is the more likely, as it is 
evidently not without a purpose that the remark fol- 
lows immediately — 

' Crimes had increased, hut the lies were put down, and the land 
was restored to a peaceful state in the time of his reign.' 

After the closing words, in the usual official lan- 

* He prepared joy for Egypt a hundred-thousandfold,' — 

the especial purport of the memorial tablet begins 
to be set forth in the following terms : — 

' His heart watched to seek out something good for his fathef 
(Hor of Coptos), the creator of his hody. He caused to he opened 
for him (9) an entrance to the Holy Land, which was not known 
hefore, hecause the (existing) road to it was too distant for all 
the people, and their memory was not sufficient to discover it. 
Then the king considered in his mind, like his father Horus, the 
son of IsiSy how he might lay down a road, to reach the place at 

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his pleasure. (10) He made a circuit through this splendid moun- 
tain land, for the creation of monuments of granite for his faither 
and for his ancestors, acid for the gods and goddesses, who are the 
lords of Egypt. He set up a memorial-tablet on the summit of 
this mountain, inscribed with the full name of king Bomessu. 

' (11) Then did the king give directions to the scribe of the 
holy sciences, Ramessu-akhtu-hib, and to the scribe of Pharaoh, 
Hora, and to the seer, T7ser-ma-rarnakhtu, of the temple of Khim- 
Hor, and of Isis in Coptos, to seek a suitable site for (12) a temple 
in the mountain of Bukhan. When they had gone (thither) [they 
found a fit place], which was very good. There were great quarries 
of granite. 

' And the king issued a command, and gave directions to the 
chief priest of Amon, and the chief architect (13) Ramessu-nakhta, 
to bring such (monuments) to Egjrpt. 

' These are the distinguished councillorB, who were in his com- 
pany (namely) : 

The royal councillor TJser-mi^ra-Sekheper, 

The royal councillor Nakhtu-amon, 

And the Adon Kha-m-thir of the warriors, 

The treasurer Kha-m-thir, 

(14) The superintendent of the quarry, prince Amon-mas of the 
city (Thebes), 

The su|)erintendent of the quarry and overseer of the (holy) 
herds, Bok-en-khonsu, of the temple of User-ma-ra-Miamun, 
The colonel of the war chariots, Nakhtu-amon of the court. 
The scribe of the enlistment of the warriors, Suanar, 

(15) The scribe of the Adon of the warriors, Rameesu-nakhtu, 
20 scribes of the warriors, 

20 superior officials of the court administration. 

The colonel of the marshalVmen of the warriors, Kharm-maa- 

20 marshal's-men of the warriors, 
' (16) 50 captains of the two-horse chariots, 

50 superiors of the seers, superintendents of the (holy) animals, 
seers, scribes, and land surveyors, 

5,000 people of the warriors, 

(17) 200 foremen of the guild of the fishermen, 

800 redskins (EiythrsBons, *Aper) from the tribes of *Ain (be- 
tween the Red Sea and the Nile), 

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2,000 house servantB of the house of Pharaohy 

1 Adon as chief overaeer (of these), 
50 men of the poHoe ( Jfoxot), 

The superintendent of the works of art, Nakhtu-amoni 

3 axchitects for the workmen of the (18) quarries, 
130 quarrymen and masons, 

2 draftsmen, 

4 sculptors ; 

900 of the numher had died in consequence of the long joumej, 
making together 8,368 men.* 

* (19) And the necessaries for them were carried on ten carts. 
Six pair of oxen drew each cart which was hrought from Egypt to 
the mountains of Bukhan. (20) [There were also] many runners, 
who were laden with bread, flesh, and vegetables, for they had not 
placed them thereon (i.e. on the waggons) ; and there were also 
brought the expi&tory oflerings for the gods of heaven and of the 
earth from the capital city of Patoris (Thebes) in great purity.' 

After some uninteUigible and half-obliterated 
words, the conclusion of the inscription follows : — 

' (21) And the priests made a proper offering, the oxen were 
slain, the calves were killed, the incense steamed heavenward, wine 
flowed as if in rivers, and there was no end of the mead, in that 
place. The singers raised their song. Then waff made the holy 
ofiering to Khim, to Horus, to Isis, [to Amon, to Mut, to EJion- 
sq], and to the divinities, the lords of these mountains. Their 

' The exact total of all the persons of the expedition enume- 
rated gives the number 8,365, instead of 8,368. The difference of 
three lies in some error of the copy which I possess. The original 
total, including those who died on the road, was 9,268. A loss of 
nearly 10 per cent, is enormous, and exemplifies tbe hardships 
which a sojourn in the inhospitable r^ons and rocky valleys of 
Hammamat inflicts upon the traveller, even to the present day. 
So much the more is the endurance and perseverance to be admired, 
with which, at the command of the Khedive, the officers of the 
Eg^'ptian staff, for the most part Europeans and Americans, have 
now been engaged for several years in the task of most carefully 
improving these sterile mountain-valleys. 


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heart was joyful, they received the gifts, which may they requite 
with millions of 30-years* feasts of jubilee to their dear son, king 
Ramessu, the dispenser of life for ever I ' 

With the exception of some additions to the 
temple of Khonsu in Thebes, erected by his father, 
and some insignificant sculptures on the walls and 
columns of the great temple of Amon at Api, the 
memory of this king has not been preserved in any 
remarkable manner. With what object he sent a 
company so grandly equipped to the valley of monu- 
ments at Hammamat, we can hardly understand, since 
no traces have been preserved of important monu- 
ments bearing his name. Might this whole journey 
have been undertaken only with the object of driving 
away, or perhaps exterminating, a number of dis- 
afiected people ? The immense number of 900 deaths 
at least favours this conjecture. 

That his rule over Egypt was contested by a 
claimant to the throne, who was beyond the imme- 
diate family of Eamses m., is proved by the name of 
his successor — 




whose sepulchral chamber, in the valley of Biban-el- 
Molouk, was appropriated by Eamses VI., herein a 
true son of Eamses III., after he had substituted his 
own names for those of his hated rival. What this 
Eamses V. thought of himself, is proved by the con- 
tents of his rock-tablet at Silsihs : — 

' As a mountain of gold he enlightens the whole world, like the 
god of the circle of light. Men were enraptured at his corona- 

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tion, and the gods were highly delighted on aooount of his proofs 
of love, for he rendered to them what was due, whereby they 
live, as a good son does for his father. — His ordinances caused 
contentment, his measures doubled his kingdom and his revenues. 
The Nile-god opened his mouth at his (the king's) name. There 
was in his whole realm plenty without measure. He adorned the 
houses of the gods with monuments, preparing them well for eternity. 
Like the Sun in heaven is his duration of life, equalling the dura- 
tion of His life. His being is like that of Monthu. He has 
doubled the revenues of the gods for their sacrifices, which are 
well provided with all necessaries, to satisfy them by reason of 
good laws. — It was he who made the whole people what it is. 
Small and great rejoice, because they are subjected to his name. 
He KB to them like the new moon, so to speak : people go to bed, 
and he is recdved as a benefactor ; they wake up, and he is bom as 
a &ther/ 

Poetic self-praises of this kind, without any his- 
toric background, merely cause disgust, since the 
empty forms of speech have not even the merit of 
beauty of language, or any richness of new thought. 
With the Ramessids of the Nineteenth Dynasty the true 
poetic inspiration appears to have vanished, during a 
troublous and disastrous period, and the dry oflScial 
tone and the legal forms seem to have taken its place. 
Some productions of value in a higher style of lan- 
guage prove on a closer examination to be copies of 
the master-pieces of earlier times. The Thutmeses, 
Amenhoteps, and Eamses EC. found imitators among 
the Pharaohs with little trouble, but new models have 
now and henceforward disappeared from Egyptian 

Of the sons of Ramses ITT., who followed next in 
order, two seem to have reigned simultaneously. One 
of these was the seventh son, 

IT 2 

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180 RAMSES VI. AND MERTTUM. chap. xy. 


a son of the queen Muf-nofer-ari, whose cartouche, with 
the name Miamun Meritum, I accidentally discovered 
many years ago, during a visit to the ruins of Helio- 
polis, on one of the stones lying in the road. It led 
me to the conjecture, that Meritum reigned as viceroy 
in Lower Egypt in the name of his brother. The 
Theban monuments give us the names of this brother 
with perfect distinctness. He was called 




The inscriptions which mention him speak with a 
certain emphasis of his monuments in honour of the 
gods ; but of these, those which have survived the 
ravages of time are reduced to a very small number. 
The most important edifice, and the most instructive 
on account of its representations and inscriptions, is his 
great and splendid tomb in the royal valley of Biban-el- 
Molouk. The tables of the hours, with the times of the 
risings of the stars, which formed the houses of the 
sun's course in the 36 or 37 weeks of the Egyptian 
year, will be for all times the most valuable contri- 
bution to astronomical science in the 12th century 
before our era. According to the researches of the 
French savant, Biot, whose labours in the department 
of astronomical calculation, in order to fix certain 
epochs of Egyptian history, are almost the only ones 
which have treated the subject with scientific accuracy, 
the drawing up of these tables of stars woujd fall in 

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the reign of Eamessu VI., in the year 1240 B.C. Our 
learned fellow countryman, Professor Lepsius, has, 
however, from his own point of view, sought to prove 
that herein lay an error, and that, on the authority of 
the already cited table of hours in the grave of this 
king, the year 1194 B.C. is indicated as the only proper 
date. This last view does not differ very much from 
our calculation of 1166 B.C., deduced from the number 
of successive generations. 

We cannot pass over in silence a record of this 
time, which has faithfully preserved the name of the 
king in a sepulchral chamber in Nubia. We refer to 
the following document, which we now for the first 
thne present to the learned world in a literal trans- 
lation : — 

'Land (which is devoted to the maintenance of the holy 
service) of the statue of king Ramessu YI., which is dedicated to 
the city of 'Ama (consisting of the following districts) : 

* I. The district to the north of Pi-ra (IdiaAis the temple of the 
son), and of the town in the midst of the temple of Ba, the lord of 
this earth, and to the east and south of the fields^of the land of 
the (statue) of Queen Nofer^tera^ which is dedicated ta the dtj of 
'Ama. (The position of this district is as follows) : (it is bounded) , 

on the east by the great mountain, 
on the north by the papyrus-field of Pharaoh, 
on the west is the river. Size, 3 x 100 cubits. 
' n. The district at the commencement {iesha-t, * head *) of the 
land of Mariu, opposite to the field of the Adon of Wawa, 

on the south by the land of the statue of the king, which is 
under the administration of the chief priest Amen-em-api, 
on the east by the great mountain, 
on the north by the papyrus-field of Pharaoh, which is set 

apart as a field for the Adon of Wawa, 
on the west by the river. Size, 2 x 100 cubits. 

* III. The district of the overseers of the temple of the goddess, 
east of thelfteld just described : 

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on the east by ihe great mountain, 

on the south by the field of the estate of the king's statue, 
which is under the administration of the Adon Meri of 
the land of Wawa, east of the great mountain, 
on the north by the field of the keeper of the herds (f) Bih, 
on the west by the river. Size, 4 x 100 cubits. 
' TV, The district at the commencement of the land of Thuhen 
at the extreme west boundary of the basin of Thuhen, in the direc- 
tion of the papyrus-field of Pharaoh, and behind the field that has 
been described : 

east by the great mountain, 

south by the papyrus-field of Pharadi, which lies east of 

the great mountain, 
north by the field of the land of Airos, 
west by the river. Size, 6 x 100 cubits. 
Total superficies of the fields, which belong to him (the statue), 

* V. With regard to the high-lying field (of) Nif-ti, the Adon 
Penni, the son of Heru-nofer, has written and set up his proprie- 
torship of the land of Wawa as an estate, which he has chosen, 
to furnish him with (sustenance) for each ox, which is yearly 
slaughtered in his honour. 

' The circuit of the superficies of the fields of the potters' earth, 
which are in the possession of the (former) Adon of Wawa, is 
not included in the roll. 

Its west is at the gravelly land of the Adon Pen-ni, 

its south is at the gravelly fields of the Adon Pen-ni, 

on the north are the fields with potters' earth, which are the 

property of Pharaoh, 
the east is at the gravelly fields of the Adon Pen-ni. 
Size of the whole, 4 x 200, and 2 x 200 cubits. 
' Any one who will not observe these demarcations, to him will 
Amon-Ba be an avenger, from one avenging to (another) avenging ; 
Mut will take vengeance on his wife, Khonsu will take vengeance 
on his ^children, he shall hunger, he shall thirst, he shall be 
miserable, he shall vanish away.' 

The foregoing inscription is found in a rock-tomb 
at Anibe, little visited by travellers, on the western 
bank of the Nile, opposite the village of Ibrim, 

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imf. XX.' TOMB OF PENNI. ] 83 

about fifty kilometres (31 miles) north of Ibsamboul. 
The owner of the tomb was an ofiicial of king 
Bamessu VI., of the name of Penni, who, in his office 
as Adon or governor of the land of Wawa, died and 
was buried in this lonely region. The directions he 
left behind him, particularly with regard to the 
number of estates, the produce of which was devoted 
to the maintenance of the service of a statue of the 
king, hardly require an explanation. What makes 
the inscription particularly valuable is the designation 
of lands in those parts, and the offices connected with 
them. He himself, as we have already remarked, was 
Adon of Wawa.* Another Adon is mentioned by the 
name of Meri. The sun-city of Pira is the ancient 
designation of the modem place called Derr, or Dirr. 
The city mentioned by the name of Ama, in which a 
Nubian Horus enjoyed an especial worship, is very 
often named in the inscriptions, and seems to have 
been the ancient appellation of Ibrim. At Pira 
(Derr), in all probabihty, was the seat of the admini- 
stration of the whole country of Wawa. The dis- 
tricts of Ahi and the gold land of Akita ^ belonged 
to it, the revenues of which Penni had to collect and 
pay over to Pharaoh. For his especial diligence 
in the fulfilment of his service to the court he was 
most warmly commended by the * King's son of Kush ' 
of that time, whose name unfortunately is. passed 
over in silence. On a royal visit, the king appears 
accompanied by the above-named Meri, who is also 

* See Vol. I. p. U6. 
» SeeVol. II. p. 81. 

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called ' the superintendent of the temple/ to recom- 
mend his officials to the grace of Pharaoh. The 
statue of the royal lord, which had been set up, 
plays here an important part. His Majesty appears 
to have been much pleased with the services of his 
faithful servant, since he presented Penni with two 
silver vessels filled with precious ointments, as a re- 
ward of honour. Penni was certainly an artist, as is 
shown by the statue of Pharaoh, and by his rock-tomb 
adorned with rich sculptures in stone, but especially 
by his office, mentioned in the inscriptions, of * master 
of the quarry,' besides that of a ' superintendent of 
the temple of Horus, the lord of the town of 'Ama.' 

These and similar statements are confirmed by the 
pictures and writings in his eternal dwelling, where he 
rests surrounded by his numerous relations. The 
several members of his family appear to have all held 
during their lifetime various offices in the Horus-city of 
'Ama. I find among them a chief priest of Isis (ffat-ae), 
whose son was the Amenemapi named in the inscrip- 
tion ; also two treasurers of the king in 'Ama, a cap- 
tain of the city of 'Ama, a priest and a scribe, while 
the women are mostly named as female singers of 
Amon or of Horus the lord of the town of 'Ama.^ 

When all historical data for depicting the life and 
deeds of a king fail, the family information contained 
in the tomb of a contemporary becomes of importance, 
even if it teaches us nothing else than that in the times 

^ Respecting the pLctures in the tomb of Bamaes VI., r^re- 
senting the king's court and family, see Villiers Stuart, Nile 
Gleanings, p. 194. — Ed. 

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DTw. XX. BAMSES vn., vm., IX. 185 

of Samessu VI. the Egyptian dominion south of the 
tropic was still maintained, and that under the ' King's 
son of Eush' there were several Adons, corresponding 
to the districts of Kush, to whom again were subor- 
dinated the H'a, or governors of the towns. 

Passing over in silence the two insignificant suc- 
cessors and brothers of this king, who perhaps reigned 
simultaneously as Pharaohs, and of whom the monu- 
ments have merely handed down the names, 

VI. RAMESSU VII., and Wm wA [■° mi . 

vn. RAMESSU VIII., [^ £2^1^ 

RuniM YII. lUunMS Vin. 

we now come to the last Bamessids of the Twentieth 

Our attention is first claimed by Eamessu IX., 
who bore the fiill name of 




It is not his deeds, about which the monuments tell us 
next to nothing, nor his buildings, which are extremely 
few in number (his pictures and inscriptions are placed 
on the already existing monuments of his predecessors), 
but his relations to the chief priests of Amon at Thebes 
at this time, that require us to pay particular attention 
to his memory. 

The enquirer who examines the monuments of the 
Theban capital with a clear and discerning eye, and 
who knows how to read between the lines, cannot 
avoid being struck with the very evident fact that, from 
the time of Ramses HI., the holy fathers, who bore the 

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exalted dignity of a chief priest in the temple-city of 
Amon, are always coming more and more into the 
foreground of Egjrptian history. Their influence with 
the kings assumes, step by step, a growing importance. 
As formerly it was the priests who expressed in the 
name of the gods their thanks to the kings for the 
temple-buildings in Thebes, so now it is the kings who 
begin to testify their gratitude to the chief priest of 
Amon for the care bestowed on the temple of Amon 
by the erection of new buildings, and by the improve- 
ment and maintenance of the older ones. 

In this connection, a great value belongs to the 
representations and inscriptions on the eastern wall 
and the adjoining buildings, which connect the third 
and fourth pylon to the south of the temple of Amon 
at Ape. We there see the * hereditary prince and 
chief priest of Amon-ra, the king of the gods, Amen- 
hotep, in the place of his father, the chief priest of 
Amon-ra in Api, Eamessu-nakht ; ' in other words, the 
chief priest Amenhotep, who had just taken the place 
of his predecessor and father. Opposite to him stands 
king Eamessu IX., and the meaning of his presence 
in this place is made quite clear by the inscription 
annexed : — 

^ The king in person, he speaks to the princes and companions 
by his side : Give rich reward and much recompense in good 
gold and silver, and in a hundred-thousandfold of good things, 
to the high-priest of Amon-ra, the king of the gods, Amenhotep, 
on account of these many splendid buildings [which he has 
erected] at the temple of Amon-ra to the great name of the divine 
benefactor, the king Bamessu IX.' 

The presentation of the reward took place in a 

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right worthy and official manner. The appended docu- 
ment, of which a literal translation is here for the first 
time published, not only gives us information of this 
fact, but at the same time preserves for us an excel- 
lent example of the court language of the period : — 

'In the 10th year, the month Athyr, the 19th day, in the 
temple of Amon-ra, the king of the gods. The chief priest of 
Amon-ra, the king of the gods, Amenhotep, was conducted to 
the great forecourt of the temple of Amon. His (the king's) words 
uttered his reward, to honour him hj good and choice discourses. 

' These are the princes, who had come to reward him, namely : 
the treasurer of Pharaoh and the royal coundUor, Amen-hotep ; the 
royal councillor, Nes-Amon; the secretary of Pharaoh and the 
royal councillor, Noferkara-em-piamon, who is the interpreter of 

' The discourses which were addressed to him related to the 
rewards for his services on this day in the great forecourt of 
Amon-ra, the king of the gods. They were of this import : 

' Monthu was invoked as a witness : 

* As witness is invoked the name of Amon-ra, the king of the 
gods, that of the god Hormakbu, of Ptah of Memphis, of Thot, 
the lord of the holy speech, of the gods of heaven, of the gods of 
the earth: 

' As witness is invoked the name of Ramessu IX., the great 
king of Egypt, the son and friend of all the gods, for levying all 
services. Let the taxing and the usufruct of the labours of the in- 
habitants for the temple of Ajnon-ra, the king of the gods, be placed 
under thy administration. Let the full revenues be given over to 
thee, according to their number. Thou shalt collect the duties. 
Thou shalt undertake the interior administration (literally, side) 
of the treasuries, of the store-houses, and of the granaries of the 
temple of Ajnon-ra, the king of the gods ; so that the income of the 
heads and hands for the maintenance of Amon-ra, the king of the 
gods, may be applied to the service. [Thus does] Pharaoh, thy lord, 
[reward] the deeds of a good and distinguished servant of Pharaoh, 
his lord. He shall be strengthened to do the best for Ajnon-ra, 
the king of the gods, the great and glorious god, and to do the best 
for Pharaoh, his lord, who has seen and admired what thou hast 

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done. This is for explanation of the oomminion to these (preaent) 
treasurers and the two oounciUors of Pharaoh oonceming the gold, 
silver, [and all other gifts, which are given to thee as a reward].' 

In fact, the representation belonging to this inscrip- 
tion shows that the words of the king were exactly 
fulfilled, for the two councillors of Pharaoh {Ab-en- 
pir'ao) ^ who are named adorn the meritorious priest 
of Amon with necklaces and other jewels. 

What the high-priest did for the temple of his god 
is related to us at the place we have mentioned, in 
his own words : — 

' Thus has the teacher of the king, the chief priest of Amon-ra, 
the king of the gods, Amenhotep, done, namely : 

' I found this holy house of the chief priests of Amon of old 
time, which is in the temple of Amon-ra, the king of the gods, 
hastening to decay. What was done to it dates since the time of 
King XTsurtasen I." I took the building in hand, and restored it 
anew in good work, and in a work pleasant to look at. I strength- 
ened its walls behind, around, and in front. I built it anew. 
I made its columns, which were boimd together with great stones 
in skilful work. I inserted in the gates great folding doors of acacia 
wood, for closing them up. I built out on its great stone wall, 
which is seen at the .... I built my high new house for the 
chief priest of Amon, who dwells in the temple of Amon. I in- 
serted the whole gate of [acacia wood]. The bolts in it are of bronze \ 
the engraved pictures are of the finest gold and [sUver]. I built 
a great forecourt of stone, which opens on the southern temple- 
lake, [to serve for] the purification in the temple of Amon. I chased 
[the whole with . . . . ] of Seb. I set up its great blocks of carved 
stone in the connecting hall. The valves of the doors are of acacia 
wood. I [caused to be erected one t] of great carved blocks of stone. 
The outlines of the carved work were drawn in red chalk. . . . 
The whole was inscribed with the full name of Pharaoh. — Also a 
new treasiuy was built on the ground within the great hall which 

7 See VoL I. p. 307 ; YoL H. p. 146. 
. • See VoL L p. 154. 

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bears the name: .... ThecolumDS are of stone, the doors of 
acada wood, painted with . , . . [Also I built a chamber for] the 
king. It lies behind the store-chamber for the necessaries of the 
temple of Amon. [It is constraoted] of stone, the doors and 
dooivTalTeB are of acacia wood. .... [I made and set Up statues 
in] the great splendid forecourt for each chief priest of Amonra 
[the king of the gods. I laid out gardens behind] Asheru. They 
were planted with trees.' 

We break off the translation here, because the great 
gaps in the following lines destroy all connection in the 
sense. Towards the end, the architect declares that he 
had done all this, * to glorify my lord Amon-ra, the king 
of the gods, whose greatness, doctrine, and [power?] 
I acknowledge.' To this is appended the usual prayer 
for life, welfare, health, and a long enjoyment of exist- 
ence for the king and — for himself. 

Emphatically as Amenhotep, the chief priest of 
Amon, and also called repeatedly the ' great architect 
in the city of Amon,' speaks of 'his lord the Pharaoh,' 
the power of the latter was already broken. For with 
Amenhotep the chief priests began to play that 
double part which at last raised them to the royal 
throne. It is right, therefore, to pay particular atten- 
tion beforehand to their names, since they are not only 
of importance for determining the chronology by the 
succession of their generations, but also in a purely 
historical relation they have the value of actual kings' 

To the time of the same king, who occupied such 
a peculiar position in relation to his high-priest, be- 
long the burglaries and thefts in the tombs of the 
earher kings, about which a whole series of judicial 

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190 RAMSES IX.— XIT. chap. xt. 

documents on papyrus afford us express information. 
There existed in Thebes a regularly constituted thieves' 
society, formed for the secret opening and robbing of 
the tombs of the kings, in which even sacerdotal per- 
sons took a part. It required full and extensive en- 
quiries to follow the track of the offenders. Among 
the persons entrusted in the name of the king with the 
conduct of this official enquiry, according to extant 
documents, there are some officials of Pharaoh whose 
acquaintance we have already made. They are the 
following : — the chief priest of Amon, Amenhotep ; 
the governor of Thebes, Khamus ; the governor of 
Thebes, Ranebma-Nakht ; the royal councillor and 
scribe of Pharaoh, Nes-su-amon ; the royal councillor 
and interpreter of Pharaoh, Noferkara-em-piamon ; 
Pharaoh's councillor and secretary, Pi-notem; the 
leader of the Mazaiu (police), Menthu-khopeshef ; and 
some other persons, whose names we will pass over. 
The tombs, which were broken open and partly plun- 
dered, contained the kings and queens of the Xlth, 
Xnith, XVnth, and XVIITth Dynasties, a list of 
whom we have already laid before our readers.' 

According to the arrangement of Lepsius, the fol- 
lowing are to be ranked as Pharaohs following Ka- 
messu IX. : — 



9 See Vol. I. p. 283. 

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Their names are found only here and there on the 
monuments, most frequently in the small oracle-temple 
of Khonsu in Thebes, which their forefather Eamessu 
in. had founded, and which since that time had re- 
ceived the particular attention of the kings of the Twen- 
tieth Dynasty, as a sort of family temple, ^he god 
Khonsu, the young son of Amon and of the goddess Mut 
of Asheru, was worshipped in this temple in his par- 
ticular character as Khonsu-em-us Nofer-hotep, that 
is, ' Khonsu of Thebes, the good and friendly,' and a 
special importance was attached to his oracles on all 
grave occasions. The kings and priests Inquire of 
him, and he gives his answers as he pleases. 

These introductory remarks appear to us necessary 
in order to understand the following inscription on 
a stone of the time of king Eamessu XTT., which was 
formerly set up in the temple of Khonsu. We pass 
over as unimportant for our purpose the king's names 
and titles of honour, and begin with the properly his- 
torical introduction, which, commencing at the 4th line, 
runs as follows : — 

* (4) When Pharaoh was in the river-land of Naharain, as his 
cnstom was every year, the kings of all the nations came with 
hnmility and friendship to the person of Pharaoh. From the 
extremest ends (of their countries) they brought the gifts of gold, 
silver, blue and (5) green stones ; and all sort§ of (sweet-smelling) 
woods of the holy land were upon their shoulders ; and each one 
endeavoured to outdo his neighbour. 

' Then the king of Bakhatana brought his tribute, and placed 
at the head of it his eldest daughter, to honour Pharaoh and 
to beg for his friendship. And the woman (6) was much more 
beautiful to please Pharaoh than all other things. Then was the 
king's name written upon her, as the king's wife, Noferu-Ba. 

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192 RAMSES Xtl. CHAP. XV. 

When the Pharaoh had come to Egypt, everything was done for 
her which a queen required to use. 

' It happened in the year 15, in the month Payni, on the 22nd 
day. Then Pharaoh was in Thebes, the strong, the queen of cities, 
in order to thank (7) his father Amon-ra, the lord of Thebes, at 
his beautiful feast of Api of the south, the seat of his desire from 
the beginning. They came to announce to Pharaoh : A messenger of 
the king of Bakhatana has arrived with rich gifts for the queen. 
Then was he brought (8) before Pharaoh, together with his giPte. 
He spoke in honour of Pharaoh : ^^ Greeting to thee, thou sun of 
the nations, let us live before thee 1 " Thus he spake, while he fell 
down before Pharaoh, and repeated the message to Pharaoh : ** I am 
come to thee, the great lord, on account of Bint-resh, the youngest 
sister of the queen Noferu-ra. (9) She is suffering in her body. 
Hay thy Mlijesty send a learned expert to see her." Then 
spake Pharaoh : " Let them bring to me the learned men from 
the places of the holy sciences, and the knowers of the most inti- 
mate secrets.** (10) They brought them to him forthwith. Then 
spake Pharaoh after a time: "Ye have been assembled here to 
hear these words. Now, then, bring to me a man of a clever 
mind, and a finger skilful in writing, out of your company." 
When the royal scribe, (11) Thut-emhib, had come before Pharaoh, 
Pharaoh bade him, that he should start for Bakhatana with the 
envoy, who was present. When the expert had reached the city 
of the land of Bakhatana, in which Bint-resh dwelt after the 
manner of one possessed with a spirit, then he found himself 
(12) unable to contend with him (the spirit). 

' And the king again sent to Pharaoh, speaking thus : '^ Great 
lord and ruler 1 May thy Majesty order that the god may be 
sent [Khonsu, the oracular,, of Thebes, to the youngest sistcqr of 
the queen." (13) And the messenger remained with] Pharaoh ^ 
the 26th year. In the month Pakhons (of l^at year), at the tin.e 
of the feast of Amon, Pharaoh abode in Thebes, and Pharaoh 
stood again before the god Khonsu of Thebes, the kind and friendly - 
while he spake thus : " thou good lord ! I present myself agaiu 
before thee on account of the daughter of the king of Bakha- 
tana." (14) Then went from thence the god EJionsu of Thebes, the 
kind and friendly, to Khonsu, the oracular, the great god, the 
driver away of evil. Then spake Pharaoh in presence of Khonsu 
of Thebes, the kind and friendly, ^* Thou good lord, shouldest thou 

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not chai^ Khonsu (15), the oracalar, the great god, ihe diiver 
away of evi], that he may betake himself to Bakhatana t " To 
that there was a very gracious consent. Then spake Pharaoh, 
" Give him thy talisman to take with him. I will let his Holiness 
be drawn to Bakhatana, to release the daughter of the king of 
Bakhatana." ' (16) Thereupon a very gracious consent of E^onsu 
of Thebes, the kind and friendly. Then he gave the talisman to 
Khonsu, the oracular, of Thebes, at four different times. And 
Pharaoh gave command, to cause ELhonsu, the oracular, of Thebes, 
to embark on the great ship. Five barks and many (17) carriages 
and horses were on his right and on his left. 

^ That god reached the city of the land of Bakhatana after the 
space of a year and five months. Then the king of Bakhatana 
and his people and his princes went to meet Khonsu, the oracular. 
And he threw himself (18) prostrate, and sp^e thus : *' Come 
to us, be friendly to us, according to the commands of the 
king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Miamun Ramessu." Then 
that god went to the place where Bint-resh dwelt. Then he 
caused the talisman to work upon the daughter of the king of 
Bakhatana. She became well (19) on the spot. Then spake that 
spirit, which possessed her, before Khonsu, the oracular, of Thebes : 
** Welcome as a friend, thou great god, driver away of eviL 
Thine is the city of Bakhatana. Thy servants are its inhabitants. 
I am thy servant. (20) I will return whence I came, to make thy 
heart satisfied about the object for which thou wast brought hither. 
May I request thy Holiness, that there may be a feast celebrated in 
my company and in the company of the king of Bakhatana 1 " Then 
this god assented graciously to his prophet, and he said : (21) '^ Let 
the king of Bakhatana prepare a great sacrifice for this spirit. 
When that has been done, then will Khonsu, the oiucular, unite 
himself with the spirit.'* And the king of Bakhatana stood there, 
together with his people, and was very much afraid. Then (22) he 
prepared a great sacrifice for Khonsu, the oracular, of Thebes, 
and for this spirit. The king of Bakhatana celebrated a feast for 
them. Then the glorious spirit went thence, whither it pleased him, 
as Khonsu, the oracular, of Thebes, had commanded. (23) Ajad the 
king of Bakhatana was delighted beyond all measure, together with 

* This refers to the conveyance of the ark of the god on its 
carriage, which is represented in a picture. — Ed. 

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all the men who dwelt in Bakhatana. Then he considered in his 
heart, and he spake to them thus : " Might it he so, that this god 
should remain in the city of the land of Bakhatana t I will not 
let him return to Egypt." Then (24) this god remained three 
years and nine months in Bakhatana. Then the king of Bakha- 
tana rested on his hed, and he saw as if this god stepped out 
from his holy shrine, as in the form of a golden sparrow-hawk 
he took his flight heavenwards towards Egypt. (25) When he 
awoke he was lame. Then spake he to the prophet of Khonsa, 
the oracular, of Thehes : ''This god he staid among us, and 
now he withdraws to Egypt. His carriage must return to Egypt." 
(26) Then the king of Bakhatana had the god drawn back to Egypt, 
and gave him very many presents of all sorts of good things, and they 
arrived safely at Thebes. Then went ELhonsu, the oreusular, of 
Thebes, (27) into the temple of Khonsu of Thebes, the kind and 
friendly, and he laid down the presents just as the king of Bakhatana 
had presented them to him, namely, all kinds of good things, 
before Khonsu of Thebes, the kind and friendly ; he kept nothing 
of them for his house. But Khonsu, the oracular, of Thebes, 
(28) i*eturned happily to his house in the 33rd year, in the month of 
Mekhir, on the 13th day, of king Miamun Ramessu. Such was 
what happened to him ; to him, the dispenser of life to-day and for 

Many reflections will naturally crowd upon the 
reader's mind on the perusal of this inscription, the 
first interpretation of which is due to the labours 
of two masters of our science, Dr. S. Birch and 
Monsieur E. de Roug^. Our own translation has, 
perhaps, the modest merit of having utilized the 
latest discoveries in old Egyptian philology for the 
elucidation of this stone. It is difficult to say where 
the land of Bakhatana should be sought, A journey 
of seventeen months from Thebes to the foreign city- 
shows that it was very distant. The (doubtful ?) stay 
of Ramessu XTE. in the riverland of Naharain sug- 
gests a Syrian town. Its identification with Bagistan, 

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DTK. XX. RAMSES Xm. 195 

as proposed by E. de Eoug^, as well as my own with 
Ecbatana, must be given up, in face of the fact that, 
in those times of the decay of the rule of the Rames- 
sids, such distant towns and countries could not have 
been subject to the empire of the Pharaohs. Pro- 
bably the town referred to may be Bakhi or Bakh, 
which is mentioned in the lists of the victories of 
Eamessu UI. and earlier kings as a- conquered place. 

With his successor — 


we seem to have arrived at the end of this Dynasty, 
although it is proved by the monuments that some 
Kamessids, as unimportant petty kings, put forward 
their claim to the throne of their fathers, even in the 
time of the Assyrian conqueror, Shashanq I. They 
did so truly with httle success, for the chief priests of 
the god Amon had already placed the crown of the 
country on their own heads, and being the lords of 
Thebes they behaved as lords also of the whole country. 
The temple of Khonsu at Thebes, which was like- 
wise the fjcmily chapel of the last Eamessids, had been 
finished under Eamessu XITE., as far as the open fore- 
court with the small colonnade round it. The king 
prides himself on having erected these last buildings 
' as a memorial to his father Khonsu ; ' and * the kind 
and friendly Khonsu of Thebes ' promises him as a 
reward 'the kingdom of Tum.^ In other parts of 
the first hall the king insists in a still more earnest 
manner on his own importance as a builder. Thus 


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he caused these words to be engraved on a carved 

stone : — 

' Splendid things has he made, many and wonderful monuments ^ 
all his schemes were carried out immediately like those of his 
father, the Memphian Ptah. He has embellished Thebes with 
great monuments. No other king has done the like.' 

Poor king I While he gave Ufe to the dead stones 
by these and other inscriptions in the temple of his 
house, for the honour of his name, to hand down his 
remembrance to posterity, the traitor was lurking 
behind his back, who gave the death-blow to him 
and to his race. This was the chief priest of Amon, 
Hirhor, who became the founder of the following 

I learn by a letter from my honoured friend, 
Mariette-Bey, that the discovery was made last year 
(1876), at Abydus, on the spot named Shune-el-zebib, 
of a memorial-stone of Eamses XTTT., bearing the 
date of the 27th year, the month Mesori, the 8th day. 

Also, in the collection of papyrus-rolls in the 
Turin Museum, as published by M. Pleyte, there' exists 
what is possibly an autograph letter of the same king, 
with the date of the 17th year, the month Khoiakh, 
the 25th day. The contents of this MS. (omitting the 
formal introduction) will be best understood from the 
following translation : — 

' A royal order is issued to the King's son of Kush, the royal 
scrihe of the warriors, the superintendent of the granaries, the 
commander of Pharaoh's foreigners, Painehas, to the following 
effect: — The king's order will be brought to thee, making the 
communication, that Jani, the Major-domus and counsellor (Ab) 
of Pharaoh, has set out on his joiuney. His departure has been 

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caused by commiasionu from Pharaoh, his lord, which he has 
started to execute in the land of the South. As soon as this letter 
of Pharaoh, thj lord, reaches thee, do thou act in the fullest accord 
with him, for he is to execute the commissionB of Pharaoh, his 
lord, on account of which he has departed from hence. 

' Thou art to look up the hand-barrows of the great goddess, to 
load them and put them on board the ship. Thou art to have 
them brought into his presence, where the statue is appointed to 

< Thou art to have the precious stones (here follows a list of 
unknown sorts of stones)— brought together to the same place 
where the statue stands, to deliver them into the hands of the 
artiste. Let no delay be interposed in the execution of tins com- 
mission, or else I should degrade thee. Behold ! I expect thy 
best attention to this message. Sudi is the message which is 
made known to thee.' 

The conclusion of the letter is clear and exphcit, 
evidently on the assumption that the viceroy of 
Ethiopia might prove a neghgent servant. 

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List of Values and Prices, about b.c. 1000. 

Prdiminary Note? 
1 7^671=10 Ket. 

1 ^6<= 9*0959 grainme8=154 grains neady (or \ oz. Troy). 
1 r«n=90-959 „ ^1537 grains (above \ lb. Troy). 

TahU of the Estimated Value of AncterU Egyptian uncoined Silver 

and Copper Money. Raiio of silver to copper^ 1 : 


Egyptian weightB 

Weight in grammee 

a Uurkol Shnilng) 












2 » 






3 " 






1 „ 






2 „ 






3 „ 






4 „ 






5 „ 






6 „ 






7 „ 






. 8 » 






9 ., 






I Ten 






2 „ 






3 „ 



— : 



4 „ 





5 „ 






6 „ 





7 .; 






8 ». 






By the help of this Table the reader will find it easy to form 
a correct idea of the values and prices in the following List. 

I have farther to observe, that the Ket of Silver corresponds to 
the Greek Didrachmon or Stater, and the Ket of Copper to the 
Chalcus (=^th of the Obolus). Accordingly the Copts translate 
the Greek didrachmon by Kiti or Kite, 

^ In the table of Egyptian Measures and Weights, given in 
the Records of the Past (vol. ii. p. 164), the Kat (Ket) is esti- 
mated at 140 grains, and the Ten at 1,400 grains. The Ten is 
roughly called a Pound, and the Kat or Ket an Ounce or 
Didrachm; but these terms by no means* correspond to their 
actual values. The equivalents of the measures of capacity named 
in the following list are unknown. — Ed. 

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List of Values and Prices, About b.c. 1000. 

1 Slave cost 3 Ten, 1 Ket, silver. 

1 Ox „ 1 Ket, silver (=8 Ten, copper). 

1 Goat cost 2 Ten,, copper. 

1 Pair of Fowls (Geese?) cost ^ Ten, copper. 

500 Fish, of a particular kind, cost 1 Ket, silver (=8 Ten, 

800 Fish, of another kind, cost 1 Ket, silver. 
100 Fish, of a third kind, „ 1 „ „ 
1 Tena of Com of Upper Egypt cost 5-7 Ten, copper. 
1 Hotep of Wheat cost 2 Ten, copper. 

I „ „ Spelt „ 2 „ „ 
5 Hin of Honey „ 4 „ „ 
(Hence 1 Hin of Honey cost 8 Ket, copper.) 
365 Hin of Honey cost ^ Ten, silver. 
(Hence 1 Hin of Honey cost y^ Ket, silver.) 

II Hin of Oil cost 17 Ten, copper. 

50 Acres (Set) of arable land cost 5 Ten, silver. 

1 Garden land cost 2 Ten, silver. 

1 Knife cost 3 Ten, copper. 

1 Bazor „ 1 „ „ 

1 Metal Vessel, weighing 20 Ten, cost 40 Ten, copper. 

1 Ditto „ 6 „ „ 18 „ „ 

1 Ditto „ 1 „ ,*, 3 „ „ 

1 Apron of fine stuff cost 3 Ten, copper. 

The month's wages of an ordinary workman amounted to 5 
Ten of copper. 

The above values are derived from inscriptions, and there can 
be no doubt as to the accuracy of their interpretation. 

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1100 — 966 B.O. 

* The king of Upper and Lower Egypt, the chief priest 
of Amon, Si-amon (Son of Amon) Hirhor : ' — 

Thus did the ambitious priest of Amon, the head of 
the Theban clergy, style himself officially, when he 
took possession of the throne of Egypt, or, to speak 
more correctly, of that of the Thebaid in particular. 
His lord, Eamessu XTTT., had before his own fall 
honoured the first servant of the god Amon in a dis- 
tinguished manner, inasmuch as he had entrusted him 
with the highest and most important offices of the 
government. Hirhor calls himself, in the representa- 
tions of his person by the side of the king, an * here- 
ditary prince, the fan-bearer on the right of the king. 
King's son of Kush, chief architect of the king, chief 
general of the army in Upper and Lower Egypt, ad- 
ministrator of the granaries,' as Joseph was of old at 
the court of Pharaoh. Such high dignities, which in 
the course of time were held by one and the same 

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person, either together or in succession, must have 
essentially facilitated his project, when once formed, to 
overthrow the sovereign. His position and inviola- 
bility as the chief priest of Amon secured to the 
proud Hirhor, on the other hand, no inconsiderable 
following among the most powerful of all the priestly 
societies in the whole country, which gave a steady 
support to his secret plans. As in Upper Egypt it was 
the inhabitants of the Theban nome and the priests of 
Amon who took part with the new king, so, on the 
other hand, in Lower Egypt he had won over a 
moderate but not to be despised number of the 
priestly societies of the holy fathers of the Eamses- 
city of Zoan-Tanis, who stood in close connection 
with the imperial city of Thebes owing to their com- 
mon worship of Amon. The letters and documents of 
the Eamessids which have come down to us leave not 
the slightest doubt upon this point. And yet the 
plans of Hirhor were not destined to attain complete 
success. While Eamessu XTIT. and his successors, 
according to all probability, ate the bread of banish- 
ment in the Great Oasis, they had raised up in silence 
an enemy to the priest-kings, whose power and impor- 
tance might be brought in to aid their cause. 

On the east, in the vast plains of Mesopotamia, the 
great empire of the Khita had been succeeded by a 
new race of rulers, known to us in history under 
the name of the Assyrian Empire. The Egyptian 
monuments of the time give to the successors of 
the Khita the short name which, with the assistance 
of the cuneiform inscriptions, we understand as Mat^ 

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202 SUCCESSORS OF HIRHOR. chap. xvi. 

and they designate the king of the Mat, that is * the 
peoples/ as the * great king of the Mat, the great king 
of kings.' Even though, in a style which is rather 
pompous than historically true, Hirhor conferred on 
himself the honorary title of conqueror of the Ruthen, 
to which in all probability he had no right, it may be 
assumed that the power of the Assyrians, these Mat, 
had reached a strength which must at any rate have 
restrained the priest-king, in the internal decay of the 
Egyptian empire, from thinking of conquests on the 

The successors of the priest-king, whom the reader 
will find named in the Genealogical Table (IV.), were 
far from securing a firm position in the country. Their 
most determined enemies were the banished race of 
the Eamessids, who succeeded in forming alliances 
with Assyria. A great-grandson of that Ramessu 
XrH. who was overthrown by Hirhor, according to 
our reckoning Ramessu XVI., married an unnamed 
daughter of ' the great king of the Assyrians,' whose 
name is distinctly transmitted to us. The monuments 
call him Panrshns (Parrash-nes, Pallash-nes, Pallash- 
nisu). The name in its first part reminds us of the 
second portion of the Assyrian royal names, Ninip- 
Pallasar and Teglath-phalasar (about 1100 B.C.), as 
they have been read by interpreters of the Assyrian 
cuneiform inscriptions. 

The consequences of such a connection of the 
banished but legitimate royal race of the Egyptians 
with the powerful dynasty of Nineveh quickly appeared. 
The Assyrians marched against Egypt. 

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At that time Pinotem I., a grandson of Hirhor, 
ruled the land as king and high-priest. His residence 
was at Tanis, abready familiar to us as the strong frontier 
fortress in the Delta towards the East. In the twenty- 
fifth year of his reign, disturbances had broken out in 
the Thebaid in favour of the banished Eamessids. 
Pinotem I., who had to await the attack of the great 
king of Assyria, Nimrod, and his army, remained 
in Tanis. His son, Men-kheper-ra, was sent with full 
po^wers to Thebes, to check the insurrection. After 
succeeding in doing this, though how far must remain 
uncertain, we find him named as the successor of his 
father in the high-priesthood of Amon. His first act 
was to recal the Egyptians banished to th.e Oasis, 
namely, the Eamessids and their adherents. This was 
apparently done with the consent of the god Amon, 
whose oracle had approved the proposal of Men-khe- 

This fact is transmitted to us by an inscription, in 
which, in spite of many lacunae, we can clearly under- 
stand the general connection of the whole. I now 
give for the first time the translation of this important 
document, after having had the opportunity of again 
comparing it with the original at Thebes : — 

' (1 ) In the year 25, the month Epiphi, the 29th day, at the same 
time as the fS^ast of the god Amon-ra, the king of the gods, at his 

[heautifttl] monthly feast of Ape [of the south] (2) Nee- 

hir-hor in their multitude. The Majesty of this nohle god Amon 
[-ra, the king of the gods,] was .... (3) Thehes. He showed 
the way to the scribes, the land-surveyors, and people. .... 
(4) In the year 25, in the first month of the year .... Amon- 
n, the lord of Thebes. . . • (5) . . . the high-priest of Amon-ra, 

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206 NIMROD CONQUERS EGYPT. chap. xvt. 

glorious house. In like maimer may all reward be mine from 
, . ." (23) Then did the high priest of Amon, Men-kheper-ra, go 
in to the great god, and spake thus : " If anj one of the people 
should in thy presence contradict, saying that he has done great 
things for the people, that the land may gain life, — then destroy 
him, kill him." Then the grei^t god gave full assent to him.' 

The distracted state of the empire could not have 
been more clearly exhibited than in this inscription. 
Even if we reject 'the 100,000 banished ones/ of 
whom the high-priest speaks to the god, at all events 
the whole proceeding throws a sad light on the state 
of things then prevailing in Egypt. Persecutions and 
banishments form, in every age, a measure of the 
internal condition of an empire. That the recal of 
the exiles from the Oasis, proposed by the priest-king 
Men-kheper-ra to the god Amon, did not spring from 
any special goodness of heart, but was a politic mea- 
sure, to quiet the agitation fermenting in the country, ' 
can hardly require further proof on our part. 

While these events were taking place, which the 
inscription sets forth in such an ambiguous manner, it 
appears that Naromath (Nimrod), the great king of 
Assyria, who had been associated on the throne by his 
father Shashanq, had advanced into Egypt with an army, 
not only to render help and support to the Bamessids, 
but also with the intention of conquering the country, 
and turning it into an Assyrian dependency. Here in 
Egypt death surprised him. His mother, Mehet-en- 
usekh, was an Egyptian, in all probability a daughter 
of the 14th Kamessu. According to her desire, her 
gon, * the great king of kings,' was buried in Abydus, 
and the feasts of the dead were instituted in his honour, 

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the cost of which was to be defrayed from the income 
of certain estates. At the same time men and women 
were appointed for the preservation of his tomb, herds 
of cattle were purchased, and all other things provided, 
which could serve for a worthy establishment in honour 
of the dead. 

When Egypt had thus become virtually a province 
of the Assyrian empire, Shashanq, the son of the great 
king Naromath (Nimrod), of whom we have just spoken, 
was made king. Rsebkhan I., the brother of the chief 
priest Men-kheper-ra, was, according to the Assyrian 
practice, left as under-king in Tanis, while Shashanq 
fixed his royal seat in the town of Bubastus. Men- 
kheper-ra carried on his functions as chief priest of 
Amon in Thebes, where, as we have reason to sup- 
pose, Eamses XVI. was for some time, in name at 
least, recognized as king. 

These measures were evidently taken during the 

presence of the great king of Assyria, Shashanq, in 

Egypt.^ He visited Thebes, and did not fail, on his 

journey to the city of Amon, to pay a visit to the 

grave of his beloved son at Abydus. He was bitterly 

chagrined at its neglected state. The Egyptian officials, 

who probably had little inclination to honour the 

remains of an Assyrian great king, had plundered, as 

far as they could, both the living and lifeless temple- 

1 To guard against a possible confusion, we may remind the 
leader that the Shashanq here spoken of, king of Assyria, and 
father of Nimrod, is the grandfather of the Sheushanq, son of 
Nimrod, who is mentioned in the preceding paragraph as having 
ultimately become Shashanq I., king of Bgypt. (See the Genealo- 
gical Table IV.)— Ed. 

Digitized by 


208 ASSYRIAN CONQUEST. chap. xvi. 

revenues which had been appointed for keeping up 
the grave. They were brought to an account by the 
great king Shashanq, and, with the approval of the 
Theban god Amon, they were all punished with death. 
These circumstances have been handed down to us 
in an inscription of unusual magnitude on the front side 
of a granite block at Abydus. Even though the 
whole upper half of the stone is probably wanting, and 
must he buried somewhere in Abydus, the under part 
is, however, well preserved, so far at least that the 
contents of this remarkable memorial tablet can be 
read without misunderstanding. It was with great 
trouble that I made a transcript from its weather-beaten 
surface, which will give my readers a general represen- 
tation of the decrees of the Assyrian great king, whose 
names and titles, especially in what relates to the truly 
Eastern appellations of honour of the king of kings, are 
completely preserved. I give here the translation of 
the part which has been preserved, in the persuasion 
that my colleagues in these studies will welcome with 
pleasure the publication of this remarkable but hitherto 
unknown inscription : — 

' [To Amon-ra spake the great king of Aasyna,, when] the great 
king, the king Shashanq, [had visited] his son, at his beautiful 
burial-place with his father Osiris, where his body had been laid 
on his bed of rest in the city of Nifur (Abydus), in sight of [the 
temple of Osiris] : " Thou hast freed him from attaining to an 
infirm old age, while he remained on earth. Thou hast granted 
him his rest. My feasts will consist in this, to reoeivd the undivided 
victory." Very, very much did the great god give assent to him. 

* Then spake his Majesty anew to the great god thus : '* 
thou good lord, put to death [the captains] of the army, the ... . 
secretary, the land-surveyor, and all ... 1 whom [I] sent [with a 

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commiflsion] to this estate, and who plundered [the property] of the 
altar of the Osirian great lord of A&sjria, Na-ro-math (Nimrod), 
the son of Mehet-en-usekh, who is buried in Abjdus, and all the 
people who have robbed his holy property, his people, his herds of 
cattle, his gardens, his offerings, and all that was dedicated for his 
honour. Act according to thy great spirit in its whole extent, 
to replace them again, and to replace the women and their 
children." The great god assented to this most graciously. 

' Then his Majesty threw himself on the ground before him, and 
his Majesty spake thus : " Grant triumph to Shashanq, the great king 
of Assyria, the great king of kings, the glorious .... and all those 
who are with him, and all warriors, and all [his people] together." 

' Then [spake to him] Amon-ra, the king of the gods : '^ I will 
do [according to thy wish]. Thou shalt receive (the blessing of) 
a great age and remain on earth, and thy heir shall sit on thy 
throne for ever." 

* Then his Majesty had the statue, in the form of a walking man, 
of the Osirian great king of Assyria, the great king of kings, Na- 
ro-math, brought up the river to Abydus. There were in attend- 
ance on it a large body of soldiers in many ships, no man knows 
their number, together with the ambassadors of the great king of 
Assyria. And it was set down in the splendid royal chamber of 
the holy of holies of the right eye of the sun, to carry the offerings 
on the altar-table of Nifur. According to the directions of the 
holy anointing, the dedication was accomplished. 

' The incense was burnt in the room of the star-chamber for 
three days. This was set up for the temple-ordinances in the form 
of a written record, according to the contents of the ordinances 
for the feasts of the gods. A memorial tablet was erected in the 
language of the land of Bab[el], containing the command [of the 
great lord] in his name. And it (the memorial tablet) was laid 
up in the holy of holies of the gods for ever and ever. 

* [This is the catalogue] of that which was appointed for the 
altar of the Osirian great king of the Assyrians, Na-ro-math, the son 
of Mehet-en-usekh, who is buried at Abydus. There were allotted 
(to it) the people who had been [bought 1] out of [the countries 1] of 
the great king of Assyria, namely : Airomapatut, of the people of 
the Phoenicians, and obedient at call : Khu-amon .... and .... 
a Phoenician (called) Bek-ptah. (The price of) their purchase makes 
in silver money 15 lbs. His Majesty had given for them in silver 
money 20 lbs., making together 35 lbs. This is the number of that 

VOL. II. p ^-•'•Cv"rf^'">-s, 

V /^^ fr"':^ ^X. ^ // 

210 ASSYRIAN CONQUEST. chap. rvx. 

which they cost. The 50 arurse of land, which are situated in the 
region of the heights to the south of Abydus, which is called " perma- 
nent duration of the kingdom '{HehrS^Ueni)** cost 5 lbs. of silver 
money. The (fields) which are situated by the side (t) of the canal 
which is at Abydus, an estate of 50 arurss, for these there was paid 
5 lbs. in silver money. This makes together an estate [of lOO 
arursB] in these two places in the region of the heights to the soutli 
of Abydus, and in the region of the heights to the north of Abydus. 
For this estate of 100 arurse there was also paid 10 lbs. in silver. 

' [Catalogue of the servants for the estate] : His servant Pi-uer, 
his servant . . . . , his servant Ari-bek, his servant Bu-pi-amon- 
kha, his servant Nai-shennu, his servant Pesh-en-Hor. Making a 
total of 6 servants, for whom there was paid, for each 3 lbs. and 
1 ounce of silver money, making in all 1[8] pounds 6 ounces of 
silver money. [His boy (1) .... and his boy (1)] .... eon of 
Hor-si-ise, for these was paid 4§ ounces of silver money. 

* The garden, which is situated in the district of the northern 
heights of Abydus, cost 2 lbs. of silver money ; the gardener, Hor- 
mes, the son of Pen-mer, « -h f ounces of silver money, the water- 
carrier . . . . , the son of .... for 6§ ounces of silver money. 

' Catalogue of maid-servants : Nes-ta-tep, whose mother is 
Tat-mut ; the maiden Tat-ise, the daughter of Nebt-hepet, whose 
mother is Ariamakh; the maiden Tat-amon, the daughter of Pinehas, 
[the maiden . . . . , the daughter of . . . .], each one for 5f 
ounces of silver money. 

* The outlay for [the purchase of honey] is to amount to 3§ lbs. 
of silver money, and is charged upon the treasury of Osiris, so 
that a hin-measure of honey shall be given by the treasury of 
Osiris [for the daily supply of honey of the Osirian] great king of 
Assyria, Na-ro-math, whose father is the great king of kings, 
[Shashanq, and whose mother is Mehet-en-usekh, for all eternity]. 
The treasury of Osiris is charged with the money for this, neither 
more nor less. [The outlay for the purchase] of balsam shall amount 
to 4§ lbs. of silver money, and is charged on the treasury of Osiris 
so that 4 ounces of balsam shall be delivered from the treasury of 
Osiris every day for the offering of the Osirian great king of the 
Assyrians, Na-ro-math, whose mother is Mehet-en-usekh, to all 
eternity. [For the provision] of the balsam the treasury of Osiris is 
thus charged with the money, neither more nor less. [The outlav 
for the purchase of] incense shall amount to 5f ounces of silver 

Digitized by 



money, and ia charged on the treasury of Osiris, so that a hin of 
a + ^ ounces shall be delivered from the treasury of Osiris every day 
for the [keeping up] of the burning of incense fov the Osiriiin great 
king of Asssyria, Na-ro-math, whose mother is Mehet-en-usekh, 
to all times. For the procuring of the incense the treasury of Osiris 
is thus charged with the money, neither more nor less. [The 
outlay for the different persons of the spice-kitchen, and for the 
persons of the labours of the harvest, shall amount to for each] 
2+3 ounces, and for each 1 oimce of silver money, and these are 
charged on the treasury of Osiris ; so that there shaU be delivered 
[ . . . . the spice-cakes] each day from the treasury of Osiris, 
and [that there shall be delivered . . . . ] from the treasury of 
Osiris, and that there shall be delivered .... from the treasury 
of Osiris for the altars of the Osirian great king of Assyria, Na- 
ro-math, whose mother is Mehet-en-usekh, to all eternity. For 
the support of the workmen of his spioe-kitchen, the money for it 
also is charged on the treasury of Osiris. [Also for the] harvest 
workers in the upper fields, [the pa3nments for these] are charged 
on the treasury of Osiris, to the amount of .... in silver money, 
neither more nor less. This is the sum total of the silver money 
for the people, which is charged on the treasury of Osiris, [so that 
aU payments shall be made from it] which are to be borne by [the 
treasury of Osiris] for the altars of the Osirian great king of 
Assyria, the king of kings, Na-ro-math, the son of the great king 
of the Assyrians, Shashanq, whose mother is Mehet-en-usekh. It 
is assigned for the Osirian great king of the Assyrians, Na-ro-math, 
the son of Mehet-en-usekh, who [is buried] in Abydus, for the estate 
of 100 arurfle of land, for the 25 men and women, for the gardens, 
and it amounts in silver money to 100 + x lbs., x ounces ' 

My respected colleagues in science will, I thinli, 
readily admit, that in spite of its very ruinous and in- 
jured state, this inscription is one of the most remarli- 
able, and, I will add, one of the most surprising, ever 
found on Egyptian soil. Who could have expected 
such direct evidence of the presence of an Assyrian 
great king in the VaUey of the Nile, wlien the monu- 
ments had obstinately suppressed all information of the 

p 2 

Digitized by 


212 ASSYRIAN CONQUEST. chap. xvr. 

fact ? We can only suppose that the Egyptians, after 
the departure of their Assyrian great kings, carefully 
destroyed all their monuments, and that the one we 
have quoted only escaped the same fate because it was 
used as a convenient block to work into some building 
in the cemetery of Abydus. 

I will add to these remarks the mention of a new 
and not less remarkable fact. It relates to the statue 
of the great king Nimrod, about which mention is 
made in the inscription. By a strange accident of fate 
this also has been preserved. From the hieroglyphic 
inscription carved upon it, which has been thoroughly- 
well preserved in the most important passages, I have 
recognized it in a sitting figure of red granite, which is 
exhibited in the middle of the chief hall of the Egyptian 
collection in Florence. 

Who could ever have supposed that this headless 
statue represented the effigy of an Assyrian great king 
of about 1000 B.C. ? But the surprises about this mat- 
ter are not yet exhausted. I shall prove, as we go on, 
the presence of Assyrian satraps of the family of this 
same Nimrod, who have hitherto been set before our 
eyes in inscriptions, without the conjecture having 
occurred to any scholar, that Ser-'a-mat, * the great 
prince of the peoples,' was an Assyrian official title. 

As we have already remarked, a son of that great 
king Nimrod was raised to the Egyptian throne. He is 
that Shashanq, of whom, as the founder of the Twenty- 
second Dynasty, we have to speak in the next chapter. 

At about the same time, by direction of this Sha- 
shanq, the affair of the inheritance of the princess 
Karamat (for thus, and not Mat-ke-ra or Ka-mat-ke, 

Digitized by 



ought the name to be read) was regulated by express 
royal command, in the name of the Theban circle of 
gods. This lady was the offspring of the marriage of 
king Pisebkhan I. with a Theban (Eamessid?), and, 
according to a frequent Egyptian custom, she had been 
robbed of her patrimony situated in Upper Egy{)t. By 
her marriage with king Shashanq I. (for this Kar-am- 
at was his wife), her position was completely changed. 
The ordinance, which relates to the agreement for plac- 
ing the princess in her full hereditary right, is engraved 
in large letters on the north wall of the third pylon on 
the south of the great temple of Amon in Karnak. The 
upper half of this wall is completely destroyed ; and in 
tliis case also the first lines of the inscription, which 
contained the date and the name of the king, are un- 
fortimately wanting.^ We give the complete literal 
translation of this stone document, so important histori- 
cally, and leave it to our readers themselves to draw all 
the conclusions which follow from it :. — 

' Thus spake Amon-ra, the king of the gods, the great god of the 
begixming of all being, and Mat and Khonsu, and the great gods : 

'With regard to any object of any kind, which Karamat, 
the daughter of the king of Upper Egypt, Miamun Pisebkhan, 
has brought with her, of the hereditary possession which had 
descended to her in the southern district of the country, and with 
regard to each object of any kind whatever, which (1) (the people) 
of the land have presented to her, which they have at any time 
taken from the (royal) lady, we hereby restore it to her. Any object 
of any kind whatsoever [which] belongs [as an inheritance to the 
children], that [we hereby restore] to her children for all time. 
Thus speaks Amon-ra, the king of the gods, the great king of the be- 
ginning of all being, Mut, Khonsu, and the great gods : (2) *' Every 

^ Among the copies taken by me at Thebes in 1851 is that of 
an inscription on stone, which begins with the names and titles of 
Shashanq I., and thus supplies these formulae. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

214 ASSYRIAN CONQUEST. chap. xrr. 

king, every chief priest of Amoiiy every general, every captain, and 
the people of every condition, whether male or female, who had 
great designs, and they who carried out their designs later, they 
shall restore the property of all kinds, which Karamat, the daughter 
of the king of Upper Egypt, Miamun Pisehkhan, bi-ought with 
her as her inherited estate in the southern district (3) of the 
country, together with all possessions of all kinds, which the in- 
habitants of the country have given her, and what they have at 
any time taken from the lady, it shall be restored into her hand, 
we restore it into the hand of her son and of her grandson, and to 
her daughter and to her grand-daughter, the child of the child of 
her daughter. It shall be preserved to the latest times." 

' Again [spake Amon-ra], the king of the gods, the great god 
of the beginmng (4) of all being, and Mut, and Rhonsu, and the 
great gods : '* Slain shall be all people of every condition of the 
whole land, whether male or female, who shall claim any object of 
any kind whatsoever, which Karamat, the daughter of the king, 
and lord of the land, Miamun Pisehkhan, brought with her, as in- 
herited estate of the south land, and any object of any kind what- 
soever, which the inhabitants (5) of the land have given her, which 
they have at any time taken from the lady as property. They 
who shall keep back any object thereof one morning after (another) 
morning, upon them shall our great spirits fall heavily, we will 
not be a helper (1) to them. They shall be full, full of [snares f ] 
on the part of the great god, of Mut, of Khonsu, and of the great 

* Then spake Amon-ra, the king of the gods, the great god [of 
the beginning of all being, and Mut, and Khonsu, and the great 
gods :] (6) " We will slay every inhabitant of every condition 
in the whole land, whether male or female, who shall claim any 
object of any sort whatsoever, which Karamat, the daughter of the 
king of Upper Egypt, and the lord of the land, Miamun Piseh- 
khan, brought with her, as inherited estate of the south land, and 
any object of any kind whatsoever, which the inhabitants of the 
country have presented to her, and which they have at any time 
taken away from the [lady as their possession. They who shall 
keep back any object thereof] (7) one morning afler the (other) 
morning, to them shall our great spirits be heavy. We will not 
be any help to them, we will sink (their) noses into the earth, we 
^ill "' 

Digitized by 






Shashanq I., UMrkon I., Takeloth I., 
or fihiahftk. or Sargon. or Tiglatlu 

Usarkon n. 




B.C. 966. 

The throne of Egypt was mounted, as has been said, 
by the son of an Assyrian sovereign, the great king 
Nimrod, who had met his death in Egypt and was 
buried at Abydus. This remarkable and hitherto 
unknown event — the foundation by the son of an 
actual king of Assyria of a kingdom in Egypt for 
himself and his family — is further confirmed by the 
chief names of his children and successors : for Take- 
loth^ Usarkon^ Nemaroth^ represent in the Egyptian 
form and writing the names Tiglath^ Sargon^ and 
Nimrod^ so well known in Assyria. 

As we have remarked above, Shashanq^ had set 
up his seat of royalty in Bubastus, and only seldom ex- 
tended his visits to the upper country of Patoris. He 
lived on the best understanding with the Eamessids, 
and therein followed the traditions of his family, who 
had contracted marriages with the daughters of the 
Eamessids, as had these also on their part with the 
daughters of the great king of Assyria. We have 
' Writt^i by other Egyptologers Sheshonk. 

Digitized by 


216 THE ASSYRIAN LINE. chap. xvn. 

already remarked elsewhere,that the children of Eamses 
XVI., the prince Zi-hor-auf-ankh and the princess Zi- 
an-nub-aus-ankh, had testified their friendly homage 
to king Shashanq I. by marriage presents. 

Shashanq I. — the Shishak of the Bible, the Seson- 
CHis of Manetho — ^has become a conspicuous person in 
the history of Egypt, in connection with the records of 
the Jewish monarchy, through his expedition against 
the kingdom of Judah. It is well known how Jeroboam, 
the servant of king Solomon, rebelled against the king 
his master. After the prophet Ahijah had publicly 
designated him beforehand, as the man best quahfied 
to be the future sovereign, Jeroboam was obliged to 
save himself from the anger and the snares of the king, 
and for this reason he fled to Egypt, to the court of 
Shashanq I.^ Eecalled after the death of Solomon, he 
returned to his home, to be elected king of Israel 
according to the word of the prophet, while the crown 
of Judah fell to Solomon's son, Kehoboam.' In the 
fifth year of this latter king's reign, and probably 
at the instigation of his former guest (Jeroboam), 
Shashanq made his expedition against the kingdom of 
Judah, which ended in the capture and pillaging of 

This attack of the Egyptian king on the kingdom 
of Judah and the Levitical cities, which the Scripture 
relates fully and in all its details, has been also handed 
down to later ages in outhne on a wall of the temple of 
Amon in the Theban Api. On the south external wall, 

> 1 Kings xi. 26-40. * 1 Kings xii. ; 2 Chron. iii. 

* 1 Kings xiv. 25-28 ; 2 Chron. xiL 

Digitized by 




behind the picture of the victories of king Eamessu 11., 
to the east of the room called the Hall of the Bubastids,^ 
the spectator beholds the colossal image of the Egyptian 
sovereign deaUng the heavy blows of his victorious 
club upon the captive Jews. The names of the towns 
and districts, which Shashanq I. conquered in his ex- 
pedition against Judah, are paraded in long rows, in 
their Egyptian forms of writing, and frequently with 
considerable repetitions, each name being enclosed 
in an embattled shield. 

We subjoin a list of them, so far as the names and 
signs are preserved in a legible form : — 

Ea-bi-tha (Kabbith) 
Ta-'an-kau (Taanach) 
She-n-mau (Shnnem) 
Bdih-Shanlau (Beth-shean f ) 
Ee-harbaD (Eehob) 
Ha-pu-re-mau (Hapharaim) 
A-dul-ma (Adullam) 
Sh&-iia-di . . . 
Ma-ha-ne-ma (Mahanaim) 
Qe-be-'a-na (Gibeon) 
Beith-Hoaron (Beth-horon) 
Qa^e-moth (Kedemoth) 
A-ju-lon (Ajaloo) 
Ma-ke-tha (Megiddo) 

Aa-le-na (Eglon ?) 
BMe-ma (Bileam) 
A • . ha • • ma 

Beith-Vl-moth (AUemeth) 


Shau-ke (Socho) 

Beith-tapnh (Beth-tappuah) 

A-bi-lau (Abel) 

Beith-zab . . 


P . . d-8hath 


A-do-maa (EDOM) 

Za-le-ma (Zalmonah 1) 

.... lela 

.... Izau 

.... apen 

Pi-'Amaq, *the valley -plain ' 

'A-au-zarinaa (Azmon) 

Pi-HaKja-laa, * the stone of 
A-ro-ha-lel (Arofe'rl) 

» See below, p. 219. 

Digitized by 






'the stone of 













'the stone of 








Ma .... a 


Ta . . . . 


Ga-naa-t, ' the 


Ari . . . m 


'the Negeb (i.e. 


south) of 


'A-za-m . , . 




. . ariuk 

Pi-Ha-ga-le-(t), * the stone of 






Pi-Na-ga-bu, ' 

the Negeb of 

Beith-'A-n-th (Beth-anoth) 


Sha-r (l)-ha-tau 


Pi-Ha-ga-li, ' 

the stone of 



A-ro-ma . . . 


'the stone of 

.... r-hath 


.... raa 


Ma . . . 


A-U . . . . 


Jula . . , . 

The speech, with which the divine Amon of Thebes 
accompanies his delivery of the conquered cities to his 
beloved son, Shashanq I., contains not the slightest in- 
dication from which we might construct a background 
of facts for the names of the conquered peoples, or for 
the historical events connected with them. The whole 
representation, in accordance with the general pattern 

Digitized by 



of Egyptian temple-pictures, is a mere skeleton with- 
out flesh and blood, which, as usual, gives the enquirer 
more to guess at than to understand. 

The single indication contained in the speech of 
the god Amon to the victorious king is confined to 
general appellations. The smitten peoples (Jews and 
Edomites) are named ' the 'Am of a distant land ' and 
the 'Fenekh* (Phoenicians).^ The 'Am would, in 
this case, answer exactly to the equivalent Hebrew 
'u47n, which signifies ' people,' but especially the 
people of Israel and their tribes. As to the mention 
of the Fenekh^ I have a presentiment that we shall one 
day discover the evidence of their most intimate re- 
lationship with the Jews. 

In Kamak — that is, to use the language of the old 
Egyptians, in Ape — Shashanq I. built a sort of entrance 
hall, which leads from the south, close by the east wall 
of the sanctuary of Eamses HI., into the great front 
court of the temple. Seeing that the family names of 
the Hne of Shashanq have been perpetuated here, fi^om 
the builder of this modest hall down to several of his 
successors, we have a full right to regard the edifice as 
the memorial hall of the Bubastids. Eespecting the 
building and the architect of this hall some instruc- 
tive information is furnished by a very remarkable 
inscription in the quarries of Silsilis. 
The record runs as follows : — 

' In the year 21, in the month Pajniyatthat time his Majesty 
"was in his capital city, the ahode of the great presence of the god 
Hormakhu. And his Majesty gave command and issued an order 
to the priest of the god Amon, the privy councillor of the city of 

« Compare above, Vol. I. p. 296. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

220 THE ASSYRIAN LINE. chap. xvtt. 

Hormakhu, and the architect of the monuments of the lord of the 
land, — Hor-em-saf, — whose skill waa great in all manner of work, 
to hew the best stone of Silsilis, in order to make many and great 
monuments for the temple of his glorious father, Amon-ra, the 
lord of Thebes. 

* His Majesty issued the order to build a great temple-gate of 
wrought stones, in order to glorify the city (Thebes), to set up its 
doors several cubits in height, to build a festival-hall for his father 
Amon-i-a, the king of the gods, and to enclose the house of the god 
with a thick wall. 

' And Hor-em-saf, the priest of Amon-ra the king of the gods, 
the privy councillor of the city of Hormakhu, the architect over 
the house of king Shashanq I. at Thebes, had a prosperous journey 
back to the dty of Patoris (Thebes), to the place where his Majesty 
resided ; and his love was great towards his master, the lord of 
might, ^the lord of the land, for he spake thus : — 

* " All thy words shall be accomplished, O my good lord ! I 
will not sleep by night, I will not slumber by day. The building 
shall go on uninterruptedly, without rest or pause." 

* And he was received graciously by the king, who gave him 
rich presents in silver and gold.' 

What gives a special value to this inscription — 
which tends more to the praise of the architect than 
of the king — is the discovery, which I first made in 
the year 1859, of the position of this architect in the 
genealogy of his race, the last scion of which, by name 
Khnum-ab-ra — an architect like all his ancestors — has 
perpetuated his name in different places on the cliffs of 
the valley of Hammamat, in the 29th and 30th years 
of the Persian king Darius I. Hor-em-sefa, his four- 
teenth ancestor, falls exactly on the line of the pedigree, 
on which his master and contemporary, king Sha- 
shanq, is found.^ 

^ This statement refers to the line of architects which we have 
added to the Genealogical Table of the Kings. (See the left column 
of Table IV., of the Royal Families of Dynasties XX.-XXVI.) 

Digitized by 


©rx. xxu. SHASHANQ I. AND AUPUTH. 221 

The quarries of Silsilis have elsewhere also furnished 
to this architect — who, like all the successors of his 
race, was devoted to the Assyrian rulers — the fit oppor- 
tunity of immortalizing the memory of king Shashanq 
I. in a conspicuous manner. On a great memorial 
tablet the king is seen in company with his son Auputh. 
The goddess Mut, the Egyptian Istar, presents him, or 
both of them (the king and his son), to the three chief 
gods of Egypt — ^Amon of Thebes, Hormakhu-Tum of 
HeUopohs, Ptah of Memphis — as king and lord of the 
land, in solemn form, as beseems gods. In the inscrip- 
tion beneath, the king is eulogized under his official 
names (among them that of ' a great conqueror of all 
peoples'), and it is further said of him as follows : — 

' This is the divine benefactor. The sun-god Ra has his form. 
He is the image of Hormakhn. Amon has placed him on his 
throne to make good what he had begun in taking possession of 
Egypt for the second time. This is king Shashanq. He caused a 
new quarry to be opened in order to begin a building, the work of 
king Shashanq I. Of such a nature is the service which he has 
done to his father, the Theban Amon-ra. May he grant him the 
thirty years' jubilee-feasts of Ba, and the years of the god Turn ! 
May the king live for ever I ' 

After this promising introduction, the king himself 
comes forward as the speaker, and gives us the oppor- 
tunity of listening, twenty-eight centuries later, to the 
substance of the words addressed by him to the god : — 

* My gracious lord ! Grant that my words may live for hun- 
dreds of thousands of years. It is a high privilege to work for 
Amon. Grant me, in recompense for what I have done, a lasting 
kingdom. I have caused a new quarry to be opened for him for 
the beginning of a work. It has been carried out by Auputh — ^the 
Ligh-priest of Amon, the king of the gods, and the commander-in- 

Digitized by 


222 THE ASSYRIAN UNE. chap. xth. 

chief of the meet excellent soldiery, the head of the whole body of 
warrioiB of Patoris, the son of king Shashanq I. — ^for his lord 
Amon-ra, the king of the gods. May he grant life, wel^re, health, 
a long term of life, power, and strength, an old age in prosperity ! 
My gracious lord ! Grant that my words may live for hundreds 
of thousands of years I It is a high privilege to work for Amon. 
Grant me power, in recompense for what I have done ! ' 

The new person, who here comes into the fore- 
ground, is the king's eldest son, Auputh, who, however, 
died afterwards before his father. After the example 
of the priest-kings of the line of Hirhor, the prince 
and heir-apparent was already invested with the high 
function of chief priest of the Theban Amon. With 
this dignity was joined the high position of commander- 
in-chief of the whole military force in the South, that 
is, the land of Patoris. In a side-inscription, near tlie 
memorial tablet mentioned above, he has not omitted 
to recal himself once more to the special remembrance 
of future generations : — 

' This was made by the chief priest of Amon-ra, the king of the 
gods, the commander-in-<shief and general, Auputh, who stands at 
the head of the whole body of the great warriors of Patoris, the 
son of king Shashanq I.' 

In the hall of the Bubastids at Karnak, also, the 
name of this high-priest of the god Amon appears 
beside the name of his father. 

After the death of Shashanq, the throne was 
mounted by his second son — 

Digitized by 


Dm ixn, USARKON I. OR SARGON. 223 

(SARGON). B.C. 933. 

Except a passing mention of his name, the monu- 
ments tell us nothing about this son of Shashanq. Of 
his two wives, who are mentioned in the Egyptian 
monimiental inscriptions, the one — by. name Tashed- 
khunsu — bore him a son, Takelath (Tiglath), who was 
his successor in the kingdom. His right as the first- 
born appears to have secured him this position. 

The second son, Shashanq, born of his marriage 
with his second wife, the daughter of the Tanite king 
Hor-Pisebkhan 11., and thus of royal race, was named 
high-priest of Amon, and was invested with the same 
rank which had been held by his uncle and predecessor 
Auputh, as commander-in-chief of the soldiery ; but 
with this difference, that not only the mihtary force 
of Patoris, but the whole Egyptian army, was placed 
under his command. 

There seems to have been a contest between the 
brothers for the crown. The inheritance, which was 
assured to the first by his right as the firstborn, seemed 
to the second to belong rightfully to him, as son of a 
royal princess. Hence we may explain the pheno- 
menon, that some monuments assign to him the royal 
cartouche, with the remarkable addition of ' Lord of 
Upper and Lower Egypt.' The claim, which was not 
admitted in his person, seems however to have been 
conceded to his descendants, the younger line of kings 
of the race of Shashanq. 

Digitized by 


224 THE ASSYRUN LINE. chap, xvii, 

Takelath (Tiglath) received, as king of Egypt, the 
name of 


also called in short Thakeluth and Thakelath.^ The 
monuments pass over the history of his time with per- 
sistent silence. 

His son by his wife Kapos, an Usarkon (Sargon), 
was his successor. His full name as king ran thus : 

USARKON n. B.C. 866. 

According to the monuments he had two wives. 
The first had the name, already well known to us, of 
Ka-ra-ma. She is the mother of his first-born son, 
Shashanq, who as crown prince was at once invested 
with the dignity of a chief priest of Ptah of Memphis. 
In this character he conducted the burial of the Apis- 
bull, which died in the 23rd year of the reign of 
Usarkon H. 

His younger brother Naromath (Nimrod), a son of 
the second wife Mut-ut-ankhes, was next appointed 
overseer of the prophets and commander of the soldiery 
of Khinensu (Ahnas), that is, HeracleopoHs Magna ; 
but the ofiice was also conferred on him of a governor 
of Patoris and a chief priest of Amon of Thebes. His 
descendants, down to the last Pi-son-Hor,^ succeeded 

^ The author gives also the form Thakeloth in the Genealogical 

9 See the Genealogical Table IV. of Dynasties XX.-XXVI. 

Digitized by 


j)m xxn. THE YOUNGER LINE. 225 

I their father in the hereditary office of priests of 
I Khnum, in the city of Heracleopohs Magna. On the 
other hand, the descendants of prince Shashanq, the 
chief priest of Ptah of Memphis, inherited in like 
manner the high office of their father, and appear as 
i officiating high-priests at the burial of several holy 

With Usarkon 11. the elder legitimate line of the 
kings died out, and a second branch within the same 
dynasty began, which embraces the descendants of 
Shashanq, the high-priest of Amon. After the death 
of Usarkon 11., a grandson of Shashanq, of the same 
name, mounted the throne, and received as king the 
full name of 

SHASHANQ H. B.C. 883, 

There is a universal silence of the monuments 
about his time and history. 

After him reigned a Thakelath, in all probabihty 
his son, with the full name of 


He is the husband of the queen Mi-mut Keromama 
Sit-amen Mut-em-hat, a daughter of Nimrod, the high- 
priest of Amon. Their eldest son is expressly desig- 
nated by the inscriptions as high-priest of the Theban 
Amon, and as commander-in-chief of the mihtary force 
of the whole land ; and he was at the same time a petty 

VOL. u. Q 

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226 THE ASSYRIAN LINE. chap. xvii. 

king. He is the Usarkon of whom so much is related 
on a long memorial tablet in the interior of the Hall 
of the Bubastids. This account begins with the date 
of the 9th of the month Thoth in the 12th regnal year 
of his father. Although the continuity of the record 
is broken in several places by greater or lesser gaps, 
yet the following sense comes out with full certainty 
from a careful examination of the still extant and 
legible portions of the great inscriptions. 

In the year above named, the prince Usarkon went 
to Thebes in his character of high-priest of Amon, to 
enter on his office. His mission had also the agreeable 
purpose of subjecting the Theban temple and its terri- 
tory to a careful examination, and of restoring the 
offerings to the god Amon and his festivals in a 
splendid manner, according to the good old custom. 
Thus began the unlucky 15th year of the king's 
reign. Grievous times were at hand ; for as is ex- 
pressly said in the inscription : — 

* When now had arrived the 15th year, the month Meson, the 
25th day, under the reign of his father, the lordly Horus, the god- 
like prince of Thehes, the heaven covM not he distinguishedy the 
moon was eclipsed (literally tocw horrible), for a sign of the (coming) 
events in this land ; as it also happened, for enemies {lifsraUi/, the 
children of revolt) invaded with war th*e southern and northern 
districts (of Egypt).' 

I have not the shghtest doubt that the foregoing 
words have reference to the irruptions of the Ethio- 
pians from the South and to the attack of the Assyrian 
power from the North. The Assyrian inscriptions will 
some day no longer withhold from us the answer to 
the question — ^which it was of the rulers of Assyria, of 
the family of Shalmaneser m., who made a hostile 

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invasion of I^ypt, and to whom the descendants of 
Shashanq I. — ^Takelath and his son Petise, both high- 
priests at Memphis — as Assyrian satraps, showed them- 
selves, in remembrance of the old family connection, 
especially compliant. 

The eclipse of the moon, which is mentioned in 
the discourse as a warning of the coming events, I still 
continue to maintain, notwithstanding all the objec- 
tions of M. Chabas. So long as no better-founded 
objection is brought against it than such as have been 
hitherto urged, it must surely be accepted as a fact, 
that on the 25th of Mesori,^ in the 15th year of the 
reign of king Thakelath 11., a total eclipse of the 
moon took place in Egypt. 

The rest of the inscription allows us to suppose the 
return, however temporary, of a period of rest for 
Egypt. The priest-king Usarkon used this respite to 
evince his complete devotion to Amon, the god of 
Thebes, and to his temple. The sacrifices were 
established in such a manner, that certain sums of 
money were put aside for the maintenance of the 
offerings, exactly as we have already seen in the case 
of the memorial tablet of Abydus. 

Before we turn our attention to the kingdom of 
the Ethiopians, which had estabhshed itself in the 
south of Egypt and had begun its attacks upon Kemi, 
it seems proper first to look a little closer at the lagt 
descendants of the line of Shashanq, who had sunk to 
the position of petty kings in the divided realm. 

^ I have several times confirmed the statement of the day from 
the monument itself. 


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Their names and succession, with reference to their 
chronology, are given in the Genealogical Table.^ We 
here take the opportunity that occurs to make the 
reader acquainted with their full names : — 

Shashanq TTT. 



Bhaahanq lY. 




B.C. 733. 


Their historical importance disappears in the con- 
flict of the petty kings who rose up against one 
another, now on the side of the Assyrians, now on that 
of the Ethiopians. We owe our knowledge of them 
chiefly to the Apis-bulls, whose inscribed tombstones 
refer to the reigns of these kings with all the needful 
data of time. 

The royal seat and locahty of their petty kingdom, 
in the eighth century, can be pretty clearly seen from 
Ihese Apis-tablets. K they no longer possessed the 
seat of government of their old house, Bubastus in 
Lower Egypt, the city of the goddess Bast — ^which had 
now become Assyrian — yet still the ancient and im- 
portant capital of Memphis remained in their posses- 
sion. It was here that the sacred Bull hved in the 
V temple of Ptah-Sokar-Osiris ; and hence it was that 

^ " See "Genealogical Table lY. of the FamilieB of Dynasties 

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the solemn translation of the deceased Apis was made, 
on a car fitted with thick heavy wheels of wood, to the 
Serapeum in the desert, between the Arabian villages 
of Abousir (the ancient Pi-usiri, * the temple of Osiris ') 
and Saqqarah (the name of which clearly calls to re- 
membrance that of the god Sokar). 

We subjoin a literal translation of the memorial 
stones, which the fortunate discoverer of the Serapeum, 
Mariette-Bey, brought to light during the year of our 
residence on the spot and under our own eye (1850), 
in so far as they relate to the above-named last kings 
of the Twenty-second Dynasty. Quite apart from 
their special importance for determining the length 
of each king's reign, the reader will probably find an 
interest in learning the contents of these inscrip- 
tions, which have also contributed to throw light 
on the darkest parts of the great picture of Egyptian 
history, and which for the first time exhibit a true 
image of the strange Bull-worship practised by the 
people of Memphis. 

I. Memorial Stone op the Priest and Seer of the Apis- 
Bull, Senebef, Son of Shed-nofar-tum, and of his Son, 
THE Memphian Priest Hor-heb. 

*In the year [2], the month [Mekhir] on the [1st] day, under 
the reign of king Pimai, the friend of the Apia-god in the West. 
This is the day on which this (deceased) god was carried to the 
heautifal region of the West, and was laid at rest in the grave, at 
rest with the great god, with Osiris, with Anubis, and with the 
goddesses of the nether world, in the West. His introduction into 
the temple of Ptah beside his father, the Memphian god Ptah, had 
taken place in the year 29, in the month Paophi, in the time of 
king Shashanq III.' 

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230 THE LAST BCJBASTIDS. chap. xvii. 

II. Memorial Stone of the High-Peiest op Memphis, Petise. 

In the year 2, the month Mekhir, on the 1st day, under the 
reign of king Pimai, the friend of the great god Apis in the West. — 
This is the day on which the god was carried to his rest, in the 
heautiful region of the West, and was laid in the grave, and on 
which he was deposited in his everlasting house and in his eternal 
abode. He waa bom in the year 28, in the times of the deceased 
king Shashanq III. His glory was sought for in all places of 
Pitomih (that is, Lower Egypt). He was found, after (some) 
months, in the city of Ha-ahed-abot. They had searched through 
the lakes of Natho and aU the islands of Pitomih. He had been 
solemnly introduced into the temple of Ptah, beside his father, the 
Memphian god Ptah of the south wall, by the high-priest in the 
temple of Ptah, the great [prince] of the Mashush (the Maxyes), 
Petise, the son of the high-priest [of Memphis and the great prince 
of the] Mashush, Thakelath, and of the piincess of royal race, 
Thes-bast-pir, in the year 28,' in the month Paophi, on the 1st 
day. The full lifetime of this god amounted to 26 years.' 

III. Memorial Stone op the Memphian Priest, Hor-si-ise. 

' In the year 2, the month Mekhir, the 1st day, under the 
reign of IHug Pimai, the friend of the great god Apis in the West, 
the god was carried to his rest in the beautiful region of the West. 
He had been solemnly introduced into the.temple of Ptah beside 
his father, the Memphian god Ptah of the south wall, in the year 

under the reign of king Shashanq ... [in the year] 5 

[+x] after he had shown his 1 , after they had sought for 
[his glory . . . ]. The full lifetime of this god amounted to 
26 years. (This tablet is dedicated) by the hereditary [prince] 
(here follows a string of titles in the priestly style) Hor-si-iae, the 
son of the high-priest [of Memphis and prince of the] Mashush, 
Pet-ise, and of the eldest of the wives .... [and by the . . .] 
Thakelath, whose mother Ta-ti-hor .... is.' ^ 

' Observe the discrepancy between this and No. I. It seems 
from the calculation given below, that the 29 of No. I. is the right 
date. — Ed. 

* The order of words is here preserved to show that * is ' ends 
the inscription. — Ed. 

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DTF. xiri. 'SATRAPS' IN EGYPT. 231 


Pef-tot-bast and Thakelath. 
' In the 28th year of king Shashanq.' 

Then follows a sculpture, in which three men are seen 
before the bull-headed god, * Apis-Tum with horns on 
his head.' The first of them has on his head the fillet 
of an Assyrian satrap ; the last is adorned with the 
youth-locks worn by royal and princely persons. 
Above and beside these persons are the following in- 
scriptions : — 

' May he grant health, life, prosperity, to the AjBsyrian satrap 
Pet-ise, the son of the Assyrian satrap Thakelath — his mother is 
Thes-bast-pir — the son of the first and greatest of the princely 
heirs of his Majesty Shashanq, the son of the king and lord of the 
land, Usarkon IL, — 

* And to his venerator and friend, the high-priest of Ptah, Pef- 
tot-bast, the son of the satrap Pet-ise, whose mother is Ta-ari, a 
daughter of the satrap Thakelath, — 

* And to his venemtor and friend, the priest of Ptah, Thake- 
lath, the son of the satrap Pet-ise and of (hk wife) Herse.' 

From these four inscriptions it follows, with irre- 
fragable certainty, that, under the reign of Shashanq 
m., Petise and his son Peftotbast ascribe to themselves 
the title and the badges of Sati*aps. This was exactly 
the time when the Assyrians had laid their hands 
on Egypt, and it was only by their permission that 
Shashanq ruled as king over the lowlands of Lower 
Egypt.^ The new Apis is sought for in all Lower 

* It is perhaps superflnotis to warn the reader against confusing 
the new Afsyrian domination here referred to with the former 
Assyrian conquest of Egypt. The Assyrian line of Shashanq, 
after becoming real Egyptian kings, succumbed in their turn to the 
new Assyrian conquerors of the line of Shalmaneser, imder whom 
they became satraps in Lower Egypt, alternating with their subjec- 
tion to the rival power of the Ethiopians. — Ed. 

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232 LIFE OF THE APIS. chap. xvit. 

Egypt As to Upper Egypty — where Usarkon, the king 
and high-priest of Amon, maintained the kingdom, 
until the time when the Ethiopian Pi-ankhi broke his 
power, — the inscription is completely silent. 

On the memorial tablets of king Pimai the title 
Sar^a enMat{' Satrap') disappears, and is replaced by 
another, Sar'a en Mashush, * Prince of the Maxyes,' 
doubtless with reference to the Ethiopian conquerors, 
who had at this time taken possession of the land, as 
will be shown more particularly below. 

With regard to the Apis himself, the following re- 
sults are obtained from the four memorial tablets now 
cited : — He was born in the 28th year of the reign of 
king Shashanq III., at the city of Hashed-abot in 
Lower Egypt. Months passed by before he was disco- 
vered. On the 1st of Paophi, in the 29th regnal year 
of the king,^ he was solemnly introduced into the tem- 
ple of Ptah of Memphis. After a hfe of 26 years, he 
was buried in the Serapeum of Memphis on the 1st of 
Mekhir in the 2nd year of the reign of king Pimai. 
His death must therefore have happened 70 days 
earher, that is, on the 2(}th of Athyr. Supposing him 
to have hved 26 years complete^ as the inscription ex- 
pressly testifies, his birth must have fallen on the 
20th of Athyr in the 28th regnal year of king Sha- 
shanq in. In that case about ten months and a half 
would have elapsed until his introduction into Mem- 
phis on the 1st of Paophi in the 29th year of the reign 
of Shashanq HI. 

* The reader should carefully recal to memory our remark on 
the numbering of the regnal years of the Egyptian kings (Vol. I. 
p. 363). 

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Under this title, the priest Manetho, in his Book 
of the Kings, sets down the reigns of the three 
kings : — 

Petubastes, with 40 years ; 

OsORKHON, with 9 years ; 

PsAMUS, with 10 years. ^ 


All three disappear again in the struggle waged 
against Egypt with varying success by Ethiopia from 
the South and Assyria from the North. Hence their 
names emerge but occasionally in the historical records 
of this time. In tKese, Petubastes appears with the 
full names, Se-her-ab-ra Pet-si-bast ; Osorkhon as 
A-kheper-ra Sotep-en-amon Miamun Usarkan; and 
the third, lastly, meets us as Us(er)ra Sotep-en-ptah 
PsiMUT. Judging from the elements contained in these 
titles, Petubastes seems to have had his royal seat in 
Bubastus, Osorkhon in Thebes or Tanis, Psamus in 
Memphis. The last we shall have to recognize again 
under his Assyrian appellation of Is-pi-ma-tu, in the 
story of the conquest by the Assyrians, as a contem- 
porary of king Tirhaqa, about 700 B.C. 

And now we pass on to the Ethiopians. 


The story of king Bocchoris, who stands [y 
alone in the Twenty-fourth Dynasty of Manetho, IS 
forms a part of the history of the Ethiopian Bocciiorta. 
sovereignty over Egypt (see below, p. 280). — ^Ed.] 

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We have already had occasion to become acquainted 
with and to estimate the position and character of Hir- 
hor, the high-priest of the Theban Amon and founder 
of the Twenty-first Dynasty.^ Urged on by haughty- 
pride, ECirhor had realized his ambitious designs upon 
the crown of Egypt, had robbed his benefactor Ra- 
messu Xm. of his throne, had banished his whole 
family and connections to the Great Oasis, and had 
placed himself, to the best of his power, in the fore- 
front of Egyptian history. Retribution was not long 
delayed ; and the avenger came from Assyria. The 
history of the Dynasty ended with the overthrow of 
the royal and priestly family, which suddenly vanishes 
froin the stage, as soon as Shashanq I. obtained the 
throne, to find however in Ethiopia the satisfaction of 
their lust for a sceptre and a crown. 

Towards the end of the eleventh century, Egypt 

had far too much to do in defending herself and her 

independence, to trouble herself further about the 

supremacy in the South, which she had formerly won 

» See Chap. XVI. p. 200. 

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and till now had carefully guarded. The * Mceroys of 
the South ' and * King's sonsof Kush '.are now t^tru^k 
out of the official list of court dignitaries, ami tie 
' Kings of Kush ' take their place. The whole South. 
from the boundary hne at the city of Syeiie, recover. '^ 
its freedom, and the tribes of Ethiopia he<s'\n Uy enjoy 
a state of independence. Meanwhile howcn er, if tlie 
power of Egypt was no longer felt, Egyptian civili/a- 
tion and the Egyptian doctrine of the gods had sur- 
vived. All that was wanting was a leader, to keep 
alive the ideas that had been once acquired. 

Nothing could have appeared more opportune for 
the priests of Amon, who had now become unpoj)ular, 
to make their profit out of the favourable oppor- 
tunity of the moment, than this state of things in 
Nubia and Ethiopia, where the minds of an iin])er- 
fectly developed people must needs, undcT skilful 
guidance, soon show themselves pUable and submis- 
sive to the dominant priestly caste. Mount Barkal, 
where Amenhotep EH. had already r^iised for the 
great Amon of Thebes a sanctuary in the form of a 
strongly fortified temple-city,^ was the site chosen by 
the newly arrived priests of Amon for the seat of 
their future royalty. The capital qi this newly 
founded kingdom of Kush was the city of Xap or 
Napata, which is so often mentioned in. the inscrip- 
tions of Ethiopian origin. 

It is difficult to say which it waa of tlie chief 
priests of Amon of the race of Hirhor, that first 
entered Napata and made preparations for the founda- 

« See Vol. I. p. 486. 

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23G THE ETHIOPIANS. chap. xyin. 

lion of that Ethiopian kingdom which became after- 
wards so dangerous to the Egyptians. The Ethiopian 
1 lonuineuts, from which the royal shields have been 
carefully erased by a later Egyptian dynasty, give 
' not the slightest information on this point. So much 
the more important is the circumstance, that several 
successors of this priest — among whom we have al- 
ready met Avith the son and successor of BGrhor — 
bore the same name, namely, that of the priest-king 
Pi-aiiklii, an Egyptian word, which signifies * the 
living one.' Before we pass on to that Piankhi whose 
invasion of Egypt will form the most striking subject 
of this chapter, it seems convenient to premise, how- 
ever briefly, some observations on the kingdom of 

As we liave already stated, the sovereign en- 
throned at Xapata, ' the City of the Holy Mountain,' 
called himself ' King of the land of Kush.' The The- 
ban Anion-ra was reverenced as the supreme god of 
the couiitry. The king's full name was formed ex- 
actly according to the old Egyptian pattern. The 
Egyptian language and writing, divisions of time, and 
everything else relating to manners and customs, 
were preserved. A distinguished position was as- 
signed to the mother, daughters, and sisters of the 
king ; each of whom bore the title of honour — 
' Queen of Kush.' 

In the course of time, the power of the Ethiopians 
extended beyond the southern boundary of Egypt ; 
till at last the whole of Patoris came into their pos- 
session, and the * great city ' of Ni-'a, that is, Thebes, 

Digitized by 



became their capital in that region. While the Assy- 
rians regarded Lower Egypt — the Muzur* so often 
mentioned in the cuneiform inscriptions — as their per- 
manent fief, the districts of Patoris were virtually an 
Ethiopian province. Middle Egypt formed a ' march,' 
contested on both sides between the two kingdoms, 
and at the same time a barrier which tended to hinder 
the outbreak of open hostilities between the one and 
the other. 

Thus the old priestly race had succeeded in again 
acquiring full possession of Thebes, the city out of 
which the Assyrian Shashanq I. had chased them 
with contumely and shame. The loss of the city of 
Amon, through the occasional expeditions of the 
Assyrians southwards, was to them equivalent to 
suffering a conquest. That this in fact did sometimes 
happen, we shall presently see authentic evidence. 

As in Lower Egypt the Assyrians were content 
with drawing a tribute from the petty kings and sa- 
traps, whom they confirmed in power, so in Patoris 
and Middle Egypt petty kings or vassals were set up 
by the Ethiopians, whose supremacy these princes had 
to recognize, and to pay their taxes. Ethiopian gar- 
risons served to guard the Ethiopic-Egyptian territory, 
under the command of Ethiopian generals. 

Thus had Egypt become a shuttlecock in the hands 
of the Assyrians and the Ethiopians, those princes of 
Naph or Noph, whom we find mentioned in Scripture.* 

' This name, the Mazor of the hieroglyphic inscriptions, is pro- 
bably the special name of the Tanitic nome. 

* Isaiah xix. 13; Jer. u. 16, xlvi. U, 19; Ezek. xxx. 13, 16, 

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238 THE ETHIOPIANS. chap. xvin. 

The great kingdom of Kemi was split up into little de- 
pendent states, which leant, now on Ethiopia, now on 
Assyria, as each foreign master gained preponderance 
for the time. 

About the year 766 (estimating the chronology by 
the sequence of generations) the Assyrians still held 
Lower Egypt in their possession. Petty kings and 
Assyrian satraps obeyed the Great King. At this time 
a revolt broke out under an enterprising petty king of 
Sa'is and Memphis, by name Tafnakhth, the Technactis 
or Tnephachthus of the classic writers. Profiting by 
the momentary weakness of the Assyrian Empire, he 
had prevailed on the other princes of Lower Egypt to 
join him, whether through persuasion or force. As 
soon as he was thus strengthened, he made an inroad 
with his whole force upon Middle Egypt, where the 
Egyptian vassals of Piankhi at once submitted to him. 
The tidings reached Piankhi, who forthwith sent orders 
to his generals to check the advance of Tafnakhth, 
and so to force the bold petty king to beat a retreat. 

We leave our readers to construct for themselves a 
picture of the whole campaign from the long and re- 
markable description of it preserved for us on the me- 
morial stone of Piankhi, discovered several years ago 
at Mount Barkal. This monument, a block of granite 
covered with writing on all sides, up to the very edges, 
was set up, on the spot where it now stands, by command 
of the Ethiopian king Pi-ankhi, in remembrance of his 
complete conquest of Middle and Lower Egypt. The 
subjoined translation of this record will set in the 
clearest light, far better than any description, the 

Digitized by 



several stages of the Ethiopian expedition, and the pe- 
culiar position of the Egyptian petty kings and satraps.^ 
Of these we give a list according to the account fur- 
nished by the stone : — ' 

Ring and Satrap Tafkakhth, Frinoe of Sals and Memphis ; 

KiDg NiHBODy lord of Hermopolis Magna ; 

King AUPOTH, of the nome of Clysma ; 

Satrap Shashanq, of the city of Basins ; 

Satrap Zi-amun-auf-anrh, of the city of Mendes : 

His eldest son Ankh-hor, commander of the city of Hermopolis, 

in Lower Egypt. • 

The hereditary lord, Bok-en*nisi ; 

Satrap Nes-na-'ai (or Nes-na-keti), of the nome of Xois ; 
King UsARKON, of the city of Bubastns ; 
Prince Paf-tot-bast, of the city of Heracleopolis Magna ; 
The hereditary lord, Pet-ise, of the city of Athribis ; 
Sati-ap Pi-THBNEF, of Pi-saptu (the Arabian nome) ; 
Satrap Pi-ma, of the (second) city (named) Busiris ; 
Satrap Nakht-hor-na-shennu, of Phagroriopolis ; 
Satrap of Tanis (not named, being a native Assyrian) ; 
Satrap of Ostracine (not named, for the same reason) ; 
Prophet of Horns, Pbt-hor-sam-taui, of the city of Letopolis ; 
Prince He-ro-bi-sa, of the cities of Sa and Hesaui ; 
Prince Zi-chi-au, of Khont-nofer (Onuphites 1) ; 
Prince Pi-bi-sa, of Babylon and Nilopolis (in the Heliopolitan 

' The translations of this important document, with which I 
am acquainted, one in English and another in German, are far 
from giving, even approximately, the right sense of all the clauses 
of this inscription, which has been of the greatest service to me in 
the preparation of my BQeroglyphical Dictionary. In the pas- 
sages that are easy to understand the translator can claim no special 
merit. It is when he comes to the hard ones that the old proverb 
applies : ' Hie Bhodus, hie salta.' [The inscription has been trans- 
lated into English by Canon Cook, first as a separate pamphlet — 
* The Inscription of Pianchi Mer-Amon, king of Egypt, in the 8th 
century b.c. Translated by F. C. Cook, M.A., Canon of Exeter, 
Ac.' 1873 — and again in Recordi of the Fast, vol. ii. pp. 81, 
foU.— Ed.] 

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240 THE ETHIOPIANS. chap, xviii. 

We have also indicated, by the addition * Vassal/ 
on the great Genealogical Table,* the princes subject 
to king Pi-ankhi, in order to show that the events, of 
which the inscription of the Ethiopian king gives us 
such precise information, must have taken place, as to 
their chronology, within the period of the one genera- 
tion between B.C. 766 and B.C. 733. 

Having premised these necessary remarks, we leave 

our readers to follow the translation of this record of 


' In the 2l8t year, in the month Thoth, under the reign of the 
king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Miamun Piankhi — may he live 
for ever I — My Boyal Majesty issued the command that men should 
be informed of what I have done more than all my predecessors. 
I the king am a part of God, a living image of Tum. As soon as 
I came out of my mother's womb I was chosen to be ruler, before 
whom the great men were a&aid, knowing that I [was to be a 
powerful lord], 

* (2) His mother well knew that he was destined for a ruler in 
his mother's womb, he, the god-like benefactor, the Mend of the 
gods, the son of Ba, who had formed him with his hands, Miamun 

* Messengers came to inform the king : *' The lord of the West 
country (that is, the Western part of the Delta), the great prince in 
the holy city (Sais), Tafnakhth, has established himself in the nome 
[name wanting], in the nome of Xols, in the city of Hap (Nilopolis), 
in the city [....], (3) in the city of 'Ain, in the city of Pi-nub 
(Momemphis), and in the city of Memphis. He has taken posses- 
sion of the whole West country, from the Mediterranean coast (of 
Buto) up to the boundary city (between Upper and Lower Egypt). 
He is advancing up the river with many warriors. The inhabi- 
tants of both parts of Egypt have joined themselves to him. 
The princes and loi*ds of the cities are like dogs at his feet. The 
fortresses are not shut (against him) (4) of the nomes of the South. 
The cities of Mi-tum (Meidoum), Pi-sekhem-kheper-ra (Crooodilo- 

• See Table IV., at the end of this Volume. 

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dt:t. xxt. revolt OF TAFNAKHTH. 241 

polisy the city of Usarkon I., at the entrance to the Fayoam), Pimaz 
(Ozyrhynchus), Thekanath, and all the (other) cities of the West, 
have opened their gates to him, through fear of him. He turns 
himself to the nomes of the East. They open their gates to him, 
namely, the following: Habennu (the Phoenix-city, Hipponon), 
Tai-uzai, and AphroditopoUs. He is preparing (5) to beleaguer 
the city of Heracleopolis Magna. He has surrounded it as with 
a ring. None who would go out can go out, none who would go in 
can go in, because of the uninterrupted assaults. He has girt it 
round on eveiy side. All the princes who acknowledge his power, 
he lets them abide eveiy one in his own district, as pnnces and 
kings of the cities. And they [do homage to him] (6) as to one 
who is distinguished through his wise mind ; his heart is joyful." 

* And the lords and the princes and the chiefs of the warriors, 
every one according to his city, sent continual messages to his 
^lajesty (Le. Piankhi) to this effect : " Art thou then silent, so as 
not to wish to have any knowledge of the South country and of 
the inland regions] Tafnakhth is winning them to himself, and 
finds no one that withstands him. Nimrod, the [lord of Hermo- 
polis Magna] (7) and prince of Ha-uer (Megalopolis), has demo- 
lished the fortress of Nofrus, and has razed his city with his 
own hands, through fear that he (Tafnakhth) should take it from 
him, in order to cut it off after the manner of the other cities. Now 
he has departed, to throw himself at his feet, and he has renounced 
allegiance to his Majesty. He is leagued with him like any [of 
the other princes. The lord] (8) of the nome of Oxyrhynchus has 
offered him gifts according to his heart's desire, of everything that 
he could find." 

* Then his Majesty sent orders to the princes and captains of 
the army, who were set over the land of Egypt, (namely) the 
captain Pi-ua^ro-ma, and the captain La-mis-ke-ni, and to all his 
Majesty's captains, who wei'e set over the land of Egypt, that they 
Bhould hasten to prevent the arming (of the rebels) for war, to invest 
[the city of Hermopolis], (9) to take captive its inhabitants, their 
cattle, and their vessels on the river, to let no labourer go out to 
the field, nor suffer any ploughman to plough, and to blockade all 
that were in the city of Hermopolis, and to fight against it without 
ceasing. And they did so. 

* Then his Majesty sent his warriors to Egypt, enjoining upon 
them very very strictly : " Take [care, watch, do not pass] (10) the 


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242 INSCRIPTION OF PIANKHL chap, xviii. 

night in the enjoyment of play. Be on the alert against the attack 
(of the enemy), and be armed for the battle even afar off. If any 
(of the commanders) says, * The army and the chariots are to turn 
to another city : why will ye delay to go against its army 1 ' — ye 
shall fight as he has said, If any (of the enemy) attempts to fetch 
his defenders from another city, (11) turn about to meet them. If 
any of these princes should have brought with him, for his pro- 
tection, warriors from Marmarica, or combatants from those faith- 
ful (to him), arm yourselves to fight against them. As an old hero 
says, * It avails not to gather together the warriors and numerous 
chariots with the best horses out of the stable, but, (12) when 
going into the battle, to confess that Amon, the divine, is he who 
sends us.' When you have arrived at Thebes, in sight of (the 
temple of) Ape, go into the water, wash yourselves in the river, 
draw yourselves up at the chief canal, unstring your bows and lay 
aside your weapons before (13) the king (of the gods), as the 
Almighty. No strength shall the man have who despises him ; he 
makes the weak strong, and however many there be of them (the 
strong), they must turn their back before the few, and be one (ever 
so weak), he copes with a thousand. Sprinkle yourselves with the 
water from his altars of sacrifice, fall down before him on your 
faces, and 4speak (14) to him thus: *Show us the way to fight 
in the shadow of thy mighty arm. The peoples that go forth for 
thee shall beat down the enemy in many defeats.' " 

* Then they threw themselves prostrate before his Majesty 
(saying) : " Is it not thy name that makes our arm strong ? Is it 
not thy wisdom that gives firmness to thy warriors 1 Thy bread 
is in our bodies during all our march, and thy mead (15) quenches 
our thirst. Does not thy power give us strength and manly 
coui'age at the thought of thee ? An army is naught, whose com- 
mander Is a coward. And who is like unto thee ? Thou art the 
king whose hands create victory, a master in the work of war." 

* When they had gone (16) down the river, they reached the 
city of Thebes, and did all that his Majesty had commanded. 
Proceeding down the stream upon the river, they met a number of 
vessels sailing up the stream with soldiers, sailors, and captains, 
^f the best warriors of Upper Egypt, equipped with all munitions, 
(17) for the war against the army of his Majesty. Then they 

inflicted on them a great overthrow. NTo one knows the number 
x>f, their prisoners, together with their ships, who were brought as 

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living prisoners to the place where his Majesty resided. When 
they had advanced further to the city of HeracleopoUs Ma^^na, they 
arrayed themselves for the battle. 

(18) 'The following is the list of the princes and kings of 
Lower 'Egypt ; 

The king Nimrod, and 

The king Aupoth : 

The satrap Shashanq, of the city of Busiris ; and 

The satrap Zi-amun-auf-akkh of the city of Mendes ; and 

His eldest son, who was military commander of the city of 

Hermopolis Parva : 
The warriors of the hereditary lord Bok-en-nisi ; and 
His eldest son, the satrap (19) Nes-na-'ai of the nome of 

The grand-master of the feai-bearers in Lower Egypt ; and 
The king Usarkon, who resides in the city of Bubastus and in 

the city of TJu-n-r'a-nofer : 

and all the princes and kings of the cities on the West side, on 
the East side, and on the islands between. They had gathered 
themselves together at the bidding of that one, and they sat thus 
at the feet of the great lord of the West country, the prince of the 
cities of Lower Egypt, the prophet of Neith, the Lady of Sais, 
(20) and the high-priest of Ptah (of Memphis), Tafnakhth. 

' When they had advanced further, they inflicted on them a 
great defeat, greater than ever, and captured their ships upon the 
river. When the survivors had fled, they landed on the West 
side, in the territory of the city of Pi-pek. When the earth had 
become light in the early morning (of the next day), the warriors 
of his Majesty advanced (21) against them, and army joined in 
battle with army. Then they slew much people of them, as well as 
their horses. No one knows the number of the slain. Those that 
were left alive fled to Lower Egypt, because of the tremendous 
overthrow, for it was more terrible than ever. 

* List of the people of them that were kiUed : Men [ ] 

* (22) The king Nimrod (advanced) up the river to Upper Egypt, 
because the news had been brought to him that the city of Her- 
mopolis M^^f*- had feJlen into the power of the enemy — meaning 
the warriors of his Majesty — who had captured its inhabitants 
and their cattle. Then he came before Hermopolis. But the 


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244 INSCRIPTION OF PIANKHI. chap, xviir. 

army of his Majesty was on the river at the harbour (23) of 
the Hermopolitan nome. When they heard that the king (Nimrod ) 
had surrounded them on all four sides, so that none could ^^o 
either out or in, they sent a messenger to his Majesty Miamun 
Pi-ankhi, the dispenser of life, (to tell him) of the complete over- 
throw which had been prepared for them by all the forces of his 
Majesty (king Nimrod). 

^ Then was his Majesty furious against them, like a panther, (and 
said) : " Then did they leave (24) a remnant of the army of Lower 
Egypt surviving, and suffer to escape from them whosoever would 
escape in order to give information, that he might advance, ao that 
they should not suffer death, (but) make their escape ? I sweftr, 
as truly as I love the god Ra, as truly as I hallow the god Amon, 
I will myself go down the river; I will frustrate (25) what 
that man has done; I will drive him back, even, should the 
struggle last long; after performing the solemnity of the cus- 
tomary rites of the new year's feast. I will offer a sacrifice to 
my father Amon at his beautifid feast ; he shall celebrate his pro- 
cession on the beautiful day of the new year. I will go in peace to 
behold Amon on his beautiful feast of the Theban month (Paopi). 
I will cause his image to go forth (26) to Api of the south on his 
beautiful feast of the Theban month (Paopi), in the night of the 
feast which is established for Thebes, and which the Sun-god Ha first 
instituted for him. I will conduct him back to his temple, where 
he sits on his throne. But on the day of the god's return, on the 
second of the month Athyr, I will let the people of Lower Egypt 
feel the weight of my finger." ^ 

* (27) Then the king's warriors remained in Egypt. They had 
heard of the wrath which his Majesty had conceived against them. 
Then they fought against the city of Pi-maz, in the Oxyrhynchite 
nome, and they took it like a flood of water. And they sent a 
message to his Majesty ; but his heart was not appeased thereby. 

* Then they fought against the very strong city of Ta-tehan 
(now Tehneh), and they found it filled (28) with soldiers, of 
the best warriors of Lower Egypt. Then they made the batter- 
ing-ram play against it, which threw down its walls. They in- 

7 Literally, * taste the taste of my finger.' Compare the boast 
of Behoboam, ' My little finger shall be thicker than my father's 
loins ' (1 Kings xii. 10).— Ed. 

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fiicted on them a great overthrow — ^no one knows the numbers — 
among them (the slain) was also the son of the satrap Tafnakhth. 
Then they sent a message to his Majesty ; but his heart was not 
appeased thereby. 

' (29) Then they fought against the city of Ha-bennu and 
broke it open, and the warriors of his Majesty entered. Then they 
sent a message to his Majesty ; but his heart was not appeased 

In the month Thoth, on the 9th day of the month, when his 
Majesty had gone down to Thebes, he celebrated the feast of Amon 
in the Theban month Paopi. When his Majesty had sailed 
(30) down the river to the city of HermopoUs Magna, he came 
forth out of the cabin of his ship, caused the horses to be harnessed, 
and mounted his war-chariots, the names of which were, '' The fear 
of his Majesty reaches to the Asiatics," and '< The hearts of all men 
fear him." When his Majesty had marched on, he threw himself 
upon the (31) haters of his warriors, full of wrath against them, 
like the panther, (saying) : ^' Are they not standing there ) Fight, 
I tell you ! This is loitering over my business ! The time is at 
length come once for all to make the land of Lower Egypt respect 
me." A mighty overthrow was inflicted upon them, frightful for 
the slaughter which they suffered. 

' His tent was pitched on the south-west of Hermopolis Magna. 
The city remained cut off (32) continually. A rampart was 
throw^ up, to overtop the high wall of the fortress. When the 
wooden structure (raised) against it was high enough, the archei-s 
shot in (their arrows), and the catapults {lit, slinging machines) 
threw stones, so as continually to kill the people. This lasted 
three days. Then those in Hermopolis had become stinking, and 
had lost their sweet savour.^ (33) Then Hermopolis surrendered 
and supplicated the king of Lower Egypt, and ambassadors came 

^ We translate this literally after Dr. Brugsch, without ven- 
turing to decide whether (as we suppose) it is a figure, not uncom- 
mon, for the distress of the Hermopolites, or whether it means 
(more Kterally) that the stench of the corpses drove them to sur- 
render. The parallel is striking with Isaiah iii. 24, ^ instead of 
sweet smell there shall be stink ' (compare Gen. xxxiv. 30 ; Exod. 
V. 21 ; 1 Sam. xxviL 12; Isaiah xxxiv. 3; Joel ii. 20; Amos 
iv. 10).— Ed. 

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246 INSCRIPTTON OF PIANKHI. chap. xvnr. 

out of it and presented themselves with all things good to behold 
— ^gold, precious stones, garments of cotton — (before his Majesty), 
who had put on the serpent-diadem, in order to inspire respect 
for his presence. But several days passed before they dared to 
supplicate his Urseus. Then (Nimrod) sent forth (34) bis wife, 
the queen and daughter of *a king, Nes-tbent-nes, to supplicate 
the queens and the royal concubines and the king's daughters and 
sisters. And she threw herself prostrate in the women's house 
before the queens (saying) : " Pray come to me, ye queens, king's 
daughters, and king's sisters ! Appease Horus, the ruler of the 
palace. Exalted is his person, great his triumph. Cause (35) his 
[anger to be appeased before] my [prayer] ; else he will give [over 
to death the king, my husband, but] (36) he is brought low.*' 
When she had finished [her speech, her Majesty] (37) was moved 

in her heart at the dtt()plication of the queen (38-50) 

{This part of the inscription is entireli/ erased) (51) be- 
fore (?) thee. Who is leader ? Who is leader ? Who, when he is 
led, who is led . ... (52) to thee the boon of living. Is not the 
swollen stream like an arrow 1 I am ... . 

' (53) The inhabitants of the South bowed down ; the people 
of the North said, " Let us be under thy shadow ! If any one has 
done wrong, let him [come] to [thee] (54) with his peace-oFerings. 
This is the helm which turns about (like a ship) its governor 
towards him who belongs (henceforth) to the divine person. He 
has seen the fire in ... . (55) Worth naught is the great man, 
who is admired for his father's sake. Thy fields are full of little 

' Then he (king Nimrod) threw himself prostrate before his 
Majesty [speaking thus : " Thou art] (56) Horus, the lord of the 
palace. Wilt thou not grant me to become one of the king's ser- 
vants, and to pay tribute of my productions for the treasury [like 
those who pay contributions] (57) of their productions) I will 
furnish thee more than they do." 

'Then be offered silver, gold, blue and green stones, iron, and 
many jewels. (58) Then was the treasury filled with these gifts. 
He led forward a horse with his right hand, in his left was a 
sistrum, and the striking-plate was of gold and blue stones. Then 
the king went forth out of (59) his palace, and betook himself to 
the temple of Thut, the lord of the city of the eight (gods) 
(Achnum, Hermopolis Magna). He sacrificed oxen^ calves, and 

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birds, to his father Thut, the lord of the city of the eight (gods), 
and to the eight deities in the (60) temple of the eight deities. 
And the people of Hermopolis played a hymn, and they sang : 
^* Beautiful is Horus, who abides in (61) his city, the son of the 
Sun, Pi-ankhi ! Thou makest festiyal for us, as if thou wert the 
tutelar lord of the nome of Hermopolis." 

* When the king had entered into (62) the house of king Nim- 
rod, he visited all the chambers of the king, his treasury and his 
store-rooms. And he was content. • 

'Then came (63) to him the king's wives and the king's 
daughters, and they praised his Majesty after the manner of 
women, but his Majesty did not turn his countenance upon 
(64) them. 

' When his Majesty visited the stables and the studs of foals, he 
observed that [they had] (65) let them starve. He said : " I swear, 
as surely as the youthful Sun-god Ka loves me, as surely as I breathe 
in life, it is a viler thing to my heart (66) to let the horses starve, 
than all the other faults that thou hast committed. That thou 
hast laid thy heart bare through this, evidence is furnished me of 
thy habitual views (]). (67) Hast thou forgotten that the shadow 
of God rests upon me 1 The proof thereof shall not be wanting to 
him on my part ! (68) Would that another had done such a thing 
to me, an ignorant man, not a haughty one, as he is ! I was born 
out of my mother's womb, and created out of the egg of a divine 
essence. I was begotten (69) by a god. By his name ! I will not 
forget him in what he has commanded me to do." Then he or- 
dered his (Nimrod's) possessions to be assigned to the treasui-y, 
(70) and his gi*anaries to the property of the god Amon of Api. 

* When the prince of Heracleopolis Magna, Paf-tot-bast, had 
come with his presents (71) to the great house of the god-like one 
(Pi-ankhi), with gold, silver, fine precious stones, horses from the 
best of his stable, then he threw himself prostrate before his Majesty, 
and spake thus : " Hail to thee, Horus, (72) mighty king ! Bull 
that wardest off the bulls ! The abyss has swallowed me up ; I am 
sunk in darkness ; give me light (73) for my countenance. I have 
not found a friend in the day of adversity, nor one that could stand 
in the day of battle save thee, O king ! (74) Chase away the 
^kness from before my face. I will be a servant (to thee), to- 
gether with uiy subjects of Heracleopolis Magna, who will pay 
tribute (75) to thy house; for thou art like the god Hormakhu, 

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248 INSCRIPTION OF PIAXKHI. chap. xvin. 

the prince of the planets. He is what thou art bjb king. He does 
not pass away, (76) thou dost not pass awaj, O king of Upper and 
Lower Egypt, Pi-ankhi, the ever-living." 

' When his Majesty had sailed downwards to the point of the 
lake region (the Fayoum), to the place of the sluice (77) of the 
canal, he came to the city of Pi-sekhem-kheper-ra (the capital of 
XJsarkon I.), whose walls were high and its citadel close shut, filled 
with the best troops of the land of Lower Egypt. Then he sent a 
summons to it, saying : " To live in dying is dreadful : (78) thy 
life shall be [rescued] from death, if (the gates) are at once opened. 
If you do not open to me, you are counted in the number of my 
fallen foes. It is an afiront to a king, to shut him out before the 
gates. Your life will be good for the high court of justice, good 
will be this day, from him who loves death to him who hates life. 
(79) [Make your decision] in the face of the whole land.'' 

' Then they sent an embassy to his Majesty, to address him 
thus : " The shadow of God rests upon thee, thou son of the 
goddess Nut. He lends thee his hand. What thy heart wishes, 
that forthwith happens. As the word is uttered from the mouth 
of God, so it comes to pass. Thou art bom of God, to behold us 
in thy hand. Safe is the city which is thine, and the possessions 
in its houses." 

*(80) Then they threw open all that was shut. Whoever 
would go in went in, and whoever would come out came out ; his 
Majesty did as it pleased him. Then they came out with a son of 
the satrap Tafnakhth. When the warriors of his Majesty had 
entered, they did not kill one of the inhabitants. He found 
(81) [the people of the prince busy] with the officers of the court in 
putting seals on his property. But his treasuries were assigned 
to the (king's) treasury, and his granaries to the property of his 
father, the Theban Amon-ra. 

' When his Majesty had sailed down the river, he reached the 
city of Mi-tum (Meidoum), the city of Sokar, the lord of enlighten- 
ment It was shut and not to be entered, for their intention was to 
fight, and [they had] (82) gathered [many warriors, but] they were 
afraid of his power, and they (the people of the city) had shut their 
mouth. Then his Majesty sent them a message, to this efiect : " Two 
ways lie before you ; it is for you to choose. Decide to open, then 
you shall live ; to shut, then you are doomed to death. My Majesty 
does not pass by any shut-up city." Then they opened foi-thwith. 

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His Majesty entered. He offered (83) [a sacrifice to the] god 
Men-hi, the author of enlightenment. He assigned his treasury (to 
Ins own), and his granaries to the prpperty of the god Amon of Api. 

* When his Majesty had sailed down the rivei- to the city of 
Thi-taui (on the borders of Upper and Lower Egypt), he found 
the fortress shut and the walls full of warriors of Lower Egypt. 
Then they opened the bolts and threw themselves prostrate, 
(84) [saying to] his Majesty : ** Thy father hath given thee the charge 
of his inheritance. Thou art the world ; thou art that which is 
in it ; thou art the lord of all that is upon the earth." When his 
Majesty had set out, a great sacrifice was offered to the gods 
in this city, of oxen, calves, birds, and all things good and clean. 
Then his treasury was assigned to the treasury, and his granaries 
to the property (85) [of the god Amon of Api]. 

* When his Majesty had reached the city of Memphis, he sent 
it a summons to this effect : '* Shut not ; fight not ; thou seat of 
the god Shou from the beginning of all things I Whoever will 
go in, let him go ia ; and whoever will come out, let him come 
out. No traveller shall be molested. I wish to celebrate a sacri- 
fice to the god Ptah, and to the gods of Memphis. I wish to do 
homage to the god Sokar in his ciypt. I with to behold the god 
Anbu-ris-ef. Then I will proceed down the river in peace. 
(86) [No harm shall befal the inhabitants] of Memphis ; let them 
prosper and be in health ; the children shall not weep. Look at 
each several district of the South country. No one was killed, ex- 
cept the impious who blasphemed the gods. None but felons were 
delivered up to execution." 

* But they shut up their fortress, and sent out warriors to some 
of the warriors of his Majesty (disguised) as workmen, master- 
masons, and sailors, (87) [who approached] the harbour of Mem- 
phis. For at the same time the prince of SaTs had arrived at the 
city of Memphis towards evening, having given directions to his 
warriors, his sailors, and all the captains of his warriors, 8,000 
men. And he had very very urgently given them (the following) 
directions : " Memphis is full of warriors, of the best of Lower 
^STP^- There is in it wheat, durra, and all manner of com of the 
granaries, in abundant ^ measure ; all sorts of implements (88) [of 

^ The literal sense of this word expresses in the original, 
the measure of an uaundation.' 

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; Google 

250 INSCRIPTION OF FIANKHt. chap. xtih. 

war are prepared]. The citadel [is well fortified] ; the battlements 
are strong, where the work is planned with reference to the 
river which surrounds it on the East. At that part no assault 
is possible. The cattle-layers are full of oxen. The treasury 
is provided with all that is needful, of silver, gold, bronze, woven 
stuffs, balsam, honey, butter. I am advancing, I will give up their 
possessions to the under-kings of the South country. I am (again) 
opening their territories ; 1 will be (89) [their deliverer. Only wait 
during] the. days till my return.*' 

' When he had mounted his hoi-se, for he did not desire his 
war-chariot, and when he had gone down the river through fear 
of his Majesty, the earth grew light on (the next) morning 
very early. Then his Majesty came to the city of Memphis, 
and he landed on its north side, and he found the water 
reaching up to the walls. The vessels came to land^ (90) at the 
harbour of Memphis. Then his Majesty saw how strong the city 
was. The walls were high, quite newly built, the battlements 
were formed strongly, so that there was no means of assaulting it. 
Among the warriors of his Majesty every one spoke in conversa- 
tion of all possible modes of attack, and every one said : " Come 
now ! Let us blockade (91) [the city." Whereupon the king said :] 
'' The soldiers must not make too many words about the pas- 
sage to it. We will raise up the earth up to its wall ; we will 
fasten wood-works together ; we will set up masts ; we will make 
a bridge of the yard-arms, we will reach by help of them to all 
its parts by means of the ladders and (92) [bridges] against its 
north side, so as to raise up the earth to its wall. So shall we find 
a way for our feet." 

^ Then was his Majesty furious against them, like a panther. He 
said : " I swear, as truly as I love the Sun-god Ra, as truly as I 
reverence my father Amon, I have found that all this happens 
according to the will of Amon. But this comes from the fact that the 
people say : (93) '* [The king had an easy task] with the districts 
of the South. They opened to him even from afar." They do not 
regard Amon in their heart; they do not know that what he has 
ordained must happen, in order that his presence may show itself, 
and that his power may be manifest. I will come upon them like 
a flood of water. What he commands me (94) [that shall happen]." 

' Then he ordered his ships and his warriors to advance, to fight 
against the harbour of Memphis. They brought to him all the 

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vessels, all the barges, all the passesger-vessels and ships of 
burthen, as many as there wei*e of them. The landing took place 
at the harbour of Memphis. The foremost landed at the houses 
[of the port. (95) The inhabitants of it, great and] small, wept 
because of all the army of his Majesty. Then came his Majesty in 
person, to lead on the ships, as many as there were Then his Majesty 
ordered his warriors : " Take heed in encircling the waUs and 
entering the dwelling-houses from the river. Each of you, when 
he has set foot on the wall, let him not remain standing in his 
place. (96) [Go forwards], do not press the commanders back ; 
that would be miserable to bear. Our forti-ess is the South 
eountiy ; let our landing-place be the North country ; we will es- 
tablish ourselves in the city of Maki-taui (a quarter of Memphis)." 

' Then was Memphis taken, like an inundation, and many 
people in it were killed or were brought alive as prisoners to the 
king. When (97) [the earth] grow light, on the second day, his 
Majesty sent people to the city, to guard the temples of God. For 
it was of great moment with him, on account of the supreme 
holiness of the gods, to offer libations of water to the chief gods 
of Memphis, and to purify Memphis with salt, balsam, and frankin- 
cense, and to set the priebts in their place upon their feet. His 
Majesty went into the house (98) [of Ptah], purifying himself 
with the holy water in the star-chamber. He performed all 
that is prescribed for the king. He entered the house of the 
god, where a great sacrifice was prepared to his father Ptah of his 
south wall, of bulls, calves, birds, and of all good things. 

' When his Majesty had entered his house, the inhabitants 
heard thereof in all the districts that lie round about Memphis, 
(namely), Heri the town, Peni- (99) na^'auVa, the tower of Bui, 
and the village of Biu. They opened their gates, and they fled all 
at once, without any one's knowing whither they were gone. 

* Upon the arrival of Aupoth, and the satrap A-ka-neshu, and 
the hereditary lord Pet-ise, (100) and all the princes of Lower 
Egypt, with their presents, to behold the grace of his Majesty, 
the treasuries and the granaiies of the city of Memphis were 
assigned to the possession of Amon, of Ptah, and of the company 
of divinities in the city of Ptah. 

* When the earth grew light, at the dawn of the next morning, 
his Majesty proceeded eastward. A libation of holy water was 
poured out to the god Turn of Khar-kharan (Babylon), (101) and 

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252 INSCRIPTION OF riANKHI. chap. xvni. 

to the host of divinities in the temple of Pi-paut, a grotto, and 
to the gods there, of bulls, calves, and birds, in order that they 
might grant life, prosperity, and health, to the king of Upper and 
Lower Eg3^t, Pi-ankhi, the ever-living. 

* His Majesty proceeded to On, over that hill of Babylon, along 
the road of the god Sep to Babylon. His Majesty entered the 
tent, which (was pitched) on the west side of the canal of Ao. He 
performed his purification by bathing in the middle (102) of the 
lake Kebhu, and he washed his face with the milk of the Nun (i.e. 
with the water of the rising Nile), where Ra is wont to wash his 
face. His Majesty went to the sand-hill in On, and offered a great 
sacrifice on the sand-hill in On, before the Sun-god Ba at his rising, 
of white cows, milk, balsam, and frankincense, of the best and 
(103) the most fragi*ant woods. 

' Keturning and on his way to the temple of the Sun, he was 
greeted most warmly by the overseer of the house of the god, 
and the leader of the prayers pronounced the formula " of the 
keeping away of evil spirits from the king." The arrangement 
of the house of stars was completed, the fillets were put on, he 
was purified with balsam and holy water, and the flowers were 
presented to him for the house of the obelisk (Ha-benben).^ He 
took the flowers, ascended (104) the stairs to the great window, to 
look upon the Sun-god Ha in the house of the obelisk. Thus the 
king himself stood there. The prince was alone. He drew bock 
the bolt and opened the doors, and beheld his father Ba in the 
exalted house of the obelisk., and the morning-bark of Ka and the 
evening-bark of Tum. The doors were (then) shut, the sealing- 
clay was laid (105) on, and the king himself impressed his seal. 
He commanded the priests (as follows) : " 1 have satisfied myself 
of the secure closing ; none other of all the kings shall enter 
any more." As he stood there, they threw themselves prostrate 
before his Majesty, while they spake thus: "May Horns, the 
friend of the city of On, endure and increase and never vanish 
away ! " On his return, as he entered the temple of Tum, the 
statue of (106) his father, the god Tum, the creator, the king of 
On, was brought in (in procession). 

'Then came the king Usarkon to behold the grace of his 

' When the earth grew light, at the dawn of the next morning, 

1 Comp. Vol. I. pp. 150, 161. 

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the king took the road to the harbour^ and the foremost of his 
ships sailed to the harbour of the nome of Athribis. There a tent 
was pitched for his Majesty on the south of the place (called) Ka- 
hani on the east side of the (107) nome of Athribis. 

* When the kings of Upper Egypt, and the princes of Lower 
Egypt, all the grand-masters of the whole body of fan-bearers, all 
the grand-masters of the whole body of the kings' grandsons, had 
arrived from the West country and from the East country and 
from the islands between, with the purpose of beholding the grace 
of his Majesty, the hereditary lord Pet-ise laid himself prostrate 
(108) before his Majesty, saying thus: '*Ck>me to the nome of 
Athiibis ; look upon the god ELhonti-khetthi of the cities ; honour 
the goddess Khui ; offer a sacrifice to Horus in his temple, of bulls, 
calves, and birds; enter into my house, I lay open to thee my 
treasury, with the possessions inherited from my fiebther. I give 
thee gold after the desire of thy heart, (109) green stones, heaped 
up before thy face, and numerous horses of the noblest breed out 
of the stalls, the be^t from the prince's stable. 

* When his Majesty had gone into the temple of Horus Khont- 
Kheteth, a sacrifice was offered of bulls, calves, and birds to his 
father, Hor-Khont-Khethi, the lord of Kem-ur (Athribis). (Then) 
his Majesty went into the house of the hereditary lord Pet-ise, who 
made him a present of silver, gold, (110) blue and green stones, a 
great abundance of every sort, woven stuffs, cloths of byssus in 
great number, beds covered with linen, frankincense, oil in anointr 
ing- vials, stalHons and mares, of the best of his stable. He took 
an oath of expurgation before God, in the presence of those kings 
of Upper Egypt and of the great princes of the land of (1 1 1) Lower 
Egypt — (for) every one of them (had said that) he had hidden 
away his horses and had concealed his riches, because they desired 
that he might die the death of his father — (and he spake thus) : 
" An abhorrence to me is this, that ye desire to crush a servant (of 
the king). Be well assured, that the sovereign is on my side. Your 
talk is an abhorrence to me, that I have hidden from his Majesty 
the whole inheritance (112) of the house of my fathez*. The gold, 
the golden objects (set) with precious stones, in all manner of 
vessels and rings for the hands, the golden neckchains, the breast 
ornaments composed of precious stones, the talismans for every pait 
of the body, the head-bands, the earrings, and all other royal array, 
all the vessels of gold and jewels for the king's ablutions, — all 
these (113) I here opexdy present. The stuffs of byssus and the 

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254 INSCRIPTION OF PIANKHI. chap, xviir. 

woven cloths by thousands, are of the best from my house. I 
know now that thou art content with them. Go into the prince's 
stable, choose according to thy pleasure of all the horses whichever 
thou desirest." And his Majesty did so. 

' And the kings and the princes said to his Majesty : '' Let us 
go (each) to our city; we will open (114) our treasuries ; we will 
select whatever thy heart loveth : we will bring to thee the best 
of our stable, the most excellent of our horses.'' Then his Majesty 
did so. 

< This is the list of them : namely : 

King TJsABKON of Bubastus and Uu-n-r'a nofer ; 
King AuPOTH of the city of Thent-ram and Ta-'ain-ta ; 

(115) Prince Zi-amun-auf-ankh of Mendes and Tar'ap-r'a ; 

His eldest son, a lord, captain of Hermopolis Parva, 'Ankh 

Prince (Satrap *) A-ka-nesh of Sebennytus, of Hebi (Iseum), 

and of Samhud (Diospolis Parva) ; 
Prince and Satrap Pi-thknkf, of Pi-saptu and in 'Ap-en-An- 


(116) Prince and Satrap Pi-ma of Busiris; 
Prince and Satrap Nes-na-Keti of Xois ; 

Prince and Satrap Nakht-hor-na-Shennu of Pi-garer (Pha- 

groriopolis) ; 
Prince and Satrap (unnamed) of Ta^ur (Tanis) ; 
Prince and Satrap (unnamed) of Bekhen (Ostracine) ; 

(117) Prophet of Horus, the lord of Letopolis, Pet-hoe-sam-taui ; 
Prince He-bo-bisa of the city of the goddess Sekhet, the lady 

of Sa, and of the city of Sekhet, the lady of Hesani ; 
Prince Zi-khi-au of Khont-nofer (Onuphis ]) ; 
Prince Pi-bi-sa of Babylon and Nilopolis (in the Heliopolitan 
'They brought to him their presents of all good things; 

(1 18) of gold, silver, [blue and green stones], of [stuffs, beds] covered 

^ This title of his is taken from the additional inscription on 
the sculpture over the inscription of Pi-ankhi. He is there repre- 
sented as lying on the ground, with the fillet of an Assyrian satrap 
on his head (just as Darius I. is distinguished in the temple of the 
Oasis of Hibe), and in the annexed inscription he is designated as 
' Satrap A-ka-nesh.' 

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with linen, of fmnkincense, of (119) anointing- vials, of 

trappings (X) well adapted for the horses, (120) of 

'After this (messengers) carae to his Majesty saying : 
(121) ["The king and satrap Tafnakhth of] the city of [Sais] has 
assembled his [warriors]. He has razed the walls ( 1 22) [of his city,] 
he has set fire to [his] treasury, [he has fled to the islands] in the 
midstof the river, he has strengthened the city of Mas-di( 123) with 
his warriors. Whatever [he needs] is brought to him." 

'Then his Majesty ordered his soldiers to go forth (124) and 
see what had happened, and his body-guards were entrusted to the 
hereditary lord Pet-ise. Then they came to report to (125) his 
Majesty as follows : *' We have killed all the people that we found 
there." Then his Majesty gave rewards to (126) the hereditary 
lord Pet-ise. When the king and satrap Tafnakhth heard this, 
he sent (127) an ambassador to the place where his Majesty was 
staying, to supplicate his grace thus : " Be of friendly mind I 
I have not beheld thy face in (128) the days of disgrace. I cannot 
stand before thy fire. My manhood is in thy power, for thou art 
the god Nub in the land of the South, (thou art) Monthu, (129) the 
powerful bull. If thou settest thy face towards anything, thou 
findest no servant (able) to resist thee, so that I betook myself to 
the islands of the great river. (130) I am full of anguish before 
thy presence on account of the sentence, that the flaming fire is 
preparing enmity for me. (131) Is not your Majesty's heart 
softened by all that you have done to me? If I have been a 
despiser of the truth, punish me not after the measure of my guilt, 
(132) Measured with the balance is the produce in ounces.^ Thou 
hast dealt it to me threefold. The seed is sown for thee, which 
was (sown) for me. Is it then proper to cut down (133) the fruit- 
trees, instead of gathering them (i.e. the fruit) 1 By thy name ! 
The fear of thee is in my body, and distress before thee in my bones. 
I sit not in (134) the festive hall (lit. the chamber of mead), 
nor do I take down the harp. I eat bread for hunger, and I drink 

^ There seems to be here a twofold meaning : first, an appeal 
to the general principle, that punishment ought not to exceed the 
measure of the crime ; and, secondly, a particular application of 
that principle to the sparing of the trees and fruits (which the 
Egyptians were wont to destroy in war), especially as they now 
belonged to the victorious king. — Ed. 

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256 INSCRIPTION OF PIANKHI. chap. xvrn. 

water for (135) thirst every day, since thou hast heard of my 
name. A shivering is in my bones, my head is shorn, my 
garments (136) are old, in order that I may appease the goddess 
Neith. Long is the race which has brought thee to me. Turn 
thy (face from) above on me who am below. Is it well to 
(137) torment my existence 1 Purify thy servant from his haugh- 
tiness. Come ! receive my property for thy treasury : (138) gold and 
jewels, also the most excellent of the horses. They may pay for 
all. (139) Let a messenger straightway come to me. Let him chase 
away the anguish from my heart. My desire is to go up into a sanc- 
tuary before him : I will purify myself by an oath (140) before God." 

* Then his Majesty sent the leader of the prayers, Pet-amon-nes- 
taui, and the general Pi-ur-ma. He (i.e. Tafnakhth) presented 
(141) them with silver and gold, with robes and jewels. He 
went up into a sanctuary. He prayed to God, he (142) purified 
himself by an oath before God, speaking thus : " I will not trans- 
gress the king's command, nor will I neglect (143) the words of 
his Majesty. I will not compass harm to any prince without thy 
knowledge. I will behave according to the words (144) of the 
king, and will not transgress what he has commanded." With 
this his Majesty was satisfied. 

'Tidings were brought to (145) his Majesty: "The city of 
Crocodilopolis has opened its fortress and the city of Matennu has 

* (146) Thus no district was shut against his Majesty, of the 
nomes of the South and of the North. The West and the East 
and the islands in the midst had submitted through fear before 
him, and (147) brought their presents to the place where his 
Majesty resided, ajs subjects of the palace. 

* When the earth grew light, in the morning, (148) very early, 
there came the two kings of the South and two kings of the North, 
with their royal serpent-diadems, to worship before the presence 
(149) of his Majesty. With them also the kings of Upper Egypt 
and the princes of Lower Egypt, who came to behold the grace 
of his Majesty. (150) Their legs were the legs of women. 
They did not enter the king's house, because they were un- 
clean, (151) and besides they ate fish, which is an abomination 
to the king. But as for king Nimrod, he went (152) into the 
king's house, because he was clean and ate no fish. They stood 
there (153) upon their legs, every one at the entrance of the king's 

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* Then were the ships laden with silver, gold, bronze, (154) stuffs, 
and all the good things of Lower Egypt, and with all the products 
of Phcenicia and with all the woods of the Holy Land. 

' When his Majesty sailed up (155) the river, his heart was 
glad. All its banks resounded with music. The inhabitants in 
the West and East took their drums (156) to make music at his 
Majesty's approach. To the notes of the music they sang, '^ O 
King, thou conqueror 1 (157) Pi-ankhi ! O thou conquering king ! 
Thou hast come and thou hast smitten Lower Egypt. Thou 
madest the men (158) as women. The heart of thy mother rejoices, 
who bore (such) a son, for he who begat thee dwells in the valley 
(of the dead). Happiness to thee, the cow, (159) who hast borne 
the bull ! Thou shalt live for ever in after ages ! Thy victory shall' 
endure, thou king and friend of Thebes i " 

Pi-ankhi does not seem to have enjoyed his succe33 
long. Whether it was that the power of the Assyrians 
again got the upper hand, or that Taf-nakhth or his 
sons rose up afresh, and, supported by the other petty 
kings of the lower country, threw off the Ethiopian 
sovereignty, at all events it is certain that the successor 
(and son ?) of king Pi-ankhi, by name Miamun Nut 
(whose third regnal year I have found on a Theban 
monument), was left in possession of Patoris only, with 
the capital Thebes, and had lost all hope of supremacy 
in Lower Egypt. 

His campaign against the low country of Egypt 
is justified by a dream. The war which, in con- 
sequence thereof, he undertook against the kings and 
satraps in the North, seems to have had some temporary 
success, rather from special circumstances than through 
the bravery of his army. But he too dedicated to the 
fame of this passing victory a memorial stone, which 
was found several years ago on the site of the ruins of 
Napata at the foot of Mount Barkal. 

VOL. II. s 

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258 MIAMUN NUT. chap, xviir. 

The inscription engraved thereon, which we shall 
presently place before our readers in a faithful transla- 
tion, is accompanied by a sculptured representation, 
which is not without importance in several ways. It 
consists of a double rehef, on the right side of which 
the king testifies his devotion for the Theban Amon-ra. 
To the name of the king is appended an official royal 
shield, on which he is designated as Bi-ka-ra. Behind 
him is seen ' the king's sister and wife, the queen of 
Kemi (Egypt) Ge-ro-a-ro-pi.' She must have been 
married a second time to an Egyptian of high rank, 
named Usa-hor, and have borne a son, to whom the 
inscriptions assign the title of a * royal grandson.' 
The monuments name him Pet-amon. I shall treat 
of his remarkable history in another place. 

In the scene on the left hand, king Nut himself 
offers a breastplate with chains, as a talisman, to the 
Theban Amon 'of the holy mountain ' (that is, Noph or 
Napata), who is here represented with a ram's head. 
He is accompanied by ' the king's sister, the queen of 
Ta-Khont (Nubia).' We have here before our eyes 
one of several , examples in proof of the distin- 
guished position which the women of the Ethiopian 
court must have occupied. While this sister of the 
king is designated as * Queen of Nubia,' another, 
who was also a wife of Miamun Nut, is called * Queen 
of Egypt.' » 

The inscription begins with titles of honour, than 
which a Pharaoh himself could not have wished for 
any higher. The oriental pomp of rhetoric without a 
background of facts is here conspicuous. Let us hear 

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DTif. xxT. THE king's dream. 259 

how the king is overwhelmed with flattery by the 
author of the inscription : * — 

* On the day on which he was brought forth to light, he became 
as a god Turn for mankind. He is the lord of the two horns, 
a-prinoe of the living, a great king, who has taken possession of the 
whole world. Of a victorious arm in the day of slaughter, of 
piercing look on the day [of battle], a slayer and lord of the strong, 
like the god Monthu, powerful like a raging lion, prudent as the god 
Hiser (ie. Thut), beautiful as he sets forth upon the river as pursuer 
and achiever of his purpose, bringing back what he has won. He 
gained possession of this land without fighting : no one had the 
power to resist him.' 

Of this same Nut the inscription further relates 
what follows : — 

* (3) In the first year, which was that of his coronation as 
king, (4) his Majesty had a dream in the night. There were two 
serpents, the one on his right hand, the other on his left. When 
his Majesty woke, he did not find them. Then spake his Majesty 
[to the interpreters of dreams] : (5) " Why has such a thing 
happened to meV Then they explained it to him, speaking aa 
follows : — " The land of Upper Egypt is thine. Thou shalt take 
possession of the land of Lower Egypt. The double crown shall 
adorn thy head. The land is given to thee in its length and in its 
breadth. Amon, besides whom (6) there is no other god, will be 
with thee." 

* His Majesty held a court, sitting on the throne of Horus, in 
this year. When his Majesty had come out from the place where 
he had been staying, as Horus came out of his marsh, then he went 
forth : in [his suite were] (7) a hundred thousand, who marched 
near him. 

* His Majesty said : " So may the dream come true." For this 
was indeed a thing that coincided with his purpose ; and it would 
have fallen out ill, if he had desisted from it. 

^ Monsieur G. Maspero's translation of this * StS16 of the 
Dream' has appeared in French in the Revue Archeologique, 1868, 
tome i. p- 329 ; and in English in Records of the Past, vol. iv. 
pp. 79, foil.— Ed. 

s 2 

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260 E^'SCBIPTION OF MIAMUN NUT. chap, itiii. 

' When hifi Majestj had repaired to the citj of Noph (Napata), 
no one was [with him] (8) when he entered it After his Majesty 
had visited the temple of Amon of Noph, on the holy mountain, 
his heart was strengthened when he had seen the Thehan god 
Amon-ra on the holy mountain. They presented him with garlands 
for the god. (9) Then his Majesty caused Amon to be brought out 
(in procession) from Noph. He prepared for him a rich sacrifice, 
for he offered to him what [was acceptable to] his heart : 36 bulls, 
40 jars of mead, 100 asses. 

* When his Majesty had sailed down the river to the land of 
Upper Egypt, he wished to behold the god (10) whose being is 
more hidden than that of all the gods (i.e. the god Amon). 

'When he arrived at Elephantine, his Majesty put in at 
Elephantine. When he had come into the temple of Khnum-ra, 
the lord of the city of the new water (i.e. the inundation), (11) he 
caused the god to be brought out (in procession). A rich sacrifice 
was prepared for him. He offered bread and mead to the gods of 
the two sources. He propitiated the river in its hidden cave. 

'When his Majesty had sailed down the river towards [the 
territory of the city of] Thebes, which belongs to Amon, then his 
Majesty landed (12) before Thebes. When his Majesty had entered 
the temple of the Thebau Amon-ra, there came to him the chief 
priest and the ministers of the temple of Amon-ra, (13) the 
Theban god, and they brought him flowers for him whose 
being is hidden. And his Majesty's heart was glad, when he 
beheld this house of the god. He caused the Theban Amon-ra 
to be brought out (in procession), and a great feast was celebrated 
in all the land. 

' (14:) When his Majesty sailed down the river towards 
Lower Eg3rpt, then the inhabitants on the right and on the left 
bank were jubilant, great was the rejoicing. They said : " Go 
onward in the peace of thy name, in the peace of thy name ! Dis- 
pense life (15) through all the land; that the temples may be 
restored, which are hastening to ruin; that their statues of the 
gods may be set up after their manner ; that the revenues mav be 
given to the gods and the goddesses, and the offerings for the dead 
to the deceased; (16) that the priest may be established in his 
place ; and that all may be fulfilled according to the holy learn- 
ing " (i.e. of the ritual). Even those, whose intention it was to 
fight, were moved with joy. 

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' When his Majesty had oome to Memphis, and (17) the rebels 
(lit. the sons of revolt) had made a sally, to fight against his 
Majesty, then his Majesty inflicted on them a great slaughter, 
without number. And his Majesty took Memphis, and entered 
into the temple of (18) Ptah of his south wall. He prepared 
a sacrifioe to Ftah-Sokar, he adored Sokhet, whose love is so 
great. For the heart of his Majesty was joyful for what his father 
Amon of Noph had done for him. 

'And he issued an ordinance, (19) to enlarge [the temple of 
Ptah], and that a new hall should be built for him. No such 
building was seen in the times of his predecessors. His Majesty 
caused it to be built of stones which were inlaid with gold. (20) Its 
panelling was made of acaciarwood, (21) which was impregnated 
with frankincense of the land of Pun. Its doors were of white 
brass,^ and (22) their frames of iron. He built for him a second 
hall as an outbuilding behind, wherein to milk his milk (23) from a 
numerous herd of 116 goats. No one can count the number of 
young calves (24) with their mothers. 

* When all this was done, his Majesty sailed downwards, to 
fight with the princes of (25) Lower Egypt, for they had retired 
within their walls in order [to avoid battle] near their towns. 
Before these his Majesty spent many days, but none of them 
came out (26) to fight with his Majesty. 

< After his Majesty had sailed up to Memphis, he rested in his 
palace, and meditated a resolution (27) with himself, to send his 
warriors to seek them. 

* [Before the army set out], tidings were brought to him, say- 
ing : " The great princes have come to (28) the place where his 
Majesty resides. [What does] our lord [decide] 1 " His Majesty 
said, " Are they come to fight I Or are they come to serve me Y 
In that case they shall live from this hour." (29) Then spake 

* We take this to mean pale yellow braaa (the alloy of copper 
and zinc) in contradistinction to the darker bronze (the alloy of 
copper and tin). Though the ancients seem to have had but a very 
slight knowledge of the metal zinc, under the name of ' mock- 
silver* (xl/ev^apyvpog), they were certainly acquainted with the true 
brass, formed from zinc ore (calamine) with copper, the orichalcwn 
of the Greeks and Romans. (See especially Strabo, xiiL p. 610.) 
M. Maspero translates the word in the text electrum, an alloy of 
gold and silver. — Ed. 

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they to bis Majesty, " They are come to serve the great lord, our 
governor.'' The king said : " My governor is that glorious god, the 
Theban Amon on the holy mountain. The great god is gracious 
to him who confesses his name ; he watches (30) over him who loves 
him ; he grants strength to him who does his will, and transgresses 
not his bidding. He who walks according to his commandments 
will not stagger, for he leads him and guides him. It is he that 
speaks to me in the night (31) of that which I shall see in the day." 
' His Majesty said : ** What they wish cannot be transacted at 
this hour." They spake before the king : " They are without, they 
stand near the king's house." 

* When his Majesty had gone forth (32) out of his [palace], 
then he beheld these princes, who learned to know the god Ba on 
the horizon. He found them lying prostrate, in order to sup- 
plicate before his face. The king speaks : " Since that is the truth, 
which Amon decrees, (33) I will act according to the [command 
that he shall reveal to me]. Lo ! to know what wiU happen means 
this — what God ordains, that shall come to pass. I swear, as 
truly as the Sun-god Ea loves me, as truly as I hallow Amon in 
his house, I will [enquire of] this glorious god (34) of Noph on 
the holy mountain whether he stands against me. Whatever he 
shall say to me, to that let effect be given by all means and in 
every way. GUxxi for naught is the saying : * O that I had waited 
with my resolution till the next morning which shall arise ! ' 
(35) I am as a servant [mindful of his mast^'s] interest, and every 
workman must know what tends to the interest of his Majesty. 
[Say not. Why] should I wait for the morning, which comes later % 
Had I only thy power I " 

* Then they answered him and spake thus : ** May this glorious 
god (36) be thy guide and leader ! May he give what is good into 
thy hand ! Turn thyself not away from that which shall come out 
of his mouth, O great king, our lord ! " 

* When Pi-qe-ro-ro, the hereditary lord and prince of the city 
Pi-saptu, had stood up to speak as follows : (37) " Ball whom thou 
wilt ; let live whom thou wilt ; there shall be no reproach against 
our lord on account of that which is just ; " — then they responded 
to him all together, speaking thus : " Grant us the breath of life, 
for none can live without (38) it. We will serve him (i.e. Amon) 
as his dependents, just as thou hast said from the beginning, from 
the day when thou wast made king." 

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' Then waa the heart of his Majesty glad, vhen he had heard 
these words. He entertained (39) them with food and drink and 
all good things. 

' After many days had passed in this manner, and he had im- 
parted to them all good things, notwithstanding their great nomher, 
then they said : '' Shall we stay longer t Is such the will of the 
great lord, our governor 1 " Then spake (40) his Majesty, saying 
thus: *'Whyr' They speak before his Majesty: "We would 
return home to our dties ; we would care for our inhabitants and 
our servants according to the need of the city." Then his Majesty 
let them depart thence (41) (each) to his city, and they remained 
in life. 

* Then the inhabitants of the South sailed down the river, and 
those of the North up the river, to the place where his Majesty 
resided, and brought all the good things of Upper Egypt and all the 
riches (42) of Lower Egypt, to propitiate the heart of his Majesty. 

' May the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Bi-karra, the son 
of the Sun, Miamun Nut— to him be health, prosperity, life i — sit 
enthroned upon the seat of Horus for ever J ' 

What gives an especial value to this inscription, 
is the mention of the prince of the city of Pi-saptu 
(the capital of the later nome of Arabia) Pi-qe-ro-ro, 
who here comes forward as spokesman in the name 
of the petty kings of the low country, and treats direct 
with the Ethiopian. For his name appears again in 
the celebrated Assyrian account of the campaign of 
king Assur-ban-habal, the son of Assur-ah-idin,* against 
the Ethiopian king Tarquu, the king Taharaqa of the 

King Nut also (like Pi-ankhi) was not permitted to 

^ Asshur-bani-pal, the son of Esar-haddon, are the forms of 
the names more fami1ia.r to English readers. See the late lamented 
Mr. George Smith's History of Aaaur-hani-paLj and his translation 
of the Annah of Aasurhanipai in Records of ike Past, vols, i 
and ix. — Ed, 

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264 PAKTinON OF ETHIOPIA. chap. xvin. 

enjoy long the double-serpent-crown of Lower Egypt. 
As in Egypt a perpetual struggle and dispute for the 
sceptre at last partitioned the country and played into 
the hands of foreign potentates, so hkewise in Ethiopia 
a schism appears to have broken out in the reigning 
family, which could only be decided by arms. The 
statement, in the list of titles of king Nut — that *he had 
gained possession of this land (Ethiopia) without fight- 
ing/ — alludes clearly enough to some such circum- 
stances. It even seems as if a division bad been made 
from the original beginning of the empire, inasmuch 
as three different regions formed thenceforth the three 
chief parts of the divided Ethiopian state : namely, 
Patoris, with the capital Thebes ; Takhont (Nubia, the 
land of Meluhha of the cuneiform inscriptions), with 
the capital Kipkip ; and Kush, with the old Ethiopian 
royal city of Napata, 

It is only in this way that a satisfactory explana- 
tion can be found for the crowding of several Ethio- 
pian royal names on one and the same line of the 

With Taharaqa, king of Ethiopia (according to our 
view about YOO B.C.), begins the latest period of the 
history of the kingdom of the Pharaohs, in which the 
numbers obtain a more certain form, and the classical 
writers begin by degrees to contribute authentic data 
respecting the fortunes of the Egyptian kings, their 

The Ethiopian king just mentioned bore the full 
names of — 

7 See the great Genealogical Table (IV.) 

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The length of his reign extended to more than 
twenty-six years, as it is obtained with full exactness 
from the data of the life of an Apis-bull. To him be- 
longed the South country, Patoris, with its capital, 
Thebes, in which several monuments, mostly in the 
form of dedicatory inscriptions, are memorials of the 
dominion and presence of this Ethiopian king. His 
name was well known in antiquity, from the Bible 
down to the classic writers. While Holy Scripture in- 
troduces him under the name of Thirhaqah (Tirhakah,® 
A.V.), his name appears in the Greek writers in the 
forms, Tearko, Etearchus, Tarakus, Tarkus. His re- 
nown as a great conqueror pervades the records of 
antiquity, although all other proof of this from the 
monuments is wanting. The Egyptian inscriptions 
know him simply as the lord of Kemi (i.e. Egypt), 
Tesher (i.e. the land of the Erythra^ans), and Kepkep 
(i.e. Nubia). 

It is to the Assyrian cuneiform inscriptions that 

• At 2 Kings xix. 9, and Isaiah xxxvii. 9, we read that while 
Sennacherib, in his great campaign against Jndah (b.c. 700), was 
besieging libnah, he received news that "Tirhakah, king of 
Ethiopia,* had come out to fight against him. Shortly before this, 
as we learn from Sennacherib's own annals, he had signally 
defeated the united forces of the kings of Egypt and the king of 
Ethiopia, who had advanced to aid the rebel city of Migron 
(Ekron), at Altakn (Eltekeh : Joshua xix. 44; xxi. 23). It 
would seem, therefore, that the resistance of Hezekiah encouraged 
Tirhakah and his Egyptian allies to a new effort ; and it was on 
his advance to meet them, probably near Pelusium, that Sennache- 
rib's army was miraculously destroyed. At this time, it is to 
be ob«erved, Tirhakah was only king of Ethiopia, not yet of 
Egypt.— Ed. 

Digitized by 


266 RECORD OF ASSURBANIPAL. chap. xtou. 

historical science owes the most important elucidation 
of the reign of this king in Egypt, and of his wars 
against the great kings of Assjn-ia. The French 
scholar, Jules Oppert, was the first who, with his usual 
penetration, deciphered the fragments relating to these 
wars, and brought out the connection of their contents 
with the events in Egypt. From his work, entitled 
' Memoire sur les rapports de I'Egypte et de TAssyrie 
dans Tantiquit^ ^claircis par T^tude des textes cunei- 
formes ' (Paris, 1869;, we have borrowed the impor- 
tant text which is here placed before the reader. We 
have here and there amended some Egyptian proper 
names, from the necessary corrections furnished by 
the latest researches in this field. ^ 

[PreMminary Note hy the EditorJ] 

[We must be content to refer the reader to M. 
Oppert's own account of the various inscriptions and 
fragments which his ingenuity has pieced together, to 
make up this most momentous record of the Assyrian 
king (son of Esarhaddon and grandson of Sennacherib), 
whom he calls Asur-ban-habal or Sardanapalus IV., 
the * warrior Sardanapalus ' of Layard. M. Oppert 
prints (1) the Assyrian cuneiform text, (2) the same in 
Italic letters, and (3) a Latin version, all in parallel lines 
and words. These texts are accompanied by a most 
valuable * Memoir,' on cuneiform interpretation, the 
history of the Assyrian kingdom, and other matters. 

In translating Dr. Brugsch's German version, we 

have compared it, word by word, with the Latin of 

^ The reader would do well to look at Haigh's remarks in the 
Aegyptiache Zeitachri/t, 1871, p. 112, and 1872, p. 125, and my 
own in the same journal, 1871, p. 29. 

Digitized by 



M. Oppert, which we have occasionally preferred. 
We have not thought it necessary to confuse the 
reader with brackets indicating lacunae in the text of 
the principal inscriptions, as these are for the most 
part supplied, not from conjecture, but by the help of 
the other copies. The Assyrian custom of repeating 
the same inscription on tablets of terra-cotta — thus, in 
fact, multiplying copies of their clay books (such as 
were found by thousands in the library of this very 
king Assur-bani-pal at Nineveh) — has here proved of 
the greatest service to historical science. The Eoman 
numerals indicate the several chief inscriptions. The 

denote Assyrian words or phrases that are 

either illegible, or, though legible, have baffled the 
interpreter. — Ed.] 

Record of Assurbanipal. 

I. * In my fii-st expedition I went against Muzur (Egypt) and 
Meluhha (Meroe). Torquu, the king^ of Muzur and Ku-u-si 
(Ethiopia), whom Asur-ah-idin (ABsarhaddon), the father who 
begat me,' had subdued, returned out of his land. Trusting in 
his strength (lit, hands) he despised the commandments of Asur 
and Istar, the great gods, my lords. His heart was hardened, and 
he sinned of his own will (lU. of himself). The kings, satraps, 
and generals, whom Assarhaddon, my father, had set over the 
kingdom of E^pt, were driven out by him. 

II. * They betook themselves to Ninua (Nineveh). Against 
such deeds my heart was moved and my bile {lit. liver) was stirred 
up. I numbered my army and my whole forces, with which the 
great gods had filled my hands, to bring help to the kings, satraps, 
generals, and servants, who were expecting my presence (lit. face). 
I set forth speedily and came to the city Karbanit (Canopus). 

^ The Assyrian word which we translate ' king ' throughout 
the inscription is «ar, which Brugsch keeps. — Ed. 

* On the frequent reeurrence of this phrase, we translate it 
simply * father * or 'parent.' — Ed. 

Digitized by 



When Tarquu, the king of Egypt and Ethiopia, in the city of 
Memphis, heard of the arrival of my expedition, he prepared for 
battle his munitions of war, and counted the host of his warriors.' 

III. * Tarquu, king of Egypt and Ethiopia, despised the gods. 
He put in motion his strength to take possession of Egypt. He 
disregarded the commandments of the great god Asur, my lord. 
He trusted in his own strength, and did not observe his own 
treaties, which my father who begat me had made (with him). He 
came from Ethiopia and entered Memphis, and took that city for 
himself. Upon the Assyrians {lU, men of Assur), who were ser- 
vants in Egypt expecting my presence, whom Assarhaddon, my 
father, had set over the kingdom in it (Egypt), he ordered his 
army to inflict death, imprisonment, and plunder. 

' A messenger came in haste to Nineveh and On 

account of such deeds my heart was moved and my bile was stirred. 
I was incensed, and I ordered, by an imperative decree, the 
Tartan (general), the satraps, with the men of their hands * (?), 

and my chief guards, to start on an expedition to the help 

of the kings, satraps, and servants. I ordered an expedition to be 
made to Egypt .... (they) went down quickly, and came to Kar- 
banit. Tarqa,* (the king of) Kuusi, when he had heard in the city 
of Memphis of the approach of my army, numbered his host to 
make war and battle, and drew up his army opposite to my army. 

*With invocations to Asur, Sin (the Moon-god), the great 
gods, my lords, I ordered the onslaught of my forces. In a 
fierce battle they put them to flight, and conquered with arms 
the men who served him (lit. of his service). Fear and terror 
seized him, and he turned back. He escaped from Memphis, the 
city of his kingdom, the place of his honour, and he fled away 
in diips to save his life {lit. soul). He left bis tent standing and 
withdrew himself alone and came to Ni (the 'great city,* i.e. 
Thebes), and gave orders to his men of battle to embark * on all 
the ships and barks (?) that were with him, and he commanded 
the man set over the barks (1) 

*I gathered together the commander of the satraps of the 

' That is, ' under their command,' but the sense is not quite 

* So Oppert gives the name here, Tarka, We keep Dr. 
Brugsch's q, — Ed. 

^ So Brugsch. Oppert gives *■ naves rates (?) qnaequse com se 
(erant) viros pugnse suie prehendi jussit.' — Ed* 

Digitized by 



dties beyond the river, the servants faithful befoi-e me, them and 
their garrisons, their ships, the kings of Egypt, the servants faith- 
ful before me, and their garrisons and their ships, in order to 
drive out Tarquu from Egypt and Ethiopia. There were more of 
them than before.® I sent them against Thebes, the city of the 
empire of Tarquu, the king of Ethiopia. They went a journey of 
a month and ten days. Tarquu, when he heard of the approach 
of my army, left Thebes, the city of his empire, and went up the 
river. My soldiers made a slaughter in that city. 

* Kikuu (Necho), Sarludari,^ Paakruru, whom my father had 
made satrape, sinned against the commandments of Asur and the 
great gods, my lords, and did not keep to their treaties (with him). 
They despised the glory of my father, and hardened their hearts 
to enmity ; they devised a plan of rebellion, and sinned wilfully 
{lit. of themselves) against their flesh, speaking thus : '^ Tarquu 
will not go back from his designs upon Egypt ; he is afraid, and 
do ye all watch over your safety (1) " • They sent their envoys to 
Tarquu, king of Ethiopia, to make peace and friendship (speaking) 
thus : '' Let peace be made in our league, and let us be friendly to 
each other. On this side (i.e. on our part) we pledge our faith ; 
from no other quarter shall there be a breach in our alliance, O 
our Lord.' They tried to entice ^ into their league the whole army 
of Asur, the guards of my dominion ; they prepared what their 
revenge desired 

* My judges heard of their designs, and derided their cunning. 
They intercepted their envoys with the letters, and perceived the 
work of their treason. They bound those kings hand and foot in 
fetters. The justice of Asur, king of the gods, reached them, be- 

® Oppert translates this clause : * Insuper prsesidia mea ante- 
rioraauxi.' — Ed. ^ Salukakri (Oppert). 

^ This sentence is of doubtful interpretation. Oppert renders 
it : ' Tearco e media j^gypto non retrovadet, reformidatur et vos 

(the gap represents the words asabani mi i-nu, which he 

leaves untranslated). — Ed. 

* 'Hinc fidem obligamus, nunquam peccabitur in fcedere 
nostro aliorsum, domine ' (Oppert). The meaning of the contrast 
— hinc and alioraum — is not quite clear. Is it — * We will keep it 
on our own part, and not let others (the Assyrians) make us 
break it '1— Ed. 

^ Brugsch. Oppert has simply ' illexerunt.' — Ed. 

Digitized by 


270 THE SUBJECT KINGS OF EGrPT. chap. inir. 

cause thejr had siimed agediiBt the commandmentB of the great gods. 
At their hands they fonnd wh«k my vill had devised for them. 
Memphis, Sais, Mendes, Taiiis' — all the cities which they had 
enticed to themselves and which had formed intrignes in the desire 
of revenge, — I subdued with arms, male and female, small and 

great ; they did not leave in them one, they brought into 

my presence. Thus (I spake) : ^' I am Asur-baa-habal .... per- 

forming glorious deeds they delivered up in the dty Karbel- 

mate (* of the great mother,' Le. Sals)." ' 

lY. ' About 20 kings, satraps, commanders of the cities, who 
in Egypt had obeyed my &ther before me — all those kings I gaire 
over to the hand of Nabu-sezibanni, who waited in my presence 

(Some lines are wanting) of Aswcj of Istar, of the gods my 

lords I made a great slaughter of his army over his 

army Nabu 

< Nikuu (Necho) was seized with great terror of my Majesty. 
He left his gods in the city of Memphis, and fled, to save his life, to 
the middle city, Ni (Thebes). I took that city, and placed my 
army in it. 

* Ni-ku-u,^ king of Memphis and SaTs, 
Sar-lu-darri, king of Tanis, 

Pi-sa-an-hu-ru (Pi-son-hor), king of Na-athu-n (Na-athu, Natho), 
Pa-ak-ru-ru (Pa-qror), king of Pi-sa-ptu (Pisapt, in the Arabian 

Pu-uk-ku-na-an-ni*-pi (Bok-en-nifi), king of flA-at-hi-ri-bi (Ha- 

ta-hir-ab, Athribis), 
Na-ah-ki-e, king of Hi-ni-in-si (Khinensu, Heracleopolis), 
Pu-tu-bas-ti (Pef-tut-bast), kiqg of Za'nu (Za'n, Zoan-Tanis), 
XJ-na-mu-nu, king of Na-at-hu-u (Natho), 

Har-si-e-su (Hor-si-ise), king of Zab-an-nuti(Thebnuti,Sebennytu8)y 
Pu-u-iu-ma (Pimai), king of Bi-in-di (Bindid, Mendes), 
Shu-shi-in-qu (Shashanq, Sesonchis), king of Pu-si-ru (Pi-usiri, 


' * The Assyrian names are Mempiy Sai, Bindidi, Sa*nu, 

' M. Oppert (p. 72) quotes the suggestion of M. Lenormant, 
that the Assyrian expression hel-mate is the exact translation of 
the Egyptian royal title ' Lord of the two regions.' — Ed. 

^ The reader will notice that these names are an introductory 
part of the sentence that follows the list. The Egyptian forms of 
the names are placed in ( ) after the Assyrian forms, with the 
classical equivalentS| when they can be recognized. — Ed. 

Digitized by 



Tap-na-akh-ti (Taf-nakhth, TnepbachthciB), king of Pu-nu . . . 

(Pinab, Momemphis 9), 
Ba-ak-ku-na-an-ni'-ipi (Bok-en-nifi), king of Ahnir (On ?),* 
Ipti-harHn-enan (Pet-horngi-ifle), king of Pi-za-atrti-hu-ru-un-pi (Pi 

. . . fl[or-«n-pi), 
Nft-ah-ti-^a-ra-an-shi-ni (Nakbt-Qor-na-shennu), king of Pi-sap- 

Bu-kur-ni-ni-ip (Bok-en-ran-of, Boochoiis), king of Pa-ah-nu-ti, 
Si-ha-a (Zichiau, Tachos), king of Si-ya-a-tu (Slant, Lyoopolis), 
La-mi-in-tu (Na-li-moth, Li-ma-noth=Nimrod), king of i^i-mu-ni 

(Khma-niy Hermopolis Magna), 
Is-pi-ma-tn (Psi-mut), king of Tvi-ni (Tini, Thinis), 
Ma-an-ti-mi-au-hi-6 (Monthu-em-h'a), king of Ni (Ni'a, .Thebes) j — 

these (are the) kings, oommanders, satraps, who in Egypt had 
obeyed my father, (bnt) vho on account of the arms of Tarquu 
had forgotten their allegiance. I brought them back to their state 
of obedience. I recovered (or, restored) Egypt and Echiopia, 
which my father had conquered, I strengthened the garrisons more 
than in former days ; I surrounded them with ditches. With a 
great treasure and splendid booty I returned safe to Nineveh. 

' Afterwards those kings, whom I had subdued, sinned against 

me and broke the commandments of the great gods They 

revolted, and their heart was hardened in wickedness ; they plotted 
the artifices of rebellion ; they sinned wilfully, (saying) : ** Tarquu 
will not go back from his designs upon Egypt ; ^ he is afraid. Do 
ye all watch over your own safety." They sent envoys to Teirquu, 
king of Ethiopia, to make peace and friendship, saying: ''Let 
there be peace in our alliance, and let us be friendly to one another. 
On our part we pledge our faith, and we give as security the land 

the city Never shall there be a desertion in our 

alliance to any other party, O our lord." The army of Assyria, 
the support of my dominion, they tried to seduce to their league ; 
they prepared for their desired revenge. 

' My judges heard of their purpose. They intercepted their 
envoys and their letters, and perceived the works of their treason. 
They seized these kings, and bound them hand and foot in iron 

* So Brugsch, but the line is very imperfect. Oppert gives 
only . . . na^n-du (1) sar Ah , . . . — Ed. 

^ So Bmgsoh. Oppert has 'Tearco ex media ^Egypto non 
retrovadet' — Ed. 

Digitized by 



fetters and iron chains. The vengeance of Asur, king of the gods, 
reached them, and, because they had sinned against the command- 
ments of the great gods, they experienced at their hands what my 
will had devised for them. [The city of Memphis],^ the city of Sals, 
Mendes, l^anis, and all the cities which they had led away with 
them [I took by storm]/ (putting to death) both great and small.' 

According to Oppert's view, here followed the 
account of the conquest of Egypt, the return of Tii-- 
hakah, his death, and the first exploits of his suc- 
cessor, Urdamaneh, who succeeded in reconquering 
Kemi, while he advanced as far as Lower Egypt. 
Thebes was still his capital. Sardanapalus marches 
against Egypt the second time, and defeats the army 

of Urdamaneh. 

[Note by the Editor.] 

[M. Oppert's comments, to which Dr. Brugsch refers, 

are too interesting not to be laid more fully before our 

readers. After the d ocument III. (for he gives Brugsch's 

No. IV. before this) he proceeds (p. 72) : — 

* The thirteen lines which follow relate the first campaign of 
Sardanapalus to the end. This part is, in general, too much muti- 
lated to enable us to give the text; but we find that Tirhakah 
comes to Thebes, and conquers it again. Necho, now a prisoner in 
Assyria, obtains his pardon from Sardanapalus, and returns to 
Egypt ; the Ninevite king giving him presents with the view of 
detaching him from the Ethiopian. Necho makes his entry into 
Sais, and changes its name to Kar-Bel-mate (see the Note on p. 270). 
But an Asiatic governor watches over the Egyptian. Meanwhile 
a son of Necho, who also receives an Assyrian name, Nabu-sezibaniy 
is raised to the kingdom over the city of Mahariba, which is like- 
wise honoured with an Assyrian name, Limir-patisi-Asur, i,e. 
" which the lieutenant of Asur governs." The name of Nabusezi* 
bani is found in Jeremiah xxxix. 13, pTK^na " Nebo, deliver me ! " 

' This inscription gives the complete sequence of the historical 
events. It alone gives an account of the first capture of Thebes by 

^ The phrases in brackets are supplied from the identical nar- 
rative in document III. — Ed. 

Digitized by 



the Assyrians. This event, which the prism doubdess set forth with 
fuller details, waa the result of the Ethiopian intrigues after the 
death of Assar-haddon. Tirhakah, in violation of the treaty, had 
killed, imprisoned, and spoiled the Assyrians who were left in 
Bgypt. Sardanapalus marches against him, and joins in battle 
with him near the city of Karbanit. The Ethiopian, who had 
established his residence at Memphis, retreats on Thebes, whither 
the Assyrians pursue him. The Assyrians, after a forty days' 
inarch, reach Thebes and massacre its inhabitants. 

' This part of the first campaign was contained in the lost por- 
tion of the prism. After the retreat of Tirhakah, Sardanapalus de- 
feats Necho, and then follow the events forming the narrative 
which is preserved. 

' The great document (No. II. above) tells us nothing about 
the sequel of this campaign. Then the document a (No. III.) con- 
tinues the war of Sardanapalus against Urdamaneh, which we 
shall relate presently. Scarcely is Egypt pacified, when Tirhakah 
dies, and his step-son (his wife's son) Urdamaneh succeeds him. 
This king invades Egypt, and forces the Ninevite king to try 
the fortune of war a second time. Urdamaneh had penetrated 
as far as Memphis, whither Sardanapalus marches to attack him. 
Here is the sequel of the inscription, after a chasm of about 
30 lines :— 

* " In ... of my expedition I directed ... my march. Urda- 
maneh heard of the advance of my expedition " — and so forth, as 
inthetext, No. IV.' 

We would also refer the reader to M. Oppert's 
reconstruction of the whole narrative about Tirhakah 
and Urdamaneh from the inscriptions (pp. 80, acq.) 



y. < Urdamaneh heard of the advance of my expedition. He 
[lostt] Me-luh-hi (Meroe) and Egypt, abandoned Memphis, and 
fled to Thebes to save his life. The kings, commanders, and 
satraps, whom I had established in Egypt, came to me and kissed 
my feet. I directed my march in pursuit of {lit. after) Urdamaneh. 
I came to Thebes, the city of his dominion. He saw the sti^ngth 
of my army, and left Thebes (and) fled to the city of Kipkip. Of 


Digitized by 


274 DEATH OF TAHARAQA. chap. xvra. 

that whole city, with thanksgiving to {lit, in adoration of) Asur 
and Istor, my hands took the complete possession. Silver, gold, 
metals, stones, all the treasures of its palace whatsoever, dyed 
garments of berom and linen, great horses (elephants f Oppert), 
men and women, great and small, works of zahali (basalt f ) and 
marble, their kehJ and manzas, the gates of their palace, their . . . 
I tore away and carried to Assyria. I made spoil of [the animals 
of the land] without number, and [carried them forth] in the midst 
out of Thebes. ... of my weapons ... I caused a catalogue to 
be made [of the spoil]. I returned in safety to Nineveh, the dty 
of my dominion.' ® 

The first lines of another document,® which stand in 
immediate connection with the inscription No. Ed., 
present unfortunately great gaps through obliteration. 
According to Oppert's acute researches, they con- 
tained the enumeration of the tributes and the booty, 
which the king of Assyria had carried away out of 
Egypt, as well as the account of the end of the cam- 
paign. Sardanapalus increased the tribute imposed 
by his father, and set up Necho's son, Nabu-sezi- 
banni,^ as governor of the western districts of ]\if aha- 
riba (?) and limirpatesi-Assur. Then the death of 
Tirhakah is touched upon, and the Idng continues 
his record as follows : ^ — 

VT. *The fear of the terror of Asur my lord carried off 
Tarquu, king of Ethiopia, and his destined night came. TJrda- 

® The narratives of the double capture of Thebes by Assur- 
banipal are of singular interest for the light they throw on the 
striking allusion to its fate in Nahum iii. 8-10, which had no known 
historical counterpart till the discovery of these records.^— Ed. 

» The i3 of Oppert, p. 87. * See above, p. 272. 

* M. Oppert (p. 77) remarks on the perplexity caused by the • 
use, in this document, of the 3rd person plural, instead of the Ist 
singular, as seeming to imply that the Assyrian king did not him- 
self go to Thebes. We supply from Oppert's text the first sentence, 
which Dr. Brugsch omits. — Ed. 

Digitized by 


Dra. xxT. ms STEP-SON URDAMANEH. 275 

maneh, the son of his wife,' sat upon the throne, and ruled the land. 
He brought Ni (Thebes) under his power, and collected his strength. 
He led out bis forces to make war and battle against my army, 
and he marched forth {lU. directed his step). With the invocation 
of Abut, Sin, and the great gods, my lords, (my warriors) routed 
him in a great and victorious battle, and broke his prida XJrda- 
maneh fled alone, and entered Thebes, the city of his kingdom. 

* In a march of a month and ten days through intricate roads 
(my warriors) pursued him up to Thebes. They attacked that city 
and razed it to its foundations, like a thunderbolt. Gold, silver, 
the treasure of the land, metals, precious stones, stuffii of berom 
and linen, great horses, men male and female, . . . huge apes, the 
race of their mountains — ^without number (even for skilful counters), 
— ^they took out of the midst of the city, and treated as spoil. 
They brought it entire to Nineveh, the city of my dominion, and 
they kissed my feet.' 

"We have here set before us a remarkable portion 
of the history of E^ypt, in this case not according to 
an Egyptian version, but in the contefcaporaneous 
description of her enemy. The conclusions,., which 
we are justified in drawing from the contents of the 
cuneiform inscriptions, furnish us with the following 
data, as firm foundations for the reconstruction of 
the historical events of this time. 

In the year 680 B.C. (according to Oppert's cal- 
culations), Sennacherib, king of Assyria, died, and 
Assarhaddon (Esarhaddon) succeeded in his stead. 
Towards the end of his reign (about 670 B.C.), Assar- 
haddon attacked Egypt, defeated the reigning king of 

' In this passage, on one of the cylinders, XJrdamaneh is called 
< the son of Sabaku,' from which it may be inferred that Tirhakah, 
after displacing Sabaoo, married that king's wife (see Birch's Ancient 
ffUtory/ram the Monuments : Egypt^ p. 1 69). This discovery affords 
another illustration of the disturbed and complicated relations be- 
tween the Ethiopian kings of this period (oomp. pp. 264, 277). — Ed. 


Digitized by 


276 SUMMARY OF THE RECORD. chap. xvin. 

Ethiopia and Egypt, Taharaqa (Tarkuu), and set up 
petty kings (sar) and satraps in the land, from the 
northern sea-board to the city of Thebes. The com- 
plete list of these we have already laid before our 
readers. We have now to add that the king, on his 
return out of Egypt, had an immense memorial tablet 
constructed on the surface of the rock at the mouth 
of the Nahr-el-Kelb, in the neighbourhood of Beirout, 
near that of his father, as a monument of his victory 
over Tarquu. Henceforth Assarhaddon styles him- 
self ' King of Muzur (Lower Egypt), of Paturusi (the 
Egyptian Patoris, Upper Egypt), and of Miluhhi 

Scarcely had this king died (668 B.C.), when 
Tarquu broke the treaties and seized the city of 
Memphis, while at the same time he made a league 
with several of the under-kings, who had been 
acknowledged or set up by Assarhaddon, for driving 
the Assyrians out of Egypt. At the head of the 
petty kings, as arch-conspirators, stood Nikuu of 
Memphis and Sais, Sar-lu-da-ri of Zi'nu, and Pa-ak- 
ru-ru of Pi-saptu. 

The Assyrian satraps and the other adherents of 
the king, those who had been set up by Assarhaddon, 
were driven out, and fled to Nineveh, to ask pro- 
tection and the punishment of king Tarquu. Sar- 
danapalus V.,* the son of Assarhaddon, who had 
been meanwhile crowned as king, was not slow in 
acting upon his sense of indignation, and marched 
against Egypt with a great army. The further de- 

^ Assurbanipaly Sardanapalus YI. according to Oppert. — ^Ed. 

Digitized by 



tails are placed before us with aU needful clearness 
in the duplicate records of the cuneiform inscriptions. 

In these events a conspicuous part was played by 
the king Nikuu, or Neku (Nechao, Necho, Neco), of 
Sais and Memphis, the son of that Tafnakhth who 
had opposed so long and obstinate a resistance to the 
Ethiopian king K-ankhi. Carried in fetters to Nine- 
veh, he succeeded in obtaining pardon from Sarda- 
napalus and his renewed estabhshment as petty king 
of Sais and Memphis. Of his violent end, according 
to the Greek accounts,^ the inscriptions give us no 

A thick veil covers the ensuing times, in which 
the Ethiopians occupy the foreground of Egyptian 
history. Taharaqa, Pi-ankhi (with his oft-named wife, 
Ameniritis), Shabak and Shabatak — aU appear as 
contemporary, and are frequently introduced in con- 
nection with each other. Their family relationships 
are set forth with aU exactness on the large Genea- 
logical Table.^ K we might give credit to the lists of 
Manetho, they would seem to have reigned in suc- 
cession^ over Patoris, whose capital, Thebes, retains 
manifold evidences of their presence; but we are 
unable to find anything in the monuments to con- 
firm this succession. 

' Herodotus (ii. 152) says that Neoo (NcVbiv), the father of 
PsammitichuSy was put to deatib by Sahaoo, the Ethiopian. — £p. 

^ Table IV. Compare above, p. 275. 

7 They stand in Manetho as follows : — 

Shabak (Sabacon) 12 years. 

Shabatak (Sebichus) 12 ,, 

Taharaqa (Taracus) 26 ,, 

Digitized by 


278 THE ETmOPIAXS. CHAP. xrnr. 

Upon a sitting statue of king Shabatak in stone, 
unfortunately much broken, among the ruins on the 
site of Memphis, a brief inscription calls the Pharaoh 
thus represented Miptah Shabatak. But the latter 
name has already in ancient times been rendered half 
illegible by chisel-strokes, evidently made for the 
express purpose of obliterating the name of a usurper 
of the throne. 

At Thebes, the memorials of king Taharaqa and 
of an Egyptian under-king have lasted the longest. 
He had given liberal tokens of his regard for the 
sanctuary of Apis by buildings and presents, and it is 
no wonder, therefore, that the walls of the temple 
sound his praise .in ^varied strams. 

On the other hand, an entire stone wall in the 
temple of Mut at Thebes preserves the list of the 
benefits received from a contemporary of the king. 
He had the festivals of the gods celebrated after the 
ancient usage; he provided the needful sacrifices; 
set up statues of the gods (even after the Assyrian 
model) and built the sacred barks ; renewed the 
parts that had fallen into ruin, even to the enclosing 
wall; and caused the sacred pool and the canals 
to be lined with stone walls from the bottom. He 
also served Taharaqa as his faithftil counsellor and 

This man was the eminent Egyptian Month- 
em-ha, a son of Nes-ptah, priest of Amon, and his 
wife Nes-khonsu. Month-em-ha was fourth prophet, 
and finally second prophet of the Theban Amon, 
and, like his father, a governor of Ni' (Thebes). At 

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the same time he is mentioned in the inscriptions as 
the ' chief of the governors of Patoris.' There must 
have been some special reason for his high distinc- 
tion in the Thebaid, since he himself relates how 
' [he] had smitten the enemy in the nomes of Patoris.' 
I recognize in him (as I have said) a faithful ally and 
friend of Taharaqa, who invested him with the go- 
vernment of the country named above.® He is the 
person whom the above-quoted Assyrian text intro- 
duces in the list of the petty kings, as Ma-an-ti-mi- 
an-hi-e, Sar of Ni' (Thebes), — a tolerably faithful 
transcription of the Egyptian name, Month-em-ha. 
Thus in this respect also the Assyrian narrative 
appears to have received a striking corroboration. 

In the son of Taharaqa's wife, XJrdamaneh, as the 
Assyrian text calls him, is certainly preserved the 
name of the king, Eud-amon, who is referred to on 
the Egyptian monuments. For the chronological 
position of this king I refer to the large Genealogical 
Table,^ where I have inserted him as the second king 
of this name, inasmuch as his grandfather, Eudamon I., 
is described as the father-in-law of Pef-tot-bast, the 
' satrap ' and afterwards ' vassal ' of Pi-ankhi, and 
hence he belongs to a considerably earlier generation. 

® On this whole subject the reader should compare the hiero- 
glyphic inscriptioiis and the pictures in Mariette's Kamak (PI. 
42-44). On a round enamelled plate, which was found in the 
temple of Mut (Fl. 47, 6), he bears the titles of ' hereditary 
lord, commander, prince of Patoris, president of the prophets, 
second prophet of Amon of Ape, fourth prophet of Amon, 

» Table IV. Comp. above, p. 275. 

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I have hitherto passed over the name of the king, 
who is introduced in the lists of Manetho as the sole 
Pharaoh of the Twenty-fourth Dynasty, of Sais. I 
refer to king Bocchoris, whom Sabaco took prisoner 
and burnt alive, as is stated in the extracts from 
Manetho. Hence the two appear as contemporaries. 
Mariette has recognized in this king the Uah-ka- 
RA Bek-en-ran-ep, whose Apisnsarcophagus (of the 
6th year of the king) was placed in the same 
chamber of the Serapeum, in which the deceased 
Apis of the 37th year of king Shashanq IV. was 
deposited. Here then we have brought to light 
a new connection in time between Bocchoris and 
Shashanq IV. 

This same Bek-en-ran-ef appears again in the As- 
syrian Ust of the Egyptian petty kings, under the 
name of Bu-kur-ni-ni-ip, as sar of Pa-ah-nu-ti. The 
name of the city is not to be confused with the As- 
syrian transcription of Sais, the city from which 
Bocchoris had his origin ; but it must have denoted 
some other place in Egjrpt. 

At aU events, Bek-en-ran-ef belonged to the 
number of the petty kings who had formed a con- 
nection with the younger contemporaries of Taharaqa. 
It is difficult to lay hold of the clue in this compli- 
cation of persons of royal race belonging to the 
Egyptian and Ethiopian famiUes. Our Genealogical 
Table ^ marks the first attempt to exhibit the chief 
members of these houses in their family relation- 

1 Table IV. 

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At length Psamethik I., — the great-grandson of 
that Taf-nakhth who was the opponent of the Ethio- 
pian Pi-ankhi, — comes to the forefront of the history, 
as the deliverer of his country from the condition of 
the Dodecarchy — the name which the Greeks chose 
to describe that period. His marriage with the 
Ethiopian heiress, Shep-en-apet — the great-grand- 
daughter of the above-named Pi-ankhi, a daughter of 
king Pi-ankhi, and his beautiful queen Ameniritis — 
restored peace and order to the distracted relations 
of the royal succession. Eegarded in this light, the 
founder of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty appears prac- 
tically as the reconciler of all rival claims. The 
daughter of the renowned queen of Kush and Patoris, 
in giving her hand to the petty king of Sais, brought 
Patoris as a wedding-gift to her husband ; and thus 
Egypt was again united into a great kingdom. 

The splendid alabaster statue of the queen-mother 
Ameniritis, which was found at Karnak and now 
adorns the rooms of the Egyptian Museum at Boulaq, 
is, from this point of view, a most important and sug- 
gestive memorial of that age. Sweet peace seems to 
hover about her features ; even the flower in her 
hand suggests her high mission as reconciler of the 
long feud. 

At her feet is the following inscription, which her 
contemporaries dedicated to her; though the bitter 
hatred of ingrained animosity prevailed so far as to 
^rase the names of her brother and her father — as 
t>€ing Ethiopians — from the enclosure of Jheir royal 
sMelds: — ^^ -'"■ 7"'- 

282 THE ETHIOPIANS. chap. xviu. 

' This is an offering for the Thehan Amon-ra, of Ape, to the 
god Monthu-ra, the lord of Thehes. 

' May he grant everything tliat is good and pure, by which the 
divine (nature) lives, all that the heaven bestows and the earth 
bnngB forth, to the princess, the most pleasant, the most gracious, 
the kindest and most amiable queen of Upper and Lower Egypt, 
the sister of the king [Sabaco] the ever-living, the daughter of the 
deceased king [Kashta], the wife of the divine one,' — ^Amenibitis. 
May she live ! ' 

On the backx)f her statue she is introduced as 

speaking. Among other things, she says : — 

' I was the wife of the divine one, a benefactress to her city 
(Thebes), a bounteous giver for her land. I gave food to the 
hungry, drink to the thirsty, clothes to the naked.' 

The reader will allow me here to append the dis- 
cussion of a question, which is not without im- 
portance for determining the descent of the kings of 
this period, although it involves considerations purely 
etymological. I am here repeating the opinions I 
expressed in a separate essay, several years ago. No 
one can fail to observe, that the majority of Ethiopian 
royal names, of men as weU as women, terminate in 
the letters k or q^ and towards the end they show a 
strikingly frequent recurrence of the elements, ata 
and ta. I need only cite the names Shaba-k, Shab- 
ata-k, Tahara-q (or Tahara-q-a), Kash-ta, Kanta-ki 
(Candace), and I may here likewise add the names 
Psam-eti-k and Ne-ku. 

A similar peculiarity is shown in the existing lan- 

* This epithet is to be referred either to her husband, king 
Pi-ankhi, or, as is more probable, to the god Amon, as whose 
hi^-priestesses the queens of Patoris used to bear the title : ' Wife 
of the god Amon.' 

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guage of the Nubian Bantbra, which is still spoken at 
this day, in three dialects, by the inhabitants of the 
Nubian Nile-valley, from Edfou to Jebel Deqa. In 
this language the article appears as a suffix, without 
distinction of gender, in the forms k^ ka^ki^gi^ ga^ qa^ 
y, as, for example, in the following tiames of places : 
Pi-la-q (Phiifie, in old Egyptian also Pila-q;* Kishi-^ga 
(near Qirsh), Da-ke, Ala-qa, Maharra-qa, Korus-qo, 
Tosh-ke, Am-qe, Esh-qe, Am-qa, Son-qi, Fer-*qe, 
Moqra-qe, Sede'm-qa, and so forth. In this language 
the Genitive stands before the Nominative, the two 
being frequently connected by an interposed n, as in 
the names of places compounded with arti, * island,' 
as : Banga-n-arti, ^ locust-island,' Taba-n-arti, Uru-n- 
arti, * king's-island ' (whence its Arabic name, Jeziret- 
el-melik), Nilu-arti, Mar-arti, * durra-island,' Eom-n- 
arti, 'camel-island.' The well-known word Senaar, 
denoting the insular region between the Blue and 
White Nile, south of Khaartoum, is compounded ef 
Essi-n-arti, * river island.' 

The very frequent termination kol^ kal^ kul, &c., 
serves to denote a mountain or rock ; whence such 
names of places as Ambou-kol, 'hill of the dome-palm,' 
in Arabic Abou-dom, 'father of the dome-palm,' 
Kedin-kal, Kodo-kol, Kuru-kol, Ko-n-keli, ' lions'- 
mount,' Mara-kol, ' durra-mount.' The well-known 

* From the Ethiopic Pila-q the Greeks formed the well-known 
name Philai (PhilsB), by dropping the final article, as if they knew 
that this formed no essential part of the word. Just the same 
course was taken by the Hebrews, who changed the name of the 
Ethiop-Egyptian king Shaba-k (' male-cat-the ') to the simple form 
Sewe (Shab, ' male-cat '). 

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284 THE ETHIOPIANS. chap. xvm. 

Mount Bar-kal certainly owes its name to an older 
form Berna-kal, * Mount of Meroe/ unless we should 
give the preference to Buru-kol, * virgins'-mount.' 
The southernmost of all the Kols is the Arash-kol in 
Kordofan, on the west bank of the White Nile. 

The word ato, or, strengthened with the article, 
ato-ki^ signifies * the son ; ' whence, for example, 
Kash-gi-n-ato-gi, * the-son-of-the-horse,'* that is, ' the 
foal.' The Barabra are very fond of personal names 
taken from animals conspicuous for their appearance 
or strength. Timsach, ' crocodile,' and Nimr, * pan- 
ther,' are to this day current among that people as 
names of honour. It seems to have been just the 
same in ancient times ; for the greater number of the 
Ethiopian royal names can be completely explained 
by help of the existing language of the Barabra. 
Thus Shab-k (Sabaco) answers to the present Sab-ki, 
' the male cat,' a designation which is the more strik- 
ing, as, at the epoch of king Sabaco, not a few per- 
sons among the Egyptians, including even kings, 
called themselves Pi-ma or Pi-mai, ' the male cat.' 
King Shabata-k, the son of Sabaco, is in the Barabra 
language Sab-ato-ki, ' the male cat's son,' just as a 
Barabran word Kash-ato, ' horse's-son,' lies at the 
base of the name Kash-ta. In hke manner the 
Graeco-Ethiopic proper name Ammonat is explained 
as Amon-ato, ' Amon's-son,' and finally the Cushite 
name of Nimrod (so familiar to us) is equivalent to 
Nimr-ato, ' panther's-son/ 

* But the inverse order of the English would correspond to the 
Ethiopic, thus : * horse- the-son-of-the.' — Ed, 

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I regret that space does not allow me to follow 
out here the further conclusions, which I have de- 
duced from a comparison of the little known lan- 
guage of the Barabra with the Ethiopian proper 
names. But at all events I was anxious not to omit 
calling the reader's attention to the almost unknown 
treasures of a language, the importance of which for 
historical investigation should by no means be under- 
valued. I will only add the concluding remark, that 
within the Barabra language there are preserved no 
small number of old-Egyptian, nay even of Greek 
words, which attest an early connection and a long 
intercourse with the Egyptian people. Thus ur, uru, 
means * king ' (Egypt, ur), whence uru-n-arti, * king's 
island ; ' nabi, ' gold ' (Eg. nub) ; kafa, ' arm ' (Eg. 
kabu) ; ashiran, * bean ' (Eg. arushana) ; uel, ' dog ' 
(Eg. uher, uhel) ; hada (Eg. hoite), ' hyena ; ' minne 
(Eg. mini, minnu), * dove ; ' al (Eg. ial), ' mirror ; ' 
siwuit (Eg. sifet), ' sword ; ' nibit (Eg. nibiti), * mat ; ' 
kirage (Grk. kyriak^), 'Sunday;' korgos (Grk. 
krokios), * yellow ; ' and many others. 

The name of Psamethik also belonged to the 
Ethiopic language. I will elsewhere give the full 
proof that its signification was 'son of the Sun.' 
With him, in fact, a new sunlight breaks forth for 
Egypt, even though it were only that of the evening 
sun, illuminating with its brightness the setting of 
the great monarchy on the Nile. 

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Succession of the Kings, with the Dates of their 

Dynasty XXVI., of SaIs. 

Psamethik I. (Psametichus, PsammitichtiB) 
Neku (Nechao, Neoo) . 
Psamethik II. (Psametichus) 
Uah-ab-ra (Apries or Uaphris) 
Aahmes (Amasis) . 
Psamethik III. (Psametichus) 



Dynasty XXVII. Persians. 

Cambyses (Kanbnza) 527 

Darius I. (Nthariush) 521 

Xerxes I. (Khskhiarsh) 486 

(Khabbash, Egyptian anti-king) 

Artaxerxes (Artashesesh) .... 465 

Xerxes II 425 

Sogdianus — 

Darius II 424 

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Dynasty XXVin., or SaTs. 
...» (Amyrtaeus). 

Dynasty XXIX., of Mendbs. 


Naif-an-rot I. (NephMrites) .... 399 

Hagar (Akoris) 393 

[Fsarmut] (Psamuthis) 380 

[Naif-an-Tot II.] (Nephorites) . . .379 

Dynasty XXX., op Skbennytus. 

Nakht-hor-hib (Nectarebes) .... 378 

Zi-ho (TeoB, Tachos) 360 

Kakhirneb-ef (Nectanebus) . .358 

Dynasty XXXI. Persians. 

Ochus 340 

Arses 338 

Darius ni 336 

Conqaest of Egypt by Alexander tibe Great . 332 

We are standing beside the open grave of the 
%yptian kingdom.^ The array of kings, whose 
names are enrolled in these last dynasties — some of 
them native and some foreigners — appear as the 
bearers of the old decaying corpse, whose last light 
of Ufe flickered up once more in the Dynasty of Sai's, 
only to go out soon and for ever. The monuments 
become more and more silent, from generation to 
generation, and from reign to reign. The ancient 
seats of splendour, Memphis and Thebes, have fallen 

1 See Note at the end of Chapter XX. 

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288 THE NEW KINGDOM. cha.p. xix. 

into ruin, or at all events are depopulated and de- 
serted. The strong bulwark of the * white citadel ' 
of Memphis alone serves as a refuge for the per- 
secuted native kings and their warriors in times of 
need. The Persian satraps dwell in the old royal 
halls of the city. The whole people has grown feeble 
with age, disordered to the marrow, and exhausted 
by the lengthened struggle of the petty kings and 
the satraps of the mighty power of Assyria. 

The Persians, who after a short interval took up 
the part played by the Assyrians, gave Egypt her 
final deathblow. Although, by his sage and well- 
calculated measures, the distinguished king Psame- 
thik I. succeeded in gaining the throne, as sole sove- 
reign, for himself and his descendants ; and though 
the monuments, from the extant ruins of Sa'is to the 
weather-worn rocks of Elephantine, show the scat- 
tered traces of the rule of the Pharaohs of the 
Twenty-sixth Dynasty ; nevertheless the old splendour 
was gone — no Ptah, no Hormakhu, no Amon, any 
longer attests his help, or his thanks to the lord of 
the land for his great deeds. 

The city of Sai (Sais), in whose temples the great 
Mother of the Gods, Neit, was invoked and hallowed, 
standing near the sea, easily accessible for the Greek 
and Persian * foreigners,' formed the last revered 
divine sanctuary under the Pharaohs, and the new 
capital of the kingdom, whence the kings issued their 
edicts to the land. 

When Alexander the Great entered Egypt as a 
conqueror and deliverer, Sais in its turn became de- 

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serted and forlorn. The new capital of Alexandria 
— ^which is called * the fortress of the king of Upper 
and Lower Egypt, Alexander, on the shore of the 
great sea of the lonians : it was before called Ka-kot 
(Bacotis),'* — succeeded to the inheritance of Thebes, 
Memphis, and Sais, assuredly not for the welfare of 
the Egyptians. All that they lost, all they were 
doomed to lose, turned to the profit of the young 
and energetic world in the North. Alexandria was 
one of the capitals of the world, with all the privi- 
leges and disadvantages pertaining to such a rank. 
The city itself grew with incredible speed ; her foun- 
dations were laid from the destroyed temples and 
monuments of Sais, which found a new destination in 
the construction of the royal palaces, temples, foun- 
tains, canals, and other public works. Thus was the 
yonng Grecian capital of the world built on the 
ruined greatness of ancient Egypt. 

Strong as is the impression of pity made by the 
sight of this miserable end to the mighty empire of 
the Pharaohs, yet the temples and edifices built ' to 
last hundreds of thousands of years ' could ofier no 
resistance to the perishableness of all things earthly ; 
for it was not in their everlasting stones, but on the 
enduring loyalty of their people, that the Pharaohs 
should have established their imperishable monu- 
ment. The harassed and exhausted people, per- 
secuted with war and oppression, a plaything for the 

* Compare my Essay, ' A Decree of the Satrap Ptolemeus, the 
son of Lagus/ in the AegypL Zeitschrift, 1871, p. 2. For a farther 
acoonnt of the text referred to, see below, p. 315. 

VOL. n. U 

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290 THE NEW KINGDOM. chap. xix. 

caprices and ambition of their princes, easily broke 
their faith, when they no longer received their re- 
ward in the fidelity and affection of their rulers. De- 
graded into the mere means to a selfish end, it was 
the same to them whom they served, whether As- 
syrian, Persian, or Greek. No foreign prince could 
prove worse to them than Pharaoh and his court. 

From this epoch the monuments are conspicuously 
silent. There are only isolated inscriptions, contain- 
ing no more records of the victories of each age, but 
continual songs of woe, which we must read between 
the Knes. They form the dying swan-song of the 
mighty empire on the NUe. 

It is no longer the everlasting stone or monument 
that makes known to us the unenviable fortune of 
the land; but the inquisitive Greek, who travels 
through the Nile-vaUey under the protection of the 
Persians or the kings of his own race and gathers 
his information from ignorant interpreters, becomes 
henceforth the source of our knowledge. 

The reader will find the history of Egypt, accord- 
ing to the classical accounts, from the year 666 B.C. 
to the times of the Greeks and Eomans, in every 
handbook of Ancient History. But from this we 
refrain, as inconsistent with our purpose of depicting 
Egypt only according to the monuments.^ What 
these teach us, in some conspicuous examples, of the 
last days of the kingdom of the Pharaohs, will form 
the conclusion of our work. 

' For those readers, who may feel — cus we oarselves have felt — 
a certain inoompleteness in the mere fragments of monumental 
records which seem to want the background of continuous history 
for the real understanding of their value, we have added the brief 
Bummary at the end of Chapter XX.— Ed. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

DIB. Tin. 






Pttmethik I. Neko. 

PaBineihlk n. Uahabra 

Aahmea Piaxnethik III. 

§ I. The Twenty-sixth Dynasty. 

The monuments of this time, belonging to the 
seventh and sixth centuries B.C.,* are distinguished by 
a peculiar beauty — one might almost use the word 
elegance — ^in which we cannot fail to recognize 
foreign, that is, Greek influence. An extreme neat- 
ness of manipulation in the drawings and lines, in 
imitation of the best epochs of art in earUer times, 
serves for the instant recognition of the work of this 
age, the fineness of which often reminds us of the 
performances of a seal-engraver. The work, exe- 
cuted in the hardest stone with a finish equal to 
metal-casting, bears the character of a gentle and 
almost feminine delicacy, which has impressed upon 
the imitations of hving creatures the stamp of an 
incredible refinement both of conception and execu- 
tion. The little statues, holding a shrine, of the 
Saite dignitary Pi-tebhu, son of Psamethik-Seneb, and 
the monument (of which we shall have more to say) 
of XJza-hor-en-pi-ris in the Vatican at Eome ; ^ the 
stone sarcophagi of the Saite dignitaries, Auf-ao, 
sumamed Noferabra-Minit (among whose offices we 
find that of ' chief overseer of the Ionian peoples '), 
of Nahkt-hor-hib, called Nofer-hor-monkh, and of 

^ Most of these monuments were obtained from excavations at 
Sais, and are in the Museums of Italy. 
^ Compare p. 304. 


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292 DYNASTY OF SAIS. chap. xix. 

Psamethik, in the same city ; — the famous cow of the 
celestial Hathor, and the statues of Osiris and Isis, 
the offerings of a certain Psamethik, in whose grave 
in the cemetery of Memphis these images of serpen- 
tine were found, which now form the admired master- 
pieces of the collection at Boulaq ; — the splendid pair 
of. lions of king Nahkt-neb-ef, which he dedicated to 
the Egyptian Hermes of Hermopohs Parva (now in the 
Vatican) ; — the numberless statuettes in bronze of the 
goddess Neit of Sa'is : — these, and a hundred similar 
works of sculpture, fiimish instructive examples of the 
refinement and dehcacy of the monuments which came 
from the hands of the artists of the age now in question. 
The return to the good old times, from which 
the inteUigent artist took the models of his works, is 
proved by monuments, not few in number, upon which 
the representations, both of lifeless objects and of 
living creatures, standing out in rehef upon a flat sur- 
face,^ call to remembrance the masterpieces of the old 
kingdom. In fact, even to the newly created dignities 
and titles, the return to ancient times had become 
the general watchword. The stone door-posts, which 
were found in a house of the age of the kings named 
Psamethik in the mounds of debris at Mit-Rahineh (now 
at Boulaq), the offering of a certain Psamethik-nofer- 
sem, reveal the old Memphian style of art mirrored in 
its modern reflection after the lapse of 4,000 years. 

^ The special character of the work referred to is that called 
intaglio rilevatOy in which the outUne of the figure is cut deep into 
the stone, and the surface rises towards the central parts in curves 
adapted to the proportions of the figure. An exquisite specimen 
of this age is seen in a piece of a frieze in the British Museum. — Ed. 

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While this effort to return to antiquity on the 
artistic side called forth distinctive aims in the pro- 
vince of aesthetics, which has hence been designated 
by the name of the Egyptian renaissance, so to 
another side of the national life — that of the old 
Egyptian theology and the esoteric traditions of the 
priestly schools — a new contribution appears to have 
been made, modelled closely after the Graeco-Asiatic 
pattern, which was far from harmonizing with the 
old wisdom taught in the temples. Beside the gi-eat 
established gods of the old-Egyptian theology, there 
now come forward upon the monuments monstrous 
forms, the creations of a widely-roving fancy, which 
peopled the whole world, heaven, earth, and the 
subaqueous and subterranean depths, with demons 
and genii, of whom the older age and its pure doc- 
trine had scarcely an idea. 

Exorcisms of the demons in all manner of forms, 
from wild beasts with their ravening teeth to the 
scorpion with his venomous sting, formed henceforth 
a special science, which was destined to supersede the 
old and half-lost traditional lore of past ages. The 
demon-song of ' The old man who regained his youth, 
the hoary one who became young,' the exorcisms of 
Thot and the powers of witchcraft in league with 
him, are the favourite themes which cover the 
polished surfaces of the monuments of this remark- 
able time of transition. A priest Ankh-Psamethik, a 
son of the lady Thent-nub, finds an ancient writing in 
the temple of the Mnevis-buU of Heliopohs, in the time 
of king Nakht-hor-hib, and forthwith a whole stone 

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294 DYNASTY OF SAJS. chap. xix. 

is adorned with indescribably fine inscriptions and 
the most elegant figures — a unique work of art, which 
now forms the most remarkable ornament of Prince 
Mettemich's collections at Konigswerth in Bohemia* 

The above-named founder of the Thirtieth Dynasty- 
seems to have found particular delight in this new- 
world, full of overstrained creations. All the walls of 
the sanctuary in the temple of Amon, founded by 
Darius I. in the Great Oasis of El Khargeh (the 
ancient ffibis), are covered with such demoniacal 
representations, the explanation of which is httle 
aided by the annexed inscriptions. Their origin goes 
back to the same king, Nakht-hor-hib. The last 
Egyptian king, Nakht-neb-ef, earned the cheap repu- 
tation of an exorcist. He was a famous magician, 
who left Egypt and fled into Ethiopia, laden with 
rich treasures — never to return ! 

A flood of hght has been thrown on the chrono- 
logical relations — to the very day as well as year — 
of the several reigns of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty, 
since the discovery of memorial stones {steloe) of the 
Apis-bulls in the Serapeum at Memphis; and they 
have rendered even greater service by their data of 
time than by their occasional revelations of ihe part 
taken by the kings of that age in the honours paid to 
the bulls, both hving and deceased. We subjoin the 
translations of the most important of these memorial 
inscriptions, in order to place our readers in a position 
to form their own judgment on the significance of 
these inscriptions for the purposes referred to. 

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Tablet I. 

'Year 20^ month Mesori, day 20, tmder the reign of king 
Psamethik I., the Majesty of the living Apis departed to heaven. 
This god was carried in peace (to his burial) to the beautifol land 
of the West, in the year 21, month Paophi, day 25 ; having been 
bom in the 26th year of the king of Upper Egypt, Taharaqa ; and 
after having been inaugurated at Memphis in the month Phar- 
muthi, on day 9. (The total) makes 21 years/ ' 

Tablet II. 

After the full name of king Psamethik I., we 
read : — 

* In the year 52, under the reign of this god, information was 
brought to his Majesty : '' The temple of thy father Osiris- Apis, 
with what is therein, is in no choice condition. Look at the holy 
corpses (the bulls), in what a state they are ! Decay has usurped 
its place in their chambers." Then his Majesty gave orders to 
make a renovation in his temple. It was made more beautiful 
than it had been before. 

' His Majesty caused all that is due to a god to be performed 
for him (the deceased bull) on the day of his burial. All the 
dignitaries took the oversight of what had to be overseen. The 
holy corpse was embalmed with spices, and the oere^oths were 
of byssus, the fabric becoming for all the gods. His chambers 
were pannelled with ket-wood, sycomore-wood, acacia-wood, and 
the best sorts of wood. Their carvings were the likenesses of men 
in a chamber of state. A courtier of the king was appointed speci- 
ally for the ofSce of imposing a contribution for the work on the 
inner country and the lower country of Egypt.' 

As Mariette has already proved conclusively, 
Psamethik I. was the founder of a new gallery and 

^ Besides its determination of the lifetime of the Apis in 
question, this record is of special importance for the length of the 
reign of king Taharaqa. The reading — 'made in the year 21,' 
which has not the least grammatical foundation — is absolutely 
contradicted by other inscriptions containing similar data. (See 
what is said bdow, under the reign of Cambyses, p. 299.) 

Digitized by 


296 DYNASTY OF SAIS. cfap. xix. 

new sepulchral chambers (with pannelled woodwork, 
as the inscription informs us), in the subterranean 
necropolis of the holy Apis-buUs. This was done, 
according to the above inscription, in the 52nd year 
of his reign, on the occasion of the burial of a bull 
who died at that time. 

Tablet III. 

'Year 16, month Khoiakh, day 16, under the reign of king 
Nekn, the ever-living, the friend of Apis-Osiris. This is the day 
of the burial of this god, and of the arrival of this god in peace 
into the nether world. His interment was accomplished at kis 
burial-place in his holy house in the Libyan Desert near Memphis, 
after they had fulfilled for him all that is customary in the chambers 
of purification, as has been done from early times. 

< He was bom in the year 53, in the month Mekhir, on the 
19th day, under the reign of king Psamethik I. He was brought 
into the temple of Ptah (of Memphis) in the year 54, in the month 
Athyr, on the 12th day. His union with life took place [in the 
year 16,] month Paophi, day 6. The whole duration of his life 
amounted to 16 years, 7 months, 17 days. 

' His Majesty king Neku II. supplied all the costs and every- 
thing else in splendour and glory for this sublime god. He built 
his subterranean tomb of fine white limestone in well-wrought 
workmanship. The like of it was never done before.' 

Tablet IY. 

* Year 12, month Payni, day 21, imder the reign of the king 
Uah-ab-ra,® the friend of Apis-Osiris, the god was carried in peace 
to the good region of the West. His interment was accomplished 
in the West of the Libyan Desert near Memphis, after they had 
fulfilled for him all that is customary in the chambers of purifica- 
tion. The like was never done since the early times. 

' This god departed to heaven in the year 12, month Pharmuthi, 
day 12. He was bom in the year 16, month Paophi, day 7, 

^ The Pharaoh-Hophra of the Bible, and the Apries of Hero- 

Digitized by 



under the reign of king Neku IL, the ever-living. Hib introduc- 
tian into the temple of Ptah took place in the year 1, month Epiphi, 
daj 9y under the reign of king Psamethik II. The full life-time 
of this god waa 17 years, 6 months, 5 days. 

* The god-like henefactor Uah-ab-ra supplied all the costs and 
eveiything else in splendour and glory for this suhlime god. Thus 
has he done for him, who bestows life and prospeiity for ever.' 

Tablet Y.» 

* Year 23, month Pakhons, day 15, under the reign of king 
Khnum-ab-r'a (Amasis), who bestows life for ever,- the god was 
carried in peace to the good region of the West. His interment 
in the nether-world was accomplished, in the place which his 
Majesty had prepared — never had the like been done since early 
times — after they had fulfilled for him all that is customary, in 
the chambers of purification ; for his Majesty bore in mind what 
Horus had done for his father Osiris. He had a great sarcophagus 
of rose granite made for him, because his Majesty approved the 
custom, that all the kings in every age had caused it (the sarco- 
phagus of each Apis-bull) to be made out of costly stone. He 
caused curtains of woven stuflfe to be made as coverings for the 
south side and the noHh side (of the sarcophagus). He had his 
talismans put therein, and all his ornaments of gold and costly 
precious stones. They were prepared more splendidly than ever 
before, for his Majesty had loved the living Apis better than all 
(the other) kings. 

' The holiness of this god went to heaven in the year 23, month 
Phamenoth, day 6. His birth took place in the year 5, month 
Thot, day 7 ; his inauguration at Memphis in the month Payni, 
day 8. The full lifetime of this god amounted to 18 years, 6 
months. ^ This is what was done for him by Aahmes Si-Neit, 
who bestows pure life for ever.* 

The granite sarcophagus of this bull still stands to 
this day in situ in the Serapeum. On the cover are 
inscribed the words : — 

^ From Dr. Brugsch's Additions and Corrections, The text 
of the History gives only a summary of the dates derived from the 
inscription . — Ed, 

Digitized by 





' The king Amasis. He has caused this to be made for his 
memorial of the living Apis, (namely) this huge saroophagos of 
red granite, for his Majesty approved the custom, that all the 
kings in all ages had had such made of costly stones. This did he, 
the bestower of life for ever.' 

While we are on the subject of the Apis-buUs 
and their gravestones, this is the best place to remark 
that under the Persian Empire also, as well as after- 
wards under the Lagidae, the deceased Apis-buUs 
were solemnly buried at the cost of the kings in the 
Serapeum of Memphis. Besides the embalming and 
the funeral pomp, the kings were put to great expense 
for the restoration of the subterranean tombs, which 
were hewn out of the rock, each abeady during the 
lifetime of the Apis for which it was destined. Be- 
sides, the construction of the sepulchral vault required 
some time. On a memorial tablet inscribed with 
demotic characters, of the time of Ptolemy 11., I find 
the following data as to the time occupied in the 
work : — 

From the year 32, 21st Pajni, to the 
year 33, Ist Paophi, excavating the 

From the year 33, 4th Paophi, to [the 
year 33, 9th Pharmuthi], finishing the 

In the year 37, 8th Mesori, transport of 
sarcophagus; time .... 

In the year 38, 17th Athyr, the comple- 
tion of the whole edifice ; time . 

Working Time 


HonthB 1 Days 










In the reign of Cambyses there occurred the 

Digitized by 



death of one Apis, and the birth of another. This 
latter was born in the 5th year of the king, on the 
28th day of the month Tybi ; he died in th« 4th year 
of Darius I., on the 3rd day of the month Pakhons ; 
and seventy days later he was buried according to 
the prescribed usages. The whole length of his life 
amounted to seven years, three months, five days. 
His predecessor was the very Apis whom, according 
to the accounts of the Greek writers, Cambyses is 
said to have slain with the sword, immediately after 
his return from his disastrous expedition against 
Ethiopia ; — a story on which little reliance can be 
placed. According to an inscription, first found by 
me in Egypt, but unfortunately much mutilated, this 
Apis was buried in the Serapeum ' in the 4th year * 
of th-e king's reign, * in the month Epiphi ' (the day 
not being specified). On the same stone we see Cam- 
byses represented, under his regal name of Sam-taui ^ 
Mastu-ra, in a kneeling posture, distinctly as a wor- 
shipper of the Apis-bulL Underneath is a long inscrip- 
tion, of which I coruW only make out the first two 
lines : — 

' Tear 4, montli Epiphi, under the reign [of king Cambyses] 
the bestower of life for ever, [this] god wan carried to his burial 
[in peace to the Libyan Desert near Memphis, to be interred] 
in his place, which his Majesty had already caused to be prepared 
for him . . .' 

' This regal name, which means * iiniter of the two worlds,' 
had already been borne by Th«tmes III. By the irony of &te, 
the proud title of the great Pharaoh who conquered Western Asia 
— ^the Egyptian Alexander — was transferred, after a thousand 
years, to tiie Persian conqueror of Egypt. — Ed. 

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300 THE APIS TABLETS. chaf. xix. 

Now since, according to the express testimony of 
the monuments, Cambyses reigned over Egypt^ not 
three or four years, but six full years, and therefore 
must have conquered Egypt, not in the year 525 B.C., 
the date generally received, but in the year 527 B.c.,^ 
— ^it follows, of undeniable necessity, that the Apis in 
question died and was buried in the year 526 * B.C., 
and that too, as we read, under the axispices of the 
Great King Cambyses himself \ — in other words, that 
the Greek story of the slaughter of the Apis by the 
mad Persian king is a mere fiction, invented for the 
purpose of setting in a striking light the wickedness 
and oppression of the foreign tyrant. How strongly 
probability contradicts the popular assumption of a 
slaughter of the Apis by Cambyses, is confirmed also 
by the following considerations. Under Amasis,* the 
Apis died in the 23rd year of the king's reign, on the 
sixth day of the month Phamenotli, that is to say, 
about the year 650. His successor, as usual, was not 
long waited for. Supposing this to be the same that 
Cambyses caused to be buried in tlie year 526 B.C., 
the bull had reached an age of about 24 to 25 years, 
which is in perfect accord with the average lifetime 
of the sacred bulls, derived from other examples. 

A special inscription on a monument of the time 
of king Darius I.^ informs us, that this sovereign also 

2 See further below, p. 315. 

' This year 526 b.c. was the 4th year of the reign of Cambyses 
over Persia, and the 2nd year of his reign over Egypt. 
^ See above, the inscription No. Y., p. 297. 
» No. 2296 of Mariette's List. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 

DTff. xxvi. BARroS I., XERXES, AND KHABBASH. 301 

was pleased to show marked honour to the Apis-bulls. 
The literal translation of the inscription runs thus : — 

' In the year 31 under the Majesty of the king and lord of the 
land, Ntharinsh — may he live for ever ! — ^hehold a living Apis 
appeared | in the city of Memphis. This (his future) sepulchre was 
opened, and his chamber was built for an endless duration of years.' 

This record also agrees most precisely with the 
age of his predecessor, who in his turn had been born 
not long after the burial of the bull before him (in 
the 4th year of Darius I., p. 299), and must have 
died shortly before the appearance of the one now in 
question, and therefore in the 31st or 30th year of 
Darius ; whence again we deduce for him a lifetime 
of 24 or 25 years. 

The monuments enable us to pursue still further 
the traces of the Apis-buUs that appeared later. 

As king Darius I. still enjoyed about five years 
more of Kfe, after the manifestation of the Apis in his 
31st year, so, if we continue to assume a lifetime of 
25 years, the new bull must have died about the 20th 
regnal year of Xerxes I., and therefore about 466 B.C. 
Now, in place of this Xerxes, we find mention of a 
king Khabbash, whom the monuments designate as 
the Egyptian rival king to Xerxes. (See p. 315.) 
This rival must have succeeded in establishing himself 
at Memphis, where he provided a solemn burial for 
the Apis which was just deceased. But unexpected 
events occurred to frustrate his intention. The 
proof of this is furnished by the place in the sub- 
terranean galleries, where have stood, fiom ancient 
times down to the present day, the lid and base of 

Digitized by 


302 THE APIS TABLETS. chap. xix. 

the stone sarcophagus, with the dedicatory inscription 

of king Eliabbash. The sarcophagus itself stands in 

the northern gallery leading to the Apis-tombs, and 

almost bars the approach, while the lid lies on the 

ground in the southern gallery. The two were never 

brought together to enclose the deceased bull. The 

lid itself bears the following inscription : — 

* Year 2, month Athyr, under the Majesty of king Kabbash, 
the friend of Apis-Osiris, of Horns " of Kakem " (a name for the 
locality of the Apis tombs).' 

The latest authentic inscription, proving the death 
of an Apis under the Pharaohs, is a memorial-stone 
of the 3rd year of king Nakht-neb-ef, in which the 
bull died, that is, about 356 B.C. With this we 
conclude our review of the Apis tablets, and turn to 
other inscriptions, which belong to the times of the 
Persian kings. 

Digitized by 



CambjHi. Bariiu. ZerxM. Artaxcrxes. 

§ n. The Persians in Egypt. 

We can hardly award to the Egyptian nobles, 
who lived in the neighbourhood of the royal court at 
Sais, the praise of especial loyalty to their masters. 
As soon as the Persians made good their footing in 
Egypt and honoured Sajfs especially by their visits, 
there were found many descendants of the former 
royal houses, who did not think it beneath their 
dignity to prove themselves submissive to the Great 
King of Persia, and to enter his service. 

Among these there was, in particular, a Suten- 
rekh (i.e. ' Ejng's-grandson '), named Uza-hor-en-pi- 
ris, a son of Paf-tot-nit (the high-priest of the goddess 
Nit) and his wife Tum-iri-tis, probably a daughter of 
king Apries (Uah-ab-ra). To this nobleman the 
command of the royal fleet had been entrusted under 
the kings Amasis and Psamethik lH. When Cam- 
byses conquered Egypt, Uza-hor-en-pi-ris passed at 
once into the service of the Persian king. On the 
famous shrine-bearing statue of this eminent noble- 
man, in the Vatican at Eome,^ he himself relates 

^ Already mentioned as a work of art, p. 291. The late 
Yisoount E. de Boug^ was the first who contributed to science 
some fragments of the above inscription {Revue Archeologiquej 
1851). Our translation — ^which has profited by the latest advances 
in the science of deciphering the old Egyptian writings^-contains 
for the first time the whole inscription in its entire sequence. [The 
tenth volume of Records of the Past contains a new translation of 
this inscription, or rather series of ten inscriptions, on the statue 

Digitized by 


304 THE PERSIANS IN EGtYFT. chu». xix. 

quite unaffectedly the history of his life, from which 
we have derived the foregoing account of his family. 

I. ' When the great lord of all nations, Kambathet (Cambyses), 
came to Eg3rpt, — at that time the people of all lands were with 
him, — ^he ruled this land as king in its whole extent. They 
settled in it, inasmuch as he was a great king of Egypt and the 
great lord of all lands. He committed to me the office of a presi- 
dent of the phyBicians, and kept me beside him as friend and 
temple-master. His official name was assigned to him as '' Elng- 
Mastu-ra." I made known to him the greatness of the city of 
Sais, as the city of Neith, the great mother, who gave birUi to 
the sun-god Ea — ^he was the first-bom, no (other) being was yet 
bom : — ^moreover (I informed him) also of the high consequence 
of the habitation of Neith.— it is such as a heaven — ^in all its 
quarters : — ^moreover also of the high importance of the chambers 
of Neith, which are the abodes of Neith and of all the gods in 
them ; as well as the high consequence of the temple Hakheb, in 
which the great king and lord of the heaven resides ; — moreover 
also of the high importance of the south-chamber, of the north- 
chamber, of the chamber of the moming-sun Ra, and of the 
chamber of the evening-sun Turn. These are the mysterious 
abodes of all the gods. 

II. ' And I made my complaint to king Kambathet concerning 
all the foreigners, who had taken up their quarters in the temple of 
Neith, that they might be driven out, that so the temple of Neith 
might be established in its full splendour, as was the case formerly. 
Then the king gave command to drive out all foreigners, who had 
taken up their quarters in the temple of Neith, and to pull down 
all their huts and all their chattels in this temple, and they them- 
selves were forced to remove out of the precincts of this temple. 
The king gave command to purify this temple of Neith, and to re- 
store to it all its inhabitants, and to acknowledge the people as 

called ' the Pastophorus of the Yatican,' by Mr. Le Page Renouf, 
who reads the name of the Egyptian officer Ufchffor-resenet. Mr. 
Renouf acknowledges his obligation to the above translation (in 
the German) of Dr. Brugsch, whose example he follows in sup- 
pressing the name and titles which begin each inscription, and for 
which there is often no equivalent in our modem languages. We 
have followed Mr. Benouf in prefixing a distinctive number to 
eich of the separate inscriptions. — Ed.] 

Digitized by 



servants of the temple. He gave command to replace the sacred 
property of Neith, the great mother, and of all the gods in Sals, as 
it had heen formerly. He gave command to re-establish the order 
of all their festivals and of all their processions, as they were for- 
merly. All this did the king, because I had made him acquainted 
with the high consequence of Sais, for it is the city of all the gods. 
May they remain on their thrones in her for ever ! 

III. *When king Kambathet came to Sais, he entered the 
temple of Neith in person. He testified in every good way his re- 
verence for the great exalted holy goddess, Neith, the great mother, 
and for the great gods in Sais, as all the pious kings had done. He 
did this, because I had made him acquainted with the high import- 
ance of the holy goddess, for she is the mother of the Sun-god Ea 

IV. * The king bestowed all that was good upon the temple of 
Neith. He caused the libations to be offered to the Everlasting 
One in the house of Neith, as all the kings of former times had 
done. He did this because I had informed him of all the good 
that should be done for this temple. 

V. * I established the property of Neith , the great mother, as 
the king had ordered, for the duration of eternity. I caused the 
monuments of Neith, the lady of Sai's, to be set up in every proper 
way, as an able servant of his master ought to do. I was a good 
man before his face. I protected the people under the very heavy 
misfortime which had befallen the whole land, such as this country 
had never experienced before. I was a shield to the weak against 
the powerful ; I protected him who honoured me, and he found it 
best for him. I did all good for them, when the time had come 
to do it. 

YI. ' I entrusted to them the prophetic offices ; I gave them 
the best land, as the king had commanded, to endure for ever. I 
made a present of proper burial to such as (died) without a coffin ; 
I nourished all their children and built up again all their houses ; 
I did for them all that is good, as a father does for his son, then 
when tlie calamity fell upon this nome, at the time when the 
grievous calamity befel the whole land. 

VIL * Now king Ntariuth (Darius) — may he live for ever ! — com- 
manded me to go to Egypt, while he was in the land of Elam, 
— ^for he also was the great lord of all lands and a great king of 
Egypt, — in order that I might reinstate the number of the saa-ed 


Digitized by 


$06 THE PERSIANS IN EGYPT. chap. iix. 

Fcribesof the temples, and might revive whatever had fallen into ruin. 
The foreigners esoorted me from land to land, and brought me 
safe to Egypt, according to the command of the lord of the land. 
I did acconling to what he had commanded. I chose of the sons 
of the inhabitants from all their (schools ?) — ^to the gi^eat sorrow 
of those who were childless — ^and I placed them under expert 
ma«<ter8, skilful in all kinds of learning, that they might per- 
form all th(4r works. And the king ordered that all favour should 
\ie shown them, because of the pleasure with which they performed 
all their works. I supplied all those who distinguished themselves 
with whatever they needed for the scribe's profession, according to 
their progress. The king did all this because he knew that such a 
work was the best means of awakening to new life all that was 
falling into ruin, in order to uphold the name of all the gods, their 
tt'mples, their revenues, and the ordinance of their feasts for ever. 

VIII. * I was honoured by each of my masters, so long as I 
sojourned on the earth. Therefore they gave me deconitions of 
gold, and showed me all favour. 

IX. * ye gods who are in SiiTs ! Remember all the good that 
has been done by the president of the physicians, Uza-hor-en-pi-ris. 
In all that ye are willing to requite him for all his benefits, esta- 
blish for him a great name in this land for ever. 

X. * Osiris ! thou Eternal one ! The president of the physi- 
cians Uza-hor-en-pi-ris throws his arms around thee, to guard thy 
image. Do for him all good according to what he has done, (as) 
the protector of thy shrine for ever.* ^ 

We refrain from any further comment on the 

foregoing text, the historical vahie of which, as 

tlie contemporary record of an eye-witness, and in 

part the author, of the events which he relates, 

can hardly be overrated. In this account, king 

^ The last words, addressed to Osiris, the Eternal, have relation 
to the particular form of the statue. The chief physician of Sals is 
represented as standing upright, with his hands embracing a shrine, 
in the interior of which is seen the mummy of Osiris. It should 
not be forgotten that the Persian kings were glad to employ the 
Egyptian physicians, whose skill gained them high renown in the 
ancient world. 

Digitized by 



Cambyses appears in a totally different light from 
that in which school-learning places him. He takes 
care for the gods and their temples, and has .himself 
crowned in Sais after the old Egyptian manner. 
Darius I., whom the Egyptian Uza-hor-en-pi-ris 
had accompanied to Elam (Elymais), took particular 
pleasure in rescuing the Egyptian temple-learning from 
its threatened extinction. He provided for the train- 
ing of the energetic and gifted youth in the schools 
of the priests, to be the future maintainers and 
teachers of the lost wisdom of the Egyptians. 

The best proof of the lively interest, wliich Darius 
himself took in the foundation of new sanctuaries, is 
furnished by the temple built in the Great Oasis of 
El-Khargeh, at the place called by the ancients Hibis 
(the Hib or Hibe of the hieroglyphs). This sanctuary, 
which I had the opportunity of visiting in the Febru- 
ary of 1875, in company with the hereditary Grand- 
duke Augustus of Oldenburg, is in a pretty good 
state of preservation. The names of king Darius, in 
the Egyptian form of Nthariush, cover the sides of 
the various halls and chambers, as well as the outer 
walls of the temple. But the variation in the official 
coronation names leads to the inference, that Darius 
n. (with the name Mi-amun-ra), took part, as well as 
his ancestor Darius I. (with the shield Settu-ra, i.e. 
Sesostris), in the building of the temple, and in its 
internal and external ornamentation.® 

* The inscription of Darius at the temple of El-Khargeh has 
been translated by Dr. Birch in the Trcmsactions of the Society 
of Biblical Archceologi/f vol. v. pp. 293, foil, (with the original text), 
and in Records of the Pasty vol. viii. pp. 135, foil. — Ed. 


Digitized by 


308 THE PERSIANS IN EGYPT. chap. xii. 

The temple of Hibis was dedicated to the Theban 

Amon, under his special surname of XJs-khopesh (' the 

strong-armed '). The record of the works executed 

by Darius 11., on the northern outer wall, runs as 

follows : — 

'He did this in remembranoe of his father, the great god 
Amon-ra, the lord of Hibe, with the Strong Arm, and his asso- 
ciated gods, inasmuch as he built this new house of good white 
stone in the form of a Mesket.^ Its doors were formed of the 
Libyan acada-wood, which is called Pir-shennu, and covered with 
Asiatic bronze in well-wrought lasting work. His (the god's) 
monument was renewed according to its original plan. May the 
gods preserve him among living men for hundreds of thousands 
of thirty years' jubilee-feasts on the throne [of Horns], to-day and 
for ever and eternally ! ' 

As we have already shown, the building and deco- 
ration of the temple was continued to the times of 
king Nakht-hor-hib (378-360 B.C.) No later names 
of kings appear there.^ 

The buildings erected here and elsewhere by king 
Darius were entrusted to an Egyptian architect, wliose 
pedigree — ^up to his forefathers of the times of the 
Third Dynasty — we have been so fortunate as to suc- 

» See above, p. 102. 

^ For further information about the temple and its inscrip 
tions, I would refer to my work on the Oasis of El-Khargeh and 
its Temple-ruins, which is now [1877] in the press. [The work re- 
ferred to has been since published, under the title of ' Eeise nadi 
dem grossen Oase el Khargeh in der lihyschen Wilste, Von Heinricli 
Bnigsch-Bey.' Besides a full archaeological account of the Great 
Oasis, down to Eoman and Christian times, and translation 
of two very interesting inscriptions, containing hymns of the tiiriB 
of Darius II., the work abounds in new information on the secr<]t 
writing, the mysteries of Osiris, and other matters concerning tit 
geography, language, and mythology of ancient Egypt. — ^Ed.] 

Digitized by 




{Table to p. 310.) 




















Architect of S. and N. Egypt ; chief burgomaster ; a 

high functionary of king Z'arsar ; (lived in the 

time of the Third Dynasty). 
Prophet of Amon-ra, "king of the gods ; secret-seer 

of Heliopolis: Architect of Upper and Lower 

£g7'P^; chief burgomaster. 
Chief burgomaster. 

Architect; chief burgomaster. 

Architect; chief burgomaster. 

Architect; chief burgomaster. 


Architect ; chief burgomaster. 

■MESH'A : 2nd, 3rd, and 4th prophet and high-priest of Amon, 
king of the p^ods ; chief burgomaster. 
Architect; chief burgomaster. 

Architect; commander. 

Architect; commander. 

Architect; commander. 

Architect; commander. 

Architect; commander. 

Architect; commander. 

Architect; commander. 

Architect; oonmiander. 

Architect of Upper and Lower Egypt ; chief burgo- 

UAH-AB-R*A RAN-UER: Architect 

' ANKH-PSAMTHIK : Architect of Upper and Lower Egypt. 
Architect of Upper and Lower Egypt 

(m, SnvNoFBJR-TUM) 


Chief minister of works for the whole country ; ar- 
chitect of Upper and Lower Effypt, in the 27th to 
80th years of king Darius I. (about 490 b.c.) 

Digitized by 


310 THE PERSIANS IN EGYPT. chap. xix. 

ceed in establishing, by the help of a dedicatory in- 
scription in the valleys of Hammamat. We repeat 
the pedigree here, with the correction of some tran- 
scriptions of the proper names from a new copy of 
the inscription (p. 309). 

Some lesser inscriptions of this same architect 
Khnum-ab-r'a — who has left us such valuable mate- 
rials for determining the sequence of the generations 
— inform us that he held his office during the years 
27 to 30 of king Darius I. The inscription of the 
30th year runs thus : — 

' On the 15ih day of the month Pharmuthi, in the 30th year 
of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt and lord of the land, 
Nthariush (Darius I.), the ever-living, the friend of all the gods, 
(this was written by order of) the master of works in the whole 
land, the architect of Upper and Lower Egypt, Khnum-ab-r'a, 

son of the architect of Upper and Lower Egypt, A'ahmes-Si-nit.' 


We have already shown ^ that his ancestor, the 
first Hor-em-saf, stands exactly on the genealogical 
line of Shashanq I., whose inscription in the quarries 
at Silsilis mentions an architect Hor-em-saf. 

It is well known that Darius I. conceived the bold 
plan of connecting the Red Sea with the Nile by a 
canal. The remains of a statue of the king, as well 
as several memorial stones covered with triplicate 
cuneiform inscriptions and with Egyptian hiero- 
glyphics, which have been found near the line of 
the canal (North of Suez), place the fact beyond all 
doubt. Science has to thank the acuteness of the 
celebrated cuneiform decipherer, Jules Oppert,* for 

« See above, p. 220. 

' M^moire 9wr lea rapports de VEgypte et de PAsayrie, 

Digitized by 



having made the contents of these tablets accessible 
to all by his translations. We subjoin the transla- 
tion, after Oppert, of the best preserved and clearest 
of the inscriptions : — 

' A great god is Auramazda, who created this heayen, yrho 
created this earth, who created man, who gave to man a wiU, who 
established Darius as king, who committed to king Darius so great, 
so [glorious] an empire. 

' I am Darius, king of kings, king of lands of many tongues, 
king of this great earth, £bu: and near, the son of Hystaspes, the 

' Says Darius the king : " I am a Persian ; with (the power of) 
Persia I conquered Egypt (Mudr&ya). I ordered this canal to be 
dug, from the river called Pirava (the Nile), which flows in 
Egypt, to the sea which comes out of Persia.^ This canal was 
afterwards dug there, as I had commanded, and I said : ' Go, and 
destroy half of the canal from Bira ^ to the coast.' For such was 
my will." ' 

According to Strabo's statement, cited by Oppert,^ 
Darius left off constructing the canal, because some 
had assured him that Egypt lay below the level of the 
Eed Sea, and so the danger was threatened of seeing 
the whole land laid under water. 

pp. 125, f. As before, we have collated Dr. Brugsch's translation 
with M. Oppert's Latin and French versions. — Ed. 

^ This seems to apply to the Erythrsean Sea, in the wide sense 
in which the name is used by Herodotus, including what is now 
called the Arabian Sea, with the Persian Gulf and Eed Sea, the 
latter having also the special name of the Arabian Gulf. — Ed. 

^ May we perhaps understand by Bira the Egyptian Pi-ra ' the 
[city of] the Sun,' namely, Heliopolist 

* Strabo, xvii. p. 804. Oppert's own words will be found 
interestiDg : — ' We can read through the laoonism of this inscription, 
which, allowing for the position in which the king places himself, 
nevertheless establishes a failure. Darius wished to unite the Nile 
and the sea by a fresh- water canal ; to resume and finish the work 

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312 THE PERSIANS EST EGYPT. chap. xii. 

As we have thus far mentioned the Egyptian 
officers who, under the Persians, rendered their ser- 
vice to the Great King, so, on the other hand, we 
must not pass over in silence the Persian courtiers 
wlio, as we learn from the Egyptian monuments, were 
settled in the Nile-valley as officers of the king. 

Though we possess no records, in the Egyptian 
language, attesting the presence of the satrap Aryan- 
des, who, as we learn from the ancient writers, go- 
verned Egypt in the names of kings Cambyses and 
Darius I., yet other persons of Persian extraction are 
named, some acquaintance with whom is important in 
a twofold relation. 

The city of Coptos, — at the western terminus of 
the great caravan route, which led through the desert 
valleys of Hammamat from the Red Sea (near the 
modern Qosseir) to the Nile — ^was for a long course 
of years the residence of two eminent Persians, who 
were invested with the office of an Erpa (governor) 
under the great kings just named. They were two 
brothers, named Ataiuhi (also written Athiuhi), and 
Aliurta, sons of a certain Arthames and his Persian 
wife Qanzu. Both are designated as Seres (i.e. eunuchs) 
of Parse (Persia). Posted at Coptos — in which city 
the god of the mountaineers, Khim (the Egyptian Pan), 
was held in the highest honour — the two brothers had 

which had been attributed first to Sesostrig, and which Neco, the son 
of Psammetichus, had in vain tried to accomplish. But neither was 
Darius able to bring the work to a successful issue.' Then follows 
the reference to Strabo, who knew the fallacy of the opinion which, 
however, was current even to our own times : he says of Darius, 
5c£p ipcv^ci ff-ci0-6ctc a^»Jfc*c to ipyov trtpi avpriXuav ^^ly, — Ed. 

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frequent occasion to visit the valleys of Hammamat on 
the king's business, in order to have stones quarried 
for the materials of the royal Persian . buildings. 
Through their long residence in the country they seem 
to have adopted Egyptian manners and customs, and 
so, like all earUer visitors of the times of the Pharaohs, 
they did not disdain to perpetuate their names on 
hieroglyphic memorial-tablets in that valley. The re- 
presentations of the god Khim of Coptos are accom- 
panied by hieroglyphic writing, in which the names of 
the ' eunuchs of Persia ' are preceded, whenever they 
occur, by chronological data. In stating these, how- 
ever, they departed from the old Egyptian rule, inas- 
much as, instead of the current regnal year of the 
sovereigns in question, they chose to exhibit the full 
sum of the years of their reigns, and also the full 
sum of their own years of service under one or more 
kings, with the addition of ar en, ' has made,' i.e. Hved 
during, (so many years) ; just as in the case of the 
name of Taharaqa on the Apis-stelae.^ Some ex- 
amples of these inscriptions will illustrate this mode 
of dating : — 

First Inscription. 

' The 8am of the 6 years of the lord of the land Kanbuea 
(Cambjses), the stun of the 36 years of the sovereign Nthariush 
(Darius I.), and the sum of the 12 years of the sovereign Khshiarsh 
(Xerxes I.), has the eonuch of Persia (seres en Parse) Ataiuhi 
lived, remaining in the presence of the god ELhim, the chief of 
the city.* 

* Second Inscription. 

' The sum of the 36 years of the godlike benefactor and sove- 
reign, the son of the Sun and wearer of the crown, Nthariuah 

^ See above, p. 295. 

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314 THE PERSIANS IN EGYPT. chap.iii. 

(DariuB I.) — maj he live to-day and evermore ! — and | the sum of 
the 13 years of his son, the sovereign, the son of the Snn and 
wearer of the ci-own, Khshiarsh (Xerxes I.) — may he live to-day 
and evermore ! — has lived the eunuch of Persia and governor of 
the city of OoptoSy AthiuhL' 

Third Inscription. 

* The 5 years of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, the sove- 
reign, Arta-khshesesh (ALi-taxerxes), and | the 16 years of the god- 
like bene&ctor Axta^-khshesesh ( Artaxerzes) | has lived the eunuch 
of Persia Aliurta, the son of Arthames and the child of his wife 
Qanzu, remaining before the face of the [god Eiiim of Coptos].' 

A comparison of all these rock-inscriptiona gives 
the following determination of the regnal years of the 
kings, in their relation to the years of service of the 
two Persians. 

Athiui lived — 

(1) 6 full years under the reign of Kanbuza (Cambyses) ; 

(2) 36 „ „ „ „ „ Nthariufih (Darius I.) ; 

(3) 2 „ 

(4) 6 „ 

(5) 10 „ 

(6) 12 „ 

(7) 16 „ 
Aliurta lived — 

(1) 5 „ „ I under the reign of Arta-khshesesh 

(2) 16 „ „ I (Artaxerxes). 

That the phrase ' he Uved ' referred, not to the 
whole lifetime of the person from his birth, but to his 
actual years of service spent in Egypt, is proved by 
the dates given in the two inscriptions of Aliurta, 
who expressed the five years, besides the sixteen 
years, in order to put before the reader's eyes his 
service under Artaxerxes. And we draw this further 
conclusion, that, if Cambyses reigned six years as 

under the reign of Khshiarsh (Xerxes I.). 

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king of Egypt, the conquest of Egypt must be placed, 
not in the year 525, but in 527, as we have shown 

King Xerxes I. — or, as he is named in the Egyptian 
inscriptions, Khshiarsh or Khsherish — did not enjoy 
the best reputation among tlie Egyptians, who had 
learnt to esteem his predecessor, Darius I., as a be- 
nignant and well-disposed ruler. After Xerxes had 
by force of arms crushed the insurrection made by 
the Egyptians to throw off the Persian yoke, the 
foreign rule pressed more severely than ever on the 
land, over which Achaemenes, the king's brother, was 
placed as satrap. 

The defeats which the Persians soon after suffered 
from Greek valour roused anew the desire of the 
Egyptians for Uberty, and an anti-king Khabbash, 
with the coronation name of Senen-Tanen Sotep-en- 
ptah, boldly made head against the Persian sovereign. 
The memorial inscription of the satrap Ptolemy, 
already cited,® recals the memory of the anti-king in 
the following terms : — 

' The sea-board, which bears the name of Patanut (in Greek, 
Phthenotes), had been assigned by the king Khabbash to the gods 

• See above, p. 289, note. The tenth volume of Records of 
the Past (pp. 67, foil.) contains an English translation, by Mr. 
Drach, of Dr. Brugsch's German translation of the whole inscrip- 
tion in the Zeitschrift fiinr Aegypt. Sprcush. Jan. 1871. The title 
of 'satrap,' used by the future founder of the dynasty of the 
Ptolemies, refers to his nominal subjection to Alexander .^gus, the 
son of Alexander the Great and Boxana (b.c. 323-311), in whose 
7th year the inscription is dated. See also Dr. Birch's Paper on 
the Tablet in the Transoi^ians of the Society of Biblicai Archceology^ 
vol. i. p. 20.— Ed, 

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of the city of Buto, when his Majesty had gone to Buto to examine 
the sea-board, which lies in their whole domain, with the pur- 
pose of penetrating into the interior of the marsh-land of Natho, to 
inspect that arm of the Nile, which flows into the sea, in order 
that the Asiatic fleet might be kept at a distance from Egypt. 

' This lake-district, called Patanut, belonged to the deities of 
Buto from early times. But the hereditary foe Xerxes had alien- 
ated it. He kept none of it for the gods of the city of Buto. 

' Thus the hereditary foe Xerxes had shown an evil example 
against the city of Buto. But the great king, our lord, the god 
Horus, the son of Isis and the son of Osiris, the prince of the 
princes, the king of the kings of Upper and Lower Egypt, the 
avenger of his father, the lord of Buto, the beginning of the gods 
and he who came after, afber whom no (god) was king, he drove 
out the hereditary enemy Xerxes out of his palace together with 
his eldest son, and so he made himself famous in Sais, the city of 
the goddess Neith, on that day by the side of the Mother of the 


Dtn. XXIX. 








§ ni. The Last Phaeaohs. 

Once more, after the retreat of the Persians, a ray 
of hope for freedom dawned upon the Egyptians.® 
During a period of about sixty years, two dynasties (the 
Twenty-ninth and Thirtieth) established themselves, at 
Mendes and Sebennytus, on the ruins of the past ages, 
to venture on the last effort to reconquer their lost 
independence. The monuments, on which the names 
of the kings of these dynasties can only be discovered 
^ See the Note inserted after Chapter XX. — Ed. 

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with diflSculty, are silent about their deeds. The hour 
of Egypt's death had struck. No god had the power 
to grant the land the respite of a longer existence. 

!A.s the most remarkable monument of their times, 
we may point to a sarcophagus of dark granite, which 
belonged to a descendant of the last kings of the 
Thirtieth Dynasty.^ The inscriptions upon it have ac- 
curately preserved for us its owner's pedigree, as a 
valuable memorial of the former greatness of ancient 
Egypt. We subjoin it, according to the indications of 
the hieroglyphs, in the following translation : — 
King Nakht-hob-ib. 

Ziho (Teoa) 

Nes-bi-n-didi, = Mertuhap * Kino Nakht-neb-ef 

a military | {the last Pharaoh), 

commander, Thakebes * = Petamon, hereditary prince and 
nomarch of | military commander. 

Bebennytus. Nakht-neb-ef, 

nomarch of the district of Buto, Sebennytus and Tanis, 
commander-in-chief of the king. 

* The names thus marked are those of toom>en, 

Nakhtnebef, ' the chief captain of his Majesty,' the 
grandson of the last Pharaoh, Nakhtnebef, had his 
last resting-place in that Berlin sarcophagus of stone. 
But who was ' his Majesty,' to whom he gave his ser- 
vice as commander ? The question can only be an- 
swered approximately. As grandson of king Nakht- 
nebef, who reigned over the land from 358-340 B.C., 

^ Now in the Eoyal Museum at Berlin. [Another sarcophagus, 
which vies with this in beauty, is that of king Nakht-Hor-ib, in 
the British Museum.— Ed.] 

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the end of his life falls about sixty years after his 
grandfather's death, and therefore about 280 B.C., that 
is, about fifty years after the conquest of Egjrpt by 
Alexander the Great. He could not therefore have 
served either him or his immediate successors, Philip 
ArrhidsBUs and Alexander 11., as commander. We must 
rather reckon Ptolemy I. Soter, or Ptolemy 11. Phila- 
delphus, as his contemporary. From these calcula- 
tions we should be already carried over into the 
history of Egypt under the Ptolemies. 



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Philip Arrhidffiua. Ptolemy Soter. 



As through a thin transparent mist, we cast a glance 
at the close of our historical subject — the climax and 
fall of the Pharaohs — ^with the perusal of the following 
inscription of an eminent priest, a contemporary of 
the Persian great king, Darius III., and of the hero 
Alexander of Macedon. His own words are engraved 
on a memorial stone, which is now preserved in the 
collection of Greek and Eoman antiquities at Naples. 
The translation will form a fit conclusion to our His- 
tory of Egypt according to the Monuments. 

* (1) The hereditary prince, the noble, one of the friends; the 
seer of Horns, the lord of Hibonn (Hipponon) ; the seer of the 
gods of the nome of Hibonn; the seer of the god Samtaui, of 
the city of (2) A-hehu : the chief seer of the goddess and the pre- 
sident of the priests of Sokhet in the whole land — Samtaui-taf- 
NAKHT — the son of the temple-master and (3) seer of the god 
Amon-ra, the lord of the city Pi-sha, Nes-samtaui-auf-'ankh, and 
the child of his wife 'Ankhet : he speaks as follows : — 

* O thou lord of the gods, Khnum, thou king of Upper and 
Lower Egypt, (4) thou pinnce of the land, at whose rising the world 
is enlightened, whose right eye is the sun's disk, whose left eye is 
the moon, whose spirit (5) is the beam of light, and out of whose 
nostrils comes the North wind, to give life to all. 

* I was thy servant, who did according to thy will, and whose 
heart was replenished by thee. (6) I have not let any city be 
higher than thy city, I have not failed to impart of thy spirit to all 
the children of men among hundreds of thousands, which (spirit) 

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is the most wonderful in all houses, (7) day by day. Thou hast for 
this recompensed me good a hundred-thousandfold. Thus wast thou 
diffused everywhere, and (wast made) a leader for the king's house. 
The heart of the divine benefactor was moved to clemency (8) at my 
speech. I was exalted to be the first among hundreds of thousands. 
When thou turnedat thy hack upon the land of Egypt, thou didst 
incline thyself in thy heart to the master of Asia. His (9) twice 
five friends loved me. He conferred on me the office of president 
of the priests of the goddess Sokhet on the seat of my mother's 
brother, the president of the goddess Sokhet (10) in Upper and 
Lower Egypt, Ser-honb. Thou didst protect me in the battle of 
the lonians (i.e. the army of Alexander) when thou didst rout 
the Asiatic (Darius III.). 

' (11) They slew a hundred thousand at my side, (but) none 
lifted up his hand against me. When what befel had befallen, 
there was peace (12) afterwards. Thy Holiness spake to me : 
"Proceed to Khinensu (Heracleopolis Magna); I will be with 
thee -y I will be thy guide among the foreign people." 

'(13) I was alone, I sailed up the great stream; I was not 
afraid, for I thought of thee. Since I did not transgress thy com- 
mandment, I reached the city of Khinensu (14) without having a 
hair of my head rumpled. And as was the beginning, only by 
the one appointment of thy decree, so also was the end, for thou 
gavest me a long life in peace of heart. 

*(15) O all ye priests, who serve this glorious god Khnum, 
the king of both worlds, the (god) Hormakhu, the lord of the 
universe, the good spirit in the city of Khinensu, (16) the (god) 
Tum in the city of Tanis, the king of the rams, the primordial 
male power, the Majesty of the ram, the male, the begetter, the 
last king of the kings of the land; — (17) the son, who loved the 
king of Upper and Lower Egypt, has departed to the heavenly 
kingdom, to see what is there : (to see) the god Khnum, the king 
of Upper and Lower Egypt, the god Tum in his shrine, Khnum, 
(18) the great god in his hall, the king Unnofer. 

* May your name remain for ever upon the earth, reaping the 
reward of honour from Khnum, the king of both worlds ! And 
sing ye praise and laud to the kingly gods of Khinensu, and praise 
ye the image of the godlike, who was reverenced in his nome, 
Sam-taui-Taf-nakht : so shall all that is best be your portion, and 
another will praise your name in tum in years to come.' 

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Dr. Brugsch's plan, of excluding all historical information from 
any other aooroes than the monuments, necessarily gives an air of 
incompleteness to this concluding period, for the authentic evidence 
of contemporary writers is as abundant as the notices on the monu- 
ments are scanty. It may therefore be an acceptable service to 
readers who are not already familiar with the subject, if we fill up 
what our Author has designedly omitted, by a brief consecutive 
outline of the history of Egypt's revival under the New Monarchy, 
and her final conquest by the Persians, down to the time when 
these were expelled by Alexander the Great and the long Greek 
Dynasty of the Ptolemies was established in Egypt. The outline 
now given may be filled up by the reader from Mr. Sharpe's 
excellent Hiftory of Egypt ; Dr. Birch's summary, entitled Egypt 
from the Earliest Times to B.c. 300 (Chmtian Knowledge Society) ; 
the present Editor's Student's Ancient History of the East ; and 
especially the full and learned work of Dr. Alfred Wiedemann, 
Geschichte Aegyptens von Psannmetich I. bis amf Alexander den 
Grossen (Leipzig, 1880). 

§ I. Egypt's recovered independence under the Twenty- 
sixth Dynasty op SaIs (b.c. 666-527). — Though Herodotus, who 
is our chief authority for this period, did not write till a hundred 
years after its dose, and though his story is not free from some 
admixture of fable, yet the generally authentic character of the 
history is marked by the line which he so emphatically draws at 
this point of his work : — * In what follows I have the authority, 
not of the Egyptians only, but also of others who agree with them.' * 
It is at this epoch also, as we have seen Dr. Brugsch stating more 
than once, that the certain chronology of Egypt begins ; and the 
dates derived from the Gi'eek authors and the parallel parts of 
Scripture history are confirmed, with some corrections, from the 
invaluable data of the Apis tombstones. (See pp. 294, foil.) 

» Herod, ii. 147. 

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1. The cessation of invasions, from the Ethiopians on the one 
side and the Assyrians on the other, left the petty kings of Lower 
Egypt free to settle the question of supremacy among themselves. 
After a struggle, the details of which are involved in &hle, hut 
chiefly (it seems) hy the aid of Greek mercenaries, the imited crown 
was secured by Psahethik, with the regal name Ea-uah-ab, whom 
the Greeks call Psammetichus or Psammitichus, son of that Neku 
(Necho), who figures in the annals of Assurbanipal as king of 
Memphis and SaTs (see Chap. XYIII. pp. 269, 270), and who had 
been put to death by Sabaco (Herod. iL 152 ; see p. 277). By 
his marriage with the Ethiopian princess, Shep-en-apet, Psam- 
metichus legitimated his sovereignty over Upper i^ypt (see 
p. 281) ; and the reunited kingdom enjoyed very high prosperity 
under his reign of fifty-four years (b.c. 666-612). He first esta- 
blished commercial intercourse with the Greeks, and allowed their 
merchants to settle in Egypt. He enlisted a force of Greek 
mercenaries, but the &vour he showed them alienated the Egyptian 
and Libyan soldiers, who, to the number of 200,000, deserted in a 
body and marched away to Ethiopia. Though this disaster is, 
naturally enough, not attested by Egyptian monumental records, 
it is confirmed by a Greek inscription at Ibsamboul, carved by the 
mercenaries on their return from the fruitless pursuit of the 
deserters. He formed a fleet by the aid of the Phoenicians ; and 
in the decay of Assyria, he attempted to recover the Egyptian 
empire in Western Asia, but the scheme was checked by the re- 
sistance of Ashdod, which he only took after a siege of twenty- 
nine years. 

2. But the possession of this strong place (such is the meaning 
of the name Ashdod) opened the old Asiatic road to his son Keku 
or Nechao II., with the regal name Ba-ouah-em-ab (the Pharaoh- 
Necho of Scripture) (b.c. 612-596), at the very crisis of the fall of 
the Assyrian monarchy. The opposition of the king of Judah 
was crushed, and Joeiah himself slain, at the battle of Megiddo ; ' 
and the border of the Egyptian Empire was once more fixed for a 
moment at the Euphrates, where Carcbemish again received an 
Egyptian garrison (bo. 610). But the tide of dominion was 
quickly rolled back by the new power of Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar 
crushed the Egyptian army at Carchemish, marched upon Jeni- 
salem, and received the submission of Jehoiakim, whom Necho 

« See Stu'lmt'8 Old Test History, p. 499. 

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had placed on the throne of Judah, thus annihilating at one blow 
the newly recoTered power of Egypt in Weetem Asia (b.c. 605). 
In the words of the prophet Jeremiah, * Pharaoh, king of Egypt, 
had passed the time appointed/ and his own land was doomed 
to an inTasion by IN'ebiichadnezaar, as disastrous as that by the 
Aflsyrians under Assur-bani-pal.' The dan^r was averted for 
the moment, as Nebachadnesszar, suddenly recalled to Babylon to 
secore his succession on the death of his fiftther Nabopolassar (b.c. 
604), made peace with Necho, who was left at liberty to carry on 
his plans for the improvement of Egypt and the consolidation of 
his military and naval force. He maintained fleets both at the 
mouths of the Nile and on the Bed Sea ; and the latter is said 
to have accomplished the circumnavigation of Africa — a feat in 
which Herodotus disbelieved for reasbns which really fumifh 
evidence in its favour; bat modem opinion seems hopelessly 
divided on the question of its real performance.^ 

A more certain enterprise is the attempt of Necho to recon- 
struct the canal, which had been made by Seti I. and Eamses II., 
from the Nile to the Bed Sea. The tradition ascribing this work 
to the great Seeostris, on the united testimony of Aristotle, Strabo, 
and Pliny, is confirmed by the fragments of stones bearing the 
name of Ramses II. along its line. Unlike the great modem 
canal of M. de Lesseps, which goes nearly in a straight line north 
and south from the Mediten*anean to the Bed Sea, the ancient 
freshwater canal left the Pelusiac arm of the Nile a little above 
Bubastus, and went by a circuitous course, first eastward to Lake 
Timsah, whence it turned south almost parallel to the modem canal, 
along the west side of the Great Bitter Lake to the head of the 
Gulf of Suez. The failure of Necho, after spending the lives of 
120,000 Egyptians on the work, was veiled under the alleged 
command of an oracle to desist. The subsequent attempt and 
faUure of Darius I. has been noticed in the text (pp. 310-11). 

3. Under Necho's son, Psamethik II., with the r^alname Ba- 
NOFER-HET, the PsAMMis of Herodotus and Psammuthis of Manetho, 
who reigned only five or six years (b.c. 596-591), war was renewed 
with the Ethiopian kingdom of Napata, and the king died just 
after his return from an expedition against that country. 

4. His son, Uahabra, with the regal name Ba-haa-ab, the 

' Jeremiah xlvi. 

* See the Student* 8 AncierU History of the East, pp. 148, 149. 

T 2 

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Fharaoh-Hophba of Scripture (OJa^p^, LXX.), whom Manetho 
calls Yaphbes, and Herodotus Apbies (b.c. 591-572), resumed the 
ambitious projects of Necho in Western Asia; and for a short 
time he succeeded so well that, Heixxlotus tells us, Apries believed 
there was not a god who could cast him down from his eminence, 
so firmly did he think he had established himself in his king- 
dom/ The historian himself esteemed Apries as, with the excep- 
tion of his great-grandfather Fsammetichus, the most prosperous 
of all the kings that ever ruled over Egypt ® (meaning, of course, 
in the more recent times within historic knowledge). He marched 
an army to attack Sidon, and fought a battle with the king of Tyre 
at sea. The ruins of an Egyptian temple of this age at Gebel in 
Phoenicia seem to prove that the countiy was restored for some 
time to the subjection in which it had been held by the great 
kings of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties.^ In pursuance 
of the attempt to recover the supremacy of Egypt in "Western 
Asia, Fharaoh-Hophra made a league with Zedekiah, to support 
that vassal king of Judah in rebelling against Nebuchadnezzar ; ^ 
and by advancing with an army, which took Gaza, he forced 
Nebuchadnezzar to raise the siege of Jerusalem and march against 
him.^ According to Josephus, the Egyptians were defeated in 
battle, but the contemporary prophets, Jeremiah and Ezekiel, seem 
rather to imply that they retreated without venturing to make a 
stAnd.* Pharaoh-Hophra gave the Jews no further help, but only 
a refuge in Egypt for the remnant that escaped from the destruction 
of Jerusalem ^ (b.c. 586). 

He had, however, done enough to provoke the vengeance of 
Nebuchadnezzar against Egypt denounced by Jeremiah in his 
prophecy made twenty years before, and now repeated both by him 
and Ezekiel.' Here again, as in the famous prophecy of Nahum 
about the Assyrian invasions,^ the inspired voice of prophecy 
reflects, in images as vivid as any historic narrative, events which 

» Herod, ii. 169. « Ibid. 161. 

^ Renan, Mission de Phhiicie, and De Iloug6, Sur les dibris 
^gyptiens trouves en Phhiicie par M. Renan, cited by Maspero, 
Histoire Ancienne de VOrienty p. 505. 

8 Ezek. xvii. 15. ^ Jer. xlvii. 1-7. 

* Jer. xxxvii. 5-8; Ezek. xvii. 17. * Jer. xliii. 5-7. 

' Jer. xlvi ; Ezek. xxix., xxx., xxxi. ^ See p. 274. 

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have escaped the notice of history, or have been only partly preserved 
by it, till modem research recovers them in the contemporary and 
official records buried for nearly twenty-five centuries. Wilting 
when Fharaoh-Hophra was in the height of pride, and preparing 
to march to the aid of Judah, both the prophets declare that the 
land and spoil and people of Egypt, with Amon in Thebes and all 
their gods, should be given into the hand of Nebuchadnezzar ; that 
Pharaoh himself should be given into the hand of his enemies who 
sought his life; and that Egypt, after being desolated 'from 
Migdol to Syene and the border of Ethiopia/ was to be restored 
as ' the basest of the kingdoms ' — that Lb, as a subject and tribu- 
tary state, nevermore to * exalt itself to rule over the nations/ 
Awaiting the light, which is now being gained step by step from 
the cuneiform annak of Nebuchadnezzar, we have to be content 
with the statement preserved by Josephus ^ from the Babylonian 
historian Berosus, that Nebuchadnezzar led an army into Egypt to 
punish Yaphres (Hophra) for the aid he had given to Zedekiah, 
that he conquered the land, put Yaphres himself to death, and set 
up a new king as his own vassal. 

This shameful catastrophe was probably glozed over by the 
Egyptian priests of Sals in the story which they told Herodotus of 
the fall of Apries.^ His ambition led him to attempt the con- 
quest dl the Greek colony of Gyrene, against which he sent a vast 
army of Egypticms — an indication that the desertion of the mili- 
tary caste under Fsammetichus had been repaired, probably from 
their descendants left behind in Egypt. Marching forth in their 
old native pride, and despising their imknown enemy, the Egyp- 
tian warriors suffered a severe defeat from the Greeks. Already 
doubtless predisposed to jealousy by the favour shown to the king's 
Greek mercenaries, they cried out that they were betrayed and sent 
purposely to destruction. 'They believed that he had wished a 
great number of them to be slain, in order that he might reign the 
more securely over the rest of the Egyptians.' Marching back in 
open mutiny, in which they were joined by the Mends of the slain, 

* Joseph. AfUiq. x. 9, § 7 ; c. Apian. L 19. The evident 
confusion in the two passages suggests two invasions of Egypt, 
which is the more probable, as we have presently to adduce the 
original evidence of another invasion some years later. 

• Herod, ii. 161, f. ; iv. 159. 

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they were met by an envoy of the king, who bore the £unous 
name of the founder of the Eighteenth Dynasty, Aahmes, in 
Greek Amasis. As he was haranguing the mutineers, a soldier, 
coming behind him, placed a crown upon his head, and the army 
saluted him as king. He led them against Apries, who, abandoned 
by the Egyptians, led out his 30,000 mercenaries to an unequal 
battle at Momemphis, where he was utterly defeated and brought 
back a prisoner to the palace at Sais. After a time, Amasis was 
forced to give him up to his Egyptian enemies — ' into the hands of 
all that hated him,' as Jeremiah had foretold, and Herodotus 
relates : ' Then the Egyptians took him and strangled him, but, 
having done so, they buried him in the sepulchre of his fathers.' ^ 

Each of these two accounts may contain parts of the true 
story. At the time of the destruction of Jerusalem, Nebuchadnezzar 
had still on his hands the long siege of Tyre, which, according to 
the more probable view of the disputed chronology, occupied him 
for some years longer, during which he had to postpone his 
revenge on Egypt. The enterprise of Apries against Gyrene may 
have been undertaken during the latter part of this interval of 
respite ; and the civil war, which ensued upon its disastrous issue, 
may have been ended by the intervention of Nebuchadnezzar. 
Or, it seems far from improbable that Amasis may have purchased 
the confirmation of his usurped crown by giving up his defeated 
rival — not to the Egyptians, as the priests of Sais said, but to the 
offended king of Babylon. 

5. At all events it seems certain that the prosperity of the 
long reign of Amasis (b.c. 572-528) was secured at first by his 
submission to the suzerainty of Nebuchadnezzar, and the connec- 
tion was di*awn closer by the marriage of the Egyptian princess, who 
bore the same name as the famous queen of the Sixth Dynasty 
Nitocris (Neitaker) — a name denoting the royal race of Safe, the 
special city of Neit.^ Like former winners of the crown in olden 
times, Amasis, who was bom in a low condition at Siouph, in the 
Saite nome, legitimated his power by a marriage with Ankhs-en- 
EAuofrehet, the daughter of Psamethik II., and he assumed the 
additional name of Si-nit (' son of Neit.') His full regal style is 

7 Herod, ii. 169. 

* Further light is needed on the date of Nitocris, and her 
precise relationship to the royal &milieB both of Egypt and of 

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Khnum-ab-b'a a awmtmi Si-Neit.^ But unlike those kings who had 
submitted to all the burthensome state and priestly rules that 
fettered Pharaoh, Amasis clung to the free habits of his old life 
with his comrades, but not at all to the neglect of his regal duties. 
From early dawn to the busy hours of the forenoon he transacted 
all affairs that were brought before him, and he spent the rest of 
the day in drinking and jesting with his guests. The remonstrances 
of his friends, who would have had the Egyptians see him always 
in royal dignity on his throne, were met by the proverb of not 
keeping the bow always bent. This behaviour was suited to the 
new times, and so was the full encouragement he gave to foreign 
commerce. He allowed the Greeks a permanent settlement at 
Naucratis, on the Canopic branch of the Nile; and he gi-anted 
sites for temples to those who only wished to trade upon the 
coast. The example of Greek art in these buildings, with their 
sculptures, must have contributed to that new character of refine- 
ment in the Egyptian works of this age, on which Dr. Brugsch 
has laid so much stress (Chap. XIX. pp. 291-2). Amasis showed 
his sympathy with the Hellenic world by contributing to the re- 
building of the temple at Delphi, when it was burnt in b.c. 548, 
and by dedicating statues in various Greek temples; while he 
adorned his own land with admirable works of art.^ Herodotus 
reports the saying, ' that the reign of Amasis was the most pro- 
sperous time that Egypt ever saw ; the river was more bountiful to 
the land, and the land brought forth more abundantly for the 
service of man than had ever been known before ; and the number 
of inhabited cities was not less than twenty thousand.' ' 

It was only natural that so able, active, and prasperous a 
ruler should have aimed at recovering independence, and the 
opportunity was offered by the rapid decline of Babylon under the 
successors of Nebuchadnezzar, and the ensuing contest of Croesus 
and Cyrus for supremacy. But even during the reign of the great 
king of Babylon Amasis seems to have made an attempt to shake 
off the yoke, and thereby to have brought on Egypt another in- 
vasion. We learn this from one of those new discoveries which 

^ See the inscriptions, pp. 298, 310. 

^ For an account of these, see the Student^a Ancient Hi8io}*y of 
the EoMt, pp. 153, 154. 
« Herod- ii. 177. 

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are rapidly restoring to our knowledge the long-lost original 
history of the East. Mr. Theophilus G. Pinches, of the British 
Museum, has deciphered the cuneiform inscriptions on a fragment 
of a tablet, containing the records of one year of Nebuchadnezzar's 
reign, namely the 37th = b.c. 572.^ One side of the tablet, after 
the usual invocation and thanks to some deity, relates that some- 
body revolted, trusting to his army, and that some one went down 
to Mitsir to make battle. This some one was doubtless a general 
of Nebuchadnezzar, and by Mitsir we can only understand the 
Mizraim of Scripture, the Mtizur of the Assyrian records. As to 
the somebody who revolted, we are left in no doubt by the other 
side of the fragment, which (says Mr. Finches) ' begins by stating 
that the king of Mitsir collected his [troops], and from the words 
that follow it seems as if the king of Mitsir had bribed the people 
of the sea-coast (evidently the Mediterranean) to help him ; but 
the mutilated state of the record makes the translation of the 
passage very doubtful. Soldiers, horses, and chariots (?) are then 
mentioned, and the next line states that some persons agreed to 
help him, and that the person helped trusted to them. After this 
the ends of a few lines only appear, and then the record breaks off 
altogether.' The supposition, which seems established by the 
words and date of the record, that it refers to a revolt of AmasLs, 
* is strengthened by the fact that the words king of Mitsir are, in 
one place, preceded by the syllable rfw, which may be completed 
A-ma-Or^, the probable Babylonian form of the name Avutsis.^ 

The * bribing the people of the sea-coast ' is in striking agreement 
with what Herodotus tells us of the foreign policy of Amasis. He 
followed the example of Necho in keeping up his navy, and used 
it to conquer Cyprus, which was a dependency of Phoenicia. He 
maintained relations with the Greeks of Asia Minor, and his 
alliance with Polycrates, tyrant of Samos, has become for ever 
famous by one of the most romantic stories of ancient history.* 
The doom which Polycrates foresaw for the too prosperous man, 
whose sacrifice of his choicest treasure was refused by the gods, 
was at lajst brought upon him by his alliance with Croesus, king of 
Lydia, and Nabonidus, king of Babylon, in the effort to resist the 

' Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archmology, Dec. 3, 

* Herod, iii. 39-43 ; Schiller, Der Ring des Folykrat^, beauti- 
fully translated by Lord Lytton, SehiUer'a Ballads. 

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conquermg power of Persia. He seems, indeed, to have made his 
peace with Cyrus, but Cambyses had no sooner succeeded to the 
throne than he found a pretext for attacking Egypt. His vast 
preparations were completed in the third year of his reign (b.c. 
527) ; * but Amasis died at the very beginning of the invasion^ 
leaving the inheritance of a lost kingdom to his son Pisamethik III., 
the PsAMMENiTUS of Herodotus. 

6. In a battle at Pelusium the Egyptian soldiers and Greek 
mercenaries were overwhelmed after a desperate resistance to the 
Persian hosts. The king was taken prisoner, and was at first treated 
with respect, but, being suspected of conspiaing against Cambyses, he 
wa« put to death within six months of his accession (b.c. 527). It is 
needless to relate here the details of the conquest, and the stories, 
doubtless greatly exaggerated, of the outrages perpetrated by Cam- 

§ II. Egypt under the Persian Kings, Dynasty XXVII. 
(B.C. 527-414 ly 

1. Notwithstanding the tales just referred to, Cambyses (b.c. 
527-522), (in Egyptian Kambathet or Kanbuza, with the regal 
name Sah-taui Mastu-ra), set the example, which was followed 
by the succeeding Persian kings, of assuming the style and titles 
of true Pharaohs, respecting Egyptian institutions, worshipping 
the gods of the country, honouring the priests, and maintaining 
and enlarging the temples. The government was usually com- 
mitted to Persian viceroys, the first of whom, Aryandes, was 
installed by Cambyses when he left Egypt in b.c. 522. He died 
in Syria on his way home, probably by his own hand, through 
despair on receiving the news of the successful usurpation of the 
Magian Pseudo-Smerdis.^ 

2. Darius I., son of Hystaspes, in Egyptian Nthariush (b.c. 
521-486), with the regal name Settu-ra (a near equivalent to 

* The true date — long disputed between b.c. 527 and b.c. 525 — 
is now established by Dr. Brugsch from the Apis tablets. (See 
pp. 299-301.) 

^ See the Student's Ancient History of the East, chap. xxvi. 
§§ 4-9. On his alleged slaughter of the Apis, see above, p. 299. 

^ The lower date is rendered uncertain by the confused accounts 
about Amyrtseus and the recovery of Egyptian independence. 

^ Ibid. p. 511. The usurper has no place in thelistof Manetho. 

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Sesobtris), used his best efforts to conciliate his Egyptian subjects. 
We have already seen the measures he took to foster education 
aooording to nadve ideas, and to bring forward the youth in the 
public service (p. 307); his building of the new and splendid 
temple to Ajnon in the Greatt GasLs (Und,) ; and his attempt to 
reopen the canal between the Nile and the Gulf <^ Suez (pp. 310, 
311). The last was an enterprise of great importance, not for Eigypt 
only, but for the whole empire, which now extended as far as 
India ; and so was the king's restoration of the old caravan route 
through the rocky desert of Hammamat from Coptos to the Bed 

The invaluable records of the Apis tablets not only show the 
honour paid in the king's name to the religion of his Egyptian 
subjects,^ but supply a test for the accounts handed down by the 
Greek writers. Thus we are told* that, when the tyranny of 
Aryandes provoked disaffection, Darius put the satrap to death, 
and committed the government to an Egyptian of the royal house 
of SaTs, who bore the popular name of Amasis. But the rebellLon 
had already broken out, and Darius hastened to Egypt in person. 
It happened that an Apis had died a few days before his arrival at 
Memphis. Darius mourned for the god, and promised a hundred 
talents to any one who should discover his successor. His piety so 
won the hearts of the rebels that they submitted without a blow. 

Now to test this story by the tablets of the Serapeum. We 
have the epitaph of an Apis bull, who died in the 4th year of the 
reign of Darius (b.c. 518).^ This then might be the date of the 
visit, but for two strong objections : first, no revolt of Egypt is 
mentioned in the great Behistun inscription, which records the 
annals of Darius, and especially the insurrections he had to put 
down, during his first six years, to B.c. 516 : secondly, the conquest 
of Cyrenaica was effected by the satrap Aryandes after the Scythian 
expedition of Darius, that is, after 506. Now another Greek stoiy 
places a personal visit of Darius to Egypt in a curious relation to 
his invasion of Scythia. 

' See p. 301. It is fair to observe that the name of Darius 
appears on the tablet only, as fixing the cUUe; but it supplies 
another proof of the free exercise of the old sacred rites under the 
Persian dominion. 

» Polyaen. Strateg. viL 11, § 7. 

3 See p. 300. 

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In his aooount of Sesostris, Herodotns > tells us incidentally 
that Darius the Persian wished to set up his own statue beside 
the great image of Sesostris in front of the temple of Hephiestus 
(Ptah) at Memphis — that &mous colossus of Ramses II. which 
now lies in the ditch at Mit-Rahineh. But the priest of Ptah 
withstood the king's purpose, telling him that he had not done 
such deeds as those of Sesostiis the Egyptian; for besides the 
other conquests equal to his own, Sesostris had also conquered the 
Scy thianSy whom Darius had not been able to subdue ; and the 
king yielded to the objection. Diodonis repeats the story, with 
the variation that the priest said 'not yet^^ and that Darius, 
instead of being angiy with the priest, replied that he hoped in no 
way to fall short of the deeds of Sesostris, if he reigned as long.^ 
By the different turn given to the story it seems clearly implied 
that Diodorus places the visit be/ore, while the older and more 
trustworthy historian £xes it after, the unsuccessful invasion of 
Scythia by Darius. ' 

Now we have another tablet recording the manifestation of an 
Apis in the 31st year of Darius, so that the death of his prede- 
cessor would fall in that or the preceding year (b.c. 492).^ A 
visit of the king to Egypt during the full tide of his preparations 
against Greece seems improbable ; but a stronger objection arises 
from the absence of any mention of an insurrection at this time. 
But we do know that in the 35th year of Darius, the last but one 
of his reign (b.c. 487), the Egyptians — encouraged probably by the 
weakness of the Persian Empire from the battle of Marathon and 
the disputed succession — broke out into a revolt which c ompelled» 
Darius to postpone his second attempt against Greece, and he died 
near the end of the following year.^ We learn from the monu- 
ments that the Egyptians set up a native anti-king, Khabbash, 

' Herod, ii. 110. The stoiy has a special interest and veri- 
similitude from the fact, now revealed by the monuments, that 
Darius assumed the regal name of Settura (Sesostris), after that 
of Bamses II. (Sestura). * Diod. i. 58. 

' See p. 301 ; where Dr. Brugsch regards it as certain that the 
Apis just deceased was the successor of the one that died in the 
fourth year of Darius, so that there would be no tinie between 
B.C. 518 and B.C. 492 for the death of an Apis coinciding with a 
visit of Darius to Egypt. 

® Herod, vii. 4. 

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who held his gnmnd for some tune in the marshes about the lake 
of Bato against * the hereditary foe Xerxes.' ^ 

3. XKRyBS L, on the Egyptian monmnents Kshiabsh or 
Khshebish (b.c. 486-465), engaged the more zealously in the 
reconqnest of Egypt, as he was at first disinclined to renew the 
expedition against Greece.* With his overwhelming force he 
subdued the revolt in person in his second year, and entrusted the 
government to his brother Achsemenes. Herodotus says that he 
made all Egypt much more enslaved than it had been under 
Darius ; ' and the native monuments, as yet known, contain none 
of those tributes of respect to Xerxes which we have seen rendered 
to Darius, and even to Cambyses.^ We are not told what became 
of Khabbash, but the inscription of the satrap Ptolemy ^ seems to 
imply that he gained some further success against Xerxes, and the 
sequel proves that native princes still maintained the smouldering 
fire of national independence. 

4. The opportunity arrived for Egypt in the fifth year of 
Artaxerxes I. LoNGiHANUs (b.c. 465-425), the Arta-Khshesesh 
of the monuments, when the Libyan king Inaros,' of Marea, drew 
the princes of the Delta into a revolt^ which was supported by an 
Athenian fleet of 200 ships. The arrival of this force in the Nile 
was followed by a great victory over the Persians at Papremis, 
where Inaros killed the satrap Achiemenes with his own hand.^ 
A few days later, the Athenian squadron destroyed the greater 
part of a Phoenician fleet sent to aid the Persian army, and the 
allies sailed up the river to Memphis. The ancient capital was 
%oon taken, except its old fortress called the White Wall, where 
the remnant of the Persians held out, and gave Artaxerxes time 
to send a new army to their aid. This great force, led by M^a- 
byzus, retook Memphis, and shut up the defeated allies in the 
island of Prosopitis, where they were blockaded for eighteen 
months. At length Megabyzus diverted an arm of the Nile, 
and stranded the ships, which were destroyed by the Athenians 
themselves. Most of the Greeks fell in battle, and the survivors 
escaped to Cyrene. Inaros, betrayed by his own followers, was 
carried prisoner to Persia and there crucified ; but his ally, Amyr- 

7 See pp. 302, 315, 316. • Herod. viL 6. 

9 Ibid. 7. 1 See p. 304. « Pp. 315-16. 

^ The name is Inaros (^lyapufc), not Inarus (lyapoo), 
* Thucyd. L 104 ; Ctesias, Fersica, §§ 30, seq. 

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DTK. xivm. REVOLT OF AMYRT^Ua 333 

taens, prince of Sais, escaped to the old asylum of Egyptian 
independence in the marshes (b.c. 455). The native resistance 
was encouraged by the attempts which the Athenians made to 
create a diversion in Egypt during their contest with Persia ; but 
no events of importance are recorded under the reigns of 

5, 6, 7. Xerxes II. (b.c. 425-4), the usurper Sogdianus 
(b.c. 424), and Darius II. Nothus (b.c. 424-405), except the 
evidence furnished by the works of the last-named king at the 
temple in the Great Oasis, that respect was still paid by the 
Persian kings to the religion of Egypt* The Egyptian style and 
title of Darius II. was Miamun-ra Kthariush. To the latter 
part of this period belongs the somewhat intricate question of the 
£rst successful steps towards shaking off the Persian yoke. The 
following seems the most probable account. 

§ III. The Twenty-eighth Dynasty of SaIs. — * Ahyrtes or 
AMYRTiEUS, six years' — is the entry in the list of Manetho, as 
preserved in the Chronicon of Eusebius. It has been generally 
assumed that this Amyrtaeus is the same who took part in the 
. revolt of Inaros, though the interval is no less than forty years ! 
But an incidental notice in Herodotus sets the matter in another 
light. In speaking of the first good intentions of Cambyses towards 
Psammenitus, to whom he would probably have committed the 
government of Egypt had he not distrusted him, Herodotus goes 
on to say : ' For the Persians are wont to honour the sons of 
kings ; and even if kings revolt from them, nevertheless they give 
back the government to their sons ; ' and, among many oth|r 
examples, he cites the cases of Thannyras, the son of the Libyan 
Inaros, and of Pcmsiris, the son of Amyrtasua, who received the 
governments which had been held by their fathers; and this, 
though none had done more harm to the Persians than Inaros and 
Amyrtaus.® This seems certainly to imply that, in agreement 
with the constant policy of maintaining the hereditary princes of 
nomes, the Persians had recognised Pausiris, the son of Amyrtseus 
(whether in place of his father or after his death), not assuredly as 
governor of Egypt, but in his father's principality of SaTs. The 
submission implied in such recognition would depend on the 
power of the Persians to enforce it ; and when the opportunity for 
successful rebellion came, it was seized by a second Amyrtseus, 

» See p. 307. « Herod, iii. 15. 

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whom we suppose to bave been the son of 'Paasiijs and the grand- 
son of Amyrtseos, the ally of Inaros J 

As to the chronology, the Chronioon makes the six years of 
Amyrtaeus parallel with the 13th-l8th of Darius II. (b.c. 
412-407) ; but the synchronisms in the Tables of Eusebius repre- 
sent merely an artificial system of chronology, which is not of 
itself a decisiye authority. As the Twenty-eighth Dynasty of 
Amyrtaeus does not interrupt, but follows, that of the Persians, 
concluding with Darius II., it seems more reasonable to suppose 
that his successful revolt took place at or about the end of the 
reign of Darius, and that the Twenty-ninth Dynasty was continuous 
with the Twenty-eighth, taking up the successful struggle im- 
mediately after the death of Amyrtaeus.* The struggle for the 
succession between Artaxerxes II. Mnemon and his brother 
Cyrus would give the opportunity so long watched for.^ 

§ lY. The last Native Pharaohs (b.c. 399-340). — ^The 
distracted state of the Persian Empire not only allowed Egypt 
to secure full independence for about sixty years, but she even 
assumed the offensive against her late oppressors, in alliance with 

^ The distinction between the two Amyn»ei may be illustrated 
by the case of the two Nechos, the father and son of Psammetichus, 
whose place in Eg3rptian history was not made dear till the 
discovery of the annals of Assnrbanipal. 

^ This is the view of M. Maspero, who places the six years of 
Amyrtaeus between B.C. 405 and B.C. 399 {ffiatoire ATusienne de ' 
rOrierU, pp. 361, 362). In the articles AHYRTiEUS and Darius in 
the Diet of Greek cmd Roman Biography, when the native Egyp- 
tian history was very little known, the present writer assumed 
only one Amyrtseus, and made Pausiris his successor after the 
six years of his reign over l^ypt. Had this been the case, 
Pausiris would assuredly hAve appeared in the Twenty-eighth 
Dynasty as his father's successor. Besides, the six years' reign of 
Amyrtoeiis falls, in any case, later than the completion of the 
history of Herodotus. The whole matter still awaits light from 
the monuments. A cartouche read by some as that of Amyrtteus 
seems to be more than doubtful. 

9 It must be observed that the long reign of Artaxerxes II. 
(b.c. 405-369), and nearly all that of Ochus (359-340), have no 
place among the Dynasties of Manetho. 

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the Greeks. Whether bj a failnre in the house of Sab, or horn 
-whatever cause, the sovereignty passed first to the princes of 
Mendes, and twenty years later to those of Sebennytns. 

A. The Twenty-ninth Dynasty, of Mendes, b.c. 399-378.* 

1. Naifaubot I., with the regal name Banra Mi-nutebu, 
the Nephebites I. of Manetho (b.c. 399-393), became king just at 
the time when Sparta had declared war against Persia, and Agesi- 
laus was preparing to invade her territory. The gradual growth 
of the native Egyptian power for some time before this seems 
proved by the fleet of 100 ships, laden with com, arms, and 
munitions of war, which Nepherites sent to the aid of the Lace- 
daemonians. But it was met at Rhodes and dispersed by the 
Athenian fleet under Ck)non, and the Egyptian army, which had 
advanced to the Syrian frontier, assumed a defensive attitude on 
the retreat of Agesilaus from Asia Minor. Artaxerxes, however, 
was obliged to reconquer the states of Asia Minor, which had 
revolted on the occasion oflered by the expedition of Cynis, before 
he could attack Egypt; and meanwhile the Greeks of Cyprus 
asserted their independence under Evagoras, the * tyrant' of 
Cyprus, who sought to strengthen himself by alliances with Athens, 
the Carians, and Egypt (b.g. 391). 

2. The ofler was embraced by the new king Hagab or Hakobi 
(with the regal name Ka-kntjm Mat Stepen-khnum), the Achobis 
('Axwp'c) of Manetho (b.c. 393-380). His ^aval power was 
strengthened by the defection of the commander of the Persian 
fleet ; but we are not told what part the Egyptians had in the 
successes which for some time attended the arms of Evagoras. 
But when the peace of Antalddas relieved Persia from her Greek 
foes (b.c. 387), and Evagoras was defeated and shut up in Cyprus, 
Egypt was again placed on the defensive. The long siege of 
Salamis (b.c. 386-380) gave Achoris time to complete his prepa- 
rations, and to engage in his service an army of Greek mercenaries 
under Greek generals. 

3. 4. The short reigns of Psamut (Psammuthis, Mac; b.c. 380) 
and Naifaubot (Nefheeites II.), may perhaps indicate a dispute 
for the succession; but we have no information of the cause of 
its transference to the princes of Sebennytus. 

' We here follow the chronology of Brugsch, with which 
Haspero generally agrees, varying but slightly from the dates in 
the Chronicon of Eusebius. 

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B. The Thibtdeth Dtkasty, op Sebknkytus (B.a 378-340). 
1. Nakht-hob-ib, with the regal name Rasnotsexhet Stefen- 
ANHUR Isi-ANHUB Se Isi, the Nbctakebo I.* of Manetho (b.c. 
378-360), had tiine to complete the preparations for defence, while 
Artaxerxes was engaged in an expedition against the Gadnsii on 
the Caspian shore, and while his generals were restoring order in 
Asia Minor. Meanwhile, however, a great armj was raised 
for the invasion of Egypt xmder the famons Persian general 
Phamabazos, through whose influence the Athenians not only 
recalled their citizen Chabrias with his mercenaries from Egypt 
(B.C. 377), but sent Iphicrates with 20,000 mercenaiies to rein- 
force Phamabazus. But the divided command proved the ruin 
of the enterprise. After a year or two wasted in preparation, 
the invading force sailed from Ajoo (Acre), disembarked at the 
Mendesian mouth of the Nile, and defeated the Egyptians stationed 
to guard that frontier. But the refusal of Phamabazus to advance 
on Memphis, as Iphicrates advised, gave the Egyptians time to 
resume the oflensive. The inundation came on; the Persians 
were utterly defeated near Mendes; Phamabazus re-embarked 
the remnant of his army, and Iphicrates, fearing to be made a 
scapegoat, fled to Athens (b.c. 375).^ The failure of this attack 
secured peace to Egypt for a quarter of a century, and the disorders 
and rebellions of the western provinces during the later years of 
Artaxerxes encouraged her to assume the oflensive. 

This interval of peace and prosperity was marked by a last 
revival of Egyptian art. The name of Nectanebo is found on 
temples and monuments which he erected or restored through 
tbe whole land, from the Delta to Syene. Pliny, who calls him 
Nechthebis, mentions an obelisk eighty cubits high, prepared by 
this king, and afterwards erected by Ptolemy Philadelphus at 
Alexandria.^ A Greek papyrus, in the Anastasi collection at 

* Also called Nectanebes, -bis, -bus ; Nfrrai'€/3«c, Nfrraic/^ijc, 
Nc»:rav£/3tc, Ncicrnvc/Joff. But in this name there is evidently a 
confusion of Nakhthorib with Ndkhtnebefj the next king but one 
after bim. 

« Diod. XV. 41-43; Nepos, VU. Iphieratis, 2. 

* Plin. H, N, xxxvi. 14. Its being vjithout inscriptions is 
another sign of that unfinished state, which is not uncommon with 
the obelisks and monoliths of the later dynasties. Pliny adds, 
what might be said of many similar works, that ' it cost far more 

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Paris, relates how Neotanebo was oencrared by the god Mars 
(Anhnr), in a dream, for leaving his temple at Sebennytus ^ un- 
repaired, and how he made ample amends for his unintentional 
n^lect by restoring the edifice with great splendour.* 

2. When Zmo, the Tbos (Tci#c) of Manedio, and Tachos 
(Taxwc) of other Qreek and Latin writers (b.c. 364-361),^ suc- 
ceeded to the throne, the suppression of the revolts in Asia 
Minor left Ajrtazerxes II. at liberty for the reconquest of Egypt. 
Fearing a new attack from the whole power of Persia, Tachos 
gathered an army of 80,000 Egyptians and 10,000 Greek mer- 
cenaries, and a fleet of 200 ships. He placed his fleet under the 
Athenian general Ghabrias, and applied to Sparta for Ageeilaus to 
take command of all his forces. It is said that Tachos, disap- 
pointed at seeing in the Spartan king a little old man of homely 
habits, treated him with scorn and disrespect, and set him over 
the mercenaries only, reserving the supreme command to himself. 
In opposition to the advice of Agesilaus, Tachos led his fleet and 
army in person into Phcenicia, leaving the government of EgJ^pt 
to bis brother, whose son Nectanebo accompanied the king, and 
waa sent by him with his £^;yptian forces to reduce the cities of 
Syria.^ Nectanebo seized the opportunity to stir up a mutiny 
among the native troops, while his father ndsed a rebellion in 
Egypt. Agesilaus, whom the king had bitterly offended, went 
over to Nectanebo with the Greek mercenaries, and Tachos, 

trouble in its carriage and elevation than had been originally 
expended in quarrying it ; ' and he gives an account of the process. 

^ Anhur was the tutelar god of Sebennytus and its nome 
(the 12th of Lower Egypt : see p. 348), and his name enters twice 
into the regal title of Nectanebo. 

7 Wilkinson, Ancient Egf^Hane, vol. i. pp. 139, 140; 2nd 
edition by ]>r. Birch. 

* We follow here the dates given by Maspero and the writers 
on Greek history, in preference to those given in Dr. Brugsch's 
lists of the kings (Appendix A.), inasmuch as the authorities place 
Tachos in the reign of Artaxerxes Mnemon, not of Ochus; and 
besides, the later date is inconsistent with the death of Agesilaus 
in B.O. 360. We do not, however, alter our author's dates in his 

^ We choose what seems the most probable account amidst a 
considerable conflict of the authorities. 


Digitized by 



finding himself abandonedy took refuge in Sidon, and afterwards 
fled to ArtaxeizeSy by whom he was reoeivBd kiiMDy, and died at 
his ooori.* 

3. NAKHTNEBasF, witli the regal naniB Ba-khepeb-ka, the 
Nectansbo n. of Manetho and the doanc writers (b.c. 361-340), 
had first to defiand his nsorped €mwn against a rival prince of 
Hendes.' Though the latter had much the larger force — some 
say 100,000 men, bat co mp osed of townsmen .and artificers — the 
military skill of Agesilaiis won the victory for Kectanebo. The 
Spartan king left E^Q^t with an immense reward from the king 
(no less, it is said, than 220 talents), and died on his way home 
(b.c. 360). Chabrias also and his merceoaries were recalled by 
the Athenians, and the defence of Egypt's independence was left 
to a king whose taste inclined him rather to foster her arts and 
science. The monnments of Kectanebo thronghoat all ihe land 
exhibit the perfection of the later style of Egyptian art ; and it was 
said that, had he shown the same skill as a general that he 
displayed as a bnilder and a magician,^ the trimnph of Egypt was 
certain. But he had at last, like Psammetichus III. nearly two 
centuries before, an enemy too strong for him. The cruel but 
energetic Ochus (who assumed the name of Artaxerxes III.), 
coming to the throne of Persia in b.c. 359, at once bent all efforts 
to reconquer Egypt. At first, however, fortune seemed to fftvour 
the national cause. The generals of Ochus were again and again 
defeated through the skill of the Greek commanders in the service 
of Nectanebo, Diophantus the Athenian, and the Spartan Lamia. 
These disasters excited Phoenicia and Cyprus to revolt, and Nee- 
tanebo sent 4,000 mercenaries to aid the Phoenicians under the 
Bhodian refugee Mentor, who, with his brother Memnon, had 
already played a conspicuous part against the Persians. Ochus 

® Xenoph. Ages, ; Plut. Ages. ; Paus. iii. 10 ; Polyien. iii. 1 ; 
iElian, V. H. y. 1 ; Nepos, Ages, and Chabrias : the account of 
Diodorus, xv. 92, 93, is in some respects less probable. 

^ This is doubtless meant by ' a certain Mendesian ' (Mf rd^crtoc) 
which some of the authorities seem to take for a proper name. 
We seem to have here another sign of that contest of supremacy 
between Mendes and Sebennytus, which may have caused the 
transition from the Twenty-ninth to the Thirtieth Dynasty. 

' For the magical arts of Nectanebo, see above, p. 293, and 
the Pseudo-Callisthenes, L 1-14. 

Digitized by 


DTir. xxxT., xzxn. 


meanwhile had taken the field in person with a great force, in- 
tent on the subjugation both of Phoenicia and Egypt. Mentor, 
probably foreseeing on which side the victory must remain, went 
over to Ochus with his mercenaries, and, after the reduction of 
Phoenicia, accompanied the king's march against Egypt. The va«;t 
preparations for defence were neutralized by the incompetence of 
Nectanebo, who insisted on keeping the chief command in his 
own hands. The Persian king appeared before Pelusium with an 
army of 300,000 Asiatics and 40,000 Greeks; and, instead of 
Tna.lring the most of the natural difficulties presented by the 
marshefl and canals, Nectanebo, on the first repulse of a portion of 
his force, shut himself up in Memphis, and thence fled with his 
treasures to Ethiopia. Other stories are told of his escape, with 
an evident view to gloze over the last shameful disaster, which 
ended ' the long majestic line ' of Egypt's Pharaohs ; but, from a 
sepidchral figure lately found, he seems to have been buried at 
Memphis.' The date of this reconquest of Egypt by Persia is 
given variously by chronologers as b.c. 353, 345, and 340. 

§ V. Thb Thibty-fibst Dynasty of Persians (b.c. 340-332) 
held their recovered possession only for eight years. 

1. Ochus (b.c. 340-338) died two years after his restoration to 
the double crown, poisoned by the eunuch Bagoas. His youngest son 

2. Arses (b.c. 338-336) was set up and murdered within three 
years by the same minister, who placed on the throne his friend 

3. Darius III. Codomannus (b.c. 336-332),* only to succumb 
in the contest with thfe Macedonian conqueror, who was welcomed 
in Egypt as a deliverer. (See Chap. XX. p. 319.) 

§ VI. The Thirty-second Dynasty of Macedonians (b.(\ 

1. Alexander the Great (b.c. 332-323). 

2. Philip ARRHiDiKus (b.c. 323-317). 

3. Alexander Mqvs (b.c. 323-311). 

These names are given to complete the outline down to the 

' Mariette-Bey, Monumenta divers, 1872, pi. 32. 

* The year b.c. 332 is that of the end of the Persian Dynasty 
in Egypt by Alexander's conquest of the country. The death of 
Darius and the end of the Persian Empire took place in the next 
year, B.C. 331. 

z 2 

Digitized by 


340 THE PTOLEMIES. dyw. xxxm. 

Ptolemaic epoch ; but the deeds of Alexander in and for Egypt 
are left to be read in the records of his life. Airhidaens, the 
bastard son of Philip the Great, and the only remaining scion of 
the royal house of Macedon, being at Babylon when Alexander 
died, was elected his successor by the name of Philip. A few 
months later Eoxana, the Bactrian wife of Alexander, gave birth 
to a son, who was named Alexander j£gus, and was recognized as 
the associate of Philip in the empire. Of these merely titular 
possessors of the thrones for which the generals of Alexander were 
contending, Philip fell a victim to the hatred of his Other's widow, 
Olympias, in b.c. 317, and Alexander .ZGgus was murdered by 
Ca88ander in ac. 311. Their rojral cartouches are found on the 
Egyptian monuments, and that their titular sovereignty was 
i^ecognized in that country is proved, at least in the case of Alex- 
ander ^gas, by the inscription distinctly dated in his seventh 
year, in which Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, the real possessor <^ the 
land, designates himself as satrap.' 

But, in fact, the rule over Egypt was all this time in the hands 
of Ptolemy, who chose it in the division of Alexander's dominions 
after his death, and hastened at once to take possession. It was 
not till B.C. 306 that, after the example set by Antigonus, he 
assumed the title of king, by the name of Pix)Lem£US I. Soter ; 
but, this step once taken, his regnal years were dated from the 
real beginning of his rule, in B.c. 323. 

§ VII. Thb Thirty-third Dynasty of thb (Greek) Pto- 
lemies (b.c. 323-30) lasted just 300 years, till, after Octavian's 
victory over Antony and Cleopatra, and th^ suicide of that last 
heiress of the line, Egypt was reduced to a Boman province. 
The Boman CsBsars are sometimes reckoned as a Thirty-fourth 
Dynasty ; but it must be remembered that that title is only pro- 
perly applied to the Thirty Dynasties of Manetho. 

The History of the Ptolemies in Egypt is to form the Second 
Division of Dr. Brugsch's great work. 

^ This inscription has been cited in the text, pp. 289, 315. 

Digitized by 





^who ruled in Egypt, from the first Pharaoh, Mena, to the end of 
the XXXIst Dynasty. 

Their names and order, down to the Ph<iraoh Bamses II. 
(abont B.C. 1350), are founded on the list of Kings in the Table of 
Abydus (Nos. 1-77). 

The numbers added, to mark their Epochs, refer to the huo- 
cession of generations assumed in our work ; but these, from the year 
666 onwards, are superseded by the regnal years actually proved. 

1st Dynasty : op Thinis. 


1. Mena 

. 4400 

2. Tota 

. 4366 

3. Atoth 

. 4333 

4. Ata • . 

. 4300 

6. Sapti 

. 4266 

6. Mirbapen 

. 4233 

7. (Semempses) . 

. 4200 

8. Qebeh . 

. 4166 

IInd Dynasty: of Thinis. 

9. Buzau 

. 4133 

10. Kakau . 

. 4100 

11. Bainnuter 

. 4066 

12. Utnas . 

. 4033 

13. Senta 

. 4000 

Digitized by 




APP. A. 

niKD DTNAfimr: OF Memphis. 


14. Zazai .... 

. 3966 

15. Nebka .... 

. 3933 

16. Tofler[8a] 

. 3900 

17. Tota .... 

. 3866 

18. Setes .... 

. 3833 

19. Noferkara 

. 3800 

20. Senoferu .... 

. 3766 

IVth Dtka8Tt: of Memphib. 

21. Khufu .... 

. 373S 

22. Katetf .... 

. 3700 

23. Khafra .... 

. 3666 

24. Menkara .... 

. 3633 

25. Shepseskaf 

. 3600 


26. Uakaf .... 

. 3566 

27. Sahura .... 

. 3533 

28. Keka .... 

. 3500 

29. Noferfra .... 

. 3466 

30. Banuser .... 

. 3433 

31. Menkauhor 

. 3400 

32. Tatkara .... 

. 3366 

33. Unas .... 

. 3333 

VIth Dtoastt : OF Memphis. 

34. Uskara .... 

. 3300 

35. Teta .... 

. 3266 

36. Merira Pepi . 

. 3233 

37. Merenra .... 

. 3200 

38. Noferkara 

. 3166 

39. Merenra Zafemsaf . 


Digitized by CiOOQle 

4PP. ▲. 



VUth-XIth JDtnasties. 


40. Nuterkara 


41. Menkara . 


42. Noferkara 


43. Noferkara Nebi 


44. Tatkara Shema 


45. Noferkara Khontu 


46. Merenhor 


47. Senoferka 


48. Banka . 


49. Noferkara Terel 


50. Noferkahor 


51. Noferkara Pepiseneb 


52. Noferkara Annu 


53. . . . kaura 


54. Noferkaura 


55. Noferkauhor . 


56. Noferarkara . 


57. Nebkherra Mentuhotep . 


58. Sankhkara 



XUth Dynasty: of Thebbs. 

59. Amenemhat I. . 


60. Usurtasen L 


61. Amenemhat XL 


62. Usurtasen 11. . 


63. Usurtasen III. . 


64. Amenemhat 111. 


65. Amenemhat IV. 


A gap, which oomprises more ihan 5(M 
and during which the time of the ] 
kings falk. In all five dynasties 

} years; 


• 1733 

Digitized by VjOC 



APT, A. 

XVIUth Dtnastt: of Thebes. 


66. Aahmes . 

. 1700 

67. Amenhotep L . 

68. Thutmesl. 

. 1666 
. 1633 

69. Thutmesir. . 

70. Thutmesin. . 

'} 1600 

71. Amenhotep IT. 

72. ThutmeslV. . 

. 1566 
. 1533 

73. Amenhotep m. 

74. Horemhib 

. 1500 
. 1466 

(One generation of heretic ^ng») . 1433 

XIXth Dtnastt: op Thebes. 

75. Bamessu I. . . . 

. 1400 

76. Mineptah I. Seti I. . 

77. Miamun I. Samessu 11. . 

. 1366 
. 1333 

Mineptah BE. Hotephima . 
Seti n. Mineptah m. 
Setoakht Mere' Miamnn I 

. 1300 

. 1266 

[. . 123a 

XXth Dtnasit: op Thebes. 
Bamessu lU. Haq-Od 
Eamessu IV. 
Eamessu VI. 
Meritum . 
Eamessu VII. 
Eamessu Vlll. 
Eamessu IX— XTT. 

XXIsT DrxAsrr: of Thebes and Tank. 

Hirhor IIOO 

Pianklii 1066 

HnotemL .... 1035 
PisebkhanI lOOO 




Digitized by 



XXIInd Dynasty: of Bubastus. b.o. 

Sbashanq I. 966 

Usarkonl 933 

Takeloth 1 900 

Usarkonll 866 

Shashanqll 833 

Takeloth n 800 

XXmsD Dynasty: op Tanis and Thebes. 

TJsarkon 766 

XXTVth Dynasty: op SaIs and Memphis. 

Bokenranef 733 

XXVth Dynasty: the Ethiopians. 

Shabak . . . . • ) »/^/^ 

Shabatak . . . -J 

Taharaqa 693 

XXVIth Dynasty: op SaIs. 

Psamethik 1 666 

Neku ...... 612 

Psamethik n 596 

Uahabra 591 

Aahiues 572 

Psamethik m 628 

XXVUth Dynasty: the Persians. 

Cambyses 627 

Darius I. . . . . . . 521 

Xerxes 1 486 

Artaxerxes ..... 466 

Xerxes n 425 

Sogdianus — 

Darius n 424 

Digitized by 


346 DTNA£rnES and kings. app. a. 

XXVIHth Dthastt. B.O. 

XXIXth Dtsasty: of Mendbs. 

NaifaurotL 399 

Hagar 393 

Psamut 380 

Naifaurotn. 379 

XXXth Dtsasiy: op Sebbnnttus. 
Nakhthorib ... . . .378 

Ziho 360 

Nakhtnebef 358 

XXXIsrr Btnastt: thb Fbbsians. 

Ochiis 340 

Arses 338 

Darius m. . . . . .336 

Conquest of Egypt by 

Alexander the Great -^ . . 332 

Digitized by 


AS9. B. 



2nd Nome. 

3rd Nome. 

4ih Nome. 

5th Nome. 
6th Nome. 



Patobis (the Sonth Country, Upper Egypt). 
1st Nome. Capital : As (Elephantine). 

Deities : Khnum and Sopet (Sothis). 
Capital : Teb (Apollinopolis Magna). 

Deities : Hor (Apollo) of Hut, and 
^ Hathor (Aphrodite), 
Capital: Nekheb (Eileithyiapolis). 

Deity : The goddess Nekheb. 
Capital : Ni or Ni-amon (Diospolis Ma^a). 

Deities: Amon-ra (Zeus) and the 
goddess Mut. 
Capital : Qobti (Coptos). Deity : Khim (Pan). 
Capital : Tantebeb (Tentyra). 

Deities : Hathor and Hor-samta. 
7th Nome. Capital : Ha (Arab. Hou, Diospolis Parva). 

Deities: Nebtha (Nephthys) and 
Capital : Abdu ( Abydus). 

Deity: Anhur(Mars). 
Capital : Apu (Panopolis). Deity : Khim (Pan). 
Capital : Tebu ( Aphroditopolis). 

Deity : Hor-matL 
Capital: Shab-hotbp (Hypsel^). Deity : Khnum. 
Capital : Ni-ent-bak (AntsBopolis). 

Deities : Hor and Mati (Isis). 
Capital: Siact (Lyoopolis). 

Deities : Ap-maten ( Anubis) ' of the 
South,' and Ha. 
14th Nome. Capital : Qobs, Qos (Oiisse). 

Deity : Mat (Themis). 
Capital : EIhimuku (Hermopolis). 
Deity : Thut (Hermes). 

8th Nome. 

9th Nome. 
10th Nome. 

11th Nome. 
12th Nome. 

13th Nome. 

15th Nome. 

Digitized by 




16th Nome. 


HiBONU (Hipponon). God : Hor. 

17th Nome. 


Qa sa (Cyndnpolis). 
God : Anap (Annbis). 

18th Nome. 


Ha-Suti£N (Alabastronpolis). 
God: Annp. 

19th Nome. 


Pi-MAZA (Oxyrhynchus). 
God : Set (Typhon). 

20th Nome. 


Khinensu (Heracleopolis Magna). 
God : Khnum called Her-shaf. 

2lBt Nome. 


Smek-hor (Ptolemaifl 1). God : Khnum. 

22iid Nome. 


: Tbp-ah (Aphroditopolifi). 
DeUy: Hathor. 


2nd Nome. 
3rd Nome. 

II. Patomhit (the North Country, Lower Egypt). 

Ist Nome. CapUal : Men-nofeb (Memphis). 

BeUies : Ptah (Hephsestos) 
CapUal : Sokheh (Ijetopolis). God : Hor(-aer). 
CapUal : Ni-bnt-hapi (Apis). 

Goddess : Senti (Hathor-Nub). 
4th Nome. CapUal : Zoq'a (Canopns). 

BeUies : Amon-ra and Neit 
CapiUd : Sa (Sais). Goddess : Neit. 
Capital : Khesuu (Xols). God : Amon-ra. 
Capital : Somti-nofeb (Metelis). 

BeUies : He, « Lord of the West,' 
and Isis. 
Cc^ntal : Thukot (Sethrog). 

BeUies : Tum (Helios) and Hathor. 
Capital : Pi-usir (Busirifi). God : Osiiis. 
Capital : Ha-ta-hir-ab (Athribis). 

Beiiies : Hor-khont-khethi, and the 
^goddess Khut. 
Capital : Qa-hebes (Oabasus). BeUy : Isis. 
CapUal : Theb-nuteb (Sebennytus). 

God : Anhur (Mars). 
Capital : Anu (On, Heliopolis). 

BeUies: Hormakhn (Helios) and 
the goddess lusas. 

5th Nome^ 
6th Nome. 
7th Nome. 

8th Nome. 

9th Nome. 
10th Nome. 

11th Nome. 
12th Nome. 

13th Nome. 

Digitized by 


APP. B. 



14th Kome. Capital : 

15th Nome. Capital : 

16th Nome. Capital : 

1 7th Nome. Capital : 

18th Nome. 
19th Nome. 
20th Nome. 

Capital ; 
Capital ; 

Zo'an (Tanis). 
Deities : Hor and the goddess 
Pi-THUT (Hermopolis). 
Deities : Thut and the goddess No- 
Pi-Bi-NEB-DAD (Mendes). 

Deities : Bi- neb -dad (Mendes) and 
the goddess Ha-mehit. 

Pl-KHUN-EN-AMON (DiospoKs). 

Deities : Amon-ra and the goddess 
Pi-bast (Bubastus). Goddess : Bast. 
Pi-UTO (Buto). Goddess : XJto (Isis). 
QosEM (Phacussa). 

God : Sapt, ' the Lord of the East.' 

With regard to the geographical position of the 
respective Nomes, as they are determined, with a 
very few exceptions, in the order and arrangement 
denoted above, on the monuments ahke of older and 
later times, I refer to the Maps appended to this 
work. These will also enable the reader to identify a 
number of cities and places in the old empire of the 
Pharaohs, which have been passed over in the above 
list of the Nomes and their capitals. 

Digitized by 





Those of my readers who may wish to undertake 
the task of comparing the numerous Egyptian names 
occurring in the foregoing work with the correspond- 
ing names in non-Egyptian sources of history, will 
perhaps thank me for placing before them a list of 
the characters of the Old Egyptian alphabet, repre- 
senting their proper value and our mode of tran- 
scribing them. I must add the remark, that, for the 
sake of simplicity in printing, I have as much as 
possible avoided the method of expressing the parti- 
cular force of the letters by those dots and marks, 
which now-a-days form part of the scientific apparatus 
of orthographical transcription. Even the professed 
scholar and student will find this no disadvantage, 
when he understands that I cite all names according 
to the values assigned in the following list. 

[The English reader will find some variations in our text from 
Dr. Brugsch's mode of representing the characters. These are 
added to the list in brackets ( ). The only cases requiring special 
notice are : — (1) The German ach is replaced by our simpler 
notation of the sound, sh, (2) The hard ch (x) is changed to kh, 
a notation more usual with English Egyptologers, and avoiding 
the confusion with our common ch, a confusion, it is true, which 
ought not to be made, were Greek retained in its proper place as 
the moat esserUicd part of a liberal edttcation, — Ed.] 

Digitized by 


App. c. EGYPTIAN NAMES. 351. 

Old Egyptian Alphabet. 

Scientific Chaiacteis. In this Work. 

d a (broad) 

a (Heb. Jf, Arab, c) ' (above the line) 

a (Vocal) a and e (continental sound) 

i i (ditto) 


u pure ^ 












h (Heb. n) 

A (Arab. ^) 

X (Heb. n, Arab. ^) 

ch {kh) 

i (Heb. B^, Arab, j,) 
q (Heb. p, Arab, j, 
the Greek koppa) 
A; (the Greek kappa) 
k (Heb. J, Arab. ^) 

8ch (Eng. sh) 
q (with sound of k, 
not of jw) 



.i(Heb. -I) d 

«' (French zy z 

> As a oonvenieiit distinction, and in ficcordance with custom, 
•W& use the pnre u in ancient names, as Ueurtcuen, but the ott for 
the same sound in modem names, as Ahou, Aeaotutn, Ac — Ed. 

Digitized by 



As an example of a text transcribed according to 
the scientific method, I have chosen the following in- 
scription on one of the two memorial stones spoken of 
in Vol. I. p. 182. The contents relate to the fixing of 
the southern boundary of Egypt at Wady-Halfah by 
the command of king Usurtasen III., who here speaks 
in his own person, in order to declare in pithy lan- 
guage to future ages his opinion of the importance 
of a conqueror. No one can fail to observe the con- 
trast which the language and tone of this time (the 
twenty-fourth century B.C.) form to the style of later 

King Usurtasen HI. speaks thus : — 
[^] renpit XVI dbot III pirt art hon-f 

* Tear | 16 | month | 3 | winter | made | his Majesty (I) 

tai ris er Heh [*] wurar-na 

the boTindary | of the south | at | (the land of) Heh. | I made 

tai-a j^ont'd dief-d du-ertu-na [•] hau 

my boundary | my going | that of my | I gave (added) | some more 
up (was) fathers ; 

hir si utut nd nenok suten fetu dru 

to I it. I It was a I to me I who became | king | to utter | the doing 

kaat [*] db-d pu j^epert em tot-d 

wish I of my heart | wi^s | what should come | by | my hand. 

to pass 

atu er Qetet se^^mu er [^] mar tern 

A conqueror | to | take | let him avoid | the | covering. | Let not 

seter tfetet em db-fi j^emet tuau aha 

rest I the speech | in | his heart. | The (man) desti- | fame | stands there 

tute of 

Mr [^] sef tern sefen en -^en peh 

in I being gentle | without | the gentleness | of the | enemy | reaches 

8U pehu pekut'f keru kert [^] uiebu 

him. I Has any one | his goal | let be silent ) silence | let answer 

Digitized by 



tetet ma ^epert dm si ter entet dr 

the speech | as | it happened | accordingly ; | therefore | that» | if 

^r em yet peh si seye^m 

silence | is in | consequence | of him who has | it, | to strengthen 


[*] db pu en j^eri kent pu at 

the heart, | that means | of the | enemy. | Strength | means | attacking. 

yest pu hem yet hem pu [®] mdaru 

Weakness | means | taming | back. | Cowardice | means | being taken 

Mr tai-j ter entet sem nehes er 

upon I his borders. | Therefore | that | heard | the negro | about 

yer en ro-d nen [^^] itieb-f tutu hem 

what fell I from | my mouth, | not | gave he reply. | Made | turn back 

fi atet er f tuturf sa-f hem yet 

him I theassailer | against | him, | he gave | his back | turning | backwards, 

ua-f er at [^^] nen rod ds ent 

he remained far | from the | assailer. | Not | men | so, | who 

Aefet set huru pu seiu db 

tnanly | are. | To fail | that means | of strength | and of courage. 

[^*] du-maa-en set hon nen em dmes 

Has beheld | them | the Majesty (I). | Not is it | as | imagination. 

hak-nd himt-sen nernid [^^] yer-sen pir 

I took I their women. | I drove away | their inhabitants | coming out 

er ynumt-sen hu korsen* uha pir-sen 

to I their wells | Were slain | their bulls, | destroyed | their com, 

[^*] ertu seiet dm any nd dtef-d fet-d 

was set I fire | thereto. | An oath | to me | by my father, 1 1 speak 

em mat nen yen dm [^^] en aba pir 

in I troth. | No | room | therein | for | contradiction | of that which 

comes out 

em rO'd dr kert sa-d nib serutet-ji 

of I my mouth. | He is | however | my son | every one | who keeps 

Digitized by 



tai [^®] pen dr en hon sa-d pu 

boundary | this | made | by | the Majesty (me). | My son | is he called. 

mcLst'f en hon tut sa-d nefntUi 

He is bom | of the | Majesty (me). | A likeness | my son | to the 


dtef P^] serut ta§ en utet 

of (his) father, | to the keeper | of the bonndary | of him | who begat 

su dr kertu f^X^ ^^ ^^^ *^f X^ 

him. I If I however | he lays bare | it, | so that not | he | ^onld 


P^] hir fi nen sa-d as nen mes-tef as 

upon I it, I not | my son | then, | not | is he bom | then 

nd esd kert ertu en hon drt tut 

of me. I Behold I | however | causes | the Majesty (I) | to make | a like- 

P'] en hon Mr 

of the I Majesty (myself) | upon 

hon nen mertu 

Majesty (me). | Not | is it wished 

mertu ^er-6an Mr Ji. 

to be desired | ye fight | upon | it. 

The translation, recast into a consecutive form, 
will run as follows : — 

'In the 16th year, in the 3rd month of the winter season, I 
fixed the southern boundfifty at the land of Heh. I fixed mj 
boundary by advancing upwards like my predecessors. I extended 
it. It was my firm resolve — I who became king — to declare how 
I would act, and what should be done by my hand according to 
the desire of my heart. A conqueror should avoid concealment : 
his speech should not rest in his heart. He who has no desire of 
fame waits still and is full of gentleness, without finding gentleness 
from his enemy. When any one has achieved his purpose, then let 
him refrain from silence, let him give an account how all has 
been done. For if silence follows him who has attained success, 
that is as much as to strengthen the courage of his adversary. To 


boundary | 


this 1 




1 by 


ye worship | 



1 upon 

lit |: 


in the 

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be strong means going forward to his goal; to be weak means 
tnming backwards ; to be cowardly means letting himself be taken 
upon his border. Therefore, because the negro people had heard 
what went forth out of my mouth, they made no reply. He who 
made an attack upon them put them to flight. They turned 
their back and fled away. They kept &r from him who attacked 
them. They were therefore not men of manly spirit; and that 
means to be wanting in strength and courage. I beheld them, not 
only in imagination. I took their women, I led away their inhabi- 
tants, who had gone out to their fountains. Their bulls were 
slaughtered, their com was destroyed, and fire was set to it. I 
swear by my father that I speak the truth. There is no ground 
for contradicting the utterance of my mouth. 

' Every one of my sons, who maintains this boundary which I 
have fixed, he shall be called my son, who was bom of me. My 
son is like the protector of his father (i.e. Horus), like the preserver 
of the boundary of his &ther (i.e. Osiris). But if he abandons it, 
so that he does not fight upon it, he is not my son, he is not then 
bom of me. 

* 1 have caused my own image to be set up on this boundary 
which I have fixed, not that ye may (only) worship it (the image) 
upon it (the boundary), but that ye may fight upon it.' 

I have printed the above translation word for word, 
in order to furnish a proof, from this example, to one 
of my learned French critics, that inscriptions of the 
older time are indeed no child's play, and that their 
value for historical research depends wholly and 
solely on the correct explanation df the text. A fair- 
minded reader will not be willing to take up the re- 
proach, which my French critic has made against me, 
that I have not made so much use of certain important 
inscriptions for the earlier history of Egypt, as they 
may probably have deserved. The deciphering of 
inscriptions has no real significance, until the transla- 
tor is sure of his subject in its fullest compass. When 
the opposite course is taken, they bring more damage 

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than profit, for they confuse the facts, and they deter 
the outer circle of students from availing themselves 
of even the most certain translations for their re- 
searches. I shall bear the blame of my French critic 
with the greatest composure until he himself shall 
have furnished the proof, that the most ancient texts 
are capable of being translated with fuller certainty 
than the examples hitherto given by him lead us to 
expect with any special confidence in the future.* 

^ In translating the last paragraph, we have not thought that 
the name of the critic referred to, or certain remarks on the trans- 
lation of the same inscription by another French scholar, would 
be of interest to the English reader. In &ct, Dr. Bruggch, in his 
pamphlet of ' Additions and Corrections,' directs the omission of 
the last paragraph ; but the principles expressed in it with regard 
to our present understanding of the older inscriptions, seemed to 
us too important to be omitted. We may be permitted, finally, 
to remind the reader that the whole science of hieroglyphic inter- 
pretation is still only in its mhjicy; and perhaps the greatest 
lesson to be learned from its wonderful revelations is that of patient 
expectation for what yet remains to be discovered. — En. 

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Sepiemher lyth, i$74 





Note.— 2TI« Map which aeeompani£8 the Original Pamphlet, and <m which 
the RouU of the leraeliteB ii marked, is the eame as the Map of Lower Egypt 
appended to this tfolume 

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The publication of this Discourse, which should have 
appeared a year ago, has been delayed by the absence 
of the Author, while in official charge of an expedition 
into the interior of the Libyan Desert, of Egypt, and 
of Nubia. On returning from this journey, he was 
able to take advantage of his stay in the eastern part 
of Lower Egypt, to examine the sites, and to verify 
the topographical and geographical views, which form 
the subject of this Memoir. 

The Author is happy to be able to state, that his 
new researches have contributed to prove, even to the 
smallest details, the conclusions which the papyri and 
the monuments compelled him to form with regard to 
the topographical direction of the Exodus, and to the 
stations where the Hebrews halted, as related in Holy 

Li a special Memoir, which will form a complete 
chapter of my periodical publication, ' The Bible and the 
Monuments' {BibelwidDenkmdhr)^ announced several 
months since, the reader will find a collection of all 
the materials drawn from the monuments, which have 
enabled me to re-establish the route of the Jews after 
their departure from Egypt, and which prove incon- 

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testably that the labours of Messrs. Unruh and Schlei- 
den * on the same subject were based on views as near 
the truth as was then possible. 

Notwithstanding the very hostile and sometimes 
not very Christian attacks, which these new views have 
had to sustain on the part of several orthodox scholars, 
the Author of this Discourse ventures to affirm that the 
number of monumental indications is every day accu- 
mulating, and continually furnishing new proofs in 
favour of our discovery. Any one must certainly be 
blind, who refuses to see the flood of light which the 
papyri and other Egyptian monuments are throwing 
upon the venerable records of Holy Scripture ; and, 
above all, there must needs be a wilful mistaking of 
the first laws of criticism by those who wish to dis- 
cover contradictions, which really exist only in the 
imagination of opponents. 


In our Translation, we follow Dr. Bmgsch's orthography of 
the proper names, which, in this Memoir, he has adapted to the 
French language in which it was written, as, for the chief example, 
in ihe use of ou for the pure u used in his German text. 

We have not thought it necessary to encumber the pages with 
Notes referring to all the points already touched on in the History, 
and here collected into one focus of light thrown on the subject 
in hand.-— !EiD. 

* See p. 366 of the following Discourse. 

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The following pages contain the printed report of the 
Discourse, which the delegate of His Highness 
Ismael L, Khedive of Egypt, had the honour to 
deliver on the evening of September 17, 1874, at the 
International Congress of Orientalists in London. 

Although the necessarily restricted limits of time, 
and the consideration due to an indulgent audience, 
did not permit him to develop all the details of a 
question, the solution of which has occupied him 
through a long course of years, the lively marks of 
satisfaction with which his hearers were pleased to 
honour him, and which were echoed by journals held 
in the highest esteem, impose on him the duty of 
presenting to the pubhc the contents of this Discourse 
under the form of a Memoir drawn up on the out- 
lines of his subject. 

The more that his researches and investigations on 
the Exodus, founded on the study of the monuments, 
appear to present to the Author results which are 
entirely opposed to the views hitherto adopted with 
regard to this part of the history of the Hebrews, so 
much the more does he feel almost compelled to publish 
the materials which have supplied him with a founda- 
tion, and which have imperatively led him to present 

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the departure of the Jews from Egypt in its true 

Those who are afraid of meeting in these new 
hypotheses attacks upon the statements of Holy 
Scripture — ^from which may God preserve me — or 
the suggestion of doubts relative to the sacred history, 
may feel completely reassured. Far from lessening 
the authority and the weight of the Books on which our 
religion is founded, the results at which the Author 
of this Memoir has arrived — thanks to the authentic 
indications of the monuments — ^will serve, on the con- 
trary, as testimonies to establish the supreme veracity 
of the Sacred Scriptures, and to prove the antiquity 
of their origin and of their sources. 

The Author cannot conclude without fulfilling a 
sacred duty by thanking hia august Master, in the 
name of science, for the numerous efforts which he 
has generously devoted to the development of his- 
torical studies and to the service of the monuments 
of his country. Having found in the person of our 
excellent and learned friend and colleague, Mariette- 
Bey, one as devoted as he was qualified by skill and 
experience to carry out his enlightened ideas, His 
Highness the Khedive of Egypt has perfectly under- 
stood and accomplished the high mission which Divine 
Providence has reserved for him, that of being the 
regenerator of Egypt, ancient as well as modern.^ 

H. B. 

^ This is left as it was written ; but 'much has happened since 
then/— Ed. 

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His Highness the Khedive of Egypt, Ismael Pasha, 
has granted me the honour of representing his country 
at the International Congress of Orientalists in London. 
On this occasion, the enlightened prince, who has 
rendered so many services to the science I profess, has 
ordered me to express, in his name, to the illustrious 
members of the Congress, his most lively sympathy 
and his sincere admiration for the invaluable labours 
with which they have enriched science, in bringing 
back to life by their researches the remotest past of 
those happy countries of the East, which were the 
cradle of humanity and the centres of primitive 

If His Highness has deigned to fix his choice on 
me as his delegate to London, I owe this distinction 
less to my humble deserts than to the special character 
of my latest researches on the subject of the history of 
the Hebrews in Egypt. 

Knowing the lively interest with which the English 
world follows those discoveries, above all others, which 
have a bearing upon the venerable records of Holy 
Scripture, His Highness has cnarged me to lay before 
this honourable Congress the most conspicuous results 

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of my studies, founded on the interpretation of the 
monuments of E^ypt. 

In thus bringing before you a page of the history 
of the Hebrews in Egypt, I would flatter myself with 
the hope that I may be able to reward your attention, 
and thereby justify the high confidence with which 
His Highness has been pleased to honour me. 

I am to speak of the Exodus of the Hfebrews. But, 
before entering on my subject, I wiU take leave to 
make one observation. I wish to state that my dis- 
cussion is based, on the one hand, upon the texts of 
Holy Scripture, in which I have not to change a single 
iota ; on the other hand, upon the Egyptian monu- 
mental inscriptions, explained according to the laws 
of a sound criticism, free from all bias of a fancifiil 

K for almost twenty centuries, as I shall have 
occasion to prove, the translators and the interpreters 
of Holy Scripture have wrongly understood and ren- 
dered the geographical notions contained in that part 
of the Biblical text which describes the sojourn of the 
Hebrews in Egypt, the error, most certainly, is not 
due to the sacred narrative, but to those who, unac- 
quainted with the history and geography of the remote 
times which were contemporary with the events in the 
history of the Hebrews in Egypt, have laboured to 
reconstruct, at any cost, the Exodus of the Hebrews 
after the scale of their scanty knowledge, not to say, 
of their most complete ignorance. 

According to Holy Scripture, Moses, after having 
obtained from the Pharaoh of his age permission to 

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lead into the Desert the children of Israel, worn out 
with their hard servitude in building the two cities 
of Pitom and Bamses,^ started with his people from 
the city of Eamses,^ and arrived successively at the 
stations of Succoth* and Etham.'* At this last en- 
campment he turned,^ taking the direction towards 
Migdol and the sea — observe that there is not here a 
word about the ' Sea of sea-weed ' ^ (the Eed Sea) — 
opposite to the * entry of Khiroth/^ over against Baal- 
zephon. Then the Hebrews passed by way of the 
' Sea of sea-weed ' (translated by the interpreters ' the 
Eed Sea ') ;^ they remained three days in the Desert 
without finding water ; ® they arrived at Marah, where 
the water was bitter;^ and at length they encamped 
at Elim, a station with springs of sweet water and a 
little grove of date-palms.^ 

The different opinions and different results, in 
tracing the direction of the march of the Hebrews, 

' Exod. i. 11. Observe that Barneses has already been men- 
tioned by cmticipationf to mark the locality in which the children of 
Israel were settled when they came into Egypt : — Gren. xlvii 11 : 
' And Joseph placed his father and his brethren, and gave them a 
possession in the land of fjgypt, in the best of the land, in the land 
of Bamesee, as Pliaraoh had commanded.' — Ed. 

* Exod. xii. 37. • Ibid, and xiii. 20. 

* Ibid. xiii. 20. • Ibid. xiv. 2. 

® ' Mer des Algaes/ the translation of the Hebrew ^4D"D^ < the 
sea of souph/ which the LXX. always render by ^ ipvBpa QaKaaaa 
(as also in the N. T., Acts vii. 36, Heb. xi. 29), except in Judges 
ix. 16, where they preserve the Hebrew name in the form 2/^. 
— En. 

7 Pi-hahiroth, Exod. xiv. 2. « Exod. xiii. 18, xv. 22. 

^ Ibid. XV. 22. As to the name Shur, see below, p. 390. 

» Ibid. XV. 23. « Ibid. XV. 27. 

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are just as many as the scholars who have att^oapted 
to reconstruct the route of the Hebrews from the data 
of Holy Scripture. But all these scholars, except only 
two (see p. 360), have agreed unanimously that the 
passage through the Eed Sea must be regarded as the 
most fixed point in their system. 

I dare not weary your patience by enumerating all 
the routes reconstructed by these scholars, who^had 
certainly the best intentions, and who lacked only one 
thing — but that very essential — the necessary know- 
ledge of facts in the geography of ancient Egypt. Their 
general practice, in order to rediscover the itinerary 
of the Hebrews, was to resort to the Greek and 
Eoman geographers, who Uved more than a thousand 
years after Moses, and to mark the stations of the 
Hebrews by the Greek or Latin names belonging to 
the geography of Egypt under the rule of the 
Ptolemies or the Cassars. 

If a happy chance had preserved that Manual of 
the Geography of Egypt which, according to the 
texts engraved on the walls of the temple of Edfou, 
was deposited in the Library of that vast sanctuary 
of the god Horus, and which bore the title of * The 
Book of the Towns situated in Egypt, with a De- 
scription of all that relates to them,' we should have 
been relieved from all trouble in rediscovering the 
localities referred to in Holy Scripture. We should 
only have had to consult this book, to know of what 
we might be sure with regard to these Biblical names. 
Unfortunately, this work has perished together with 
so many other papyri, and science has once more to 

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r^ret the loss of so important a record of Egyptian 
antiquity. But even this loss is not irreparable! 
The monuments and the papyri, especially those of 
the dynasty of the Ramessids, contain thousands of 
texts and notices of a purely geographical kind, 
making frequent allusion to topographical positions ; 
besides which, a very considerable number of in- 
scriptions, engraved on the walls of the temples, con- 
tain tables more or less extensive, which give us the 
most exact knowledge of the political divisions of 
Egypt, and the most complete lists of the departments 
of that country, accompanied by a host of the most 
curious details. 

Let me lay before you the scattered leaves of the 
lost book of which I have just spoken. Our purpose 
is to collect them carefully, to put them together in 
their relation to each other, to try to fill up the gaps, 
and finally to make out the list of them. 

After having been engaged on this work for 
twenty years, I have succeeded, at the beginning of 
this year, in reuniting the membra disjecta of the 
great Corpus Geographice of Egypt, which is com- 
posed, according to the Index of my collections, of a 
number exceeding 3,600 geographical names. In 
the work of applying the laws of a sound and calm 
criticism to these rich materials, without allowing 
myself to be enticed by an accidental resemblance 
of form in the foreign proper names, when compared 
with the Egyptian names, I have undertaken to 
traverse Egypt through all its quarters, in order to 
obtain a knowledge of the ancient ground in its 

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modern condition, and to satisfy myself, from my own 
eyesight, of the changes which the surface of the soil 
has undergone in different parts of the country dur- 
ing the course of the past centuries. 

Having in this manner accomplished a labour 
which had the only drawback of being sometimes 
beyond my strength, but which has never worn out 
my patience, I have the honour of presenting its 
results, in the form of a summary, to this honourable 
Congress, as a tribute of respect and esteem due to 
the illustrious scholars here assembled. While, for 
my own part, I experience deep satisfaction at having 
in some sort reached the goal which I proposed to 
myself twenty years ago, it would prove, on the other 
hand, my highest recompense, to learn from your 
judgment that I have recovered a great part of the 
lost book of the Geography of Ancient Egypt. The 
application of the geographical results settled and 
laid down in this summary, which will form the 
special subject of the present meeting, wUl furnish 
you with a fair test of the importance of these results 
and of their value to historical science. 

Will you permit me to begin my exposition by a 
remark concerning the general topography of the 
country which we are about to traverse, in order to 
discover and follow the traces of the Hebrews during 
their sojourn in Egypt ? AU the scholars, who have 
given attention to this subject, are agreed that this 
country lay on the Eastern side of Lower Egypt, to 
the east of the ancient Pelusiac branch," which has 
disappeared from the map of modern Egypt, but tli4 

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direction of which is clearly indicated by the position 
of the ruins of several great cities which stood on its 
banks in ancient times. Beginning from the South 
of the country in question, the city of Anu, the same 
which Holy Scripture designates by the name of On, 
identifies for , us the position of the Hehopolite nome 
of the classic authors. 

Next, the mounds of Tel-Bast, near the modern 
village of Zagazig, enable us to fix the ancient site of 
the city of Pi-bast, a name which Holy Scripture has 
rendered by the very exact transcription of Pibeseth,® 
while the Greeks called it Bubastus. It was the chief 
city of the ancient Bubastite nome. 

Pursuing our course towards the North, the 
vast mounds, near a modern town called Qous by 
the Copts and Faqous by the Arabs, remove all 
doubt as to the site of the ancient city of Phacoussa, 
PhacousssB, or Phacoussan, which, according to the 
Greek accounts, was regarded as the chief city of 
the Arabian nome. It is the same place to which 
the monumental lists have given the appellation 
of Gosem, a name easily recognized in that of 
' Guesem of Arabia,' used by the Septuagint Version 
as the geographical translation of the famous Land of 

Directly to the North, between the Arabian nome, 
with its capital Gosem, and the Mediterranean Sea, 
the monumental lists make known to us a district, 
the Egyptian name of which, * the point of the North,* 

» Ezek. XXX. 17. 

* Gen. xlv. 10; xlvL 34; xlviL 4, 6, 27; Ex. viii. 22; ix. 26. 

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indicates at once its northerly position. The Greek 
writers call it the Nomos Sethroites, a word which 
seems to be derived from the appellation Set-ro-hatu, 
* the region of the river-mouths/ which the ancient 
Egyptians appUed to this part of their country. 
While classical antiquity uses the name of Heracleo- 
poUs Parva to designate its chief town, the monu- 
mental lists cite the same place under the name of 
'Pitom/ with the addition, *in the country of Sukot/ 
Here we at once see two names of great importance, 
which occur in Holy Scripture under the same forms, 
the Pithom and the Succoth of the Hebrews.^ 

Without dwelling, for the moment, on this curious 
discovery, I pass on to the last district of this region, 
situated in the neighbourhood of the preceding one, 
between the Pelusiac and Tanitic branches of the 
Nile. The Egyptian monuments designate it by a 
compound name, which signifies * the beginning of 
the Eastern country,' in complete agreement with its 
topographical position. Its chief town is named, 
sometimes Zoan, sometimes Pi-ramses, * the city of 
Eamses.' Here again we have before us two names, 
which Holy Scripture has preserved perfectly in the 
two names, Zoan and Eamses, of one and the same 
Egyptian city. 

As the new geographical definitions which I have 
now set forth tend necessarily to a certain conclusion, 
I do not for a moment hesitate to declare that I 
willingly take upon myself the whole responsibiUty, 
as much for the accuracy of the philological part of 

' See reff. above. Respecting the name of Sukot, or Tukot, 
the reader is referred to the Note at Vol I. p. 233. — En* 

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my statement, as for the precision of the geographical 
jsites which I have brought to your knowledge. 

After these remarks, I return to Pitom and Ram- 
ses. When you have entered, at Port Said, from the 
Mediterranean into the maritime Canal of Suez, your 
vessel crosses the middle of a great plain, from one 
end to the other, before stopping on the south at the 
station called by the engineers of the canal El-Kan- 
tara. But during this transit you mi;st give up all 
hope of being cheered by the view of those verdant 
and smiling meadows, those forests of date-palms and 
mulberry- trees, which give to the interior of Lower 
Egypt — covered with numerous villages and inter^ 
sected with thousands of canals — the picturesque 
character of a real garden of God. This- vast plain 
stretches out from the two sides of the maritime canal, 
without affording your eye, as it ranges over the wide 
space to the farthest bounds of the horizon, the least 
point to, rest upon. It is a sea of sand, with an 
infinite number of islets covered with reeds and 
thorny plants, garnished with a sort of white efflores- 
cence, which leads us to recognize the presence of 
salt water. In spite of the blue sky, the angel of 
death has spread his wings over this vast sad solitude, 
wtere the least sign of life seems an event. You but 
rarely meet with the tents of some poor Bedouins, 
who have wandered into this desert to seek food for 
their lean cattle. 

But the scene changes from the time when the 
Nile, in the two months of January and February, 
has begun to cover the lands of Lower Egypt with its 

BB 2 

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waters. The vast plains of sand disappear beneath 
the surface of immense lakes. The reeds and rushes, 
which form large thickets, shoot up wonderfully, and 
millions of water-birds, ranged along the banks of the 
lagoons or collected in flocks on the islets of the 
marsh, are busy fishing, disputing with man the rich 
prey of the waters. Then come the barks manned 
by the fishermen of Lake Menzaleh, who, during the 
two or three winter months, ply their calling vigor- 
ously, in order afterwards to sell the * fassikh ' (salted 
fish) to the inhabitants of the Delta and of Upper 

Such is the general character of this region, which 
I have traversed three times, at difierent seasons of 
the year, in order to become acquainted with the 
pecuUarities of its surface ; and such are the impres- 
sions which I have brought away from my repeated 
visits. These are the plains, now half desert, half 
lagoons and marshes, that correspond to the .territory 
of the ancient district of the Sethroite nome, * the 
point of the East ' according to the monuments, the 
capital of which was called Pi-tom, the city of Pithom 
of the Bible. 

In ancient times this district comprised both banks 
of the Pelusiac arm of the Nile, and extended dh 
the western side as far as the eastern bank of the 
Tanitic arm. Marshes and lagoons, with a rich vege- 
tation consisting of rushes and reeds, of the lotus 
and, above all, the papyrus plant, are met with to- 
wards the sea-shore : these are the places called by 
an Egyptian word, Athu, or by the foreign word 

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Souph, that is, ' the papjrrus marshes ' of the Egyp- 
tian texts. There were also pools and lakes, called 
by the Semitic name of Birkata, which reached to 
the neighbourhood of Pitom. The district was tra- 
versed in all directions by canals, two of which were 
near the city of Pelusium ; each bearing a special 
name which recals the use of a Semitic language 
spoken by the inhabitants of the district in question. 
The city of Pithom, identical with that of Heracleo- 
poUs Parva, the capital of the Sethroite nome in 
the age of the Greeks and Eomans, was situated half- 
way on the great road from Pelusium to Tanis ; and 
this indication, given on the authority of the itineraries, 
furnishes the sole means of fixing its position towards 
the frontier of the conterminous district of Tanis. 

The Egyptian texts give us evident and incon- 
testable proofs that the whole of this region, which 
formed the district of the Sethroite nome, was denoted 
by the name of Suku or Sukot. The foreign source of 
this designation is indicated by the monuments, and is 
proved by its relations with the Hebrew words sok^ 
sukkahj in the plural sukkoth^ which bear the primary 
sense of * tent.' There is nothing surprising in such an 
appellation, analogies to which are found in the names 
Scfenae Mandrorum, Scenae Veteranorum, Scenae extra 
Gerasa, given by the ancients to three places situated 
in Egypt. In these names, then, the principal word, 
Scenae, * tents,' has the same signification as the 
Semitic-Egyptian word Sukot, which recals to us the 
name of Succoth, given in Holy Scripture to the first 
station of. the Hebrews when they had left the city of 

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Ramses. This name of * tents ' takes its origin from 
the encampments of the Bedouin Arabs, who, with the 
permission of the Pharaohs, had taken up their abode 
in the vast plains of the country of Sukot, and who, 
from the most remote periods of Egyptian history, had 
there preserved the manners, the customs, and the reli- 
gious behefs pecuhar to their race, and had diffused the 
use of Semitic words, which were at length adopted 
officially by the Egyptian authorities and scribes.^ 

Thus it is that the greatest number of the proper 
names, used on the monuments and in the papyri to 
denote the towns, villages, and canals of the district of 
Sukot and of the adjacent nome of Tanis, are ex- 
plained only by means of the vocabulary of the Semitic 
languages. Very often the existing Egyptian names 
are changed in such a manner that the Semitic name 
contains the exact translation of the sense of the 
Egyptian name. In this case the Semites have used 
the same method that the Greeks and Eomans em- 
ployed, namely, to render the proper names of the 
geography of Egypt by translation into the correspond- 
ing words of their own language. In this process 
they went so far as to substitute the names of the 
divinities of classical mythology for those of the gods 
and divinities of the Egyptian pantheon* Hence it is 
that the classic authors give us names of cities such as 
Andron-poUs (the *city of men'), Gynaecon-poUs (the 
' city of women .'), Leonton-polis (the ' city of lions '), 
Crocodil6n-poUs, Lyc6n-poUs, Elephantine, that is, the 
cities of crocodiles, of wolves, of the elephant or 
« Comp. the 'History/ Vol. II. pp. 105,/. 

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ivory, &c., which exhibit actual translations of the cor- 
responding Egyptian names. And it is thus, also, that 
the same authors speak of cities called Dios-polis, 
Hermo-polis, Helio-polis, Aphrodito-polis — that is to 
say, the cities of the gods Zeus, Hermes, Helios (the 
Sun), and of the goddess Aphrodite — in order to render 
into Greek the Egyptian names No-Amon, ' the city of 
Amon,' Pi-thut, * the city of Thut,' Pi-tom, ' the city of 
the sun-god Tom,' Pi-Hathor, * the city of the goddess 
Hathor.' The Hebrews did just the same : and thus 
there waa, at the entrance of the road leading to 
Palestine, near the lake Sirbonis, a small fortification, 
to which, as early as the time of the Nineteenth 
Dynasty, the Egyptians gave the name of Anbu, that 
is, ' the wall,' or ' fence,' a name which the Greeks 
translated according to their custom, calling it Ger- 
rhon {to Feppop), or in the plural Gerrha (ra Tippa)? 
The Hebrews likewise rendered the meaning of the 
Egyptian name by a translation, designating the mili- 
tary post on the Egyptian frontier by the name of 
Shur, which in their language signifies exactly the 
same as the word Anbu in Egyptian and the word 
Gerrhon in Greek, namely, * the waU.' This Shur is 
the very place which is mentioned in Holy Scripture, 
not only as a frontier post between Egypt and Pales- 
tine, but also as the place whose name was given to 
the northern part of the desert on that side of Egypt. 
Just in the same way, the Hebrew word Souph, — 

^ There was a Chalckean town of the same name on the Eu- 
phrates, and another in Arahiaj and a district Ti^poc or Tifipoi 
on the Borysthenes, in European Sarmatia ; all in positions where 
we fihould expect to find frontier fortresses. — Ed. 

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whose meaning of 'weeds, reeds, rushes, papyrus- 
plant ' is certified by the dictionaries of the Hebrew 
language, and which was used to denote a town situated 
on the Egyptian frontier, at the opposite end of the 
great Pharaonic road which led towards the south 
of the Dead Sea, and also gave its name to the Yam 
Souph, * the Sea of Eeeds' — this word, I say, con- 
tains simply the translation of the Egyptian Athu, 
which signifies the same as the Hebrew Souph, that 
is, * reeds, weeds ' or * the papyrus plant,' and was 
applied as a general term to denote all the marshes 
and lagoons of Lower Egypt, which are characterized 
by their rich vegetation, consisting of papyrus and 
of rushes. The Egyptians, on their part, knew so 
well the meaning of the Hebrew word, that they 
frequently adopted the foreign name of Souph, in- 
stead of the word Athu in their own tongue, to 
denote not only the name of the City of Eeeds, but 
also the Sea of Eeeds, the Yam Souph, which we shall 
meet with further on. 

After this remark of a philological character, 
which appeared to me indispensable for the un- 
derstanding of my subject, I return to the city of 
Pitom, the chief place of the region of Sukot, about 
which the monuments furnish us with some very 
curious pieces of information. I will begin with the 
divinity worshipped at Pitom and in the district of 
Sukot. Although the lists of the nomes, as well as 
the Egyptian texts, expressly designate the sun-god 
Tom — the same who had splendid temples at On or 
Heliopolis — as the tutelar deity of Sukot, they never- 

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theless add, that the god Tom represents solely the 
Egyptian type corresponding to the divinity of Pitom 
who is called by the name of ankh, and surnamed 
* the great god.' The word ankh, which is of Egyptian 
origin, signifies * life ' or * He who lives,' ' the Living 
One.' This is the only case, in the Egyptian texts, of 
the occurrence of such a name for a god as seems to 
exclude the notion of idolatry. And in fact, if we 
take into consideration the presence of families of the 
Semitic race, who have resided in Egypt at all periods 
of her history — including the nation of the Hebrews 
— we cannot refuse to recognize in this divine name 
the trace of an old religious notion, which has been 
preserved even in the monumental records of the 
Egyptians. I will not venture to decide the question, 
whether the god ' He who lives ' of the Egyptian text 
is identical with the Jehovah of the Hebrews ; but, at 
all events, everything tends to this belief, when we 
remember that the name of Jehovah contains the same 
meaning as the Egyptian word ankh, * He who lives.' 
According to the monuments, this god, in whose honour 
a great feast was celebrated on the 13th day of the 
second month of summer, was served, not by priests, 
like the other divinities of the Egyptian pantheon, 
but by two young girls, sisters, who bore the sacred 
title of Ur-ti, that is, ' the two queens.' A serpent, 
to whom the Egyptian texts give the epithet of ' the 
magnificent, splendid,' was regarded as the living 
symbol of the god of Pitom. It bore the name of 
Kereh, that is, * the smooth ' (compare Kepg^e, * calvus,' 
n*73, * smooth, bald'). And this serpent, again, trans- 

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ports us into the camp of the children of- Israel in 
the wilderness ; it recals to us the brazen serpent of 
Moses, to which the Hebrews offered the perfumes of 
incense until the time when king Hezekiah decreed 
the abolition of this ancient serpent-worship.® 

The relations of the Hebrews with Pitom and 
Sukot do not, however, end here. 

According to the indications of the monuments, 
the town of Pitom, the chief place of the district of 
Sukot, had an appellation which it owed to the pre- 
sence and existence of its god ankh, ' He who lives ' 
Of ' the Living One,' and which, in the terms of the 
Egyptian language, was pronounced p-ka-ankh, * the 
habitation or the dwelling-place of the god ankh.' 
In conformity with this name, the district of Sukot 
was otherwise called p-u-nt-pka-ankh, * the district of 
the dwelling-place of the Living One/ Add to this 
monumental name the Egyptian word za, the well- 
known designation of the governor of a city or a 
district, and you will have the title Za-p-u-nt-p-aa- 
ankh, ' the governor of the district of the dwelling- 
place of the Living One,' which a Greek of the time of 
the Ptolemies would have rendered by the translation, 
' the nomarch of the Sethroite nome.' 

And now turn to Holy Scripture : it will inform 
you that the Pharaoh of Joseph honoured his vizier 
with the long title of Zaphnatpaneakh, which, letter 
for letter, answers exactly to the long Egyptian word, 
the analysis of which I have just laid before you.* 

* Ntimbers xxi. 9 ; 2 Kings xviii. 4. 

^ Comp. Yol. I. p. 307^ where the hieroglyphs of this title are 

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More than this, according to the narrative in Holy 
Scripture, when Joseph made himself known to his 
astonished brethren, he said to them,^ ' I am Joseph 
your brother ; it is not you that sent me into Egypt, 
it is God. It is God who established me as priyy 
councillor to Pharaoh, and as lord over all his house.' 
The first title, in Hebrew, is written Ab-le-Pharaoh, 
in which the translators, from the LXX. downwards, 
have recognized the Hebrew word, Ab, ' father ; ' but 
we learn from the Egyptian texts that, far from being 
Hebrew, the title of Ab-en-pirao designates the first 
minister or officer, who was attached exclusively Jo 
the Pharaonic household. Several of the precious his- 
torical papyri of the time of the Nineteenth Dynasty, 
now in the British Museum, the texts of which consist 
of simple letters and communications written by scribes 
and officers of the court, relate to these Ab-en-pirao, 
these superior officers of the Pharaoh, whose high 
rank is clearly indicated by the respectful style of 
these scribes of inferior rank. 

All these observations, the number of which I 
could easily extend by other examples, will serve to 
demonstrate, in general, the presence of a foreign 
race on the soil of Sukot, and, especially, to give in- 
contestable proofs of the close relations between the 

given. "We preserve Dr. Brugsch's slight variations in the ortho- 
graphy. — Ed. 

* Gen. xlv. 4, 8. We follow Dr. Brugsch's translation, which 
the reader can, of course, compare with the Authori25ed Version. 
Bespecting the offices oi Ah and Adon, see Vol. I. pp. 253, 307, 
311-12, 617 (the elevation of Horemhib, so like that of Joseph) j 
Vol. TI. pp. 146, 188.— Ed. 

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Egyptians and the Hebrews. By what we may call 
the international use of words belonging to their 
languages, the Egyptian texts fiimish us with direct 
proofs which ceilify the existence of foreign peoples 
in. the district of Pitom. 

The Egyptian texts, with the famous papyrus of 
the British Museum at their head, tell us continually 
of the Hiru-pitu, or Egyptian officers who were 
charged with the oversight of these foreign popu- 
lations residing in the region of Sukot. These same 
texts make known to us the Adon (a word entirely 
Semitic in its origin) or superior chiefs of Sukot, 
magistrates who served as intermediaries in the re- 
lations of the Egyptian authorities with these popu- 
lations. This service, which was not always of a 
peaceable character, was supported by a body of 
police (the Mazaiou), whose commander (the Ser) 
was chosen from among the great personages of the 
Pharaonic court. The Egyptian garrisons of two 
fortresses constructed on the frontiers of the nome of 
Sukot watched the entrance and departure of all 
foreigners into and out of that territory. The first, 
called Khetam (that is, the fortress) of Sukot, was 
situated near the town of Pelusium. It guarded the 
entrance into the district of Sukot from the side of 
Arabia. The other, called by a Semitic name Segor 
or Segol, that is, * the barrier,' of Sukot, prevented 
foreigners from passing the frontier on the southern 
side and setting foot on the territory of the district 
^adjacent to Tanis-Eamses. Thus the two forts were 
placed at the two ends of the great road which 

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■ ''■■■' . ■ ■ 11 1^ 

traversed the plain of Sukot in the midst of its lakes, 
marshes, and canals.. The description, which a Eoman 
author (Pliny, see p. 898) has left us of the nature of 
the roads of this country, may serve to prove that, 
as early as the beginning of our era, the great road 
of the district of Sukot was somewhat like the track 
of the present day, by which only the Bedouins 
of the country and their famihes are able to travel. 
As might be easily imagined beforehand, the marshy 
condition of Sukot scarcely permitted the foundation 
of towns in the interior of the district. Hence the 
Egyptian texts, in agreement with the notices of thie 
classic writers, speak only of towns and forts on the 
frontier. Allow me to direct your attention especially 
to a fortress situated at the east of the nome of Sukot, 
on the border of the Arabian desert, in the neigh- 
bourhood of a freshwater lake, and called by its 
Semitic name, which was adopted by the Egyptians, 
Migdol, that is, * the tower,' and by its purely Egyp- 
tian name, Samout. The site of this place is fixed 
by the position of Tel-es-Semout, a modern name 
given to some heaps of ruins, which at once recals 
the ancient appellation of Samout. As early as the age 
of the Eighteenth Dynasty, about 200 years before the 
time of Moses, this place was regarded as the most 
northern point of Egypt, just as on the southern 
border the city of Elephantine or Souan (the Assouan 
of our time) was considered the most southern point 
of the country. When king Amenophis IV. sum- 
moned all the workmen of the country, from the city 
of Elephantine to Samout (Migdol), the Egyptian 

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text, which has preserved this information for Us, 
says precisely the same as does the prophet Ezekiel, 
in predicting to the Egyptians of his time the devas- 
tation of their country * from Migdol as far as Seve 
(Assouan) on the frontier of the land of Kush.' * 
When I observe that this Migdol is the only place of 
that name which I have met with in the I^ptian 
geographical texts, among more than three thousand 
geographical proper names, the probabiUty at once 
follows, that the Migdol of the prophet Ezekiel is not 
different from the Migdol of the Exodus. 

It is time to leave the district of Sukot, and to 
follow by way of Pitom the ancient road which led 
to Zoan-Tanis, the capital of the frontier district, a 
distance of 22 Koman miles, according to the ancient 
itineraries. A sandy plain, as vast as it is dreary, 
called at this day San in remembrance of the ancient 
name of Zoan, and covered with gigantic ruins of 
columns, pillars, sphinxes, stSlae, and stones of build- 
ings — all these fragments being cut in the hardest 
materiitl from the granite of Syene, — shows you the 
position of that city of Tanis, to which the Egyptian 
texts and the classic authors are agreed in giving the 
epithet of ' a great and splendid city of Egypt.' Ac- 
cording to the geographical inscriptions, the Egyp- 
tians gave to this plain, of which Tanis was the 
centre, the name of Sokhot Zoan, * the plain of Zoan,' 
the origin of which name is traced back as far as the 

* Ezek. zxix. 10 ; xzx. 6. In our Authorized Version, as so 
frequently happens, the right translation is given in the margin, 
' from Migdol to Syene/ the text being wrong, and in fact non- 
sense : ' from the tower of Syene to the border of Ethiopia ' is like 
saying ' from Berwick to the frontier of Scotland/ — ^Ed. 

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«ige of Eamses ET. The author of the 78th Psalm 
makes use in two verses (12 and 43) of precisely the 
same phrase in reminding the Hebrews of his time of 
the miracles which God wrought before their an- 
cestors ' the children of Israel, in Egypt, in the plain 
of Zoan.' This remarkable agreement is not acci- 
dental, for the knowledge of the Hebrews concerning 
all that related to Tanis is proved by the note of an 
annalist, likewise reported in Holy Scripture, that 
the city of Hebron was built seven years before the 
foundation of Zoan.^ 

If the name of Zoan — which the Egyptians, as 
well as the Hebrews, gave to this great city, and 
which means * a station where beasts of burthen are 
laden before starting on a journey ' — is of a purely 
Semitic origin, two other names, which are likewise 
given to the same place and are inscribed on the 
monuments discovered at San, reveal their derivation 
from the Egyptian language. These are the names 
of Zor and Pi-ramses. The first, Zor — sometimes 
Zoru in the plural — has the meaning of the * strong ' 
place, or places, which agrees with the nature of the 
country lying towards the East and defended by a 
great number of fortifications, of which Tanis was 
one of the strongest.* 

The second appellation, Pi-ramses, *the city of 

^ Numbers ziii. 22. Bespecting the probable connection in 
ihe origin of the cities, which seems to be implied in this mention 
of them together, see the StvdenCa Ancient History of the East, 
p. 116.— Ed. 

^ The Egyptian name of Maxor, applied to this country, shows 
us the origin of the Hebrew word Mazor, which is given in Holy 
Scripture to the same region. 

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Bamses,' dates from the time of the second king of that 
name, the founder of all those edifices whose gigantic 
ruins still astonish the traveller of our day. This is 
the new city, built close to the ancient Zor, and so 
often mentioned in the papyri of the British Museum,* 
at which Eamses 11. erected sanctuaries and temples 
in honour of a circle of divinities, called * the gods of 
Ramses.' The king caused himself also to be honoured 
with a religious worship, and the texts of the later 
age make mention of the ' god-king Bamses, sumamed 
the very vaUant.' I cannot omit to quote the name 
of the high-priests who presided over the different 
services of religion in the sanctuaries of Zor-Bamses. 
According to the Egyptian texts these priests bore 
the name of Khar-tot, that is, * the warrior.' The 
origin of this appellation, which seems strange for 
persons so peaceful, is satisfactorily explained by the 
Egyptian myths concerning the divinities of the city 
of Bamses. But the interest attached to this title 
arises not so much from these religious legends as 
from the fact, that Holy Scripture designates by the 
same name the priests whom Pharaoh summoned to 
imitate the miracles wrought by Moses. The in- 
terpreters of Holy Scripture are agreed that the 
name of Khartumim, given in the Bible to the Egyp- 
tian magicians, in spite of its Hebrew complexion, is 
evidently derived from an Egyptian word. And here 
we have the word Khartot, which supplies us not 
only with the means of discovering the real meaning 
of Khartumim, but also with a new proof that the 

^ See especially the oontemporoty description at Yol. 11. pp. 
100-102.— En. 

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scene of the interviews between Pharaoh and Moses 
is laid in the city of Zoan-Ramses. 

The Egyptian records, especially the papyri, 
abound in dates relating to the building of the new 
city and sanctuaries of Ramses, and to the labours in 
stone and in bricks with which the workmen were 
overburthened, to make them complete their task 
quickly. These Egyptian documents furnish details 
so precise and specific on this sort of work, that it is 
impossible not to recognize in them the most evident 
connection with the ' hard bondage ' and * rigorous 
service ' of the Hebrews on the occasion of building 
certain edifices at Pitom and Eamses.^ Any one 
must be blind who refuses to see the light which is 
beginning to shine into the darkness of thirty cen- 
turies, and which enables us to transfer to their true 
places the events which the good Fathers of the Church 
— excellent Christians, indeed, but ill acquainted 
with antiquity — ^would have confounded till the end 
of time, had not the monuments of the Khedive and 
the treasures of the British Museum come in good 
time to our help. 

To alter the position of the city of Ramses, in 
defiance of the evidences of the Egyptian documents, 
would involve the introduction of irreparable con- 
fusion into the geographical order of the nomes and 
cities of Egypt. 

This city of Zoan-Ramses, from which, about the 

year 1600 before our era, and in the 22nd year of 

his glorious reign, the gr^at conqueror, Thutmes III., 

« Exod. i. 11, U. 

VOL.11. CO >^!^T--^-^v 

ir 07 Ti:r. 



set out at the head of his army to attack the land 
of Canaan : — ^This city, into which, in the 5th year 
of his reign, Eamses II. made his triumphal entry, 
after having won his victories over the people of the 
Khetians, and in which, sixteen years later, the same 
Pharaoh concluded the treaty of peace and alliance 
with the chief of that people: — ^This city, whose 
great plains served as the field for the cavalry and 
troops of the kings to practise their warlike ma- 
nceuvres : — This city, whose harbour was filled with 
Egyptian and Phoenician vessels, which carried on 
the commerce between Egypt and Syria : — ^This city, 
which the Egyptian texts designate expressly as the 
end of the proper Egyptian territory and the be- 
ginning of that of the foreigner; — This city, of which 
an Egyptian poet has left us the beautiful description 
contained in a papyrus of the British Museum: — 
This same city where the Eamessids loved to reside, 
in order to receive foreign embassies and to give 
orders to the functionaries of their court: — ^This is 
the very city where the children of Israel experienced 
the rigours of a long and oppressive slavery, where 
Moses wrought his miracles in the presence of the 
Pharaoh of his age ; and it was from this same city 
that the Hebrews set out, to quit the fertile land of 

We will now follow them, stage by stage. 

Travellers by land, who were leaving Ramses to 
pursue their journey towards the East, had two roads 
that they might follow. One of these led, in a north- 
easterly direction, from Eamses to Pelusium ; passing 
half-way through the city of Pitom, situated at an 

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equal distance from Eamses and from Pelusium. This 
is that bad road, described by Pliny, across the 
lagoons, the marshes, and a whole system of canals, 
of the region of Sukot. According to what the 
monuments tell us, this road was not very much 
frequented. It was used by travellers without bag- 
gage, while the Pharaohs, accompanied by their 
horses, chariots, and troops, preferred the great 
Pharaonic road, the Sikkeh-es-soultanieh of the 

This last contained four stations, each separated 
from the next by a day's march. These were Eamses, 
* the barrier ' of Sukot, Khetam, and Migdol. We al- 
ready know the names and position of these stations, 
with the exception of the third, called Khetam. This 
word Khetam, which the Hebrews have rendered by 
Etham, has the general sense of * fortress,' as I have 
proved before. To distinguish it from other Khetams 
which existed in Egypt, and especially from the 
Khetam of the province of Sukot, situated near Pelu- 
sium, the Egyptian texts very often add to the word 
the explanatory remark, * which is situated in the 
province of Zor,' that is, of Tanis-Kamses. 

There is not the least doubt as to the position of 
this important place, of which we even possess a 
drawing displayed on a monument of Sethos I. at Kar- 
nak. According to this drawing, the strong place of 
Khetam was situated on both banks of a river (the 
Pelusiac arm of the Nile), and the two opposite parts 
of the fortress were joined by a great bridge, a 
Qanthareh (or Kantara), as it is called in Arabic. At 

00 3 

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a little distance from these two fortresses, and behind 

them, is found the inhabited town, called in Egyptian 

Tabenet. While this name at once recals the name 

of Daphnse {Aajfnnu)^ given by the Greek historian 

Herodotos^ to an Egyptian fortress, the following 

observations will result in furnishing proofe of the 

greatest certainty for the identification now proposed. 

Herodotus speaks, in the first place, of Daphnse in 

the plural, in agreement with the existence of the 

two fortresses according to the Egyptian drawing. 

He gives them the surname of *the Pelusian' on 

account of the position of the fortresses in question, 

on the two opposite banks of the Pelusiac branch. 

Herodotus says expressly, that at his day (as in 

former times) there was in this Pelusian Daphnse a 

garrison which guarded the entrance into Egypt on the 

side of Arabia and Syria. The ruins of these two 

forts, standing over against one another, still exist in 

our day; and the name of Tel-Defenneh, which they 

bear, at once recals the Egyptian name of Tabenet 

and the name of Daphnae mentioned by Herodotus. 

The remembrance of the bridge, the Qanthareh, 

which joined the two forts of Khetam-Daphnae, has 

been likewise preserved to our time, for the name of 

Guisr-el-Qanthareh, ^ the dyke of the bridge,' which is 

now applied to a place situated a little distance east 

of Elietam, must be regarded as the last reminiscence 

7 Herod, ii. 30 : where aU the three fix>ntier fortreBses and their 
objects are mentioned, viz. on the S., the N.E., and the N.W. : 
£iri '9afifiiTi\ov fiaatXioc ^vXcucal Karieraffay iv r€ 'EKsi^ayriyr 
ir6\i irpd^ Al0i6rtity koI kv A&^yjiat r^ffi UtiXovaljioi fiXXi| 
li wpdc * xal Svpwy, Kal iv Mapiy irpoc Ai/^vi^c &AXi}. 

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of the only passage which, in ancient times, allowed a 
traveller to enter Egypt dryshod from the East. 

Having thus re-discovered, by means of their 
ancient names and their modem positions, the four 
geographical points which Holy Scripture calls Ram- 
ses, Succoth, Etham, and Migdol, situated at a day's 
distance from one another, I am quite ready to answer 
the question, whether the Egyptian texts prove to us 
the existence of a road which led from Ramses to 
Migdol, through these intermediate stations of Suc- 
coth and Etham. Once more the answer is in the 
highest degree aflirmative. 

A happy chance — rather let us say, Divine Provi- 
dence — has preserved, in one of the papyri of the 
British Museum, the most precious memorial of the 
epoch contemporary with the sojourn of the IsraeUtes 
in Egypt. This is a simple letter, written more than 
thirty centuries before our time by the hand of an 
Egyptian scribe, to report his journey from the royal 
palace at Ramses, which was occasioned by the flight 
of two domestics.^ 

Thus (he says) ' I set out from the hall of the royal palace on 
the 9th day of the 3rd month of summer towards evening, in pur^ 
suit of the two domestics. Then I arrived at the harrier of Sukot 
on the 10th day of the same month. I wajs informed that they 
(that is, the two fugitives) had decided to go hy the southern route. 
On the 12th day I arrived at Khetam. There I received news 
that the grooms who came from the country [the lagoons of Suf, 
said] that the fugitives had got heyond the region of the Wall to 
the north of the Migdol of king Seti Mineptah.' 

If you will substitute, in this precious letter, for 
the mention of the two domestics the name of Moses 

• Comp. the Eiitory, Vol. II. p. 138. 

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and the Hebrews, and put in place of the scribe who 
pursued the two fugitives the Pharaoh in person fol- 
lowing the traces of the children of Israel, you will 
have the exact description of the march of the 
Hebrews related in Egyptian terms. 

Exactly as the Hebrews, according to the biblical 
narrative, started on the 15th day of the 1st month 
from the city of Eamses,® so our scribe, on the 9th 
day of the 11th month of the Egyptian year, quits the 
palace of Eamses to go in pursuit of the two fugitives. 

Exactly as the Hebrews arrive at Succoth on the 
day following their departure,^ so the Egyptian enters 
Sukot the day after he set out from Ramses. 

Exactly as the Hebrews stop at Etham on the 
third day from their leaving Ramses,^ so the Egyptian 
scribe, on the third day of his journey, arrives at 
Khetam, where the desert begins. 

Exactly as the two fugitives, pursued by the scribe, 
who dares no longer continue his route in the desert, 
had taken the northerly direction towards Migdol and 
the part called in Egyptian * the Wall,' in Greek * Ger- 
rhon,' in the Bible * Shur,' — all names of the same 
meaning, — so the Hebrews * turned,' as Holy Scripture 
says,* to enter on the flats of the lake Sirbonis. 

To add a single word to these topographical com- 
parisons would only lessen their value. Truth is 
simple ; it needs no long demonstrations. 

According to the indications of the monuments, in 
agreement with what the classical accounts tell us, the 
» Exod. xii. 37 ; Numb, xxxiii. 3. 

* Exod. ibid. ; Numb, xxxiii. 5. 

^ Exod. xiii. 20 ; Numb, xxxiii. 6. 

* Exod. xiv. 2 j Numb. xxxiiL 7. 

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Egyptian road led from Migdol towards the Mediter- 
ranean Sea, as far as the Wall of Gerrhon (the Shur of 
the Bible), situated at the (western) extremity of the 
lake Sirbonis. This latter, which was well known to 
the ancients, had again long fallen out of remembrance, 
and even in the last century a French traveller in Egypt 
naively observed that * to speak of the lake Sirbon is 
speaking Greek to the Arabs.'* Divided from the 
Mediterranean by a long tongue of land which, in 
ancient times, formed the only road from Egypt to 
Palestine, this lake, or rather this lagoon, covered with 
a luxuriant vegetation of reeds and papyrus, but in 
our days almost entirely dried up, concealed unex- 
pected dangers owing to the nature of its shores and 
the presence of those deadly abysses of which a classic 
author has left us the following description : ^ 

* On the eastern side, Egypt is protected in part by 
the Nile, in part by the desert and marshy plairs 
known under the name of Gulfs (or Pits,ra)3a/[>ad/[>a). 
For between Ccele-Syria and Egypt there is a lake, of 
very narrow width, but of a wonderful depth, and ex- 
tending in length about 200 stadia (20 geog. miles), 
which is called Sirbonis ; and it exposes the traveller 
approaching it unawares to unforeseen dangers. For 
its basin being very narrow, like a riband, and sur- 
rounded on all sides by great banks of sand, when 
south winds blow for some time, a quantity of sand is 
drifted over it. This sand hides the sheet of water 
from the sight, and confuses the appearance of the lake 

^ Le Mascrier, Description de VEgypte, 1735, p. 104. 
* Diodorus, i. 30. We give a literal translation in place of Dr. 
BmgBch's free version. — ^En. 

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with the dry land, so that they are indistinguishable. 
From which cause many have been swallowed up uoWi 
their whole armies through unacquaintance with the 
nature of the spot and through having mistaken the 
road.^ For as the traveller advances gradually the 
sand gives way under his feet and, as if of malignant 
purpose, deceives those who have ventured on it, till at 
length, suspecting what is about to happen, they try 
to help themselves when there is no longer any means 
of getting away safe? For a man drawn in by the 
swamp can neither swim, the movements of his body 
being hampered by the mud, nor can he get out, there 
being no soUd support to raise himself on. The water 
and sand being so mixed that the nature of both is 
changed, the place can neither be forded nor crossed in 
boats. Thus those who are caught in these places are 

• In this description and a subsequent passa^ (see p. 396) 
DiodoruB is generally thought to have exaggerated the fate which 
befel a part of the Persian army of Artaxerxes Ochus in b.g. 350 ; 
but the views of Dr. Brugsch would give a far more striking sig- 
nificance to the passage and to Milton's image founded on it 
{Paradise Lost, ii 692-4) : 

' A gulf profound as that Serbonian bog 
Betwixt Damiata and Mount Casias old, 
Wh&re a/rmin wkole haw sunk.* 

As to the different manner of the catastrophe, th% description 
of Diodorus throws a new light on the narrative in Exodus. 
Pharaoh thought he had caught the Israelites 'entangled' be- 
tween the sea, the desert, and the lake (Exod. xiv. 2) ; but when 
they were led safely through by the guiding pillar of fire, which 
was turned into darkness for their pursuers, it was the Egyptians 
that became entangled on the treacherous surface, through which 
' their chariots dragged heavily ' (verse 25) before the whebning wave 
borne in from the Mediterranean completed their destruction. — ^Ed. 

7 Comp. Exod. xiv. 25 : ' So that the Egyptians said, Let ua 
Jleejrom the/ace o/ Israeli — Ed. 

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drawn to the bottom of the abyss, having no resource 
to help themselves, as the banks of sand sink with 
them. Such is the nature of these plains, with which 
the name of gulfs (or pits, fidpaOpa) agrees perfectly.' 

Thus the Hebrews, on approaching this tongue of 
land in a north-easterly direction, found themselves in 
face of the Gulfs, or, in the language of the Egyptian 
texts, in face of the Khirot (this is the ancient word 
which applies exactly to the gulfs of weedy lakes) 
near the site of Gerrhon. We can now perfectly 
understand the bibhcal term Pi-hahiroth,^ a word 
which literally signifies * the entrance to the gulfs,' in 
agreement with the geographical situation. This in- 
dication is finally fixed with precision by another 
place, named Baal-zephon, for ^ ' The Lord spake unto 
Moses, saying. Speak to the children of Israel, that 
they turn and encamp before Pi-hahiroth, between 
Migdol and the sea, opposite to (lit. in face of) Baal- 
zephon ; ye shall encamp opposite to it, by the sea.' 

The name of Baal-zephon, which (as the eminent 
Egyptologist Mr. Goodwin has discovered) is met with 
in one of the papyri of the British Museum under 
its Egyptian orthography, Baali-Zapouna, denotes a 
divinity whose attribute is not difficult to recognize. 
According to the extremely curious indications fur- 
nished by the Egyptian texts on this point, the god 
Baal-zephon, the *Lord of the North,' represented 
under his Semitic name the Egyptian god Amon, the 

* Exod. xiv. 2. Mr. Greville Chester (see below, p. 400) ob- 
serves that the curve of the sea^coast between the two headlands is 
such that the former could be spoken of as opposite the latter. 

• Ibid. 

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great bird-catcher who frequents the lagoons, the 
lord of the northern districts, and especially of the 
marshes, to whom the inscriptions expressly give the 
title of Lord of the Khirot, that is * gulfs ' of the 
lagoons of papyrus. The Greeks, after their manner, 
compared him with one of their corresponding divine 
types, and thus it was that the god Amon of the la- 
goons was represented, from the time of the visits 
made to this region by the Greeks, under the new- 
form of a * Zeus Kasios (Casius).' The geographical 
epithet of Casius, given to this Zeus, is explained by 
the Semitic-Egyptian name of the region where his 
temple was built. ^ This is Hazi or Hazion, that is, 
* the land of the asylum,' a name which perfectly suits 
the position of a sanctuary situated at the most ad- 
vanced point of the Egyptian frontier towards the East. 

It was on this narrow tongue of land, bounded on 
the one side by the Mediterranean Sea, on the other 
by the lagoons of weeds, between the entrance to the 
Khiroth, or the gulfs, on the West, and the sanctuary 
of Baal-zephon on the East, that the great catastrophe 
took place. I may repeat what I have already said 
upon this subject in another place. 

After the Hebrews, marching on foot, had cleared 
the flats which extend between the Mediterranean Sea 

' Professor Sayce, in his interesting letter on * Brugsch-Bey'a 
Theory of the Exodus * {Academy, April 10, 1880), confirms this 
identification from the Assyrian records: — ' Tiglath-Pileser IL, 
describing his campaign in Syria in b.c. 738, speaks of another 
Baalzephon, which the geographical indications of the inscription 
show must be the Syrian Mount Casiua of classical geography 
(now Jebel-el-Akra) near Seleuda. Here also was a noted temple 
of Baal, like that on the Mount Casius of Egypt.' — ^Ed. 

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and the lake Sirbonis, a great wave took by surprise 
the Egyptian cavalry and the captains of the war- 
chariots, who pursued the Hebrews. Hampered in 
their movements by their frightened horses and their 
disordered chariots, these captains and cavaliers suf- 
fered what, in the course of history, has occasionally 
befallen not only simple travellers, but whole armies. 
True, the miracle then ceases to be a miracle ; but, 
let us avow it with fiill sincerity, the Providence of 
God still maintains its place and authority.^ 

When, in the first century of our era, the geo- 
grapher Strabo, a thoughtfiil man and a good observer, 
was traveUing in Egypt, he made the following entry 
in his journal : — 

* At the time when I was staying at Alexandria, 
the sea rose so high about Pelusium and Mount Casius 
that it inundated the land, and made the mountain 
an island, so that the road, which leads past it to 
Phoenicia, became practicable for vessels.'* 

' Dr. Bnigsch has here made a perfectly gratuitous concession, 
and fallen into the common error of confounding a miracle with a 
special providence. The essence of the miracle consists in the 
attestation of the Divine presence with His messenger by the time 
and circumstances of an act, which may nevertheless be in itself 
an application of what we call the laws of nature to a particular 
case. It shows the Creator, whose word established the laws of 
nature — ('He spake and it was done: He commanded and it 
stood fast ')— repeating the word, through His prophet or minister, 
by which those laws are applied to a special purpose and occasion. 
Thus here the wind and sea-waves are the natural instruments : 
their use, at the will of God and the signal given by Moses, con- 
stitutes the miracle, without which all becomes unmeaning. — Ed. 

' Strabo, i. p. 68. The phrase * practicable for vessels ' plainly 
suggests that vessels could pass from the Mediterranean into the 
lake either across, or (as seems more likely from the nature of the 

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Another event of the same kind is related by an 
ancient historian. Diodorus, speaking of a campaign 
of the Persian king Artaxerxes Ochus against E^ypt, 
mentions a catastrophe which befel his army in the 
same place:* — 

* When the king of Persia (he says) had gathered 
all his forces, he led them against Egypt. But coming 
upon the great lake, about which are the places called 
the Gulfs, he lost a part of his army, because he was 
unaware of the nature of that region.' 

Without intending to make the least allusion to 
the passage of the Hebrews, these authors inform us 
incidentally of historical facts, which are in perfect 
agreement with all that the sacred books tell us of 
the passage of the Hebrews across the sea. 

Far from diminishing the value of the sacred 
records on the subject of the departure of the He- 
brews out of Egypt, the Egyptian monuments, on 
the faith of which we are compelled to change our 
ideas respecting the passage of the Ked Sea — traditions 
cherished from our infancy — the Egyptian monuments, 
I say, contribute rather to furnish the most striking 
proofs of the veracity of the bibhcal narratives, and thus 
to reassure weak and sceptical minds of the authen- 
ticity and the supreme authority of the sacred books. 

If, during the course of eighteen centuries, the 
interpreters have misunderstood and mistranslated 

ground) through a new gap in the causeway of sand, such as was 
broken through it in 1878, as described by Mr. Greville Chester. 
It is clear from Diodorus that, in his and Strabo's time, the 
Sirbonis was a lake of considerable depth ; but Pliny describes it 
as an inconsiderable marsh (iT.iV^. v. 13, s. 14). — Eo. 

* Diodorus, xvi. 46. 

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the geographical notions contained in Holy Scripture, 
the error is certainly not due to the sacred history, 
but to those who, without knowledge of the history 
and geography of ancient times, have attempted the 
task of reconstructing the Exodus of the Hebrews, at 
any cost, on the level of their own imperfect compre- 

Permit me still one la#t word on the sequel of the 
march of the Hebrews, after their passage across the 
gulfs. The sacred books tell us:^ *Then Moses led 
the Israelites from the Sea of Eeeds, and they went 
out into the desert of Shur, and, having gone three 
days in the desert, they found no water. From 
thence they came to Marah, but they could not drink 
of the waters of Marah, because they were bitter. 
Wherefore the place was called Marah (bitter). 
Then they came to Elim, where were twelve wells 
of water and seventy palm-trees ; and they encamped 
there by the waters.' • 

All these indications agree — as might have been 
expected beforehand — ^with our new views on the 
route of the Israelites. After reaching the Egyptian 
fortress near the sanctuary of the god Baal-zephon, 
which stood on one of the heights of Mount Casius, 
the Hebrews found in front of them the road which 
led from Egypt to the land of the Philistines. Accord- 
ing to the command of God, forbidding them to follow 
this route,^ they turned southwards, and thus came to 
the desert of Shur. This desert of ' the Wall ' — so 
called from a place named in Egyptian ' the Wall ' 

» Exod. XV. 22, 23 ; Numb, xxxiii. 8. 

« Exod. XV. 27 j Numb, xxxiii. 9. ^ lb. xiii. 17. 

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and in Greek ' Gerrhon,' a word which Ukewise 
signifies * the Wall,' as I have shown above — lay to 
the east of the two districts of Pitom and Eamses.® 
There was in this desert a road, but Uttle frequented, 
towards the Gulf of Suez (as we now call it), a road 
which the Koman writer has characterized as * rugged 
with hills and wanting in water-springs.'* 

The bitter waters, at the place called Marah, are 
recognized in the Bitter Lakes of .the Isthmus of Suez. 
EUm is the place which the Egyptian monuments 
designate by the name of Aa-lim or Tent-lim, that is 
* the town of fish,' situate near the Gulf of Suez in a 
northerly direction. 

When the Jews arrived at EUm, the words of 
Holy Scripture — * But God caused the people to make 
a circuit by the way of the wilderness, towards the 
Sea of Weeds,' — were definitively accompUshed.^ 

To follow the Hebrews, stage by stage, till their 
arrival at Mount Sinai, is not our present task nor 
within the scope of this Conference. I will only say 
that the Egyptian monuments contain all the materials 
necessary for the recovery of their route, and for the 
identification of the Hebrew names of the different 
stations with their corresponding names in Egyptian.' 

* This ' Desert of Shur ' is, in Numbers xzxiii. 8, the * desert 
of Etham/ which the people enter at onoe from their passage 
through the sea ; and Etham is described as ' in the edge of the 
desert' (ver. 6).— Ed. 

* Plin. H.N, vi. 33 : *asp€irum montibus et inops aqnarum.* 

* Exod. xiii. 18. 

' See the mention, in the prefixed ' Advertisement,' of the Me- 
moir on this subject in Dr. Brugsch's Bibel und BenkmcUer, — Eb. 

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It is not within the Editor's province to discuss the question 
treated in the foregoing Discourse. But the criticisms called forth 
by its publication in the first edition of this work suggest the de- 
sirableness of one or two remarks in further elucidation of Dr. 
Brugsch's views. 

It may now be taken as established beyond question, not only 
that the Israelites lived in Lower Egypt, as a distinct Semitic 
tribe under appointed governors, but, further, that their abode was 
not in the neighbourhood of Memphis or of Heliopolis — whence 
their starting-point on the Exodus has generally been assumed — 
but in the lower part of the Delta, where the eastern border of 
Egypt proper lay along the Tanitic arm of the Nile. 

The discoveries of Mariette and the arguments of Brugsch 
leave no reasonable doubt that the primeval city of Zoan, the 
Tanis of classical geography, whose name survives in Sdn — was 
that same ' city of Bamses,' on the new buildings of which the 
Israelites were forced to labour, the • Pi-Eamses ' which was the 
favourite residence and delight of the early Pharaohs of the Nine- 
teenth Dynasty, and especially of Bamses II. and his son Mineptah 
II. ; though there are some who still pursue the fruitless labour of 
identifyiiig this or that insignificant mound with the splendid city 
which must have left far other traces.^ In fact the case is some- 
what like the identification of Troy by SchHemann's researches at 
Hissarlik ; — there are no other ruinSy save those of Tanis, adequate 
to represent the great and beautiful royal city of Bamses. To 
confirm this identification, there is a second and indubitable mark 
of the point whence the Exodus began : the miracles and deliverance 
were wrought in the land of Egypt, in the field of Zoan * (Psalm 
Ixxviii. 12, 43). 

The starting-point thus fixed determines the initial direction of 
the march of the Israelites along the great eastern road leading 
out of Egypt towards Syria, — in the general direction (to say no 
more at present) of the route ascribed to them by Brugsch. The 
problem of their exact route, and especially of the spot where the 
great catastrophe took place, can only be solved by the study of 
the Scripture narrative in the light of investigation of the ground 

• On the claim of Tel-el- Maskhoutah, see Vol. U,, pp. 424-6. 

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by competent enquirers ; for both oonditioiis are essential, and few, 
if any, ^ve hitherto united them in a degree at all comparable 
to Dr. Brugsch himself. 

Quite recently, however, in February of the present year (1880), 
a personal examination of the whole route traced by Dr. Brugach, 
from the ruins of Zoan-Bamses-Tanis to the tongue of land dividing 
Lake Sirbonis from the Mediterranean, has been made by Mr. 
GreviUe Chester, at the instance and with the aid of the Palestine 
Exploration Fund, whose 'Quarterly Stiitement' for July contains a 
most interesting account of Mr. Chester's adventurous journey. The 
discussion of the paper would be far beyond the limits of this Note, 
and we can only indicate its main results. Passing over some 
questions of detail, Mr. Chester agrees with Dr. Brugsch's identifica- 
tion of the stations along the route up to the most critical terminal 
points of Pi-hahiroth (now Gelse Hemdeyeh), at the entrance on 
the spit, and Baal-zephon at Mount Casius (now El-Gelse) j and 
his own experience furnished almost a repetition of the circum- 
stances of the passage of the Israelites on a small scala He had 
encamped (like the Israelites) at sunset, on the tongue of sand 
between Fi-hahiroth and Baal-zephon. ' A light northerly breeze 
was blowing, and the Mediterranean broke with a loud noise upon 
the beach' — over which, Mr. Chester tells us, it is sometimes 
driven into the lake. ' About two o'clock in the morning I was 
awakened by a noise, and found that the wind had changed and 
a furious 8.E. by E. ujvnd was blowing across the lake. . . . 
Going out I found to my surprise that " the sea had seen that 
and flod." There was now a dead calm, and the sea had retired no 
less than 26 paces further back from the poini it had reached the 
previous night.* Such is the comment of the winds and waves 
themselves upon the text — ' And Jehovah caused the sea to go 
back by a strong east wind all that night' (Exod. xiv. 21); and 
Mr. Chester bears equally emphatic testimony to the effect of a 
violent North wind in causing *the sea \x> return to his strength ' 
(ver. 27), sweeping over the tongue of land into the lake : — 

' The Sea : ' — such is the phrase over and over again in the 
actual narrative (Exod. xiv. ; comp. Numb, xxxiii. 8), vnthout one 
mention of the ' Bed Sea,' or rather Yam Souph. The Sea is used 
in SS. specifically for the Mediterranean. The passages in which 
the Yam Souph is mentioned cannot be discussed within the limits 
of this Note. 

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Communicated by Dr, Bntgsch/ar the Second English Edition. 


1. Page 10, after first paragraph. 
Though I have expressed the opinion that the Egyptians 
migrated into Egypt from a primeval home in Asia, yet this idea 
is opposed by another view, according to which, by a method 
founded on historical data, the origin of the Egyptian people would 
have to be sought in the Nigritian (negro) Barabra. These are 
supposed to have ascended into the Nile-valley from the South, 
to have cultivated it and created one of the few centres of civili- 
zation in the ancient world, without thereby renouncing the pecu- 
liarities of African customs, and to have framed a kind of fetish 
worship, the foundation of which was laid in the observation of 
the periodical phenomena of the Nile. Their mingling with Syro- 
Arabian nomad races, who penetrated into Egypt from the East, 
and probably also with Libyan immigrants from the West, is sup- 
posed to have given origin to the mixed race of the ancient 
Egyptians, in which African blood largely predominated.' Lep- 
sius has lately shown the reasons against this view^ with remark- 
able clearness and great acuteness, and has proved, in the most con- 
vincing manner, the Asiatic home of the Egyptians, in agi^eement 
with the Biblical accounts in the list of nations.^ Of the sons of 
Ham, Gush migrated from the East into the southern parts of 
Arabia and the opposite coasts of Africa^ (the Somali countries), 
where their abodes are marked by the Egypto-Semitic name of 
Fun, which in my opinion signifies the East country, since in 
Hebrew the name Paneh (in proper names, penu, peni) indicates 

* Rob. Hartmann, Die Volker Afriea's, Leipzig, 1879, pp. 3, &c. 
' See the Introduction to his NvMan 6frammar {Nubisohe Qrammatik. 
Berlin, 1880). 

* Genesis x. ^ Genesis x. 7. 

VOL. n. D D 

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the eastern side.' From bence one body (Sckivarm), led by Nim- 
it>d, went to the region of the Euphrates, and ruled first in the 
land of Shinar in the towns of Babel, Erech, Accad, and Cahieh.^ 
The Babylonian tradition also fully recognized the arrival of these 
Cushite emigrants from the coasts of the Ei^^hrsean Sea, and had 
treated thereof in its own myths. A second branch passed over 
the Bed Sea, and, conquering and driving out the native negro 
races, took possession of the country situated on the south of 
Egypt, between the coasts of the Bed Sea and the eastern bank 
of the Upper Nile. The city of Meroe formed the centre of the 
kingdom founded there. 

A third body of the Cushites went to the north of Egypt, and 
founded, on the east of the Delta, the kingdom of the so-called 
Hyksos, whom tradition designated sometimes as Phoenicians, some- 
times as Arabians, and in both cases quite rightly. Lepsius has 
proved by excellent reasons the Cushite origin of the Hyksos- 
statues from Sdn (Tanb) now in the museum of Boulaq, and has 
made more than merely probable the immigration of the Cushites 
into the region of the Delta, under the guidance of their Ri^- 
shasUf i.e. Hykaoa — ' Kings of the wandering people,' as I trans- 
late the word, not ' Kings of the Shepherds,' according to the usual 

The last authenticated migration of the Arabian Cushites, or 
Pun^ took its direction to the PhoBnician coasts, where their name 
Fhoinikes (and still more the Latin form of Pcenij Funici) indicates 
their ancient native designation.^ As the country which they occu- 
pied on the eastern coast of the Mediterranean Sea bore in the 
Egyptian inscriptions the name of Kefa^ Keft^ or Keftkct^ this 
designation also is very significant as to the migration of the 
Cushite races to Ethiopia, Babylonia, Egypt, and Phoenicia. For, 
according to classical traditions, the ancient name for Ethiopia was 
Cepheis or Cepbenia ; the Ethiopians were called Cephenians ; and a 
king of Ethiopia (father of Andromeda) is named Cepheus.* 
According to the ancient l^end, as Lepsius shows, the Ethiopian 

• Comp. Genesis xvi. 12 ; zziii. 19 ; zzv. 18 ; 1 Kings xvil. 3, 6. 

• Genesis x. 8-10. 

' Herodotus (vii. 89) tells us that * the Phoenicians, aocording to their 
own tradition, dwelt of old on the Red Sea, bat passing over thence they 
inhabit the parts of Syria beside the sea ; and this region, with that ex- 
tending to Egypt, is called Palestine.* — Ed. 

• The names written with 0, according to custom, have in the German, 
as in Greek, a K. 

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king Cepheus resided in lop^ (Joppa) on the coast of Palestine, 
where the myth of Andromeda had its special local source. Her 
mother, Cassiopeia, the wife of Cepheus, is called also wife of Phoenix, 
and daughter (t.0. * native*) of Arabia. The Phoenicians themselves 
are called Cephenians, Cepheids, and Cephids. According to Hel- 
lanicus the Chaldeans of Babylon bore the original designation 
of Cephenians. The Cepheian tower in Babylon was shown, and 
Cepheus is called a son of Belus. 

To return to Egypt, the same name Keft appears to me to form 
the foundation of the designation Caphtor, which is mentioned in 
Holy Scripture as an island and as the fatherland of the Philis- 
tines.' Without being able to specify exactly its position on the 
Egyptian coast, I cannot pass over in silence the fact that the 
monuments, as early as the times of the Twelfth Dynasty, mention 
a country Keftha-Har, that is ' Kefbha of Horus,' for which local 
divinity a special priesthood was founded. In one of the tombs of 
the kings the same country appears under the name Ke/t-fferau, 
and is placed in connection with the Utur, or the great sea. 

If from these observations, the bearing of which is of the 
highest importance for our knowledge of the migrations of the 
Cushites — ^the Phoenicians in the primeval times of all human his- 
tory — ^the chief settlements of the Cushites in Arabia, Ethiopia, 
Phoenicia, and Egypt are determined once for all, then also with 
regard to the migration of the Egyptians to the valley of the NUe, 
the proof of their arrival from the East, and immediately from 
Arabia, may be inferred with some probability. As every nation, 
in which historical recollection fails, takes refuge in mythological 
legends, so the Egyptians also, in their myths preserved on the 
monuments, have not neglected to inform posterity of their opinions 
•about their origin in mythological stories. The Land of the God, 
that is, Southern Arabia,^ and the land of Fun or Funt, play a 
chief part in these fables. The principal and highest divinities, 
the god of light, Ra (also in his Theban form as Amon), and the 
cosmic goddess Hathor, are always, in the inscriptions of both the 
older and later monuments, placed in connection with this primi- 
tive cradle, and their arrival thence in Egypt is frequently and 
plainly referred to. A special local form of the god of light, the 
Horus of Apollinopolis Magna, appears in the heaven under his 

' Deat. 11. 23 ; Jer. zlvii. 4 ; Amos ix. 7. [The word * island ' perhaps 
indicates only a maritime district. — Ed.] 
' Comp. Lepsins, op. cU. p. civ. 

D O 2 

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name Hud as at onoe the moming and the evening star, and his 
rising and setting are referred, not to Egypt, but to the primeval 
home of the Egyptians, the land of Pun. The red colour of the skin, 
which belongs to the Egyptians in the coloured representations of 
the monuments, is shared by them with the Ethiopiaji, Arabian, 
and Babylonian Oushites, and thus their relationship to this migra- 
tory people is indicated. The frequent mention on the monuments 
of the 'Land of the God' (i.6. of Ba, the god of light) and of 
Pan, together with the regions belonging to it,^ showed to the 
Egyptians ancient representations about the land of their origin, 
the significance of which is the more to be valued, since the texts 
frequently strike the key of a yearning home-sickness, and glorify 
the East, the cradle of light and of their own childhood, as a land 
of perfect happiness. 

Put (Phut) and Canaan are mentioned in Holy Scripture after 
Cush and Mizraim as sons of Ham.' No doubt can exist as to 
their ethnographical signification. According to the express 
words of the list of the nine nations found at Edfou, the name Puti 
denoted (in the compound to-nrnorpiUif * the land of the Puti ' ) 
the people, called elsewhere by the more common name of Thehennu^ 
i.e. the Marmaridse dwelling to the west of the Delta. The ancient 
name of this people has also been clearly preserved in the Coptic 
language, since Ni-Phaiat (in the plural form) served as the general 
expression for the Libyan inhabitants of the districts situated to 
the west of the Delta. I may of course refrain from any further 
explanation of the meaning of Canaan in an ethnographic sense. 

2. Page 149. 

To the time of the double reign of the kings Amenemhat 
I. and Usurtasen I. belongs the death and burial of a faithful sub- 
ject and warrior, named Menthu-nesu, whose monument is pre- 
served in the Louvre (under CI). A very remarkable passage 
is found at the close of the inscriptions which cover this stone, 
and runs thus : — 

' The words which this stone contains are an account of that 
which was done by my hand. This took place in truth, and no 

« See ChampoUion, Natieet Detoriptivet, ed. Maspero, p. 668. The most 
frequently mentioned are Uten (the Biblical Yedan), Men, Menti, Masen 
Fekbir, the position of which in Arabia is confirmed by the names of races 
preserved by Ptolemy, the Udeni, Minsi, Manitw, Masonitie, and Mocritse. 

* Genesis x. 6. 

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lie and no contradiction is contained therein. The MerUhu ajid the 
Ifer-sh'a were destroyed, and the i)alaoeB of the Hethites {Khetau, 
Hittites) were overthrown.' 

The mention of the last-named people at this time is extremely 
remarkahle, for it appears to prove that at this time the Hethites 
were settled close to Egypt. In fact in the time of Abraham the 
Hethites were settled in the neighbourhood of Hebron, on the 
range of hills in the midst of the Amorites. (Gen. xxiii.) 

3. Page 184, end of first paragraph. 
On a monnment preserved in the Museum at Geneva,* which 
was dedicated to the memory of a certain Ameni, a distinguished 
court official of this time, the following passage occurs, towards 
the conclusion of the dedicatory inscription : — 

* I had come to Abydiis in the suite of the Chief Treasurer 
I-THBR-NOFiBT, to restore a statue of Osiris of the nether world, 
lord of Abydus, when king Usurtasen III., the ever-living, went 
by water to smite the miserable land of Kash (Cush) in the year 
19.' This date affords us the certainty that the Iod^ mentioned 
undertook several campaigns against the Ethiopian Cushites. 

i. Page 186, auhfin. 
We may name as the most northern monument of Usurtasen 
III. his statue discovered in Tanis.' 

6. Page 222, ivhfin. 
On the site of the ruins of Tanis is still to be seen the 
colossal statue of the fifth Sebekhotep, carved out of syenite, 
• with short inscriptions which describe the king as ' Mend of Ptah.' ® 

6. Page 342, last Urn. 

The st^U mentioned on page 378 belongs to the time of 
this Thuthes I. I do not know how it happened that both 
Mariette {Notices^ p. 345) and myself referred the origin of this 
monument to the third king of that name.^ 

7. Pa^e396. 
The tomb of the Captain Amenemhib was not first discovered 
by Professor Ebers, but was already known before his time. Cham- 

* Comp. Melanges d*ArehSologie igypt. et assyr. 1876, p. 217, &c. 

* Comp. J. de Roug^, Intnr, BiSrogl pi. 72. • Of. cp, oU, pi. 76. 

' Comp. Wiedemann, Oesehiohte der aoht^hnt&» agypHsohen DyTuutie, 
p. 24, note 6. 

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pollion * also mentions the aepnlchnJ chapel of an Amenemhib, 
the doors of which are adorned with the names of the kings 
Thutmes III. and Amenhotep II. In the inscriptions of this 
chi4>el the faithful servant of both the Pharaohs is called ' the 
hereditary lord, ^.^ whom the divine benefactor rewarded, who 
was the servant of the king from his cradle.' A certain Beki, who 
is named as his mother, is more exactly described as the ' great 
nurse of the lord of the countiy.' 

8. Paget 412-415. 
The verses of this poem of a ooort poet inspired by the deeds 
of his king, beginning ' I make them behold,' are repeated in an 
inscription which is found on the outside of the northern circuit 
walls of the temple of Kamak ; only with the difference, that in 
the latter case they refer to the person and deeds of king Seti I.' 
Such plagiarisms in making use of older inscriptions are by no 
means rare on the monuments, even in the province of real 
historical records. They show how little scruple the ancient 
Egyptian felt at literary thefb, if it only served ad majarem Pha- 
raanis gloriam. 

9. Page 452, intt. 

Among the contemporaries of the king we may here mention, 
on account of his prominent position, a former governor of Thebee, 
by name Rekhmara, in whose sepulchral chapel ^ there are some 
very remarkable inscriptions and representations, referring to tbe 
tributes rendered by the conquered nations, with the levying of which 
the person thus named was entrusted. The matter is thus spoken 
of in the inscriptions : ' This is the collection of the tributes of the 
countries of the South (Ethiopia) and of the land of Punt (Arabia), 
of the tributes of the land of Ruihennu (Syria), and of the land of 
Kefa (Phosnicia), and [of the tributes] of all nations, which king 
Thutmes III. — ^may he live for ever I — brought home [on] his vic- 
torious campaigns, by the hereditary lord Rekhmara* 

10. Page 467, end. 

During the reign of this Thutmes IV. occurred the 'death of 
the royal scribe Za-anni,' who had rendered important services to 
this Pharaoh and hiB two predecessors on the throne, by raising 
troops.^ In the inscriptions of his sepulchral chapel at Thebes, he 
himself relates as follows about his own activity : — 

■ Naticet Deteriptives, p. 506, TombeaaNo. 12. 

' Comp. Champollion, yiotiees DeteHptwes, ii. p. 96. 

* Cf. op, eU. p. 604. • Cf. ep. eit. p. 381, &c. 

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' I served king Thutmes III., and I was an eye-witness of the 
victories which he won over all peoples. He brought the kings of 
the land of Zahi as living captives to the land of Egypt He 
conquered all their towns, and destroyed all their tribes. No land 
waA able to make resistance to him. It was I also that recorded 
in writing the victories which he achieved over all peoples, even as 
they were accomplished. And I served king Amenhotep 11., and 
his Majesty held me worthy of his affection. And I served king 
Thutmes lY., the dispenser of life now and for ever. I enlisted 
for him numerous warriors.' 

Other monuments, which are now exhibited in the Museum of 
Turin, have also preserved the memory of this person, whose wife 
and sister is mentioned by the name of Mutari, and whose son and 
heir was the scribe H'atithi. Za-anni must have been, so to 
speak, the general staff-officer of his time, for his special activity 
in the levying of troops is intimated ia the following inscription, 
which is over a represeutation referring to the matter :~' 

' The warriors were enrolled in the presence of the king, all 
the classes of young men were separatied according to their ages, 
and everyone was instructed in what concerned his duty in the 
assembled army by the scribe of the warriors, Za-annL' 

11. Pfl^e 490, cn<£. 

That Amenhotep III. had a Solomon-like desire for (Asiatic) 
women appears to me to be shown by a veiy remarkable in- 
scription, which covers a great scarabaeus (a kind of memorial- 
medal acoordiag to our modem ideas), which was acquired quite 
lately, through a lucky chance, by a lady-traveller in Egypt 
(Mme. Kaufmann). I here give a literal translation of the text, 
omitting the wearisome titles : — 

*' In the 10th year of the reign of king Amenhotep III. and 
his chief wife, queen Thi, whose father was called Ju4, and her 
mother Thu&, a remarkable present was brought to his Majesty, 
(namely) Kirgipa, the daughter of Satarona, king of Naharana 
(Mesopotamia), and the choicest women of her women's house, in 
number 317 female persons.' 

It is needless for me to draw attention to the value of this 
short text, which affords us the opportunity of learning the names of 
two contemporaries of Asiatic origin. The Bible also tells us of 
a king of Mesopotamia, Chushan-Bishathaim, who oppressed the 
children of Israel in the time of the Judges.^ 

* Ojf. cU. p. 830. * Judges ill 8. 

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Another inscription on a stone scarabseus (in the collection in 
the Vatican) is dated the 11th year, the let day of the month 
Athyr of the reign of the same king and his wife Thi. In this it 
is mentioned that the king had formed a lake for his great wife in 
her city of Z'aru (the name lecals the Hebrew Zoar) of the North 
country, the length of which was 3,600 cubits, and the breadth 
600 cubits. It is added that the king in person celebrated on the 
lake the great festival of the inundation on the 16th of Athyr, and 
was conveyed in the ship Aten-nofru. 

In conclusion, we may mention among the contemporaries of 
Amenhotep III. the chief priest of Amon, Beken-Rhonsu, probably 
an ancestor of the chief priest and chief architect of the same name, 
who lived and died under Kamses II. His statue is in the pos- 
session of the Museum at Berlin. The inscriptions on it call his 
father * a chief of the young men of the city of Amon (Diosix)lis), 
Amenemapet.' We may further mention, as having died during 
his reign, the scribe of the young men, and master of the horse, 
Horemhib, who had accompanied the king, for the last time, on a 
campaign into the interior of Africa, after having ah'eady rendered 
faithful service to the kings Amenhotep II. and Thutmes lY.* 

12. Page 514, Ime 2. 
RecKt : ' His tomb is preserved to the present day. The sar- 
cophagus of rose granite was already broken to pieces intention- 
ally in ancient times. A piece of it is in the Berlin Museum.'^ 

13. Page 514, end. 
A memorial stS16, with a long inscription, and the date 
' 4th year, month Khoiahk, 1st day ' of king Ai (whose names are 
half erased, as if men wished to obliterate the remembrance of a 
usurper), has preserved to us the name of one of his adherents, a 
certain Nakht Khim, priest of the god Khim in Fanopolis, 

14. Page 518, line 6. 

Be<zd : * And he beheld the holiness of this god. And Hor 
the lord of Alabastr^polis was accompanied by his son,' <fec. 

15. Pa^ge 520, line 14. 

Bead: *He visited the locahties of the gods, which were 
situated in the cities,' &c. 

• Comp. Champollion, NoHocs DescHpHveSt p. 836. 

* See Lepsius, Katdlog, 1871, p. 43, under No. 201. 

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16. Page 621, line 4. 

This is especially proved by the relief on the stone plinth, 
which serves as a seat, and on the back of which the above- 
mentioned inscription is found. The artist has tried to present 
vividly before our eyes out of the dark granite the forms of 
king Horns and his wife Notem-mut in a sitting posture. The 
qneen, specially entitled as < worshipper of Isis, the mother of the 
god/ in fond love has placed her right arm round the body of her 
royal husband. On the left side of the throne she appears in the 
form of a recumbent sphinx, strangely conceived. The female 
head is decorated with a singular head-dress, with strange orna- 
ments ; out of the lion's body with Jwe breasts springs an erect 
pair of wings, which, in form and execution, remind us of Assyrian 
models. On the opposite side of the throne are seen fettered 
enemies (Asiatics and Negroes), as conquered representatives of the 
Northern and Southern worlds. 


17. Page 9, third poflragraph. 
To ' the second year of his reign' add * the 20th of Mekhir.' 

18. Ihid,y last line btU one. 
For * Hor-Elhem ' rectd * Khem-Amun.' 

19. Page 34, sub Jin. 

Ajnong the contemporaries of the king, Fau&b, the former 
governor of Thebes — son of the chief priest of Amon, Neb-mesir 
(sumamed Tera), and of the priestess of Amon, Merit-ra — appears 
to us worthy of mention on account of his high position. Besides 
Seti I., Bamses II. is also named as a royal oontemporaiy of our 
' Faucr. In his tomb at Thebes (No. 32 according to Champollion's 
enumeration) two renowned artists of his time are also mentioned, 
the painter Amen-tMh-sUy and the sculptor {* from the life ') Hi (or 
HiU)y both of whom doubtless exerted their utmost skill in adorn- 
ing his tomb. 

20. Page 37, note. 

Add : * The same date, in connection with the name of the festival, 
is found a second time in an inscription on the sepulchral chapel of 

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the chief priest of Amon, Neb-unon-f, who was thus a contempo- 
rary of Ramses II. The following is a literal translation : — 

''In the year 1, the month Athyr, when his Majesty had 
descended the iiTer from the capital of the South, and testified his 
homage to his father the Thehan Amon-ra, the deities Mut and 
Khonsu of Thehes, (sumamed) Nofer-hotep, and the co-diyinities 
of Thebes, at his (t.e. Amon's) splendid festival of Apet, his 
journey from thence was happily accomplished." ' 

21. Page 46, end. 

Read thus : ' Gauzanitis, the Qosan (Qoshen) of the Holy Scrip- 

22. Pages 56-59. 

We are now able to make the following corrections in the 
translation of the Heroic Poem, from the original text, published 
by J. de Iloug6, which E. de Iloug6 copied at Luqsor. 

Page 56, line 7. * His heart is firm, his strength like that of 
the god of wai*/ &c. 

Line 11. 'He seizes the bow, and no one is eqtiol to him.' 

Lines 15-16. ' No one knows the thousands of men who feU 
dovmy nor the hundreds of thousands that samk down at sight of 

Lines 20, foil. ' Wise counsel and most perfect resolution are 
found even at his first answer. He is a protector of his people, 
like a mountain of iron.' 

Line 33. ' To bow themselves through fear before the king.' 

Page 57, line 10. ' The people of Khita had arrived in full 
number, and that of Naharain^ in like manner that of Arathu,'<fec^ 

Page 58, last two lines. ' I did not withhold my hand from 
goodness, so that anything else should be done but as thy wish 

Page 59, line 8 from bottom. ' In their breast from terror^ 
their limbs,' <kc 

23. Page 76, last pa/ragraph of the treaty. 
Read thus : ' That which is found in the middle of this silver 

* The author has set forth the views of the school of Egyptologists 
who recognize the peoples enumerated as allies of the Khita in the nations 
of Asia Minor and the islands — the Dardanians, Mjslans, Maeonians (old 
Lydians), Carians, Lycians, &c. — ^in his highly unportant Appendix IX, to 
Dr. Schliemann*s lUot, on Troy and .^S^/rf.— Ed. 

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tablet, and on the front side of it, represents the image of the god 
Sntekh, embracing the image of the great king of the land of Khita, 
and surrounded by an inscription as follows : — " This is the image 
of the god Sutekh, king of heaven, protector of this agreement,'' ' &c^ 

24. Page 92, line 3. 

The full title of Ajneneman runs thus : — ' The hereditary lord, 
the first prince in Memphis, the conductor of the festival of MVt, 
the architect in HeliopoliR, the overseer of all the offices in Upper 
and Lower Egypt, the chief architect of the king, the chief com- 
mander of the troops of the lord of the country, the major domus 
in the house of Thutmes III.' (i.e. the house or temple built of old 
by Thutmes III.).* 

25. Page 93, be/are kut paragraph. 

The great stdl6 with inscriptions of the time of Bamses II., 
which was discovered in the neighbourhood of the place now called 
Maskhoutah (in the Wady-Toumeilat, near the railway station of 
Ramses), appears to me worthy of mention, both on account of the 
place where it was found, and for the sake of its contents. In it 
the god Hormakhu of On speaks to this Pharaoh id the following 
words: — 

' I will reward thee for that which thou hast done, my son, who 
lovest me ; for I have known that thou lovest me. I, thy father, 
give thee time and eternity, to be king of the nations. Thy length 
of life shall equal my length of life on my throne on earth. Thy 
years shall equal the years of the god Tum. Thou shalt shine 
radiantly on both my zones of light (in the East and West), and 
thou shalt illuminate the two worlds. Thou shalt be a protector 
to Egypt, and wide shall be thy borders. Thou shalt conquer the 
countries of JTAoZ (Phoenicia), otKugh (Ethiopia), of the Thehennu^ 
(the Marmaridse), and of the Shasu (Arabs), and the islands and 
coasts in the midst of the great sea, by the tidumph of thine arm. 
Thou shalt bring their inhabitants to Egypt, king Ramses 

In a second inscription the god says, among other things : — 

' Thou shalt protect Egypt with thine arms, thou shalt subju- 
gate all peoples, and they shall become warriors in thy service.' 

The place where this remarkable stone was found, in the de- 

• Comp. Mttanges d'ArohSologU fg, et asiyr,, 1876, p. 284, &c. 
' Comp. Lepeius, Benkmdler, lii. 29 e. 

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preesion to the west of Lake Timsah, through which, aooording to 
the Greek tradition, Bamses II. was the first to construct a fresh- 
water canal, confirms at least the existence of ancient Egyptian 
buildings and places of worship in this part of £^pt at the time 
of that king. But yet this does not furnish any proof that 
Bamses II. founded there a city of the name of Bamses, in the 
building of which the Jews had to perform compulsory labour.^ 

26. Page 97, before last pa/ragrapk. 

Bamses caused the rock-temple to be erected after his wars and 
victories in the land of the Khita. The inscriptions of Ibeamboul 
bear witness that the king did not fiBdl to make presents and dona- 
tions in the most generous manner to the principal deity of the 
sanctuary, Ba, the god of light. A text ^ speaks on this subject in 
a way not to be misunderstood : — ' The objects gained as spoil were 
offered by the divine benefactor to his father Ba, after he had re- 
turned from the land of Ehita^ and had smitten the foreign nations, 
and crushed the Asiatida (^Armi) in their abodes — consisting of 
silver, gold, blue stone, green stone, and other precious stones.' 

Many officers of the king and later visitors to the place have 
attempted to immortalize themselves by inscriptions on the outside 
walls of the temple and the rock : as, to dte some examples, Setan, 
the king's son of Rush (in the time of Bamses II.) ; Meriy the 
deputy governor of the province of Wawa (in the time of Seti II. 
Mineptah III.); the chief priest Aahmes, snmamed Turo; the 
scribes fforemhib and Ra7u>feT ; the sculptor of the images of king 
Bamses Miamun, named Fiaoi ; another ai*tist Pa^nofer^ and others. 

27. Page 99, Ivm 4. 
The new worships founded by Bamses II., which were connected 
with his name, had their own priests. For example, a 'chief 
priest of Amon of Bamses' is frequently mentioned. Among 
others invested with such an office were the two brothers, Nu-Uxr 
maten and Amen-v>ah'8u.^ 

28. Page 112, line 20. 
Bead: 'Thy girdle of the finest cotton, thou givest it for a 
vile rag.' 

> On the erroneous identification of the remains at this monnd of 
Maskhontah with the city of Baamses or Barneses (flxod. i. 11, xiL 37), 
more is said below, pp. 424-6. 

* Comp. ChampoUion, Notices Degoriptiret, p. 66. . 

* See Lieblein, Namert' Lexicon, No. 1002. 

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29. Page 115, end. 
The dangbter of the king of Khita bore, according to the 
statement on the great Kamses-st^l^ of Ibsamboul, the Egyptian 
name of ATarur-nofru. In Tanis also, E. de Roug^ discovered her 
name as * the great qneen and prinoees of the land, ATar^rwfm^^a 
{8ic)y the daughter of the great king of Khita.' ^ She was, without 
doubt, the mother of the princess Bint-anthay the fayourite daughter 
of the king, mentioned on page 117. 

30. Page 120, at beginning of the n>ew reign. 

During the lifetime of his aged father, the new king bore the 
title of * an hereditary prince {i.e. successor to the throne) on the 
seat of the earth-god Set, who ruled the lands of his father.' ^ 

31. Po^e* 122-8. 
On the basis of the latest publication of this important 
historical text, by J. de Iloug6 and Mariette, we are in a position 
to correct some passages in our version. We would note the fol- 
lowing (the lines are those of the inscription, not of the page). 
Page 122, line 9. For ' cities ' read * city.' 
Page 123, line li. For 'Qauasha ' read ' Aquasha.' 
line 16. Bead: ' I give you to know thcU I the king am your 

line 17. Bead : * He is /or you like a father who preserves 
the life of his children.' 

Line 18. Bead: ' The foreigners plunder its borders.' 
Pages 123-4, line 20. Bead : ' in sight of the lowland {Ta-ahu, 
the most ancient designation of the Libyan Oasis, now called 

Page 125, line 37. Bead : * [with him]. Also the herds of his 
country, consisting of cattle, goats, and asses, aU were,' &c. 

Lines 38-39. Bead : ' Then these were given over to the 
cavalry, who were behind them on horses. [The enemies] fled 
(39) [in haste, but the horsemen overtook them, and] a great 
battle [took place]. They brought hither the killed [in great num- 
bers]. No man,' &c. 

* See MSlangetd'Aroh, ig, et assyr. vol. ii. p. 286. 
» Ck>mp. J. de Roug6, Insor. hUrogl. pi. 74. 

• See the author's Appendix VIII. to Dr. Bchliemaim*8 Iliog, 'On Hera 

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the dimne benefactor. 

Then/ Ac. 



line 63. 


de Boug^ 



„ 65. 

99 99 



„ 66. 

W »> 



„ 60. 

» W 



79 » 

>» »l 



9t y* 

» W 


Line 40. Bead : ' [would render no assistance]. Thej were 
not able to keep them at a distance. But it was done/ &c. 

Page 125, line 41. Becui : ' In order to announce the strength of 

s 752, instead of 750. 
6103 „ 6111. 

2362 „ 2370. 

1307 „ 1308. 

64 „ 54. 

3175 „ 3174. 

32. Page 130, last two lines of first paragraph. 
Bead : ' Whose name is again reflected in the Greek designation 
of the town Dardanis in the region mentioned.' 

33. Page 136, beginning. 
Read : * Pinehas, a former gOTemor of Thebes, an Egyptian 
namesake,' &c, 

34. Page 160, ctfter first para>graph. 

Add: 'After such fortunate results and glorious campaigns 
against countries and peoples, which the lust of plunder had con- 
ducted to the boundaries of Egypt by land and water, it should 
not ezdte surprise if the poets on the banks of the holy river 
hastened to magnify the renown and greatness of the king in 
rhythmic language. Many samples of their performances are pre- 
served to us on the stone walls of the temple of Medinet-Abou. 
A great st^le on the first pylon of this temple,^ ynth. the date of 
the 12th year of the king, appears to me worthy of special notice. 
From the 28th line onwards, Amon is introduced speaking thus : 
" 1 have bestowed on thee courage and victory, and thy strength, 
which remains in the memory of foreign nations. I have pros- 
trated the peoples of Asia at thy feet for all times even to eternity. 
Thou art enthroned as king, to receive each day as thy posses- 
sions the spoil of thy hands. The kings of all countries and of all 
peoples bring their children before thy face. I have surrendered 
them altogether into thy hand, to do with them what pleases thee. 

' " I caused thy war-cry to resound in the countries of thine 
enemies, and fear of thee to fill the valleys. Princes tremble at the 
remembrance of thee, for thy battle-axe swings over their head. 

» See J. de Roug6, Inter. BUrogl, pi. 131, &c. 

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They come to thee as at one call, to beseech mercy from thee. Thoa 
giyest life according to thy pleasure, and thou killest according to 
thy will. The throne of all nations is thine. 

^ '' I have made all peoples subjects of thy dynasty. I make them 
come to place themselves as inferiors in the service of thy person. 
They carry their presents, which their kings have won as booty, 
and they offer them to thee as tribute of the country for thy 
Majesty. Their son and theii* daughter are servants in thy royal 
house to incline thy soul to mercy." 

' The long address of the god concludes with the words : " I 
raise thee to be sole lord, that thou mayest establish the land of 
Egypt." ' 

35. Page 160, line 16. 

The buildings, offerings, and other benefits which Eamses III. 
caused to be shared among the temples and sanctuaries of the gods 
of the country, extended, according to the statements of the great 
Harris Papyrus, to the following places both in and out of Egypt.^ 

A. In Nubia (To-Ehont). 

The building of a special sanctuary dedicated to Ajnon, named 
Pi^^amses Haq-On 'A^nakht {i.e. *the well-fortified town of 
K'amses Haq-On '). 

B. In Upper Egypt. 

Nubti, the Greek Ombi, Ombos, now called Koum-Ombou 
(situated in Nome I.). Here the Pi-Ramses Haq-On ('Temple of 
Bamses III. ' ) was erected in the Pi-Sutekh ( * Temple of Sutekh ' ), 
and the latter was protected by a wall. 

Pi Amun, ' the city of Amon,' the Greek Diospolis, metropolis 
of Nome IV. Here the following buildings were erected : — 

1. TorHut suten-Kanit E'a-user-m^at Mi-amun ( ' the house of 
king Korusefr-mlat Mi-amtm*) on the hill of the necropolis of 
Neh-^ankh. At the present day the temple of Medinet-Abou. 

2. Pirl^amses Haq-6n ( ' iJie temple of Ramses III.' ) Situa- 
tion uncertain. 

3. TorUut R'amses Uaq- (Jn ( ' the house of Eamses III. ' ), with 
the additional name Nemu- (or Khnemu) reshut in Amon's city 
of Apet. This is the temple of Eamses III. still standing at 

• In this list of Bamessea, the names of the cities in different nomes 
are reproduced according to the writing of the period. As each city bore 
sevenJ names, it is not surprising to find them written sometimes in one 
form, sometimes in another. 

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Kamak, which opens in a northerly direction on the great entrance 
court of this national sanctoarj. It is the temple M on the 
general plan of Kamak in Mariette's publication. 

4. Fi-RorVAer-Wbot Miamwa (*the temple of Ramses III/ ) ; 
situation unknown. 

6. Pt-^flwiwe« iAi5r-(5w (' the temple of Ramses III.') in the 
Pi-Kh(ynsu, or town of Khonsu, is the designation of the temple 
of Khonsu at Kamak founded by this king ; T on the general 
plan of Mariette. 

Kobti (Coptos), metropolis of Nome V., with the temple of 
Khim (Pan), Horus and Isis. 

HiU-sokhem (Diospolis Parva), metropolis of Nome VII. 

In the next Nome, YIII., with its metropolis Tint (This, 
Thinis), the following towns with their sanctuaries are mentioned : — 

1. In Abud (Abydus) a special sanctuary was erected in the 
interior of the great temple of Osiiis, under the designation 7Vs> 
HtU-Ra'mses Haq-On ( * the house of Ramses III.'), and the whole 
quarter of this god (and his co-deities Horus and Isis) was pro- 
tected by a wall. 

2. In Tvni (Thinis, This) a sanctuary was founded in the temple 
of the god Anhur (Onuris according to Greek transcription, the 
Egyptian Mars) under the same designation as the preceding, but 
also with the additional name Uta-tod ( Uz*a-zad), to the service of 
which 457 persons were dedicated. 

3. In Neahi (Ptolemais), with a Pi-Sebek or ' temple of the croco- 
dile-headed SebekJ 

Apu (Panopolis), metropolis of Nome IX., with a temple of 
Khim (Pan), of Horus and of Isis. A * house of Ramses III.' was 
added here in like manner. 

Debui (Aphroditopolis), metropolis of Nome X. 

Shas-hotep (Hypsel^), metropolis of Nome XI., with a temple of 
the ram-headed god Ehnum. 

Siajout (Lycopolis, the modem Ossiout), metropolis of Nome 
XIII. Here two sanctuaries were founded in honour of the god 
Ap-maten ' of the South ' (a special local form of the jackal-headed 
Anubis), and his temple was protected by a wall. 

Khimunu (Hermopolis Magna), metropolis of Nome XV. Two 
sanctuaries of Thot were founded, one being designated tOr-HfU 
(* the house '), the other Pi (* town/ * temple '), of king Ramses I II. 
The temple of Thot was protected by a wall. 

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Hut-^Mler (Hibennu, Hibis), metiropolis of Nome XVI., with a 
temple of the local god Khnum^ 

A-rud (situated in the district of the same nome), with a local 
worship of the god Amarb-r'a, 

The three following places lay within the district of NomeXYII. 
(the Cynopolites of the Greeks) : 

FcMUui, with a sanctuary of Thot, the Egyptian Hermes ; 

MatvrKJwnt, with a worship of Amon ; 

A'MtAsha (* island of Miisha= Moses'), called by the Greeks 
Musse or Mus6n, with a worship and temple of the god Sebek. At 
the present day Surarieh. [Spelt I-enrMoaM at p. 117. — Ed.] 

Saptu, metropolis of Nome XYIII., with a temple of Anubis. 

Scbpt-moru (Oxyrhynchus), metropolis of Nome XIX., with a 
temple of the (Typhonic) Sutekh, 

Pi-her-she/ni (Heracleopolis Magna), metropolis of Nome XX., 
with a temple of Her-shafni (with a ram's head), the Harsaphes 
of the Greeks. 

In the next Nome, XXI., the Arsinoites of the Greek classics 
(now called Fayoum), with its metropolis, Crocodilopolis, the fol- 
lowing places are mentioned as &ivoured by Kamses III. : 

1. Pi-sehek, Crocodilopolis, with the sanctuary df. Horus of 
Lake Moeris. 

2. Pisutekh, ' the town of Sutekh,' called by its common name 
Sessu, Situation uncertain. 

3. Pehuu (position unknown), with a temple of the Theban 
AmanrT^a, a kind of Diospolis in the Fayoum. 

Tep-ah (Aphroditopolis), the modem Atfih, metropolis of 
Nome XXII., with a temple of the goddess Hathor=: Aphrodite.* 

C. In Lower Egypt. 

Men-Twfer (Memphis), metropolis of Nome I. 
Two sanctuaries were founded within the great temple of Ptak 
(Vulcan), named after the king thus : 

1. TorHut'R'omsea'Haq'On, and 

2. Pi-RamaeS'Haq-On^ Besides 

• The note on p. 415 applies here ; but my latest studies (see the Ho- 
tionnaire Oiographique) have proved to me that the place JETfU-uer, otherwise 
called Hibennuy Hehennu, answers to the town Ibis O/Stf, Ibennu) of the 
Greek geographers. 

* Compare the* Author's App&ndix VIII, to Dr. Schliemann*s Iliot, ' On 
Hera Boopis.' — Ed. 


Digitized by 



3. Pi-^iser^at Miranvun^ ' the town on the road to the west of 
A-OTnerU (or p-^iromeruy 

{nut-to-thaT'ab\ the Athrihis of the Greeks, metropolis of 
Nome X., with offerings to Horns, the god of the oonntry, whose 
temple was snrronnded with walls. 

On (the Biblical On), metropolis of Nome XIII., with the great 
deity TumrEorRormakhu and his ancient temple. Bamses III. 
had this temple deansed, and the ruined sanctuaries restored to a 
good condition. DiffereTvt from it is PirJffa (* City of the Sun '), 
Heliopolis, the temple-buildings of which are named according to 
their position as ' situated to the north of On,' probably the same 
place, of which the ruins have been disooyered quite lately in the 
neighbourhood of the so-called Td-el-Yahudi^ Here Bamses III. 
built a circuit-wall, a temple under the name Ta-HvJt'KamMS'Haq- 
On, and another sanctuary designated Pi-R'amses-Haq-On. He 
also raised a sanctuary to lut^as, the divine wife of Turn, on the 
west side of the canal Ati (of Heliopolis). In the neighbourhood 
of this temple there was a pl^use called Ropi or Er^^ with the local 
worship of a Horus. This place also the king fortified and sur^ 
rounded with a wall. 

North of On and the above-mentioned towns or temple-bmld- 
ings one came to the town of Pi-balos (the Byblos of the ancients f 
now caUed Bilbeis), which was situated ' on the water of B'a,' 
the Sun-god. Within it was a sanctuary of the goddess Bcut 
(easily explained by the proximity of the city called after her 
Bubastus), to which the care of the Mug likewise extended. 

The case was the same with regard to the place 'AbuirmUer^ 
near On, in the territory of the province 'An or 'Ain (in later 
times the Nomos Heroopolites), towards whose goddess Uie same 
king showed his beneficence. 

I have now, in conclusion, to specify certain buildings, in places 
the importance of which, in their historical significance, must 
specially interest the reader. 

In the north of the Delta there was a second Thebes, a second 
city of Amon, which bears the whole set of names that are em- 
ployed in the south of Egypt — in Patoris — ^but especially Horomon 
or Pi-a/mon, * Diospolis,' the city of Amon, Apet and Us or Ucu, It 
is called besides NoHnehUy 'the city {par eotsoeHence) of the North,' 

» See my observations on this subject in the Berlin ^eUtehri/t fur 
Aegyptologie, 1871, p. 86, &c. 

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as Thebes is called I^c^ns, 'the dty of the South.' Its territory 
bore the corresponding designation pa-t<MnehUf 'the country of 
the North,' just as porUHiis^ ' the country of the South/ denoted 
the so-called Thebais in Upper Egypt. The Phathmetic branch of 
the Nile (pchUymehit) owed the origin of its name among the Greek 
geographers to this designation, as on the other hand the form 
ta-mehity ' country of the North/ is the mother of the modem 
town of Damietta (which has taken the place of Diospolis), called 
by the Copts Tamiati, by the Arabs Damidt^ and which is already 
mentioned by Stephanus Byzantinus as TcumiathU. The import- 
ance of the Lower Egyptian city of Diospolis, close to the sea, was 
pre-eminent in ancient times as at the present day. It is the same 
Noraanon, ' city of Amon,' which is spoken of in the Bible as No * 
or as No-amon.^ It satisfies, both topographically and historically, 
in £bu^ in every respect, what the latter place named in Holy 
Scripture requires of it. It is the Diospolis Parva of Strabo 
(xviiL p. 802). 

The magnificent buildings of Eamsee III. in this northern city 
of Amon are mentioned in the Harris Papyrus together with those 
of Thebes in Upper Egypt, and by the same designations. Thus 
wo find there : I. tOrHut-siUen-kaMU-Rar^u^er-^at'Mi^Tnony or 
'the house of king Ramses III.;' 2. Pi-IPamses-ffaq-On, 'the 
temple of Bamses III. ; ' and 3. Pi-JR'a user-m'at MUa/mon, ' the 
temple of Bamses III.,' designated thus after his official name. 

In this Na-pc^to-mehi or * town of the To-mehi ' (whence comes 
evidently the designation of the Biblical Naphtuhim),' Bamses III. 
founded, according to the great Harris Papyrus, an entire quarter 
of the town, which bore the name Pi-JU'ttmseS'Haq-Onrd-nakht, * the 
well-fortified town of Bamses,' and is once (z. 2) denoted expressly 
as pct-derruif that is 'the town.' In it was ta-huty that is 'the 
sanctuary, the temple ' of a local form of Amon, whose image was 
called in addition ' that of Amon of Bamses Haq-On.' 

* Szek. zzz. 14 ; Jer. zlvi. 25. * Nahum ill. 8. 

> In case any of my readers, in ooniparing the Hebrew form of the 
word fiaphtuhim (with the plural termination im) with the Egyptian 
na-pa-tO'tnehi or na-pha'to-meM, should find a stumbling-block in the 
omission of the m in mehi, I observe that there happens to be a second 
designation of the same place, yin-pa-atkut 'the town of the Fapyms 
lake,* which helps us over aU difficolties in the comparison. This deriva- 
tion of the Naphtnhim of SS. appears to me far preferable to that which 
I formerly proposed (Vol. I. p. 327), connecting them with the nation of 
the Thuhen (Marmaridse). 

s £ 2 

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The last place, in which Eamses LQ. sought to immortalize 
himself by buildings, hesLrs in the same noble Harris Papyrus the 
name, certainly a very strange one, of Pi-Sutekh n KwmMsu Mi- 
amon, ' the city of Sutekh of Ramses II.,' for that this king is in- 
tended is shown by the spelling Bamessv instead of the spelling 
jR^amaea for the name of the third king Ramses. The latter, as 
appears from the text, enlarged the ' Sutekh-city ' by a separate 
building, called Pi-E'cmues Haq-6n em pirSutekh, ' the temple of 
Ramses III. in the town of Sutekh.' That this building bore yet 
another designation is proved by another passage referring to it in 
the same papyrus, which runs thus: — Fi-Ramses-Haq-On em 
Fi-Sfitekh em Fi-B^amessv Mi-amon, that is * the temple of^ 
Ramses III. in the city of Sutekh in the city of Eamses II.' 

In other words : Ramses III. raised a temple after his own 
name, in the quarter of the temple of StUekh in the city of 
Eamses II., a designation borne, as I long ago proved, by a new 
quarter of the well-known city of Tanis. 

As will be perceived from the foregoing contributions, Ramses 
III., in his buildings in Lower Egypt, confined his attention to 
those sanctuaries which lay on the east side of the Delta, nearly 
in the direction of a straight line drawn from Heliopolis north- 
wards to Diospolis (Damietta). This is just the side which was 
most exposed to the attacks of enemies from the East. Even 
without special comment this fact is very remarkable. 

D. In Falestmej 

or, as the country is called in the papyrus, in the ta-n-Zaha, 
' country of Zaha,' Ramses III. likewise founded a special sanc- 
tuary, which the text denotes by the lengthy name torHut-Ramses 
Haq-On em porKmComa^ * the house of Ramses III. in the land of 
Canaan.' We are not informed as to its exact position, but at 
least we owe to the papyrus the information, that in the sanctuary 
thus designated an image of the god ' Amon of king Ramses III.' 
was worshipped. 

36. Fage 202, after line 11. 

In the temple of Khonsu at Kamak a memorial has been 
preserved, though, alas I in a very fragmentary condition, of the 
members of the family of king EEibhob, remarkable from the 
fact that several of his sons bore names entirely Semitia Thus 

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the seventh was called Masaharthay and the eighth MasdqahaHha. 
The name of the former appears again on a statue now in Brussels, 
on which he is designated as 'Crown Prince and first Prophet 
of Amon.' 

37. Page 202, /ifM 13, and GenecUogieal Table IV. 

According to the veiy probable results of the researches of MJ 
Naville (see Berliner dgypL Zeitschri/t, 1878, pp. 29, f.) the sucoes- 
Bion of the queens of the Twenty-first Dynasty was as follows : 
Queen-Mother Noiem*=i. , . . 

. • . .=:King Hirhor 

I Queen 

« =Fidnkhi The7Uamon*=iNehseni 

Finotem I. = Queen Tiu Hathor ffont-taui* 


Rdmenklieper Rdmdka 

38. Notes on the Exodus. 

1. The geographical studies, to which my attention has been 
devoted of late years, and the results of which are contained in my 
great CreographiccU Dictionary , have proved to me most con- 
vincingly that I have not deceived myself, and that the general 
direction of the march of the Jews out of Egypt answers to all the 
geographical conditions revealed to us by the papyri and the monu- 
ments regarding the principal stations on the route. 

I do not at all dissemble the difficulties in the way of my views, 
which arise out of several passages in Holy Scripture concerning 
the Exodus ; but I constantly ask mysGlf— Where is the city of 
RamseSf if it is not Tanisy whose name of Pi-Rcmhses is demon- 
strated by the monuments, and whose gigantic ruins are visible at 
our day ? I aak myself — ^Where is Mham, the Khetam of the 
monuments 1 — ^Where, especially, is Migdoly the name of which has 
no other meaning than the northern fortress on the eastern side of 
Lower Egypt ? Above all, I ask myself how we are to explain 
the fiskct, that the towns named occur in the same geographical 
order in which the Scripture narrative makes them follow one 
another. The difficulty, moreover, in identifying the station of 
Suceoth with the monumental name of Thuko or Thukot disappears 

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as soon as we observe (what I have proved in an article in the 
Aegyptische Zeitschrift) that the Egyptian <A (=0) answens in many 
instances to the letter D (^ of the corresponding words in Hebrew. 
2. A monumeTUal difficulty exists only regarding the exact 
position of the place called Pitum, situated, according to the indi- 
cations of the papyri, in the o(^untry of Succoth, and on that aocotint 
named, in several documents, the town of Succoth. This town, as 
is proved by the lists of nomes, formed the centre of a nome. I 
have made the remark (on p. 377) that a serpent^ called by the 
name of Kerehy was worshipped at Pitum, or PUom^ as the living 
symbol of the god of that place. As the result of new researches, I 
am now in a position to establish the fact, that the said ' serpent ' 
is rather Ajiah, which still serves, in the Coptic language,* to desig- 
nate the electric fish, whose name of Kereh is derived from a root 
signifying to 8trikej to give a blow. Its Egyptian name Kereh, 
pre&ced by the masculine article, j>a or pha — Phor-Kereh — gave rise 
to the Greek designation of Phagros or Phagrorios, whence must 
be derived (if I do not deceive myself) the appellation of PhagrariO' 
poliSf assigned to the capital of the like-named nome. The posi- 
tion of this latter, according to the scanty information preserved to 
us from antiquity, is very uncertain. All that we are warranted 
in saying is confined to the notice, that the place was situated on 
the east side of the Delta, in the neighbourhood of the Arabian 
Nome, and of the modem valley of Toumeil&t.* There is no 
doubt that the name of t^e sanctuary, where, according to the 
great geographical list of Edfou, the fish Kereh was worshipped — 
that is to say, Pa-Kereh — ^gave rise to the Greek denomination of 
the toMm, Fhagroriopolis, which was certainly in the neighbourhood 
of Pitom, and appears to have been identical with the latter. 

Another question respecting the position of Pitom. If we were 
to suppose its identity with the town of Patumos, mentioned by 
Herodotus (ii. 158), the question would become very simple. 
According to this author, Patumos was not &r firom Bubastus. 
As a papyrus in the British Museum speaks of lakes in the neigh- 
bourhood of Pit07n, it would be necessary to seek the ancient 

* Thus Strabo (zvii. p. 804) places Fhagroriopolis and the Phagroriopolite 
nome near the city of Arsinoe and the head of the Red Sea. The Wady-et- 
ToumeiUt is the valley nmning west and east from the (old) Pelosiac 
hranch of the Nile to Lake Timsah, having along its course the oanal 
of Sesostris and Kecho, and the present railway to Suez.— Ed. 

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ox THE EXODUS. 423 

podtioiL of this place on the west side of the valley of Tonmeildt, 
where there are still traces of lakes at the present day. In other 
words, it would then be necessary to suppose the ancient situation 
of the country of Thukot (Succoth) to have been in the part of 
Ix)wer Egypt now referred to ; and it would consequently be neces- 
sary to take this point for the first station of the Hebrews after 
their departure from Egypt. 

Such is what I have called above the monumerUal diffletiUi/f to 
which I draw the attention of the reader, in order to omit nothing 
that can serve to illustrate the route of the Jews, fleeing from 
Kamses to betake themselves to the Desert. But it is by no 
means proved that the town of Pitom, mentioned as the capital of a 
nome, was the same as the place cited by Herodotus as FcUumos; 
nor is it any more certain that Fhagroriopolis was identical with 
Patumos, for the simple reason that we know nothing about the 
true position of Fhagroriopolis. 

3. I repeat, that all the researches I have made, up to the most 
recent date, have suggested to me no proof founded on the monu- 
mental geography, which could tell in favour of a route which 
would have led along this southern course through the valley of 
Toumeildt to the Bed Sea. On the contrary, the stations men- 
tioned in the Bible are met with in the lists of the nomes as places 
belonging to the North, in the quarter where I have fixed them in 
my ' Discourse on the Exodus.' ^ The question ynU be cleared up, 
in my opinion, as soon as the opportunity shall be afforded of 
making excawUions in thevdUey of Toumeildt , in order to discover 
monuments which, inscribed with geographical names, would 
reveal to us at a stroke the mysteries which to the present day 
cover this port of the geography of Lower Egypt. 

' For example, the aigoment just referred to would affect the position of 
the Sethroite name, as a oonsequeDce of that of Pitom ; and, in fact, it has 
been attempted to place this nome in the Wady-ToomeilAt, and to find an 
etymology to suit this position, instead of Dr. Brugsch's derivation from 
$et-r(hhatn (VoL n. p. 370). But, passing from guesses to widenoe, we have 
the testimony of Strabo (xvii. p. 803) that the Sethroite nome extended 
along one of the two lakes on the left of the Pelusiao arm of the Nile ; 
and its capital, Heracleopolis Parva (Brugsch's < Pitom'), which the 
Antonine Itinerary places halfway between Tanis and Pelusium, is called 
Sethrum (XdOpov^ by Stephanus Byzantinus. This is but one example of the 
difference between the geographieal determinatum of the places in question 
and the indention of sites to suit a preoonoeiyed theoiy of the Exodus. — Bd. 

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4. The most important point that remains for the beginning of 
these researcheB will be the place now called Mcukoutah * (near the 
railway station called 'Ramses'), which Lepsins, De Lesseps, 
linant-Bej, and others regard as the city of Bamses of the Book 
of Exodus. The existence of a fractured group <^ the figures of 
king Ramses II. and two Heliopol|tan divinities, as well as the dis- 
coyery of a great st^U of the same epoch,® may sufioe to guarantee 
the promise of discoyeries still more precious both for the geography 
and the history of ancient Egypt. These discoveries will furnish 
the starting-point for all further researches which it may be desired 
to make into the neighbouring sites. 

Meanwhile, in the very act of writing these Notes, I have 
unexpectedly received from Dr. Schweinfurth — so celebrated for 
his journey into the heart of Africa — a communication of the 
highest importance in its bearing on the question of the Exodus 
and the claim of this mound to be the famous city of Ramses. 
Having made a journey to this place with the object of discovering 
among the numerous building-bricks, which are met with on the 
site of Maskoutah, traces of the stalks of straw and of other plants, 
in order to determine their exact botanical character (Dr. Schwein- 
furth being a botanist of the highest order), he took the oppor- 
tunity to study and examine with the greatest care all the ancient 
bricks at this place, ioithout hcuving been able to find the least trace 
of Biraw, Without my having asked him the question, or indeed 
made any answer, he spontaneously sent me the following declara- 
tion : — ' This place, where the bricks are made only of the mud of 
the Nile, eanvnot be Eamses ; for otherwise we ought to have found 

* The mound Tel-el- MeuhmtaK, otherwise called Mturoata. It has been 
lately asserted that the name * Ramses * was not given to the railway station 
by the French engineers, but is a genuine ' Pbaraonic survival,' because the 
Guide Joka-nney while admitting that the name Bamses is ^peuUe 9oh» 
silence par les historiens prqfanes,* strangely enough adds that Td-Masroota 
* r^pond, d'aprh les distances de VIHnindre d'Antonin^ d Vemplaeemcnt de 
V antique Rametis canstrtiite par les IfSbreuw.* But in the route of the Itine^ 
rarff through this valley (pp. 169, 170, Wesseling), there is no Ramses nor 
any name the least like it. The station which may correspond to Tel^el 
Matroota is Thou, 12 Boman miles west of Hero, i.e. Heroopolis, a distance 
which (as has been pointed out by Mr. Stuart Poole, himself an advocate 
of the Wady-ToumeiUt route) makes a reductio ad absurdum of the three 
days* march of the flying Israelites over this distance, and oonsequently 
of this as the site of Barneses. {IHet, ef the Bible, art. Bajcibsbs.) — Kd. 

* See above, p. 411. 

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there stalks of straw, smce, according to the Bible, the Israelites 
were obliged to scatter themselves over the whole land of Egypt to 
seek for straw, in order to use it to make bricks/ ^ This avowal is 
important, as it furnishes another proof that the city of Bamses 
cannot have been situated at Maskhoutah, near the present 
railway station of Ramses.' 

5. There remains an observation for me to make on a point of 
detail, which seems to me of less importance, but which has been 
made an objection in order to raise doubts as to the probability of 
my theory of the Exodus. If, it is said, the Hebrews set out from 

* Exod. v. 12. The context removes all poBsibility of sapposing that 
on the withdrawal of the supply of straw the bricks were made without it 
— an evasion of the order which would have made the task lighter instead 
of heavier, and which (absurd to suppose in itself) is expressly precluded 
by the words of Pharaoh's order to the taskmasters (ver. 7) : * Ye shall no 
more give the people straw to make brick as heretofore : let them go and 
gather gtraw for them$elve»,^ and so the taskmasters say (w. 10-12), ' Thus 
saith Pharaoh, I will not give you straw. Oo ye, get straw where ye can find 
it ; yet not aught of your work shall be diminished. So the people were 
scattered abroad throughout all the land of Egypt to gather stubble for 
straw,* not < instead of straw/ as in the A. V., but to be used as the chopped 
straw was, for binding the friable mud of which the sun-dried bricks were 
made. Of course < all the land of Egypt ' means the country districts 
round the city they were building. — Ed. 

' The identification of this site with Ramses is, in short, an oftvmptidm 
without any positive evidence, but with abundant evidence against it. The 
memorials of Ramses II. found on the spot are no evidence for the name, 
unless every place in Egypt similarly marked were also a Pi-ram$e$, and in 
this case why should thit be chosen for the Ramses of the book of Exodus ? 
But, in fact, that king's memorials are found elsewhere through the 
valley, as we might have specially expected on account of his canal (which, 
by the way, furnishes an argument against the residence of the Israelites in 
this six)t from the absence of any mention of their working on it, but only 
in brickmaking, and building, and field labour). Again, this small Tel can 
hardly have been the ' Temple-city ' built for Pharaoh, much less the great 
and splendid and wealthy Pi-ramses described by Panbesa (Vol. II. pp. 100, f.) ; 
and that the Ramesea whence the Israelites started had a large and wealthy 
Egyptian population is proved by the rich spoil which the Hebrews bor- 
rowed from their Egyptian neighbours. Now put in the other scale the 
pontive evidence that Barneses was Zoan-Tams, cited abundantly by Dr. 
Brugsch. The strangest feature in the whole argument is that some eminent 
commentators, fully admitting that Tanis in ' the field of Zoan ' was the 
residence of Pharaoh and the scene of his contest with Moses, suddenly 
and unaccountably transfer him, with his court and army, to this (imaginary) 
Barneses, in order to have him present (as of course he was) at the place 
whence the Israelites started I — Eo. 

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the citj of Tanis, which wajs situated between the Tanitic and the 
Felosiac arms of the Nile, how can we explain the silence of the 
Bible about the passage of such a great body of emigrants, accom- 
panied by their herds, oyer the Pelusiac Nile? To this I answer, 
that Holy Scripture might well dispense with the relation of that 
which is understood of itself ; and, further, that the monuments 
have even preserved the dramng of the bridge which, in the 
neighbourhood of Ehetam (the Etham of the Bible), led from one 
side of this place to the other.' On the original monument we 
see the bridge which joins the two quarters of the town, and hy 
which Seti I. must have crossed with his army in order to return 
to the territory of Egypt, properly so called. The existence of this 
bridge has left its trace in the modern name of Qantara-el- 
Khazneh^^ Hhe bridge of the treasure,' the first part of which 
immediately recals the bridge of the Pharaohs near this site, while 
the second part, et-Khazneh^ at once leads our thoughts to the 
name of Haama or Hazma, given by the texts of the papyri and 
the monuments to the whole country situated to the east of the 
Pelusiac arm, and rendered by the Greek geographers by the name 
of Cassium,, Cassiotis. 

6. Site of Migdol, — Tel-e9-SamoiU is a name which exists at 
the present day, and which is known by all the authors. The 
ancient name concealed under it is Samhud, and this name serves 
in another manner to designate the position of the place. No 
doubt can exist on the subject of this identification.* 

■ See above, Vol. II. pp. 12, 19, 387, 388. 

* Bat the bridge across the Pelusiac Nile at Ehetam (Etham, Daphnse, 
now Defenneh) must not be confounded with the present station of El- 
Kantarah (ten miles further east), at the intersection of the great highway 
with the Suez Canal. Mr. Greville Chester's interesting description of Tel 
Deph/neh (as he spells it) shows how well it suits the position of Etham. 
< on the edge of the wilderness * (Numbers zzziii. 6), and he adds that <it 
could easily be reached in two days from Sin (Tanis), and that, supposing 
Lake Menzaleh had, as is probable, a. lower level in ancient times than at 
present, Tel Dephneh would probably not be more than a day's journey 
from TeUel'Hir * (Mr. Chester's Migdol, and Brugsch's Araru and Saal- 
zepJum). We may add that the season was just after the vernal equinox, 
when the inundation has long subsided. — Ed. 

» This note was communicated by Dr. Brugsch in reply to Mr. Greville 
Chester's statement, that the name of Samout is unknown to the Arabs. 
(For the ancient use of it, see Vol. I. pp. 237-8.) Mr. Chester would identify 
Migdol with Tel-el-Sir ; but the question between these two neighbouring 
mounds is perfectly insignificant in comparison with the fact of its 

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7. Baal-zephon. — The identification of Mons Casius with the 
place called BacU-zephany that is * Baal of the North/ or ' Lord of 
the North,' is not proved hj monumental evidence. The word 
C cuius is derived fi*om the (Semitic) name Hctzina or Hazian 
for all the country to the east of the Pelusiac hranch ;^ and it is 
preserved clearly enough in the modem appellation of Qaviarah- 

Baal-zephon, which I have supposed to be Mons Casius, allows 
of two explanations : either it is the tra/ndation of the Egyptian 
title neb-mehiy * Lord of the North,' given to the god Amon wor- 
shipped in this country, and sumamed likewise neh-Khvroty *' lord of 
the lagoons,' — or it is the tra/Mcription of the Egyptian name of the 
city Hauar (or -uaT)^ the first element of which {Ha = * house ') 
haa been suppressed, just as in the Hebrew name Rmnses in place 
of the Egyptian Fir'amses ('abode of B'amses'). The corre- 

poflition in this locality , which fnmishes a pivot for the whole question, 
inasmQch as we only know of one Migdol, that which is placed on the 
J\r.£. frontier of Egypt by the concurrent testimony of the monuments of 
Seti I. at Eamak, depicting his march to Palestine (Yol. II. p. 12) ; of the 
Harris papyrus, describiDg Ramses III. encamped (like Israel) < between 
Migdol and the sea ' to witness the victory of his fleet (Vol. n. pp. 163-^) ; 
of the prophets who include the whole length of Egypt, * from Syene to 
Migdol * (Vol. I. pp. 237-8), just as it was described under Amenhotep IV. 
(YoL I. p. 498) ; and of the Antonine Itinerary, which places Magdolvm 
1 2 Roman miles in a S. direction from Pelusium. A Migdol nea/r the Chtlf of 
Suez it a purely imagina/ry rite invented to suit that theory ; and the same 
may be said of any Baakephon, Etham, or Suoeoth in that neighbourhood. 
The sites assigned by Brugsch, on the other hand, are determined (whether 
rightly or wrongly) by iitrict geographical evidence.— ^D. 

* The distinction between the uses of the word CoHim, for a definite 
spot and in a wider sense, forms an important element in the whole ques- 
tion. Herodotus (ii. 6, iii. 6) first mentions it as a mountain extending be- 
side Lake Sirbonis to the $ea, which may mean a range of hills or a 
mere promontory. In some passages of Strabo, &c., the name seems to 
apply to the region 8. of the lake. On the other hand Mont Cariut is dis- 
tinctly defined as a hill, forming a promontory on the sea-coast (answer- 
ing precisely to the headland called Bat JKatieh or El Gelte), 40 Roman 
miles east of Pelusium, and 24 west of Ostracena (Strab. 1. p. 68 ; zvi. p. 
759 ; Itin, Ant. p. 162). There would also seem to have been a place Cat- 
Hum distinct from Mount Casius. But, in whichever sense, the name Canut 
la taken from the Egyptian name of the district Eazia/n, and has no direct 
connection with Baal-zephon. Strong as is the evidence furnished by the 
temple of Jupiter Casius for regarding the place as a < Baal-zephon,' the 
argument applies to any sanctuary of that god, and most of all to Avarit, 
the chief seat of the Hyksos, whose special deity he was.— Ed. 

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spondenoe of the Hebrew word Bdal (Sys) '^th the Egyptian riar 
or v!al (meaning ' leg ; ' see my Diet. Geogr. App. s. v. u*ar) presents 
no stumbling-block, when we call to mind that the Hebrew Ba^al 
\a rendered in Egyptian sometimes by b^ar, sometimes by u'arJ 

From this would follow the important result, that the place 
Ba'al-zephon, * the city of Ba'al of the North,' would be the same 
as Hct-u*ar, that is to say, as the Ayarib of Manetho. And, as 
there were several places named u'ar in the geographical nomen- 
clature of Egypt, there is every probability that the one designated 
in the Bible as ^oo^zephon answers to the ' Avaris of the North ' 
of the Egyptian texts, situated to the east of the Pelusiac branch 
of the Nile. Lepsius, who has travelled over this part of Lower 
Egypt, has established by fiill proof that the long ruins (ramparts 
now covered with sand) at the place called Td-d-Her (or Hir) 
mark the site of the ancient Ha-v!ar. ' 

8. The Site of the Hebrew Gamp. — In summing up my latest 
researches, it appears to me that the Hebrews, on quitting Etham, 
directed their march towards Migdol^ where they encamped opposite 
to Avaris (Baal-zephon), With this interpretation all becomes 

' Headers who do not know Hebrew shoald be informed that the second 
letter of the alphabet (3, Beth) represents both B and U or V. 

* See the interesting description of these nuns by Mr. Greville Chester 
{nt sup. oit. p. 148) :— * TeUel-IRr marks the site of a town of large extent 
and considerable importance, and Its sar&u3e is strewn with innamerable 
sherds of pottery, ancient glass of fine quality, and bits of hewn stone ' 
(some of which seem to be window frames). < On the west side of the Tel, 
the side farthest from the desert, rise the remain* of a matsive square tower, 
each of whose sides measures abont 94 paces. The north, south, and 
western sides of this fortress descend into an immense desiccated lake or 
marsh. The eastern side of the tower, which is built of crude biick, is 
joined to the rest of the sandy Tel, which extends eastwards to the desert. 
... It is at once evident to the eye that this was an important frontier 
fortress.* This answers in all respects to the Hyksos* frontier fortress of 
Han'o/r (Avaris), which has been already described in the History (Vol. I- 
pp. 236-7). It stood at the N.E. frontier of Egypt, on the right side of the 
Pelusiac arm of the Nile, and had on its west side either a lake or estuary 
(the ' Pa-zetku of Avaris *) on which the sailor Aahmes fought under the 
king his namesake in a naval battle with the Hyksos, and also water on 
its south side. (Vol. I. pp. 284-6.) Finally, its distance (about 7 or 8 
miles) from Brugsch's site of Migdol {TeUes-Samnutj Mr. Chester's JM- 
Ifabooa) gives a fit site for the camp of the Israelites * between Migdol and 
the sea ' (the estuary of the Pelusiac Nile) ' in face of Baal-zephon.' — Bd. 

* In these new remarks Dr. Brugsoh does not proceed to offer any 
definite idea as to the manner of the catastrophe, but what follows will 

Digitized by 



9. The Oulfs of Pirhahiroth.^AB to the Khirot, the 'gulfs' or 
< lagunes/ it is Pliny especially who speaks of them at length in 
the chapter of his Hiatoria NcUuraUa relating to Lower Egypt. * 

10. ' The Sea* vn Exodus xiv. — ^You are perfectly right* in 
recognizing the Mediterranean in 'the Sea' of the Exodus. 
Schleiden, in his remarkable work on ' The Isthmus of Suez ' {Die 

show that there were marshes, lagoons, and treacherous pits about the sites 
of Pelusimn and Avaris, which made the passage between them and the 
sea as difficult and dangerous as that along the causeway between Sirbonis 
and the Mediterranean. — Ed. 

■ Dr. Brugsch wrote this note at Cairo, away from his sources of re- 
ference, and we have failed to find the passage in Pliny ; but Strabo has 
statements about the gulf $ (fidpoBpa) near Pehmwn. qmte as striking as those 
of Diodorus about Lake Sirbonis (pp. 391-3). After describing the hill and 
promontory of Mount Casius, with its tomb of Pompey, he proceeds (xvi. p. 
759): 'Next is the road to Pelusium, on which is situated Gerrha' (the 
Anbu andShwr of Brugsch, about the west end of Lake Sirbonis). ... * and 
the pits (fidffoBpa) near Pelusium, formed by the overflowing of the Nile in 
places naturally hollow and marshy.' Again (xvii. p. 802) : * Pelusium 
itself has many marshes lying around it, which some call harathra (fidpoBpa) 
or water-holes, and swamps. On this quarter Egypt is difficult of access^ 
that is, from the eastern side towards Phoenicia and Judaea.' Compare 
this with Mr. Greville Chester's striking account of the immense marahes 
on the east of the old Pelusiac arm of the Nile, between the sites of Pelu- 
sium and Avaris or Baal-zephon at Tel-el-Hir. 

If the transference of the catastrophe to this region loses much of that 
wonderful appropriateness which we have seen in the causeway between 
Lake Sirbonis and the sea, Strabo supplies us with another striking 
parallel to show that we are not limited to this or that spot on the Medi- 
terranean shore for sudden movements of wind and water such as 
overwhelmed the Egyptian host. The geographer relates (xvi. p. 768) 
how, after a battle on the coast between Tyre and Ptolemais (Acre), * a 
wave from the sea, like the rising tide, overwhelmed the fugitives ; some 
were carried out to sea and drowned, others perished in the hollows ; then 
again the ebb succeeding uncovered and displayed to tight the hodiet lying 
in oonfusuyn among deadjUh ' (oomp. Exod. xiv. 30). — Ed. 

* This note refers to the remark made at the end of p. 400, since writing 
which we find the same point strongly insisted on in The Migration ttf the 
Sehrews from Egypt (1879), a very able anonymous work, which no one 
who wishes to study the subject ought to neglect^ in spite of faults which 
this is not the place to discuss. The absence of any mention of the Tdm 
jSuf in Exod. xiv. is equally remarkable in the summary list of journeys in 
Numbers xxxiii., where it is said that from the camp before Pihahiroth the 
Israelites 'passed through the midst of the Sea into the wilderness of 
JEthamt ' (v. 8) ; and it is only after the stages of Marah (ind EUm that they 
« encamped by the Ydm SAf' (▼• 10). What and where that Ydm SUf is, 
we have already observed, is a question too wide to be discussed here. — Ed. 

Digitized by 



LandeTige von Suez), has arrived at the same result from his re- 
searches, and has critically established bj the best proofe the later 
interpolation of TAm SUpk (the Red Sea of the Versions). The 
Red Sea in all the Egyptian texts (amon^ others, those of the time 
of Eamses III.) has no other name than Yuma Kot or Yurna Sekot. 
Bat nowhere do we meet with an expression analogous to the 
Hebrew Ydm SUph, SUph is a plant which grows in lakes, 
but not in the sea.' 

11. The Region <md City o/SHtph.^The name Ouf {thu/)—ux 
Hebrew SUph — vindicates, according to the text, a whole navigable 
country, covered with aquatic plants, especially with papyrus. 
These are undoubtedly the lakes in the North and East of the 
Delta There was likewise a dty of SUph, named in the Egyptian 
texts and in the Bible, where it marks the eastern end of a long 
route leading to Palestine. 

12. The Way of the Land of the Philistines (Exod. xiii. 17), — 
The ' Road of the Philistines ' of Holy Scripture is not that which 
commenced at Khetam, the Etham of the Bible, or no matter what 
other town in its neighboui*hood, but that which touched the 
country of Zahi (Palestine), near Mount Casius. This is expressly 
stated in the inscriptions — consult my Diet. Geogr. s. voc. Khnum 
(x»»w»», ' pits.') * 

13. The Geography of Lake Sirbonis and its Neighbourhood.^ — 
While fully acknowledging, without expressly sa3ring so, the two 
principal points of the route of the Exodus, namely, RamsesssTanis, 
and Migdol, Mr. Chester's researches tend to prove that my map 
of the Lake Sirbonis, in respect of the isthmus, is ' imaginative * 

' The leading passage to determine the original meaning of the word is 
Kzod. ii. 3, where the ' ark * of the infant Moses is made of r&ph. — Ed. 

« Comp. Vol. I. p. 239, H. 12, 397. The exact point at which Philistia be- 
gan is placed either at Moont Casius or at Ostracene, which, nnder the Roman 
Empire, was reckoned as the point from which Idnnuea and Palestine be- 
gan (Plin. H. N. V. 12, s. 14). The best commentators Twhatever their view 
of the Exodos) are generally agreed that the passage in Exod. xiii. 17, 18, 
describes the/?kiZ, not the initialy direction of the march. — Ed. 

* The following remarks are made in a letter to the Editor, with reference 
to Mr. Greville Chester's paper (see p. 400), which, owing to accidental cir- 
cumstances, did not reach Dr. Brngsch till the foregoing notes had been 
despatched. We are able to add the high authority of Captain Burton as ' 
to the absurdity of assuming that the ground has not changed in 3000 years ; 
as, for example, if a thread of Nile water from the Pelusiac branch ever 
found its way to Lake Sirbonis. — Ed. 

Digitized by 



and ' highly iroAginative/ and that I have so far abandoned myself 
to fancies as to invent localities which had no real existence. 
' Imaginative ' is, in fact, what one invents ; but Mr. Chester seems 
not to be aware that, for the neighbourhood of Lake Sirbonis, I 
have only followed the chartographic indications of almost all who 
have constructed and published maps of Lower Egypt. He has 
equally overlooked all that Schleiden has said in his work On the 
Isthmus of Suez, and above all he has overlooked the long article 
in the A.ppendix to my Bictionnaire Geographique, which I have 
devoted to the geographical name Ouf{= SUph)^ to illustrate, in 
another way, the point where the catastrophe took place. Mr. 
Chester has forgotten (et qu'il me pardonne si je prends la liberie 
de le lui reprocher) that my labour has not consisted in demon- 
strating topographically, and beyond the risk of error, the exact 
localities of the Exodus (that is to say, the sites of their ruins — 
such as Succoth, Etham, Migdol), but rather in discussing the 
views which have been held on the subject of the direction of the 
Exodus, and determining it, on the basis of the monuments, along 
the road from Tanis to Migdol. Far from having desired to estab- 
lish a topographic map of an accuracy above reproach, I have bad 
no other purpose than to direct public attention to the historical 
consequences of the monumental records and the writings on papyrus 
bearing on the subject of tbe Exodus. 

Mr. Chester is also unaware that Tel^s-Samout was already 
known to the Arabs in the 14th century, and that it marks the 
site of the ancient Migdol; and likewise that Lepsius, after his 
journey to these regions, proved, in a clear and perfect manner, the 
identity of Tel^Hir with the HwuHar or Avaris of the Egyptian 
texts. I must also remind him that the name Eomdneh is very 
ancient, and that I have discovered it in its ancient form of writ- 
ing. (See my Diet. Giogr, Appendix, s. v. Roman,) 

In researches of this kind, especially when it is a question of 
attacking a literary opponent, it is absolutely necessary to be ac- 
quainted also with the opinions of other scholars, who have occupied 
themselves with the same researches in which I have been engaged 
as the consequence of my geographical studies. In conclusion, the 
one lesson which I have learnt from the reading of Mr. Chester's 
paper is that, if Pi-hahvroth is to be taken as where I have placed 
it, it corresponds, and must of necessity correspond, to another spot 
in the Barathra which extended over the region up to the neigh- 
bourhood of Lake Sirbonis, tbe name of which, if I am not mis- 

Digitized by 



taken, U derived from the Egyptian words shir bon, that is, ' the 
lake of had salt, palt of had quality.' 

With r^ard to the present state of the whole question, Dr. 
Brugsch insiste on the ahsoUUe necessity of a survey of the region 
from the east of the Delta to ihefrorUier of Palestine. * If I could 
afford the means,' he writes, 'I would go and examine the district 
anew, and make excavations on the sites. / Jeel sure of finding an 
them ancient remains j a/nd I should be able to solve once for all this 
most interesting question of the Exodus. But whoever may under- 
take or he charged with these researches ought to know : (I) the 
monumental geography of this part of Lower Egypt; (2) the 
hieroglyphic writing y so as to he ahle to read the texts that he might 
discover ; (3) the Arabic language, to avoid heing ill informed by 
the Bedouins who inhabit those parts. Perhaps one of your 
learned societies engaged in Biblical researches would devote the 
small sum needful to accomplish this object, by sending one of its 
members to explore this region anew. For my part, I would 
willingly place myself at his disposal, to serve as his guide and 
interpreter as occasion might arise.' 

[*The question of the Exodus is not yet solved,' wrote 
Dr. Brugsch when he began to communicate these 'Additions,' 
in the midst of which he was interrupted by dangerous illness ; 
but one remark as to its present position must not be withheld. 
Whatever may be the ultimate verdict of Biblical, historical, and 
geographical criticism (for the question involves all three), we 
cannot but observe the remarkable difference in the methods pur- 
sued by Dr. Brugsch and others. Starting from the assumption 
that the ' passage ' took place at or about the head of the Gulf of 
Suez, they feel back for probaMe sites for the stations of the jour- 
ney, 'if haply they may find them.' He alone begins at the 
beginning, namely the starting-point at Bameses in the field of 
Zoan, identified with Tanis by overwhelming proofs ; and he fol- 
lows the march along the well-known road marked by the stations 
which are determined each by independent geographical evidence, 
to whatever end this strict critical method may lead him, though 
his guide, like that followed by the Israelites, may have its obscure 
as well as its bright side, trusting to the issue of all honest dis- 
cussion — * Lux e tenebrisJ — Ed.] 

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AAH-HOTEP, queen of Karnes, i. 
289 ; treasures found in her coffin, 
290, 314, 315 ; meaning of the name, 
318 ; q. of Amenhotep I., 328, 345 

Aahmes I. (Amosis), king, i. 290 ; con- 
queror of the Hyksos, 295 ; founds 
the 18th dynasty, 316, 317; his 
campaigns, 318 ; line of fortresses, 
320 ; wars against the Phoenicians 
and neg^es, 320; restores the 
temples and buildings, 296, 321 ; 
name inscribed on the quarries of 
Tourah and Massaarah, 322 ; his 
pedigree, 346 

— queen of Thutmes I., i. 343 

— son of Baba-Abana, i. 226 ; in the 
war against the Hyksos, 237 ; tomb 
at El-Kab, 280, /., 303 ; pedigree, 
281; great historical inscription, 
283, /., 326, 329 

— Pen-nukheb, memorial stone at 
El-Kab, 1. 287, 319, 326 

— courtier of Amen-hotep IV., his 
prayer to the sun, i. 601 

— somamed Turo, chief priest, temp, 
Ramses H., ii. 412 

— n., king of Dyn. XXVI. (Amasis), 
ii. 286, 326 

Aa-kheper-en-ra. See Thutmes II. 

Aa-kheper-ka-ra. See Thutmes I. 

Aa-khepru-ra. See Amenhotep IV. 

Aalim, ii. 398. See Elim 

Aa-nekht, the Bekhen (' tower ') of 
Ostracene, border-fortress between 
Egypt and Zahi, at entrance to road 
of the Philistines, i. 239 

Ab, ii. 347. See Elephantin6 



Abd-el-Qumah, pictorial representa- 
tion of brick-making at, i. 417 ; tomb 
of Amenhotep II. at, 459 

Abdu, ii. 347. See Abydus 

Abd-ul-Latif, Arabian physician, his 
account of Memphis, i. 57 

Abeha (Behan, Bo6n, Semneh), i. 470 

Ab-en-pira-o, 'councillor of Pharaoh/ 
i. 253, 307 «. ; ii. 146, 188, 379 

Abesha, i. 178, 266 

Aboulhol, Arabic name of the Sphinx, 
i. 97 

Abousimbel, ii. 70. See Ibsamboul 

Abousir, pyramid at, i. 106 

Abraham, an indication of his being 
contemporary with Dyn. XII., ii. 405 

Ab-sakabu, i. 239 ; water of, ii. 13 

Abydus (Abdu, Abud), capital of Nome 
Vni. (Up. Eg.), ii. 347 ; table of 
kings, i. 44-46, ii. 29 ; well at, i. 162 ; 
temple at, 441 ; tablet, 441 ; chief 
seat in Upper Egypt of the worshii- 
of Osiris, 441 ; temple completed by 
Ramses II., ii. 36, 46 ; inscription on 
wall, 36-44 ; pictures of the battle of 
B:ade8h, 48-54; Nimrod's tomb, 207 ; 
remarkable inscription, 208-211 : 
sanctuary and wall of Ramses m. in 
the temple of Osiris, 416 

Aoco (Aak, Acre), i. 392 

Achaeans, ii. 129 

Achaamenes, satrap, ii. 332 ; killed by 
Inaros, 332 

Achoris (Hagar) king, ii. 287, 335 

Adon, title, i. 253, 307, 311, 312, 363, 
398, 617 ; ii. 26, 71, 181, 182, 183 

Adulam (Adullam), i. 400; ii. 110, 217 

Digitized by 





Adolis, i. 406, 408 

Adoma (Edom), i. 248, 336 ; ii. 217 

Africa, coast opp. Arabia. See Punt 

AfiicanuB on the HyksoB, i. 266 

Agabot (Libyans), i. 331 

Agesilaus, ii. 336, 337, 388 

Agricnltore, i. 23 

Ahnas, i. 201 ; ii. 224. See Heracleo- 
polis Magna 

Ai, the holy father, i. 512; restores 
the worship of Amon, prepares 
his tomb at Biban-el-MoIouk, 513 ; 
his titles of honour, supremacy in 
the south, 514 ; his sarcophagus and 
names, 514 »., ii. 408 

Alna, or Aian (Aean), the Heroopolite 
nome, i. 16, 262 ; fortress and well, 
ii. 148; temple, 418 

Ajalon, ii. 217 

Aken (Acina), ancient name for Nu- 
bia, i. 183, 199 

Akerith, i. 456 ; ii. 47, 66, 58 

Akharru, the • hinder land,' Phoe- 
nicia, 1. 337 

A-kheper-ra. See Shashanq IV. 

Akherkin, i. 159 

Akhmun, ii. 246. See Hermopolis 

Alabastrdnpolis. See Ha-Suten 

Alexander the Great, ii. 287, 288, 308, 
309, 318, 319, 339 

— ^gus, ii. 316, 339 

Alexandria, ii. 289 

Alisu, ii. 142. See Arlsu 

Aliurta, ii. 312, 314 

Alphabet, old Egyptian, ii. 351 

Aluna, i. 369, 370 

'Am (' people ') for the Israelites, ii. 219 

Ama, Mentu-hotep's mother, i. 134 

Amada, Nubian temple of, memorial 
tablet, i. 457, 459; inscription of 
Thutmes 17., 462 

Amalekites,!. 266 

Amanus, mountain range, i. 338 

Amasis, ii. 298. See Aahmes II. 

Amazons, band of, ii. 25 

Ameneman, architect of Thutmes HI., 
i. 448 :— of Ramses IL, IL 91; pro- 

bably the oppressor of the children 
of Israel, 91 ; his full titles, ii. 411 

Amen-em-ape, governor of the South 
under Ramses II., ii. 79, 81 

Amen-em-apet, chief of the young 
men of Thebes, under Amenhotep 
m., ii. 408 

Amenemhat I., i. 143 ; instructions to 
his son, 144 ; conquers the inhabi- 
tants of Wawa-t, 144 ; founds the 
temple of Amon at Thebes, 145 ; his 
pyramid, 146; king of all Egypt, 
146; attempted assassination, 148; 
reigns with his son Usurtasen, 148 ; 
war with the Menthu, Hersh*a, and 
Hittites, ii. 404-5 

Amenemhat II., extends the southern 
boundary, i. 165 ; statue of his wife, 
167 ; inscription at Beni-Hassan, 
170, 171 

— ni., constructs the lake Moeris, i. 
187 ; careful about the rise of the 
Nile, 188, 189; builds the Labyrinth, 
191 ; inscriptions on the rocks of 
Sinai, 195 ; at Wady Magharah, 196 

— IV., i. 140 ; his sister-queen, 198 

—royal functionary under Mentn- 
hotep, i. 134 

Amenemhib, captain, i. 396 ; inscrip- 
tion of, 395-398, 455, ii. 405-6 

—viceroy of Rush, ii. 81 

Amen-hi-khopeshef. See. Ramses Y., 

VI., X., xn. 

Amen-hi-unamif , prince, ii. 79, 80 

Amenhotep I., memorial stone, i. 291 ; 
campaigns, 326-328 ; war with the 
Thuhen or Marmaridse, 327; care 
in building the great temple of 
Thebes, 328 ; statue of, at Kamak, 
restored by Thutmes m., 433 

—II., war in the ' Red Land,' i. 465 ; 
revolt in Asia, 456 ; memorial tab- 
let in the temple of l^m^ ^^ 453^ 
459; picture and inscription at 
Abd-el-Qumah, 459 ; temples in 
Egypt and Nubia, 460 ; records of, 
by the scribe Za-anni, ii. 407 

— III., rebuilds and restores templet, 

Digitized by 




i. 296; searabai as memorials, 
468 ; lion hunts, 468 ; campaigns 
in Ethiopia, 469 ; progress up the 
Nile, 470 ; hands of slain foes ont 
off, 471 ; penetrates into the Soadan, 
471 ; list of oonqnered tribes, 471, 
47^; wealth, governors, 472; in- 
scription, 473-475 ; colossal statues 
of, called ' Memnon,' 476, 479, 480 ; 
opens new quarries at Mokattam 
for temple-buildings at Thebes, 476, 
477; memorial tablet at Medinet 
Abou, 478 ; finishes and adorns the 
temple on the Island of Ele- 
phantine, 486; thirty years* ju- 
bilee, 487; rewards to voluntary 
tax-payers, 488; thefts committed 
on his coronation-day, 489 ; length 
of his reign, 489 ; his queen, 490 ; 
his sons and daughters, 491 ; re- 
cords of, on scarabaei, ii. 406, 407 ; 
his Asiatic wife and numerous 
harem, 407 ; his lake in the city of 
Z*aru, 408 

Amenhotep IV., his foreign blood, i. 
491 ; aversion to the worship of 
Amon, 492 ; new doctrines, 492 ; pe- 
culiar features and figure, 492 ; ob- 
literates the nam'es of Amon and 
Mut ; rebellion of the priests and 
people ; adopts the name of Khun- 
aten, 494 ; question about identity, 
493 n. ; founds a new capital ; builds 
a temple to the sun-god, Aten, 494 ; 
inscriptions at Sllsilis, 498 ; domes- 
tic life, 603 ; pictures and inscrip- 
tion at Tel-el- Amama, 603-606; 
victories over Syrians and Kushites, 
506; death without male issue, 
507 ; sons-in-law, 608 

— first seer of Amon, his buildings at 
Thebes, i. 164, 165 

— son of Hapu, governor under 
Amenhotep m., i. 472; special 
statue dedicated to him, 473 ; in- 
scription, 473-475; his colossal 
statues of the king, 474, 476, 481 ; 
his parentage, 482 ; founds the tem- 

r ¥ 

pie of Ha-kak, 483-485 ; deified as 

a god of learning, 485 ; his works 

in Egypt and Nubia, 486 
— chief priest of Amon under Ramses 

IX. ; presentation of his reward, ii. 
186, 187; his restoration of the 

great temple, 188 
Ameni (Amen), inscription of, in time 

of Usurtasen I., i. 166-158 
— inscription of, in time of Usurtasen 

ni., ii. 405 
Ameniriiis, queen, ii. 277; statue 

o^ at Eamak, 281 ; inscription, 282 
Ameni- Seneb, governor of the temple 

at Abydus, i. 162 
Amen-messu, anti-king, ii. 140 
Amenti, the under-world, i. 485 
Amenu, king, his pyramid, i. 167 
Amen-uah-su, painter under Bamses 

n., records of, ii. 31, 409 
— priest of * Amon of Bamses II,,' 

ii. 412 
Ammonites, i. 403 
Amon, Amon-ra, king of the gods, i. 

34, et passim ; origin from Pant 

(Arabia), ii. 403; cities specially 

sacred to: 1. In Upper Egypt: see 

Thebes and Diospolis Parva : 2. In 

Middle Egypt (the Fayoum), at 

Pehuu, ii. 417 : 3. In Lower Egypt ; 

see Na- Amon : temple of, at Thebes, 

begun by Usurtasen L, i. 155; ii. 

188 ; works xTpaUf passim; buildings 

and endowment by Thutmes HI., i. 

419-424; restored by the chief- 

priest, Amenhotep, ii. 188. See 

Amon-hi-khopesh-ef, son of Bamses 

n., ii. 69 
Amon-seru, dedication of the temple 

of, i. 369 
Amon-Zefes, wife of the architect 

Sem-nofer, i. 60 
Amu (* people '), east of Egypt, i. 13, 

118, 177, 248, 276, 366, 398, 462, 

&c. ; name used for banditti, ii. 110 
Amn-Kahak, the, i. 326 
Amnnensha, king of Tennu, i. 147 


Digitized by 




A-Miuha C island of Moses ')» ii* 417. 

See I-en-Mosh^ 
Amyrteens, ii 287. 332, 333 
An, i. 447. See Tentyra 
An, the Knshitos, i. 330, 332, 346 
Anait, or Analtis, goddess, i. 246. See 

A-nakhtu, fortress, ii. 13 
An-an-mth, on Ijake Nesroan, i. 377 
Anastasi m., papyms, ii, 100, 131 
Anaogas ( Jenysns), i. 336, 382, 389 ; ii, 

Anbu (Shor, Geirhon), i. 147, 238 ; ii. 

376, 390, 397 
Andromeda, local source of her myth 

at Idp6 (Joppa) on the coast of 

Palestine, 11. 403 
Andrdn-polis, ii. 374 
Anentef (Nentef), kings of Dyn. XI., 

i. 132 ; their coffins discovered, ib. 
Anhnr (Onnris), the god of war. i. 60, 

70 ; deity of Sebennytns, ii. 337 ; 

his temple at This, 416 
Ani, royal architect, ii. 34 
Anibe, rock-tomb with records re- 
specting the boondaries of land in 

Nnbia, ii. 182 
Animal worship, institntion of, as- 
cribed to king Eakan, i. 74 
Ankh, ' the living one,' the great god 

worshipped at Pitom ; his peculi^ 

priesthood, and symbol, ii. 377, /. 

See Kerch 
Ankh-nes-Amon, daughter of Ehun- 

aten, i. 607 
Ankh-Psamethik, priest, ii. 293 
—architect, ii. 309 
Ankhs*es-Banofrehet, qneen of Ama- 

sis, ii. 326 
Annas, i. 163 
Anna (i.e. < obelisks *), city, tlie On of 

SS., i. 160, 240, 261 ; ii. 369. See 

Antaeopolis (Ni-ent-bak), capital of 

Nome Xn, (Up. Bg.), ii. 347 
<Antar, stable of,* 1.224 
Antha, Ana'itis, warrior goddess, IL 



Antilibanns, 1. 337, 399 

AntinoS, city, L 166 

Annbis, god with a jackal's head, i. 73, 
223, 224 ; temples at Lyoopolis and 
Sapto, ii 416, 417 

Apachnan, i. 263 

Ape, Api, Thebes E. of the Nile, i. 
347, 366, et paeHm (</. Apeta) ; in 
Lower Egypt, IL 418 

Aper, Aperia, Apuimi, an Brythraean 
people, not Hebrews, ii. 91, 134, 148 

Ape-tash, i. 193 

Apeta (Ape), temple of the empire at, 
i. 164, etpasnm 

Apheru, god, i. 197, 224 

Aphobis (or Aphophis, Apophis. 
Aphosis), shepherd-king, i. 263, 
273,/.; said to have been contem- 
poraiy with Joseph, 300 

Aphrodite. See Hathor 

Aphroditopolis (Debui Tebn), capital 
of Nome X. (Up. Eg.), ii. 347, 
376 ; temple built by Bamses m., 

— (Tep-ah, ' cow-city,' now Atfih), 
capital of Nome XXTT. (Up. Eg.), 
with temple of Hathor, ii 348, 417 

Apis (Hapi), the sacred bull of Mem- 
phis, i. 39, 74 ; the tombs of, at Saq- 
qarah,i. 74 ; inscribed tombstones,ii. 
228, 229, 232 ; solemn translation of 
the deceased, to the Serapemn, 229 ; 
worship of, at Memphis, 229, 232 ; 
memorial stones at the Serapemn, 
296-298; care bestowed on their 
burial under the Persian Empire, 
298 ; time occupied in the construc- 
tion of the tombs, 298; story of 
Cambyses refuted, 299, 300 ; honour 
paid by Darius, 300; sarcophagus 
with dedicatory inscription by 
Ehabbash, 301; latest tablet of 
king Nakht-neb-ef, 302 

Apis (Ni-ent-Hapi), capital of Nome 
m. (L. Eg.), u. 240, 348 

Apollinopolis Magna (Teb, now Ed- 
fou), capital of Nome II. (Up. Eg.), 
seat of Hor (as Hud) and Hathor, 

Digitized by 




ii. 34, 847, 403 ; temple of the sun, 
i. 323; geographical and mytholo- 
gical inscription, 236. See Edf on 
Apophis, the snake of hell, i. 484 
Apopi, at Apopa, Hyksos king, i. 273. 

See Aphobis 
Apries. See Uah-ab-ra 
Apo, ii. 347. See Panopolis 
Apoimi, ii. 91. See Aper 
A-qa-oa-sha, the, ii. 122, 123, 127 
Arabah, the, ii. 14 

Arabia, and the opposite ooast of 
Africa, called the *land of the gods,' 
ii. 34 9>., ii. 403. See Pant 
Arabian Hills, the, i. 20 
Arabian Nome, E. of the Nile, the 

modem Sharhieh, i. 21 
Arabs, i. 91 ; the Shasu, 179 ; Arab 

conquest of Mesopotamia, 367 
Arados (^tho, Aruth), i. 377, 888, 

394, 401 ; ii. 46, Sec. 
Aram (Syria), i. 339 ; wine from, 403 
Architects, royal (Mar-ket), office of, 
i. 60 ; list of, 60 ; pedigree of, ii. 
Argo, island, i. ^20 
Arinath, i. 456 
Ariso, or Alisu (Arias or Alius), 

usurpation of, Ii. 140, 141 
Armed force, the, i. 64 
Ar6nuftta Acrdn (C. Guardafui), in the 

land of Punt, L 363, 366 
Arses, king, ii. 287, 339 
Arsinoites Nomos(the Fayoum), Nome 

XXI. (Up. Eg.), iL 417 
Art, technical, ancient Egyptian, i. 97 
—under the 12th dynasty, i. 201-206 
Artazerxes I., ii. 286, 314,332-3 
— n. Mnemon, ii. 384-338 
— m. See Ochus 
A-rud, in Upper Egypt, with temple 

of Amon-r*a, ii. 417 
Arunata (Orontes), R., i. 337 
Aryandes, satrap, ii. 329, 830 
AsbytsB, ii. 147 
Asebi (Cyprus), i. 372 ; tribute of the 

king of, 881, 383, 384, 404 
Ashdod, ii. 322 


Asher. Syria, f. 268 

Asher, tribe of, ii. 20 

ABher(u), lake, i. 477 ; ii. 71, 189 

Ashtaroth-Earnaim, ii. 6 

Ashur, Assyria, i. 268 

Asia Minor and islands, places and 
tribes of, on monuments of Bamses 
n., ii. 67, 410 J». ; of Bamses HI., ii. 

Asia, Western, war of yengeance 
against, i. 336 

Askalon, i. 337 ; ii. 68, 69 

Asmara, electrum, i. 404 

As8a,king,i. 110,111 

Assarhaddon (Esarhaddon), ii. 266,/. ; 
memorial stone near Beyrout, 276 

Assaseef, necropolis of Thebes, 1. 132, 
448, n. 

Asseth, i. 263 

Assooan, i. 64, 91 ; rock-tablet, 346 

Assur, king of, i. 339 ; tribute from, 
374, 376, 404 

Assnrbanipal, king of Assyria, ii. 266 ; 
record of, 266-274 

Assyrian Empire, rise of the, in 
Mesopotamia, ii. 201 ; invasion of 
Egypt, 202; conquest of Egypt, 
and new foreign dynasty, 208-211 

Astarte, worshipped in Egypt, i. 68, 244 

Ata, king, i. 69, 72 

Ataiuhi (Athiuhi) and Aliurta, Per- 
sian governors at Coptos, ii. 312 ; 
their inscriptions in the valley of 
Hammamat, 313, 314 

Atargates, ii. 6. See Derceto 

Atef -crown, the, ii. 144 

Aten, sun-god, 1. 494 ; his obelisk at 
Thebes destroyed, 621 

Athaka, mines of, 11. 148 

Athenians in Egypt, ii. 332 

Athothis (Tota, Aiot, Ata), i. 72 

Athribis (Ha-ta-hir-ab), capital of 
Nome X. (L. Eg.), i. 73 ; ii. 239, 
263, 348 ; temple of Horus at, 418 

Athu, lakes in the lowlands, in the 
extreme N. of Egypt, i. 146; the 
Egyptian equivalent of the Semitic 
Souph, 11. 372-8. OHnj^. Nathu 

Digitized by 





Athyr, month, i. 465, 527 ; ii. 232, 296 
Ati, king, 1. 116 

Ati, the canal of Heliopolis, ii. 417 
Atot, king, i. 69, 72 
Atum, i. 150. See Tom 
Aup (Aupa), i. 256; northern boun- 
dary of the Khalu, i. 400, ii. 110 
Auputh, eldest son of Shashanq I., 

his early death, ii. 222; anoUier, 

239, 243, 251 
Avari8(Ha-ii'ar),i.235,266, 270; siege 

and capture of, by Amasis, 285; 

probably the Baal-zephon of BS., ii. 

428; ruins of, at Tel-el-Hir, 428, 

Azaba (Ozaeb), fortress of, i. 240 

BA, name of a pyramid, i. 107 
Baal, i. 244, etpamm 

Baal-Mahar, ii. 165, 168,/. 

Baal-Sutekh, i. 279 ; temple to, and 
his wife Astartha-Anatha, ii. 3. 

Baal-Zapuna (Baal-zephon, SS.), the 
special form of the Semitic Baal wor- 
shipped in Egypt at Sutekh, i. 277- 
8 ; derivation of the name, ii. 427 

Baal-Zephon, Mt. Oasius, i. 280 ; ii. 
13, 393; or rather Avaris, 427-8 

Baba Abana, i. 280; tomb of, at £1- 
Kab, 302 ; inscription referring to 
a famine lasting many years, 304, 

Babel, Babylon, Babylonia, the central 
point whence the abodes of the 
most ancient nations were esti- 
mated, i. 255 n. ; 339, 367, 403 ; 
tablet in the language of, ii. 209 ; 
peopled by Cushites, 402 

Babylon, city of Egypt, i. 150, 403 ; 
ii. 251 

Bainuter, king, i. 69, 75 

Bakhatana, land of, ii. 191,/., 194 

Barathra. See Gulfs and Pihahiroth 

Barkal, Mt., 1. 151, 329 ; temple-for- 
tress on, 486 ; meaning of name, ii. 
236, 284 ; memorials of Piankhiand 
Miamun Nut at, 238,/.. 257,/. 

Bast, goddess, i. 245 ; ii. 228 


Beba, governor of Pepi's city, i. 126 

Bedouins on Pharaoh's property, i. 
233 ; wanderings near the town of 
Pibailos, 251 ; (Shasu), 263 

Begig, obelisk at, i. 153 

Behani (Bodn), i.470 ; ii. 9 

Behereh, Arab name of Lower Egypt, 
i. 19 

Beit-el- Walli, rock-grottoes of, with 
victories of Ramses II., ii. 78 

Bek, architect, i. 495 ; his tombstone, 
496 ; inscription,496 ; genealogy,497 

Bek-en-aten, princess, i. 495, 498 

Beken-khonsu, architect, i. 45 

— chief priest of Amon, under Amen- 
hotep m., his statue at Berlin, ii. 
408; another under Bamses U., in- 
scriptions on his statue at Munich, 
ii. 117, 119 

Bekhen (tower), i. 423 ; li.^13 

Benben (* obelisk *) L 521 ; chamber, 
the, 151, ii. 252 

Beni- Hassan, inscription, i. 149 ; rock- 
tombs at, 155 ; long inscription in 
the Hall of Sacrifice, 169-171 

Berenice, ii. 32 

Bersheh, tombs at, i. 120 

Berytus(Beyrout),i.337, 392; ii.llO; 
rock-tablets near, 65, 276 

Bes, or Bas, idol peculiar to the land 
of Punt, i. 136, 245 

Beth-anta (Beth-anoth), i. 393; ii. 
20, 67, 218 

Beth-horon,ii. 217 

Beth-shean, i. 393 ; ii. 217 

Biamites, Bimaites, or Basfamurites, 
the, i. 259 

Biban-el-Molouk (tombs of the kings), 
i. 348 ; tomb of king Ai, 518 ; burial- 
chamber of Ramses II., ii. 119; 
sepulchre of Setl II., 139; tomb 
of Ramses VI., astronomical and 
chronological value of, 180 ; thefts 
in the king's tombs, 189, 190 

Bichere8,king,i. 84 

Bieneches, king, i. 69 

Bigeh, island of, names of Amt^- 
hotep nL's governors at» i. 472 

Digitized by 




Bi-in-di-di, i. 74. See Binebded 
Bi-ka-ra, ii. 258, 263. See Miaxaan Nut 

BUbeis, i. 469. See Phil» 

Binebded (Mendes), the sacred ram 
wonhipped at Mendes, i. 74 

Binothris, king, i. 69 ; law of female 
snooession, 75 

Bint-antha, favourite daughter of 
Ramses n. and his Kethite queen, 
ii. 412 

Bint-resh, princess, ii. 192,/. 

Birket-el-Keronn, i. 190 

BnOD, shepherd king, i. 262 

Bocchoris, king (Bok-en-ran-ef, Bn- 
kur-ni-ni-ip), sole Pharaoh of the 
24th dynasty, i. 51, ii. 271, 280 

Boken-EhoDsn. See Beken-Khonsu 

Bokennifi, ii. 239, 271 

Boundary-stones erected between 
negro4and and Egypt, i. 182 

Brass {U9em\ i. 386 ; ii. 261 

Brick-making, picture of, at Abd-el 
Qumah, i, 417, 418 

Bricks at Maskhoutah, no straw or 
stubble in, ii. 424-5 

Bridge over the Pelusiac Nile at 
Khetam (Etham, Daphnse, Tel- 
Dafenneh), ancient Egyptian pic- 
ture of, ii. 19, 387, 388, 426 

British Museum, inscription in, of 
the time of Horemhib, i. 525 

Bubastic arm of the Nile, i. 262 

Bubastids, Hall of the, at Kamak, 
ii. 217, 219, 222, 226 

Bubastus (Pi-bast, * city of Bast,' Pi- 
beseth, SS.) capital of Nome XVni. 
(L. Eg.), seat of Dyn. XXH., i. 74, 
220, 245; ii 207, 215, 228, 349, 869 

Buhau, temple of, opposite Wady 
Halfah, i. 438 

BuU, the sacred, of Memphis, i. 74, see 
Apis : of Heliopolis, 74, see Mnevis 

Busiris (Pi-usiri), capital of Nome 
IX. and chief seat of the worship of 
Osiris in Lower Egypt, i. 37, 441, 
467 ; ii. 229, 239, 243, 264, 348 

Butau, king (BoSthos), i. 69, 74 

Buto, goddess, i. 519 


Buto (Pi-uto, *city of Uto,' Isis), 
capital of Nome XIX. (L. Eg.), 
lake and city, Thutmes III. exiled 
to, by his sister, i. 361, 426 ; ii. 13, 
240, 316, 349 

Byblus, i. 240, ii. 418. See Pi-bailos 

Byssus, i. 408 

CABASUS (Qa-hebes), capital oC 
Nome XI. (L. Eg.), ii. 348 

Cabul, ii. 67 

Cairo, i. 58, 322, &c. 

Calendar, old Egyptian, fixed holidays 
and festivals, i. 174-5 ; ii. 162, 163 ; 
Table of, i. 527 

Cambyses, his alliance with the Arabs, 
i. 270 It. ; ii. 93, 286; story of \m 
slaying the Apis-bull refuted, ii. 
299, /., 303,/., 307 ; true date of his 
conquest of Egypt, 300, 313-316, 

Canaan, son of Ham, ethnographical 
signification, ii. 404 

—the land of {pa Kan*ana\ i. 248, 
411; ii. 15, 20; war of Ramses II. 
with, 66, /.; Egyptian fortresses in, 
131 ; towns in, 159 ; Ramses III.'s 
temple of Amon in, 419, 420. See 

Canaanites, i. 31 ; ii. 4, 68, 77, 80 ; 
employed as the bearers of official 
despatches, 131 

Canal of Seti J. and Ramses II., at- 
tempted reopening of, by Necho, ii. 
323; of Darius I., inscriptions re- 
lating to, 3 10, 3 1 1 of M. de Lesseps, 

Canana, hill town, i. 248 

Canopic branch of the Nile, i. Ii, 
229, 230, 236 ; ii. 147, 156 

Canopus (Zoq^a), capital of Nome lY. 
(L. Eg.\ ii. 147, 267,/., 348 

— decree of, i. 268 

—the star, i. 416 

Caphtor, SS. (Keftha-Hor), an * island ' 
on the Egyptian coast, the father- 
land of the Philistines, ii. 403 

Carchemish (Circesium), i. 337 ; ii. 3, 

Digitized by 





164 ; identified with JerablOs, 
Cardinal points, N. E. S. W., how esti- 
mated by the Semitic nations, and 
how by the Egyptians, i. 266 n. 
Carian-Colchian nations, victory over, 

ii. 163, 160 (</. Pref. xx.) 
Cartouches, royal, 1. 70 n. ; of Senof em, 
78 ; of Banuser, 108 ; of Kaankhra, 
216; hieroglyphic ^oMim 

Casiiis, M. with fortified temple (Uti) 
of Baal, ii. 13 ; also a district (Cas- 
siotis), 426, 427. See Baal-zapuna 
and Hazina 

Cassiopeia, wife of Cepheus, or of 
Phoenix, a mythical link between 
Arabia and Phcenicia, ii. 403 

Catabathmus, ii. 130 

Cataracts of the Nile : the first, bound- 
ary of Egypt and Nabia, 1. 329 ,* the 
second, the boundary of negro-land, 
169, 438 (see Wady Halfah) ; the 
third, of Kemian, 831 ; god of, 438 

Caucasians, ii. 128, 129, 147 

Cepheis, Cepheus, and cognate names, 
in Ethiopia, Arabia, and Phoenicia, 
corresponding to the Kef a, &c., of 
Egyptian inscriptions, ii. 402, 403 

Cliabrias, ii. 336, 337, 338 

Qhabryes, king, i. 94. See Khafra 

Chaldasan dynasty in Mesopotamia 
overthrown by the Arabs, i. 367 

Chariots first introduced from Canaan, 
i. 340. 

Cheops (Ehufu, Chembes, Suphis), i. 
86 ; his pyramid, 86 

Chester, Mr. Greville, on the Exodus, 
ii. 400, 431 

Chronology of the Pharaonic history 
uncertain till Dyn. XXVI., Pref. 
xxiii., i. 41 ; method of genealogies, 
42; ii. 264, 321, 340-6 

Cibyra, ii. 169 

Cilida, i. 460; ii. 163; places in, on 
monument of Ramses m., 168-160 

Civilization, Egyptian, not first 
founded by the priests of Mero§, 
i. 9 ; course of, up the Nile, 10 


Cleopatra's Needles, i. 461 

Clysma, ii. 239 

Cocheiche, the great dyke of, i. 62 

Coele-Syria, i. 337 

Colossse, ii. 169 

Commerce, i. 24 ; with Libya, Pales- 
tine, &c., 199; Phoenician, 254, 

Conon, ii. 336 

Conquests, lists of. See Lists 

Conspiracy, the Harem, ii. 164-172 

Coptos (Qobt), capital of Nome V. 
(Up. Eg.), i. 138, 136, ii. 347 ; road 
from, to Leucos Limen (Qosseir), 
i. 138 ; to Berenice, ii. .82 ; temple 
of Bamses m. to Khim, Horus, 
and Isis, 416 

Coracesium, ii. 169 

Crocodile worship, i. 192 

Crocodilopolis (Pi-sebek, Pi-sekhem- 
kheper-ra, Shet), capital of Nome 
XXI. (Up. Eg.), i. 164, 194, 201 ; u. 
240, 248, 266, 374 ; temple of Horns 
on lake Moeris, 417 

Cronos, i. 36. See Seb 

Crowns, the two, insignia of Upper 
and Lower Egypt^ i. 20 

Crypt at Heliopolis, ii. 249 

Cus83 (Qors, Qos), capital of Nome 
XIV. (Up. Eg.), ii. 347 

Cush, son of Ham, migrated from the 
East to Arabia and Africa, the land 
of Pun, streams of Cushite migra- 
tions thence to Ethiopia, Babylonia, 
Egypt, and Phoenicia, ii. 401, 402. 

Cynopolis, Cyndnpolis (C^a-sa), capital 
of Nome XVn. (Up. Eg.), i. 170. 
179,616; 11348,417 

Cyprus (Asebi), i. 372, 381, 383, 384, 
404; places in, on monument of 
Ramses III., ii. 168-160 

Cyrene, ii. 130, 326, 326 

DAMASCUS, i. 337, 392, 403 
Damietta (Grk. Tamiathis, 
Coptic Tamiati, Arab. Damiilt), 

Digitized by 




successor of Na-amon; origin of 
the name, ii. 419 

Danan (Danai), ii. 130, 146, 164 

DaphnsB (Tabenet, now Tel-Defen- 
neb), ii 307-8, 426. See Khetam 

Daphne (Tnnep), i. 399 ; ii. 3 

Daidani or Dandani, Dardanis, ii. 47, 
130, 414 (jtf. Preface, xx.) 

Darius I., king, ii. 286, 314; shows 
honour to the Apis-bulls, 800, 301 ; 
testers Egyptian learning, 307 ; his 
temple of Amon at Hibis (El-Khar- 
geh) in the Great Oasis, 307, 330 ; 
his canal, 310, 311, 330; his claim 
to equality with Sesostris, 331 

— II., king, ii. 286; record of his 
works at El-Ehargeh, 307 

— HL, king, iL 287, 308, 309, 819, 339 

Dashour, pyramid of, i. 113 

Debui. See Aphroditopolis 

Delta, the, i. 21, etpaesim 

Denderah, temple at, i. 117 

Der (Dirr) temple, picture of a razzia 
on the negroes, ii. 78 ; sun-city of 
Pira, 94, 183 

Derceto (Atargatis), goddess, ii. 6 

Der-el-bahri, royal tombs and stage- 
temple at, i. 347 ; pictures and in- 
scriptions, 351 

Der- el- Medineh, temple called Hakak 
at, i. 486 

Despatches, official, records of, 11. 

Did (Didi), king of the Libyans, ii. 
123, 153 

Diditm or Didun, god, i. 437, 462 

Diodorus, i. 85 ; ii. 391, 396 

Dionysus, same as Bes, i. 137 

Diospolis, i. 283, 312 ; ef, Thebes 

— Parya. 1. In Upper Egypt; $fie 
Hut-Sokhem and Pehuu. 2. In 
Lower Egypt (Pi-Khun-en-Amon), 
capital of Nome XVU., ii. 349, 375. 
See Na-Amon 

Dynasties of gods, demi-gods, and 
manes, i. 34, 35, 36 

—of Pharaohs, causes of change of 
dynasty, i. 76 

Df nasties, 1st, 2nd, and 3rd, i. 69 
—4th and 6th, Table of kings, i. 84 
— 6th to nth, i. 116 ; connection of 

nth, 13th, 17th, and 18th, 314 
—12th, Table of kings, i. 140 
— 13th, imperfect accounts, i. 208 ; 

revolts and internal troubles, 211; 

list of kings in the Turin papyrus, 

214-216 ; in the chamber of Eamak, 

—14th to 17th, i. 210, 261-316 
— 18th, i. 316; genealogical tree of 

the Pharaohs and their wives, 346 
—19th, ii. 1 
—20th, ii. 146 

—21st, ii. 200 ; queens of, 421 
—22nd, ii. 215 
—23rd, ii. 233 
-24th, ii. 233, 280 
—26th, ii. 234 
—26th to 31st, ii. 286, 287 ; character 

of their monuments, 290, 291 
—26th, of SaJs, ii. 321^329 
—27th, Persians, ii. 329-333 
—28th, of Sa'is, ii. 333 
—29th and 30th, at Mendes and 

Sebennytus, ii. 316, 335, 336 
—31st, of Persians, ii. 339 
—32nd, of Macedonians, ii. 339 
—33rd, of the Ptolemies, ii. 340 

ECLIPSE of the moon, in Thake- 
loth n.'s reign, ii. 226, 227 

Edesieh, temple of, ii. 21. See 

Edfou (ApoUinopolis Magna), temple 
of, i. 322-3 ; geographical inscrip- 
tion at, 236, 240 ; u. 404 

Bdom,i. 147,160,248,326 . 

Education, i. 29 ; ii. 307 

Egypt» its native name, i. 16 ; Asiatic 
names, 18 ; two great divisions, 18 ; 
inHuence of nomes on political state 
of, 22, 173 ; condition of, under the 
12th djmasty, 198, /. ; the central 
point of a world-intercourse in the 
reign of Thutmes III., 366 ; decline 
and fall of, ii 287 ; death-blow by 

Digitized by 




the Persians, 288 ; silence of the 
monuments, 290 ; history, from 
Psammetichus to Ptolemy, 321 
Egypt, prehistoric, i. 32 ; no age of 
stone, bronze, or iron, 32 ; mythical 
inventions, 33 
— list of its nomes, ii. 347-349 
Egyptians, the race little altered, i. 7 ; 
not Africans, 8 ; origin from Asia, 8 ; 
and immediately from Arabia, ii. 
403 ; language akin to Indo-Oer- 
manic and Semitic, i. 9; an agri- 
cultural people, 24 ; navigation, 24 ; 
mental endowments, 24 ; character, 
26} desire of learn iug, 340; trade 
and arts, 341 ; theory of their Nigri- 
tian origin refuted by Lepsius, ii. 
401 ; from the East, and probably 
from Arabia ; a Cnshite race, kin- 
dred with Ethiopians, Arabians, 
Babylonians, and Phoenicians, 401, 
403 ; all coloured red on the monu- 
ments, 403-4; rc^garded Arabia as 
their sacred cradle, 404 

Eileithyia (Nekheb), capital of Nome 
m. (Up. Eg.), i. 279, 440, ii. 347. 
See El-Eab 

Electric tish. See Eereh 

Electrum (Asmara), i. 404. Comp. 

Elephantine (Ab), island and city, i. 
18, 181, 224, 437 ; temple to local 
god, 439, 486; obelisks from, ii. 
69 ; dialect of, i. 19 ; ii. 114 ; capi- 
tal of Nome I. (Up. Eg.), 347, 374 

Eleutherus, B., i. 337 

Blim (Aa-lim or Tent-lim, * the town 
of fish '), ii 397, 398 

El-Kab (Eileithyiapolis), i. 226, 226 ; 
inscriptions at, 237, 302 ; tombs at, 
280 ; Seti L's temple, ii. 31 

El-Ehargeh, ii 294. See Hibis 

Ellahoon pyramid, i. 191, 193 

EUesieh, inscription to Nahi, 1. 387 ; 
rock-tombs,. 438 

El-Qaasarieh, remains of temple, i. 66 

Bpiphi, the month, i. 181, 439, 468, 
627 ; IL 32, &o. 


Eraof KingNub,about 1760 B.C., i. 299 

Eratosthenes, 1. 86 

Erpa, title, i. 62 ; ii. 312 

Esneh (Latopolis), temple, L 36, 440 

Etearchus, ii. 264. See Tahaiaqa 

Etham, i. 234, 239, 247 ; ii. 12, 66, 98, 
132, 138, 386,/., 421, 426. See Khe- 

Ethiopia {ef. Kush) first peopled by 
Cushites, with capital at Merog, ii. 
402 ; not the primitive home of the 
Egyptians, i. 9; civilized from 
Egypt, 10 ; inferiority of its art, 1 1 ; 
riches of, 333 ; independence and 
kingdom of, with capital at l^apata, 
ii. 236, 236 ; Egyptian manners, lan- 
guage, and customs preserved, 236 ; 
position of the women of the royal 
house, 236 ; extension of the king- 
dom, 236, /. ; threefold division, 
264 ; contest with Assyria, 266,/. ; 
end of empire, 281 

Ethiopian proper names, etymology 
of, ii. 282-284 

Etruscans, ii. 129 

Euphrates, i. 338, 339, 399, &c. 

Eusebius, his Ckroniean, i. 300 n. 

Exodus, the, 1. 233, 238; date of, 
about 1300 B.C., 296, 299, 300 n.; 
the Pharaoh of, ii. 133 

— ^the, and the Egyptian Monuments, 
Discourse on, ii. 367,/., 421,/. ; Dr. 
Brugsch*s method of identifying 
the sites, 432 

FAMINES in Egypt, i. 168, 304. 306 
Fayoum, province of, Nome XXI. 

(Up. Eg.), the Arsinoite, i 189; 

crocodile- worship in, 191, dec ; tem- 
ples in, ii. 417 
Feasts, calendars of, i. 176, 176, 225, 

388 ; ii. 162 
Fekhir, a region of Pun (Arabia), the 

MocritsB of Ptolemy, ii. 404, «. 
Female succession, law of, i. 76, 76 
Fenekh, or Fenikh, the earliest 

Phcenidans in Egypt^ i. 268, 277, 

296, 322 ; ii. 219 

Digitized by 





Frontiers of Bgypt, extension of, 
under the 12th dynasty, i. 198 

Fugitive servants, report about, paral- 
lel to the Exodus, ii. 138, 389 

GAIilLES, 1. 403 ; ii. 53 
Gallii, the, i 13. See Kar 
Ganabut, tribute from, i. 378 
Gauzanitis (Gozan, Goshen), ii. 3, 46, 

75, 410 
Gaza, Gazatu, i. 318, 337, 363, 367, 

369 ; ii. 131 
Gebel Touneh, rock-tablet at, i. 506 
Genealogical Tables : — 
— Family of Ameni and Khnumhotep, 

i. 156 
— of Aahmes, son of Abana- Baba, i. 281 
- of Dynasty XVm., i. 346 
— at end of Vol. II. :— 

I. of a Family, Dyn. Xin. 

II. of the Bamessids 

in. of the architect Ameneman 
IV. Royal Families of Dyn. XX.- 
Germanicus, Csesar, his visit to Thebes, 

1. 366 
Ge-ro*a-ro-pi, sister to Miamnn Nut, 

11. 258 
Gerrhon, i. 147. See Anbu 
Gharbieh, Arabic name of, the region 

west of the Nile, the ancient Libyan 

nome, i. 21 
Gilead, balm of, i. 403 
Girgaui, valley of, inscription of 

Amenemhat III.'s victory, i. 144 
Gizeh, pyramids of, i. 86; memorial 

stone at, 463 ; inscription, 464-466 
Gods, land of the (Arabia), L 411 ; it 

403 ief. Holy Land) 
Gold-mines of Egypt and Nubia, ii. 

32, 33 ; in Wady-Alaki, 81 
Gold- washing, ii. 33, 82 
Goeem (Qosem, Grk. Phacussa, Coptic 

Qous, Arab. Faqous), capital of the 

Arabian nome (XX. L. Eg.), the 

'land of Goshen ' (88.), ii. 349, 369, 

Guardafui, Cape, i. 416 

* Gulfs' or 'pits' (Jbarathra) oi the 

lake Sirbonis, ii. 391, near Pelusium, 

429, 432 
Gynsecdn-polis, ii. 374 

HA, ii. 347. See Hut-Sokhem 
Ha-ben-ben (* house of the obe- 
lisk '), ii. 252. See Benben 

Habennu. See Hasuten and Hibennu 

Hadramaut, i. 139 

Hagar, king. See Achoris 

Haggi Qandil, rock-tablets at, 1. 506 

Hai, tomb of, i. 526, &q. 

Hak (Haq), title ('prince' or 'king'), 
i. 127. 136, 173, 178, 228, 265, 274 ; 
ii. 145,/ 

Hakak, temple at Der-el-Medineh, 
memorial stone at, i. 483-485 

Hak-Shaus. i. 265. See Hyksos 

Haleb (Khilibu), ii. 3, 46 

Hamath, i. 392; ii. 110 

Hammamat, rocky valley, road 
through, from Coptos to Bed Sea, 
with quairies, and gold and silver 
mines, i. 133-7, 201 ; inscriptions 
of Pepi, 117 ; of Dyn. XI., 134, 135 
(borings for water, ii. 87) ; of Dyn. 
Xn., i. 144, 187, 194-5 ; of Dyn. 
XIIL, 221 ; of Seti I., ii. 32-4, and 
Bamses n., 87 (gold-washing and 
water-boring); of Bamses IV. 
(great expedition), 174-8 ; of the 
architect Ehnum-ab-ra, 220, 310; 
of Persian satraps, 312,/. 

Hands of slain foes cut off, i. 471 

Hannu, sent by Sankh-ka-ra to the 
land of Punt, i. 137, 138 

Ha-nub, i. 54, 125 

Hapi. See Apis 

Hapi, the Nile-god, u. 86 

Hapu, architect, i. 60 

Hapasefa, tomb of, at Lycopolis, i. 224 

Haq. See Hak 

Haq- Mama. See Bamses IV. 

Haq-On. See Bamses HI., VI., XHI. 

Haq- Us. See Thakelath I. 

Harabat-el-Madfouneh, 1. 44, 50 

Digitized by 





Harem conspiracy in Bamses IIL's 
lime, ii. 164-172 

Harincola (Rhinocolura), i. 336, 389 

Harris papyrus, the, xxii., i. 230 

Hashop, queen, i. 343, 344 ; assumes 
a king's titles and dress, 349 ; erases 
the name of Thutmes II. from the 
monuments, 349; her buildings, 
351 ; expedition to the balsam-land 
of Punt, 351 ; homage paid to her 
ambassador, 353 ; gifts and trea- 
sures, 355, 356; her royal attire, 
357; dedication of the treasures, 
358-360 ; her peaceful reign, 361 ; 
shares the throne with her brother, 
Thutmes III., 362 ; their joint tablet 
at Wady-Magharah, 363 ; her obe- 
lisk of rose granite, 362 ; obelisks 
at Thebes, 420-1 

Hasuten (* house of the king,* *royal 
city ; ' Alabastr6npolls), capital of 
Nome XVIII. (Up. Kg.), early resi- 
dence of Horemhib, i. 515,/., called 
also Habennu, ii. 348 

Hathor, goddess (Grk. Aphrodite), 
protectress of Mafkat, i. 81 ; tem- 
ple of, at Tentyra, inscription, 446, 
&c. ; her origin from Arabia, ii. 
403 ; worshipped in the form of a 
cow at Tepahe (the * cow-city ') 
or Aphroditopolis, 292, 417 

Hathor, the month, i. 155, 527 

Hat-kheper-ra. See Shashanq I. ; 
Thakelath H. 

Hat-ra. See Thakelath L 

Hat-ta-hir-ab, ii. 417. See Athribis 

Ha-u'ar ('house of the leg*), i. 235, 
236, 237 ; ii. 428, 431. See Avaris 

Hazi, Hazina, or Hazion, * land of the 
asylum' (Easion, or Casius), the 
district east of the Pelusiac Nile, 
i. 239 ; ii. 13, 394, 426, 427 

Hebrews, the, i. 17, 18,298,/.; u. 102, 
/, 134, 365,/ 

Hebron, i. 230; ii. 383; Hethites 
settled at, in time of Abraham, 405 

Heh, or Heha, i. 166, 182, 199 

fleka, architect, i. 60 

HIBI8 . 

Heliopolis (Annu, On), one of the three 
capitals of Bgypt ; capital of Nome 
Xfn. (L. Eg.) ; temple and obelisks 
at, i. 23, 149, 153, 204, 252, 308, 
448, 450-1; ii. 29, 348, 375, et ptu- 
Hm ; works of Ramses m. in the 
temple of Tum-B'a-Hormakhu, 418 

— another, 418 

Heliopolitan nome,i. 23, 463; ii. 134, 
239, 348, 369 

Helmet, royal, or double crown, i. 
517, 619 

Hephsestus, Ptah, i. 56 

Heracleopolis Magna(Khinen8u), capi- 
tal ©f Nome XX. (Up. Eg.), ii. 224, 
239, 241, 245, &c., 348 ; temple of 
the ram-headed Her-shafni, 417 

— Parva, ii. 373, 423. See Pitom 

Heracleum (Earbana), i. 229 

Hermes, i. 100. See Thut 

Hermonthis, i. 150, 440 

Hermopolis Magna (Ehimunu), capi- 
tal of Nome XV. (Up. Eg.), i. 100, 
103, 317, 444 ; ii. 239, 241, 243, 245, 
347; temple of Thot, 416 (<?/. 

- Parva (Pi-Thut, *city of Thut*), ca- 
pital of Nome XV. (L. Eg.), ii. 239, 
243, 254, 292, 349, 375 

Herodotus, i. 44, 92, 100, 128, 191, tec. 

Heroopolitan nome, i. 252 ; ii. 418 

Her-sh'a, east of Egypt, destroyed 
under Dyn. XII., ii. 405 

Her-shafni (Grk. Harsaphes), ram- 
headed god of Heliopolis, ii. 416 

Hethites. See Kheta 

Hi, governor of the South, 1. 472, 509 

Hi, Hui, sculptor, under Bamses II., 
records of, ii. 31, 409 

— administrator of the temples under 
Ramses II., ii. 91 

Hibennu, Hibonu (' Phosnix-city,* 
Hipponon, or Habennu, Hut-uer; 
Hibjs), capital of Nome XVI. (Up. 
Eg.), ii. 241, 245, 319, 348; temple 
of Khnum by Ramses HI., 417 

Hibis (Bl-Ehargeh),inthe Great Oasis, 
temple at, ii. 307 

Digitized by 





Hipponon, ii. 241. See Hibenna 

Hib8et, festival of, i. 121, 122 

Hierapolis (Mabog), ii. 6 

Hin, measure, ii. 199 

Hinder region, the N. as estimated bj 
the Egyptians, but the W. by Se- 
mitic nations, term applied to the 
Khar in Assyrian inscriptions, 1. 
255 n. See Cardinal Points 

Hir pyramid, i. 101 

Hirhor, the priest-king, his usurpa- 
tion, ii. 200 ; previous high position 
at court, 200, 201 ; overthrow of 
his race, 234 ; they retire to 
Ethiopia, 234 ; seat of their future 
royalty, 235 ; member of his family, 
with Semitic names, 420-1 

Hirpit, title, i. 253, &c. ; ii. 380 

Hir-seshta, the secret learning, i. 64 

Hirusha, the, i. 118 ; Pepi's wars with, 
119, 145, 161. Comp. Her'sha 

Hittites, the, of Scripture, i. 338 ; ii. 
2. See Khita 

Holy Land, the, Arabia, i. 411, &c. 

Holy Scripture, agreement of the 
monuments with, i. 306; ii. 363, 

Hontsen, king's daughter, pyramid 
to, i. 98 

Hor (Horus, Apollo), god, and proto- 
type of the king, i. 20, 37, 79, et 
poMfim \ connected with Punt (Ara- 
bia), ii, 403 

Horemhib (Horus), king, i. 615 ; his 
relationship to the royal family, 
615 ; retirement at Ha-suten, 515 ; 
statues of him and his wife at 
Turin, 616, ii. 409; with inscrip- 
tion recording his early history, i. 
616-520 ; crown prince and son-in- 
law to Ai, 519; coronation and 
titles, 519; voyage to Thebes and 
coronation, 520-1, ii. 408 ; enlarges 
and beautifies the temple of Amon, 
i. 521 ; campaign and victories in 
the South, 522 ; pictures illustrating 
his conquests, 522-525 

— master Of the horse under Amenho- 

tep n.,Thutmes IV ., and Amenhotep 
m., ii. 408 

Horemhib, scribe under Ramses H., 

Hor-em-saf, architect, ii. 220, 309 

Hormakhn (Grk. Harmachis), the god 
of light of Heliopolis, i. 370 ; also 
of Thebes, ii. 33, 219, 220; the 
Sun on the meridian, i. 464; the 
Sphinx his emblem, 99, 464 ; his 
festival, 390; special god of the 
Pharaohs, 473 ; ii. 63,&c. ; the throne 
of Egypt his seat, 144, 155; his 
sanctuaries at Ibsamboul, 94-5, and 
Zoan-Tanis, 98 ; etpauim 

Horse and chariot, introduced from 
Asia, first mentioned, i. 340, 342 

Hor-shesu, the successors of Horus, i. 40 

Horsiise, priest and satrap, ii. 230, 270 

Hortotef, prince, i 103 

Horus. See Hor and Hud 

Hotep-hi-ma. See Mineptah H. 

Hu, name of the Sphinx, i. 99 

Hud, of Apollinopolis Magna, a local 
form of Horus, connected with 
Punt, ii. 403-4 

Huni, king, i. 69, 70, 83 

Hunt, Lake Mceris, i. 193 

Hut-Sokhem or Ha (Diospolis Parva 
in Upper Egypt, now Hou), capital 
of Nome VIL, ii. 347 ; temple of 
Ramses HI. at, 416 

Hut-uer. See Hibennu 

Hyksos, the, a branch of the Cushite 
migration from Arabia, ii. 402 ; the 
dynasty of, i. 261 ; Josephus's ac- 
count of, 261, 262 ; Arab origin, 263 ; 
not mentioned in monuments, 264 ; 
the name is Hak-Shaus <Eing of 
the Arabs,' 265, 266; also called 
Phoenicians, 267 ; conclusions about 
them, 270-2 ; names of kings erased, 
272; the two surviving, 273 (eee 
Apophis, Kubti); rising against 
them, 279 ; their expulsion, 285-8 ; 
hatred of, confined to the South, 
291 ; they increased the splendour of 
Zoan-Tanis, 294 ; their monuments 

Digitized by 




destroyed by the kings of the eigh- 
teenth dynasty, 294 (^. Menti) 
Hypsele (Shas-hotep), capital of Nome 
XL (Up. Bg.)> temple of Ehnun 
by Ramses IH., ii. 347, 416 

1BREEM (Primis), fortress of, i. 438 ; 
ii. 182 

Ibsamboul (Abousimbel), rock -tablet 
at, ii. 70, 89 ; memorial-stone of the 
peoples of Africa conquered by 
Ramses II.» 81 ; of the relations be- 
tween Egypt and Khita, 88-90; 
rock-temple of, 94-97; bnilt after 
the victories of Ramses II. over the 
Khita, 412 ; inscription of Seti II.» 
140, 141 

l-en-Mosh6 or A-Musha, the * island ' 
or * river-bank of Moses ' (now Su- 
rarieh), ii. 117 ; temple of Sebek by 
Ramses III., 417 

Incense, the true, from the land of 
Punt, i. 355 ; devoted to the 
temple at Thebes, 359 

Inu'amu (Janmia), i. 337, 373, 389; 
battle of, ii. 15 

Inundation, regulation of the, i. 52-3, 
188, 219 ; festival of the, ii. 408 

lonians, battle of the, ii. 309 

I("'p4 (Joppa), i. 392 ; local source of 
the myth of Andromeda, ii. 4(!3 

Ise (Isis), Ramses III.'s wife, ii. 172 

Isi-Anhur, ii. 336. See Nakht-hor-ib 

Isis, goddess, i. 37, 98, 99, 361, 446^ 
465; ii. 29, et passim 

Israel, the children of, pursuit of, ii. 
389, 390 :— kingdom of, 216 

Israelites, chronological relation to 
the Hyksos kings, i. 296; date of 
migration into Egypt, about 1730 
B.C., 299 ; no mention of them in 
the inscriptions, explained, ii. 

I-ther-nofirt, chief treasurer of Usur- 
tasen m., ii. 405 

JACOB, his migration into Egypt, 
i. 299 


Jeroboam at the court of Shashanq, ii. 

Jerusalem taken by Shashanq, ii. 216 

Jezireh, i. 52. 

Jobakchoi, the, i. 327 

Joppa, i. 337, 392, 403 ; ii. 112, 403 

Jordan (lurduna), 1. 337 ; the ford of, 
ii. Ill 

Joseph, i. 158, 278; his sale into 
Egypt placed by tradition under 
the Hyksos king Apophis, 300; 
contemporary record of a famine 
for many years, 802, 304 ; his office 
of Adon and Ab-en-pirao, 307, ii. 
146, 379 ; meaning of his name of 
Zaphnatpaneakh, i. 307i ii- 378 ; 
names of his wife and her fother, 
and of his master, Putiphar, i. 308 ; 
striking parallel in the tale of the 
Two Brothers, 309,/. ; ii. 139, ». 

Josephus, i. 235 ; his acoount of the 
origin of the Hyksos, 262, 263 

Jua (-aa, -ao), father of Thi, queen of 
Amenhotep HI., i. 345, 490 ; ii. 407 

Jubilee of Amenhotep m., i. 487 

— the thirty years', of Ramses n.*s 
reign, ii. 114; others, passim 

Judah invaded by Shashanq I., ii. 
216 ; cities, kc, conquered, 217 

Judah- Malek (*the royal') in the 
list of Shashanq's conquests, ii. 217 

Judges of ancient Egypt, i. 64 

Jupiter, i. 327. See Amon and Oasis 

KADESH, king of, leader of the 
league in Palestine, 1. 394 : for- 
tress of, taken by^ Seti I., ii. 16 ; 
pictures of the battle of Ramses II. 
against, at Abydus, 48-54 

Kadosh, goddess, i. 245 

Eahani, i. 241 

E^dechos, king (Eakau), i. 69, 70; 
worship of Apis and Mnevis esta- 
blished in his reign, 74 

Kakami, pyramid of the black bull, L 
73 (c/. Kodiome) 

Kakau, king. See Eaiechos 

Eal, Kar (the Galla), i. 13 

Digitized by 





Kambathet, ii. 304. See Cambyses 

Kames, king, i. 289» 290 

Kanaah, 1. 371 

Kan'azia, or Kan^aan, fort, i. 248; 
li. 12, 14 ; Bamesseom at, 164, 420 

Kanbaza, ii. 304. See Oambjses 

Ka-ra>ma, Usarkon II. 's wife, ii. 224 

Karamat, Shashanq L's wife, ii. 212 ; 
inscription concerning her property 
in Egypt, 213, 214 

Karba, Karbana, Karbanit (Hera- 
clenm), i. 229 {cf. Canopns) 

Karbelmati, i. 327. See Sai's 

Rari, or Kali (the land furthest S.), 
i. 437, 462, 474 ; ii. 84 

Eamak, monuments at, 1. 142 ; vil- 
lage, 154 ; list of kings in the 
chamber of, 222 ; temple of, com- 
mencement, 322 ; inscriptions at, 
366; the Hall of Pillais, 390, 410; 
list of towns, 392; gardens and 
arable land given to temple, 421 ; 
doors and gates of Thntmes III., 
422, 423; thanksgiving of the priests, 
423, 424 ; table of kings, 430 ; HaU 
of Ancestors, 433 ; representation 
of Amenhotep n. on southern gate, 
459 ; of Bamses I.'s coronation, ii. 
9 ; Great Hall of Columns, 10, 21, 
92 ; Mineptah II. 's inscription, 122- 
128 ; record of Shashanq I.*s inva- 
sion of Judah, 216 ; list of con- 
quered countries, 217, 218 ; Hall of 
the Bubastids, 219 

Kara, Kalu, i. 487. See Karl 

Kas, a district of Kush, i. 169 

Kashy i. 183. See Kush 

Kati (Galilee), ii. 77 ; beer from, 102, 

Kefa, Keft, Kefeth, Kefthu (Caphtor, 
SS.), the kknd and people of Phoe- 
nicia, and afterwards of the Philis- 
tines, i. 256, 381, 385, 386 ; ii. 402, 
403 ; tributes of, 406 

Keftha-Hor (the ' Keftha of Horus '), 
with a special priesthood, ii. 403. 
See CSaphtor 

Kemi, or Kami (black land), ancient 

name of Egypt, i. 16 ; ii. 265 ; 
et pauifit 

Kepkep. See Kipkip 

Kerch (* the smooth '), the symbol of 
the < living * god worshipped at Pi- 
tom, ii. 377, 422 

Kerkasorus, i. 236 

Kerkesh, or Keshkesh (the Giige- 
sites), ii. 47 

Kerman, near Tombos, list of vic- 
tories at, i. 331 

Ket, weight, ii. 199 

Khaankhra. See Sebek-hotep VI. 

Khabbash, anti-king to Xerxes, ii. 
301, 331 ; his sarcophagus for the 
Apis-bull, 302 ; named in an inscrip- 
tion of Ptolemy I., 315 

Khafra, king (Cephren or Chabryes), 
i. 84, 94 ; his pyramid, 94 ; statues, 
96, 204 ; name on the Sphinx, 98, 
464, 466; his prophet and wife, 

Kha-ka-ra. See Usurtasen II. 

Kha-kau-ra. See Usurtasen in. 

Khaleb (Khalybon), i. 337, 398, &c. 

Khamhat, inscription in tomb of, i.487 

Khamus, Amenhotep II.'s son, and 
chief priest, i. 461 

— Bamses II.*s favourite son, ii. 69 ; 
high-priest of Ptah, 1 16 ; buildings 
in Memphis, 116 ; death, 116 

— governor of Thebes, ii. 190 

— See Ramses IX. and XTII. 
Kha-nofer, pyramid, i. 124, 146 
Khar or Khal, Kharu or Khalu, the 

Phoenicians, i. 14, 267, 320, 337, 
367, 369, 381, 394, 400, 403-4, 510- 
11 ; ii. 14, 16, 80, 142, 157 ; on the 
sea-coast of Zaba, from Egypt to 
the Canaanites, i. 319, 320; and 
in Egypt, as far as Zoan-Tanis, 
254- 6, 267 ; their influence, 257 ; 
language, 258 ; remnant of, about 
lake Menzaleh, 14, 258^9; em- 
ployed as bearers of despatches, ii. 
Khartot (Khartumim), • warrior- 
priests,* at Pi-ramses, Zoan-Tanis, 

Digitized by 





the * magicians ' who withstood 
Moses, ii. 384 
Khem-Amnn, Bamses I/s temple of, 
at Wady-Halfah, ii. 9 (as corrected 
at 409) 
Khemmis. See Panopolis 
Kheper*ka-ra. See Usurtasen L 
Kheper-ma-ra. See Ramses X. 
Khesea, district of Kosh, i. 159 
Khesef-Thamhae, fortress of Bamses 

m., Libyans defeated at, ii. 153 
Khesaa, ii. 348. See Xois 
Kheta, the, i. 14. See Khita 
Khetam ('the fortress') of Sukot, 

near Pelosium, ii. 380 
— (^tham), at Tabenet (Daphne) on 
the great Pharaonic road to Pales- 
tine, drawing of, at Eamak, ii. 12, 
19, 386-8, 389, 390, 426 
Kheti, wife of Ehnomhotep, i. 179 
Khilibn (Haleb), ii. 3, 46, 109 ; king 

of, at the battle of Eadesh, 51 
Khim (Pan), i. 390; ii. 177, 313, 

Ehimunu. See Hermopolis Magna 
Ehinensu (Ahnas), ii. 224, 308, 309, 

348. See Heracleopolis Magna 
Ehita, Eheta (the Ehethites or Hit- 
tites of 8S.), ' the great land of,' i. 
384 ; wars of kings of Dyn. XII. 
with, ii. 404; settled close to 
Kgypt in the time of Abraham, 405 ; 
a great division of the Ruthen, i. 
338; tribute from, 379, 384, 404; 
rise of, ii. 2; locality and supremacy, 
3 ; deities, towns, 3 ; military array, 
4 ; non- Semitic names, 5 ; list of 
their peoples and cities, 6-7 ; supre- 
macy in Western Asia before the 
Assyrians, 7 ; war with Egypt, 46 ; 
treaty of alliance, 71, /., 410 ; re- 
lations of Mineptahll. with, 130 
Ehitasar, or Ehitasir, king of Ehita, 
ii. 3, 4 ; treaty with Ramses 11. 
written on a silver tablet, 70-76, 
410 ; marriage alliance, 78, 418 
Ehmun (Hermopolis Magna), worship 
of the moon at, i. 317 


Ehnum, Ehnum-ra, god of Ele- 
phantine, i. 36, 186; temple to, at 
Eoummeh, 438, 444 ; ii. 225, 260 

Ehnum-ab-r'a, king, burial of the 
Apis-bull, ii. 297. See Amasis 

— architect, i. 43, 45 ; ii. 220 ; his 
pedigree, 309; inscription at Ham- 
mamat, 310 

Ehnum-Amon. See Hashop 

Ehnumhotep, i. 156; his tomb at 
Beni-Hassan, long inscription, 169 ,* 
paintings, 177 ; honours accorded 
to his descendants, 179, 180 

Ehoiakh, month, i. 187, 524 ; ii. 296 

Ehonsu, Ehonsu-em-us (*the good 
and friendly*), son of Amon and 
Mut, god of Thebes, ii. 22, 71, 119, 
163, 178, 191, 213, /., 214 ; his 
temple at Thebes, the chapel of the 
Ramessids, 195, 416, 420 

— 'the administrator* of Thebes, 
journey of his image to Bakhatana, 
and contest with a demon, ii. 193,/ 

Ehonsu-Thut, i. 73. See Thut 

Ehont * forwards,' t.^. the South, ii. 
255 n. See Cardinal Points 

Ehont-Hon-nofer, a genersd name for 
all inner Africa; wars against^ i. 
285, 286, 329, 330, 346; ii. 41 

Ehu-aten, new city buUt by king 
Ehun-aten, 1. 494 

Ehuf u, i. 85, 93. See Cheops 

Ehu-mennu, the Hall of Pillars at 
Eamak, i. 389, 430 

Ehunaten, name adopted by Amen- 
hotep IV., i. 494 ; question of their 
identity, 493 ». 

Ehu-setu, pyramid, i. 135 

Eing, the, of Upper and Lower Bgypt, 
his titles, &c., 1. 61 

Eings of Kgypt, list of, with their 
epochs, ii. 341-346 

Eings and satraps in Lower Egypt, 
list of, ii. 239, 243 

Eing's sons of Tini, i. 51 ; of Eush, 
51, 332, etpamm 

Eip-kip, or Eepkep, capital of Ta> 
khont (Nubia), ii. 264, 265 

Digitized by 





Kizgipa, Asiatic wife of Amenhotep 
nL, ai07 

Kissing the ground before Pharaoh, 
i. 104 

Kiti (Chittim), i. 394 

Kobti, ii. 416. See Ck)pto8 

Kochome, necropolis of Memphis, 1. 73 

Koloe, i. 437 

KoDO£so, island of, bas-relief of Men- 
tahotep at, i. 133; inscription, 462 

Komsko, i. 144 

Kouban, stone with Inscription to 
Ramses II. at, ii. 8S-87 

Koammeh, temple-fortress at, i. 181, 
189, 199,220,438,460 

Kurdistan, ii. 47 

Kush (Kash), Ethiopia, IJsaitasen's 
expedition against, i. 169 ; names of 
the races on a memorial stone at 
Wady-Halfah,169; final subjugation 
by Usurtasen in., 182 ; the gover- 
nor of, first mentioned, 332 ; tribute, 
381, 384, ii. 406; seat of a new 
kingdom, 236; subdivision of the 
kingdom, with capital at Napata, 

T ABYRINTH, built by king Amen- 
-Li emhat ITI., i 191 ; meaning of 

the name, Lape-ro-hunt, 193 
Lakes and waters with Semitic names, 

Language, Egyptian, akin to both 

Aryan and Semitic, i. 9; of the 

Khethites, its peculiarities, ii. 6 
Latopolis, i. 440. See Esneh 
Lebanon, Libanon, Mount, i. 337, 388, 

398, 401. Cemp. limanon 
Lee and Rollin papyrus, ii. 170,/. 
Leka, Liku (the Ligyes), u. 47,57,/., 

122,/., 129 
Leontes B., i. 337 
Leontopolis, ii. 12, 374. See Ta'a-pa- 

Letopolis, nome of, i. 467. See Sokhem 
Letter of an Egyptian, describing the 

city of Bamses-Miamun (Zoan- 

Tanis), ii. 100 ; of a priest on the 


new literature of Ramses II. *s time, 
108-114; autograph of Ramses 
Xni., 19^7 

Leucos Limen(Qosseir), i. 138; ii. 87 

Libu, the, i. 11, 229. See Libyans 

Libyan Desert, the, i. 20 

Libyan nome, west of the Nile, the 
modem Gharbieh, i. 21 

Libyans, the, i. 11, 12 ; revolt of, 77 ; 
irruption of, 230; wars of Seti I. 
against, ii. 21 ; their invasion and 
defeat by Mineptah II., 121 ; war 
of Ramses m. with, 147 ; &c. 

Limanon (Limenen, Rimenen, the re- 
gion of Lebanon), tribute of, i.379, 
383, 404 ; fortress in, 388 ; the in- 
habitants submit to Seti I., ii. 18 ; 
trees felled for ship-building, 18 

Lion, fighting, of Ramses n., ii. 80 

Lists of countries, peoples, and places 
conquered by Thutmes Upper 
Ruthen, i. 392, 393 ; in the S., 406- 
9 ; by Amenhotep m., 471-2; by 
Ramses m., ii. 158-9 ; by Shashanq 
I. in Palestine, 217-8 ; of names of 
the Khita, 6-7 

Lowlands, the Egyptian, i. 228 

Lui (Levi, Roi, or Loi), high- priest 
and architect, ii. 136, 139 

Luqsor, list of prisoners, ii. 69; 
temple, obelisks, &c., 92 

Luten. See Ruten 

Lycians, ii. 129 

Lycopolis, Lycon-polis (Siajout, now 
Ossiout), capital of Nome XIIT. 
(Up. Eg.), ii. 347, 874; records in 
the tombs of, i. 223, 224; temple 
of Anubis, ii. 416 

"IfAFKAT (green-stone, tuiquoise), 
-LU. and land of, i. 81, 160, 196, 489 ; 

ii. 149 
Magdolum. See Migdol 
Maghaiah, i. 80. /Si?« Wady-Maghaiah 
Magicians of Exediu, ii. 384. See 

Mah, a captain in the reign of 

Thutmes IH., i. 398, 461 

Digitized by 





Mah, the nome of, i. 156-8, 180 
Mai, architect of Ramses II., ii. 98 n. 
— scribe and judge, ii. 168,/. 
Main, a district of Nubia, i. 406 ; ii. 

81 »., 181 
Ma-ka-ra. See Hashop 
Makitha, ii. 21. See Megiddo 
Haktol or Magdol, ii. 237. ^S^^Migdol 
Malunna, ii. 47, 66, /. 
Mama. See Ramses IV. 
Ma-men-ia. See Seti I. 
Ma-neb-ra. See Amenhotep HI. 
Manetbo, i. 23, 39, 42, etjfostim 
Manufactures, i. 26 
Map, old Egyptian, at Turin, ii. 81 
Marah (the Bitter Lakes), ii. 397-8 
Marajui, Mauri, Libyan king, ii. 123, 

126, 163 
Mareotic nome, ii. 130 
Marina, title (lord), i. 374, 376, &c. 
Marmarica, i. 327 ; ii. 21, 242 
Marmaridae, i. 327-8, 460, 607 ; ii. 21, 

79, 123, 404. See Thuhen 
Mas, viceroy in Ethiopia, ii. 136 
Masahartha and Masaqahartha, 7th 
and 8th sons of Hirhor, ii. 419, 420 
Masen, region of Punt in Arabia, the 

Masonitae of Ptolemy, ii. 404 
Mashaphal, Massala, king of the 

Maxyes, ii. 166 
Massaarah, i. 91 ; quarries of, with 

rock -tablets of Aahmes, 322 
Maskhoutah, in Wady-ToumeilAt, me- 
morials of Ramses II. at, ii. 411, 
424 ; but not the city of Ramses, 
412, 426 
Mastabat-el-Faraoun, pyramid, i. 113. 

See Dashour 
Mastemut, paint, i. 177, 178 
Mastura. See Cambyses 
Masu (Masius M.), ii. 47 
Masui, viceroy, ii. 81 
Mat, the (Assyrians), successors to 

the Khita, ii. 202 
Matarieh village, i. 149, 448 
M'a-ur-nofru, or M*a-nofru-r'a, queen 
of Ramses II., daughter of the king 
of Khita, ii. 413 

Maurosar, king of Khita, ii. 3 
Mauthanar, king of Khita, ii. 3, 16 
Maxyes, the, of Libya, irruption of, 
under Mineptah II., i. 230 ; war of 
Ramses III. with, ii. 147, 155 
Ifazai, police, i. 264 ; ii. 91, 380, &c. 
Mazor (* fortified '), origin of Mizraim, 
properly a part of Lower Bgypt^ L 
18,231,244; ii. 237, 383 a. 
Measures, ii. 199 

Medinet-Abou, temple of, i. 347, 435 ; 
new temple of Amenhotep III., 
477; his memorial tablet, 478; 
monuments of the reign of Ramses 
in. in his Ramesseum, ii. 150, 415 ; 
inscriptions, 161, 167, 169; pic- 
tures, 167; names of conquered 
cities, 168, 169 ; temple at, on the 
Nebankh, with inscriptions of the 
Egyptian calendar and holidays, 
162 ; festivals, 163 ; list of Ramses 
in.*s sons, 173 
Medinet-el-Fayoum, i. 194 
Megabyzus, satrap, ii. 332 
Megiddo, battle of, i. 269, 370, 371 ; 
account of the harvest reaped by 
Thutmes m., 373 ; battle of Necho 
with Josiah, ii. 322 
Mehet-en-usekh, mother of Nimrod, 

ii. 206 
Meidoum (Mitum), i. 69; pyramid 

near, pictures discovered in, 82 
Mekhir, the month, i. 66, 175, 363, 

440, 489, 627 ; ii. 296 
' Memnon,* statues of, i. 476, 478 ; the 

vocal, 479-482* 
Memnonium at Abydus, i 162; of 
Seti I., dedicated to his father, ii. 
28 ; inscription in, 29 
Memphis (Mennofer, Telmonf), one 
of the three capitals of Egypt, i. 
23 ; capital of Nome I. (L. Eg,),ii. 
348, 417 ; founded by Mena, L 53; 
its names, temples, and necropolis. 
64, 66; ruins at Mit-Rahineh, 56; 
stones used for building Cairo, 58 : 
importance of the high-priests, 68; 
necropolis, 69 ; worship of the sacml 

Digitized by 




bull (Apis), 74, ii. 229 ; temple of 
Ptah, 29, 90; capital of the last 
Bubastids, 228*; siege by Piankhi, 
249-251; sanctuaries of Ramses 
m. at, 417 
Men and Menti, regions of Punt in 
Arabia, the Minaei and HanitaB of 
Ptolemy, ii. 404 n. 
Mena (Menes), date of his accession, 
i. 41 ; calculations based on Ma- 
netho, 42 ; the first Pharaoh, 51 ; 
cursed by Tnephachthus, 52 ; his or- 
dinances and works, 52 ; changes 
the course of the Nile, 52 ; builds 
Memphis, 63 ; killed by a crocodile, 
67 ; meaning of the name, 70 
Menankh, pyramid, i. 126 
Menat-Khufu, town, i. 170, 171 
Mendes, the sacred ram, i. 74 
Mendes (Pi-bi-neb-dad, *city of the 
sacred ram '\ capital of Nome XVI. 
(L. Eg.), i. 74, 240; ii. 349 ; seat of 
Dyn. XXIX., 316, 336 
Men-kau-hor (Mencheres), Dyn. V., 

i. 110 
Menkaura (Mencheres), Dyn. IV., i. 
101-103; builder of the third 
pyramid, 101; coffin-lid and in- 
scription, 101 ; his character, dei- 
fication, and religious studies, 102 
Men-kheper-ra. See Thutmes III. 
Men-kheper-ra succeeds his father, 
Pinotem, ii. 203; recals the ban- 
ished Ramessids, 203 
Men-khepru-ra. See Thutmes IV. 
Men-ma-ra. See Ramses XIII. 
Mennofer (' the good place '), i. 65. 
;. See Memphis 

^en-nofer, Pepi*s pyramid, i. 120 
^en*pehnti-ra. See Ramses I. 
Men-setu, pyramid, i. 108 
'Menthu, an Asiatic people, destroyed 
• under Dyn. XII., ii. 406 
Menthu, Monthu, god, i. 372, 440 
Menthu-khopeshef, chief of the 

police, ii. 190 
Menthu-nesu, under Pyn. XII., monu- 
ment of, ii. 404 

Menti, foreig^n non-Egyptian kings 
(the Hyksos), i. 268, 269; called 
* inhabitants of the land of Asher ' 
(Syria), 268; their capital, 270; 
adopted the customs, &c., of the 
Egyptians, 270; patrons of art, 271 ; 
their names erased from their 
monuments, 272; two preserved, 
273. See Hyksos 

Mentu-hotep L Ranebtaui, i. 127, 131, 
134, 143 

Mentu-hotep II., his pyramid, i. 1 34 

Mentu-hotep, royal architect to 
Usurtasen I., inscription at Bonlaq, 
i. 161, 162; character and accom- 
plishments, 163 

Menzaleh, lake, i. 14, 120, 232, 238, 
258; ii. 372 

Mer-en.ra, king, i. 123; preparations 

' for his burial, 124 ; name on the 

wall of the temple at Abydus, 130 

Men, royal architect to Usurtasen I., 
inscription at the Louvre, i. 164 

— governor of Wawa under Seti II., 
ii. 412 

- Adon, in Ramses IX. *s reign, ii. 183 

— (Merris), daughter of Ramses II., 
named by tradition as the rescuer 
of Moses, ii. 117 

Meribast, chief priest of Amon, ii. 

Merimes, governor of Kush in Amen- 
hotep m.'s reign, i. 472 

Meri-ra, king. See Pepi 

Merira, Meri-patah-ankh, chief of the 
public works under Pepi, J. 121 

Meri-ra, chief prophet of the Sun, i 500 

Meri-ra-ankh, tomb of, i. 60, 121 

Meri-ra-ankh-nes, Pepi's wife, her 
tomb. i. m 

Merisankb, Khafra*s wife, i. 100 

Meritum, king, ii. 180 

Merkaura, or Meri-ka-ra, king, i. 223 

Meroe, the priests of, not the founders 
of Egyptian civilization, i. 9 ; the 
Melul^ha of the Assjrrian inscrip- 
tions, ii. 264, /., 273: centre of 
i a primeval Cushite kingdom, 402 

G 2 

Digitized by 





Mertisen, artists of the family of, i. 
143; his pedigree, 205, 206 

MeruT, i. 74. See Mnevis 

Mesha, young soldiers, i. 64 

Mesket (Meskenet), 'treasure/ or 
rather * temple * cities, ii. 102, 308 

Mesopotamia, monumental records of 
foreign wars in, i. 15, &c. ; Arab 
conquest of, 367. See Nabarain 

Mesori, the month, i. 247, 296, 627 ; 
ii. 156, 227, 295 

Mesphres, king, i. 450 

Metelis (Sonti-Nofer), capital of 
Nome Vn. (L. Kg.), ii. 348 

Miamun, < friend of Amun.' See Bam- 
ses II. ; Setnakht ; Ramses lY., V. ; 
Meritum; Bamses VI., IX., XI., 
Xn., Xm. ; Shashanq I., n. ; Usar- 
kon I., n. ; Thakelath I., 11. \ 

Miamun Nut, successor to Piankhi, ii. 
257 ; his dream and campaign 
against Lower Egypt, 257 ; official 
designation, 258; memorial stone, 
258 ; sisters, 258 ; inscription, 259- 
263 ; his success not lasting, 264 

Miamun-ra, name of Darius n., ii. 333 

Migdol <the tower ' (Tel-es-Samout), 
the northernmost point of Egypt, 
i. 237, 238; U. 12, 381, 382, 389, 390, 
421, 426, 431 ; its position the key 
to the question of the Exodus, 427 ; 
naval engagement at, 153, 154 

Mineptah I., ii. 10. See Seti I. 

— n. (Menephthes), hereditary prince 
in his father's lifetime, ii. 120, 
413; mean character of his archi- 
tectural works, 120; his inscrip- 
tion in the temple of Amon, 121- 
128; corrections in, 413; invasion 
by and defeat of the Libyans, 121 ; 
battle of Prosopis, 126 ; relations 
with the Ehita, 130; despatches, 
131 ; the Phaiaoh of the Exodus, 
133; his court at Zoan- Ramses, 
1 34 ; troubles of his reign, 135 ; 
men of letters, 137; his end un- 
recorded, 135 1». ; his dirge, 136 ». 

Mineptah Siptah, anti-king to Set- 
nakht, U. 140; inscription of his 
supporter, Seti, at Ibsambonl, 141 

Minerals, i. 201 

Misraim, Muzur, Mudraya, Asiatic 
names for Egypt, derived probably 
from Mazor (^. v.), i. 18, 231 

Mit-Rahineh (Mitrahenne), ruins of 
Memphis at, i. 56; prostrate co- 
lossus of Ramses II., ii. 90 ; re- 
mains of a house, 292 

Mitum (Meidoum), ii. 240, 248 

Mnevis, the sacred bull of HeliopoUs, 
i. 39, 74 ; ii. 293 

Mob, the, or lowest classes, i. 26 

Mceris, lake (She, She-uer, Mi-ner), 
constructed by Amenemhat m., i. 
187 ; derivation of name, 190 ; dis- 
covery of the site, 190; different 
names, 192 

Mokattam, lulls of, quarries in, i. 91 ; 
new quarries opened, 476 

Mont, Monthu (Mars), i. 34, etpauim 

Month- em-ha, ally and friend of 
Taharaqa, ii. 278 

Moses, his name preserved in f-en- 

Mushanath, ii. 47 

Mut-em-ua (' Mother in the boat '), 
queen of Thutmes IV., i. 468 

Mut-Nof er-t, daughter of Thutmes L, 
her statue, i. 433 

Mut-ut-ankhes, wife of Usarkon, ii. 224 

Muzur, Lower Egypt, under the As- 
syrians, ii. 237 

Mycerinus, i. 101. See Mencheres 


^A-AMON or PI-AMON, «the city 
of Amon ' (No and No- Amon, SS.; 
Diospolis Parva, q.v.% a second 
Thebes in Lower Egypt, called bf 
all the same titles, also J\/d-meMt 
*the city of the North,' on the 
Phatnitic mouth of the Nile, at or 
near Damietta ; magnificent build- 
ings of Ramses ID. at, ii. 418-9 
Nabu-Sesibanni, son of Necho, ii. 27S, 

Digitized by 




Nabaiain, or Naharina (Aram, Meso- 
potamia), i. 838; memorial tablet 
set up by Thutmes HI., 378 ; booty 
from, 381 ; prisoners, 386 ; tribute, 
404 ; &c. 
Nahasi Negroes, the, i. 12 ; language 

of, 258; race, 330 
Nahi, Egyptian governor of the south 
country, i. 343, 387 ; his inscription 
at EUesieh, 387, 438 
Nahr-el-Kelb, river, Egyptian monu- 
ments at the mouth of, ii. 276 
Naifaurot (Nepherites) I. and II., iL 

287, 335 
Nakht-hor-hib (Nectarebes, Nectanebo 

I.), king, iL 287, 308, 317, 336 
Nakht-Khim, priest of Khim, in time 

of king Ai, iL 408 
Nahkt-neb-ef (Nectanebo IL), the last 
Pharaoh, his pair of lions, ii. 287, 
292; a famous magician, 294 ; burial 
of an Apis-bull, 302, 317, 338 
Nahkt-neb-ef, chief captain, sarco- 
phagus of, iL 317 
Nakhtu, viceroy of Kush, iL 81 
Nap, or Napata,at Mt. Barkal, i. 329 ; 
the capital of the new kingdom of 
Ethiopia, ii. 235, 236 ; inscriptions 
of Ethiopian kings at, tee Barkal 
Na-pa-to-mehi, or Na-pa^athu (Naph- 
tuhim, SS.), buildings of Bamses 
lU. at, iL 419 
Naph, or Noph (Napata), the princes 

of, in Scripture, ii. 237 
Naphtuhim, origin of name, L 327; 

iL 419 
Na-ris, ' the eity of the South,' a name 

of Thebes {q. r.), iL 418 
Naromath, ii. 207. See Nimrod 
— son of Usarkon IL, chief priest of 
Amon, &c., iL 224 ; his descendants 
hereditary priests of Khnum, 226 
Nasruna, river, L 399 
Nathu, Natho, the marsh-land of the 
Delta, L 520 ; on the Phatnitic arm 
of the Nile and the sea-board, ii. 
316. Comp, Athu 
Navigation, i. 139 


Neb-aio, high-priest, i. 445; inscrip- 
tion of, 446 

Neb-ankh (*the coffin mountain'), L 
347 ; iL 161-2 . 

Neb-kher-ra, i. 131. 5iff« Mentuhotep I. 

Neb-pehuti-ra. See Aahmes I. 

Nebuchadnezzar, ii. 322-8 

Neb-unon-f, chief priest of Amon, 
in time of Ramses II., inscription 
of, ii. 410 

Necherophes, king, L 69, 77 

Necho. See Neku 

Negeb, the land S. of Palestine, i. 392, 
398 ; u. 13 

Negro peoples, list of, conquered by 
Amenhotep HI., i. 471, 472; tri- 
butes of, 609, 510 ; their excellent 
workmanship, 511, 512 

Negroes, the, in Pepi's army, i. 1 1 9 ; raz- 
zias on, 184, ii. 78 ; song of, L 335, 523 

Nehera, L 171 

Nehi, the first 'king's son of Kush,' 
i- 332-3. Comp. Nahi 

Nekheb, ii. 347. See Bileithyia 

Nekht, son of Khnumhotep, governor 
of Cynopolis, i. 179, 180 

Neku (Nikuu, Neco, Neohao, Necho) 

—I., king of Memphis and Sais, father 
of Psamethik I., ii. 270, 272, 273 ; 
carried prisoner to Nineveh and 
pardoned, 277 

—II.. son of Psamethik I., Apis-tablet 
of, ii. 296, 297 ; his reign, 322, 323 

Nentef, kings, L 1 31. See Anentef 

Nephercheres, king, L 69, 76, 84, 107 

Nepherites I. and H. See Naifaurot 

Neshi (Ptolema^s), Bamses III.'s 

temple of Sebek at, ii. 416 
Nes-ro-an, lake, L 377 
Nes-su-Amon, royal councillor, ii. 

187, 190 
Ni, in Mesopotamia, Bt616 set up by 
Thutmes III., i. 379 ; not Nineveh, 
400 ; taken by Amenhotep II., 456 
Ni-'a, Ni', Ni (the * great city ; ' Ni- 
Amon, Thebes), L 436 ; U. 236, 270, 
271, 275, 278, 272, 347. See Thebes 
Ni-ent-bak. &<? Antaeopolis 

Digitized by 





Ni-ent-Hapi, iL 848. See ApU 
Nikuu, See Neku 

Nile, the (Nil, Nabar, Nahal), mean- 
ing of the word, i. 20 ; its course 
changed by Mena, 52 ; inunda- 
tions of, 188 ; height recorded in 
the reigns of Amenemhat III., 189 ; 
and Sebekhotep III., 219 

Nimrod leads a branch of Cushites 
from Pun to the Euphrates, con- 
firmed by Babylonian tradition, ii. 

Kimrod, king of Assyria, invades 
Egypt, ii. 203 ; his death and burial 
at Abydus, 206 ; statue of, at Flo- 
rence, 212 ; meaning of the name, 
284. See Naromath 

Nineveh, i. 400; ii. 7, 202, 267, 268, 
271, 274, 276 

Nitocris (Nitaker), queen, Dyn. VI., 
tradition of, i. 127, 128 ; enlarges 
the pyramid of Menkara, 129 

— princess of XXVIth Dynasty, her 
Babylonian marriage,, ii. 326 

No (* t1t£ city *), Noa (* the great city '), 
in SS. No-Amon (* citj' of Amun '), 
capital of Patoris, i. 278, 282, 288 ; 
necropolis of, 289. See Thebes 

Nobles, the ancient Egyptian, i. 28 

Nof er (* good,' * beautiful '), pyramid, 
i. 110 

Noferabra, prophet, i. 99 

Nofer-ar-ka-ra, king^ his p3rramid, 
i. 107 ; officers, 108 ; several kings 
of the name, 131 

Noferhotep, physician, i. 73 

—wife of Ti, i. 110 

— surname of the ged Ehonsu, ii. 410 

Nofer-i-Thi, wife of Amenhotep IV., 
i. 501 ; her address to the sun, 602 

Nofer-ka-ra, king, i. 76 ; his pyramid, 
126 ; several kings of the name, 131 

^See Ramses IX. 

Noferkara-em-piamon, secretary and 
councillor, ii. 187, 190 

Nofer-ka-Sokari, king, i. 69, 70 

Nofer-kheper-ra. See Amenhotep IV. 

Nofer-setu, pyramid, i. 113 


Nofert, wife of Rahotep, i. 83 

Nofert, queen of Amenemhat II., her 
life-size statue at Tanis, i. 167-8 

Nofert-ari Aahmes, queen, i. 323- 
326 ; deified as the ancestress of 
the Eighteenth Dynasty, 324 

Nofer-tum-khu-ra. See Taharaqa 

Noferu-Ra, daughter of the king of 
Bakhatana,wife of Ramses XII., ii. 

Nofre-Ma, tomb of, at Meidoum, i.83 n. 

Nofrus, fortress, ii. 241 

Nokheb, god, i. 440 

Nomes, the ancient, of Egypt, i. 21; 
number of, 21 ; their capitals, 22 ; 
governors, temples, &c., 22 ; boun- 
dary stones, 22 ; lists of, 22, ii. 347 

Noph, ii. 260. See Naph 

Notem, queen-mother of Dyn. XXI., 
ii. 421 

Notem-mnt, wife of king Horemhib, 
her statue, i. 607, 614, 615 ; ii. 409 

Nthariush (-uth). See Darius 

Nub ('gold '), surname of the god 
Set, i. 244, 271 ; ii. 125, 255 

Nub, Nubti, Hyksos king, i. 273 ; era 
of, 231, 246, 296, 297 ; ii. 99 

Nubia, gold from, i. 160; riches of, 
333 ; the works of Ramses II. in, ii. 
94; (Ta-Ehont) a division of Ethio- 
pia, 264; temple of Amon by 
Ramses HI., 415 

Nubkas, queen, i. 218 

Nubkaura. See Amenemhat II. 

Nubti, ii. 415. See Ombos 

Nukheb, prince of, i. 461 

Nu-ta-maten, priest of *Amon of 

Ramses II.' at Tanis, ii. 412 
NuterCgod'). See Ramses III., VI., 

Xin., Thakeloth I. 
Nuter-setu, pyramid, i. 110 

OASIS of Amon, i. 327 
—the Great, ii. 201, 203,/., 307. 
See Hibis and El-Khargeh 
Obelisks of Eleventh Dynasty, i. 135 
ra. ; of Usurtasen I. at Heliopolis and 
in the Fayoum, 149, 152, 204 ; of 

Digitized by 




queen Hashop, 362 ; of Thatmes 
ni. at Thebes, 448, 449 ; at Helio- 
polis, 450-1 
Ochos, king, ii. 287, 338, 339 ; disas- 
ter to his army at Lake Sirbonis, 
392, 396 
Ollaqi, valley of, i. 146 
Ombos (Nubti), i. 440; temple of 

Bamses III., ii. 415 
On, i. 74, etpamm. See Heliopolis 
Onka (Anka), Phoenician goddess, i. 245 
Onnos (Unas), king, i. 84, 113 
Onnris, ii. 416. See Anhur 
Ophir, the, of the Egyptians, i. 136 
Opperty M., his comments on the 

record of Assurbanipal, ii. 272 
Orbiney papyrus, the, i. 309-311 
Orontes, river, i. 337, 398 ; ii. 46 
Osiris (Bacchus), son of Seb, i. 37 ; 
his temple at Abydus, 196 ; two arms 
of the Nile regarded as his legs, 
235, 236; chief seat of his worship 
in Lower Egypt, Busiris, 441 ; in 
Upper Egypt, Abydus, 441 
Osiris and Isis, statues of, ii. 292 
Osorkhon, king, ii. 233 
Ossiout, rock-tomb near, i. 223 
Ostracene (-cine), i. 239 ; tower of Seti 
I. at, the boundary of Egypt and 
Zahi, ii. 13; tower of Mineptah II., 
132. See Aanekht 
Othoes, king, i. 115. See Teta 
Overseers, i. 63 

Ozyrhynchus (Pi-maza, Sapt-moru), 
capital of Nome XVIU. (Up. Eg.), 
the city of Typhon, i. 180, 516 ; 
ii. 348, 417 
Ozaeb, i. 240 

FHIR, genealogy of, i. 280, 281, 
283, 342 
Painting in ancient Egypt, i. 203 
Paintings in tombs, i. 88, et pauim ; 

on walls, ^TOMim 
Pakhons, the month, i. 186, 247, 362, 

421, 440, 466, 490, 627 ; u. 163 
Palestine. See Ruthen aiid Zaha 
Pa-nakhtu, tower of, ii. 13 


Pa-Eereh (* city of the electric fish '), 
ii. 422, 423. See Phagroriopolis 

Panbesa, the scribe, his letter de- 
scribing the city of Ramses, ii. 100 

Panof er, artist,under Ramses U., ii. 4 1 2 

Panopolis (Apu, Ehemmis), capital of 
Nome IX. (Up. Eg.), ii. 347, 408 ; 
temple of Horus and Isis built by 
Ramses III., 416 

Panrshns, Assyrian king, ii. 202 

Paoni, the month, i. 186, 438, 527 

Paophi, the month, i. 134, 167, 331, 
346, 390, 401, 627 

Papyrus, the Abbot, i. 282 ; record of 
Aahmes, 283-287 

— Anastasi III., letter of Panbesa, 
describing the city of Ramses, ii. 
100; records of despatches, 131, 132 

— the Harris, 1. 249 ; summary of the 
reign of Setnakht, ii. 143, 144 ; ac- 
count of the reign of Ramses III., 
146 ; list of Ramessea, 161, 415,/. 

— the Lee and Rollin, a^icoimt of the 
harem conspiracy, ii. 170 ; use of 
magic, 170-172 

— the medical, discovered at Mem- 
phis, i. 73 

— the Orbiney, parallel to the story 
of Joseph, i. 309-311 

—of Patah Hotep, i. Ill, 112 

— ^the Sallier, historical, in British 
Museum, i. 274-279 

—the Turin, i. 39, 47, 48; list of 
kings, 214-216 

— probable autograph letter of Ram- 
ses Xm., ii. 197 

— with the geography of Lake Moeris, 
i. 192 

— rolls of the Nineteenth Dynasty, i. 

Parihu, prince of Punt, i. 366 

Pa-Sahura, i. 107 

Pastophorus of the Vatican, the, ii. 
291, 304 n. See Uzahorenpiris 

Patah (Vulcan), the god of Memphis, 
i. 36, 36 ; worship of, 54, 68, 145 

Patah-hotep, papyrus of, 1. Ill, 112 

Patah-shepseSftomb of, i.l03; steward 

Digitized by 




of the provision stores, like Joseph, 
104 ; prophet of the pjrTaznids of 
Unas and Teta,116 
Patomhit (F^-to-me-hit, 'the country 
of the North '), the Delta, i. 317, ii. 
Pa-to-ris (* the cotmtiy of the 8oath«' 
Patbros, Patrosim, SS.» the The- 
bftid), i. 278, 316, ii. 419 ; a province 
under the Ethiopians, 237 
Patumoe, ii. 422, 423 
Pauer, governor of Thebes, under Seti 
I. and Ramses II. ; his tomb at 
. Thebes, ii. 31, 81, 409 
— a * sculptor from the life,* ii. 98 n 
Paur, governor of the south, memorial 

of, at Shetaui, i. 514 
Pajni, the month, i. 456, 627 ; ii. 56, 

164, 219, 296 
Pa-zetku, or Zeku, lake beside Avaris, 

i. 237, 284 
Pedigree of the architect Khnum-ab- 

r a, ii. 309 
Pehenuka, officer of Nofer-ar-ka-ra, 

i. 108 
Pehuu, a Diospolis in the Fayoum, ii. 

Pelusiac branch of the Nile, i. 229, 
232, 236, 270, 336 ; bridge over, at 
Btham, ii. 12, 387-8, 426 ; crossing 
of, not mentioned in * Exodus,' ex- 
plained, 425-6 
Penni, Adon of Wawa, tomb at Anibe, 

ii. 183, 184 
Pentaur, the priest, heroic poem of, i. 

277, 416 ; ii. 47, 66-65, 410 
Pepi Merira, king, i. 116, 126; in- 
scriptions at Wady-Magharah and 
elsewhere, 117 ; his servant, Una, 
117 ; monolith, 118 ; wars, 118, 119 ; 
pyramid, 120 ; plan of a temple, on 
leather, found in his time, 447 
Pepi-na, guardian of Pepi's pyramid, 

i. 121 
Pepi-nakht, functionary under Pepi, 

i. 121 
Peraara, cartouche of, i. 61 n. 
Perao, i. 61 . See Pharaoh 

Persians, the, in Bgypt, ii. 303,329,339 
Pet-baal, i. 292 
Petlse, high-priest and satrap, 11. 231, 

261, 253 
Petubastes, king, ii. 233 
Phacoussa (-se, -an), chief city of the 
Arabian nome, the Gkisem (Guesem, 
Qoshen) of the monuments, iL 369 
Phagroriopolis, ii. 422, 423 
Phamenoth, the month, i. 175, 363, 

442, 527 ; ii. 297 
Pharaoh, his titles, i. 61 ; wife, daugh- 
ters, harem, children, 62; court, 
62; officials, 63 ; ii. 13^. (hmp Plr*ao 
Pharaohs, visits of, to Nubia, i. 335 ; 
causes of the fall of, ii. 289 ; the 
last, 316 ; fkll of the kingdom of , 3 1 9 
Pharmuthi, the month, i. 186, 363, 368 
Phathmetic (Phatnitic) branch of the 
Nile (^pa-to-mehit), origin of the 
name, ii. 419 
Philae, I., i. 35, 133, 218, 469, 472 ; ii. 

141, 283 
Philip Arrhidseus, ii. 339 
Philistia. See Zaha 
Philistines, land of, its boundary to- 
wards Egypt, ii. 13 :— * road of,' i. 
239, 336, ii. 12, 397. 430 
Philosophers, Egyptian, i. 25, 26 
Phcenida, i. 460. See Khar 
Phcenician usurper in Egypt, i. 257, 

ii. 142 
Phcenicians, Cushite emigrants from 
Arabia, ii. 402 ; Caphtor their 
fatherland, 403; their maritime 
commerce, i. 254, 265, 403 ; articles 
imported by, 403, 404 ; high style 
of art in their works, 510, 511 ; lan- 
guage, 257. See Fenekh, Kefa, and 
egpeoially Khar 
Pi-Amon, *the city of Amon,* ii. 
415,418. <SS$0 Thebes aiuf Na-Amon 
Piankhi, king, his offering at On, i. 
150 ; conquest of Egypt recorded in 
his great inscription at Mount Bar- 
kal, ii. 239-257, 421 
Piaoi, sculptor of the images of 
Bamses II., ii. 412 

Digitized by 




Pibail<»(Bybl08, now BUbefe), i. 240, 

251 ; sanctoaryof the goddess Bast 

at, ii. 418 
Pi-bMt (Pibeseth, 88.), i 74 ; ii. 369. 

See BnbastQS 
Pi-Bi-netMiad, ii. 349. See Mendes 
Pidasa (Pidasis), ii. 47 
H-hahiioth, ii. 393, 429, 482 
Pi-HathoT (• the city of Hathor '), ii. 

376. ^e^Aphroditopolifi 
Pi-her-shefni, ii 417. See Heracleo- 

polis liagna 
Pi-khnn-en-Amon, ii. 349. See Dios- 

polis F^urva evnd Na-Amon 
Pimai, king, ii. 228, 232 ; name, 284 
Pimaz (Ozyrhynchas), ii. 241, 348 
Pinehas, noble, ii. 136, 414 
Pinotem I., king and high-priest, ii. 

190, 203, 421 
— secretary and councillor, ii. 190 
Pl-nnb (Momempbis), ii. 240 
Pi-qe-io-ro, prince of Pisaptn, ii. 262, 

263, 276 
Pi-R'a, *city of the Snn* (a second 

On or Heliopolis), * to the north of 

On,' probably at Tel-el-Tahudi, in 

the Wady-Tonmeililt,ii. 418 
Pi-ramesBu (city of Ramses II.), i. 281 ; 

ii. 100, 370, 383, 420. See Baam- 

ses and Zoan-Tanis 
Pi- Ramses, cities, temples, and other 

buildings of Ramses m.,ii. 416-419. 

Comp, Ramessea 
Pir'ao (Pharaoh), meaning; special 

title of Mineptah II., ii. ] 13 
Pir-em-hera, a sacred book, f. 103 
Pi-sebek. See Crooodilopolis 
Pisebkhan L, nnder-king at Tanis, in 

the time of Bhashanq I., ii. 207 
Pi-Satekh of Ramses n., ii. 419. See 

Pi-tebhn, statues of, iL 291 
Pi-Thut, ii. 849. See Hermopolis 

Pi-tom, *city of Tom,' the 8un-god 

(Pithom 88., Heracleopolis Parva), 

chief town of the region of Sukot, 

the Sethroite nome, i. 233, 234; 

ii. 370, 372, 373, 376, 376, S78, 382, 
386, 422 

Pitsho, comitry (Midian), i. 179 

Pi-nser, ii. 348. See Busiris 

Pi-Uto, ii. 349. See Buto 

Pliny, i. 183; ii. 397 

Poems, in praise of Thutmes m., i. 
412, /.,ii. 406 ; of Beti L, ii. 406 ; of 
Ramses II. by Pentaur, 66,/., 410 ; 
of Ramses in., 414 

Potiphar, i. 808, 311 

Potsherds, inscriptions on, i. 488, 489 

Prahionamif, son of Ramses II., ii. 60 

Primi (Qasr Ibreem), i. 183, 488 

Princes, the, of Kosh, and of Hineb, i.6 1 

Prisoners, hostages, slaves, i. 27 ; em- 
ployed on public works, 417 ; their 
labour like that of the Israelites in 
Egypt, 417 

Prophet of the pyramid of Pharaoh, 
the office, i. 60 

Prosopis, battle of, ii. 124, 128 

Psamethik I., founder of the 26th 
dynasty, ii. 281 ; unites the rival 
djmastic claims, 281 ; builds new 
sepulchral chambers for the Apis- 
balls, 296 ; his reign, 322 

— n. Psammis, ii. 323 

— m., Psammenitns, ii. 829 

Psametik, prophet, i. 99, 100 

Psampolis (Pimas, Pimases, Pimsa), 
ancient name for Ibsamboul, ii. 96 

Paamus (Psamut, Psamuthis), king, ii. 
287, 336 

Ptah, temple of, at Memphis, i. 441, ii. 
417, et pastim (</. Patah) 

Ptolemals, ii. 348, 416. See 8men-hor 
and 'Seshi 

Pnam, royal architect at the court of 
Thutmes HI., i. 417 

Pun, Punt (* the Bast country '), in 
Arabia and the opposite coast of 
Africa (Ophir, Somauli), i. 136; 
peopled by Cushites, ii. 401 ; the 
'land of God,' and cradle of the 
Egyptians, 403, 404 ; first expedition 
to, i. 137, 138 ; Queen Hashop's ex- 
pedition to, 362>367 ; precious things 

Digitized by 





from, 379 ; tributes from, 383, 386, 

ii. 406 
Put (Phut), son of Ham, the Libyan 

Tehennu (or Marmaridse), W. of 

the Delta, ii. 404 
Putha, sculptor, pictures of, i. 498 
Pyramids : — i. 31 ; Abousir, 106 ; Ab- 

setu, 106; Ba, 107; Bai-u, 116; 

Black bull, 73 ; Dashour, 113 ; Ella- 

hoon, 191; Gizeh. 86; Hir, 101; 

Kha-nofer, 124,146; Khorp, 167; 

Khu-setu, 135; Menankh, 126; 

Menkara, 129 ; Menkau-ra, 101 ; 

Men-nofer, 120 ; Men-setu, 108 ; 

Mentu-hotep, 135; Mer-en-ra, 121; 

Nofer, 110; Nofer-ar-kara, 107; 

Nofer-ka-ra, 126; Nofer-setu, 113; 

Nuter-setu, 110; Qebeh, 106; Tat^ 

setu, 116 
— construction of, by each king,!. 89 ; 

origin of the word, 89 ; particular 

names, 90 ; materials for, 90 

QA-HEBES, ii. 348. See Cabasus 
Qanta a-el-Hazneh, ii. 426, 427 
Qa-sa, ii. 348. See Cynopolis 
Qasr Agerud, i. 262 
— Ibreem, i. 183. See Primi 
Qasrieh, ii. 90 

Qazautana(Gozan,Gauzanite8),ii. 3, 46 
Qebeh, pyramid, i. 105 
Qel'an, slingers, ii. 60 
Qinaa (Kanah), the brook, i. 371 
Qir-kamosh, the Carchemish of the 

Bible (now Jerablfts), i. 337, 399 ; 

ii. 47 
Qobti, ii. 347. See Coptos 
Qors, Qos, ii. 347. See Cusae 
Qosseir, i. 138. See Leucos Limen 
Qosem. See Gosem 
Qumah, L 347; inscription on tomb 

at, 623 
—old, ii. 28; Seti I.'s sepulchral 

temple at, 92 


A, the sun-god, i. 36 ; the sign of, 

70 ; worship, 87, &c. 
high-priest of, i. 461 

Ra-aa-qenen, i. 273. See Apepi 
Raamses, Ramses, city of, ii. 45, 100, 
366, 370, 399 ; not at Maskhoutah, 
412, 421, 424-^. See Pi-ramessu 
and Zoan 

Ra-bi-tha, ii. 217 

Ra-haa-ab. See Uah-ab-ra 

Rahotep and his wife, the oldest 
statues known, i. 82, 83 

Ra-kheper-ka. See Nakhtnebef 

Ra-khu-taui, king, i. 213 

Ram, the sacred, i. 74. ^S!^ Binebded, 

Ramaka, son of Pinotem I., ii. 421 

Ramenkheper, ii. 421. See Men- 

Ramessea of Ramses m., ii. 161, 415 

Ramesseum, at Thebes, ii 66, 93; 
at Heliopolis, 97 ; at Medinet Abon, 
25 n., 160, 167 ; at Kan 'ana, 164 

Ramessids, the, i. 46 ; banished to the 
Great Oasis, ii. 201 ; recalled by 
Menkheper-ra, 203-206; Table II. 

Ramessu. See Ramses 

Ramses I., ii. 8 ; his family doubtful, 
8 ; memorial of his coronation at 
Kamak, 9 ; war and treaty with the 
Khita, 9 ; monument at Wady 
Half ah, death, 9 

—II. (Sesostris), his date about IB.'iO 
B.C., i. 299 ; rebuilds the temple 
at Abydus, 163 ; associated with 
his father Seti I., ii. 26 ; his right 
through his mother. 26 ; inscription 
at Abydus, 26 ; number of his monu- 
ments, 36 ; completes the temple at 
Abydus, 36, 46; his journey to 
Thebes, 34, 46, 410 ; inferiority of 
his buildings and sculptures, 46; 
war with the Khita, 46; previous 
campaigns, 66 ; war with Tunep, 
66 ; with Canaan, 66 ; stcrming of 
Askalon, 68; list of prisoners in- 
scribed at Luqsor, 69; his mari- 
time wars, 70; treaty withtlie king 
of Khita, 71-76, 410; marries a 
daughter of the king of Khita, 78 ; 
her name, 413; razzia on the ne- 

Digitized by 




gioes, 78 ; wars with Knsh and the 
Libjans, 79 ; pictnres of his court, 
79, 80 ; gold-washing, 81-83 ; tem- 
ples built by, 87, 88 ; temple of Ptah 
at Memphis, 90 ; varioos buildings, 
91 ; works in Nubia, 94 ; rock-temple 
of Ibsamboul, 94 ; his special resi- 
dence at Zoan-Tanis, 98 ; new tem- 
ple city, and worship of gods there 
with himself, 98, 384, 412 ; his 'city 
of Sutekh of Ramses Miamun,' 419 ; 
the Phara4>h of the oppreuion^ 103 ; 
number of prisoners, and their 
various employments, 106 ; his long 
reign, 114 ; thirty years* jubilee, 
114; his family, 116; oontempora- 
ries,117 ; tomb at Biban-el-Molouk, 
1 19 ; stS16 with inscriptions at Mas- 
khoutah inWady-ToumeiMt; extent 
of his conquests, 411, 424 
Bamses ni. (Rharapsinitus), i. 211, 
238; his campaigns against the 
Shasu, 249; protects his frontiers, 
252 ; troubles on his accession, 
ii. 142, 162 ; account of his reign 
in the Harris papyrus, 146; re- 
stores the several ranks in the 
state, 146 ; war with the Libyans 
and Mazyes, 147 ; fortress and well 
in the land of the Aperin, 148 ; 
fleet on the Red Sea, 148; voyages 
to the Indian Ocean, 148; the cop- 
per mines of 'Athaka discovered, 
148 ; treasures from the peninsula of 
Sinai, 148 ; plants, trees, and shrubs, 
149 ; peaceful state of his kingdom, 
149 ; memorials in the Ramesseum 
at Medinet Abou, 160 ; treasures de- 
dicated to Amon, 161 ; boundless 
generosity, 162 ; victory over the 
Carian-Golchian nations, 163 ; over 
the^Kaxyes, 166, 166; pictures of 
def^ted kings, 167 ; list of con- 
quered cities and countries, 168, 169 ; 
booty and captives devoted to the 
temples, 160 ; list of his Ramessea, 
161; works at Thebes, 163; erects 
a Bamesseum at Eanaan, 164 ; the 


harem conspiracy, 164-172 ; his sons 
and the order of their succession, 
172 ; his rock-hewn tomb and its 
pictures, 174 ; song of praise for hU 
victories, at Medinet-Abou, 414 ; his 
buildings, in Nubia, 416 ; in Upper 
Egypt, 416 ; in Lower Egypt, 417 ; 
in Palestine, 419 

Ramses IV., ii. 174 ; rock-tablet relat- 
ing the expedition to Hammamat, 
174~178 ; additions to the temple 
of Khonsu at Thebes, 178 

— v., ii. 178; his tomb at Biban-el- 
Molouk appropriated by Ramses 
VI., 178 ; rock-tablet at Silsilis, 178, 

— Meiitum {q. r.), ii. 180 

— YL, ii. 180 ; astronomical and chro- 
nological value of his tomb, 180; 
record respecting boundaries of 
lands in Nubia, 181, 182 

—VII., ii. 186 

— Vm., ii. 186 

— IX., ii. 186; growing power of 
the priests of Amon, 186 ; presenta- 
tion of rewards to them, 186, 187 ; 
burglaries in the royal tombs at 
Biban-el-Molouk, 189 

—X., U. 190 

—XL, u. 190 

— XII., ii. 190; curious inscription, 
191-194 ; the king's visit to Naha- 
rain, and marriage, 191 ; cure of the 
queen's sister, 193 

— XIIL, ii. 196 ; finishes the temple of 
Khonsu, 196 ; deposed by the priest 
Hirhor, 196 ; his probable autograph 
letter, 197 ; banished, 201 ; his de- 
scendants, 202,/. 

— XVI., marriage with an Assyrian 
princess, ii. 202 ; recognized as 
king at Thebes, 207 

Ramses, city of. See Raamses and 

Ramses, railway station of, not an 
ancient name, ii. 424, 426 

Ramses-Nekht, seer, i. 164 

Ranebma. See Ramses VL 

Digitized by 




Ranebma-Nakht, governor of Thebes, 

ii. 190 
Ranebtaui. See Mentubotep I. 
Ra-n-maat. 8ee Amenemhat m. 
R*anofer, scribe, in time of Ramses 

n., ii. 412 
Ranseneb, commander at Sokhem- 

khakaora, i. 219 
Rannser, king (Rathnres), i. 84 ; his 

pyramid, 108; tablet of, 109 
Ra-sekeaen, Hak or sub-king of 

Thebes, i. 274-279, 282, 283. See 

Rashid, i. 11. See Rosetta 
Rasnotsemhet. See Nakht-hor-ib 
Ra-sokhem-sut-taui. See Sebekhotep 

Ratatf, king, i. 84, 94 
Rathnres, i. 108. See Rannser 
Ra-uah-ab. See Psamethik I. 
Ra-nah-em-ab. See Neku II. 
Ra-nser-ma. See Ramses II. 
Red land, the, i. 16, 455 
Red Sea, its Egyptian name, ii. 430. 

Camp. Y^m Siiph 
Redesieh, temple, ii. 21, 32 
Registers, valne of, i. 174 
Rekhl-kbet, the, experts, i. 278 
Rekhmar*a, inscription of ; collector 

of tribates under Thntmes IU.,ii.406 
Religion, innovations in, ii. 292 ; de- 
mons, genii, and witchcraft, 293 
Reshpu, idol, i. 245 
Resurrection of the body, belief of the 

ancient Egyptians in the, i. 87 
Rhampsinitus (Ramessu-pa-Nuter, ' R. 

the god *), ii. 145. See Ramses III. 
Rhinocolura, or Rhinocomra, i. 239. 

See Ab-sakabu 
Rlbatha (Rohoboth), water of, ii. 13, 

Ribu, or Libu, i. 11. See Libyans 
Roads from Egypt to Syria and the 

Euphrates, i. 338; the Northern 

from Tanis to Pelusium, through 

Pitom, ii. 382, 386 ; the great Pha- 

raonic (Sikkeh-es-Soultanieh) from 

Tanis to Palestine, 387 ; its four 

stations, Ramses (Tanis), the barrier 
of Sukot, Khetam, and lligdol, 387- 
391 ; through the desert of Shor to 
the Gulf of Suez, 398. Comp, 

Rohan, valley of, inscriptions, i. 187, 

Rohannu, Mt., i. 146 

Rosetta (Rashid), i. 11 

Rosetta stone, the, i. 122 

Rndamon. See Urdamaneh 

Ruten, or Luten, Rutennu, or Latennu, 
the, i. 14 ; first appeaianoe of tbe 
name, 268, 269, 286; the Upper, 
territory coincident with that of 
the Twelve Tribes, 269, 338 ; con- 
quered by Thutmes HI., 367 ; list 
of places in, 392, 393 ; tribates of, 
374, 377, 380, 404, 609, &c ; ii. 406 ; 
extreme north of Egyptian empire 
under Ramses II., 411 

Ruthen and Khita, connection be- 
tween, ii. 23 


A'A-NEEHT, king, i. 345, 608 
Sahura (Sephres), king, i. 84, 106 ; 

his pyramid and effigy, 106 
Said, Arabic name of Upper Egypt, i. 

Sair (Seir), i. 249 
Sais, Sai, Sa, the city of Nit or Neith 

(Athena), capital of Nome Y. (L. 

Eg.), i. 327 ; ii. 239, 240, /, 256, 

256, 286, 287, 288,/., 304,/., 348 
Saite dignitaries, stone sarcophagi 

of, ii. 291 
Sakhau, or Ehasau, i. 227. See Xois 
Salatis, Hyksos king, i. 262 
Sallier papyrus, i. 274-279 
Samta, Samtaui, *lord of both worlds/ 

name of Thutmes in., i. 425; of 

Cambyses, ii. 299, 329. 
Samtaui-taf-nakht, inscription of, 

under Darius ML and Alexander 

the Great, ii. 319, 320 
Samud, Samout, i. 238, 498. See 

Sangar, tribute of, i. 379 

Digitized by 




Sankh-ka-ra, king, i. 131, 136 ; in- 

scaription at Hammamat, 135 
Sa-pa-li-li, king of Ehita, ii. 3, 9 
Sapti, king, i. 69, 73 
Sapt-morn. See Oxyrhynchus 
Saptn, capital of Nome XVm. (Up. 

Eg.), with temple of Anubia by 

Bamaes m., ii. 417 
Saqqarah, Serapemn at, tombs of the 

Apis-bulls, 1. 74 
Sarbat-el-khadem, inBcription of the 

joint reign of qaeen Hashop and 

Thatmes HE., i. 461 ; inscription of 

the time of Amenhotep HI., 489 
Sardanapalns. See Assur-bani-pal 
Sargon, ii. 224. See Usarkon 
Satarona, king of Naharana, sends his 

daughter and a whole harem to 

Amenhotep m., ii. 407 
Satrap, Ptolemy so called, ii. 289, 316 
Satraps, Assyrian, in Lower Egypt, ii. 

Scarabsei, as amulets and memorials, 

i. 462, 468 ; interesting records of 

Amenhotep m. on, ii. 408 
Schleiden on the Exodus, ii. 360, 366, 

430, 431 
Schools, i. 200 ; ii. 307 
Scribes, the, i. 66 ; temple-scribes in 

Mineptah II. 's time, ii. 137 
Sculpture, i. 203 
Sea, the (Exod. xiv.), and the Tarn 

Suf (Red Sea), ii. 400. 429-430 
^Seb, or Zeb (Cronos, Saturn), god of 

the earth, i. 86, 36 
Sebek, the god, i. 70; the crocodile 

his emblem, 192 ; temples to, 194, 

213, 440 
— city of, i. 201. See Crooodilopolis 
Sebekhotep, name of the greater num- 
ber of kings -oi the 13th djsnasty; i. 

213 t "• •" 

--III., the height of I^.NileJn' his 

day, i. 218, 2Pl9 
—IV., his statues, i. 220 
— v., his monuments, i. 220 ; colossal 

statue at Tanis, ii. 406 
— ^VI., i. ^16 ; his memorial stone, 221 


Sebek-nofru-ra, queen, i. 191, 198, 208, 

Sebercheres (Shepseskaf), king, i 84 

Sebennytus (Theb-nuten), capital of 
Nome XII. (L. Eg.), ii. 348 ; seat of 
Dyn. XXX., 816, 336 

Segot or Segol, 'the barrier of Sukot,* 
ii. 380, 387 

Se-hathor, official under king Nub- 
ka-ra, inscription, i. 166 ; re-erects 
public monuments, 167 

Sehdl, island of, ii. 141 

Sehotep-ab-ra. See Amenemhat I. 

— guardian of the temple at Abydus, 
i. 196 ; inscription, 197 

Seir, mount, i. 249 

Sekha-en-ra. See Ramses XI. 

Sekhem-kheper-ra. See Shashanq II., 
Usarkon I. 

Sekhuu, i. 317. See Xois 

Semempses, king, i. 69 ; miracles and 
plagues in his reign, 74 

Semitic race, its generic tjrpes, i. 14 ; 
immigrants, picture of, 177, 178 ; 
colonists, 240 ; natives in Egypt, 
241 ; names, 241 ; words used by 
priests cmd scribes, 243 ; worship of 
their gods adopted by the Egyp- 
tians, 244; influence on religion, 
manners and language, ii. 106^ 

Semitism, i. 230-247 ; power of, shown 
by the stone of Tanis, 246 

Semneh, inscription on boundary stone 
at, i. 166, 182 ; border fortress, 181, 
437 ; height of the Nile inscribed 
on rock, 189 ; temple to Usurtasen 
III., 437 ; memorial tablet and list 
of prisoners, 470 

Senebef and his son Hor-heb, memo- 
rial sUine, ii. 229 

Senen-Tatien. See Khabbash 

Senmut, architect to queen Hashop, 
i. 360, 861 

Senoferu, king, 1. 69, 78 ; his car- 
touche, 78 ; titles of honour, 79 ; 
tomb, 81 

Senta, king, i. 69, 70, 73 

Digitized by 





Serapemn, the, at Memphis, Apis tab- 
lets in, ii. 229, 232 

8er-ka-ra. See Amenhotep I. 

Ser-kbeprn-ra. See Horemhib 

Serpent, the symbol of 'the living' 
god worshipped at Pitom, ii. 377 ; 
or rather the electric fish, 422 

Servants, i. 27 

Sesochris, king. i. 69, 77 

Sesostris (Sestura, Settura), surname 
of Ramses IL, ii. 36, 65 ; of Darius 
L, 307. 329, 331 n. 

Set (Typhon), i. 37. &c. 

Set (or Sutekh) Nub, god, his temples 
at Zoan and Avaris, i. 271 

Set-aa-pehuti, Hyksos king. See Nub 

Setau'an, viceroy of Eush, with the 
care of the gold-mines, ii. 81, 412 

Sethroe, ii. 348. See Thuku 

Seihroite nome, the, 'region of the 
river mouths,' i. 235, 237, ii. 370; 
Joseph the nomarch of, i. 307, ii. 
878, 423 

Beti I., Mmeptah I. (Sethos), ii. 10 ; 
his Great Hall of Columns at Kar- 
nak, 10; representations of his wars, 
10; campaign against the Shasu. 
11 ; route from Khetam to Ean'aan. 
12-14 ; inscriptions recording his 
victory, 14-16; triumphal return, 
19 ; list of nations conquered, 20 ; 
wars against the Libyans, 21 ; record 
of prisoners and spoils, 22, 23 ; ser- 
vices to the temple of Amon, 23 ; his 
wife of the royal line of Dynasty 
XVIIL, 24s. worships Baal-Sutekh, 
24 ; assooiaf^ hift infant son, Ramses .^ 
n., i^j^king in his own ri^ht; •'35 ; 
wareSrith Kush ^and'jPnnt, '»26 ; 
arttttii Wl4,i«7; hi^ tomb, pic- 
"T^ttes, and inscrii^ions, 28 ; his Mem- 
noniuin, to founses I., 28 ; his name of 

V "Usiri, 28 ; inscription to, by Ramses 
II., 29 ; table of kings at Abydus, 
29; temples at Memphis, Helio- 

, polis, El-Kab, and Specs Artemidos. 
29, 31 ; sculptors of his reisrrt, 31 ; 
tributes and taxes, 32 ; gold mines 

in Egypt and Nubia, 32, 33 ; jour- 
ney to the gold mines, 32 ; inscrip- 
tions at the temple of Redesieh, 38 ; 
poem in honour of Thutmes in. 
plagiarized for him, 406 

Seti II. Mineptah m., ii. 137; re- 
cords of the first two years of his 
reign. 137; report concerning^ Ins 
fugitive servants. 138, 389; temple 
at Thebes, 139 ; sepulchre at Biban- 
el-Molouk, 139 

Setnakht, king, ii. 140 ; the anti-king 
Mineptah Siptah, 140; a Phoenician 
usurper, 142, 143; restores order, 
143; account of his reign by his son 
Ramses III., 143, 144 

Settura. See Sesostris. 

Shabak (Sabaco). king. ii. 275 m.. 
277,/. ; meaning of his name, 284 

Shabatak (Sebichus), king, ii. 277 ; his 
statue, 278 ; meaning of name, 284 

Shabatun (Sabbaticus), R., i. 337 ; ii. 54 

Shakana, lake. i. 240 ; ii. 122 

Sharkieh, Arabic name of the region 
east of the Nile, the ancient Arabian 
nome, i. 21 

Shashanq, king of Assyria, father of 
Nimrod, conqueror of Egypt^ ii. 
207 (ef. 203); \isits his son's tomb 
at Abydus, 207 ; inscription, 208 

Shashanq I. (Shishak of the Bible), 
son of Nimrod, made king of Egypt, 
ii. 207, 212; his Egyptian wife 
Earamat, and her inheritance, 
212-214 ; his royal residence at 
Bubastus. 215 ; receives the fugi- 

.. tive Jeroboam, 216; his invasion 
of Judah recorded at Eamak, 217; 

V 'llw'tt'*6m}nfered tbwn^ 217> 218^ 

- Hall'of Tftfe ^Btlbsstids'^t Earnak*. 
■ 219T record lof-'ita building, ;219 ; 
memorial tablet, 221 

-—Shashanq 11!, fang, ii. 225 ' ' " ^ 

— m., king, ii. 228 

—IV., king, ii. 228 

Shashanq, son of Usarkon I., higli^ 
priest of Amon, and grandfather^ of 
Shashanq II.,- ii: 223, 225 "^ 

Digitized by 





Shashanq, son of Usarkon 11., chief 
priest of Ptah, ii. 224; the office 
hereditaij in his family, 225 

Shas-hotep, ii. 347. See Hypsele 

Shasu (Shasa, Shaos, Shanas), the, i. 
263 ; attracted to the Delta, 248, 
250; extent of their territory in 
the reign of Seti I., 266 ; booty from, 
383 ; campaigns against, ii. 12-14 ; 
name used for robbers, 110; re- 
ceived into the Delta, 1.32, &c. 

Sheat, a district of Kush, i. 159 

Shedd^, son of Ad, his irruption into 
Egypt, i. 266 

Sheikh-el- BeUed, the, i. 96, 204 

Shemik, a district of Kush, i. 159 

Shepseskaf, king, i. 103; inscription at 
Saqqarah, 103, 104 

Shepseskaf -ankh, prophet, i. 105 

Sherohan, city, i. 285, 288, 369 

Shet (Sheti, Shat), i. 166, 193 

Shetat, feast of, i. 171, 176 

Shishak, ii. 216. See Shashanq I. 

Shu (Agathodsemon), the god of the 
air, i. 35, &c. 

Shur, i. 147 ; ii. 389, 390, 891 ; desert 
of, 397. See Anba 

Si-Amon ('son of Amon '). See Hirhor 

Si-Bast. See Usarkon n. 

Siajont, Slant, ii. 347. See Lycopolis 

Sidon, i. 337 ; ii. 324 

Si-Ise (* son of Isis *)• See Thakelath 
I., n. ; Nakht-hor-hib 

Silsilis, rock-grotto at, song of praise 
in, i. 336; quarries, inscription 
of a stonemason, 490, 498 ; of 
king Horemhib, 622, 523; rock- 
tablet of Ramses Y., ii. 178, 179 ; 
inscription recording the building 
of the Hall of the Bubastids, 219, 
220 ; memorial tablet to Shashanq 
I. and his son Auputh, 221, 222 

Silver tablet, treaty on, ii. 71-76, 410 

Simyra (Zamira), i. 388 

Sinai, peninsula of, turquoise and 
copper mines worked, conquests, 
and inscriptions, by Senoferu, i. 
80; Ehufu, 93; Banuser, 109; 


Usurtasen I., 160; Amenemhat III., 

195, 196, 201; Thutmes IL, 346; 

Hashop and Thutmes III., 451; 

Amenhotep UL, 418; called the 

• land of the gods,' 411 ». ; treasures 

from, ii. 148 ; &c. 
Sineh, his flight from Egypt to Edom, 

illustrating the route of the Bxodus, 

i. 146,/*. ; his exploits and marriage, 

147 ; his return, 148 
Singara (Sinear), i. 401, 404 ; ii. 20, 67 
Si-Nit (' son of Nit '). See Amasis 
Siptah. See Mineptah 
Sirbonis, lake, i. 147, 238; ii. 391,/., 

400, 430-2 
Smam-kheftu-f, Ramses II.'s fighting 

lion, ii. 80 
Smen-hor (Ptolema'is ?), capital of 

Nome XXI. (Up. Eg.), ii. 348 
Smonkhkara, king (Mermesha, Mer- 

menfiu), colossal statues of, i. 219 
Sokar (Osiris), worship of, i. 54 
Sokhem (Letopolis), capital of Nome 

XL (L. Eg.), i. 73 ; U. 239, 264, 348 
— (Sekhem, Khesem) the Holy of 

Holies in the temples, i. 419, 429, 

Sokhem-khakaura, fortress, i. 219 
Sokhet, worship of, i. 64 
Soleb, inscriptions at, i. 607 
Song of praise to Thutmes HI., i. 

Sonti-Nofer, ii. 348. See Metelis 
8otep-en-Amon. See Thakelath I. ; 

Usarkon II. ; Shashanq II. ; Pimai 
Sotep-en-Anhur. See Nakht-hor-hib 
Sotep-en-Ptah. See Ramses XIII. ; 

Sotep-en-ra. See Ramses n., IX., X., 

XII. ; Sotnakht ; Shashanq L, III. ; 

Thakelath II. 
—daughter of Amenhotep IV., L 496 
Sothis star, rising of, L 176, 439 
Souph. See Suf 
SpeoB Artemidos, rock-grotto erected 

by Seti I., ii. 31 
Sphinx, the great, at Gizeh, i. 96, 97 ; 

temples of and near, 97, 98 ; older 

Digitized by 




than Khofu, 98, 99 ; an emblem of 
Hormakha, 99, 464 ; cleared of sand 
hj Thutmes IV . ,* his ohapel and in- 
scription between its paws, 97, 98, 
463-466 ; inscriptions of visitors, 97 
Sphinxes before temples, i. 271 ; of 
the Louvre, 272; one female (the 
Egyptian sphinx being generally 
male), ii. 409 
Strabo, i. 151, 162, 191 ; ii. 31 1, 396, 429 
Buan (Syene, Assouan), i. 19, 91, &o. ; 
the southernmost point of Egypt, 
u. 381-2 
Saocoth, i. 238, 373. See Sukot 
Suchos (sacred crocodile), i. 194 
Suf, Sufi, Souph, i. 232; *sea of,' ii. 
376,/., 389 ; * city and region of,' i. 
138 ; ii. 176, 430 
Suhen, i. 391 

Sukot, Suko, Suku (Succoth), i. 233, 
248, 250 ; ii. 138, 370 ; region of the 
Bethroite nome, 373, 421, 422, 423 ; 
its foreign population, 380. (y» 
Sukot, the barrier of, station on the 
great Pharaonio road, ii. 380, 387, 
389, 390 
Sun, the, personified in the deities, 
Ra (the rising sun in the Bast), 
Tum (the setting sun in the West), 
Hormakhu (the sun at it^ meridian 
height), Khepra (the sun at mid- 
night), i. 494 ; temple of, at Edfou, 
322 ; at Ehu-aten, 498 
Suphis, king, i. 69, 84, 85. See Cheops 
Sutekh, snmamed Nub, also Set, 
Egyptian name of the Semitic Baal, 
especially Baal-Zapuna, a foreign 
Semitic (Hyksos) deity of evil, 
worshipped also in Egypt, especially 
by the Bamessids, i. 244, 271, 276, 
277, 278 ; ii. 3, 49, 60, 63, 71, 75 ; 
his likeness on the silver plate of 
the treaty between Ramses U. and 
the king of Ehita, 76, 411; his 
worship at Tanis, 99 ; temples of, 
417 ; Bamses n.'s dty of, at Zoan- 
Tanis, 419 


Suten-rekh, title of king's grand- 
children, i. 28 ; ii. 303 

Syene, i. 12, 19, 184, etpauim 

Syncellus, i. 300, &c. 

Syrians, the, their irruptions, aided 
by the Shasu- Arabs, i. 270 

TAA, kings of Dyn. XVII. ; their 
tombs at Thebes, i. 282, 283 

— I. See Ba-sekenen 

— II. A or Ao, « the Great,' i. 282, 283 

— m. Ken, *the brave,' i. 282, 283, 

Ta'a-pa-mau (Leontopolis), ii. 12 

Tabenet, ii. 388. See Daphne 

Tachos, king. See Teos 

Tafnakhth(Tnephachthus, Technatis), 
king of Sa'is and Memphis, ii. 238 ; 
father of Bocchoris, i. 51; grand- 
father of Neku, and great-grand- 
father of Psamethik, 277, 281 (<«« 
Geneal. Table IV.); his renuncia- 
tion of luxury and curse on Henes, 
61, 62 ; his revolt against Egypt, 
and submission to Piankhi, 238, y. 

Ta-ha-ra-qa (Tirhakah, Tearco, Etear- 
chus, Tarachus, Tarkus), ii. 264,/*. ; 
his memorials at Thebes, 278 

Ta-Hut (' the house of ') Ramses m., 
several temples built by that king, 
ii. 416-420 

Tai-uzai, ii. 241 

Takhis or Tekhis, city of Upper 
Buthen, on R. Nasruna, i. 399, 400 

Ta-Ehont (Nubia), the regions bor- 
dering on Egypt from the First Ca- 
taract to the south of Mt. Barkal, 
i. 321, 329; ii. 264 

Tamahu, the Libyan, i. 229 ; warlike 
dances of, 360 

Tamera, name of Lower Egypt, i. 17 

Tamiathis, Tamiati, ii. 419. See Da- 

Tanis, i. 160. See Zoan 

Tanitic branch of Nile, i. 230 ; iL 372 

— nome (14th), the seat of Semitic 
races, i. 231 ; ii. 12 

Tanterer, ii. 347. See Tentyra 

Digitized by 





Ta-nater, the land of the gods, i. 136, 

IVtfoau, Tarufu (Lat. Troja, the • Egyp- 
tian Troy,* now Tonrah), qoarries 
of, i. 63. 91, 118, 166, 322, 476; ii. 
91; deities of, i. 295 n.; rock- 
tablet in, 322 

Ta-setn, pyramid, i. 116 

Tatehan (Teneh), ii. 244 

Tat-ka-ia, king, i. 110. See Assa 

Taurus, M., i. 338 

Ta-nser, queen, ii. 140, 141 

Tax-payers, voluntary, presents to, i. 
487, 488 

Teb. See ApoUinopolis Magna 

Tebn, ii. 347. See Aphroditopolis 

Teohnatis. ^Sstf Taf nakhth 

Tefab, rock-tomb of, near Ossiout, i. 

Tehen, the, i. 229. i&d Thuhen 

Tel-el- Amarna (Khn-aten), i. 494, 
496 ; prayer of Aahmes, 501 ; queen 
Nofer-i-Thrs address to the sun, 
602 ; rock-pictures and inscriptions 
of Khunaten's family, 503-506 

Tel-el-Maskhoutah. See Maskhoutah 

Tel-el- Yahndi (* mound of the Jews ') 
in the Wady-ToumeilAt, probably 
site of Pi-R*a, a second On or Helio- 
polis, ii 418 

Tel-es-Samout, the ancient Migdol, 
u. 426, 431 

Tel-Hukhdam, statue at, i. 272 

Tel-monf, modem name of Memphis, 
i. 66 

Ten, weight, ii. 199 

Tennu, kingdom of, i. 147 

Tentyra (Tanterer, now Denderah), 
capital of Nome VI. (Up. Eg.), tem- 
ple at, i. 446, U. 347 

Teos, Tachos (Ziho), king, ii. 287, 337 

Tep-ah, 'the cow-city,' it 348, 417. 
See Aphroditopolis 

Teshcr (Erythneans), i. 16 ; U. 265 

Teta, king, i. 72 ; his hair-ointment, 
72, 76, 115; his pyramid, 116 

Thakelath I. (Tiglath), ii. 224 

—IT., ii. 225; record of an eclipse 


of the moon, 226, 228 ; irruptions of 
the Ethiopians and Assyrians, 226 

Thamask (Damascus), i. 387 

Thamhu, ii. 124, 126, 152; another 
name of the Thuhen, q.9, 

Thebes, capital of Upper Egypt, i. 20 ; 
and of Nome IV., ii. 347, 415 (called 
Ni, No, * the eUy; Ni'a, No'a, ' the 
great city,' Ni-Amon, No-Amon, 
* city of Amon ; ' Na-ris, < the eity of 
the South,' ii. 418 ; A-pet^ the sacred 
city B. of the Nile, i. 286) ; seat of 
Dyn. XI., i. 131 ; of Dyn. Xm. and 
XVn., 210, 221, 277,/., 282, 288,/. ; 
tombs of these Dynasties at, 283 ; 
capital of Egypt under Dyn. XVin., 
317, /, et pasiim; priests of, expel 
Ramessids, and usurp the crown as 
Dyn. XXI., ii. 196, 200 ; expelled by 
the Assyrians, 206 ; Ramses XVI. ac- 
knowledged at, 207; subdued by 
the Ethiopians, 236; twice captured 
by Assurbanipal, 268-9, 273-4;— 
great temple of, see Amon ; see also 
Memnonium, Ramesseum, &c. ; tem- 
ples of Ramses HI. at, 415 ; necro- 
polis of, i. 524-5, et passim 

Theb-nuter, ii. 348. See Sebennytus 

Thentamon, ii. 421 

Thi, queen, wife of Amenhotep m., 
i. 479, 490; her connection with 
Z'aru in the North country, ii. 408 

— nurse to king Khunaten, i. 512 

This or Thinis (Tini), capital of Nome 
VIII. (Up. Eg.), its situation and 
vast necropolis, i. 50; cradle of 
the Egyptian monarchy, 51; seat 
of the earliest dynasties, i. 71 ; 
sanctuary of Ramses HI. in the 
temple of Anhur, ii. 347, 416 

Thot, Thoth, the month, i. 175, 226, 
226,527; ii. 247, 442 

Thua (-aa, -ao), mother of Thi, queen 
of Amenhotep m., i. 345, 490 ; ii. 

Thuhen, Thuhi, Thuheni, Thuhennu, 
Tehen, Tehennu, Thamhu (Naph- 
tuhim,SS.), i. 827, 414; ii 21, 79, 


Digitized by 




80, 123, 126, 162, 404. See Mar- 
Thnku, Thnkot, Toko, capital of Kome 
Vni. (L. Kg.), i. 233 »., 248 n., 260 
n. ; ii. 132, 133, 138, 848 ; identified 
with Snkot, 421-2 
That (Henues), the scribe of the 
gods, i. 88; worship of, 100; et 
Thutmes I. (• child of Thut ; ' Thoth- 
mes, Thotmosis), i. 286, 318, 319, 
328 ; his victories, 331, 332 ; * war of 
vengeance,' 336 ; campaign against 
the Bnthen, 339 ; erects a tablet of 
victory, 342, ii. 406; great tem- 
ple at Eamak, i. 343 ; short life and 
reign, 343; tomb, 348; statue de- 
stroyed by queen Hashop, 432 ; re- 
erected by Thutmes m., 432 
— n., his name erased from the 
monuments by queen Hashop, i. 
344 ; campaign against the Bhasu- 
Arabs, 346; rock-tablet near As- 
souan, 346; buildings at Thebes, 
347 ; tomb, 348 
— m., secluded by his sister at Buto, 
i. 361 ; admitted to the throne with 
her, 362 ; their joint tablet at Wady- 
Magharah, 362 ; his long reign, 364; 
numerous monuments, 366; riches 
in the treasuries of the temples, 
366; wars and victories, 366; number 
of campaigns, 366 ; against Rnthen 
and Zahi, 367 ; record of campaigns 
and tributes, 368-376 ; further vic- 
tories, tributes, and booty, 376-386 ; 
registration of the tributes, 386, 
387; return to Egypt, 387, 388; 
thanksgiving and homage to the 
gods, 387 ; feasts of victory, 388 ; 
buildings and obelisks as memo- 
rials, 389 ; catalogues of peoples of 
Up. Ruthen, 391-393 ; confederacy 
in Palestine, 394; his captain 
Amenemhib, 396-398 ; wars in 
Naharain, 398 ; summary of cam- 
paigns, 401, 402 ; tributes and 
treatment of hostile towns, 402; 


articles brought from Phoenicia 
and Palestine, 403; from other 
places, 404, 406 ; pictures of plants 
and animals from Ruthen, 409, 410 ; 
poem in praise of the king and 
Amon, 412-416 ; prisoners employed 
on public works, 417-419 ; gifts to 
the temple, 420, 421 ; meaning of the 
king's name, 426 ; relations to his 
sister, queen Hashop, 426 ; inscrip- 
tion of his 24th year, 426-^28 ; his 
important share as founder of the 
temple precincts, 429 ; re-erects the 
statues of former kings, 432 ; endea- 
vours to preserve the monuments of 
his forefathers, 433, 434 ; architec- 
tural works, 436 ; numerous monu- 
ments executed by prisoners, 436 ; 
rock-tombs, temples, 437-439 ; tem- 
ple and inscription at Abydus, 
442-446; temple to the goddess 
Hathor, 446; to the god Ptah at 
Memphis, 448 ; beautifies the temple 
of the sun at Heliopolis, 448; 
obelisks, 448, 449 ; his deification 
during his lifetime, 460 ; numerous 
memorials of, 462 ; chronological 
summary of his reign, 463 ; tributes 
from Ethiopia, Arabia, Syria, and 
Phoenicia, ii. 406 ; conquest of Zahi, 
406 ; his victories recorded by the 
scribe Za-anni, 406-7 

Thutmes IV., his surnames, i. 461; 
campaigns, 462 ; memorial stone in 
front of the Sphinx, 97, 463; in- 
scription about the vision of Hor- 
makhu, 464-466; removes the sand 
from the Sphinx, 466 ; his records 
by the scribe Za-anni, ii. 407 

Thutmes, governor of the South under 
Amenhotep HI., i. 472 

Thutmesu, burgomaster of Thebes, i. 
626, 626 

Ti, royal architect, i. 60; his tomb, 109 

Timaius, king, i. 262 

Tini, i. 60. See This 

Tin Hathor Hont-taui, queen of Pino- 
temL,ii. 421 

Digitized by 




Tnephachthas, Technatis, renonnoes 
luzoiy; his curse on Menes, i. 61, 
52. See Tafnakhth 

To-khont, ii. 416. See Nabia 

Toin» the sun-god of Heliopolis, tute- 
lar deity of Pitom and Sukot» ii. 
376, 377. Gmp, Turn 

Tombos, island, i. 331 

Tombs, construction of, i. 87 

To-mehit, 'country of the North,' 
name preserved in the Coptic Ta- 
miati, Arab. Damiat, Damietta, ii. 

ToTso of Ramses II. from the temple 
of Ptah at Memphis, ii. 90, 331 

Toeorthos, king, i. 69 ; the physician- 
god, 77 

Tota, king, i. 69, 70, 72 

Totnn, the god, i. 185, 186 

ToumeiMt, the valley of, ii. 422,/. 

Tonrah. See Taroau 

'Treasure cities,' or rather temple- 
cities, built by the Israelites, ii. 102 

Treaty of Bamses II. and king of 
Khita, ii. 71, 410 

Tributes and taxes of Thutmes III., 
i. 374,/. ; marked, weighed, and re- 
gistered, 386 

Tritonis, lake, i. 229 

Troja. iSe^ Taroau 

Tua, or Tui, queen of Seti I., mother 
of Ramses n., grand-daughter of 
Khunaten, ii. 24 

Taher, chosen ones, ii. 50 

Tnku. See Thuku 

Tom, the sun-god, the sun in the West, 
L 150, 464, et passim, Oomp. Tom 

Tunep (Daphne), catalogue of the 
booty carried from, 1. 376 ; tribute, 
404; Ramses II. 's wars with, ii. 

Turin papyrus, i. 39, 47, 48 ; ii. 165 

Turquoises, i. 196 

Tut 'ankh-amon, king, i. 608 ; his me- 
morial at Thebes, 508, 509 ; offer- 
ings from the South and the Ru- 
then, 509, 510; short reign, 512 

Tutesher, or red mount, i. 91 

Two Brothers, tale of the, i. 309-311 ; 

written for Seti n., ii. 139 
Tybi, the month, L 55, 442, 505, 527 
Tyre, i. 387 

UA-BN-RA. See Amenhotep lY. 
Uah-ab-ra, king (Pharaoh- Ho- 
phra, Apries, Vaphres), son of Psa- 
methik n., his Apis-tablet, ii. 296 ; 
his reign, arrogance, and prosperity, 
323, 324; league with Zedekiah, 
324 ; conquered by Nebuchadnezzar, 
325 ; the story of his fall, 325-6 

Uak, feast of, i. 225 

Has. See Us 

Uenephes I., i. 69 ; his pyramid of the 
black bull, 73 

— n., i. 69 

Uit, fortress of, i. 239 

Una, 1. 116 ; brings a sarcophagus for 
Pepi from Troja, 118 ; his wars and 
expeditions, 119, 120; historical 
text in his tomb at Memphis, 123 ; 
governor of Upper Egypt, 123; 
brings materials for the Ehanofer 
pyramid, 124 ; brings alabaster slab 
from Ha-nub, 124, 125 

Unas (Onnos), king, i. 113 

Unnofer, a name of Osiris, ii. 36, 41, 

Uot-kheper-ra. See Karnes 

Urdamaneh (Rudamon), Assyrian 
campaign against, ii. 272, 273; 
his parentage, 275 n 

Urkhuru, tomb of, i. 107 

Ur-maa Nofiru-ra, queen of Ramses n., 
ii. 78 

Usarkon I. (Sargon), ii. 223 ; contest 
between his two sons for the crown, 

— -n., his wives, ii. 224 

— prince, high-priest of Amon, ii. 

Us, Uas, see Thebes : in Lower Bgypt, 
ii. 418 

Usem, brass, rather than electrum,i.386 

Usercheres (Uskaf), king, his pyra- 
mid, i. 106 

Digitized by 





User-kha-ra. See Setnakht 

User-khepru-ra. See Seti 11. 

Uaer-ma-ra. See Bamses Xn., Usar- 
kon n., Shashacq III.» Pimai 

Udri, tomb of, ii. 27, 28. See Seti 

Uskhopesh, the Theban Amon, ii. 308 

Usurtasen I., inscription at Helio- 
polis, i. 149, 162 ; fragments of obe- 
lisk near lake Moeris, 153; works 
on the temple of Amon at Thebes, 
166, ii. 188; not the Pharaoh of 
Joseph, i. 168 ; inscriptions at Beni- 
Hassan, 166, 171 ; his statue at Tanis, 
203; inscription of Ehnnmhotep, 
1 69 ; victories over the Hittites, &c., 
ii. 404-5 

Usurtasen II., his prosperous reign ; 
inscription at Sjene, i. 168 

— m., his power and wisdom, i. 180 ; 
inscription at Elephantine, 181, 
two inscribed pillars at Wady- 
Halfah, 182, IL 362>366; builds 
sanctuaries and fortresses, i. 181 ; 
final subjection of Kush, 182 ; war 
with the Menthn, Hersh*a, and Hit- 
tites, ii. 404 ; in Ethiopia, 405 ; his 
statue at Tanis, 405 

—artist, i. 206 

Uten (Yedan, SS.), a region of Pun, 
in Arabia, the Udeni of Ptolemy, 
ii. 404 n, 
Uti or Uit (Buto), frontier fortress 

at M. Casins, i. 239, ii. 13 
Utur, the great sea, iL 403 
Uza-hor-en-pi-ris, commander of the 
fleet under Amasis, ii. 303 ; serves 
Cambyses and Darius, 303 ; inscrip- 
tion on his shrine-bearing statiie, 

VALUES and prices, list of, about 
B.C. 1000, ii. 198, 199 
Vaphres. See Uah-ab-ra 

WADY ALAKI (Al-aki, Akita), 
gold mines, ii. 81 
— Arabah, i. 248 
— Halfah, memorial of Usurtasen I. 

near, i. 169 ; fortress, temples, and 
inscriptions of Usurtasen m. at, 
181-3, ii. 352 ; memorial stone of 
Ramses L at, 9 

— Magharah, in the peninsola of 
Sinai, rock inscription of Senof em, 
i. 80; tablet of Khufu's victories, 
92; tablet of Banuser, 109; min- 
ing works of Tatkara, 110 ; inscrip- 
tion of king Nofer-ka-ra, 126; of 
Amenemhat IIL, 195 ; joint tablet 
of queen Hashop and Thutmes m., 

Wawa, Wawa-t, land of, L 144, 146, 
333; tribute from, 378, 380, 382, 
384 ; temple lands in« iL 181-8 

Weights, ii. 199 

Wells, at Abydus, i. 162 ; sunk at Akita, 
ii. 82, 33, 81, 86 ; four on the old 
road from Goptos to Qosseir, 87 

XEBXES I. (Eshiarsh or Khsherish) 
and the anti-kin? Khabbash, ii. 
314, 315 ; his tyranny in Egypt, 332 
— n., ii. 333 

Xo!s (Sakhau, Ehesuu), capital of 
Nome VI. (L. Eg.), seat of Dyn. 
XIV., i. 210, 227, 317 

YAM-SOUPH, « Sea of Weeds ' (the 
< Bed Sea * of the Versions), i. 
232 ; ii. 376,/., 429, 430 
Year, the ancient Egyptian, different 
forms of, i. 176 ; of 366^ days, 440 
Yuma Kot, or Yuma Sekot, Egyptian 
name of the Bed Sea, ii. 430 

ZAANNI, royal scribe and general 
staff officer, recorded the vic- 
tories of Thutmes m., Amenhotep 
II., and Thutmes IV., ii. 406-7 
Zaha, Zahi (to-en-Zaha, ' the country 
of Zaha,'), land of the Phoenicians, 
on the sea-coast from Egypt to the 
Canaanites, aft. of the Philistines, 
i. 319, 320, 367, ii. 13; boundary 
with Egypt, i. 239, ii. 13, 154, 430; 
war of Aahmes in, i. 819; subdued 

Digitized by 




by Thntmes m., 368, S76, 401, 402, 
414; kings taken captive, ii. 406; 
places taken, booty, and tribute, i. 
379, 380, 384; products of, 403; 
vessels of gold and silver wrought 
in, 379; wars of Seti I., ii. 18; 
of Bamses n., 62, 57 ; a city of 
Bamses II. in, 67 ; a Bamesseum of 
Ramses III. in the dty of Kanaan,* 
164, 420 

Za-Patah, i 64 

Zar, Zal, Zani, i. 160; ii. 408. See 

Zarduna (Zarthon, Zaretan, SS.), ii. 

Zar-Tyrns, i. 399 

Z'am, city, lake made in, by Amen- 
hotep III., ii. 408 ; probably Zoan 

Ziho, king. See Teos 

Zoan (Egyptian and Hebrew), Tania 
(Greek), also Zor, Zar, Zal (pi. Zoru, 
Zam, Zalu), 'strong place,* and Pi- 
Bamessn (' the city of Bamses *), now 
Sdn, the * great and splendid city of 
Lower Egypt,' in the midst of a 
Semitic population, i. 160; ii. 
382-3 ; an essentially foreign city, 
on the eastern border of Egypt, 231 ; 
capital of Nome XIV., i. 230, ii. 349 ; 
meaning of the name, 383 ; its oldest 
monuments of Pepi's time, i. 117; 
works of Dyn. XH., 160, 167, 168, 
203; of Dyn. Xm., 212, 219, 220; 
date compared with Hebron, 230 ; 
iL 383 ; stone of Bamses II., with 
inscription dated from the era of 
Nub, i. 246, /., 296, ii. 99 ; begin- 
ning of the land of the Shasu from 
the west eastwards, i. 248 ; also 
of the Khar (Phoenicians), 266, 
257, 267, 399 ; administrative cen- 
tre of eastern provinces under the 
Bamessids, 253; trilingual stone 
called the Decree of Canopus, 268 ; 
seat of the Hyksos kings, 271 ; 
adorned by them with new temples 

and monuments, 271, 294 ; starting- 
point for campaigns towstrds the 
East, 368 ; and of the great roads to 
Palestine, ii. 98, 386,/. ; the special 
residence of Bamses IL, 46, 77, 
98 ; importance of its position — the 
hey of Egypt, 98 ; abandoned by the 
kings of Dyn. XVUI., 100 ; new 
temple-city of Bamses II. to gods 
associated with himself, 98, 384,412 ; 
henceforth called Pi-Bamessu, 100, 
384; a quarter of it called *the 
city of Sutekh of Bamses Miamun,' 
419; records of oppression in its 
building, 385 ; abundant notices by 
the scribes, 100; full description in 
a letter, 100-102 ; here u the teat of 
the court, 100; one of the 'trea- 
sure cities,' or rather ' temple-cities,* 
built by the Israelites for Pharaoh, 
102 ; importance of its history, 103, 
/., 385 ; despatches sent out from it, 
132 ; the royal seat of Mineptah U., 
the Pharaoh of the Exodus, of which 
it was the starting-point, 133, 386 ; 
and of Mineptah m., 138 ; report 
on fugitive servants, an exact 
parallel to the Exodus, 138 «., 389- 
390 ; its college of priests, 201 ; 
buildings of Bamses III. in, 419 ; 
seat of the 23rd dynasty, 233 ; an 
unnamed satrap of, 254 ; subdued 
by Assurbanipal, 270 ; its site still 
strewn with monuments and statues, 
i. 212, 220; ii. 99 

Zoan, plain or * field of * (Ps. Ixxviii. 
12, 43, so called also in Egyptian, 
Sokhot-Zoan), the muster-place and 
exercise groimd of Egyptian armies 
and the scene of the miracles of 
Moses, i. 212 ; ii. 104, 133, 383 ; its 
present aspect, 99 

Zoar, i. 257 

Zodiac on ceiling at Denderah, i. 447 

Zoq*a, ii. 348. See Canopus 

Zor (Zor-Tyrus), i. 257 

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