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HISTORY TEACHING IN SCHOOLa
Ih course of publication^ each volume infcp, 8vo. complete in itself,
EPOCHS OF HISTORY:
A SERIES OF BOOKS
TBBATIMO OF TU
HISTORY OF ENGLAND AND EUROPE
At Suooeaaive Epochs Subsequent to the Christian Era.
BDITBD BT
EDWARD E. MORRIS, M.A. of Lincoln College, Oxford.
Late Master of the Bedfordshire Middle-Class Public School.
rrHE conyictioD has long been growiDg that for schoolB in general small and cheap
-i books, if carefully prepared, are better than those which are laiger and more
costly.
The difficulty in applying this idea to books of history is the risk of spoiling the
interest by diminishing the detail. But it is generally allowed that the complete
picture of any short period is of more value, in an educational point of view, than a
mere outline of the history of a nation ; and the practice, dictated by the course of
many public examinations, of reading periods of history, seems to suggest a way
in which it may be possible to secure in handy and cheap volumes that fulness
without which history is unprofitable.
For schools the study of elaborate histories is, and must remain, an impossi*
bility ; and generally, it may be safely said that in school routine time cannot be found
for going through the complete continuous history of more than one or two countries
at most. But it is not possible to understand thoroughly the history of even one
country, if it be studied alone. A knowledge of the condition of surrounding countries
is of at least equal importance with its own previous history. It is, so to speak, a
horizontal rather than a vertical study of history.
It is proposed, therefore, by publishing a series of books relating only to definite
periods of histoiy, to meet a want which cannot be met by continuous histories of
any one country. The series will by no means be confined to the history of England,
but will deal also with European history ; and where the course of events in England
may give to the epoch its name and character, care will be taken to trace the
eonnezion of English history with that of the continental nations, and with the pro-
gress of ideas at work among them.
Qreat as the improvement has been in the histories prepared of late years for
the use of schools, much still remains to be done before we can have manuals
thoroughly adapted for boys and girls, whose memories cannot retain mere names, or
retain them at the cost of efforts which weaken their powers in other directions. In
school histories no reference should be made to events of which some, clear idea
London, LONGMANS & CO.
EPOCHS of HISTORY— Prospectus continued.
rannot be laid before the reader, and no names mentioned of actors in the hintory,
unless enough can be said to exhibit them as living men. To this rule the con-
tributors to the present series will, so far as practicable, strictly adhere.
In short, it will be their object, not to recount all the events of any given
epoch, but to bring out in the clearest light those incidents and features on which the
mind of the young moi<t readily fastens, and all those characteristics which exhibit
the life of a people as well as the policy of their rulers, special attention being paid
to the literature, manners, and state of knowledge during csich epoch.
With each volume a Map or Maps will be given, one, if necessary, representing
the state of Europe during the period of which it treats ; and a Chronological
AnalysiH, shewing the relation of English and foreign events. Lists of authorities
consulted and of books suitable for further study will be given in a Preface. Foot-
notes will be avoided.
Lastly, the first volume of the series will have an introductor}' chapter, sketching
the previous history of Europe so far as nyiy be requisite to make the succeeding
chapters intelligible. In the other volumes an introductory chapter, when it seems
necessary, will be inserted in order to connect the book with earlier epochs treated
n the series. The work, when complete, will thus form a series of consecutive
olumes, which will give the reader, it is hoped, a full and accurate view of the
liistory of England and Europe from the days of Charles the Qreat and Alfred to
the present time.
EiH}ch$ sdectedy and Authors : —
I. The Rm of the Protectant Revolntlon. By F. Sebbohm, Anther of * The Oxford Reformers^
Colvt, Enumnii, More.' With 4 Coloured Msps and 13 DingramB on Wood. Price 2*. 6d.
II. The Cru«ade8. By the Rev. O. W. Cox. M.A.. late Scholar of Trinity College, Oxfoid ; Author
of J he * Aryan Mythology * &c With u Colourwi Map. I»rice 2*. 6d.
III. Tlie Thirty Year*' War, 1618-1648. By Samukl IUwhon Gakoiksr, late Student of Ch. Ch.
Ant>or of * History of En^rland from the AtH^cKsion of James I. to the Disgrace of Chief
Justice Coke ' &c. With a Colonred Map. Price Us. 6</.
IV. The Houses of Lancaster and York; with the Conquest and Loss of France. By James
Gaiiidnrr, of the Pnblic Rpoord Offitrc ; Kditor of * The Pustou Letters ' and of • Letters and
Papers illustrative of the Reigns of Ricliard III. and Henry VII.' In the Rolls Series. With 5
Coloured Maps. Price 2«. M.
V. Fxlward III. By the Rev. W. Warburton, M.A. late Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford ;
Her Majesty's Senior Inspector of Schools. With Coloured Map. Price 2*. 6rf.
The Beginning of the Middle Ages ; Charica the Great and Alfred ; the History of England in
its connexion with that of Europe in the Ninth Century. By the Very Rer. R. W. Cuubch.
li.A. Dean of St. Paul's. *
The Norman Kings and the Feudal System. By the Rev. A. H. Johnson, li JL. Fellow of AU
SouIk Colletre, Oxford.
The Early Plantagenetg and their relation to the History of Europe ; the foundaUon and growth
of Constitntionul Government. By the Rev. Wiujam Stubbs, MJl. Lc, Rogiun Professor of
Modem History in the University of Oxford ; Editor of • Select Charter* of English Con-
stitutional History from the Earliest Times to the Reign of Edward L' and of several
Chronicles and Memorials of this period in the Rolls Series.
The Age of Elisabeth. By the Rev. M. CRKiGirroN, M.A. FeDow of Merton College, Oxford.
The Stuarts and the Puritan Revolution. By J. Lanoton Sasfobd, Author of 'Studies and
niustrations of the Great Rebellion,' • Estimates of the English Kings,' &c.
The Fall of the Stuarta ; and Wr^tem Europe from 1678 to 1697. By the Rer. EnwAnn Hale.
M.A. Assistant- Master at Eton. *
The Age of Anne. By Edward K. Morris, M.A. Editor of the SeriesL
Frrijrick tba Great and the Seven Years' War. By F. W. Longman, of Balliol CoUe«e,
Thf War of American Independence. By John Maixxjlm Lcdlow. Barrister-at-Law Author
of • A Sketch of the Hiirtory of the United SUtes from Indepcndenoi ^SoZSn,^"
Loiuloii, LONGMANS & CO.
T/L€i^nMA^ ^ ^y^^L^^yU4'6^^ -^/^S^
USTOEY OF ENGLAM)
1624-1628
VOL.1.
LOSDOX t PftlXTKD BY
Brom»wooDR a:«o c».. kbw-ktrrkt kquabs
AND PARLIAJtKSIT STRKET
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HISTORY OF ENGLAM)
UNDER THE
DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM AND CHARLES I.
I 624- I 628
BY
SAMUEL EAWSON- GAEDINEE
LATB STUDENT OV CHRIST CHURCH
CORRVFPONDINO inCMBRn OP THE MAASACHUSEm HISltmiOAL &OCXRTT
AXTTHOR OP * A HnrrORT OP RXOLAXD PROM THE ACCESSION OF JAMEB I. TO THE DISGRACE
OF CHIEF JUBTICK COKE* * PRDVCB CHARLES AXD THE SPANISH UARRIAOB*
AND 'THE THIDTT TEARS* WAR* IN THE EPOCHS OF HIBTORT SERIES
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. I.
LONDON
LONGMANS, GKEEN, AND CO.
1875
AW rif/htM reserved
\
1-, /
PREFACE.
The prfesent volumes are intended to form, togetlier
with the ' History of England from the accession of
James I. to the disgrace of Chief Justice Coke/ and
' Prince Charles and the Spanish Marriage,' a connected
history which now extends from the death of Elizabeth
in 1603 to the assassination of Buckingham in 1628.
I believe that much is gained for the understanding of
the events of which I am now treating by telling the
story of the last year of James's reign in close con-
nection with the first years of his son. To make the
division at the accession of Charles is to separate effect
from cause, and to account for the reaping of the whirl-
wind without taking into consideration the sowing of
the wind. The five years, too, which followed the
retiun of Charles from Madrid stand apart from those
before and after them as a war period ; for if peace
with France and Spain was not at once concluded when
Eochelle was taken, hostilities practically came to an
end when Llndsey's fleet returned from the French
coast without accomphshing anything. These years of
war bear specially the impress of Buckingham's activity.
Writers not unfrcquently speak of Buckingham s asceu-
vi PREPACK.
dency as commencing at a much earlier period. But
this is altogether a mistake, if, at least, these writers
mean anything like the ascendency which he possessed
after his return from Madrid. Influence he had long
had with James in everything, and in matters of per-
sonal favour he had more than ordinary influence ; but
up to the end of 1623 James decided his own political
course. From that date to his death Buckingham was
the ruler of England.
When I first undertook to investigate^ the history
of this momentous period, I felt a certain hesitation.
Libraries positively bristled with the names of great
writers who had given their thoughts to the world on
the subject of these years. But I was not long in dis-
covering that there was still room for further investiga-
tion. We have had historians in plenty, but they have
been Whig historians or Tory historians. The one class
has thought it unnecessary to take trouble to under-
stand how matters looked in the eyes of the King and
his friends ; the other class has thought it unnecessary
to take trouble to understand how matters looked in the
eyes of the leaders of the House of Commons. I am not
so vain as to suppose that I have always succeeded in
doing justice to both parties, but I have, at least, done
my best not to misrepresent either.
Another material objection to the works of recent
authorities is the bre\ity with which they pass over the
foreign relations of the kingdom. It was not so once.
Carte, for instance, takes pains to tell as much as he can
on this subject ; but the very fact that attention has
been more exclusively drawn to Parliamentary history,
PREFACE. Vll
and that great discoveries have been made iu this branch
of the subject, has led to the neglecting of investigation
into those diplomatic and military relations with other
countries which need to be taken into consideration
if we are to understand whether the Commons were
right or wrong in refusing a subsidy or in impeaching a
minister. Fortunately, new sources of information are
now opening up to those who turn their attention in this
direction. The French despatches of the period have
long been in more than one copy in the Museum library,
though they have never been submitted to a thorough and
searching investigation. The Dutch despatches of Caron
and Joachimi are also in copy in the same repository.
The greater part of the Venetian despatches have been,
through the kindness of Mr. Eawdon Brown, sent over
either in copy or in translation to the Public Eecord
OfBce. A visit to Brussels has enabled me to elucidate
some obscure points of Spanish policy, though it is not
to be expected that in war time much interesting matter
would be left on record. Having failed to meet with
any important despatches relating to the last year of
James during my visit to Simancas, I have not thought
it necessary to make any fresh attempt, as there seems
no likelihood that any good result would be secured, as
there was no Spanish ambassador in England during
the first four years of Charles's reign. In addition to
the despatches of the ambassadors of other nations, the
foreign series of State papers in the Eecord Office has
been most useful. I trust that I have thus succeeded
in disentangling the course of negotiations with France,
a knowledge of which is as important to a proper
vili PREFACE.
understanding of English liistory in these years as a
knowledge of the course of affairs in Germany is to a
proper understanding of Englisli history in the earlier
period.
The negotiations with France fall under two distinct
heads — those preceding Charles's marriage, and those
which come after his accession. The first period
has been treated of by M. Guizot in his 'Projet dc»
Mariage Eoyal,' and by Mr. Bruce in an unprinted
fragment of history which will one day, I trust, bo
made public But, though both these narratives
contain much that is valuable and interesting, neither
of them is founded on any comprehensive view of the
entire evidence. M. Guizot had before him some of
the despatches of the French ministers, which he inter-
preted with the help of such fragmentary materials as
were already in print on the English side, not being
aware apparently,or at all events not making use, of some
of the most interesting parts of the correspondence even
of theFrench ambassadors. Mr. Bruce, on the other hand,
based his narrative entirely upon the English despatches
which he found amongst the State papers, supplemented
by remarks drawn from his extensive knowledge of the
period, without any reference to the correspondence of
Tillieres and Effiat which was to be found in the
Museum library. It seems obvious that a story founded
upon all the letters written on both sides will have more
chance of giving a correct account of these transactions
than that which is avowedly based upon the unchecked
assertions of a single party to the negotiations.
The later negotiations have remained almost wholly
PREFACE. IX
unknown. The romantic idea that the war of 1627
was brought about simply and solely by the persistence
of Buckingham in forcing his presence upon the French
Queen has seemed so satisfactory that many writers
have not only neglected to enquire whether anything
more than this is to be discovered, but they have
even allowed to drop out of sight facts such as those
of the contraband trade of Calais, which were per-
fectly well known to Carte. Mr. Forster was the first
to turn enquiry somewhat in this direction by his in-
vestigation into the cases of Pennington's fleet and of the
' St. Peter ' of Havre de Grace ; and though a further
examination of the sources of information has led me
to the discovery of unexpected disclosures in the former
affair, and to ascribe less importance to the latter than
Mr. Forster lias done, it must not be forgotten that
Mr. Forster led the way in the enquiry into the sub-
ject. Nor is it only the history of England which is
affected by the narrative. As far as I am aware,
French writers know nothing of the abortive peace
agreed upon between the French Government and the
Huguenot deputies on July 15, 1625 ; and they are
content to tell the story of the peace patched up with
Spain in 1626, without a suspicion that the conduct of
the English Court had a great deal to do with inducing
KicheUeu to give his consent to it.
If the harvest to be gathered from a diligent use of
materials proved sufficient inducement to me to embark
upon the present undertaking, I was certainly not pre-
pared for the wealth of new material relating to those
very Parliamentary contests, the documents relating to
X PREFACE.
which seemed to have been so completely ransacked
by my predecessors. The Parliaments of 1624 and
1626, indeed, stand mainly on their old basis as far as
the House of Commons is concerned, though even here
I have met with some materials not hitherto used, and
* Nicholas's Notes for 1624' throw some additional
light upon discussions which are given very fully in the
two reports in the journals. But for the House of Com-
mons in 1625 we have, in addition to Eliot's ' Negotium
Posterorum,' which we owe to Mr. Forster, the Fawslcy
MS., which I was lately allowed by the kindness of Sir
Rainald Knightley to edit for the Camden Society. It is,
however, the history of the great session of 1628 which
gains most from the new light shed upon it. The de-
bates heretofore were in a state of chaos, two or three
speeches, often placed out of order, having frequently to
do duty for a whole day's discussion. The first light I
was able to throw upon the matter arose from a study
of 'Nicholas's Notes,' written in that peculiar semi-short-
hand of his which seems to have repelled previous inves-
tigators. But the knowledge derived from Nicholas was
far surpassed by that which was gained from the admir-
able report, Harl. MSS. 4771, which, strangely enough,
lurked unknown in that well-ransacked collection till I
was fortunate enough to light upon it. The history of the
struggle which led to the Petition of Bight is thus at last
made clear, and the part taken by the various leaders be-
comes more inteUigible. Went worth's character especially
receives fresh elucidation, and we come to understand,
when the evidence is sifted, how he came to take ser-
vice under the King without being an apostate. It is
PREFACE. xi
a new fact, too, that the Petition of Bight was preceded
by a bill for the liberty of the subject, for which the pe-
tition was finally substituted in consequence of the King's
refusal to accept any serious limitation of his powers.
If the debates in the Commons have not hitherto
been fiilly known, the debates in the Upper House have
been shrouded in utter darkness. The kindness of Clolonel
Carew in lending the ' Elsynge Notes ' has at last dissi-
pated the darkness for every session dealt with in the
present volumes, excepting that of 1625, which was
probably the least interesting of the four as far as the
Lords were concerned. The details of the way in
which the Peers dealt with Buckingham's impeachment
are of considerable interest. But the most striking
revelation is that of their mode of deahng with the
questions arising out of the Petition of Eight. Writers
have hitherto been content to guess what passed in the
House of Lords, and have frequently guessed wrong.
Especially is this the case with respect to Bishop Wil-
liams, who turns out to have had nothing to do with
the additional clause reserving sovereignty to the Crown,
which is usually attributed to him, and to have been
totally innocent of those intrigues against the petition
which have called forth such denunciations of his
conduct.
My thanks are especially due to Mr. Forster for the
kindness with which he allowed me the use of his copy
of Eliot's 'Negotium Posterorum,' and to Lord St.
Germans for having, at Mr. Forster's request, lent to me
a volume of notes in Eliot's hand, which I have quoted
as ' Eliot Notes.' I am under the greater obligations
Xll PREFACE.
to Mr. Forster, as he was quite aware that my view
of many matters differed from his considerably, and
was not likely to sympathise with much that I have
thought fit to say. It is needless to say how much
knowledge I have gained from the speeches and other
documents published in his ' Life of Sir John EHot/
In conclusion, I would say that I have intentionally
abstained from noticing some matters, such as Cosin's
* Book of Devotions,' and Williams's decision on the
position of the communion-table at Grantham, which,
though they fall chronologically within the Hmits of
these volimaes, are better treated of in connection with
the debates of the following session. On the other
hand, there are some matters which fall chronologi-
cally within the next period, which, if the popular ac-
count is to be believed, may be quoted against the
opinion which I have formed of Charles's conduct in
the session of 1628. I may . therefore say that, as far
as I have yet seen, I can find no ground for supposing
that Charles, in the time which elapsed between the
two sessions, broke the Petition of Right in the sense in
which he understood it, and that it is not true that in
the printed copy of the petition he substituted the first
for the second answer. What he did was to print both
answers together with his speech at the close of the
session, as may be seen in the copy of the edition of
the statutes of 1628 which is still preserved in the
Museum Ubrary.
CONTENTS
OF
THE FIRST VOLUME.
CHAPTER I.
THE LAST PARLIAMENT OF JAMES I. AND THE DISSOLUTION OF
THE SPANISH TREATIES.
PAOB
1623 The return from Madrid 1
Warlike designs of Charles and Buckingham ... 2
1624 Parliament summoned 4
A French marriage talked of 4
Spanish offers 5
The Commissioners for Spanish affairs consulted . . 6
They ask for further information 7
Opposition to Buckingham in the Commission . . 8
Bella Rota*s negotiation 10
The question of breaking the Spanish treaties referred to
Parliament 10
The elections 11
Parliament opened 12
The King's speech 13
Buckingham's narrative 15
Sir John Eliot 16
His speech on Parliamentary privilege . . . 17
The Spanish ambassadors complain of Buckingham . . 19
The Lords condemn the treaties 20
Rudyerd's declaration of policy 20
Feeling of the Commons about Spain and Germany . 22
Petition of the Commons answered by the King . . 23
Buckingham expostulates with the King ... 24
XIV CONTENTS OF
PAOB
1624 Difference between the King and the Commons about the
mode of carrying on the war 25
The Prince explains away the King*8 answer ... 26
Address of the Houses and reply by the King ... 27
Dissatisfaction of the Commons and Buckingham's remon-
strance 28
The Prince declares his father to be ready to go to war . 29
Debate on supply 30
Subsidies voted for four objects 32
The King declares himself ready to dissolve the treaties . 32
Public rejoicings 35
Lafuente robbed of his despatches 36
James informs the Spanish ambassadors that negotiations
are at an end 37
Spanish intrigues against Buckingham .... 39
Recall of the despatch announcing the dissolution of the
treaties 41
The Spanish intrigues detected by Williams ... 42
The Spanish treaties dissolved 45
CHAPTER II.
Buckingham's ascekdency.
m
1624 Kensington's mission to Paris 4d
Writes hopefully of the French alliance .... 50
Doubts of Sir Edward Herbert 51
French policy with respect to Germany .... 52
French designs upon the Valtellino .... 53
Mansfeld's visit to France 55
Charles pledges himself not to favour the Recusants . 56
Mansfeld arrives in England 56
James's conditional engagement with him ... 57
Nomination of a Council of War 58
James promises to make no engagement for the Catholics in
the marriage treaty 59
Inojosa complains of Buckingham 60
James refuses to listen to him 61
Middlesex supports the Spanish ambassador ... 62
Impeachment of Middlesex , 64
His sentence 65
Bristol's return and coutinement 66
The Monopoly Act 67
Parliament prorogued 69
Proceedings against Bristol 70
THE FIRST VOLUME. XV
PAOB
1624 He refuses to agree to a compromifle . . . . 71
Siege and capture of Ormuz 72
Buckingham's claims against the East India Company . 73
Further demands of James 75
Money extorted from the Company .... 76
The massacre of Amboyna • . . . . . .77
Treaty with the Dutch for sending regiments to the Nethe>
lands 79
Coloma's protests . 80
Inojoea leaves England ....*... 81
The Dunkirk ships in the Downs . . . • . 81
The programme of the Commons carried out ... 82
Embassies to Denmark and Sweden 83
Wake's mission to Venice and Savoy .... 84
Carlisle sent to Paris to negotiate a marriage treaty . . 85
CHAPTER in.
THE FRENCH MARRIAGE TREATT;
1624 Carlisle and Herbert on the French alliance . . ; 86
The French demand terms for the English Catholics . • 88
La Vieuville's diplomacy 89
French preparations for war 90
Effiat in England 91
La Vieuville's disgrace 92
Richelieu demands an article for the English Catholics • 93
James and Charles refuse to assent 95
Buckingham's intervention ..... . • 96
Richelieu draws up an article .97
Difference of opinion between Carlisle and Kensington . 98
Lewis promises to support Mansfeld 99
Buckingham gained over by EfEat 100
James persuaded to put the article in the form of a letter . 101
Favour shown to the Catholics 102
Further prorogation of Parliament 103
Refusal of. the Council of War to supply Mansfeld . • 104
Richelieu's views about the Valtelline and the Palatinate • 105
Negotiations between England and France about the support
ofMansfeld 106
The French refuse to commit themselves in writing • . 107
Buckingham urges concession to France . . • 108
Charles supports Buckingham • 109
Jam^ agrees to sign a secret engagement to favour the
English Catholics ..•*••• 109
VOL. I. a
CONTENTS OF
1624 Signstareof the tnamoge treaty Ill
Difficult; of finding monej for Muufeld , , . 112
The chBnceB Bgaiiut him 113
Frankenthid demaoded from the lofanta . . . 116
Verbal promise of Lewie XIII. that Muiefeld shall b« allowed
to land in France IIS
The Fieooh wish to employ Uansfeld for the relief of
Breda 117
Objectiona of James 116
The marriage trentj srrom to at Cambridge . . 119
The Recusancy laws siupended 130
Value of Richelieu's euccess 131
CHAPTER IV.
THE LAST DATS OF JAUE3 I.
1624 Proposal that Mauefeld shall pass through Randen . , 122
HieunderataDding between Buckingham and the French . 123
Wretched condition of Mansfeld's troops at Dover . . 124
1626 The French propose to send them to the Netherlands . 127
Buddngham's dissatiefaction . . . . , ,128
Mansfeld forbidden to land in Fiance .... 129
He is albwed to go to the Netherlands, but forbidden to re-
lieve Bieda 130
Anivee at Flushing 131
Mortality amongst the troops 132
James repeats his refusal to allow their employment at
Breda 133
The army wastes away 134
1624 Cbiistian IV. and the North German Bishoprics . . 136
Anstxuthei's negotiation in Oennuiy and Denmark . . 137
Characteraud plans of GustavosAdolphus . . .. 138
NegotladonB between Brandenbui^ and Sweden 141
1625 Conditions on which Qustavua will undertake war in Gei»
many 144
James ehrinks from the expense 143
Conditions lud down by Christian IV. . , , . 144
IHffereace between the plana of Gustavus and those of James. 145
GnstaTUB relinquishes the German war .... 146
1624 Proposed attack by an English fleet upon Genoa . 147
Flan foi sen^ng a fleet against Spain > • . . 148
The French Hugueaots rise against Lewie , , . 160
1626 Aid promised to Lewis by England and the Netherlands . 161
Final airangnmenta for the marriage 162
THE FIRST VOLUME. xvii
PAoa
1625 Strong position of Backingham at Court . • . . 164
Adyice of Williams to him • 168
Illness of the King 169
Lady Buckingham offers him remedies .... 160
His last hours 161
Death of James 1 162
CHAPTER V.
UILITART AND DIPLOMATIC PROJECTS OF THE NEW REIGN.
1626 Character of Charles 1 165
He assumes the government 167
His anxiety to meet Parliament 169
Good order kept at Court 170
Mansfeld allowed to assist the Dutch .... 172
Equipment of the fleet 173
Plan of a campaign in Flanders • • . . . 174
The King's marriage celebrated by proxy • . • . 175
Carlisle warns the King not to expect much from Fran<;e . 176
Buckingham prepares to go to France / • • . 177
Agreement to lend English vessels to France • • • 178
Change in the treatment of the English Catholics • • 179
Buckingham in Paris 180
His main demands refused 181
He makes love to the Queen 182
Henrietta Maria in England 183
First domestic difficulties 184
Morton's mission to the Netherlands 185
Surrender of Breda — Wretched state of Mansfeld's army • 186
Large sums of money needed 187
CHAPTER VI.
THE FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES I. AT WESTMINSTER.
1625 Opening of Parliament 189
The King's speech 190
Feeling against the Catholics 191
Proposal for an adjournment rejected .... 192
Petition on the Eecusancy laws moved by Seymour . • 194
Eliot's speech on religion ...*... 195
Recusancy petition sent up to the Lords .... 197
Motion of Seymour for a small supply .... 198
xviii CONTENTS OF
PAOB
1625 Vote of two subsidies 200
Charles reluctantly accepts the rote .... 202
Wentworth's election 203
Contrast between Eliot and Wentworth . . . 204
1624 Montague's New Gag for an Old Goose .... 206
Abbot's interference 208
1625 Appello Ccetaretn 209
English Calyinism 210
Reaction against Calvinism 212
Report of the Commons' Committee on Montague's books 216
The Commons declare against Montague .... 218
Laud's 0. and P. list 220
Tonnage and Poundage Bill 221
Charles determines to ask for more money . . . 223
Eliot's interview with Buckingham 224
Further supply asked for 228
The demand not accepted by the Commons . . . 230
The Houses adjourned to Oxford 231
Opposition of Williams 232
CHAPTER VII.
TQE LOAN OF ENGLISH SHIFS TO THE KING OF FRANCE.
1625. Charles's domestic troubles 233
His treatment of the EngUsh Catholics .... 234
Concessions to the French ambassadors .... 235
The ships under Pennington lent to the King of France . 234
Ch|irles'9 double dealing 237
Pennington at Dieppe 238
His return to England 239
Negotiations between Lewis XHI. and the Huguenots . 240
Pennington's orders 241
Mission of Edward Nicholas 243
Resistance of the crews 244
Secret instructions to Nicholas and Pennington . . . 245
Pennington returns to Dieppe 247
. Nicholas prepares a mutiny 248
Mutiny in Pennington's ship 250
Peace agreed upon in France 251
The ships surrendered to the French .... 264
Condition of the English Catholics 255
The Houses reassemble at Oxford .... 256
V
THE FIRST VOLUME. XIX
CHAPTER Vni.
THE FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES I. AT OXFORD.
PAOB
1625 The Commons complain of favours shown to the Catholics . 257
Buckingham resolves to throw over the Catholics . . 258
Montague's case again . . 259
Question of the responsibility of the King's ministers . 260
Report of the bishops on Montague's books . . . 261
Who was to decide on Church questions P . . . 263
The King in Christchurch Hall 264
financial statement by Conway and Sir J. Coke . . 266
Debate on the King's demands 268
Seymour attacks the foreign policy of the Crown . • 269
May's reply 270
Phelips asks for a change of counsellors .... 271
Governmental responsibility demanded .... 273
Heath's defence of the Government, and Alford's reply . 274
Terms offered to Buckingham 275
Attempted compromise 276
Rich's five propositions 277
Buckingham urged to accept the compromise . . 279
Buckingham resolves not to give way .... 280
Declares that the engagement with France about the Catho-
lics had never been taken seriously 281
Defends his policy before the two Houses . . . 282
Unsatbfactory nature of his defence 283
Charles demands an immediate grant of supply . . 287
Phelips puts the question of confidence .... 288
Mansell appealed to 280
Wentworth's view of the case 290
Mansell's testimony unfavourable to Buckingham . . 292
Buckingham attacked by name ....*. 293
A dissolution resolved on 294
Heath's reply to Mansell 295
Protestation of the Commons 296
Dissolution of Parliament 297
Leadership of Phelips characterised .... 298
Attitude of the King 299
Conflict between the Crown and the House of Commons
begun 300
XX CONTENTS OF
CHAPTER IX.
THE EXPEDITION TO CADIZ.
PAflB
1625 Buckingliam's intentiona 902
Breach of the engagements between Lewis XITT. and the
Huguenots 303
Determination of Charles to send out the fleet . . • 304
The Queen at Lichfield 305
The treaty of Southampton 307
Open breach with Spain 308
Buckingham to go to the Hague 309
The Essex truned bands at Harwich • • • . 310
Death of Sir A. Morton-— Sir J. Coke Secretary • .» 311
Sir K Cecil appointed to command the expedition against
Spain 312
He reports on the deficiencies of the troops . • 313
Cedl created Viscount Wimbledon 314
The fleet driyen back by a storm 315
It puts to sea 316
Arrives at Cadiz 317
Attack on Fort Puntal 319
Surrender of the fort • • . . . . . 320
Wimbledon's march to the bridge 321
Failure of the expedition 222
The look-out for the Plate fleet 323
Return of the fleet to England 324
No serious investigation into the causes of failure . . 326
CHAPTER X.
GROWING ESTRANGEMENTS BETWEEN THE COURTS OF ENGLAND AND
FRANCE .
1625 Blainville's proposals 327
Buckingham's intention to visit France .... 328
Objections of Lewis 329
Blainville*8 interview with Charles and Buckingham . « 331
Views of the French Government ..... 332
The Peers of the Opposition 332
Dismissal of Williams 334
Coventry Lord Keeper 336
The Opposition leaders of the Commons made sheriffs . 337
The Dunkirk privateers 338
THE FIRST VOLUME. xxi
PAOB
1625 Buckingham visits the Hague and proposes to attack
Dunkirk 839
The Congress of the Hague 840
Treaty of the Hague 841
Prospect of war with France 842
Difficulties about the Queen's household .... 843
Difficulties about the law of prize .... 344
Sequestration of the money on board the French prizes . 345
Orders given for the sale of prize goods . . . 846
BlainviUe protests 347
Reprisals in France followed by an order for the restitu-
tion of the ' St. Peter ' 848
1626 Mission of Holland and Carleton 849
Charles determines to relieve Rochelle .... 850
The prize goods sold * 851
The* St. Peter' rearrested 852
Interference of Charles in French politics . . . 353
The Queen refuses to be crowned 854
Charles's coronation 855
An agreement come to between Lewis and the Huguenots 857
The Huguenots look to Charles for support . . • 358
Richelieu proposes to join England against Spain . . 350
Charles rejects his overtures 860
Fresh dispute between Charles and the Queen • . 863
Blainville ordered to absent himself from Court . . 865
Map of Cadiz Habboub To face TUh Page,
II
II
Errata,
Page 28, line 5, for ' hoped tP call them together again in the autanm ' read
'intended to call them together 'at Michaelmaa, or
within a few days after.' '
69 „ 14, <nfter * prorogued * read * to November 2.'
103 „ 8, „ 'November' insert foot-note: 'On March 14 (p. 28)
James had promised to summon Parliament at
Michaelmas or shortly after. On March 23 (p. 33)
he had declared that the business of considering the
course of the war should be taken in hand at the next
session, and the actual prorogation had fixed the
meaning of "few days after Michaelmas" to No-
vember 2.'
114 note 1, line 2 from bottom, for * attached ' read ' attacked.'
137 I, 1, lAet line, for ' Niedersachsische' read ' Niedersachsische.'
143, line 2 from bottom, /e>r ' coasts ' read * courts.'
206 „ 6 „ after ' know,' read. * not.*
205 „ 8 „ and side note, for * Stamford ' read ' Stanford.*
220 „ 8 „ for * he* read * Buckingham.'
231 second side note, /or ' House ' read ' Houses.'
244 second side note, for ' enemy ' read ' crows.'
246 note 3, line 2 from bottom, /or ' the 18th ' read < July 18.'
316 line 5 firom bottom, for * Cecil * read ' Wimbledon.'
„ 336 „ 16,/or*'Shelton' read 'Shilton.'
II
It
11
II
fi
11
II
II
II
II
ENGLAND
UNDEB THE
DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM AND CHARLES I.
CHAPTEE I.
THE LAST PARLIAMENT OP JAMES I. AND THE DISSOLUTION
OF THE SPANISH TREATIES.
The young man's dream which had lighted Charles chap.
arid Buckingham on their way to Madrid, was pleasimt - — r —
enough while it lasted. All difficulties, personal and j^J^.^'^*
political, were to vanish away before the magic of jjy to
their presence. The King of Spain would, for the
sake of his future son-in-law, compel the Emperor to
surrender the Palatinate, and the strife which had
desolated Germany for five years would be composed
as easily as a lovers' quarrel. The King's sister, brought
up in the most bigoted attachment to the faith of her
childhood, would give her heart as well as her hand to
the heretic prince whose person she loathed, and whose
religion she detested. Of the two, Buckingham, not
being himself in love, was the first to discover the mis-
take which had been committed. Quick to take offence
at the slightest discourtesy offered to him, he was not
long in perceiving that the Spaniards meant to make
the most of thdr opportunity, and to deUver over the
VOL. I. B
THE LiVST PARLIAMENT OF JAMES I.
CHAP. Infanta, if they delivered her over at all, only upon
I.
-' conditions which would be insupportable to the En-
^^' gUsh people. Whilst Charles was hanging about
Philip s court, and promising anytliing short of his own
apostasy, Buckingham was quarrelling with the
Spanish ministers, and urging the Prince to return to
England as soon as possible.
dS^^^f When at last Charles had convinced himself that
w^B?ck- ^^^^ concessions had been made in vain, and that, what-
ingham. ^y^jj. j^g might do. he would not be allowed to carry the
Infanta with him to England, his faith in Buckingham
was more strongly confirmed than ever. Buckingham's
life was so completely bound up with his life, and
Buckingham's objects were for the most part so fully
served by promoting his young master's wishes, that
differences of opinion were seldom Ukely to arise be-
tween them. And now that a difference had arisen,
Charles had proved to be in the wrong, whilst Buck-
ingham had proved to be in the right, and that too on
a point on which Charles might well think that his
friend had been more jealous for his honour than he
had been himself.
Both Charles and Buckingham came back with the
full persuasion that they had been duped by the
Spaniards, and with a full determination to take their
revenge. To the heated imagination of the youthful
politicians, the re-conquest of the Palatinate seemed so
very easy. And yet it was far from being easy. Not
only was the position of Spain and the Imperiahsts ex-
ceedingly strong, but there were elements of disunion
at work amongst the o])ponents of the house of Austria
which would go far to make the task of organising a
successful resistance impossible.
James dc The first difficulty, however, which Buckingham
needed to confront, was greater m appearance than in
BUCKINGHAM'S WARLIKE DESIGNS.
reality. It might seem easier to drag Theseus from his chap.
bed of pain than to move James to a declaration of
war. A lover of peace by temperament and by force ^^^^^
of reason, he knew too well what faults had been com- ?*4atiMts»
mitted on both sides to be eager to join in the doubt-^
fill fray. Great, too, as was the influence exercised over
him by his favourite and his son, it is hardly likely that
this alone would have sufficed to overcome his reluc-
tance to embark on so arduous an undertaking. In
1620, in spite of his unwilUngness to displease those
with whom he was in continual intercourse, Charles :
and Buckingham, backed by the almost unanimous
voice of his Council and his Court, had in vain urged
him to take part in the strife. But at the close of 1623
he was no longer in a position to offer resistance.
His plan for settUng the affairs of Germany with the
help of Spain had broken down completely. Even
James was driven to acknowledge that that path was;
no longer open to him, and that if the Palatinate was
to be recovered at all, it must be recovered by force of
arms. The only question for him to decide, therefore,
was whether he was willing to abandon all hope of ita
recovery or not. And this he was decidedly not pre-
pared to do. The abandonment of his daughter and
her children from considerations of state policy, was so
grievous to him, that, though Buckingham would doubt-,
less have much moral and physical inertness to combat,
he could always make use of the King's real desire
to recover the Palatinate as a lever to move him in the
direction of decisive action.
In January 1624, James to a great extent yielded Dipiomltio
himself into the hands of Buckingham. The marriaore p^pa'^-
o o tiona.
ceremony at Madrid had been postponed under cir-
cumstances which made it almost a matter of certainty
that it would never be heard of again. Bristol, the
B 2
THE LAST PARLLVMENT OF JAMES I.
cliief supporter of the alliance, was recalled from his
embassy in Spain, and the Earl of Oxford, who had
been confined in the Tower for nearly two years on ac-
count of a violent attack upon Gondomar's influence, was
set at liberty. Writs were issued for a new Parliament.
Once more, as in 1620, ambassadors were ordered to
make ready to start in every direction. This time they
were to be the messengers, not of peace, but of war.
Sir Isaac Wake was to stir up the Duke of Savoy and
the Kepublic of Venice, Sir Eobert Anstruther was
to wait upon the Princes of Northern Germany and
the King of Denmark, Sir James Spens would do the
like office with the King of Sweden. The States
General were invited to send commissioners to negotiate
a close alliance, and the invitation was made more at-
tractive by a letter in which Conway was allowed im-
pudently to represent the plot which had been hatched
between Buckingham and Gondomar for the partition
of the territory of the Republic as a mere unauthorised
suggestion of Spanish iniquity.^
Hopes of a Yet these steps, important as they were, formed only
lianoe. ' part of the great plan which Buckingham had con-
ceived. Ever since the war had broken out in Ger-
many, France had given a passive, but not the less a
real, assistance to tlie Emperor. Now, however, hints
had reached Buckingham that all this might yet be
changed. While he was still at Madrid, an English
friar named Grey had formed the wild project of con-
verting the Prince ; and, when he found that he had
no chance of success, had talked with Buckingham of
his influence with Mary de Medici, and of the proba-
bihty that she might be induced to ofler her youngest
daughter, the Princess Henrietta Maria, as a substitute
' Conway to the Prince of Oranj^e, Conway to Carleton, Jan. ^, (S. P.,
Holland), Compare Prince Charles ojid the Spanish Marriage^ i. 334.
A FRENCH MARRIAGE SUGGESTED.
for the Infanta. How far Buckingham gave heed to chap.
I.
the friar's prattle it is hard to say. At all events Grey ^
made his way to Paris, saw the Queen Mother, and 'j^
was sent on by her to London, after the Prince's return,
to explain to Buckingham her readiness to assist in
forwarding the suggested marriage. It is true that
when the affair came to the ears of Tillieres, the French
ambassador in London, both Mary and Buckingham
thought it expedient to disavow all knowledge of the
intrigue.^ But the seed was already sown. James
agreed to take up the project as soon as the treaty with
Spain was definitively disposed of. In the mean-
while it was arranged that Lord Kensington should be
sent over to Paris to feel the ground, and to lay the
foundations of a complete friendship between the two
courts.
James had thus given his consent to the opening of Jan. 13.
a negotiation which would leave little room for any Spanish
further understanding with Spain. But his resolution Sotb.**^
was not so fixed as to be entirely beyond the influence
of a specious offer from the other side. On January
13, the Spanish ambassadors, Inojosa and Coloma, as-
sured him of their master's anxiety to do everything
in his power to regain his friendship. Before the end
of August, they asserted, all that part of the Palatinate
which was occupied by Spanish troops should be
placed in his hands. Negotiations should be opened, at a
time to be fixed by himself, for the settlement of all
other points at issue. Some middle course was in-
dicated as likely to obviate the difficulty about the
education of Frederick's sons ; and Philip, though he
still refused to promise, as he had once promised in
a moment of forgetfiilness, to draw his sword against
» THlidres to Puisieux ^^^ Jan. A i| ; Harl. MSS. 4593 j fol. ^,
16, 25, b.
6 THE LAST PARLI.VMENT OF JAMES I.
CHAP, the Emperor, was ready to engage to do anything else
' — ^ — ' in his power to bring about a favourable result.^
Jan. 13. Much to Buckingham's disgust, James thought the
miwSSSi offer worth listening to. But James had not made up
SafiSto'bS ^^^ mind either way, and he agreed to consult the
oonsQited. Commissioners for Spanish Affairs before taking a final
decision. The body thus appealed to consisted of
twelve of tlie leading Privy Councillors, and may
perhaps be regarded as the germ of our modern
cabinets. It had been called into existence in 161 7,
to discuss the marriage treaty with Spain, as soon as
it was openly taken in hand. Its numbers had been
constantly filled up as vacancies occurred. As it had
recently, by a majority of seven to five, approved of
the issue of writs for a new ParUament, Buckingham
had good reason to expect its support in his present
difficulties.^
Jan. 14. When the Commissioners met, two questions were
propoaed to laid bcforc them. In the first place : — Had the King
^"^ of Spain seriously intended to give his sister to the
Prince ? In the second place : — Did his conduct about
the Palatinate deserve a declaration of war ?' When
the votes were taken, three only, those of Buckingham
himself, of Carlisle, who hated Spain as much as his
* Compare Valarcsso^s Despatches^ Jan, ||, ^^-^, with Siri, Menwrie
Eecondite, v. 5685 and Chamberlain to Carleton, Jan. 17 j Court and
Times, ii. 446.
» SalveUCs Newsletter, ?^
' Jan. 5.
• The two questions are abbreviated from the form given by Hacket
(i. 167,) lie says they were put immediately after the King's arrival at
Whitehall, i.e. after Dec. 24. As 1 find no trace of such consultations
elsewhere, I suspect be confused them with a discussion whetber writs
sbould be issued for a Parliament. After the King left Whitehall, i,e, on
Jnn. 13, we do bear of consultations in Chamberlain's letter of Jiui. 31,
for instance, S. P. I)om., clviii. 72. There is a curious draft of a letter
(S. 1\ Spain), perhaps drawn up by Buckingham, as what ho wished the
King to say, and not accepted by James.
OPPOSITION TO BUCKINGHAM. J
placable disposition would allow him to hate anything, chap.
and of Conway, who would doubtless have voted the - — r —
other way if his patron had desired him to do so, but ^^^^
who was only in this case following his own instincts J^^T^
in opposing Spain, were given in favour of war. The mation.
other nine members of the Commission stated that they
had not sufficient information before them, and asked
permission to make a thorough examination of all the
despatches bearing upon the subject.^
Buckingham was very angry. He sprung from his BucWng-
seat, pouring out the most unmeasured abuse of the ^^t.
Commissioners as he strode out of the room, ' as a hen
that hath lost her brood and clucks up and down when
she hath none to follow her.' ^ Taking the Prince with
him, he hurried down to Newmarket to complain to
the King. " What," he said to Chichester, who was
passing near him as he left Whitehall, " are you turned
too ? " ^ It was Buckingham's greatest misfortune in
life that he never could understand that it was possible
for men to differ from him without some sinister motive.
Divergence of opinion was ever with him a thing not
to be met with argument, but to be overcome by
violence.
Buckingham met with better success at Royston. Jtii.aa
From whatever motive, James had no desire to see the ropVrts*^
whole secret of the past negotiation unfolded before ^^^'
the Commissioners. He wrote to inform them that
their request could not be granted, but that they must
nevertheless tell him what they thought of the Spanish
offer. On the 20th Charles, leaving Buckingham to
keep guard over his father, returned to London. He
assured the Commissioners that he would never think
» Tilli^res to Puisieux, Jan |J : HarL MSS., 4593 j fol. 26, b,
* Ilacketf i. 169.
' Chichester to Buckingham, Jan. 25. Cabala^ 197,
8
THE LAST PARUAMENT OF JAMES I.
CHAP.
I.
1624.
Jan. 30.
Nature of
the oppo-
sition.
agiiin of a marriage with the Infanta. All through
the remainder of the week the discussion continued
with unabated vigour. The Commissioners were
unanimous in wishing to see the marriage treaty
at an end, but many of them still shrank from
giving an opinion in favour of war upon so little
information as that which had been vouchsafed to
them.^
Of the nine who had originally voted against Buck-
ingham, five, Calvert, Weston, Arundel, Williams, and
Middlesex, had already declared against the summoning
of a Parliament, and were all for various reasons the
advocates of peace. Pembroke and Chichester,
Hamilton and Lennox, had always been counted as the
opponents of the Spanish alliance. In Pembroke's
cnse, especially, the hesitation to support Buckingham
was so unexpected that it was accounted for at the
time as proceeding from jealousy of the favourite's ex-
clusive influence with the Prince. There may have
been some truth in this, but motives of public policy
may have had still more to do with his behaviour.
Himself a man without ambition, the richest peer in
England, and universally regarded as the model of a
chivalrous English gentleman, he had watched Buck-
ingham's career with deep distrust. Only a few months
before, he had been required, as a Privy Councillor, to
fiwear to tlie observance of the Spanish treaty, and to
take part in the negotiations which followed for a
peaceful settlement of the Continental dispute. And
now he was expected, without being told the reason
why, to swing round with his eyes shut in the otlier
direction. Was he without enquiry to give his vote
for a war which might possibly be justifiable, but which,
» Tilli^res to Puisieux, J^j Ilarl MtSS. 4593, fol. 35. VaUt-
ref9o*8 Despatch, "^^ * Hacket's liat of the CommisaioneiB is incorrect.
PEMBROKE AND BUCKINGHAM.
to all appearance, was being urged on by Buckingham's
temper rather than by his reason ? No wonder that he
was heard to say that ' if the Spaniards performed the
conditions agreed on, he saw not how the King, in
honour, could fall from the conclusion, nor himself in
conscience; being sworn to see all observed in his
power.' To the Venetian ambassador, who exhorted
him to make up his differences with Buckingham for
the sake of the common cause of all European states,
he replied that internal enemies must be dealt with
before external ones. The cause which they had both
at heart would be better served without Buckingham
than with him.^
Pembroke, however, was not a man to persist long Pembroke
in opposition. His character was wanting in that
robustness which is needed for such a task. Again and
again, in the course of his career, we find him clashing
with Buckingham. This time, at least, it seemed that
they would be open enemies. But a few words
from King or Prince were always enough to soothe his
easy temper, and Pembroke would be again on the
old footing, giving the support of his respected name
to a policy which he distrusted.
So it was now. In a few days, he and the rest of Answer of
•' ' , , the Com-
the Commissioners had agreed in a temporising answer mUaioneifc
to the effect that they did not see that tlie King ought
to be contented with the Spanish answer about the
Palatinate, or to amuse himself any longer about the mar-
riage. The original question concerning the propriety
of going to war was left unanswered.^ It was not long
before the Prince used his authority to reconcile Pem-
broke and Buckingham ; and before the session opened
* Chamberlain to Carleton, Jan. 31 ; S. P. Dom.y clviii. 72; Vala"
ress(/8 Despatch, ^^, Feb. j%,
« TiUiftres to Pubieux, ^1^; Harf, MSS. 4593, fol. 35.
lO THE LAST PARLIAMENT OF JAMES L
CHAP, the malcontent Earl had changed into an unwavering
- — ;— ' supporter of the Government.
\^ Charles, too, had, on the whole, good reason to
Negotia- be satisfied with his father's conduct. There were from
tion of
Delia Rota, time to time, indeed, fits of hesitation and reluctance ;
and rumours reached the ears of those interested in
such tidings, that James had declared himself to be
tired of Buckingham.^ But such rumours, if there
was any truth in them at all, did not reveal the whole
truth. The moment that James gave a serious thought
to the matter, he knew that if he was to recover the
Palatinate, Buckingham's way was the only way open
to him, and that the Spanish proposals had but to be
fiilly stated to be rejected. Just at this time the
same proposals which had been made by Spain in the
preceding autumn were brought before him from
another quarter. A Capuchin friar, travelling under
the assumed name of Francesco della Rota, appeared
in England, with offers from the new Elector of
Bavaria. The Elector, just like the Emperor, was
ready to yield much for the sake of peace. The only
difference in their terms was, that whilst Ferdinand
required that Frederick's son and heir should be edu-
cated at Vienna, Maximilian required that he should
be educated at Munich. Of couree there was much
said about offering all possible safeguards for the boy's
religion. But what was the value of such safeguards
to a youth brought at the most impressionable age
within the circle of the ideas of the Catholic priesthood ?
w^i s^n^ To this plan, at least, James gave a distinct refusal.
referred to But it was casicr for him to see what was not to be
Pailia-
meat doue than to decide, for himself and others, what he
wished to do. As the Commissioners would not settle
Valaresso's Despatch, -^^ ^ Rusdorf, Memaires, i. 156-239.
PARIJAAJENTARY ELECTIONS. II
his difficulties for him, the whole question was referred chap.
to the coining Parhament. ' — ; — '
By the time the consultations of the Commissioners ^j^"^
w^ere brought to a close the elections were almost com- J**® ^^'
pleted. In ordinary times the House of Commons
was brought into existence under very composite in-
fluences. In the counties the choice of the great land-
owners weighed heavily upon thei freeholders. In the
smaller boroughs the owner of some neighbouring
manor, to whom the citizens were bound by the obli-
gations of ancestral courtesy, or immediate interest,
could often dispose of the seat at his pleasure. The
Government, too, was not without its influence. The
boroughs of Lancashire and the sea-coast towns of Kent,
for instance, were in the habit of returning nominees
of the Chancellor of the Duchy, or of the Lord War-
den of the Cinque Ports. In this way the House came
to represent not merely the mass of electors, but also
the effective strength of the nation. The men who
took part in its debates were men who were accustomed
as magistrates, or in other ways, to take their share in
the business of government. They were in the habit
of acting under responsibihty ; in the habit, too, of
thinking of their actions as subservient to the national
good. Their election was very far from being a mere
form. Again and again, in spite of the lack of reporters,
when measures are proposed in the course of this and
the following years, the leaders of the a»embly make use
of the argument, " What will our constituents say ? " as
the best rejoinder possible. For some years, as political
excitement had increased, there had been a tendency in
the electors to shake off* the control to which they had
hitherto to some extent submitted, and to require in-
dependence as the one thing needful. And now, in
many places candidates supported by Buckingham, or
12 THE LAST PARLIAMENT OF JAMES L
CHAP, even by the Prince, were left unchosen, and the name
v^ ^ — ' of courtier was the surest passport to rejection.^
^^^^ In two cases James was desirous of overruling
Coke and indircctlv the choice of the constituencies. He had a
lively recollection of Coke's attitude in the last Par-
lianient, and he seriously designed to get rid of the
old lawyer by sending him to Ireland, as member of a
commission appointed to investigate the state of that
country. He destined for the same employment Sir
Edwin Sandys, whose opposition to the Court was of
earlier date than Coke's. Such a step, however, was too
palpably unwise to be insisted on, and both Coke and
Sandys were allowed to take their seats.^
FeK 16. Parliament had been summoned for February 1 2,
Lennox, but was put off till the 1 6th, because, as men amused
themselves by saying, the King had not yet made up
his mind what to reply to the Spanish ambassadors.*
On the 1 6th it was again postponed, on account of the
death of James's old friend and kinsman, tlie Duke of
Lennox,'*
' Fei:^ 19. The spccch with which James opened his last Par-
pSiS^ ^ liament was couched in a tone of unusual hesitation.
"*^'' The old self-confidence with which, in his happier days,
he had sought to school his hearers into submission,
had entirely left him. Convinced at last that peace
could no longer be maintained unless the object for
which he had striven so long was abandoned as
unattainable, avd yet shrinking with his whole soul
from opening the floodgates of war, he was equally
' Valaresso's Despatxh, Feb. yj«
^ These are the only Parliament names in the commission {Rymer^
zvi]. 531), or in Chamberlain's contemporary letters.
* Salvettt's NewsUtteTf Feb. J|.
* Ilacket is quite mistaken in supposing (i. 174) that there is an error
in the date of the curious letter in which Williams advised Buckingham
to accept the office of Lord Steward. It was written after Hamilton's
deatk in 1625, and will be noticed in its proper place.
OPENING OF PARLIAMENT. 1 3
unwilling to turn his back upon his old policy, or to chap.
enter heartily upon a new one. Casting himself upon ' — r — '
the compassion of his hearers, he pleaded before them The King's
the anxiety with which he had striven to deserve his ^^ '
people's love ; and told the Houses how, as a pledge of
his confidence in them, he was come to ask their advice
in the greatest matter that ever could concern any
king. He had hoped to settle peace abroad and at
home. But he now knew what the pretensions of
Spain really were. The whole story should be told
them by his Secretaries, who would be assisted by the
Prince and Buckingham. " When you have heard it
all," he added, '• I shall entreat your good and sound
advice, for the glory of God, the peace of the king-
dom, and weal of my children. Never king gave
more trust to his subjects than to desire their advice
in matters of this weight ; for I assure you ye may
freely advise me, seeing of my princely fidelity you
are invited thereto."
Having thus removed the prohibition which had Explains
brought about the dissolution of the last Parliament, has done
James turned to a subject on which his hearers were cathoUc^
peculiarly sensitive. "I pray you," he said, "judge
me charitably as you will have me judge you ; for I
never made pubhc nor private treaties, but I always
made a direct reservation for the weal public and cause
of religion, for the glory of God and the good of my
subjects. I only thought good sometimes to wink and
connive at the execution of some penal statutes, and not
tp go on so rigorously as at other times ; but to dis-
pense with any, to forbid or alter any that concern
rehgion, I neither promised nor yielded. I never did
think it with my heart, nor speak it with my mouth.
It is true a skilful horseman doth not always use the
spur, but must sometimes use the bridle, and sometimes
14 THE LAST PARLIAMENT OF JAMES L
CHAP, the spur. So a king that governs evenly is not bound
^ to cany a rigorous hand over his subjects upon all
M).^xa occasions, but may sometimes slacken die bridle, yet
so as his hands be not off the reins."
warthia Such words wcrc very far from being a full and
Butement fair representation of the past negotiations. But they
were at least in accordance with what James had
wished to do, and were not very far from that which,
by some stretch of imagination, he may have fancied
himself to have done. They give an accurate account
of his first offers to Spain in 1620 ; and when, in 1623,
he went much farther, he had at least reserved to
himself, by a protest, the right of canceUing his obliga-
tions, if reason of state should so require.^ It is
hardly likely, however, that the Commons, if they had
known the whole story, would have told it in the same
way.
Arrwig*- After a few more words, James retired from the
iiiento for '
Buckings scene. He had thrown down the reins of government,
pwwMe. and there was one standing by who was eager to take
them from his failing hands. James, it is true, had
told the Houses that the information for which they
were looking would be communicated to them by his
Secretaries, with the assistance of Buckingham and the
Prince. But so subordinate a part would hardly have
suited Buckingham. Before the appointed day arrived
it was understood that the communication would be
made by the Duke, and that the Secretaries, and even
the Prince himself, would be content to give him what
assistance he might need. The Houses were to assemble,
not as usual in the Painted Chamber, but in the great
hall of the palace, where they were accustomed to wait
upon the King. If Buckingham had said, " I am the
* Conway to Buckingham, July 23, 1623. Hardwxcke St, P., i. 430,
Compare Prince Charles and the Spanish Marriage^ ii. 363.
BUCKINGHAM'S STATEMENT. 1 5
King," he could not have expressed himself more chap.
plainly.
King, Prince, and State were all merged in that ^eh!^
imposing personality. We can well imagine how he J^iJl^iir.
looked as he stood there, with head erect and flashing "^^v*-
eye, to disclose those secrets of which so much was
suspected, and so little was really known. The tale
which he told is easy to criticise, and it has been judged
again and again with unmeasured reprobation. But,
after all, as far as it is possible to test it, its fault lay
rather in its omissions than in its assertions. Over
much of which the historian is bound to take account —
over the folly of the journey itself — over Charles's
reticence, as long as reticence was possible, with respect
to his personal religion— over his solemn promises to
make impracticable concessions, Buckingham threw the
discreet veil of total silence. But the evidence which
he produced to show that the Spanish ministers had
never seriously intended giving effect to their master s
rash promise to aid with his arms in the recovery of
the Palatinate was entirely conclusive ; and the narra-
tive, taking it all in aU, bears the aspect not so much
of a dehberate falsehood, as of the outpouring of a
heart upon which fancy and passion had impressed
their glowing pictures. When Buckingham ended by
asking whether the Spanish diplomacy should still be
listened to, or whether, these treaties being ' set aside,
his Majesty were best to trust to his own strength, and
to stand upon his own feet,' he was sure to carry his
hearers with him, and to sit down the most popular
man in p]ngland.^
One effect at least of the Spanish treaties was in- Bml^ralLt
delibly imprinted on the English mind. Bringing into ^^®*^"
prominent relief the connection between the English
' Lords' Journals^ iii. 220.
1 6 THE LAST PARLIAMENT OF J.UfES L
CHAP. Catholics and the great Spanish monarchy, they had
served to whet the spirit of intolerance. Almost the
^ first work to which the Commons addressed themselves
was a bill for increasing the penalties on recusancy.^
Fei).»7. On the 27th Weston, the Chancellor of the Ex-
EUot chequer, was to deliver the formal report of Buck-
ingham's narrative to the Lower House. Before he had
time to rise, he was interrupted by Sir John Eliot, a
member whose parliamentary experience had been con-
fined to the few weeks of the abortive session of
1614. When he sat down at the end of his maiden
speech, he must have made himself a name as
the foremost political orator of the time. Early in
life he had accompanied Buckingham, then an unknown
youth, on a Continental tour, and had received from
him, when he rose to be Lord High Admiral of England,
the appointment of Vice- Admiral of Devon. During
his patron's absence in Spain, he had been imprisoned
on an unjust charge springing out of his unwearied
performance of the duties of his office, and his libera-
tion, which was almost coincident with the Duke's
return, was doubtless owing to his powerftil interposi-
tion. But, warm and afiectionate as Eliot's nature was,
he was not the man to allow any tie to an individual to
fetter him in the performance of a public duty ; and
though there was, for some time to come, no actual
estrangement between hun and Buckingham, it is pro-
bable that the retirement of the Eng to give place to
the minister left a disagreeable impression on his mind.
He was to the bottom of his heart an idealist. To
him the Parliament was sciu-cely a collection of fallible
men, just as the King was hardly a being who could by
any possibility go deliberately astray. If he who wore
' Commons^ Joumahy i. 718.
Sm JOHN ELIOT. 17
the crown had wandered from the right path, he had chap.
but to hsten to those who formed, in more than a ^
rhetorical sense, the collective wisdom of the nation. J^^"^
Ifeb. 27.
Whoever stepped between King and people, whoever
tendered other counsel than the House of Commons
had to offer, was a divider and a traitor.
The time had not yet come when Eliot was to His moral
breathe his own lofty and resolute spirit into the con- ^**^ ^
sultations of those around hira. But from the beginning,
great as his intellectual powers were, it was not by mere
force of intellect that he won his way to distinction.
It was the moral nature of the man, his utter self-
forgetftdness, which made him what he was, which
taught him to risk his whole life and fortunes for the
chance of flinging his protest into the air against
securely placed iniquity in high places, and which made
him as gentle and placable as the saintly men of old in
the presence of opposition the motives of which he
believed to be pure.
This time Eliot rose to beg the House not to forget. His speech
in the midst of their fresher interests, to vindicate that of j^peech.
freedom of speech which had been refused them at tlie
close of the last Parliament. The privileges of the
Commons, he argued, could not be derogatory to
the King's honour. "The business," he said, "is
the King's. The kingdom hath its representative in the
King. In him our resolutions rest. We are only
called hither upon either the general affairs of the
kingdom, or the special propositions of his Majesty, and
thereon to deliberate and consult, not to conclude."
The Parliament, he went on to say, was the body ; the
King the spirit by which it was moved. " He is, in the
metaphor, the breath of our nostrils, and the bond by
which we are tied one to another. Then can it not be we
VOL. I. c
l8 THE LAST PAELIAMENT OP JAMES I.
CHAP, should attempt against, or in anything neglect, the
honour of him who is so much our own/' ^
£% Such language might have been Bacon's laiiguage.
<^in^- But the spirit in which the words were uttered was not
S^and th^ spirit of Bacon. To both Eliot and Bacon the
^'°^ Crown and the Parliament were not contracting parties,
each of which was to follow its separate interest, but
members of one common body, each fulfilling its func-
tions for the benefit of the whole. But whilst Bacon
specially idealised the Crown, Eliot specially idealised
the Pai'Uament. When the separation tlireatened to
come at last, Bacon clung the more closely to the active
ruling power, whilst Eliot trusted with unshaken con-
fidence to the body in which popular instincts were
refined under the influence of word and thought.
Viewing from afar the follies and errors of the court,
he learned to believe, as no other man believed before
or after him, in the representatives of the nation. For
him history and philosophy concurred in bearing witness
to the greatness of Parliaments, the living mirror of the
perpetual wisdom of a mighty nation.
Eliot on For the sake of the King, Eliot now argued, the
speecJu** counsel of Parliament should be offered freely and
without restriction. " More for his sake than for ours,"
he said, " it behoved that such hberty be allowed."
Freedom of speecli was the indispensable condition of
trustworthv advice.^
Theqaes- The qucstiou thus raiscd could hardly be passed
fe^Tto a ^^^^ ^^ silence. But the leaders of the House were
Committee, jqq auxious to get to the important work before them
to give it much encouragement. The whole subject
was referred to a Committee, and was never heard of
again.®
* Forster, Sir J, Eliot, i. 70, 71. * Forater, Sir J, Elioty i. 135.
' Mr. Forster thinks {Sir J, Eliot, i. 143) that the speeches of Alford
BUCKINGHAM'S POPULARITY. 1 9
Weston was at last able to proceed with his report, chap.
If there had ever been any hesitation in accepting - — r — -
Buckingham's narrative, there was none now. Inojosa ^^^^^
and Coloma had done their best to convert him into a Complaint
. of the
national hero. Hurrymg to James, they assured him Spanish
that if one of their master's servants had spoken of the dors
acrainst
King of England as Buckingham had spoken of the Bucking-
King of Spain, he would have paid the penalty with
the loss of his head. James's only thought in the
presence of the fiery Spaniards was to shift the burthen
of a reply to other shoulders. He had not been pre-
sent at Whitehall, he said, when Buckingham's narrative
was delivered, and he must therefore leave it to those
who heard it to justify or to condemn him. In the
House of Lords, Pembroke, who had now thrown him-
self unreservedly on Buckingham's side, led the way in
exculpating him, and a motion in his favour was unani-
mously carried. In the Commons the excitement was
far greater. " In the way that Buckingham holds," said
Phelips, " I pray that he shall keep his head on his
shoulders to see thousands of Spaniards' heads either
fix)m their shoulders or in the seas." " And shall he
lose his head?" cried Coke. " Never any man deserved
better of his King and country." A vote as unanimous
as that of the Lords, cleared Buckingham from blame
in the words that he had used.^
and Phelips leave litUe doubt that they had received private communi-
cations from Buckingham. It is quite possible that some understanding
had been arrived at, probably through Pembroke ; but there is no proof of
this, and there is no necessity to resort to this explanation. According
to Nicholas's notes (S. P. Dcw/i., clix), of which Mr. Forster has made no
use, Phelips said that ^ since this motion is on foot, he thinks it should
not rest unresolved/ which looks as if he at least expected something
to come of the Committee.
« Coloma to the King, ^^; Hofl.MSS. 1 583, fol. 329 ; Valaresso's
Detpatchy March y'g; Elmng's Notes) Lords' Jottmals, iii. i. 233; Com-
numa* Joumah, i. 721.
c2
20 THE LAST PARLIAMENT OF JAMES L
CHAP. In the afternoon the Lords took the Spanish treaties
' — r — ' into consideration. Not a voice was raised in their
Feb "^ favour. After two days' debate, the Bishops having
The trea- specially distinguished themselves by their warlike zeal,
demnedby it was rcsolvcd that, unlcss the Commons should show
Feb. 28. cause to the contrary, the King should be asked to
break ofi' all negotiation with Spain, both for the mar-
riage and for the restoration of the Palatinate.^
j^^arch^i. The Commons were hardly likely to show cause to
decimation the Contrary. The great debate was opened on the ist of
March in the Lower House by Sir Benjamin Eudyerd,
whase official position as Surveyor of the Court of
Wards, together with his close connection with Pem-
broke, made him a fit exponent of the coalition which
had sprung up between Buckingham and the popular
lords.^ At the same time, his own tried devotion to
the anti-Spanish policy was likely to secure for him the
respectful iattention of his hearers.
Eudyerd, even at his best, was apt rather to skim
over the surface of an argument than to penetrate to
its depths, and those who look coolly back at the events
of that momentous year may be inclined to ask whether
it necessarily followed, because the Palatinate was not
to be regained by negotiation, that an attempt should
be made to regain it by war. That such doubts were
felt by a few who sat there, by Weston and Wentworth
for instance, is all but certain. But Weston had sur-
rendered himself body and soul to Buckingham,
and Wentworth, haughty and defiant as he waa, was
too much of a practical statesman to resist the majority
of a popular assembly by argument. Those who on this
* JEising's Notes,
^ There is no direct eyidence of this ; but the fact that he opened the
three debates of March i, 11, and 19, and that the greater part of his
advice was adopted by the King, leaves no reasonable doubt that he spoke
with authority.
RUDYERD'S PROPOSITIONS. 21
I.
occasion shared his opinions could probably be counted chap.
on the fingers. The objection did not come within the -
domain of practical politics, and Kudyerd, of all men, y^^\
was the least likely to conceive its very existence.
For him it needed no argument to prove that a breach
of the negotiations was tantamount to a declaration
of war, and he advised the House to ' petition, that
his Majesty would enter into a confederacy with his
friends abroad, and endeavour to re-collect and re-unite
that scattered and broken party of the religion in Ger-
many ; that he would strengthen his forts within this
kingdom ; that he would send out a competent number of
ships to discover and resist such danger as may happen ;
that he would really and roundly assist the Low Coun-
tries ; and whensoever he intends to make war for the
Palatinate, that he would make it near hand by way of
diversion to save charges, whither every younger
brother that had but 20/. in his purse may go stocked
for a profession and course of life ; and where the Low
Countries, no doubt, will be willing and ready to assist
us for their own interest, which is the motive of all
States. ' ^
So much was said, at the commencement of the next ^^at did
reign, about an alleged breach of the understanding ^^]!^^
come to in this session between the House of Commons
and the Crown, that it is worth while to pause for a
moment to ask what was the nature of the demand
made by Kudyerd, undoubtedly with the assent, if not
at the instigation, of Buckingham and the Prince.^
Nothing can be plainer than that the idea of a Con-
tinental war was placed in the background, if not
negatived altogether. Diplomatic intervention there
* Rudyerd's speech, & P. Donuy clx. 8.
^ In the next year he stated that he had not received instructions
from either. Probably his intercourse was with Pembroke.
22 T!HE LAST PAEIJAMENT OF JAMES L
CHAP, was to be in Germany, accompanied, perhaps, with some
X*
-- aid in money from the English exchequer, in order to
Mardi^. ^^^ ^^ opposition to the Spanish and Imperialist
armies. But EngUsh military operations were to be
confined to the Low Countries, and whatever more was
done was to take the form of a diversion, that is to say,
the form of an attack by sea upon the Spanish fleets
and the Spanish Indies. A new generation of Drakes
and Ealeighs was to be called into existence, to con-
tinue the work, half patriotic, half piratical, which
filled so large a space in the minds of Englishmen of
that day.
^eei^gof But if any doubt of Eudyerd's meaning were
moM about possiblc, there could be no doubt of the feeling of the
House. Of Germany and of German politics the
Commons knew very little, had no chance of knowing
anything accurately. But they did know that Spain
had been specially prominent in the first attack upon
the Palatinate, and they knew that Spain had been
meddling in their own domestic aflairs to an extent
which had roused the disgust of all Protestant English-
men. That they greatly overrated the strength of
Spain in Germany, and as greatly underrated the
strength of the Emperor and the Elector of Bavaria,
is evident to all who know anything about the
condition of Germany at the time ; and they were thus
easily led to imagine that a blow struck at Spain would
have far more important results upon the Rhine than
was at all likely to be the case. Though it would be
unfair to say that they disregarded the miserable con-
dition of the Palatinate, it is certain that Germany
held but a secondary place in their thoughts. It was
against the intrigues of Gondomar rather than against
the arms of Spinola and Tilly that their indignation
was specially directed. Spain, and Spain almost alone,
ATTACK UPON THE RECUSANTS. 23
was ever present to their vision. War with Spain was chap.
regarded as a good thing in itself, needing no further — r — -
justification. In the debate which followed Kudyerd's M^reh^.
speech, whilst the hint which he had thrown out about JJ^J^'^
the formation of a Protestant confederacy in Germany ^** Spain,
fell flat upon the House, his proposal to attack Spain
was received with rapturous applause. " He that shall
go out of the way that Sir Benjamin Kudyerd hath set
down," said Phelips, " shall work in a maze, and must
return thither again." " War only," cried Eliot, " will
secure and repair us." The fleet, he added, might be
fitted out by the help of " those penalties the Papists have
already incurred," a proposal which, if it had been
translated into figures, would have organised a tjranny
too monstrous to be contemplated with equanimity.^
The feeling which thus prevailed found its expression The peti-
in the petition which the Commons drew up for pre- commona,
sentation to the King. The Lords had been content
to assign as their reason for recommending that the
negotiations should be broken ofi*, the impossibility of
placing further confidence in the Spanish Government.
The Commons went over the whole history of the past
dangers of Protestantism in England and in Europe,
and found special fault with the late alliance with
Spain as leading to an increase in the number of the
English CathoUcs.^
The petition prepared in this spirit was adopted by March 3.
the Upper House, and was ready for presentation on the objecto*^
3rd. But the King had a bad cold, and refused to *^
receive it. The petition, in fact, sounded very like a
covert attack upon himself, and the attempt to convert
the proposed war into a religious crusade against Spain
must have been most distasteful to him. Buckingham
* Commons* Journals, i, 674, 722 ; Nickola^s Notes,
' Lords* Journals, iii. 246.
24 THE LAST PARLIAMENT OF JAMES L
CHAP, had no such scruples. " In obedience to your com-
^ — r — ' mands," he wrote, with that insolence which long
Mwdf familiarity had taught him, " I will tell the House of
Bucking- Parhament that you, having been ui^on the fields this
ham expos- ^ ^ /* ^ i
tuutes. afternoon, have taken such a fierce rheum and cough
as, not knowing how you will be this night, you are
pot yet able to appoint them a day of hearing : but I
will forbear to tell them that, notwithstanding your
cold, you were able to speak with the King of Spain's
instruments, though not with your own*subjects." ^
And 8ug- This strange letter was, in all probability, accom-
fnswerto pauied by a paper in which Buckingham had jotted
^^* down the heads of the answer which he wished James
to make to the Houses/'^ The King, he suggested,
should say that he was grateful for the answer given
him, and that he did not expect any rebukes from
them till he had made up his mind whether he
would accept their advice or not. If he became
engaged in a war in consequence of his taking that
advice, he would not make peace without first consult-
ing them ; and finally he would allow them to choose a
Committee ' to see the issuing out of the money they
give for the recovery of the Palatinate.'
Even this last suggestion, James condescended to
^ Buckingham's letter (Hardwicke St. P,, i. 467) is undated, but the
reference to the cold authorises me to place it here. On the 6th of
Mai-ch Tilli^res writes that the King had received the petition,
*^ ajant retards deux jours k les voir^ s*excusant sur un rheum.*^ (HarL
MSS. 4593, ^^^' '^^ ^') ' ^^^ Salvetti, in his Newsletter of the 5th, refers
to the same circumstance.
' It is printed (Hardtoicke St, P.) as a postscript to a letter with which
it has no connection, except that it has been placed next to it by the col-
lector or binder of the volume in which it was found (HarL MSS. 6987).
The suggestion of a plan for paying subsidies elsewhere than into the ex-
chequer, must have been made before the King's speech of the 5th, in
which that suggestion was adopted. If, therefore, it did not actually ac-
company Buckingham's letter, it must )iave been sent about the same
time.
THE KING'S DEMANDS. 25
accept. Four proposals of Rudyerd's, that the fortifi- chap.
cations should be repaired, a fleet fitted out, Ireland re- — r — '
inforced, and the Dutch Republic succoured, he adopted ^^^
as his own, if indeed they had not been originally The King's
made with his approbation. But a comparison between
the debate in the Lower Hoa«*e and this reply of
James's reveals a radical difference between their
respective plans for the future. Whilst the Commons Different
. *" *■ viewsof the
wished to do as much as possible against Spain, and Kin^ and
as little as possible in Germany, James wanted to do mona.
as much as possible for the Palatinate, and as little
as possible against Spain. " As Moses," he said, " saw
the land of promise from a high mountain, so would it
be a great comfort to me that God would but so pro-
long my days as, if I might not see the restitution, yet
at least to be assured that it would be." He would
not own * one furrow of land in England, Scotland,
or Ireland without restitution of the Palatinate.' In
this mind he would live and die. But he could not
declare war till he knew what means he should have
to support it. He was himself miserably in debt. He
would allow the money voted for the war, to be placed in
the hands of treasurers appointed by the House. But
he hoped that over and above this they would give him
something for himself In one thing only did he speak
of the war differently from the plan expounded by
Rudyerd. Rudyerd had suggested the promotion of
union amongst the German Princes. James went a
step fiirther, and proposed to send them actual aid.^
The demand for money for payment of the King's March n.
debts, and the demand for money for a war in Ger- S?c?m^
many, found no response in the House of Commons. ™°°*-
In vain Weston unrolled the whole list of the past
expenses of the Crown. Rudyerd, in moving for a
> Lord8^ Journals f iii. 253.
^6 THE LAST PARLIAMENT OF JAMES L
CHAP, conference with the Lords, proposed to ask their ad-
^ — ' vice on the defence of Ireland, the repair of the forts,
^^^^ the setting out of a fleet, and the aid to be given to
the Dutch — the four points, as men soon began to call
them — ^but said nothing either of the King's debts or
of the German Princes, an omission which can hardly
have been accidental. In the .debate which followed,
no one rose to recommend a war in Germany.^ Eng-
land, said Coke, never prospered so well as when she
was at war with Spain. K Ireland were seciured, the
navy furnished, the Low Countries assisted, they need
not ' care for Pope, Turk, Spain, nor all the devils in
hell.' A resolution was finally passed that, as soon as
his Majesty declared the negotiations at an end, he
should be assisted in a parliamentary way.
The The Commons seem to have taken for granted that
pianations Jamcs's demand for payment of his own debts would
LordI not be pressed. In the Lords the matter was taken
more seriously, and doubts were expressed whether it
would be possible to raise subsidies enough for this
purpose and for the war as well. The Prince of Wales,
now a constant attendant upon the debates, was in his
place when these words were spoken. He had long
lost all patience with his father's doubts and hesitations,
and he was too ardent in the cause which he had
adopted to reflect that by bringing royalty into con-
tempt he was menacing an authority of which he would
one day be himself the appointed guardian. Without
waiting to consult any one, he boldly explained away
his father's words. The King, he said, merely meant
to let it be known that he was in want of money. But
* There are two reports of this sess^ion in the Journals. According to
the second, Wentworth of Oxford spoke of Germany (i 732). But the
first report (i. 692) substitutes * The Low Countries,* and is evidently
right in doing so.
INTERFERENCE OF THE PRINCE. 27
he did not mean to ask for help himself till after the chap.
safety of the kingdom had been provided for.^ The ^- . ' -^
effect of this marvellous commentary was immediate, all i^^^"**
the more because the Prince sought out the leaders of the
Commons, and told the same tale to them.^ An address, March 14.
embodying the ideas expressed in debate, was at once ^^S^®
agreed to ; and on the 14th it was presented to the King
at Whitehall by the Archbishop of Canterbury, in the
name of the two Houses.
Even if James had not taken offence at his son's Ti»e k^k'«
unexpected interference, he may well have hesitated
when called upon to sanction a plan of operations so
different from his own. At all events his reply was
not that which the Houses had expected to receive.
He took especial offence at a phrase in the address
condemning the insincerity of the Spaniards. He
had not yet, he said, delivered his opinion on Buck-
ingham's relation. He had come to no conclusion on
the sincerity or insincerity of those with whom he had
to deal. When Jupiter spoke, he was accustomed * to
join his thunder with it ; and a king should not speak
except to maintain it by action.' Then, having got
rid of his ill-humour, his speech took a more practical
turn. Thanking the Houses for their promise to grant
him money, he pressed for more definite information
on the amount they were prepared to give. " I must
not only deal," he said, " with my own people, but with
my neighbours and allies, to assist me in so great a
business as the recovery of the Palatinate." In other
words, whilst the Houses were proposing to fight Spain
at sea or in the flats of Brabant, James was proposing
a great Continental alliance for a war in Germany.
For this purpose, he said, he should need five subsidies
and ten fifteenths, adding, in spite of his son's declara-
> EUmg'B Notes, ' Valareuo's Despatch, March ||.
28 THE LAST PARLIAMENT OF JAMES L
CHAP, tion, that he hoped they would give him another sub-
— l — sidy and two more fifteenths for himself. He had almost
Mi^ht. °^de up his mind to break off relations with Spain, He
trusted they would pass as many good bills as possible,
and he hoped to call them together again in the autumn.^
^J^[^ This hesitating utterance — in all probability it was
Commons, nothing more — was understood by the Commons to
imply that there would be no war after all. They left
the presence without the usual cry of '' God save the
King I" The Prince showed liis annoyance at his father's
disavowal of his words by remaining in sullen silence for
the remainder of the day, whilst the friends of Spain
went joyously about with smiling faces/^
ha^"*^ Buckingham, unlike the Prince, was not Hkely to
IheKiwr *^^^ Tcfugc in silcncc. It was probably a day or two
before this that he had written to James another of those
strange and insolent letters in which the position of
master and servant was completely inverted. " I beseech
you," he wrote, "send me your plain and resolute answer
whether, if your people so resolve to give you a royal
assistance, as to the number of six subsidies and fifteens,
with a promise after, in case of necessity, to assist you
with their lives and fortunes ; whether then you will not
accept it and their counsel to break the match with the
other treaties, and whether or no, to bring them to this,
I may not assure some of them underhand, because
it is feared that when your turns are served you will
not call them together again to reform abuses, griev-
ances, and the making of laws for the good govern-
ment of the country : that you will be so far from
that, that you will rather weary them with it, desiring
nothing more than their loves and happiness, in which
your own is included. Sir, I beseech you think seri-
* JLords* Jotimals, lii. 265.
* D. Carleton to Carleton, Sir R. Cotton to T. Cotton, March 17
S. P. Dom, dx. 19, 20 ; Contanni's JDetpatchj March |{.
BUCKINGHAM'S URGENCY WITH THE KING. 29
ously of this, and resolve once constantly to run one chap.
way. For so long as you waver between the Span- ^ — ^ — '
iards and your subjects to make your advantage of ji^^i
both, you are sure to do it with neither." ^
Full of these thoughts, Buckingham now sought Bucking-
an interview with the King. Throwing himself upon u^lw^'
his knees he besought him to give satisfaction to his ^* *™^
subjects. But if Buckingham was anxious to gain
from the unwilling King a declaration of war, his idea
of what that war should be approached far more nearly
to the views of James than to the views of the House
of Commons. If the Commons were for a war at sea,
and James was for a war on land, Buckingham was for
a war both by land and sea. He now dwelt upon the
favourable prospect of obtai ning French co-operation.
The Spanish marriage treaty, he said, had been
'prejudicial to the present government here, in press-
ing the abrogation of many good laws, and being con-
trary to the conscience of the people.' The same con-
ditions, replied James, would be demanded in any other
Roman Catholic marriage. Against this conclusion Buck-
ingham argued, and suggested that the Houses should
send him a petition, asking him not to consent to the
Spanish conditions with any other Popish Prince.
Under these persuasions James gave way once March xc.
more, and consented to allow Buckingham and his anwer£
son to explain away his answer. The next day, ac-
cordingly, Charles was able to assure the Houses that
his father had no further doubts about the justice of
the war, and that he would apply to that object the
whole sum of six subsidies and twelve fifteenths, if they
chose to grant it to him. Buckingham then proceeded
^ Sdrdwicke St, P. i. 466. The letter is undated, but must have been
written before the 20th, when a smaller sum than six subsidies was
offered by the Commons ; and I think before the 14th, when the King
seems to have accepted the proposal of six subsidies from Buckingham.
plained.
30 THE LAST PARLIAMENT OF JAMES L
CHAP, to unfold the history of his conversation of the pre-
' — .' — vions night, and for the first time revealed the secret of
M&nh'iS' *^® French marriage. It was possibly upon perceiving
some signs of dissatisfaction around him that Charles
added in a low voice, '* My father has a long sword. If
it is once drawn, it will hardly be put up again." ^
Prospect of Whether dissatisfaction was exi)res8ed or not, there
marriage, cau bc uo doubt that it was felt. " I confess," wrote a
member of the House, about a fortnight later, '* that my
heart beats still as you know it hath done ever, and
goeth not with this match neither, and I find so many
of the same pulse here, that I am sorry my noblest
Lord*-^ is employed in the business." »
DebS^Ji? Nevertheless the hint thrown out called forth
supply. UQ Qp^u expression of disapprobation. In the long
debate which followed on the grant of supply, only one
member alluded to it, by proposing that the King
should be asked to break off all other treaties, as well
as the Spanish, that might be prejudicial to religion.
On the prospect opened to them of a Continental war
they were more outspoken. Sir Francis Seymour
touched the question to the quick. He had heard
' wars spoken on,' he said, * and an army ; but would
be glad to hear where. The Palatinate was the place
intended by his Majesty. This we never thought of,
nor is it fit for the consideration of the House in re-
gard of the infinite chaise.' Not a word was uttered
in opposition to the view thus taken by Seymour. The
House was looking in another direction than the Pala-
tinate. " Are we poor," cried Eliot, " Spain is rich.
^ Lords'' Journals, iii. 266. Valaresso^sjDesp€ftchf March ||. Account
of a conversatioD between the King and Buckingham; S. P. Dom.,
clx. 80.
' Carlisle, who was to go as ambassador to negotiate it.
' Nethersole to Carleton, March 31 ; S, P. Dam., cbd. 61.
FINANCIAL PROPOSALS. 3 1
There are our Indies. Break with them ; we shall chap.
I
break our necessities together." ^ * — ' — -
In fact, the Commons were in a very diflScult posi- Marcht^.
tion. The task before them was no longer to oppose £JSi'of
their own resolution to the inertness of the King. They ^^« ^™-
were called upon to decide between two opposite
schemes of political and military action. Instead of
looking forward to a war limited in extent and lucra-
tive, as they fondly hoped, in its results, they were
called upon to provide for a vast Continental alliance,
cemented by a marriage which, taken at its best, would
go far to encourage the hopes of that Church which
they most detested, and relying for its support upon an
expenditure of English blood and treasure so great
that they could hardly contemplate the prospect with
equanimity. For, as Coke explained to them, six
subsidies and twelve fifteenths would bring them in *
78o,CHX)/., and the six subsidies which might be ex-
pected from the clergy would raise the grant to
900,000/., an amount which, however small it may
sound in the reign of Victoria, was utterly unprece-
dented in the reign of James. Even the officials in
the House did not venture to support the demand in
fiill. Eudyerd, who had again opened the debate, had
contented himself with asking that the subsidies should
be in principle voted ; part of them being held back to be
levied at some future time. Later in the debate, how-
ever, Edmondes, Privy Councillor as he was, professed
himself to be staggered by the greatness of the demand,
and recommended three subsidies as sufficient. Weston
too, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, acknowledged that
the sound of six subsidies was ' very fearful ; ' whilst Vane
and Conway only ventured to urge the consideration of
* Comnums' JoumaU, i. 740. Nicholas^ $ Notes,
32
rv
THE LAST PARLIAMENT OF JAMES L
CHAP.
L
1624.
March aa
Objects of
the grant.
March 2a.
I to word-
ing altered.
March 23.
James de-
clares the
treaties
dissolved.
Eudyerd's original proposal, according to which the full
levy would be contingent on the renewed approbation
of the House. In the end three subsidies and three
fifteenths, or about 3cx5,ocx)/., were voted. The money
was to be paid to treasurers appointed by ParUament
within one year after James had declared the negotia-
tions with Spain to be at an end.^
The address from both Houses with which this
resolution was accompanied plainly declared the ob-
jects for which it was intended. They were stated to
be ' the support of the war which is likely to ensue,
and more particularly for those four points proposed
by your Majesty ; namely, the defence of this realm,
the securing of Ireland, the assistance of your neigh-
bours the States of the United Provinces and others
of your Majesty's friends and allies, and the setting
forth of your Eoyal Navy.* ^
Before this address was presented it was privately
shown to James. To one passage, in which it was said
that the war was to be waged * for the conservation
of the true religion of Almighty God,' he took ob-
jection, as making it difficult for him to find allies
beyond the limits of Protestantism. The objection
was admitted as valid, and the phrase was cancelled.
The address itself, unlike the last one, was gra-
ciously received. The King said that he was willing
to take the advice of Parliament * in the annulling and
breaking of those two treaties, both of the match and
* The compariBon sometimes made between the incidence of a sub-
sidj and that of our present income-tax, is altogether misleading. As
£Eur as land was concerned, a subddj was a tax upon rental, which would
often be little more than nominal, the chief profit being made by the
fines levied as the leases fell in, which would not be touched by the sub-
sidy. The gradual decrease of subsidies in value was generally attributed
at the time to the collusion of the collectors. Is it possible that there
was also a practice of increasing the fines at the expense of rental P
^ Lards* Joumah, iii. 275.
THE KING'S OFFERS. 33
of the Palatinate.' In all his negotiations he had only chap.
aimed at the recovery of the Palatinate. " I am old," -■
he added, " but myLy ^ i, young, and I ^11 pro- ^^
mise, for myself and him both, that no means shall be
unused for the recovery of it ; and this I dare say, as
old as I am, if it might do good to the business, I
would go in my own person, and think my travail and
labour well bestowed, though I should end my days
there." Not a penny of the money now offered, he
declared, should be spent but upon this work, and that
too by their own treasurers. In the address, the
subsidies had been spoken of as a ' first fiiiits,' and
there had been a further assurance of more to come
when he was actually engaged in war. He took the
Houses at their word, " In the next session," he said,
" you will consider how this hath been husbanded, and
according to that, think what is next to be done ; and it
will spur you the more to enable me for the rest
whereof I spake to you before." For advice about the
conduct of the future war, however, he must be de-
pendent not upon Parliament, but upon military men
who would form a Council of War. His plans * must
not be ordered by a multitude,' for so his * designs
might be discovered beforehand.' Without the con-
sent of their Commissioners he would not touch a
penny of their money. " But whether," he said, " I
shall send twenty thousand or ten thousand, whether
by sea or land. East or West, by diversion or other-
wise, by invasion upon the Bavarian or the Emperor,
you must leave that to the King."
What, then, was the meaning of the engagement Wh*t did
thus taken ? On the one hand Parliament, with the ' "**^
exception of the vague clause about assisting * other
your Majesty's friends and allies,' distinctly intimated
that the money was to be employed solely on the four
VOL. I. D
34 THE LAST PARLIAMENT OF JAMES I.
CHAP, points originally proposed. Even if that clause were
' — r — ' to receive the widest possible interpretation, it could
itoch23. ii^ver be seriously contended that out of 300,000/.
there would be enough left, when the expenditure
authorised in the address had been met, to provide for
any extensive military outlay. James, in talking of
sending twenty thousand men or ten thousand men, was
clearly not referring to anything connected with the
present vote, but to the use to be • made of the further
subsidies which he expected in the autumn. He had
already promised to call Parliament together for pur-
poses of domestic legislation. He now promised to
give an account at the same time of the expenditure
already agreed on, and to ask the sanction of the Houses
to the further prosecution of the war. He would thus
have time to ascertain the feeling of the various Euro-
pean courts in which he hoped to find allies. But he
honestly told Parhament that when he proceeded to
make war in earnest, he should be guided by military,
not by political, far less by religious considerations.
What he wanted, in short, was to get back the Palati-
nate, not to pimish Spain for its past conduct, or to
join in a Protestant crusade.
Neither Evidently, therefore, neither party was in any way
KSnd for bound to anything beyond the expenditure of the
300,000/. already agreed to be voted. When the next
session began it would be open to the King to say, if
he thought fit, that he had found the enterprise more
arduous than he had expected ; and it would be equally
open to the Commons to say that they dechned to sup-
port any particular poUcy which the Crown had
resolved to adopt. The blind confidence which Charles
afterwards demanded, was neither offered nor assumed
on either side, even in the event of the autumn session
taking place. Still less could it be fairly expected, if
the-foture.
POPULABITY OF THE KING'S PECLAKATION. 35
the meeting of the Houses were delayed, that the chap.
Commons should sanction without enquiry any further —-i^
expenditure on which the Crown might have entered ^^f^
upon its own responsibihty.
For the present, however, there was little thought PubUc ro-
of future comphcations. On the afternoon after the ^^* ^
King's declaration, the streets were filled with happy
feces. As soon as darkness fell, bonfires were blazing
on every side. At last the long weary burden of years
had been thrown off. Whatever else might happen, it
would not be a Spanish Princess who would be nearest
and dearest to the future King of England, and mother
to the future Prince of Wales. Neither Gondomar nor
his master would again find an excuse for meddling
with the administration of English law, or for thrusting
aside statutes which, whatever we may now think of
them, were at that time regarded as the bulwark of our
reUgion and our Uberty.
Whilst the bonfires were blazing in the streets, some g?|^jj^„^
of the servants of the Spanish embassy in the Strand iMuited.
were foolish enough to crowd to the window to see
what was going on. As might have been expected,
they were received with jeers by the crowd below, and
stones and firebrands were flung towards them. The
next day, on Buckingham's motion, the Lords resolved Mireh 24.
that an attempt should be made to discover the offen-
ders. In the Commons other feelings prevailed. Two March 2s.
members of the House reported that they had been in
the Strand on the evening in question and had not
witnessed anything improper. On this negative evidence
the Commons thought themselves justified in treating
the whole story as a pure invention.^
If Buckingham had still some regard for decorum, The Prince
Charles shared the popular feeling to the full. Whilst piwent
^ Lords^ Joumais, iii. 280 ; Commons^ Journals, i. 750.
D 2
36
THE LAST PABLIAMENT OF JAMES L
CHAP.
I.
'*■ — » -^
1624.
March 18.
from the
Countess
Olivares.
March 17.
Lafuoite
robbed of
his de-
spatches.
James's decision was still hanging in the balance, three
cartloads of fruits and sweetmeats were driven up to
the gate of St. James's Palace, at that time the residence
of the Prince of Wales. They were a present from
the Countess of Olivares, prepared in happier days.
Charles would not even vouchsafe to look at them.
Turning to Cottington, he bade him divide the good
things as he pleased amongst his attendants.^
A King's son, it would appear, could be lament-
ably deficient in the elements of good breeding. The
day before this scene there had been a deed done
in France by which still greater obloquy was brought
upon the EngUsh name. The Spanish Government, in
the hope of obtaining better terms from James, had
despatched Gondomar's confessor, Lafiiente, to England,
trusting that his discreet character and his accurate
knowledge of the Court might procure him a hearing
where the impatient Inojosa and the blunt soldierlike
Coloma had failed.
As he was travelling near Amiens, Lafiiente's coach
was surrounded by a number of men armed with
pistols and disguised with false beards. His baggage
was searched with the utmost minuteness, and even the
leaves of his breviary were eagerly turned over. His
assailants were evidently no common robbers, for,
though they carried ofi* every scrap of paper in his
possession, they left his money and all his valuable pro-
perty untouched. The affair was never subjected to
any serious investigation, but Lafuente believed that
the culprits were Frenchmen employed by the Marquis
of Hamilton, whose intimacy with Buckingham made
it unlikely that the outrage had been committed with-
out the knowledge of the Lord Admiral.^
* Chamberlain to Carleton; March 20, 8, P, Dom,, dxi. 4 ; SalvettVB
NewdeUer, ^^
' Frandaoo de Jeeus. 97.
LAFUENTE IN ENGLAND. 37
If, as was supposed in England, Lafiiente had
brought instructions to make fresh proposals about the
Palatinate, the loss of his papers must have been very j^ItoXq.
serious to him. On the 29th he was admitted to the The trea-
King's presence together with the two ambassadors, Spain d*-
but he had no credentials to present, and a letter from
the King of Spain which he had with him when he left
Madrid was equally missing. He was therefore com-
pelled to stand by in silence whilst James was informing
the ambassadors that all negotiations with Spain were
at an end. According to the jest of the day he had
only come to give extreme unction to the dying
treaties.^
At last James seemed to have made up his mind. Reception
As soon as the Spaniards left the room, their places Dutch
were taken by the Dutch Commissioners, who had come sionen.
over to discuss the terms on which English miUtary
assistance should be given to the States General. Their
reception was eminently favourable. The King assured
them of his strong desire to maintain the independence
of their coimtry, and to regain the lost Palatinate.^
The Commons had now leisure to turn their atten- Bitter fed-
tion to the subject to which, next to the war with Spain, SfcSSo?
they attached the greatest importance. The treaties ^^
which had just been set aside had done much to repress
the growth of a tolerant spirit in England. The men^
who, like Bacon and Bristol, rose to power in the earlier
years of James's reign, were capable of embracing
something of the idea of toleration. The men who
were looked up to in the Parliament of 162 1 and 1624,
Pym, Eliot, and Phelips, closed their hearts against the
very thought. The reason of this difference it is not
difficult to discover. The Eoman Catholic creed was
* Volarewo'B Despatchf April p.
« Ibid.
38 THE LAST PARLIAMENT OF JAMES L
CHAP, no longer a mere religions error, endangering, accord-
- — r — ' ing to the common belief, the souls of men, but accom-
Mlreh%. panied by no very evident poUtical danger. It was
now once more aggressive both on the Continent and in
England. Every step which had been gained by its
champions in Germany, every blow which had been
struck upon the Danube or the Ehine, had found an
echo in English hearts, more especially as the detested
creed had gained vantage ground in the concessions
which Spain had wrung from the impoUtic compUance
of an English sovereign.
And so the mischief which had been quietly grow-
ing, had produced another mischief in return. Because
James had allowed the reins of government to hang
loosely in his hands, and had not repelled with scorn
the pretensions of an alien ruler to interfere with the
domestic afiairs of England, therefore the best and
wisest spirits of the age were crying out not merely for
the exclusion from England of Spanish influence, but
for the administration of the English law, as far as their
Eoman Catholic fellow-subjects were concerned, in a
harsh and intolerant spirit.
Aprils. On the 3rd of April a petition was sent up to the
against the Lords asking for the full execution of the penal laws
against the Eecusants, and a request was added to it
* that upon no occasion of marriage or treaty, or other
request on that behalf from any foreign Prince or
State whatsoever,' his Majesty ' would take away or
slacken the execution of his laws against the Popish
Eecusants.' ^
j«m^8 ob- To the last clause James had no objection to make.
He had learned something from past experience, and he
had resolved not to compUcate the French treaty with
any of those stipulations for the English CathoUcs
^ Jjprdi^ JoumdUj i. 289.
JAMES'S HESITATION. 39
which had hampered him so terribly in his negotiations chap.
with Spain. But the demand for the full execution of ' — ^ — '
the penal laws annoyed him. K he had no well- ^^^^
defined theory on the subject of toleration, and if his ^ ^
practice on this as in many other matters was very
much influenced by the special circumstances of the
moment, he shrank from avowing an intention to deal
harshly with the Eecusants at a time when he was
persuiaded that the Palatinate could only be recovered
with the assistance of France and other Koman CathoUc
countries.
As often happened with James, his vexation threw He recaiu
him violentiy into a course opposite to that which he spatct
had previously taken. He ordered the courier who had off thi^-
already started for Madrid with a despatch announcing ^^
the breach of the negotiations, to be overtaken and
brought back. He must now, he said, consult more
fully with his son. " Ye know," he wrote to Conway
in a letter conveying these directions, " my firm reso-
lution not to make this a war of religion."^
All this may easily be accounted for by the dislike Spanish in-
which James reasonably entertained for the intolerant ^^^
policy which the Commons were urging him to adopt.
But it may be acknowledged that other causes may
have contributed to ruffle his temper. The Spanish
ambassadors, ignorant, like the rest of the world, of
the deep hold which the loss of the Palatinate had
taken upon James's mind, saw, in the repulse which
they had met, nothing more than the result of the
overbearing self-will of Buckingham. It was not hard
for them to construct out of rumour, partly true and
partly false, the idea that the King was held in moral,
if not in actual physical durance, by the arts of his
^ The King to Conway, April 3. Printed without a date in Btish"
worthy L 140.
40 THE DISSOLUTION OF THE SPANISH TREATIES.
CHAP, favourite and his son, and they imagined that if they
' — r — ' could only succeed for an instant in getting the ear of
Man^to J^^^s, the whole monstrous edifice which Buckingham
had constructed would topple down of itself.
The King Their first difficulty arose from their knowledge
Sw^dteie? that they were never allowed to see James in private,
in private, ^f|fj^^^ ^Jj^y y^Qj^Q admitted to an audience Buckingham
was always present, ready to remove any impression
they might chance to make, the moment they had left
the room. This hindrance to freedom of speech they
determined to 'break through at the earliest oppor-
tunity.' On March 29, the day on which they were
summoned to hear from the King's Ups the announce-
ment that negotiations were at an end, whilst Coloma
engaged the Prince and Buckingham in conversation,
Inojosa offered James a paper which he requested him
to put in his pocket till he found himself alone. The
paper, when opened, proved to contain a request that
caronde- the King would give a private audience to Carondelet,
i^^*^ the Archdeacon of Cambrai, who was acting as Coloma's
BucWDg- secretary. The audience was granted, and Carondelet
made use of it to tell the King that he was little better
than a prisoner in Buckingham's hands, and was being
used as a tool for the satisfaction of the private ani-
Aprii 3 mosities of his favourite. On the morning of April 3
Carondelet returned, bringing Lafuente with him.^
This time a written charge against Buckingham was
placed in James's possession, accusing him of having
formed a plot to transfer the government out of his
master's hands to those of the Prince, whilst James
was to be graciously allowed to pass the rest of liis
life in the full enjoyment of the sports of the field.
The soldiers who would be levied as soon as war was
* Valares8o*$ Despatch, April ^,
mOJOSA'S INTRIGUES. 4 1
declared would be used to bring the King to submis- chap.
sion. Already Buckingham had been speaking dis- • — r — '
respectfully of his sovereign, and had been doing his ^^^
best to make him unpopular with the nation. If the
King would but cast off his favourite, Spam would
undertake to procure the restitution of the Palatinate
in three months.
The alleged intention to dethrone the King had
doubtless no foundation in fact. But it is likely
enough that Buckingham had spoken of the King in
his conversation at least as disrespectfully as he had
written to him in his letters. At all events, there was
enough of general truth in the charge to make James
excessively uncomfortable. He must have known that
even if it was not true that he was being dragged
against his will by Buckingham into a course of action
which he disliked, he had at least entered upon a
path which, but for Buckingham, he would never have
chosen. He now expressed, in bitter words, the usual
dissatisfaction of a man who finds out that he is being
led by others. His son, he said, before his visit * to
Spain, was as well affected towards that nation as heart
could desire, and as well disposed as any son in Europe,
but now he was strangely carried away with rash and
youthful counsels, and followed the humour of Bucking-
ham, who had he knew not how many devils within
him since that journey.'
That afternoon the despatch for Spain was recalled, James
as has been already told.^ The fate of the negotiations
was once more exposed to doubt. But the story told
by Carondelet was so monstrous that James hesitated to
accept it. If the Spaniards, he replied, expected him
» p. 89.
42 THE DISSOLUTION OF THE SPANISH TREATIES.
CHAP, to take any steps against the Duke, they must first
' — r — ' prove their allegations.^
Apiut. Carondelet fancied that the secret of his interview
StSiv^ to ^*'^ ^^ King was in safe keeping. But in spite of his
waiikms. clerical character his morals were loose.^ His mistress
was in the pay of Williams, who, provided that he could
get important information, cared little what means he
employed to obtain it. To Williams the discovery
aflforded a splendid opportunity to strengthen his inte-
rests at court. It was true that Buckingham had
assured him that his conduct in opposing the war with
Spain would be passed over. But since he had given
offence no opportunity had been afforded him of exhibit-
ing his devotion.
^^|[Jj- Williams went first to the Prince. " In my studies
^orms the of diviuity," hc said, after explaining how he had come
by his knowledge, " I have gleaned up this maxim, It is
lawful to make use of the sin of another. Though the
devil make her a sinner, I may make good use of her
sin." " Yea," answered Charles with a smile, " do you
deal in such ware ? " " In good faith," said Williams,
" I never saw her face."
^ There are two abstracts of the account of these transactions; given
afterwards by Carondelet to Williams (Cabala, 275, and Hacket^ i. 195).
If; as I suspect; thej are both taken at different times from the same
conversation; though the notes given by Hacket are treated by him as an
abstract of the paper given by Inojosa to JameS; Hacket*s story, as
usual; is in miserable confusion. He fancied that he knew better what
happened than appears on the face of the documents he printed; and
tnmsferred to the beginning of April events which took place long after-
wards when the King was at Windsor, which will be given in their
proper place.
^ The Spanish embassy stood in no good repute since Inojosa's
arrival. Tilli^res is not a very satisfactory authority against it. But
even his outrageous statement about Inojosa that ' n'^tant pas content de
debaucher les filles et femmes CatholiqueS; il a fait servir des prStres et
confesseurs de maqueraux/ throws some light on the probability of the
truth of the story about Carondelet. Tillidres to ViUe-auz-ClercS;
Feb. ^ Harl MS8, 4593, fol. 46, b.
WILLIAMS AND CARONDELET. 43
After some consideration, it was resolved that chap.
Buckingham should go to Theobalds to feel his ground *- — r — '
with the King,^ whilst Williams remained in London to ^^^
probe Carondelet's secret to the bottom. He ordered ^•^^ ^•
the immediate arrest of a priest whom he knew to be mation
specially intimate with Coloma's secretary. As he ex- rondeietT
pected, Carondelet was not long in asking leave to plead
for his friend's life. Late at night, to escape observar
tiou, he came to the Deanery at Westminster. At first
he found Williams obdurate. How could mercy be
shown whilst Parliament, with its watchful eye, was
still in session ? Carondelet caught at the word Parlia-
ment He knew that Wilhams had opposed Buckingham
at the beginning of the year. He did not know how
ready he was to desist from a fruitless opposition. "Let
not," he said, " the dread of this Parhament trouble
you. I can tell you, if you have not heard it, that it
is upon expiration." Then, fancying from Williams's
answers that he had found a confederate, he unfolded
the whole tale of his secret audiences.^
As soon as Carondelet was gone, Williams sat down Bucking-
and wrote off for Buckingham an account of all that formed.
* Hacket gives a wrong date and sends Buckingham to Windsor in-
stead of Theobalds. From the Lords' Jatv-nals we know that Bucking-
ham was in his place in the morning of the 5th; and was absent on the
6ih and 7th. Conway, in a letter written to Aston rm the 7th (S, P.
Spain), speaks of him as being then at Theobalds.
' Hacket f i. 198. Mr. Tiemey, in his edition of Dodd, argues that the
story of the priest arrested is untrue, because an account (Cabala, 275),
aent off at once to Buckingham by Williams, contains a heading — " The
end, as was conceived, of Don Francisco^s desiring this conference.'' I do
not see that this necessarily follows. Williams may very well have
omitted the story of the priest, which was only needed to show why
Carondelet came to his house. What had to be accounted for was, how
Carondelet came to confer with Williams on such secret matters ; what
was hia end in '' desiring this conference," whether he were already in the
Deanery or not Hacket is most confused in dates, and often mixes up
different stories. But I do not think him, or Williams, likely to invent
such a story as this.
44 THE DISSOLUTION OF THE SPANISH TREATIES.
CHAP, had passed.^ A few evenings later Carondelet returned
> — i; — ' with further information, and Williams was able to
^^^^ take credit to himself for having fathomed so deep a
mystery. Yet before Buckingham had time to receive
the information, he had recovered his mastery over the
mind of James. On April 6, the day before Caron-
delet's first interview with WiUiams, the delayed
despatch announcing the final breach of the negotia-
tions with Spain was at last sent off— a step which
would hardly have been taken if the impression made
by Carondelet and Lafuente on the King had not been
already removed.^
1 Cabala, 275.
' Williams did not write his notes till two o'clock on the morning of
the 8thy and that morning Buckingham was in his place again in the
House of Lords.
The following account by Williams of a further conference between
himself and Carondelet; is given in Birch's transcripts. Add, MSS,,
4164, fol. 280, as taken from Harl, MSS., 7000, where I have not been
able to find it. Dr. Birch's name is, however, a sufficient guarantee
that the reference only is incorrect
*^ He was very inquisitive if I had already or intended to impart what
he had told me in secret the night before to any man ; to the which he
did add a desire of secrecy, because (i) the King had charged him and
the firiar to be very secret ; (2) the ambassadors did not know that he
had imparted these things unto me ; (3) the paper was secret instructions
which they gave the friar to urge and press the same points which him-
self had done, unto the King.
** 2. He confessed that the greatest part of the friar's instructions was
to do all the worst offices he could against the Duke, and to lay the breach
of the marriage and disturbance of the peace upon him.
" 3. He excused his bringing the copy of that paper unto me, because
the Marquis (t.e. Inojosa) had got it in his custody ; but said he would
procure it with all speed. I desired him to do it, the rather because,
besides my approbation of the form and manner of writing, I might be by
it instructed how to apply myself to do his Majesty service therein, as
I found by that conference his Majesty's bent and inclination.
" 4. He having un derstood that there was, though [? not] a close, yet an
indissoluble friendship between the Duke and myself, desired me to show
some way how the Duke might be won unto them, and to continue the
peace. I answered I would pursue any fair course that should be pro-
posed that way; but for myself, that I never meddled with matters of
JAMES BRK\KS WITH SPAIN. 45
This despatch, written and rewritten several times, chap.
announced that the proposition made in January by the -
Spanish ambassadors could not be accepted. James Jr^^
would never consent to his grandson's education at the ^j^^^ «(
_^ the negoti-
Emperor's court, nor would he be satisfied with any- ation with
thing less than a direct engagement that Spain would nouncedby
assist his son-in-law by force of arms if diplomacy should *™*'*
fail. The two Houses of Parliament, he added, ' have
given us their faithful advice to dissolve both the treaties,
as well of the marriage as of the Palatinate. To which
we have given our consent, having not found any exam-
ple that any king hath refused the counsel of the whole
kingdom composed of faithful and loving subjects.' So
fer the letter was all that Buckingham could have
desired. But a passage followed in which James
again pressed Philip to aid him, or at least not to
oppose him, in his efforts to obtain the restitution of the
Pfdatinate. And though he allowed the Prince to cancel
this last clause,^ he did not countermand the sending
of a letter of Conway's which was to go in the same
state of this nature, but was only employed before this journey of the
Prince's in matters of mine owne court and in the pulpit
'' 5. He desired to know if they might rely upon the King; whom only
they found peaceably addicted, otherwise they would cease all mediation
and prepare for war. I answered that he was a King that never broke
his word, and he knew best what he had said unto them.
" 6. He commended much the courage and resolution of the Lord
Treasurer, which I told him we all did, as a probable sign of his inno-
cence.
''7. He said the Marquis had despatched three correos, and expected
of large propositions from Spain to be made unto his Majesty concerning
the present restitution of the Palatinate, and that if these fsdled they
were at an end of aU treaty, and the ambassadors would forthwith return
home.*'
" Indorsed : — ^Bishop of Lincoln's Relation of Speeches passed between
his Lordship and Don Francisco. — 11 Aprilf 1623." [Sic].
' In the draft the passage is scored out, and a note in Charles's hand
is appended to it — ** These two last are thought best to be left out" The
King to Aston, April 5. S. P. Spain,
46 THE DISSOLUTION OF THE SPANISH TREATIES.
CHAP, packet, in which the ambassador at Madrid was
-^ directed to assure Philip that, though James had
Apiii'e. promised to listen to the advice of his Parliament, he
had never promised to follow it.^
Nature of Such a reservation could have but little result,
ham's in- The onc fact of importance was that the Spanish in-
overjames. trfguc had failed, and the treaties were at last aban-
doned. In all that had passed the weakness and
hesitation of James had been most manifest. He had
been half driven, half persuaded, to place himself in
hostility to Spain. It had not been without many
backward glances that he had taken the required step,
glances which the Spaniards interpreted as meaning
much more than they really did. For it was surely
not merely owing to the personal ascendancy of
Buckingham that James at last shook off the influence
of the Spanish ambassadors. Here, at least, Buckingham
had the advantage of a good cause. If he dazzled James
by his vigour and audacity, he was also able to con-
vince his intellect After all that had passed it was
impossible even for James to maintain seriously that it
would be wise to look again to Spain for the recovery
of the Palatinate.
DiflScoities Buckingham's sanguine and incisive temper had
met carried him safely thus fisu*. Would it serve him equally
well when he came to proceed to positive action ? It
is far easier to put an end to n^otiations than to conduct
a war. And he would now no longer have the fuU
assurance of the support of the House of Commons.
If he had been on the side of Parliament against the
King in wishing to make the breach with Spain com-
plete, he was on the side of the King against Parliament
in wishing to make a dose alliance with France the
^ Conway to Aston; April 3. Date corrected to April 8. S, P, Spam.
BUCKINGHAM'S DIFFICULTIES. 47
main feature of his foreign policy. That he was chap.
in the right in shrinking from going to war without — iJi— -
French aid cannot reasonably be doubted. But it ^ ^
remained to be seen at what price that aid was to be
purchased.
48
CHAPTER IL
BUCKINGHAM'S ASCENDANC7.
CHAP. Hbney Rich, Viscount Kensington, had arrived in
^ — ^ — ^ Paris on February 15, charged with a confidential
^^^^ mission. Without making any absolute overtures, he
Kensing- ^as to souud the disposition of the French court
Paris. towards a marriage between Charles and the Princess
Henrietta Maria, the youngest sister of Lewis XHI.
Unhke his elder brother the Earl of Warwick, the
speculator in buccaneering adventures in the reign of
James I. and the pious Lord Admiral of the Common-
wealth, Kensington had been fitted by nature for those
successes in the drawing-room which were denied him
in the senate and the field. Without force of character
or intellectual abihty, he had early taken his place in
that train of flatterers whose ready services were so
pleasing to Buckingham, and were of so little value
in the hour of trial ; and to the satisfaction which he
thus gave to his patron he owed his high position at
court, his peerage, and at last his selection as the mes-
senger of love to the French Princess,
uvteu- Kensington's journey was extremely well timed.
Ministry. Lcwis had at last taken alarm at the position which
Spain and the allies of Spain occupied on his frontiers.
The golden flag of Philip waved from the Netherlands
in the North over an almost uninterrupted series of
fortifications, through the Palatinate, Franche Comt^,
the Milanese Duchy, Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia, to the
FRANCE AND SPAIN. 49
spot where the Pyrenees lower their crests as they
sink towards the waters of the Atlantic. And behind
this martial barrier was now arising once more the
shadowy form of the old Empire which had been
quickened into life by the success of Spinola and Tilly.
Lewis had felt that it was no longer a time to be
guided solely by his religious instincts. Devoted
Catholic as he was, he was a still more devoted French-
man, or rather, it would perhaps be more correct to
say, he was still more devoted to the maintenance of
his own authority, in which, for him, the interests of
France were comprehended. Yet though Lewis was
by no means a cypher in French politics, he was too
sluggish and unfamiliar with business to trouble himself
with the actual direction of affairs. A minister he
must have who would be content to carry out his ideas,
except so far as he might be able to mould his master's
plans in accordance with his own. He now announced
the change which had come over him by dismissing his
former ministers who were on friendly terms with Spain
and the Emperor, and by calling to his counsels the
Marquis of La Vieuville who was pledged to a contrary
course.
With the higher political questions which were Kewdng-
likely to arise out of this change, Kensington had cewat"*^
neither the authority nor the desire to meddle. Easy ^^^'
and graceful in his manners, he had Uttle difficulty in
winning his way amongst the ladies and gay gentlemen of
the Queen Mother's court. Mary de Medici, at this
time under the guidance of the sagacious Eichelieu, at
once treated the handsome Englishman as a friend. She
gladly caught at the idea of making her daughter
Princess of Wales, especially as she hoped by this
means to obtain a cessation of the persecution of the
English Catholics, and thus to do more for her Church
VOL. I. E
50
BUCKINaHABrS ASCENDANCY.
CHAP.
II.
1624.
Feb.
ThePrin-
ceas Henri-
etta Maria.
Kensing-
ton's ideas
aboat the
alliance.
than Philip of Spain and his sister had succeeded
in accomplishing. This feeling was shared by her son,
and Kensington was able to send home the most glowing
description of his reception at Paris. Though he was
told that no serious negotiations could be opened till
his master had openly broken with Spain, nothing was
left undone to give him confidence in the eventual suc-
cess of his mission. With the Queen Mother he was soon
at home, chattering gaily in broken French, and whis-
pering airy compliments in the ears of the ladies around
her. The day*after his arrival he was able to report
that he had seen the Princess, a quick, bright-eyed girl
in her fifteenth year. " My Lord," he wrote to Buck-
ingham, " she is a lovely sweet young creature. Her
growth is not great yet, but her shape is perfect." She
had seldom, he had been informed, ' put on a more
cheerful countenance than that night.' " There were
some,*' he added, " that told me I might guess the
cause of it."
Of soft glances and merry speeches Kensington was
an apt reporter. It was not long before he had
to turn his attention to more serious work. Ill-
advised as any marriage with a Eoman Catholic would
have been in the existing state of English public feeling,
both James and Buckingham wished this marriage to
be at least the seal of an effectual military alliance, and
they expected to proceed simultaneously with the two
negotiations. Kensington soon made himself the mouth-
piece of the French court in advising the contrary
course. " For I doubt," he wrote, " whether it may
not be thought a little dishonourable for this king to
give his sister conditionally that, if he will make war
upon the King of Spain his brother, we will make the
alliance with him. . . . But if we fall speedily upon
a treaty and conclusion of a marriage, the which will
KENSINGTON AT PARIS. 51
find, I am persuaded, no long delays here, neither will
they strain us to any unreasonableness in conditions for
our Catholics, aa far as I can find ; then will it be a fit
time to conclude a league, the which they will then for
certain do when all doubts and fears of falling off* are
by this conjunction taken away." ^
It was truly a golden prospect. But even to Charles March 3.
it did not seem quite satisfiictory after his experience in chwies.^
Spain. The Prince wished the general league of fiiend-
ship to precede the negotiation of the marriage treaty.^
Kensington characteristically replied by assuring Charles
that all would come right in the end, by praising the
Princess, who was * for beauty and goodness an angel,'
and by recounting how she, having borrowed a
miniature of the Prince which hung about his neck,
* opened it with such haste as showed a true pictiu^e of
her passion, blushing in the instant of her own guilti-
ness.'^
All this was very delightful to a lover, but it would April 13.
not go fer to help on the political alliance between the ©pinion on
two kingdoms. Sir Edward Herbert, who had been of f?m(^
for some years the English ambassador in France, and
who knew the country too well to be deceived by the
gossip of the Queen Mother or the blushes of a
girl of fourteen, formed an opinion very different
fi:om that of Kensington. The object of the French
he thought was to make themselves arbiters between
England and the house of Austria ; he therefore
advised his master to bring them ' to some real and
infallible proofs ' of their intention to assist England ' in
^ Kensington to Buckingham, Feb. 16, Feb. 26 (both letters printed
without a date). Cabala, 290, 286. Kensington to Conway, March 4.
S. P. France,
' We learn the Prince's opinion from Kensington's answer to Buck-
ingham's letter of March 3. It is dated March 9. 8, P. France,
' Kensington to the Prince, March 9. Cabala, 288.
b2
52 BUCKINGHAM'S ASCENDANCY.
CHAP, the recovery of the Palatinate at the same time or
— ^ — ' before ' the marriage treaty was discussed. Otherwise
Aprit ^^y would 'want no excuse to keep themselves in
peace of neutrality.' Herbert was the more confirmed
in this view of the case by his knowledge that Lewis
was anxious to send a diplomatic agent to the Elector
of Bavaria. So unpalatable was the remonstrance
made against this proposal by the English ambassador,
that means were taken to induce James to recall him ;
and in fact the letter ordering him to return home had
been already despatched before his last note of warning
reached England.^
Was France Herbert had been guilty of seeing too clearly where
help m^ the real difficulty lay. Whatever interest Lewis had in
Germany? ^^ matter lay in opposing Spain, and Spain alone. As
a devout Catholic he would naturally wish to confine
his operations in Germany within the naiTOwest possible
limits. To send an embassy to the Elector of Bavaria
was precisely the step hkely to be taken by a man in
his position. The victories of Tilly and the League
would have been positively gratifying to him if only
they could be dissociated from the formidable growth
of the Spanish power. To join James in driving out
Catholic rule and Catholic worship from the Palatinate
might possibly be regarded by Lewis in the hght of a
pohtical necessity, but it would never be considered by
him as desirable in itself The overtures which had
been made to James in vain through Francesco della
Eota, were certain to be acceptable to Lewis as placing
the education of Frederick's children in Maximilian's
hands, and leading almost certainly to a rivalry between
him and the house of Austria.
* Herbert to Calvert, Jan. 26, Feb. 6, March 10. Herbert to the
King, April 13. S. P. France. TilliSres to Ville-aux-Clercs, ^^;
Harl MSS.f 4593, fol. 194, b.
THE STRUGGLE FOR THE VALTELLINE. 53
Nor was the divergence of the views of the two chap.
kings about the Palatinate the only difficulty in the way ' — *^ —
of a cordial co-operation between France and England. V ^^
Lewis had a Palatinate of his own in the Valtelline, The French
^ anxious
that long and narrow valley which, stretching from the 5^?^^^®
Lake of Como to the Tyrolese mountains, offered
the only way of communication by which Spanish
armies could pass from Italy into Germany without en-
croaching upon the possessions of states more or less
openly hostile. It was now in the grasp of Spain by
a very questionable title. The Koman Catholics, who
formed almost the entire population, had been treated
with extreme harshness by the Protestant Grison
Leagues, the masters of the whole valley. In 1620
the people of the Valtelline rose against their oppressors,
massacred the few Protestants upon whom they could
lay their hands, and called the Spanish governor of
Milan to their help. In spite of the remonstrances of
France, the Spaniards took the aggressive and carried
fire and sword into the heart of the Grison mountains.
At last a league of resistance was formed between
France, Venice, and Savoy, and in the spring of 1 623
Spain nominally relinquished its authority over the
Valtelline and entrusted the valley to the Pope. But
Spanish garrisons still occupied the principal fortified
posts, and the King of Spain refused to withdraw them
unless the right of passage through the Valtelline were
secured to his soldiers by treaty. In 1624 matters
were still unchanged, and French pohticians were
looking forward to a war for the recovery of the Val-
telline as eagerly as English politicians were looking
forward to a war for the recovery of the Palatinate.
Here at least there was no risk that success would be
attended with any danger to the interests of the Eoman
Catholic Church. If the Palatinate were reconquered
54 BUCKINGHAM^ ASCENDANCY.
CHAP, by the German Protestants, even with French aid, it
" would be very difficult for Lewis to secure the hold
Ap^aT which the priests of his religion had taken upon the
country. If the Valtelline were reconquered by the
petty Qrison states with the help of France, Venice,
and Savoy, it would be easy enough for those who gave
the assistance to take effectual steps for the cessation of
persecution for the future.
SS^Seln Here then, as Herbert perceived, and Kensington
i^iuice did not perceive, lay the danger in the course which
Fmxce. the English Government was bent on pursuing. The
general direction of the pohcy of the two countries
was the same, but the secondary objects at which they
aimed were different. It was a case in which England
had every reason to keep up a good understanding with
its powerful neighbour, but in which an attempt to
form too close an alliance would almost inevitably lead
to mutual irritation, if not to an open breach.
Expecta- Unhappily, great as was the difference of character
England, of the three men at the head of affairs in England,
they were all equally sanguine that others would do
that which they wished them to do. The hesitating
James, the reticent Charles, the hasty Buckingham,
had no idea that they were in any respect unreason-
able in asking the French Government to do precisely
that which they wanted done, in the precise way in
which they thought best. The French on their part
nourished the deception. They too had their own
ends to serve, and in the eagerness with which the
English court was seeking their friendship they saw a
ready means of gaining their own objects whilst giving
as little as possible in return.
y^^ot the ^^ France then, for the present, the German war
warinGer- ^vvas sccoudary to the project for the recovery of the
Valtelline. All that was wanted in Germany was to
create a disturbance which would be sufficient to pre-
LULL IN THE TmRTY YEARS' WAR. 55
vent the armies of Italy from coming to help the chap.
Spanish forces in the Italian valley. When the Val- ^ ^^ .
telline was recovered, then, and not before, would be ^^^^
Anni
the time to consider what was to be done in Germany.
To any one with an eye to see it was obvious, from Manafeid
in xiolUuid.
the shape which the first project of French co-opera-
tion with England took, that nothing more was meant.
If there was a man in Europe who was unfit to stand
at the head of any serious movement in Germany, that
man was Mansfeld. That unscrupulous adventurer
knew how to plunder friend and foe better than he
knew how to conduct war. By the Catholics he was
regarded with a well-deserved ferocity of hatred,
whilst all Protestants who had anything to lose shnmk
from him as they would shrink from the plague. He
had not even the merit of success. To send Mansfeld
into Germany was to invite defeat by the provocation
which his mere presence would give to all peaceable
citizens.
Early in the spring, Mansfeld was once more in
Holland looking out for an employer. The great
German war, for a moment, had sunk down into
quietude, and it seemed as if the Emperor's authority
would be acknowledged from the North Sea to the
Alps. At this moment Du Maurier, the French am-
bassador in Holland, advised Mansfeld to go to France.
Upon his arrival Lewis, for form s sake, refused to see His YiBii
him, but Mansfeld was informed that he might be em-
ployed in an attack upon Franche Comt^ in order to
divert the Spanish troops in the Netherlands from
sending reinforcements to the Valtelline.^ As soon as
Mansfeld's assent was gained he was sent over into
^ '^Se non si trovasse modo d'aggiustare negotio della Valtellina dovera
essere impiegato daUa FraDcia air invasione della Borgogna Contesa."
Sin, Metn. Bee, y. 526. Siri wrote from the despatch of tiie Florentine
agent in Paris.
56 BUCKINGHAM'S ASCENDANCY.
CHAP. England in order to persuade James to take upon him-
>- — ^ — - self a share of the expenses of the undertaking. As
^p^^ the reconquest of the Valtelline would have an appre-
ciable effect in diminishing the power of the house of
Austria, it cannot be said that the scheme was one of
purely French interest. But it is certain that neither
James nor the English Parliament were likely to con-
template with satisfaction such a use of English troops
or of English money,
^prii 5. The difficulties in the way of the French alliance
p£d^'* were not confined to these military questions. On the
JSmnia^. ^^ ^^ April, whcu the Commons sent up to the Lords
their petition against the Eecusants, Charles went out of
his way to swear that, * whensoever it should please Gbd
to bestow upon him any lady that were Popish, she
should have no further liberty but for her own family,
and no advantage to the Eecusants at home.'
The enforcement pf the laws against the English
Catholics was thus, in Charles's mind, a policy likely to
be entirely unobjectionable to the French King whose
April 14- alliance he was courting. On the 14th of April
in England. Mausfcld arrived in London. By the Prince he was
eagerly received. He talked confidently of seizing
Franche Comte and then falling upon the Austrian
lands in Alsace and Swabia.^ Apartments were as-
signed to him in St. James's Palace, the very room
being given him which had been prepared for the
Infanta. Whenever he appeared in the streets the
people followed him with shouts of applause. On the
April 16. 1 6th he was taken to see James at Theobalds. He
touched the heart of the old King by the fluency with
which he spoke of the recovery of the Palatinate as a
' This must be meant by his offer ' d'attaquer les pais h^r^ditaires de
la Maison d'Autriche.' TUli^res to Ville-aux-Clercs, April |g. Harl
MSS., 4523, foL 239.
BiANSFELD IN ENGLAND. 57
thing not so very hard to be accomplished. If his chap.
Majesty, he said, would give him 10,000 infantry and > — ^ — -
3,000 horse, six guns, and 20,oooZ. a month, he would ^^%
need no more. With such a force he would levy con-
tributions to make up all deficiencies. France, Venice,
and Savoy would assist if it were merely on account of
the interest which they took in the Valtelline, but it
was absolutely necessary that a commencement should
be made in England.^
James was evidently pleased. The Palatinate, he Apru 18.
repeated for the hundredth time, must be recovered, mrat^th
whatever its recovery might cost. But he had not **™'
abandoned his usual caution. He entered into an
engagement to furnish Mansfeld with the thirteeen
thousand men, and the 20,000/. a month for which
he asked. But he accompanied his engagement with Ap 1 25.
a declaration that his promise would only be vaUd if
the King of France would entrust the German com-
mander with a similar force. The joint army would
then be used " for the recovery and recuperation of
the Palatinate and the Valtelline." *^
On the 25th Mansfeld left England. The few Mansfield
days which he spent in London had been passed in a iJSdT^"*"
whirl of popularity. Men pressed forward to have the
honour of touching the edge of his cloak ; the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury received him as he stepped out
of his boat on the Surrey side of the Thames, and the
Earl of Carlisle conducted him in state as far as
Rochester.^
^ D. Carleton to Elizabeth; April 24. 8. P. Lom,^ clxiil. 48.
' Mansfeld's engagements; April 18, 24; the King's Declaration,
April 25. S. P. Qermany, Rusdorf to Frederick, April ; Mimoires dt
Rwdorf^ i. 283.
' Rusdorf to Frederick, A^f j Ibid. i. 289. The estate granted to
Mansfeld, according to some Continental writers, has no existence in
reality.
58
i624«
April 1$.
EngUsh
prepara-
UonBfbr
war.
April x8.
April 31.
TheCoan-
dlofWar.
April 23.
Answer to
theSecn-
saocy pe-
titioii.
BUCKINGHAM'S ASCENDANCY.
He was able to take with him the news that pre-
parations for war were being carried on in earnest in
England. On the 1 5th, the day after his arrival, Com-
missioners had been at last appointed to treat with the
Dutch about sending troops to their assistance. On the
1 8th orders had been given to fit out twelve ships of
the Eoyal Navy.* On the 21st a Council of War had
been appointed, and the names of its members were
such as to give every assurance that its deUberations
would be conducted with ability. Lord Qrandison,
who, as Sir Oliver St. John, had crowned a long mili-
tary career by services as Lord Deputy of Ireland;
Lord Carew, the Master of the Ordnance, and former
President of Munster; Lord Brooke, the Fulke Gre-
ville of Sydney's days ; Lord Chichester, the soldier and
statesman ; Sir Edward Conway, Sir Edward Cecil, Sir
Horace Vere, Sir John Ogle, and Sir Thomas Button,
formed a group which comprised all the available
military knowledge of the time, whilst Sir Kobert
Mansel held a high place for acquaintance with mari-
time affairs.^
It would be some time before James could
hear how his proposal to assist Mansfeld would be re-
ceived in France. But two days before Mansfeld went
away James had used words which were not likely to
help on the negotiation. Li answering the Commons'
petition against the Eecusants he expressed himself
favourably to the request laid before him. He con-
sidered himself unfortunate, he said, to need a spur to
do that which his conscience and duty bound him to
do. His heart had bled when he had heard of the
increase of Popery. K he had known any way better
^ Commission, April 15 ; S, P, Holland; Warrant, April 18, S. P.
DonLy clxiii. 4.
• Warrant, April 21. S, P. Dom,, clxiii. 18.
THE KING AND THE ENGLISH CATHOLICS. 59
than another to hinder its growth he would have taken chap.
it. Yet he had abstained from persecution, nothing ^ — ^ — '
being more likely to increase a religion. He was now Aprff I'l.
ready to banish the priests, and to direct the Judges to
put the penal laws in execution. His subjects should
be forbidden to frequent the houses of foreign ambas-
sadors, or to bring up their children in the Eoman
Catholic faith. As for the request that no immunity
for the English Catholics should be included in any
treaty for his son's marriage, he heartily assented to it.
" Now," he said, *' for the last part of your petition.
You have therein given me the best advice in the Nocondi-
world ; for it is against the rule of wisdom that a king cathoHcsto
should suffer any of his subjects to be beholden and treaty!*^
depend upon any other prince than himself ; and what
hath any king to do with the laws and subjects of
another kingdom ? Therefore assure yoiu-selves that,
by the grace of God, I will be carefiil that no such
condition be hereafter foisted in upon any other treaty
whatsoever ; for it is fit that my subjects should stand
or fall to their own lord." ^
James most Ukely meant all this at the time. The ms^lSwTO
increase which had lately taken place in the numbers J^J^ "
of the Catholics, and which was doubtless in the main ^^y-
to be attributed to the readiness with which timid or
half-hearted converts declare themselves as soon as per-
secution has ceased,^ was as formidable to him as it was
to the House of Commons, and he was especially dis-
incUned to make concessions to France after his past
experience of the Spanish treaty. The answer thus
' Lordi JowmaU, iii. 317.
' Mr. Peacock's List of Roman Catholics in the County of York in
1604 ifl very instructive on this point The recusancy of great numbers
dates from Jameses accession ; that is to say, from the time when the fear
of the penal laws was for a time removed.
6o BUCKINGHAM'S ASCENDANCY.
CHAP, given wa& generally regarded as satisfactory. The
-^ — r^ — ' adoption by James of his son's promise about the French
Aprut^ marriage treaty was especially gratefiil, though most
of those who heard him would have been better pleased
if he had announced that there would be no French
marriage at all. * In a wondrous fine speech/ Eliot pro-
posed that the thanks of Parliament should be given
tx) the King and the Prince ; and, though the motion
was not adopted, the House gave a practical form to
EUot's expression of feeling by pushing on the subsidy
bill as fast as possible.^
inoiosa'fl -^^ ^^^^^ very moment a fresh attempt was being
J]5^^*J*"" made by Inojosa to shake the constancy of James,
j^kfng- Seeking an audience, the Spanish ambassador repeated
ingham. ^th his owu mouth the charges against Buckingham
which had formerly been brought by Lafuente and
Carondelet. It was true, he insisted, that the favourite
had conspired with ParUament to dethrone the master
to whom he owed everjrthing, in case of his refusal to
make war upon Spain. If the King wished to test the
truth of the assertion, let Buckingham's friends be
asked, upon their oath, whether he had not made the
proposal in their hearing.
Buckinff- The words so confidently spoken could not fail to
^'^\f|*" make an impression upon the King. As soon as
Inojosa left him he set out for Windsor, stopping at St.
James's on his way, where Charles came out to meet
him with Buckingham at his side. The tears stood in
James's eyes as he repeated what the Spaniard had
said. Charles accompanied his father. But Buck-
ingham, though invited, remained behind. He must
have justice, he said, against his slanderers. Till his
innocence had been acknowledged, Windsor was no
* Nethersole to Carleton, April 25 ; S, P, Darn,, dxiii. 50.
INOJOSA'S ATTACK UPON BUCKINGHAM. 6 1
place for him. He would rather betake himself to the chap.
Tower, and deliver himself up as a prisoner.^ — --^ — '
Inojosa next presented a paper to the King, xpnit^
in which he admitted that his charges were 'not f^JJ]^^^
such as could be made to appear by legal and byinojow.
judicious proofs.' Men, he said, were too much afraid
of Buckingham to tell the truth. Then followed a
long tirade against the misdeeds of the favourite,
which, even if it contained no exaggeration, was
entirely irrelevant to the point at issue.^
Inojosa had not improved his position. On the Mgra.
2nd of May the members of the Privy Council were co^di^
called upon to answer a series of interrogatories which *'"™™°'^
had been prepared in order to sift the matter to the
bottom. One by one the councillors swore that they
had never heard any traitorous expression proceed
from Buckingham's mouth. Inojosa's attempt to con-
jure with the wand of Gondomar had failed entirely.
When he came the next day to present his letters of
recall, James refused to accept them. He must see
him again, he said, before he left England. Some who
were present hinted that there were precedents for
calling ambassadors to account before the House of
» Valaresso's Despatch, ^|*; Conway's Note, April 25; S. P.
Dom.^ dxiii. 5 1 ; Rusdorf to Frederick, ^^J ", May ^ ; M4m(nre$, i. 289,
294. Timbres to Ville-aux-Clercs, ^^f ; Harl. MSS., 4593, fol. 2, 65.
' Amongst Valaresso^s despatches is a copy of this paper in Latin,
probably the language in which it was presented. Copies in different
languages are to be found almost everywhere in Europe. In the Cabala
there is an English translation (ed. 1691, 252). In 1813, Mr. Lysons
printed it again in the Archaologia, xviii. 280, fancying that it was pro-
bably drawn up by Robert Carr, Earl of Somerset, for the very insuf-
ficient reason that he found it apiongst other papers connected with
Somerset, and there may have been people who have been under the im-
pression that there is, in this way, evidence in existence to show that
Somerset was at this time trying to oust Buckingham from the King's
favour. The paper is ascribed by a contemporary to Lafuente, who
probably drew it up. D. Carleton to Carleton; 8. P. Dom, clxiv. 12.
ardfl.
62 BUCKINGHAirS ASCENDANCY.
CHAP. Lords. But to these rash advisers James turned a deaf
' — r^ — • ear. Such precedents, he answered, had been found
Mayt to cut off his mother's head. But he would not let the
Spaniard go till he had enquired whether his conduct
was approved of by hig master. Inojosa complained
in vain of the treatment to which he was subjected.
James told him that he must either prove his case or
eat his words.^
Middlesex Inoiosa's information was beUeved at the time to
supports *'
the Spani- havc bccu derived from Middlesex, who was supposed
to have hazarded this desperate step to save himself
from ruin.' Of the five Privy Councillors who in the
beginning of the year had taken the most determined
stand against a breach with Spain, Lennox was
dead ; WilUams had made his peace with Buck-
ingham ; Arundel, though doubtless holding the same
opinions stiU, was maintaining a prudent silence;
whilst Calvert was only waiting for a fit oppor-
tunity to declare himself a Eoman Catholic, and to
retire from public life. Middlesex stood alone in
attemptmg to stem the torrent. To the economical
administrator of the finances Buckingham's lavish
expenditure had never been congenial. The Lord
Treasurer, whose business it was to think how money
could be saved, had often winced under the pres-
sure put upon him by the Lord Admiral, whose
pleasure it was to think how money could be spent.
Unless men were much mistaken, he had attempted,
just as the Prince was starting for Madrid, to supersede
Buckingham in the Eoyal favour with the help of
his brother-in-law, Arthur Brett. The young man
was ordered to travel on the Continent, and a seeming
^ Locke to Carleton, May 8 ; D. Carleton to Carleton, May 21 ; S, P,
Danhf clxiv. 53, clxv. 12 ; SalvettCs Newsletter ^ May y\, J}.
^ D. Carleton to CarletoD| May 3; S, P, Dom,^ chdv. 12.
MIDDLESEX AND THE PRINCE. 63
reconciliation was effected. But now Buckingham's chap.
enormities had reached - their height. To the careful --■ / -
guardian of the Ti-easury, who had built up a surplus ^J^
out of a deficit by the unremitting labour of years, a
war with Spain opened visions of distress which were
not to be counterbalanced by any prospect of national
glory. He had no faith in the popular behef that
the certain expenditure might easily be recouped by the
capture of Spanish treasure-ships. Whilst Bucking-
ham and the Commons were discounting the chances of
the future, the old City merchant prudently shook his
head and expressed his doubt of the value of the security
offered.
To the Prince, Middlesex had given special offence.
When the question of the Spanish marriage was being
considered after Charles's return from Spain, all the
other councillors who objected to seeing it broken off,
qualified their opinions by saying that, if the Prince had
taken any dislike to the person of the lady, it would
be a sufficient reason for putting an end to the engage-
ment. Middlesex alone expressed himself otherwise.
Whether his Highness, he argued, wished to marry
the Infanta or not, it was his duty to do so * for reason
of state and the good that would thence redound to all
Christendom,' for * he supposed that the Prince ought
to submit his private distaste therein to the general
good and honour of the kingdom.' ' Whereupon,' said
Williams, who told the story long afterwards, * the
Prince bid him judge of his merchandises, if he would,
for he was no arbiter in points of honour.' ^
And now Middlesex had the King's ear. K James Arthur
had listened to Lafuente or to Inojosa, if he had sunk Engii^.
back from time to time into his old dislike of war,
Buckingham attributed it all to Middlesex. Before
Dillon's Articles against Williams, 1634 (?) ; S. P. Dom, cdxxz. 77.
64
CHAP.
II.
-^^ — .
1624.
March.
Charges
aeainst
BuddleBex.
April 15.
His im-
peachment.
BUCKINGHAM'S ASCENDANCY.
the end of March the return of Arthur Brett to Eng-
land brought matters to a crisis. Buckingham resolved
that Middlesex and the King should be separated.
In a moment, charges sprung up against the Lord
Treasurer, whose economy had made him many ene-
mies, and who had doubtless committed some faults.
He had been harsh and imperious in his bearing, and
had neglected on some occasions to observe the due
formahties of his office. In taking care of his master's
fortunes he had not forgotten to think of his own ;
and at a time when the practice of high officials was
very loose, he had probably done enough fairly to ex-
pose himself to the charge of malversation.
As it had been with Bacon, so it was now vnih
Middlesex. Many things said against him were ex-
aggerated. Some of his actions might be palliated
as being in accordance with the usual practice. Some
.things which formed the subject of accusation were
even to his praise. But after all allowances have been
made, there remains enough to show that he had done
things which he ought never to have done.^
On the 15th of April the charges against Middlesex
were laid before the Peers by Coke and Sandys. In
Bacon's case complaints made by individuals had merely
been sent up for investigation. This time the Commons
took a higher tone. Eeviving in all its fulness the old
^ Part of a letter, in the possession of Lord Buckhuist, is thus ab-
stracted in the fourth report of the Historical MSS. Commission : — * Two
days since, the Committee of Twelve being in examination what the Duke
hath gotten out of the King*s revenue, Sir Robert Pye took occasion to
inform them that Middlesex had gotten from the King in a short time
120,000/., and therefore moved that he might be likewise examined; to
which Sir J. Eliot, being in the chair, answered that it might be true
for ought he knew to the contrary ; but that it was true that Middlesex
had merited well of the King, and had done him that service that few
had ever done, but they could find no such matter in the Duke.' Har-
man to Middlesex, May 3, 1626.
IMPEACHMENT OF MIDDLESEX. ' 65
practice of impeachment, they asked for justice as the chap.
grand jury of the nation, 'the inquisitors-general of '^ — ^ — '
the grievances of the kingdom.* \^,
The Lords were not likely to put a favourable
construction upon the faults of the merchant's appren-
tice whose abilities had carried him to the height of
power. Arundel, indeed, is said to have approved
of his conduct in assisting the Spanish ambassadors.^
But Arundel, whatever he may have felt, did not
venture to support the Lord Treasurer openly, and
contented himself with raising his voice from time to
time in favour of moderation.^
During the long enquiry the Treasurer showed no ^^^^
lack of courage. But it was in vain that he fought his nffwnst
accusers point by point. On the 1 3th of May sentence
was delivered against him. He was to lose aU his
offices, to be incapable for the future of holding any
office in the State, to be imprisoned in the Tower during
the King's pleasure, to pay a fine of 50,000/., to be
prohibited from taking his seat in Parliament again,
or from coming wthin the verge of the Court.'
Whatever may be thought of the special faults of The King's
. . . . opinion.
Middlesex, the practice of bringing criminal charges
against men whose chief offence lay in their political
convictions might easily lead to the grossest abuses,
and could scarcely fail to turn to the damage of the
heedless young men who had been the main instigators
of the proceedings. To the old King their conduct
appeared as foolish as it was unintelligible. "You
are a fool," he said bluntly to Buckingham. " You are
making a rod with which you will be scourged your-
self." Turning to his son, he added a special word of
^ Valaresso'a Despatch j April ^.
• EUing^B Notes,
' Lordi JoumalBt iii. 383.
VOL. I. F
66 BUCKINGHAM'S ASCENDANCY.
warning. "You," he said, with prophetic sagacity,
" will live to have your bellyful of impeachments." '
Before the trial was at an end Buckingham was pros-
trated by a severe illness. But Charles took up the
cause with characteristic impetuosity. Again and
again he thrust himself forward in the debate, ever
painting the character of the friend of Spain in the
blackest colours.^
March, Middlcscx had been thus removed from the King's
wum. ' side. But a greater, more persuasive coimsellor than
Middlesex was at hand. When Bristol was recalled
from Spain, it was only by pawning his plate that he
was able to obtain the means needed for his journey.
He was coming in the most dangerous of all tempers
for Buckingham ; full of the conviction that he had
been hardly dealt with, and yet with all his irritation
mastered by the most complete self-control. All he
asked was the fulfilment of a promise which James had
given him never to condemn him without first hearing
what he had to say. He had no intention of throwing
himself into opposition, open or secret. Like Bacon
he held that the King's resolution, whatever it might
be, was to be accepted as final.
Bucking. That James should grant a hearing to Bristol was
^" ^ the last thing that Buckingham would approve of. If
^^ once the two men were brought together, there would
probably be an end of the King's new anti-Spanish
policy, and Buckingham's own insolence and folly at
Madrid would be revealed on more credible evidence
than that of the Spanish ambassador. Buckingham's
first thought, therefore, was to send Bristol to the Tower.
April He talked over the plan with Pembroke and Hamilton.
But Pembroke and Hamilton, opposed as they were to
Spain, would not hear of so ill-advised a measure.
» Clarefidan, I 44. » EUmg's Notes,
CONFINEMENT OF BRISTOL. 67
Buckingham accordingly persuaded James to issue an
order to Bristol to place himself in confinement in
his own house. Yet, though Bristol was thus cut off
fix)m seeing his master, James had no intention of ^*ed tow»
placing him under permanent restraint. Some little ^^^^^^
enquiry there must be for form's sake, and then he
should be taken into favour. Meanwhile James was
hopefuUy busying himself in bringing Buckingham to
lay aside his rancour.
Bristol was a difficult man to deal with in this
maimer. K at any tune he had chosen to acknowledge
that everything done by himself had been wrong, and
that everything done by Buckingham had been right,
he would probably have been welcomed, hke Weston
and WiUiams, amongst the Duke's train of penitents.
But to this Bristol refused to stoop. He would hold
his tongue if the King pleased. But unless he were
convinced, he would never admit himself to be in the
wrong. Loyalty to his sovereign ceased to bind him
when he was required to prove it by declaring that to
be true which he believed to be untrue.
He accordingly asked for a trial in ParUament,
such as that which had been fatal to Middlesex. But
the session was nearly at an end, and James shrunk
from exposing him to his pohtical opponents. For a
little time longer, therefore, Bristol must remain xmder
restraint.^
That Parliament must come to an end before the The mo-
great business of the day, the French negotiations, ^^^^
could be seriously entered upon, was tacitly admitted
at Court. One result of the alliance between Buck-
ingham and the Conmions had been the produc-
tion of a hfrge amount of legislation on matters of
^ Preface to the Earl of Bristol's defence in the Camden Miscellany,
TL pp. i.-Yii.
V 2
68 BUCKINGHAIdrS ASCENDANCY.
CHAP, everyday importance. No statute had come into
— r^ — ' existence for fourteen years, and it was imderstood
Ma^ that James was willing to give his assent to the passing
of many bills which had been prepared in 1610 and
1614, with the object of limiting the prerogative of the
Crown in pecuniary matters. Above all, the question
of the monopolies was by this time ripe for legislation.
The Lords were ready to withdraw their objection
against tying the King's hands for the future, upon
which the Monopoly Bill of the last session had been
wrecked, and the Conunons, on the other hand, agreed
to except from the operation of the Bill some of the
principal monopolies already in existence,
foctedb"^ Great as the importance of this Act has been, it
cannot be said to have been foimded on any principle
not recognised before. That a monopoly for a limited
time should be granted to those by whom new pro-
cesses of manufacture were introduced had long been
accepted as the general rule. The great change effected
was the rendering the rule more definite, and the en-
trusting its application to the Common Law Judges,
who would be far more likely than Privy Councillors
or Commissioners to apply a strictly judicial solution
to any question which might arise, without being
drawn aside by political or economical considerations,
impoai- On the question of impositions the Commons had
touched maintained a discreet silence, although there had been
debates on commercial matters which might fairly have
suggested it to them.^ Under these circumstances it
^ Mr. Forster (Sir J, Eliot, 2nd edit i. 89) has printed extracts from
a speech of Eliot^s on this subject, alleged to have been delivered in this
session. From enquiries which he has kindly made for me at Port
£liot, it appears that the speech is not to be found in this place, and
therefore, if spoken at all, it must have been spoken at some other time.
There is no trace of it in any reports that I have seen of any of the four
Parliaments with which this work is concerned. On the 20th of May,
on.
PARLIAMENT PROROGUED. 69
might have been expected that the King and the chap.
May 38.
grie-
rances.
Lower House would have parted in kindness. But ^ — r-^
James was no longer in a kindly mood. He had ^^f^
parted with some of his prerogatives, and he knew
that he had been little better than a cypher in the
resolutions which had been taken. On May 28 he xhJg
listened with composure to the grievances presented to
him, and answered that the lawyers must consider them
before he could give an answer. Then he began to
scold the House for the bills which they had laid
before him. His tone was so exasperating that the
Commons refused to enter the Eoyal Speech on their
journals.
The next day Parhament was prorogued. James May 29.
had fresh criticism for the bills presented for his con- tionofPar-
sent. He made merry over one, for *the better ^■™"*'"
observance of the Sabbath,' as allowing * no recreation
to the poor men that labour hard all the week long,
to ease themselves on the Sunday,' and he entirely
refused to pass the bill for enforcing more strictly the
penalties on recusancy. He then proceeded to express
his annoyance at the impeachment of Middlesex, which
he had not been bold enough to prevent. It was for
him, he said, to re-examine the evidence, and to remit
the penalties if he saw fit. No one in future was to
complain in Parliament of any of his servants, without
first asking his leave. He was master in his own
household, and was well able to redress any grievance
arising from the conduct of his Ministers.
It was not by words unaccompanied by deeds that James
the rising power of Parhament was to be beaten back. to']^J7d
For the present, however, all questions about the ^JJ^"**'^^
Genway (S. P. Dom., cIxt. 4) writee to Calvert that the House might
probably faU upon ' questions concerning impoaitione/ and Calvert replies
(ibid, 1 1) that all bad gone well.
70 BUCKINGHAM'S ASCENDANCY.
CHAP, extent of the prerogative were subordinate to the
^ — r^ — ' great question about the management of the war. At
Ma/^ the beginning of his speech James had protested his
continued care for the Palatinate, and had assured the
Houses that if they met again with the same resolution
as they had cherished in the past session, it would be
the happiest Parhament known in history. Before he
ended he remembered that he had attempted in vain
to induce the Commons to insert into the Subsidy Bill a
clause naming the recovery of the Palatinate as one of
the objects of the grant. ^ Whereas, he said, they ' had
made the preamble without his advice, and so as it
might be prejudicial to him for some reasons of state,
he must be forced to alter it, and set his marginal note
upon it.' At this extraordinary and unexpected decla-
ration the usual respect for the Eoyal person was
]k!;trn**^f ^^^ ^^ instant forgotten, and those who were present
the Com- crave vcut to their dissatisfaction in murmurs and
iiions. ^ - .
gesticulations.
"And thus," wrote an eye-witness of the scene,
" parted we from his Majesty, with much more discon-
tent and fear of the success of this Parliament than
when we came together at the beginning with hope
and good and happy prosecution."^
Proceedings Jamcs's intemperance was always greater in word
BiistoL than in action. The Subsidy Act was left imtouched ;
and Middlesex, though his fine was subsequently
reduced to 20,000/., never saw the King's face again.
Nor did James, in the face of the opposition of his
favourite and his son, venture to admit Bristol to his
presence. Both Buckingham and Charles, indeed, were
preparing future difficulties for themselves by their
conduct to the man whose influence with the King
* Locke to Carleton, May 17 ; & P. Dot/t., clxiy. 92.
• Report by E. Nicholas ; ibid, dxv. 61.
BRISTOL'S FIRMNESS. 7 1
they most dreaded. A long series of interrogatories chap.
were sent to Bristol bearing on the whole of his past - — r^ — '
diplomacy. Bristol answered them all with care. He j^i/ia
was able to show that on all doubtful points he had
acted by his master's orders, and that he had given
such advice as he believed at the time to be the best
for the King's service. Many of the Commissioners
appointed to conduct the investigation expressed them-
selves fully satisfied, and James too sent word to
Bristol that he was now ready to see him.
An interview between Bristol and the King was Bocking-
the very thing to which Buckingham most strongly ob- geats?^
jected. Hinting that there were further questions still ^^^
to be put, he made use of the delay thus obtained to
convey a suggestion to Bristol that he should surrender
his Vice-Chamberlainship, and retire to his country-
house at Sherborne, on the condition that all further
proceedings against him should be dropped. Bucking-
ham Uttle knew the character of the man with whom
he was deahng. Bristol's reply was that if his honesty j^iy j^.
and fideUty were declared to be unquestioned he was ftJJSl^i.'**"
quite ready to acknowledge that he might have erred
from weakness or want of ability. K not, he was
ready to answer any further questions that might be
sent to him. "For," he wrote, "in matter of my
fidelity and loyalty towards his Majesty, the Prince,
and my country, I hope I shall never see that come
into compromise, but shall rather lose my life and
fortunes than admit the least stain to remain upon me
or mine in that kind."
Bristol's position was logically unassailable. If he Bristol at
was supposed to have done anything worthy of punish- *' ™*'
ment, let his case be investigated. If not, why was he
under restraint? Buckingham could not answer an
argument like this. But he could continue to act in
T% BUCKINGHAiyrS ASCENDANCY.
CHAP, defiance of it. Bristol was left at Sherborne untried
and uncondemned. If he came into the King's pre-
Juiy^i sence he might say things about Buckingham's
connexion with the Prince's visit to Madrid which
would not conduce to raise him in his master's opinion.
But, to do Buckingham justice, it was not mere per-
sonal enmity by which he was actuated. If Bristol
was to be kept at a distance, it was that James, and
England through James, might be kept from faUing
back into the evil Spanish alliance. Even when
Buckingham was engaged in an apparently personal
quarrel, he had usually great public ends in view. The
interests of his country were so completely bound up
with his own preferences and jealousies, that he came
to think of himself and England as inextricably com-
bined.
1620. The disregard, not only of legal forms but of com-
lirfTOTdUhe noon justice, which had been shown in Buckingham's
SiTtKSt treatment of Bristol, marked another proceeding in
which the King had to take a far more active part, and
for which no pretext of public good could be alleged.
In the far East as in the far West, it was almost, if not
quite, impossible to bring the relations between Euro-
pean merchants under the laws which regulated
commerce in the settled societies of Europe. In
pursuit of the dazzUng prize the subjects of each nation
struggled and fought with their rivals, careless of
treaties made at home. An attempt made by the
English East India Company in 1620 to open a trade
with Persia had been met with fierce opposition from
the Portuguese subjects of Spain established at Ormuz,
who regarded the whole commerce of that part of the
1621. world as their own. The EngUsh, beaten at first, had
returned with superior forces, and had estabUshed a
station at Jask. The report of the prowess of the new-
THE EAST INDIA COMPANY. 73
comers was not thrown away upon the Shah, who had chap.
1621.
a quarrel with the Portuguese. He assured the English
merchants that he would not allow them to place a
bale of goods on board their ships unless they would
join him in an attack upon Ormuz. With real or 1622.
affected reluctance, the English consented, and Ormuz Om^ ^
was soon reduced to capitulate.^
To the complaints of the Spaniards preferred whilst ^^^3-
the Prince was still at Madrid,^ James does not seem to SpanES
have paid much attention. But there was another side ^™^
of the question to which he was more aUve. Sending
for the governor of the East India Company, he told
him that it would be a graceful act to make a present
to Buckingham in his absence for his services in the
negotiation with the Dutch of the year before. The The vik
Company, thus urged, and considering that ' this busi- p2ny*8 pre^
ness of Ormuz may find a strong opposition,' voted SckSg-
2,000/. for the purpose.® ^"^
When Buckingham returned, with his heart full of Hia cUims
ill-will towards all Spanish subjects, there was of course Sm^ny.*
no thought of satisfying the Portuguese. But, much
to the surprise of the Company, the Duke began to
make claims upon them on his own account. The
machinery of the Court of Admiralty was put in motion
to collect evidence that by the capture of Ormuz and
by the seizure of Portuguese vessels in the East, they
had realised, or ought to have reaUsed, 100,000/. — a
calculation which, as far as can be at present ascer-
tained, appears to have been grossly exaggerated.*
^ Bruce, Asmah of the East Itidia Company , L 229; PurchaSf ii.
1785.
* Consultas of the Councils of Portugal and of State, April ||, ?^,
1623; Bgertan M8S,, 1131, foL 169.
* Ead India Company Court Minutes, July 23, 1623, vi. 24.
^ Bruce, Annals of the East India Company ^ L 242 ; Examinational
8, P. East Indies.
fleet.
74 BUCKINGHAM'S ASCENDANCY.
CHAP. As soon, however, as the preliminary enquiry was
^^^ — ' complete, Buckingham demanded io,ocx>t, a tenth of
¥^b^ the sum named, as due to him as Lord High Admiral,
as it would be due to him from captures made by
privateers saiUng under ordinary letters of marque in
European waters.
The Com- The Company was at first disposed to resist the
pany re- . , . .
monstrates. Dukc's claim. They obtained a legal opinion to the
eSect that, as no letters of marque had been granted,
no tenths were due. But they were * not willing to
Feb. a8. contcud with my Lord/ Yet what to do they hardly
knew. A petition was drawn up, then abandoned as
likely to give offence, and at last a committee was
appointed to remonstrate as cautiously as possible.^
March I. It was dangerous to remonstrate, however cau-
Eart indu tiously, with Buckingham. The day after his interview
with the committee he drew the attention of the House
of Lords on behalf of a committee of which he was the
reporter, to the fact that the Company's fleet was about
to sail to the East Indies, and proposed that it should
be detained for service against Spain. On the same
day a similar motion was made in the Commons by Sir
Edward Seymour, a member who was supposed to
possess the confidence of Buckingham.
A deputation from the Company at once waited on
the Duke. He received them graciously, and assured
them that the stay of the ships had not originated with
him. * Having heard,' he said, * the motion with much
earnestness in the Upper House of Parliament, he could
do no le3S than give the order.' He would only be too
happy to advocate their cause with the Lords, and
would, upon his own responsibility, allow the ships to
drop down as far as Tilbury.^
^ JEaet India Company Court Minutes, Feb. i8, 23, 27, 28, yi. 412,
425, 430, 435.
* JSUirtff's Notes; Commons* Joumak, i. 676; East India Company
THE KING'S DEMAND UPON THE COMPANY. 75
It is possible that the first suggestion that the fleet chap.
should be arrested had proceeded from some indep^n- — A^
dent member of the Lords' Committee. But the Mlrehl^a
coincidence of the motions in the two Houses made it '^^ ^»'*-
pany
hard to persuade the Company that this was the case. ^^^^^
And a few days later he struck another blow in the piracy,
quarrel. To the argument that no tenths were due
because 'there had been no letters of marque, the
rejoinder was easy that if there had been no letters of
marque there had been an act of piracy. A suit was
accordingly commenced against the Company in the
joint names of Buckingham and the King. The
damages were laid at 15,000/., and that too without
prejudice to further claims.^
In vain the Company begged for mercy.. " Did I j|^?,^
deliver you," said James, " from the complaint of the i«nma.
Spaniards, and do you return me nothing ?" He was
no tyrant, and they might have the benefit of the law if
they pleased. But if they did not wish to try their
case against him, he must have 10,000/. for himself, as He de-
well as 10,000/. for Buckingham. To justify his SJS^
demand he proceeded to propound a dilemma. The
goods, he said, were taken either justly or unjustly. If
unjustly, the whole was forfeited. If justly, the Lord
Admiral's tenth must be paid. Apparently the inference
was that the Company was to pay the King on the
ground that they had been taken unjustly, and Buck-
ingham on the ground that they had been taken
justly.
The Company were in great straits. Their ships
were still under embargo in the Thames. A few more
days' delay would lose them the monsoon, and ruin
Court Minutes^ March 5, vi. 439. The motion made by Buckingham iegiven
by Elfling as part of a report from a committee. The notice of the fleet
may therefore haye been taken in the committee by some other person.
^ AdmiraUy Court Becords^'So, 158; Book of Acts, foL 204.
76 BUCKINGHAM'S ASCENDANCY.
pud.
CHAP, their prospects for a year. Necessity had no law, and
— ^ — ' lOjOOoi. was offered to the King * to shut up all
ju^^ businesses.'
The money But this would not do. James said that he must
have as much for Buckingham. There was nothing
for it but to submit. The whole 20,cxx)Z. was paid,
and the fleet was allowed to sail. It seemed, as some
one observed at the Company's meeting, as if * ships
stayed upon pretence of state might be released for
money.' ^
Such was the mode in which Buckingham, this
time with the full co-operation of the King, exercised
the duties of his office. Something, no doubt, was to
be said against the Company on every count. The
siege of Ormuz and the capture of the goods was an
act of violence. The ships sailing to the East Indies
might doubtless be called upon before they went to
contribute their fair proportion to the defence of the
realm. That which admits of no justification is the
way in which every argument was pushed just so far
as suited the immediate purposes of the men in power
and no further. There was enough legality about the
^ Eagt India Company's Court MinuteSf yi. 466-555. The receipt
drawn up for BuckinghAxn's signature was 'for 10,000/. to the Lord
Admiral, in full satisfaction for all pretences of right as Lord Admiral,
for all actions past in the Indies, by sea or land, to the 30th of April
last.' The King's receipt was — 'for 10,000/. now to be paid to the
King, much challenged by his Majesty for freeing the Company's ser-
vants out of prison, and the Company from the complaint of the Spanish
ambassador, and the Company's ships outward bound released, which
were secured by order of Parliament, until upon promise thereof they
were afterwards released." Budiingham afterwards stated that he had
lent 9,800/. of the money for the equipment of the fleet, and this
18 corroborated by a letter written by him to Conway on the 14th of
June in which he says, '* I hope this morning will put an end to the
business of the East India merchants for the moneys to be disposed to Mr.
Oliver for the Navy.' Tanner MSS,, Ixziii. 447. Besides, the exact sum
appears on a warrant from the Coundl of War, dated July 31, and was
then probably repaid to Buckingham.
THE MASSACRE OF AMBOYNA. ^^
capture to extort one sum of money ; enough illegality chap.
to extort another. The Portuguese, who were the main - — r^ — '
sufferers, were never thought of, save that the Enghsh j^^^'
ambassador was directed to inform the government at
Madrid that the assailants at Ormuz had acted under
compulsion from the Shah.^
It was probably only by coming to some under- 1623.
standing with the other European powers for a terri- in uie ewl
torial limitation between the trading grounds of the
various nations, that such collisions as that which had
taken place at Ormuz could be avoided for the future.
Further to the East the experiment of a close combina-
tion with the Dutch, which had been tried under the
treaty of 1619,^ was already breaking down. Never
had the feeling between the merchants of the two
nations been more embittered than it was when they
were bound to live at the same ports, and to share
between them the same commerce in certain fixed pro-
portions. As the most numerous and powerful body,
the Dutch treated the English with studied unfairness,
and the English gave vent to their feelings in such
language as Englishmen are wont to use when they
discover that they are being cheated.
Early in 1623 the slumbering hatred burst into a Feb. n.
flame. The castle of Amboyna, the main seat of the cre*o?Am-
clove trade, was guarded by the Dutch with peculiar ^^'^'^
jealousy. The English factory was only permitted to
establish itself outside the fortifications ; and a body
x)f Japanese soldiers in the Dutch service were equally
excluded. On the night of the nth of February,
however, one of the Japanese approached the Dutch
sentinel, and asked some questions about the state of
the defences. He was at once seized and put to the
> Cooway to ActoD, June 27 ; S, P. Spain,
> Frinot Charlet and the Spanish Marriage, i. 232, ii 292.
78 BUCKINOHAJTS .VSCENDANCY.
torture. In his agony he confessed that his country-
men designed to surprise the castle. They, too, were
tortured, and declared, or were made to declare, that
the English were privy to the conspiracy. A drunken
English surgeon, also imder torture, acknowledged the
truth of the charge. Nine other Englishmen, almost
the whole of the English population of the town, were
next subjected to the most horrible torments, and six
others, residing at more distant stations, were sub-
sequently sent for to be dealt with in the same bar-
barous manner. Of course some of them gave way
before their tortures, and confessed anything that was
required of them. In the end ten of the suflferers were
set aside for execution, and were beheaded without
further evidence.^
SdlJSTi News in those days was long in reaching England
England, from the East. The massacre of Amboyna remained
unknown till May 1624. At the meetings of the East
India Company the tale gave rise to the greatest indig-
nation. The story, as it was received fix)m the Dutch,
was in the highest degree incredible. The whole Eng-
lish population inculpated amounted to no more than
twenty men, who were hardly likely, in the face of
past experience, to attempt to right themselves against
the overwhelming forces of their opponents. But the
case of the Company against its Dutch rival did not
end here. Even if the unfortunate men had been
guilty of all that they had admitted under torture, the
governor of Amboyna would not have been justified
in touching a hair of their heads. By the treaty of
16 1 9, all disputes between the nations were to be
referred to the mixed Council of Defence ; and, if they
could not be settled in this way, were to be referred
^ Brockedon and others to the Company ; E. L C, Orig^ Corr., 10,
II, 30; PurchaSfU. iS$^
ENGLAND AND THE DUTCH GOVERNMENT. 79
home for negotiation between the two Companies, or, chap.
in the last resort, for negotiation between the two ^ — r^ — '
Govemments.1 '^"4.
May.
There has seldom been a moment in our history Compara-
when such an outrage would not have roused England inEngUmd.
from one end to the other. But, when the news ar-
rived, the nation was in no mood to listen to charges
against the enemies of Spain. At first, indeed, there
seems to have been some little excitement. But it
quickly died away.^ The time had not yet come when
the commercial differences with the Netherlands would
seem greater than the rehgious differences with Spain ;
and by the middle of July revenge for the massacre of
Amboyna appears to have been no longer thought of
by the mass of men.
The King was more deeply affected by the sad Jniy.
story than any one else. He was the author of the mandbja»-
treaty which, by bringing his subjects into such close ^^^
neighbourhood with the Dutch, had made the massacre
possible. He now told Caron, the Dutch ambassador,
that, if justice were not done by the 1 2th of August,
he would take his own measures to enforce it.^
Yet how was England, at such a moment, to Junes,
quarrel with her neighbours in Holland? The the^Duuh.
alliance with the Dutch had been the corner-stone of
the poHcy of the House of Commons, and, though
' The treaty must be interpreted by the agreement between the Com-
panies appended to it.
' Chamberlain to Carleton, June 5, June 19; D. Carleton to Carle-
ton, June 26: S. P. Dom, clxvii. i6,clxTiiL 8,48; Dutch Commissioners
to the States General, June ^; Add. MSS.^ 17, 677, k, fol. 369. But, as
early as the 3i8t of May, we have a statement that *it is t^aid that the
Company is much blamed by some, for that now, in a time when hia
Majesty had resolved to aid the Dutch, the Company had published the
putting of ten Englishmen to death ; ' ^. J. C Court Minutes^ x. 541.
• Caron to the States General, July 16 j Add, MSS,, 17, 677, k, foL
576.
8o BUCKINGHAM'S ASCENDANCY.
CHAP. James was unwilling to limit the war within the narrow
^— ^r^ — ' bomids which seemed sufficient to the Lower House, he
May w. ^^ ^^^^J accepted its designs, so far as they went.
On the 19th of May an order had been given to equip
thirty merchant vessels in addition to the twelve ships
of the Eoyal Navy which were already in an advanced
stage of preparation.^ Directly after the prorogation
the negotiation with the Dutch Commissioners was
Junes, taken up warmly, and on the 5th of June a treaty
was signed by which England agreed to pay, for two
years, a body of six thousand volunteers to be sent
over to aid the States General in defending their in-
dependence,*
James seemed to be going fairly on in the way in
which Buckingham would lead him, and there is no
reason to suppose that he was in any way half-hearted
in what he was doing. But he was less able than ever
to perceive the necessary consequences of his actions.
He thought that he could send troops to the aid of
the Dutch, and fit out his navy, without breaking abso-
lutely with Spain.
Coioma's Of coursc the Spanish ambassadors could not see
things in this light. Coloma protested warmly against the
levies as an infraction of existing treaties. On the other
hand Inojosa intimated that he had fresh proposals to
make about the restitution of the Palatinate. He was
told that James would not see him, but that he might
tell his secret to any Privy Councillor he chose. Ino-
josa refused to address himself to any one but the King;
upon which he was informed that the sooner he and
Coloma left England the better it would be. Coloma
repKed that he was under orders to remain till his suc-
cessor arrived. Inojosa was only too glad to escape.
' Signet Office Docqucts, May 19.
« Treaty, June 5; S. P, Holland.
protests.
ENGLAND AND SPAIN. 8 1
There were fresh insults in store for him. No carriages chap.
were provided to take him to Dover. Even his request ^ — ^ —
for the protection of a Eoyal ship against the Dutch j„n^^
cruisers was refused, and it was only after a delay of i^**^^„
some days that he was allowed to take his passage in ^^^
one of the merchant vessels which had been recently
taken into the King's service, and which was conse-
quently entitled to carry the Eoyal colours. On the
day of his departure James wrote to complain to Philip
of his ambassadors' conduct, requesting that they might
be punished for their misdemeanour.*
Coloma had indeed a thankless task in remaining in Bickerings
England. Every day some new cause of offence was si^irand
brought before his notice. At sea, so at least it was ^"s^*^-
believed in England, Spaniards were already engaged
in plundering English vessels. In Spain an embargo
had been laid upon the goods of English merchants,
and their ships were being confiscated, on the charge
of having Dutch goods on board. Nearer home the
Dunkirk privateers were making prize of English
vessels engaged in trade with Holland ; and, pushing
up towards the mouth of the Thames in search of
their enemies, had committed hostilities as high as
Queenborough. Nor was it only from private and
unauthorised attacks that danger was apprehended. A
large fleet was fitting out in Spain, the destination of
which was carefully concealed.^ Part of this fleet, how- The Dun-
ever, was placed by accident in the hands of the Eng- hl'thf '^
lish government A squadron setting out from Dun- ^^"*-
kirk to join the rendezvous in Spain was chased by
the Dutch, and four of its galleons took refuge in the
» Coloma to the King, ^^ ; The King to Aston, June 26 ; S, P.
8pQm\ Conway to Carleton, June 12; S, P, Holland i SalveUfs News^
letters, June |i, ||.
' Conway to Acton, June 27 ; Acton to Conway, July 1 ; S, P.
Spain,
VOL. I. G
82 BUCKINGHAM'S ASCENDANCY.
CHAP. Downs. James refused to treat them as enemies. But
-^ neither would he accede to Coloma's request that he
oclI would grant them the usual privileges of neutrality,
Ti«» of and would allow them to sail with the advantage of
themes- , O
<^v^ two tides. For three months the weary crews
waited for deliverance till the equinoctial gales at last
set them free. Putting to sea in the height of the
tempest, three of the ships succeeded in regaining
Dunkirk. The fourth was attacked by a Dutch vessel,
and blew up, together with its assailant.'^
June. Short, therefore, of an actual declaration of war
gram^of with Spain, Buckingham had succeeded in carrying
of com!^'** James with liim in the fulfilment of the programme
riS^ottt.' laid down in the Subsidy Act. The reinforcements to
the Dutch and the equipment of tlie fleet had received
prompt attention. The repair of the forts and the
sending of reinforcements to Ireland waited only till
money came in. Even the King's hesitation to declare
war against Spain was at this time ascribed by one
who had good opportunities of knowing the truth, not
so much to any hankering after his old alliance with
Phihp, as to his high estimate of the risks of such a
war if it were entered upon without allies. " The
King," wrote Nethersole a fortnight after the proroga-
tion, " is resolved not to break with Spain, nor to give
them any occasion to break with him, until he be
secure that France will join very close with him, and
other Catholic Princes and States which have the same
interest against the greatness of Spain; as being of
opinion that all the Protestants in Europe would be
too weak a party to oppose it, and that if they should
1 Many of Coloma*8 letters on the subject are in the State Papers
(Spain) f and there are frequent notices of it in the Domestic series, and
amongst Salrettt's Newsletters,
« JSaloetti $ NewsleUera, Oct. ^^, \\.
JAMES'S DIPLOMACY. 83
join against Spain without the drawing of other Ca- chap.
tholic Princes into the action, it would be understood * — .-^ — '
to be a war of religion, which would leave no j^^
Catholic Prince neuter, but cause them all to join with
Spain."^
No one who has seriously studied the course which PoUcy of
history took during the next quarter of a century will *"****
be inclined to doubt the wisdom of James's hesitation.
The power to which he was opposed was too firmly
rooted in the ideas of men to be overthrown by such
means as seemed sufficient to the House of Commons.
K Protestantism was to defend itself it must be by
ceasing to be aggressive, and by appealing to the political
sympathies of CathoHc States. The policy of James was
in the main the policy which, in after years, crowned
Richelieu with glory. Yet to the one man it had
brought nothing but defeat and shame, to the other
it was to bring success and honour. Where James
knew but how to dream, Eicheheu knew how to act.
Of the various parts of the enterprise upon which Embanies
James had embarked the negotiation with the Pro- Md^T^*^
testant powers presented the least inherent difficulty. ^^°*
In the bi^mning of Jime Sir Patrick Spens was
despatched to the King of Sweden, and Sir Eobert
Anstruther to the King of Denmark and the North
German Princes.*^ If, when Parhament met in the
winter, assurances could be given to it that a strong
Protestant force was ready to take the field, the House
of Commons might perhaps be induced to reconsider its
determination against sharing in the German war ; and,
should this prove not to be the case, James would be
clearly absolved from any engagement to carry on
* Nethewole to Carleton ; S, P. Ih?n.y clxvii. 28.
' Instructions to Spens, June 6 ; S. P, Sweden, Instructions to An*
struther, undated ; S. P. Denrnark,
2
84
CHAP.
II.
>— . — , '
1624.
Jnne.
The nego-
tiation with
France.
Views of
Gustavns
Adolphus.
Mission of
Walie.
BUCKINGHAM'S ASCENDANCY.
further a war which, with insufficient means, could
only end in disaster.
Far more difficult was the task of treating with the
Catholic opponents of Spain. For in nothing is diplo-
matic skill so necessary as in a negotiation between
governments whose general interests coincide, whilst
each has particular objects in view. James was anxious
to recover the Palatinate. France was anxious to re-
cover the Valtelline. The danger was great lest the
French Government should use England for its pur-
poses, and then kick away the ladder by which it had
risen. And yet the offer of French aid was too tempt-
ing to be rejected. The wisest policy was doubtless
that which was laid down not many months afterwards
by Gustavus Adolphus. The great Swedish King held,
that the attack upon the house of Austria should be
made by a Protestant alliance. Those who had a
common cause would be able without difficulty to stand
shoulder to shoulder in the fight. There was no reason,
however, that advantage should not be taken of the
divisions amongst the Catholic States. Let France,
Venice, and Savoy be invited to join, if they would,
against Spain and the Emperor. But let not the union
be too close. Rather let France and its Catholic allies
be invited to fight in Italy or the south of Germany,
whilst England and its Protestant allies were fighting in
the north of Germany.^
K such a plan as this had been adopted, it is possible
that the French alliance might have ended less dis-
astrously than it did. The military situation would
have corresponded with the political situation. Account
would have been taken of the prominent fact that the
King of France and the Protestant sovereigns were
* Oxenet jerDn to Ciinierarius, Aug. 24 j Moper, Tatriotisches Archiv
V. 42.
CARLISLE'S MISSION. 85
only half agreed. The friction certain to ensue upon chap.
such co-operation would have been diminished to a ' — ^ — •
minimum. But unhappily the three men who directed J^ ^^
the course of affairs in England were notoriously in-
clined to close their eyes to unpleasant facts. Already
Mansfeld had been despatched to France with pro-
posals for a joint military undertaking. Then followed
Sir Isaac Wake, on his way to Italy to stir up Venice
and Savoy. On May 17 Carlisle set out for Paris to carMe
tie the knot between the two kingdoms by the flowery j^^
bonds of a matrimonial alliance. James, Charles, and
Buckingham agreed in looking for the closest possible
unity of action between France and England.
86
CHAPTER m.
THE FRENCH MARRIAGE TREATY.
CHAP. James Hay, Earl of Carlisle, has been chiefly known in
HI.
Ma
Carliafeasa
negotiator.
modem times as a spendthrift and a lover of the plea-
\^^^ sures of the table. Yet he was in many respects well
qualified to conduct the delicate negotiation with which
he was entrusted. Compared with the courtly and
volatile Kensington, with whom lie was ordered to act,
he may well rank as a statesman. His tried courtesy,
and his special friendliness towards France, made him
an acceptable person in the Court to which he was
accredited, whilst he had a strong regard for his
master's dignity, and a sympathy for the Protestant
feeling in England, which would prevent him from be-
coming, as his colleague had become, a mere echo of
the sentiments to which it might please tlie Queen
Mother and her ladies to give utterance. Wlien he
arrived he was received with open demonstrations of
satisfaction from all, with happy glances from the briglit
eyes of the Princess, and with friendly words from the
King.'
June. Herbert, however, who was still in Paris, doubted
doubta. whether all this meant much. "They do not spare,"
he wrote to James, " to profess openly that they have
no disposition to come to a manifest rupture with Spain.
Notwithstanding which, they have promised thus much
already, that, in all that can be done by other means
* Carlielo and Kensington to Conway, May 27 ; S,P, France.
NEGOTIATIONS WITH FIUNCE. 87
than coming to an entire breach they will not fail to chap.
give your Sacred Majesty contentment. * "^ — 7 — '
The first difficulty of the negotiation, however, ^^^y'
turned upon the marriage treaty. Both James and riaffJtreaty
Charles had assured Parhament that there would be no ^Ull
article in favour of the English Catholics, and for the ^^^^a-
present both James and Charles intended to keep the
promise which had been given. Carlisle was instructed
by James to say that ' the constitution of our estate
cannot bear any general cliange or alteration in our
ecclesiastical or temporal laws touching religion for so
much as concerns our own subjects.' Even for the
Catholics themselves it would be better that they
should rely on his own clemency than on a treaty with
any foreign power. " For when," he added, " they
shall have the reins loosed to them, they may, by
abuse of favour and liberty, constmin us, contrary to
our natural affections, to deal with them with more
rigour than we are inchned to ; so as we may not article
for dispensation and liberty to our Roman Catholic
subjects, but hold the reins of tliose laws in our own
gracious hands. And you may assure that King and
his ministers that, in contemplation of that marriage,
we shall be the rather inclined to use our subjects
Eoman Catholics with all favour, so long as they shall
behave themselves moderately ; and, keeping their con-
sciences to themselves, shall use their conversation
without scandal." ^ May «.
The first meeting between the ambassadors and the the French
commissioners named by Lewis took place on May 3 1 . without
As was often the case in those days the progress of SeEnS^
business was stopped by a question of precedence. * ® **•
Kichelieu was one of the commissioners, and claimed
* Herbert to the King, June 2 ; S. P, France.
* Inetmctions to Carlisle and Kensington, Hnrl. MSS,, 1584, fol. 10.
88 THE FRENCH MARRIAGE TREATY.
CHAP, honours as a cardinal, which the representatives of Pro-
^- — ^ — ' testant England were unwilling to concede. At last the
l^^\ difficulty was got rid of by Eichelieu's taking to his bed
under pretence of illness. He would thus cease to enter
into competition with those who were seated round a
table in the sick man's chamber.
The next dispute was more serious. The English
ambassadors offered to take up the treaty which had
been sketched out in 1613, when a marriage had been
contemplated between Charles and the Princess's elder
sister Christina, and in which there was no mention of
toleration except for the bride and her household. The
French commissioners at once replied that this would
not do. On their side they had drawn up articles framed
upon the model of the Spanish treaty, and one of them
contained an express engagement on the part of the
King of England that no CathoUc in his dominions
should be molested on account of his religion.
Further discussion did not tend to remove the diffi-
culty. " No man," said the ambassadors, " shall be per-
secuted for being a Catholic. But if he goes to mass
he will be punished for disobeying the law." After this
it is not strange that an assurance that James should
give a verbal promise of his intention to show favour
to the Catholics made but little impression on Lewis.
Nothing less than a written engagement, he informed
Carlisle, would be satisfactory. James might keep this
engagement secret if he pleased. But it was indis-
pensable that it should be in writing.^
June. Whatever might be the value of the French alliance,
draws tack, it ought to havc been evident that it was not worth
purchasing on these terms. It was better to go to war
without the help of France than to go to war without
» Ville-aux-Clorc8 to Tilli^ree, June yV ; I^wis XIII. to Tillidres,
June ^ ; Jlarh MSS. 4594, fol. 41, 64, b,
FRIENDLINESS OF LA VIEUVILLE. 89
IIL
1624.
the help of the English Parliament. And if the pro- chap.
mises solemnly given by King and Prince were to be
heedlessly flung aside, it would be hopeless to expect
the support of the House of Commons. Not indeed,
that, at first, it seemed Ukely that these promises would
be broken. Tillieres, as soon as he was apprised of the
difficulties raised in Paris, reported that, though James's
scruples might perhaps be overcome, nothing was to be
expected from Charles. The Prince was ' very hard,'
having ' little inclination to satisfy France in these
essential points.' He was surrounded by Puritans, and
would soon be a Puritan himself^
If Lewis's demand had been pressed in the harsh J^p«-
terms in which it was originally couched, the negotiation ▼»"€ ijinu
would probably have been strangled at its commence- mand was
ment. But La Vieuville, with wisdom beyond that of to^eaU ^
his master, was Uttle solicitous for an engagement which * ^^'
it was as impolitic to exact as to give, and he was very
anxious to secure the practical co-operation of England
in his resistance to Spain. But La Vieuville's wisdom
was for others rather than for himself, and in pursuance
of his own objects he allowed himself to use words
which Lewis was certain to disavow as soon as they
came to his ears. " Give us," he said to the EngUsh
ambassador, " some stuff with which we may satisfy
the Pope, and we will throw ourselves heart and soul
into your interests." " They do here," wrote Carlisle, June 14.
" let fall unto us that though they are bound to make
these high demands for their own honour, the satisfac-
tion of those of the Catholic party, and particularly for
the facilitating of the dispensation at Eome, yet it will
be always in your Majesty's power to put the same in
execution according to your own pleasure ; and they
do also with strong protestations labour to persuade us
* Tilliferes to Ville-aux-Clercs, June {^ ; Harl. MSS. 4594, fol. 59.
90 THE FRENCH MARRIAGE TREATY.
CHAP, that when tlie articles of marriage shall be signed, they
- — ^ — ' will enter into treaty for the making of a strict con-
juM junction with your Majesty for the redress of the
general affau^ of Christendom, and will declare them-
selves to espouse yoiu: Majesty's interests, so as both
the treaties shall be ratified together." ^
French pre- To givc Weight to thcsc words the French prepara-
Kr war"* tious for waT wcrc hurried on. Already on the 31st of
May a treaty had been drawn up by which France
engaged to assist the Dutch with large sums of money,
and immediately afterwards Venice and Savoy were
asked to join in the support of Mansfeld. On the 19th
of June three French armies were ordered to prepare
themselves for active service. Two of these were
posted respectively in Picardy and at Metz, whilst the
third, being stationed on the frontier towards Franche
Comt^ and Savoy, would be equally available for an
attack upon the Palatinate, or for an attack upon the
Valtelline.2
' Carlisle to the King, June 14; S. P, France, The person from
whom the idea about the Pope came is not mentioned in this letter. But
in a later despatch (Carlisle and Holland to Conway, Oct. 9, 8, P,
France)^ the words given above are quoted as La Vieuville's — " Donnez
nous de faste pour contenter le Pape, et nous nous jetterons dans vos in-
t^rSts a corps perdus.'^ At a time when Charles had the greatest in-
terest in showing that Lewis or Richelieu had encouraged the idea that
the engagement was only ofiered to satisfy the Pope, with the express
understanding that it might be disregarded in England, no one ever
ventured to state that they personally had done so. The charge was
always made impersonally, and had its foundation, I believe, upon
these overtures of La Vieuville. Richelieu, indeed, when pushed
hard, may have said, that without the engagement the Pope would not
consent, and may have made civil speeches about his readiness to oblige
the King of England if it were not for the Pope ; or even said that tiie
King would not be bound in case of actual danger to the State from the
Catholics. But I do not believe that he ever used words to imply that
the whole engagement was a sham one, got up for the purpose of deceiv-
ing the Pope.
' Siri, Mem, Hec,, v. 603 ; Kensington to Conway, June 15; S, P.
France,
EFFIAT IN ENGLAND. 9 1
As far as it is now possible to ascertain the truth, chap.
these measures made little impression on James. He - — r^ — -
ordered the Judges to see to the execution of the penal dJ^j^^.'
laws.^ The French alliance suddenly ceased to form ^^^^'j^jj,?*
the staple of conversation at Court, and those who
were behind the scenes began to make inquiries about
the good looks of marriageable Princesses in Germany.^
La Vieuville saw that something more must be done La vieu-
if the negotiation was to be saved. He begged Ken- diewuSL"
sington to return to England to propound a middle
course. If James objected to sign an engagement, he
would perhaps not object to write a letter containing
the promise required.
To give greater effect to this proposal, Tillieres, who
had never given more than a half-hearted support to
the marriage, was recalled. His successor was the
Marquis of Efiiat, a man endowed with much of the Effiat sent
tact and ability of Gondomar. He had not been in "dor*t^
England many days before he found his way to the ^"<^^**"^*
heart of James by eagerly listening to his long stories
about his triumphs in the hunting field. But he was too
clear-sighted not to perceive that his chief effort must
be made in another direction. Buckingham, now re-
covered from his illness, was again at Court, and who-
ever could gain the ear of Buckingham had gone far
to secure the approbation of liis master.
The French demands which had startled James and ^n\y.
his son, had not startled Buckingham. To embark hamffimied
with all his heart upon some darling scheme, to cast ^
aside all obstacles as not existing, was the course dic-
tated to Buckingham by his sanguine and energetic
nature. He was now bent on chastising Spain and re-
conquering the Palatinate. These objects he believed
* Salvettr* NewsletteTf June |f.
' Nethersole to Carleton, June 25 ; S. P., Bom, clxviii. 40.
92 THE FRENCH MARRIAGE TREATY.
CHAP, could only be attained with French aid ; if so, we may
' imagine him arguing, the terms laid down by France
'jidv. naust be complied with. When Europe was at his feet,
who would think of reminding him of the Eoyal pro-
mise that those terms should not be granted? He
assured Effiat that he would stake his personal reputa-
tion on the success of the marriage negotiations.
He was ready to row in the same boat with him. If
the marriage did not take place it would be his ruin.^
LaVieu- It was a momcutous resolution — how momentous
VI lift ft l^fft» ^*^
po0ai ac- for himself and for England, Buckingham little knew.
Jamefl. ^ Bcforc Effiat's courteous flattery all difficulties faded
away, and though the ambassador had not himself been
entrusted with the secret of La Vieuville's suggestion,
his presence was none the less favourable to its recep-
tion. And after all, to write a letter could hardly be
a breach of the Eoyal promise. When Kensington
returned to Paris he carried with him the news that
James was ready to embody in a letter his already
declared resolution to show favour to his Catholic sub-
jects.
Di«n5c^"of James had taken but a little step in advance ; he
i^vieu. doubtless intended that the letter should not contain any
binding engagement, but he had left the firm ground on
which he had hitherto stood, and if he once began to
discuss with a foreign sovereign the administration of
the English law, it would be hard for him to know
where to stop. Before long, he had to face the alterna-
tive of going further or of drawing back altogether.
When Kensington reached Paris he found that he had
toiled in vain. La Vieuville's proposal about the letter
had been made without his m^ister's knowledge, in the
belief that the thing when once done would be accepted
* Effiat to Lewis XIIL, July ^ ; Harl MS8., 4594, fol. 115.
RICHELIEU IN K)\VER. 93
with gratitude. As soon as the truth came to the ears ^^f^-
of Lewis, he dismissed his too independent minister and - — -* — '
placed the direction of the government of France m August,
the hands of Eichelieu.
Whether EicheUeu concurred in the stringent ^£^^*JJJj^
demands which he was now instructed to put forward, ^^ beknown
^ ^ ' bycoDJec-
it is impossible to say. In the memoirs which he left tare,
behind, it was his studied object to falsify history in
order to show that everything actually done proceeded
from his own deliberate j udgment. The real facts can
often be shown, and still oftener suspected to have been
very different from the representation which he has
given of them. Instead of being the author of all
that was done in his name, he was in these early years
of his ministry the servant of a jealous master, who was
careless indeed of details, and ready to leave high autho-
rity in the hands of one capable of exercising it, but who
took good care to exact submission to his general views.
And for the present Lewis had made up his mind to
demand from England, as the price of his sister's hand,
concessions to the English Catholics which would make
that alliance thoroughly imstable. This was the mistaken
poUcy of which Eichelieu, willingly or unwillingly, made
himself the mouthpiece. It is possible that, unversed as
he was in Enghsh Parliamentary politics, he may have
believed that the relaxation of the penal laws would be
more easily attainable than it really was. At all events
he had hardly any choice. K he refused his concurrence
in the designs of Lewis he would fall as La Vieuville
had fallen before him. The clergy, backed by a power-
ful party at Court and in the country, would have stood
up as one man to advocate the resumption of the old Aiiff.4.
friendly relations with Spain. Eichelieu, therefore, if ^^^"an
he was to hold his ground, must speak plainly to the JS^ESiSh
English ambassadors. He would preserve all forms of ^*^<>^<»-
94 THE FRENCH MARRIAGE TREATY.
CHAP, courtesy, but they must understand that the concession
^—-^ — ' demanded was a serious matter.
Augiwt. Eichelieu, in fact, was not likely to fall into La
Vieuville's mistake of fancying his power greater than
it was. He understood that the need of satisfying the
Pope should still be pleaded for the unwelcome require-
ments of Lewis. But he would take care that the
Pope should be really satisfied. The King assured the
ambassadors with studied politeness that the word of
his dear brother would content him as well as either
article or oath. But it would not content the Pope.
The ambassadors betook themselves to the Cardinal.
Was this the reply, they asked, which they were to
deliver to their master. " Assuredly," answered Eiche-
lieu, " if the King said there must be an article, an
article there must be." " Is this, then," they asked
again, " the answer we are to give ? " " Yes," he re-
Aug. 5. plied, " for you will find no other." The next day
he spoke with the same resolution. " On my salva-
tion," he said, " we must have either an article or a
writing — baptize it by what name you will — signed
and sworn to, so as to oblige the good faith of your
King."
Carlisle and Kensington betook themselves to the
Queen Mother. '* We let her know," to use the words
of their own narrative, " the impossibility of it, both in
regard of the engagement of his Majesty's Eoyal word
to his Parliament to the contrary, and that upon the
motion and prayer of the Prince his son ; and of the
necessity of keeping himself free in that point to en-
tertain good intelligence betwixt him and his subjects
for the better enabling him to the common good." The
ambassadors further reported that the Queen answered
not a word, though she contrived, with all the grace of
RICHELlEU^S TERMS. 95
her southern breeding, to look as if she would gladly chap.
have satisfied them if she could.^ — r^ — '
Both James and Charles, who were together at ^^ ^^
Rufford when the despatches announdng the new pro- ReAwai of
posal reached them, agreed in rejecting the demand of hw »on to
an article. A letter, they probably argued, would change;
simply announce their intention of showing favour to
the Catholics; an article constituted an obligation.
Conway was therefore directed to inform Effiat that if
the arrangement made with La Vieuville was to be dis-
avowed, the negotiation must be considered as broken
ofil^ Charles was as decided as his father. " If," he ^"e- '3-
wrote to Carlisle, " you perceive they persist in this new
way that they have begun, in making an article for our
Roman Catholic subjects, dally no more with them, but
break off the treaty of marriage, keeping the friend-
ship on as fair terms as you can. And, believe it, ye
shall have as great honour with breaking upon these
terms as with making the alliance. Yet use what in-
dustry you can to reduce them to reason, for I respect
the person of the lady as being a worthy creature, fit
to be my wife ; but as ye love me, put it to a quick
issue one way or other." ^
Efliat felt that his diplomacy would be tested to the EfSat ap-
uttermost. His only hope lay in Buckingham, who was S^king-
drinking the waters at Wellingborough, the curative ^*"*
properties of which had recently come into repute.
Buckingham's aid was easily obtained, and he offered
at once to accompany the Frenchman to the Court,
which had by this time removed to Derby. On their Aug. 14.
way they met a courier with despatches for the ambas-
^ Carlisle and Kensington to Conway, Aug. 7 ; S, P, lyance,
^ Conway to Carlisle and Kensington, Aug. 1 2 ; Hardw, St, P.,
i. 523.
' Charles to Carliole, Aug. 13; S, P, Fiance.
96
THE FRENCH MARRIAGE TREATY.
CHAP.
III.
James
gives ymy
to some ex-
tent.
Aug. 1 6.
Booking-
ham's let-
ter to
Lewis.
Aug.
Richelieu
not con-
tent.
sadors in France. At EflSat's suggestion, Buckingham
asked for the packet, broke the seal, and, having as-
certained its contents, carried it back with him to James
to demand its alteration. When he reached Derby, the
whole Ciourt was astir. The news that the marriage had
been broken off was in every mouth.
All that evening Buckingham was closeted with
the King and the Prince. What passed between them
we have no means of knowing, but the result was that
Buckingham sent back the despatch to EfEat with
about two-thirds marked for omission. Yet the French-
man was far from having everything his own way.
James still positively refused to concede the article
which Richelieu demanded. He told Efliat that in the
face of Parliament such an article could never be
admitted. But the promise which he would give in his
letter should be so worded as to guarantee the Catholics
against persecution.^
Would a mere alteration in the wording of the pro-
posed letter be sufficient to satisfy the French Govern-
ment? Buckingham at least hoped so, and wrote to
Lewis, assuring him that his master could yield no
further, and adding that, in his poor opinion, more
could not reasonably be asked of him.^
To fancy, however, that such concessions would
content the French Government was to mistake the
meaning of the late change of ministry. La Vieuville s
policy had been the policy of Protestant alliances in
Germany, and he had fallen because neither the Queen
Mother nor Lewis himself was ready for so startling
an innovation. What Mary de Medici aimed at by
favouring her daughter's marriage with the Prince of
1 Effiat to Lewis XHL, Aug. If ; Harl M8S., 4595, fol. 134 ; Nether-
sole to Carleton, Aug. 19 ; S, P, 2)om., clzxi. 60.
' Buckingham to Lewis XI II., Aug. || ; Harl, MSS,y 4595, fol. 160.
RICHEUEXJ'S ARTICLE. 97
Wales was the acquisition of influence which would chap.
ameliorate the lot of the English Catholics. Besides ^
this Lewis aimed at the creation of a diversion against ^ *^
Spain which would enable him to secure his own
interests in the Valtelline, and it was Eichelieu's
business to cany both these wishes into effect.
As soon, therefore, as the conferences in Paris re- Aug. la
commenced after La VieuviUe's fall, Eichelieu proposed up^i^SS-
an engagement drawn up in the strongest possible ^^
terms. In the form which had been agreed upon with
La Tieuville, James was to write to Lewis that, in
contemplation of the marriage, he would permit his
Eoman Catholic subjects * to enjoy all suitable fevour,
and would preserve them from all persecution, as long
as they continue to live without scandal, and keep
themselves within the limits of the obedience of good
subjects ; and he will also permit them to enjoy in trust
upon his word and promise as much favour and Uberty
as they would have had in virtue of snj articles granted
to Spain/ The wording, as Richelieu proposed it, ran
as follows : — " The King of Great Britain will give the
King a private engagement signed by himself, by the
Prince his son, and by a Secretary of State, by which he
will declare that, in contemplation of his dearest son
and of the Princess, the sister of the Most Christian
King, he will promise to all his Eoman Catholic subjects,
on the faith and word of a king, and in virtue of his
word and oath given on the holy Gospels, that they
shall enjoy all the liberty and freedom which concerns
the secret exercise of their religion which was granted
by the treaty of marriage made with Spain, as he does
not wish his CathoU6 subjects to be disquieted in their
persons and goods on account of their secret profession
of the CathoUc reUgion, provided that they behave
VOL. I. H
98 THE FRENCH MARRIAGE TRK\TY.
CHAP, modesdy, and render the obedience and fidelity which
> — .-^— ' good and true subjects naturally owe to their King." ^
Au *t Carlisle, when he became aware what the proposal
c^'ude*^ was, was in the highest degree indignant. Whether
these words were placed in the actual contract or not,
there was no doubt, in CarUsle's mind, that their accept-
ance would involve an infraction of the promise given
to ParUament. He refused even to reply to the French
commissioners, and recommended James, if the pro-
posed engagement were shown him by Effiat, * to
express some indignation and not to yield a whit till he
heard from ' his ambassadors again.*
K^n m'^' Carlisle's colleague was made of more yielding stuff,
tongained Dissatisficd with Carlisle's attempt * to carry all with a
j'rench. high hand,' and careless of any considerations beyond
the success of the marriage, Kensington entered into
secret communications with Eichelieu, and was able,
before many days were over, to paint the condescension
and affability of the Cardinal in the most glowing
colours. EicheUeu, in fact, was loud in his professions
of friendship, and threw the blame of his strictness
upon the necessity of satisfying the Pope. But, though
he consented to some verbal alterations, he was firm on
the main point. The engagement need not form part
of the contract, but it must be a binding obligation.
"The signing by the Prince and Secretary," wrote
Kensington, "was next questioned, because that made
it a public act, whereas before we were made believe
that a private promise of his Majesty's should serve the
turn. It was answered that La Vieuville had therein
transcended his commission, and that it was that brake
his neck ; that the treble signing Vas only to make it
' Harl MSS, 4595, fol. 42, b, 55.
' Oarliele to Conway, Aug. 15; S, P, France,
FRANCE AND GERMANY. 99
more specious, that they could not think the King my chap.
master would press to change it." ^ ^ — ^i^— -
Having thus secured an advocate in one of the ^ug^ts.
English ambassadors, EicheUeu was all the more con- ^Jm^^d"*"**
fident of gaining his point. When James's draft and iMisted on.
Buckingham's letter arrived, they were both thrust
aside as offering no basis of agreement.^ Some further
modifications were made in the wording of the French
draft, but that was all.
To support the demands of Lewis, the French Govern- Aug. 29.
ment made a great show of eagerness to give help to mUM to'*^
Mansfeld's expedition. The ambassadors were informed SSSSd.
that the Count should be supported by France as long as
he was supported by England. Nor is it altogether impos-
sible that at this moment Lewis may have been inclined
to do something in this direction. Though the mere
fact of his sending Marescot to treat with the Elector of
Bavaria had given umbrage to Spain,® his plan of raising
up a central party in Germany under French influence
had broken down completely. Marescot^ who had spent Aug. 29.
the summer in passing from one Prince to another, in go^"^
had just come back to report the entire failure of his ™*°^*
mission. Many of the Princes had refused even to
look at his credentials. The Elector of Saxony had
treated him with the greatest rudeness, asking him
* whether there were any such King as the King of
France.' On the ambassador's gravely replying * That
he could not be so ignorant as he pretended of a Prince
so great and powerful,' " That is strange," said John
George, mockingly, " that there should be a great and
mighty King in France, and we for four years together
never heard of him." To Marescot's rejoinder, that
* Kensington to Conway, Aug. 18; 8, P, France,
» Lewis XIII. to Effiat, ^^ j Harl MSS., 4595, fol. 219.
' Philip IV. to the Infanta IsabeUa, March /g ; BnUtseU M8S.
VOL. I. * H 2
ICX>
THE FRENCH MARRIAGE TRKiTY.
CHAP.
m.
1624.
Sept
The con-
cessions to
the Catho-
lics dis-
cussed in
England.
Bucking-
ham SOD-
porU£matt
this answer savoured too much of the Spanish faction,'
the Elector's reply was prompt. " If I had been of the
French," he said, " I had Ukewise perished, as I have
seen those other Princes that depended upon that crown
do before me." ^
Such scorn flung openly in the face of a French
ambassador was likely to provoke Lewis to more
decided action, and the knowledge that this was the
case may well have had weight with the English
Government in their consideration of the amount of
concession to be made on the subject of the English
Cathohcs. When once James had agreed to put his
promises upon paper at all, it was difficult for him to
know where to stop. Each new alteration proposed
seemed to involve but a httle step of retreat from his
original position, and it was not till the whole was
yielded that the full extent of the ground lost could be
measured. Yet on this occasion James was by no
means incHned to yield. Buckingham, indeed, threw
himself at once upon the side of the French. To him,
the immediate object at which he aimed, the success of
the marriage and the acquisition of French aid in the
war, was the one thing visible. He knew that his
close alUance with Effiat was regarded with suspicion
at Court. Pembroke and Hamilton had raised objec-
tions to his policy, and he had good reason to believe
that, when Parliament met, their objections would be
urged far more strongly, and that he would be
openly reproached for abandoning the position which
he had taken up about the Cathohcs.' He now com-
ported himself more as an agent of France than as an
Enghsh minister. With Effiat he held long and secret
consultations, placing without scruple in the French-
' Carlisle and Kensington to Conway, teS:?" > ^' ^' ^^^^<^^'
' '^ Oa '' i,e. in Parliament, '^ il se trouve k present en ombrageSy pouz
n'avoir pas tenu scs paroles contre les dits Catholiques."
THE FRENCH DEMANDS SUPPORTED BY CHARLES. ioi
man's hands the despatches of Carlisle and Kensington chap.
III.
almost as soon as they were received. And it was not -
long before he gained over the Prince, whose mind was ^^'^'
always fertile in excuses for doing that which at the Ti>e Pnnce
•^ ^ ^ gained
moment he wished to do. <>▼«•
The old King was thus isolated. For two whole Dc^^on'of
days he resisted the united pleadings of his favourite ^^"'^'
and his son. On the third day he gave way so far as
to accept the formula offered by the French. But he
saved his conscience by insisting that it should take the
shape of a letter and not of an engagement, either in
the contract or out of it.^ *'The business," wrote Sept. 9.
Charles to Carlisle, forgetful of his decision taken less uon ofthe
than a month before, " is all brought to so good an ""^*
issue that, if it is not spoiled at Rome, I hope that the
treaties will be shortly brought to a happy conclusion,
wherefore I pray you warn your Monsieur that the
least stretching more breaks the string, and then Spain
will laugh at both."^
One formality remained to be fulfilled. It was the The treaty
custom in England, as Buckingham explained to EflSat, to the
to submit treaties either to the Privy Council or to a ^^^
select committee of its members. It was the more
necessary to take this course now as he had Uttle doubt
that in the approaching session of Parliament an attack
would be made upon him for advising the King to stop
the execution of the Eecusancy laws. If the Privy
Councillors could be made partakers in the offence,
they would be unable to open their mouths against
him ^ as members of either House.
What passed in the Council we do not know. Such
a consultation, invited only after the King's mind had
> Effiat to Ville-aux-Clerc8, Sept. ij; Harl. MSS., 4595, fol. 317;
Con way to Carlisle and Kensington, Sept ^| ; S, P, France.
' The Prince to Carlisle, Sept. 9 ; S. J\ France.
» Effiat to Ville-aux-Clerc8, Sept. \\ j IlarL MSS., 4595, fol. 317.
I02 THE FRENCH MARBIAGE TREATY.
CHAP, been made up, can scarcely have had any real value
^^ — r-^ except for the purpose indicated by Buckingham. The
Sept^ resolution taken was conveyed to the ambassadors in
^%A*^^ Paris. " His Majesty," wrote Conway to them, "cannot
Govern- be wou to any more in largeness of promise or any
other form, it being apparent to all this kingdom what
promise the Prince hath made and the King approved,
not to enter into articles or conditions with any other
Prince for the immunities of his subjects Eoman
CathoUcs, that being indeed to part his sovereignty,
and give a portion to another king." ^ It was a poor
shred of comfort for James to wrap himself in. A
letter engaging that the English CathoUcs should have
as much freedom in the secret exercise of their reUgion
as they would have had by the treaty with Spain might
not form part of the contract, but its difference was not
great, excepting that a promise given in a letter might
be broken with a httle less reluctance than a promise
given in a contract.
Sept. James began to act on the assumption that every-
ton created thing was scttlcd. Kcusington, whose facUe compUance
Holland, with the French demands had endeared him more than
ever to Buckingham, was raised to the Earldom of Hol-
land in approbation of his conduct.
Sappres- The Privy Council had consented, not merely to the
proceed- form of the treaty, but also to that which was its neces-
S^S°*' sary consequence, the suspension of the laws against
"*"^ the Eecusants.^ The immediate result was most dis-
astrous to a good understanding between the King and
his people. Whether the promise given by James
> Conway to Carlisle and Kensington, Harl MS8,, iS93i ^^1. 266.
The letter is undated, but was probably written on Sept 5.
« Effiat to Lewis XIII^ ^-f-; Harl M8S., 1596, foL 17, b. Effiat
speaks of a supersedeas under the great seal, of which no trace is to be
found on the Patent rolls. Probably there is some mistake arising from a
foreigner's ignorance of legal forms*
PROSPECTS OF TIDE WAR. IO3
and his son about the Catholics had been broken or chap.
not, it was certain that the promise about summoning « — ^ — •
ParUament in November could not now be kept. How ^^*'^-
would it be possible to face the Commons? When Parument
once the bride was in England it would be too late to
remonstrate on the conditions on which she had come.
But if ParUament met before the step had been irre-
vocably taken, who could answer for the consequences ?
The Houses were therefore prorogued to the 26th of
February, on the transparent pretext that London had
become too unhealthy to be a safe place of meeting.
Care was taken to insert in the proclamation a state-
ment that this course had been adopted in pursuance
of the advice of the Council.^
The chances of winning over the hard heads of the Bucking:-
House of Commons to an unpopular domestic policy poUcjr.
with the aid of the charms of the young Queen were
not very great. Unless Buckingham could escape the
consequences of his actions in a blaze of military glory,
he was plainly doomed to be taunted with apostasy
from the cause which he had voluntarily adopted. To
some extent the news which reached him from the
Continent sounded hopefully in his ears. The Kings
of Sweden and Denmark were bidding against one
another for Enghsh support, and the Duke of Savoy
was eager to make use of the English navy for designs
of his own against Genoa. It was true that Buckingham
^ Proclamation^ Oct. x, JRymtTy xvii» 625. The prorogation was
really ordered ' for many weighty considerations, but principally this, that
the respect of the Princess of France, and the reverence which will be
given to her person when she shall be here, for those graces and virtues
that shine in her, as likewise for the love and duty borne to the Prince,
being all joined in her, will not only stay the exorbitant or ungentle mo-
tions that might otherwise be made in the House of Parliament, but wiU
facilitate in bis Majesty*s proceedings those passages of favours, grace, and
goodness which his Majesty hath promised for the ease of the Roman
Catholics.' Buckingham to Nithsdale, Oct. (P) ; Ellis, ser. i, ilL 179.
I04
THE FRENCH MAHRIAQE TREATY.
CHAP.
III.
^" . ^
1624.
Oct
July.
RefuBalof
the Council
of War to
supply
MlaiiwBicL
Questions
arising out
of Mans-
field's em-
ployment.
had no money with which to pay the fleets and armies
which he was busily organizing in his imagination. The
supphes voted in the last session had been devoted to
special objects, and he had just cut off for five months
all possibiUty of obtaining more from a Intimate
source. But financial considerations seldom obtruded
themselves upon Buckingham. If the war were only
once begun on a scale large enough to dazzle the world,
he might safely, he fancied, throw himself upon the
patriotism of the English nation.
It was a hazardous poUcy. Armies set on foot
upon the chance of fixture supphes are apt to be less
dangerous to the enemy than to their own commanders.
And yet what else was to be done ? An attempt had
been made in vain to divert some of the subsidy money
to the support of Mansfeld. The CJouncil of War had
rephed by asking whether the King would give them a
written declaration that he needed the money ' for one
of those four ends mentioned in the statute.' Weston,
who had been sent to ask for the money, could not say
that, but he knew ' that it was both his Majesty's and
the Prince's pleasure.' He was told distiacUy that
without * some particular warrant in writing nothing
could be done.' ^
And even if Buckingham had been able to raise the
money which he needed, was it likely that Mansfeld's
armament would gain for him the good will of the
House of Commons ? If the force which it had been
proposed to levy had been directed towards the Pala-
tinate, such an employment would have been entirely
outside the circle of ideas within which the Lower
House had been moving. But by this time Bucking-
ham had reason to question whether France was
^ Weaton to Conway, July 51 j &P, Dom,^ clxx. 82,
RICHELIEU'S PLANS. I05
disposed to give even that amount of satisfection to the chap.
wishes of the King of England. On the 26th of August ^ — r^— '.
a league was signed between France, Venice, and Savoy J[^^^
for the recovery of the Valtelline; and in order to ^®^*'*^
prevent the Spanish Government from bringing up £^^^^
fresh troops to resist the attack, it was arranged that une.
the Duke of Savoy, with the aid of a French force,
should make an attack upon Genoa^ and that Mansfeld
should throw himself upon Alsace and the Austrian
possessions in Swabia.^
Whilst James and Buckingham, therefore, were Richelieu
fondly hoping to make use of Etchelieu for the recon- many,
quest of the Palatinate, EicheUeu was planning how to
make use of James and Buckingham for the reconquest
of the ValteUine. Although the result of Marescot's
embassy to Germany had been discouraging, Richelieu
had assured the Elector of Bavaria that he need have
no fear of an attack from France for at least a year,
and Effiat was instructed to lay before James a plan
for the pacification of Germany which bore a very
dose resemblance to those unsatisfactory overtures
which had been made by Francesco della Eota in the
preceding winter.^
Eichelieu was probably right in judging that this
was as much as he could persuade his master to do for
some time to come ; perhaps also in judging that it
would be unwise for France to embark in open war
till it was clear that she could find allies who could be
trusted. But when Buckingham passed his neck under
the yoke of the imperious Cardinal, he had certainly
expected more than this.
Towards the end of September Mansfeld was once Sept
*• Mansfeld
Sixain in
, __ , ,, ngland.
' Richelieu, M4m., ii. 405; Lewis XIII. to EfBat, Sept /yj Harl.
MSS., 4595> fol- 307-
I06 THE FRENCH MARRIAGE TREATY.
CHAP, more in England, to ask again for men and money. His
*-— ^ — ' English troops, if he persuaded James to entrust him
^Sept ^^^ ^^y* would be allowed to land between Calais
and Gravelines close to the Flemish frontier.^ The
King of France, he announced, was ready to allow him
to levy thirteen thousand men, and would, in con-
junction with his allies, supply him with money for
the purpose.^ But the French ministers, who had so
pertinaciously demanded the strictest acknowledgment
of the rights of the English Catholics, refused to bind
themselves to any definite course in their military
operations by a single Kne in writing. In the mean-
while, Lewis wrote to EflSat informing him that what
was given to Mansfeld was given ' for the aflairs of our
league,' that is to say, for the support of his operations
in the Valtelline. If the men could also be useful to the
King of England and his son-in-law, he should be glad.
After the marriage had been agreed upon, he would be
able to deUberate further.®
Oct Such was the position of affairs at the time when
engage- the EugUsh Parliament was prorogued. Buckingham,
manded it would scem, had sold his master's honour for naught.
Fnmce. To his thinking, indeed, the only course left to him
was to push blindly on. If he had had his way,
20,000/. would have been placed at once in Mansfeld's
hands. James listened, well pleased, to the talk of the
adventurer, and amused him by recommending him to
ask leave of the Infanta to pass through the Spanish
Netherlands on his way to the Palatinate.* But there
was still some prudence left in the English Court. The
Council recommended a short delay till Lewis had
» Lewis XIII to Effiat, ^g;^; Harl MSS., 4595, fol. 369.
» Effiat to Lewis XIII.,^ff; Hurl MSS., 4596, fol. 17, b.
' Lewis XIIL to Effiat, ^~f^; JIarl. MSS., 4596, fol. 33.
* Rusdorf to Frederick, Oct. yj ; M4m,, i. 377.
MANSFELD AND THE FRENCH. 107
given a written promise to allow Mansfeld's troops to chap.
enter France, and to permit their employment for the ' — r-l-^
recovery of the Palatinate. In the meanwhile Mansfeld ^^^'
was to go to Holland to muster some Germans who
were to take part in the expedition.^
In a few days James learned that he had reckoned The French
without the French in respect both of the marriage and give one.
of Mansfeld's army. Carlisle and Holland were plainly
told that their master's letter, even if countersigned by
the Prince and a Secretary of State, would not suffice,
and were informed at the same time that there could
be no offensive league for the present. " To capitulate
in writing," said the French ministers, " would but cast
rubs in the way of their dispensation, and make it alto-
gether impossible ; since it must needs highly offend the
Pope to hear they should enter into an offensive league
with heretics against Cathohcs, and was like so far to
scandalize the Cathohc Princes of Germany, as this
King should lose all credit with them, whom yet he
hoped to win to their better party." In vain the
ambassadors remonstrated. Not a line in writing
could be drawn from the French ministers. 'They
could not,' they said, * condescend to anything in
writing; but if the King's faith and promise would
serve the turn, that should be renewed to us here, and
to his Majesty likewise by their ambassador in England,
in as full and ample manner as we could desire it.' A
long altercation followed, and the EngUsh ambassadors
broke off the interview in high dudgeon, saying that
* they knew not whether when the King their master
should hear of this their proceeding he might not
open his ear to new counsels, and embrace such offers
as might come to him from other parts, and leave them
* Rusdorf to Frederick, Oct. j'j, -^; M^m., i. 379, 381 j Conway to
Carlisle and Holland, Hardw, St, P,, i, 532.
io8
THE FRENCH MARRIAGE TRK4lTY.
CHAP.
III.
*— — « — -^
1624.
Aupr. 13.
Cariiale*s
opinion.
The French
plan 8up-
S)rted by
ucking-
ham.
perhaps to seek place for repentance when it would be
too late.' ^
In a private letter to the Prince, Carlisle expressed
his opinion strongly. " It may therefore please your
Highness," he wrote, " to give your humblest servant
leave, out of his zeal and devotion to your Highness'
service, to represent unto your Highness that our
endeavours here wiU be fruitless unless you speak unto
the French ambassador in a higher strain, and that my
Lord of Buckingham also hold the same language unto
him. It is true that they do offer the King's word for
their assistance, and that their ambassador shall give
his Majesty the like assurance ; but what assurance
can be given to the verbal promise of this people, who
are so apt to retract or give new interpretations to their
former words, . . your Highness, out of your ex-
cellent wisdom, will easily discern." ^
With respect to the marriage treaty, so much had
been yielded already that a point or two further hardly
mattered much. Buckingham had before him the vision
of an angry Parliament, incensed with him, as he told
Effiat, because he ' had so far departed from the pro-
mises that had been made.** Startling news, too,
reached him from Spain. Inojosa, as might have been
expected, had, after a mock investigation, been fully
acquitted of the charge of conspiring against Bucking-
ham. But the party opposed to Olivares had sufficient
weight in the Council to make one more effort to avoid
a breach with England, and a resolution was taken to
send Gondomar once more to England in Coloma's
' Carlisle and Holland to Conway. [Oct 9] ; Hardw, St, P., i. 536 ;
date from copy in S, P, France,
' Carlisle to Charles, Oct 7 ; ibid, i. 535.
' ^* A cause quails .disent que le Due s'est fort ^loign^ des promessea
qui leur avoieut m faites." Effiat to Ville-aux-Clercs, -^ "; Barl,
MSS. 4596, fol. 25.
THE PRIVATE ENGAGEMENT. 109
room. The prospect of seeing the winning Spaniard chap.
again whispering his words of command in James's ear - — ^^i!^
was very terrible to Buckingham. What would be the ^^^^'
result if Gondomar should find new and unexpected Gondomar
allies in the House of Commons ? England.
If it was to be a question whether the King cSSiJ^
should give way to Spain or to France, Charles was 3^5^**.
sure to place himself on Buckingham's side, and he ^™-
joined in urging his father to make the required con-
cession. " Your despatch," he wrote to Carhsle, " gave
us enough ado to keep all things from an unrecoverable
breach. For my father at first startled very much at
it, and would scarce hear reason, wliicli made us fear
that his averseness was built upon some hope of good
overtures firom Gondomar, who, they say, is to be
shortly here, though I believe it not ; which made me
deal plainly with the King, telling him I would never
match with Spain, and so entreated him to find a fit
match for me. Though he was a little angry at first,
yet afterwards he allowed our opinions to be reason,
which before he rejected." ^
It was like Charles to suppose fhat his father could
not be really influenced by the motives he professed,
and to fancy that it was impossible for any one to difier
from himself with any semblance of reason. Yet if the
concession which he was now recommending had been
laid before him six months before, he would doubtless
have started back with amazement and horror. He had
directly engaged that his marriage should bring ' no
advantage to the Kecusants.'^ As for James, a loop-hole
was still left to him. He had promised that * no such
condition ' should be * foisted in upon any other treaty
whatsoever.'® He was not asked to do precisely that.
1 The Prince to Carliale, Oct 19 ; S, P. France.
2 P. 56. » P. 59.
no THE FEENCH MARRIAGE TREATY.
CHAP. He was to keep his word in the letter, whilst breaking
' — r-^— ' it in its spirit. The article, separate from the treaty,
'od?' was to be called a private engagement. But it was to
be made as binding as possible by his own and his
son's signature, attested by that of a Secretary of State.
Surely this was enough to startle James without its
being necessary to seek for an explanation of his
reluctance to give his assent in some imaginary over-
tures from Gondomar.
jamesgives To his own disgrace Charles had his way. James
^*^' had not strength of mind enough to break up the
alliance on which he had counted for the restoration of
The French the Palatinate. Orders were sent to the ambassadors
mrat Md to accept the French proposals. But what was James
Mansfeid. ^ ^^^ ^^ rctum ? The verbal promise of support to
Mansfeld, which was all that Lewis offered, was plainly
not worth having. "We think it not fit," wrote
Carlisle and Holland, " to express by writing the sense
we have of the proceedings of the French." ^ Lewis,
in fact, had agreed to declare his intention of continuing
his contribution to Mansfeld for six months, and of
allowing it to be used for the recovery of the Palatinate.
If, however, * the affairs of the Palatinate were not settled
within this time, his Majesty would continue in every
way which he might consider most fitting, to testify to
his brother the King of Great Britain his desire that
he might receive contentment in the matter of the
Palatinate.'^ Against this wording the ambassadors
protested. Instead of declaring that he would aid ' in
every way which he might consider most fitting,' Lewis
might at least say that he would aid in every way that
wiis most fitting. They were told that this could not
* Carlisle and Holland to Conway, Oct 28 j S, P, France,
» Ville-aux-Clercs to Effiat^ g^j Harl MSS., 4596, fol. 45.
SIGNATUEE OF THE TREATY. Ill
be. In that case, they replied, they would rather not chap.
listen at all to so illusory a promise. Acting, no doubt, ' — r-^— '
in pursuance of orders from England, they said that ^c^^*
they would be content with a simple promise to pay
Mansfeld for six months. To this Lewis cheerfully con-
sented, and, in giving the promise, added a few words
still vaguer than those to which objection had been
taken. " As to the continuance of my assistance for
the Palatinate," he said, "let my good brother the
King of Great Britain confide in my affection, which I
will show by my deeds and acting rather than by my
words and promises."^
On these terms the marriage treaty was signed by ^ov. lo.
the ambassadors on November lo. It needed only the rfage treaty
ratification of the King of England and the grant of the
Papal dispensation to be carried into effect.
What was now to be done for Mansfeld ? Was he. Something
without any real understanding with France, to be forMana-
launched into the heart of Germany ? And if a scheme
so rash was to be persisted in, where was the 20,000/.
which James would be called upon to pay month by
month. The exchequer had not in it a farthing ap-
plicable to the purpose. The Council of War had
shown by its former answer that its members did not
believe that the subsidies were intended to be expended
in such a way, and without an order from the Council
of War the Parliamentary Treasurers could give
nothing. But for the turn which the marriage arrange-
ments had taken. Parliament would by this time have
been in full session, able either to grant the sum re-
quired or to give the King plainly to understand that
no further subsidies would be forthcoming for the
purpose.
* Carlisle and Holland to Conway, Oct. 28, Nov. 12; JIardw. St. P,
i. 523J S, P. France,
112 THE FRENCH MARRIAGE TREATY.
CHAP. In default of Parliament, application had again been
III.
' made to the Council of War. Payments for such an
Nov^ expedition as Mansfeld's were perhaps covered by the
Where was letter of the Subsidy Act, as being intended to assist
money to j ' o
be found? < other his Majesty's friends and allies,' but they were
certainly in contravention of its spirit. Besides, even if
this had not been the case, there was no money really
applicable to the purpose. It would tax all the powers
of the Treasurers to meet the demands made upon
them for the four points expressly named in the Act,
and it was only by neglecting one or other of them
that it would be possible to divert something for
Mansfeld.
By what arguments the Council of War was
swayed we do not know. But on October 4 a warrant,
Nov. 24. followed up by another on November 24, was issued
out^f uie by that body to empower the Treasurers to advance
subsidies. jg^QOoZ. for the expenses of levying troops for Mans-
feld, and 40,000/. to pay his men for two months.^
Oct 29. On October 29 orders had been given to levy
Nov. 4. 12,000 pressed men for this service.^ On November
E^hind. 4 Mansfeld landed at Margate on his return from
Holland. On the 7th he received a comission em-
powering him to take command of the troops. He
was to use them for the recovery of the Palatinate,
doing nothing against the King's friends and aUies,
He is not to especially doing nothing against 'the lands and do-
siSmiah minions of which the King of Spain our very dear
ten^toiy. tj.Q(jier, and the Infanta, have a just and legitimate
possession.'*
* Abstract of the warrants of the Council of War, June 1625 ; 8, P,
Dofn.j Charles J., Addenda.
' Signet Office DocquetSf Oct 29.
• Rusdorf to Frederick, Nov. 5 : The King to Mansfeld, Nov. 7 ;
Btudorfs Mem,, i. 390, 392.
MANSFELD'S PROSPECTS. II3
The troops, in short, were to be used for the pur- chap.
III.
poses for which they were intended, and for nothing ^
else. K a war with Spain must come, let it come ^^^^
after due deliberation, and not as the result of one of
those raids which Mansfeld knew so well how to plan
and to execute.
Assuredly reasons were not wanting to justify Little pro*.
James in the policy of carrying the war into Germany S^° *"^
rather than against Spain. But there is nothing to be
said for the means which he adopted to secure his
end. Mansfeld himself was a man upon whom no
dependence could be placed. Even in the little Court
which gathered round the exiles at the Hague, he was
no longer regarded with favour. Camerarius, one of
the ablest of Frederick's counsellors, predicted that no
good would come of his employment. '* From this,"
he wrote, " the restoration of the Palatinate is not to
be expected. Indeed I see many other objections ; and
if Mansfeld has with him foreign soldiers, instead of
an army for the most part composed of Germans, the
whole Empire will be leagued against him. I fear, too,
that Duke Chiistian ^ may combine with him, and he
is alike hateful to God and man. The time requires
not such defenders."
Broken and divided as Germany was, there was
still some national feeling left. To fling a couple of ad-
venturers with an army of foreigners into the heart of
the coimtry was not the way to conciliate this feeling.
And as yet no arrangement had been come to with the
German Princes. It was not upon any understanding
with them that Mansfeld's projects were based. Nor,
even if the chances of a foreign invasion had been
greater than they were, was this invasion one which
' t.e., Christian of Bruiuwick, the late Administrator of Halberstadt
VOL. I. I
114 THE FRENCH MARRIAGE TREATY.
CHAP, could be regarded hopefully. For, of the two govern-
^ — r-^— ' ments by which it was to be supported, one was anxious
\oy^ to employ the troops against Spain, whilst the other was
anxious to employ them in Germany.
There were, in fact, two policies, each of which
was not without its merits. A close alliance with
France to attack Spain would probably not have been
without its fruits in lightening the weight which
pressed upon the German Protestants. On the other
hand a close alliance with Sweden, Denmark, the
Dutch Eepublic, and the Princes of North Germany
would probably have been more directly effectual for
the recovery of the Palatinate. In the first case the
co-operation of the Northern Protestants ; in the second
case the co-operation of France, would have to be
regarded as of secondary importance.
The course which was actually taken was the result
of the several faults of James and Buckingham. It satis-
fied the King's caution by the appearance of strength
which he saw in an alliance reaching irom Stockholm
to Paris. It satisfied Buckingham's impetuosity, because
England in reality stood alone, and was preparing to
throw her only army into the midst of Europe without
any trustworthy or ascertained alliance on any side.
James's notion that it was possible to treat the
question of the Palatinate apart, without giving offence
to Spain, was one which could hardly bear the test of
conversion into practical action.^ He had thought to
mingle in a strife in which the passions of men
were deeply engaged, without taking account of any-
thing but their reason, and he had fancied that he could
measure their reason by his own. He had expected
his son-in-law to forget his injuries, and to consent to
' The imposBibility of Spain remaining neutral if the Palatinate were
attached, is clearly put m a letter from the Infanta Isabella to Philip IV.,
April {^, BrusaeU MSS,
PROMISES OF TIIE FRENCH GOVERNMENT. I15
take his place again at Heidelberg as a peaceable sub- chap.
ject of the Empire. He had expected the King of Spain, - — r-^— ^
in spite of the deep distrust which he entertained of \l^
Frederick, to help him back into his old position. And Franken-
he now expected the Infanta Isabella to surrender mandS
Frankenthal to an English garrison according to the IXnti?
treaty made in the spring of the preceding year.^
The Infanta replied that she was quite ready to give
up the town to an English garrison if James would
send one to the gates ; but she declined to assure that
garrison against the probable danger of an attack from
the Imperialist forces in the neighbourhood. Clearly
the Spaniards were not about to assist in the recovery
of the Palatinate.
Would France be more likely to help than Spain France
had been? For a moment James and Buckingham ^^'^^^^
were able to flatter themselves that it would be so.
On November 1 8 it was known in London ^ that, when
the marriage treaty was signed, Lewis had promised
with his own Eoyal mouth that Mansfeld should have
liberty to land at Boulogne or Calais ; that the letters of
exchange for the French share of his expenses had
actually been seen by the ambassadors ; and that Eiche-
lieu had assured Carlisle and Holland that ' they had
not so much linked together two persons as two Crowns,
and that the interest of the Palatinate was as dear to
them as to the English.^
At the news that the treaty had been signed the Nov. 21.
bells of the London churches rung out their merriest kuSlndS
peals, and healths were drunk to the future Queen of
England around bonfires in the streets.* And yet the
* Prince Charles and the Spanish Afarrioffe, ii. 367.
* Rusdorf to Frederick, Nov. 20 ; Mem,, i. 394.
' Carlisle and Holland to Conway, Nov. 12 ; S. P, France.
« Saivettie Newsletter, ^f .
I 2
Il6 THE FRENCH MARRIAGE TREATY.
CHAP. French Court had already made up its mind to draw
- — , — ' back from the sUght engagement into which Lewis had
^^^^f entered a few days before. The preparations for the
French attack upou the Valtelline were now complete; and,
Mansfeid'8 though it could uot be known in Paris that the French
** ^^ force whidi had started from Coire on November 1 5
would sweep all opposition before it, there could be
no doubt that the result would be determined long
before Spanish troops could reach the scene of action
from Flanders. So far as the Valtelline was concerned,
. therefore, there was no further need of Mansfeld's as-
sistance.
What steps Lewis and Eichelieu intended to take with
respect to Germany in the next summer's campaign it is
impossible to say. Most probably they did not know
themselves. But we may be quite sure that they never
seriously entertained the idea of allowing Mansfeld to
pass through France to attack the Imperial garrisons
in the Palatinate, whilst England remained at peace
with Spain.
To those who are desirous of abandoning their
engagements a good excuse is seldom wanting. The
Spanish Government at this time combined a full ap-
preciation of the benefits of peace, with a firm deter-
mination not to make those concessions which would
alone make peace possible. In the past winter and
spring Philip and Olivares had been quite in earnest in
desiring to make peace in Germany, upon terms which
would have secured the triumph of their own religion ;
and in the spring they had been equally in earnest in
desiring to make a final peace with the revolted Nether-
lands, if only they could secure the opening of the
Scheldt to the commerce of Antwerp, by which means,
as the Infanta Isabella assured her nephew, the trade of
Amsterdam would be entirely ruined. On July 3, the
THE SIEGE OF BREDA. II7
day after her letter was written, news arrived in Brus- chap.
sels that her overtures had been rejected at the Hague, — ^^— '
and that the Dutch had entered into a league with France nov^^.
on the I ith. Spinola, who had remained inactive since The sief^e
his failure at Bergen-op-Zoom in 1622, marched at the
head of his army ^ to lay siege to Breda.
To the Prince of Orange, Breda was no common
town. In it was the house in which his ances-
tors had dwelt whilst as yet the seventeen Provinces
reposed peacefully under Spanish rule. Its recovery
from the enemy had been his own earliest military
exploit. Upon the ramparts and inundations by
which Breda was guarded, he had lavished all the
resources of his own consummate skill as a military
engineer. " Have you seen Breda ? " he used to say
to travellers who spoke boastfully of this or that fortress
which they had visited. And now, as he was himself
wasting away with enfeebled health and forced inac-
tion, this town, so dear to him as a man and as a soldier, *
was in danger. The forces of the Eepublic were not
sufficient to justify him in running the risk of an
attempt to save it.
During his last visit to Holland, Mansfeld had TheFrench
suggested to Maurice that the English troops entrusted pioy m
to him might be employed in relieving Breda.^ Lewis, Breda,
too, who was sending over the secretary Ville-aux-
Clercs to receive James's oath to the engagement he
was to take about the Catholics, instructed him to aigue
that Mansfeld would be far better employed in suc-
couring Breda than he would be in Alsace or Franche-
Comte, especially as it would be impossible for him to
march into the Palatinate in the winter.^ In fact, if
» The Infanta IsabeUa to PHlip IV., July j\, /j, Jf j BrumU MSS.
* Villermont, E. de Mansfeldt, ii. 240.
» Instructions to Ville-aux-Clercs, Nov. || ; Harl. MSS,, 4S9^f
fol. 106.
an»-
Il8 THE FRENCH MARRIAGE TREATY.
CHAP. Mansfeld was not to be used at Breda, it was difficult
to say how he could be used at aU.^ Even if the
'^^^ French had been more than half-hearted in the matter,
it would have been premature to send him into Ger-
many without any previous arrangement with the
German Princes. And why, the French ministers might
well argue, should James object ? Six thousand soldiers
were already serving in his pay under Maurice against
Spain, and why should not twelve thousand under
Mansfeld do the same ? It was perhaps hard to meet
Unwilling- the logical difficulty. But James drew a Une between
jameii. asslstiug the Dutch against Spain, and sending an
independent force with the same object. He had
fallen back upon the belief that he could escape a war
with Spain after all. The fleet, which in the beginning
of the summer had been gathering in the Spanish
harbours, had been called ofi* across the Atlantic by the
news that San Salvador, in Brazil, had been captured
by a Dutch force, and there had, in consequence, been
the less necessity for proceeding hastily with the
equipment of the English navy. Lest Spain should
take umbrage at what little had been done, James
explained to the Infanta's agent that the ships which
he was preparing were intended to convoy the French
Princess to England, and to make reprisals on the
Dutch East India Company for the massacre of Am-
boyna. At the same time he repeated his assurance
that Mansfeld should not attack Spanish territory.*
^ The Infanta Isabella, writing to Philip IV., Nov. ||, argued that
the troops must be intended for Breda, for it was not the season of the
year t« begin war in Germany. The greater part of the troops would
perish before they could reach that country. Brussels MSS,
' This was probably said about Nov. 19. The declaration is printed
without a date by Villermont, E, de ManrfelcU, ii. 242. The order for
reprisals on the Dutch had really been given. Conway to Carleton,
Nov. 4 ; S, P. HoUancU
THE PRIVATE ENGAGEMENT. II9
When Ville-aux-Clercs arrived, his first task was to chap.
Ill
obtain the ratification of the marriage treaty. The >- — ^^— '
King was at Cambridge, suffering firom a severe attack ^^^
of the gout. His hands were so crippled that, hke "^^^^'^
Henry VTH. in his old age, he had been obliged to ratified,
make use of a stamp from inabihty to sign his name.
On December 1 2, however, though still suffering, he
was sufficiently recovered to be able to join his son in
ratifying the articles of marriage. Much to the discon-
tent of the Privy Councillors, not one of the number,
excepting Buckingham and Conway, were allowed to
be present at the ceremony.
There remained the private engagement to be The private
signed : " I the undersigned Charles, Prince of Wales," ment.
so ran the words finally agreed upon, " after having
seen the promise of the Most Serene King of Great
Britain, my very honoured Lord and father, and in
conformity with it, promise on the faith and word of a
Prince, both for the present and the future, in every-
thing that is and shall be in my power, that, in
contemplation of the Most Serene Princess Madame
Henrietta Maria, sister of the Most Christian King of
France, I will promise to all the Roman Catholic
subjects of the Crown of Great Britain the utmost of
Uberty and franchise in everything regarding their
reUgion, which they would have had in virtue of any
articles which were agreed upon by the treaty of
marriage with Spain, not being wilHng that the aforesaid
Eoman Catholic subjects should be disquieted in their
persons and goods for making profession of their afore-
said religion, and for Kving as Catholics, provided,
however, that they use the permission modestly, and
render the obedience which as good and true subjects
they owe to their King. I also promise, through kind-
ness to them, not to constrain them to any oath contrary
I50 THE FRENCH MARRIAGE TREATY.
CHAP, to their religion, and I wish that my engagement, which
III.
' I now sign, should be attested by a Secretary of State." ^
iJ^f ^ Then followed the signatures of Charles and Con-
charies's way. It was not a transaction upon which they had
motivM. any reason to be proud. The edifice of toleration,
founded upon a breach of one promise, might easily be
overthrown by the breach of another. But in truth
neither Charles, nor Buckingham, who was the main
instigator of his offence, cared about toleration at all.
What they wanted was to make the French marriage
and the French alliance possible, and we may well
believe that they swallowed the necessary conditions
without enquiring too closely into the possibility of
fulfilling them. The explanation which Charles after-
wards gave, that he had signed the engagement without
intending to keep it, because he was aware that the
King of France wished him to do so in order to deceive
the Pope, finds no countenance from any source of
information now open to us.
Whatever Charles's motives may have been, the
French ministers required him to act at once upon the
Dec. 24. engagement he had taken. On December 24 the
of"th^"R^'^ Courts were forbidden to admit any further prosecution
uwi*^ of the Becusants under the Penal laws.* On the 26th
an order was issued to the Lord Keeper to set at liberty
all Eoman Catholics in prison for offences connected
with their religion. At the same time the two Arch-
bishops were directed to stop all proceedings against
them in the Ecclesiastical Courts, and the Lord Treasurer
was commanded to repay all fines whicjh had been
levied from them since the last Trinity Term. For the
future the fines, instead of passing into the Exchequer
in the ordinary course, were to be paid over to two
' Secret engagement, HarL MSS», 4596, fol. 144.
• Conwaj to Williams, Dec. 30 ; S, P. Donh^ cIxxtH. 39.
RICHELIEU AND OLIVARES. 121
persons especially appointed for the purpose, who
would of course repay the money at once to those
from whom they received it. In this way it would
look as if the fines were still being paid, whilst nothing
of the kind was really being done. Nor was this the
only deception practised upon the nation. These
special orders were only made known to those specially
interested in them. But another order directing the
banishment of the priests then in prison, which, as there
was now nothing to prevent them soon returning in
security as soon as they had crossed the sea, can only
have been intended to throw dust into the eyes of the
world, was passed under the great seal, and enrolled on
the Patent Eolls for all who chose to examine.^
If Charles had not strengthened his position by Value of ^
the step which he had taken, Eichelieu had still less buccw*.
cause to congratulate himself. He had indeed gained a
great diplomatic success. All that he had asked for
had been conceded to him. But the very concession
was fraught with future evil to France as well as to
England. If neither he nor Lewis had aimed at so
much as had been aimed at by Olivares and Philip ; if
France had been content with the protection of the
English Eoman Catholics, whilst Spain aimed at the
restoration of the Papal authority in England, even the
lesser demand was more than one sovereign cx)uld
wisely make to another. It introduced an element of
discord between the two nations which would more
than counterbalance the family connection which was
about to join the two kings. The marriage treaty was
the first link in the chain of events which in two short
years was to lead to war between France and England .
^ The King to the Ajrchbishop of Canterbury, Dec. 26 ; The King to
the Lord Keeper, Dec 26 ; the King to the Lord Treasurer and the
Chnncellor of the Exchequer, Dec. 29 ; S. P. Dom.^ clzxyii. 25, 29, 37 )
Banishment of Priests, Dec. 24; Bymer, xyii. 644.
122
CHAPTER IV.
THE LAST DATS OF JAMES I.
c^P. To obtain from James the ratification of the marriage
' — j-*- — ' treaty was only part of Ville-aux-Clercs' mission. He
Dec I. had also to obtain pennission for Mansfeld to attempt
Sit^ to succour Breda, and to contrive if possible to embroil
fold ^ht J^°^^ ^ op^^i war with Spain.^ James, indeed, had
PJJJ j^ already taken one step in the direction in which the
Fi^dera. Frenchman wished to guide him. On the 14th of
James con- Decembcf he had issued an .exposition of his former
prohibition to Mansfeld. That commander was to ask
leave from the Infanta to enter Flanders, but, in the
event of a refusal, he was to force his way through the
Spanish territory.' 2
Further do- As yct the name of Breda had not been mentioned
France. either by Ville-aux-Clercs or James, though the rehef
of Breda was plainly intended by the French. James's
difficulties were only beginning. He had been given
to understand that Mansfeld would land in French
territory, and that he was to march at once to the
French frontier in order to demand a passage. But
now Eichelieu took alarm, or pretended to take alarm,
at James's former declaration that Mansfeld should not
enter the Spanish Netherlands. Before the interpreta-
> Ville-Rux-Clercs and Effiat to Lewis XIU., Dec. Jj, Rarl. MSS.,
4596, fol. 144.
2 Explanation by the King, Dec. |J P Ibid. fol. 187.
DIFFICULTIES WITH FRANCE. 1 23
tion had been given on the 14th, orders had abeady chap.
been issued in the name of Lewis to Ville-aux-Clercs ^ ■
and Effiat to inform James that Mansfeld could not be Dec
permitted to land in France unless the English Govern-
ment distinctly authorised his passage through the
Spanish Netherlands. The alternative oflfered was that
Mansfeld should go by way of Holland. Mansfeld
would certainly not be permitted to march a hundred
miles on French territory.^
As usual, the French ambassadors applied to Dec 18.
Buckingham for support. The exact nature of the sunding
conversation between them cannot now be discovered. Bucking-
The Frenchmen were under the impression when they thrVrench.
left him, that Mansfeld, if the passage through Flanders
seemed undesirable, might take any other route he
pleased, on the sole condition that the French cavalry,
which was to take part in the expedition, should
accompany the English infantry. They therefore wrote
at once to Mansfeld, strongly urging him to convey his
men through Holland,^ instead of through France and
Flanders.
Such, however, was not the understanding of
Buckingham. Perhaps, as Ville-aux-Clercs thought
afterwards, he was so confident of his influence over
Mansfeld that he assented to the proposal that the
commander might take any route he pleased, without
duly considering all that might be implied in those
words.^ Perhaps, when he came to speak to the King,
^ Lewis Xin. to Ville-aux-Clercs and Effiat, Harl MSS., 4596,
fol. 200 b.
* They told Mansfeld that the English would give him entire liberty
' de prendre tel parti que vous estimerez le plus ayantageux sans de-
mander de nous autre condition que la cavallerie Fran^ais prendra m^me
route, et sera embarqu4e pour passer avec leur infanterie.' — Ville-aux-
Clercs and Effiat to Mansfeld, Dec. H, ITarl. MSS., 4596, fol. 212 b.
' MSnwires de Briennefi. 394.
124 THE LAST DAYS OF JAMES I.
caAP. and to find how reluctant James was to give his con-
-^ sent to the course proposed, he may have found it ex-
^^^ pedient to disavow the promise which he had heedlessly
given, and it is certain that he afterwards assured Ville-
aux-Clercs that he had never mentioned the possibility
of Mansfeld's passing through Holland to the King. In
fact something very difierent from a mere military
question was at issue. James wished to obtain the
open complicity of France in the coming war. Lewis
wished to involve James in hostilities with Spain whilst
himself remaining at peace. If English troops landed
at Calais, and then, accompanied by French cavalry,
crossed the frontier into Flanders or Artois, it would
be very difficult for Lewis to wash his hands of the
whole matter; whereas if a small body of cavalry
joined Mansfeld's army in Holland, whatever Mansfeld
chose to do might be set down to his own wrong-
headedness, or to the orders of his English superiors.
Therendex- In the mcauwhilc, the unlucky men whose destina-
vous at , , •' ,
Dover. tiou was the object of such contention, were gathering
to their rendezvous at Dover. The aid of English
troops was not to be despised. The Prince of Orange,
who knew them well, used to say that when English-
men had got over their first sufferings, they were the
bravest men in his motley army. The ten thousand
who had gone out in the summer had been received
by the Dutch with open arms. But they had advan-
tages which Mansfeld's troops would never have. They
were volunteers, not pressed men. They had been
incorporated in the Dutch army, and had gradually
learned their work in the strictest school of discipline
then existing in the world. They would be well
clothed and well fed. There may have been an ex-
aggeration in the popular saying that an Englishman
could not fight without his three B's, his bed, his beef^
MANSFELD'S ARMY AT DOVER. I25
and his beer, but it was exaggeration which contained chap.
a certain amount of truth. ^
All that went to the making of an army was \l^
wanting to Mansfeld's compulsory levies. His men, ^^^^
pressed against their will, had little heart for the ser- ^^ ^« ™«»'
vice. The county officiab, whose duty it had been to
select them, had too often laid their hands upon those
who were most easily within reach, rather than upon
those who were fittest for the work. " Our soldiers,"
wrote one who saw a number of them pass on their
way, " are marching on all sides to Dover. God send
them good shipping and success ; but such a rabble of
raw and poor rascals have not lightly been seen, and
go so unwillingly that they must rather be driven than
led." "It is lamentable," wrote another in the same
strain, " to see the heavy countenances of our pressed
men, and to hear the sad ferewells they take of their
friends, showing nothing but deadly unwillingness to
the service ; and they move pity almost in all men iu
regard of the incommodity of the season, the un-
certainty of the employment, and the ill terms upon
which they are like to serve, whereof I know not how
discreetly I should do to tell you all that I hear
spoken ; but it may suffice that I say the whole busi-
ness is generally disliked, and few or none promise
either honoiu: to our nation by this journey, or any-
thing but wretchedness to the poor soldiers." *
Whether a real army could ever have been consti- They m
tuted out of such unpromising materials may admit of pekl" "' ^
doubt. As it wasj the men had not fair play. Mans-
feld, accustomed as he was to live at free quarters,
was not in the habit of paying much attention to his
* Relazioni Venete. IvgMterra, 75, 233.
' Chamberlain to Carleton ; D. Carleton toCarleton, Dec. 18; S, P.
Dam,, clxxvL 65, 66.
126
THE LAST DAYS OF JAMES I
CHAP.
IV.
Dec. 25.
SAiitinv of
the sol-
diers.
1625.
Jan. X.
Martial
law.
commissariat. Money difficulties, too, were not long
in presenting themselves to him. He had received
i5,ocx>Z. for the expenses of levying and arming the
men, and 40,000/. for their payment during the months
of October and November. He now, though the men
were only just gathering at Dover, asked for another
20,oooZ. for the current month of December. But the
resources of the Parliamentary Treasurers were ex-
hausted, and it was only after some delay that the
Prince was able to borrow the money on his own
personal security.^ What chance was there that the
further sum, which would soon become due for
January, would ever be forthcoming ?
Whilst Mansfeld was disputing with the Govern-
ment over the accounts, the men were left to shift for
themselves. When they reached Dover they found
that but few vessels had been collected to carry them
over, and that the state of the tides was such that even
those few were unable to enter the harbour. Neither
food nor money awaited the troops. As a natural
consequence the men roamed about the country, steal-
ing cattle and breaking into houses. Their ranks were
thinned by frequent desertions, and those who re-
mained at Dover threatened to hang the mayor and
bum the town.*
To send down a commission for putting martial
law in force was the first thought of the Council. To
those who were on the spot it seemed a very insufficient
remedy. " If there be not order to pay the soldiers,"
wrote Hippesley, the Lieutenant of Dover Castle, " all
* Burlamftchi's accounts, 1625; S, P. Germany, Chamberlain to
Carleton, Jan. 8 ; S, P, Dom.y clxxxi. 29.
' Hippesley to the Privy Council, Dec. 25 ; the Mayor of Dover and
Hippesley to the Privy Council, Dec. 26; Wilsford to Nicholas, Dec. 27 ;
S, P, Dofn., clxxvii 17, 18,, 33.
MUTINY IN MANSFELD'S ARMY. 1 27
the martial law in the world will not serve the turn." chap.
When the commission was read, one of the mutineers ^ — r-^ — '
shouted out, " If you hang one you must hang us all." 'j^^^^'
The man was seized and condemned to death. But
the officers, who knew how much the men were to be
pitied, were not anxious to carry out the sentence, and
they contrived to find an excuse for setting the prisoner
free.^
In order to obtain vessels in greater numbers, an Jan. 3.
embargo was laid on several Hamburg ships which sbinsput
were lying in the Downs.' But the removal of the bargo.'
physical difficulty in the way of the passage only
served to bring the poHtical difficulty into greater
prominence. James and Buckingham, whatever may
have been the real nature of their communications
with the ambassadors, still flattered themselves that
whether the troops passed through the Spanish Nether-
lands or not, they would at least be allowed to make a
French port the starting point of their enterprise, so as
to establish the complicity of Lewis in the undertaking.
This was, however, precisely the thing which the French ne-
French had determined should not be. Villeaux- wTththr
Clercs and Effiat had gained over Mansfeld, and Es-
pesses, the French ambassador at the Hague, was
busily employed in urging the States General to con-
sent to the landing of Mansfeld somewhere near Bergen-
op-Zoom. In spite of the advocacy of the Prince of
Orange, who was ready to risk anything to save his
beloved Breda, Espesses found it hard work to gain
the consent of the States General. Mansfeld was
better known than liked by them. Their towns, they
said, in which there was neither forage nor victual,
* Hippesley to Nicholas, Jan. 2 ; Hippefiley to Buckingbam, Jan. 3 ;
8, P. Dom.f clxxzi. lo, 11.
' Embargo by the Council^ Jan. 3 ; S, P, Qermany,
128
THE LAST DAYS OF JAMES L
CHAP.
IV.
Jan. a.
Mansfeld
apeaks of
liiH change
of plan.
Jan. 6.
Bucking-
ham's oia-
aatibfiu}-
tion.
could not receive his troops, and to quarter them on
the peasants could not be suffered. If, indeed, they
were regularly paid by the King of England, and com-
missioned by him to serve against Spain, and if the
promised French cavalry were allowed to accompany
them, it would be another matter.^
Before this hesitating acceptance of the plan reached
England, Mansfeld had taken it for granted that it would
be adopted by the Dutch. He sent orders to the Ger-
man troops which were waiting for him in Holland, to
remain where they were, and he began to drop mys-
terious hints of his intentions. When his shipping
was ready, he informed Conway, he would take the
course which the winds allowed him, and which was
most proper and suitable to his designs, mentioning
also certain vessels which would be required for the
embarkation of the French cavalry. Conway replied
that he did not understand his meaning. He thought
it had been arranged that the army should land in
France, and march by land.' Upon this Mansfeld
spoke out plainly, and declared his intention of carry-
ing his army to Flushing.'
Buckingham, perhaps with some uneasy remem-
brance of a consent half given in his conversation
with the ambassadors, attempted to argue with Mans-
feld. The winds would be contrary, the rivers would
be frozen, the States Gener^ would be quarrelsome ;
there were no ships to bring over the French cavalry,
so that his Majesty would be obliged to make war
alone, and to this he would never consent. The sooner
* Garleton to Conway, Jan. 6; S, P, HoUand, Villennont; E, de
Mnnsfddty ii. 26. Husdorf to Frederick, Dec. §f ; Mem, L 399.
' Mansfeld to Conway, Jan. 2 ; Conway to Mansfeld, Jan. 4 ; S. P.
Germany,
' This is implied in Buckingham's letter of the 7th.
MANSFELD'S HESITATIONS. 1 29
Mansfeld sailed for Calais the better. A few days chap.
later Buckingham spoke more impatiently. The Prince - — r^ — '
chimed in, " What he wishes," he said, " is impossible. /.n^f^J.
The best thing he can do is to land at Calais, or France '^^ **""**
¥rill not be engaged. From Calais he can go by any
way he likes. What has he to do at Flushing ? " ^
"France will not be engaged." There was the
root of the matter now. Two thousand French horse,
and such shadow of a French alliance as might rest
upon the expedition by its being permitted to land at
Calais, was all that remained of the grand scheme for
the co-operation of the two nations in the recovery of
the Palatinate. James's displeasure was still more out-
spoken. He sent Sir John Ogle and Sir William St.
Leger to Dover, to enquire into the condition of the
troops. If they found Mansfeld bent on taking ways
of his own, they were to dismiss the transports which
had been collected with so much difficulty, and to send
the men back to their homes.
The men had no such good fortune before them. . Jan- 19-
^ Mansfeld
Mansfeld, well aware that any attempt to land in forhitwen
France would be fruitless, replied that he would do France,
his best to place his troops on French soil, and that he
would allow himself to be stopped by nothing short of
a direct prohibition from Lewis. Such a prohibition
was of coiu^e forthcoming, and on the 1 9th of January
was placed in Mansfeld's hands, in the presence of Ogle
and St. Leger. By this time his men were on board,
and he talked of crossing over to Calais, though it was
St. Leger's opinion that * a very small matter would
send him back.' *
^ Buckingham to Mansfeld, Jan. | ; Rusdorf to Mansfeld, Jan. |§ ;
Harl. MSS.j 4596, fol. 230, 231.
* Ogle and St. Leger to Conway; St. Leger to Conway, Jan. 19;
S» P. I)om,j clxxxiL 15, 163 Mansfeld to Buckingham, Jan. 19; 6\ P.
Qenrumy.
VOL. I. K
I30 THE LAST DAYS OF JAMES L
CHAP. The experiment was not made. Buckingham was
' — r^ — ' anxious to get Mansfeld oflf on any terms. He told
jIn ^iL Effiat that, if the prohibition to land were persisted in,
Bucking- James would allow him no choice but to disband the
ham gives
way. army. Would it not be possible, he asked, to allow
Mansfeld to go on shore at Calais only for a few hours ?
If this could not be, if only he could be assured that
the French cavahy would really join the expedition,
he would do his best to satisfy the King.^
Jan. 23. To the Prince Buckingham gave his reasons for
consenting to the passage through Holland. The op-
position to the landing, he said, doubtless proceeded
from the Jesuit party in France. Was it, however,
worth while to strive against it ? Would it not be
better, as matters stood, to send Mansfeld through
Holland to the ecclesiastical territories on the Ehine ?
If the French cavalry were with him, Lewis would be
as much engaged in the quarrel as if Mansfeld had
landed in France. Such an arrangement as this would
in all appearance advance more the main ends of
recovering the Palatinate, having the States at their
back, and the Princes of Germany about to move if
they were encouraged.^
The march to the Palatinate therefore, not the re-
lief of Breda, was uppermost in Buckingham's mind.
Jan. 26. On the 26th he wrote to Mansfeld that, against his
Mansfeld t i . . . .
forbidden Qwn judgment, he accepted his opinion in favour of the
Breda. march through Holland, whilst on the same day Con-
way issued directions from the King to the colonels of
the army, forbidding them to obey their general if he
attempted to employ them at Breda.*
1 Effiat to Lewis XIII. ^^ ; Harl MSS,, 4596, foL 2956.
^ Buckingham to the Prince, Jan. 23 ; S. P. Donu, clxxxii. 96.
* Conway to the Colonels, Jan. 26 \ Minute in Conway's letter-book|
p. 688J/S. F.Dom.
MANSFELD AT FLUSHING. 131
At last, on the 31st of January, the sorely tried chap.
army was able to leave Dover. As had been foreseen,
the port of Calais was closed against them. The
French cavalry, which had been placed under the com- 2JJ"**^ •'
mand of Christian of Bnmswick, was not ready to start.
Mansfeld passed on his way without any accession of
strength, and on the ist of February the vessels which Feb. i.
bore the Enghsh army cast anchor off Flushing.^ Flushing.
What good could come of an armament of which
the commander was bent upon one line of action,
whilst the oflScers were under strict orders to pursue
another? But even before this difficulty could be
faced there were many hardships to be endured. The Hardships
provisions brought from England would only last for Lnrw^nt
four or five days, and who could say how soon the **^^*^*
scanty stock would be replenished? Mansfeld knew
full well that not a single penny would be forthcoming
from the English exchequer for some time to come.
And even if, by some strange good fortune, the men
succeeded in reaching Germany without being starved
on the way, what possibility was there that these raw
levies, without food or money, could stand against
Tilly's veterans for a day ?
Mansfeld, however, had plainly no intention of
leading his men against Tilly. And even if he had
wished to do so, a plan which would have left Breda
unrelieved was not likely to find favour with the States
General, and without the good will of the States
General there was no obtaining the means of transport Want of
which he needed. In Holland at least, it was firmly '"**^' *
believed that the relief of Breda was the first step
needful to success in Germany. It was " the common
* Carleton to Conway, Feb. 3 ; S. P. Holland. Villennont, E. tU
Mansfeldt, ii. 283.
x2
132 THE LAST DAYS OF JAMES I.
CHAP, opinion that if the Palatinate be only fought in the
Palatinate, it would never be recovered."
sickn^ Yet the troops could ill support delay. The men
breaks out. were ' poor and naked.' At Flushing they had re-
mained for some days closely packed on board the
vessels which brought them over. Then they were
transferred to boats which were to carry them to Ger-
truidenberg, a town not far from Breda, Three regi-
ments reached the place of their destination. The
other three had gone but a few miles when the frost
came down upon them and made further passage im-
possible. Exposed to the cold blasts and the driving
snow, sickness broke out amongst them. The exhaus-
tion from which they had already suffered unfitted
them to bear up against fresh hardships. When they
left Flushing they had not tasted food for eight -and-
forty hours. But for the aid of the Dutch Government
they would all have perished from starvation.
At Gertruidenbierg matters were no better. No
preparation had been made to provide food for such a
multitude. " All day long," wrote Lord Cromwell, who
had come out in command of a regiment, " we go about
Great raor- for victuals and bury our dead."^ Forty or fifty deaths
* * ^' were recorded every night. At last Count Frederick
Henry, the brother and heir of the Prince of Orange,
came to the relief of the suffering Englishmen. He
sent them meat and bread, and provided them with
straw to cover their freezing limbs as they lay in their
boats. The account which Carleton gave of their
sufferings ended in a cry for money. Mansfeld had
brought with him merely 2,000/. He was not a man,
the English ambassador thought, to care much for the
welfare of his troops. He would prefer filling up the
» CromweU to P Feb, 26 j S. P. HoUmd.
WAS BREDA TO BE RELIEVED? I33
vacancies with new levies to taking reasonable care of chap.
the old ones.^
What possible use could be made of this ill-starred jjaroh^l
force ? The way to the Palatinate was barred against ^^^ »>»^
^•' ^ ^ ^o renises to
them by Imperialist armies hurried up to oppose them, «™pKv ^^
and James persisted in his refusal to allow of their em- Brecu.
ployment at Breda. If they were able to march up
the Ehine, the diversion might be useful to the Dutch.
But James had no money to send. He argued that
the French, who had caused all the mischief, ought to
supply the deficiency. If this could not be done, the
States might perhaps advance the 20,oooZ. a month
which he had bound himself to pay to Mansfeld.^
The Dutch were not quite inexorable. They The Dutch
allowed their credit to be used to raise a loan of mSney.
20,ooo/.* They perhaps hoped that James would get
over the difficulty by accepting a proposal which had
been made for placing Mansfeld imder Frederick's
orders, who would not be bound by the King of Eng-
land's engagement. "His Majesty," they were told, March ax.
" cannot yet be moved to think it fit to break it by
equivocations, or by changing of forms and names. "^
James's last words in this matter — for they were Jameses
wnv^ In
his last — were entirely in consonance with his earlier liansfud's
ones. The Palatinate, and the Palatinate alone, was the ®*p*^"®°*
object at which he aimed. War with Spain was to be
avoided as long as possible. Impartial posterity will
perhaps be inclined to think that he was wise in look-
ing to the recovery of the Palatinate, rather than to
vengeance upon Spain, as the true object of the war.
But his mind, indolent in itself, and becoming more in-
^ Garleton to Conway, Feb. 14, 18, March 1 -y S, P, HoUand,
' Conway to Carleton, March 4; ibid,
' Memorial of Money raised for Mansfeld, Aug. P Ibid,
^ Rusdorf| Mem,, i. 498-510. Conway to Garleton, March 21; 8, P.
Holland,
134 THE lAST DAYS OF JAMES L
CHAP, dolent as years rolled by, shrank from the fatigue of
- — r^ — ' planning a large scheme of foreign policy as a whole,
MMdL ^^^ ^^ ^^ ^^^ ®^^ ^^^ ^^ enmity of Spain was the
inevitable result of any serious attempt to recover the
Palatinate, And even if he had been right in thinking
it possible to interfere in Germany without provoking
Spain, it would have been a grave mistake to pursue
this object in so close connection with France and
Holland. For the first interest of France and Holland
was to diminish the power of Spain, and not to recover
the Palatinate.
Whilst the Governments were disputing, the sol-
Theanny dicrs wcrc dying. In little more than a week after
away. Jamcs's last refusal was given, out of a force of 12,003
men, barely 3,000 were capable of carrying arms.
The French cavalry was equally thinned by sickness
and desertion. When at last Christian of Brunswick
brought his troops from Calais only a few hundreds out
of the two thousand men originally under his orders
were disembarked on the Dutch coast. ^
Whilst Mansfeld's prospects of finding his way into
Negotia- Germany were becoming more hopeless every day,
Qeraiany. whcrc wcrc thosc allies upon whom James ought to
have been able to reckon before he allowed a single
Englishman to take part in an enterprise for the re-
covery of the Palatinate ? What had been done to en-
gage the assistance of the North German States, or
with the Kings of Denmark and Sweden ?
When Anstruther unfolded his master's plans in
1624. Aug. August to Christian IV. of Denmark, the King
ther'8™' answered that he was quite ready to take arms, but
that he must first be assured of the support of England
and of the Protestant States of North Germany. It
was therefore arranged that Anstruther should visit
1 Villennont, E, de MansfeUU, ii. 285.
mission.
NORTH GERMANY. 1 35
the Princes who had most to fear from the progress of chap.
the Imperialists, and that Christian would give him a ' — • - — '
final answer on his return,^ \^^'
The position of the King of Denmark was a typical
one. Like the other Princes of North Germany he had
looked with disfavour upon Frederick's Bohemian
enterprise. But he looked with equal disfavour upon christian
the establishment of a strong Imperial authority, and ecci^Lti-*
his zeal for Protestantism was quickened by the know- ^J^'
ledge that whether the secularised ecclesiastical posses-
sions held by his house in Germany were held legally
or not, no doubt existed in the Emperor's mind that
they were still rightfully the property of the Church.
His personal interest in the great question of the eccle-
siastical lands was by no means slight. His younger
son Frederick had the dioceses of Bremen, Verden, and
Halberstadt either in possession or reversion.
As usual, personal and poUtical objects were closely
intertwined with objects which were neither personal
nor political. These North German Sees were occupied The North
by Protestants, who though they called themselves bishoprica.
Bishops, or sometimes more modestly Administrators,
were simply lay Princes, like the Dukes and Counts
aroimd them, the only difference being that, instead of
holding their rank by hereditary right, they were
elected for life by the Chapters of the dioceses, the
Chapters themselves often consisting, at least in part, of
aristocratic sinecurists like themselves. It was quite
^ Anstruther; in his account of his negotiations, March P 1625,
S, P. Denmark, says * that the King did ingenuously advise me, and did
not forbear to second me by invitation of the Electors of Saze and
Brandenburg and others, by his own particular letters by me sent, and
since again by letters of the King of Great Britain.' Proysen (Gtutaf
Adolf, i. 207-224), not being aware of this evidence, fiEmcied that Chris-
tian assented to take part in the war at a later period through jealousy
of Gustavus.
136 THE lAST DAYS OF JAMES I.
CHAP, natural that Catholics should regard such an arrange-
' ' — ' ment as wholly indefensible, and, if no more had been
Ai^ at stake than the loss by the neighbouring Princes of
so rich a provision for their younger sons, the sooner a
change came the better for Germany.
The results of the forcible dispossession of the Pro-
testant Administrators would, however, have been far
PanRerto morc widcly felt. Their lands were inhabited by a
Germany. Protcstaut populatiou which would at once have been
doomed to compulsory reconversion. Their foitresses
would have been occupied by troops hostile to the
order of things established in the neighbouring terri-
tories, and their revenues would have served as a bait
held out to those Protestants who were anxious to
make provision for their femilies, and who might per-
haps not be slow to learn that Canonries and Bishoprics
would fall into the lap of any ardent convert to the
doctrines of the Emperor and the Pope.
Were the North German Princes so very steadfast
that they could be trusted to withstand the temptation ?
What waa It is haxdlv too much to say that the fate of German
at stake. 7 ^
Protestantism was at stake. And with the fortunes of
German Protestantism would come at last to be in-
volved the fortimes of German nationality. The intel-
lectual giants who since the days of Lessing and Gothe
have overshadowed Europe, have all sprung up on
Protestant soil ; and men of the generation which has
only just passed away could tell of the peaceful con-
quest over the ignorance of CathoUc Germany which was
achieved at the beginning of this century by the men of
the Protestant North,^ and which paved the way for
that poHtical unity which is at last heaKng the wounds
inflicted in the great war of the 1 7 th century.
* See especiallj the life of Fnederich Thiersch, bj his son, Dr. H.
Thiersch.
THE EMPEROR AND THE ADMINISTRATORS. 137
The Emperor had accepted the agreement made at chap.
Miihlhausen in 1620, by which the Protestant Admini-
Btrators were declared safe firom attack as long as they
remained obedient subjects. But doubts were freely ^^^^^
expressed whether he would keep, in the days of his J^^^^i,^
prosperity, the promise which he had made in the hour biaJ^opria*.
of adversity. And even if scant justice were probably
done to Ferdinand in this surmise, he might fairly
be expected to urge that the diocese of Halberstadt
was no longer imder the protection of the agreement
of Miihlhausen. Its Administrator, Christian of Bruns-
wick, had certainly not been an obedient subject to the
Emperor. He had now abdicated in the hope that the
Chapter would choose a Protestant successor. But in
the eyes of the Emperor such an election would have
no legal basis. Christian's treason, he would argue, had
replaced the See in the position in which it was before
the agreement of Miihlhausen, and the Chapter was
therefore boimd to elect a real Catholic Bishop, instead
of a cavalry officer who called himself a Bishop in
order that he might enjoy the revenues of the See.
And there were other ways, besides that of force, by
which Protestantism could be undermined in the
Bishoprics. If a majority of a Chapter could be gained
over, a Catholic Bishop would be chosen at the next
election. Many of the Canons were CathoUcs still, and,
with the help of an armed force, it was easy to find
legal grounds for turning the minority into a majority.
In this way Osnabriick had lately been won from Pro-
testantism, and other Sees might be expected, unless
something were done, to follow soon.^
At such a time Anstruther had not much difficultv An»tni-
J tiler's
in gaining the ear of most of the Princes to whom he MoceMfoi
negotia-
' On the poflition of these BiBhoprics, and of Halherstadt especially, **^'
see Dr. Opera Niedtrsachsische Danische Kriey,
13S THE LAST DAYS OF JAMES L
CHAP, addressed himself. The Elector of Saxony, indeed,
' continued to stand aloof. But in other quarters the
A^ English ambassador found no lack of readiness to stand
up against the Emperor, if he could engage to bring
into the field a force large enough to give promise of
success.
Whilst Anstruther was passing from one German
state to another, Spens was engaged in makmg shnilar
Gnstaviu advances to the King of Sweden. Gustavus Adolphus
was bound by every conceivable tie to the Protestant
cause. He had to fear a Catholic pretender to the
Swedish Crown in the person of his cousin Sigismund.
If the Emperor extended his authority to the shores of
the Baltic, the throne of Gustavus and the national in-
dependence of Sweden would be exposed to serious
danger. The dominion over the Baltic was for him a
question of life or death. Yet it would be in the
highest degree unjust to speak of him as taking merely
a selfish or even a national view of the work of his life.
PoUtics and religion were closely intertwined in the
minds of the men of his generation. To him, the con-
summate warrior and statesman, the defence of Protes-
tantism was no empty phrase. It filled him with the
consciousness that he was sent forth upon a high and
holy mission. It taught him to beUeve that in prose-
cuting the aims of his own poUcy he was a chosen in-
strument in the hands of God.
His pod- For Sweden he had already done much. Succeed-
1624. ing to his father in an hour of desperate trial, when the
armies of Christian of Denmark were sweeping over the
desolate land, the youthful hero had stemmed the tide
of invasion at its highest, and had wrung from the in-
vader a peace which had preserved the independence
of the country. He had since driven back the Eussians
from the coast of the Baltic, and was able to boast that
the subjects of the Czar could not launch a boat on its
GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS. 1 39
waters without the permission of the King of Sweden, chap.
He had struggled not unsuccessfully against his Polish >- * -^
rival. But his eye had never been removed from the \^
strife in Germany. To drive ba^^k the Imperial armies
from the North, if not to overthrow the House of
Austria altogether, was the object of his ambition. But
no man was less likely than Gustavus to interpret the
conditions of success by his vdshes ; and it was certain
that he would never throw himself, as Frederick of the
Palatinate had done, into the labyrinth of a desperate
enterprise, on the complacent assurance that what he
was desirous of doing was certain to obtain the ap-
proval and the support of Heaven.
Already, the year before, Gustavus had made pro-
posals to the exiled Frederick for a general Protestant
league. Those proposals had been, with the consent of
the States General, commimicated to the Prince of
Wales, and when Spens arrived at Stockholm in August Mission of
1624, he brought with him, in addition to his public ^^^^'
instructions from James, verbal dh-ections from Charles
and Frederick to come to an understanding with Gus-
tavus respecting the proposed alliance. Gustavus was Plan of
not long in sketching out his programme. The time
for half measures he held to be passed. There must
be a common understanding between all Protestant
states. He, if properly supported, would make his way,
through Poland and Silesia, into Bohemia. England
and Holland could do much to help. Spain would
have to be kept in check as well as the Emperor to be
beaten back. The assistance of CathoUc powers,
France, Venice, and Savoy, was not to be despised.
But let them find their own field of operation for them-
selves. They might attack Bavaria, or might make
war in Italy at their pleasure.^
^ Oxenstjeroa to Camerarius, Aug. 24 ; Moser's PatrioUBchet Archiv,
T. 42.
I40
THE LAST DAYS OF JAMES L
CHAP.
IV.
1624.
Aug.
Its merits.
Was it not
prenuitare ?
The view taken of the war by the Swedish King
was certainly very different from that taken by James.
Moderation, feimess, and conciliation, admirable as they
are whilst a friendly settlement is still possible, or
when it once more becomes possible after victory has
been won, must be flmig aside when hostilities have
been once commenced. The spirit must be aroused
which alone gives endurance to the warrior. The
watchword must be spoken for which men's hearts will
beat. To place poor, vacillating Frederick once more
in his Electoral seat was not an object for which
nations would care to fight, least of all if it were to be
accomplished with the aid of a marauder like Mansfeld.
But if it once came to be believed that Protestantism
was in danger, it would be a very different thing.
Then, indeed, an irresistible force could be gathered to
make head against Imperial aggression. And with
strength would come again the possibility of modera-
tion. The leader of an army such as Gustavus would
have gathered under his standards would enforce disci-
pline and spare the towns and fields of Germany from
indiscriminate plimdering. More tiian this, if he could
give assurances that he was fighting in defence of his
own religion without any intention of proscribing that
of his opponents, he might gain help from those who
from political motives were hostile to the House of
Austria.
All this Gustavus was one day to accomplish. Was
it not premature in 1624? Until men have actually
felt the weight of evil, they are hard to rouse to a
course so revolutionary as that which, in the opinion of
Gustavus, would alone be of service to them. The
Lower Saxon circle was threatened by Tilly. But it
had not yet been invaded. The fertile plains of
Northern Germany had not yet been wasted by the
SWEDEN AND DENMARK. I4I
armies of the South. The mischief was threatening
enough. But the bolt had not yet fallen. The iron
had not yet entered into the soul of the peasants of ^^^^
Pomerania or the burghers of Magdeburg.
There was another risk, too, not unforeseen by Ri«kfrwii
Gustavus himself. If he was not at war with Denmark
the fires of the old rivalry still smouldered on. What
if Christian should fall upon Sweden when the King
was in the heart of Silesia or Bohemia? And Den-
mark was not then the petty realm which modem
events have made it. Its king reigned in Norway,
ruled in Schleswig, and in part of Holstein, and held
lands beyond the Soxmd which are now coimted as the
southern provinces of Sweden. So certain was Gusta-
vus that no good could come from Denmark, that he
demanded that his allies should join him in forming a
fleet to guard the Baltic against a Danish attack in his
absence.
Before long Gustavus was compelled to modify his
plan in a way which was certain to give offence to
Christian. The Elector of Brandenbm-g sent an am- s«p*-
bassador, Bellin, to Stockholm, to offer to the King of Stockholm.
Sweden his aid in placing him at the head of a league
of North German Princes. But the Elector coupled
his offer with the condition that the war shoidd be
carried on as far as possible from Brandenbm-g. In-
stead of directing his course through Silesia into Bohe-
mia, Gustavus was to ascend the valley of the Weser,
and to cut his way to the Palatinate.^
Before these representations Gustavus consented to
abandon his original plan. But though he was ready
to act in any way which might, at the time, seem
advisable, he was not ready to act at all excepting
> Oxenstjerna to Camerarius, Sept 10^ Mo9er*8 Patriotisches ArcMv^
T. 56, 58.
142 THE LAST DAYS OF JAMES I.
CHAP, under conditions which would give him a fair prospect
' — ^ — ' of success. When therefore Spens and Bellin presented
^m? themselves in England to declare the intentions of the
King of Sweden, those who heard them were fairly
Demuida astouishcd at the magnitude of their demands. Gusta-
^ vus, the ambassador said, was ready to lead an army of
50,000 men to the Palatinate. Of these he would fur-
nish 16,000 himself, leaving the remaining 34,000 to
be provided by his allies. He was ready to meet one
third of the expenses of the war, but another third must
be borne by England, and the remainder by the German
Princes. There must be something more than mere
talk of finding money. Gustavus had no intention of
throwing himself upon a friendly coimtry, like Mansfeld
or Christian of Brunswick, on the mere chance of being
able to pay his way. Four months' wants must be
supplied in hard cash before he would stir. When he
did stir, he would not encounter the dangers of a
divided command. The whole direction of the war
must be placed in his own hands. That he might be
secured against a possible attack in the rear from
Poland or Denmark, a fleet of twenty-five ships must
be stationed in the Baltic, and the German ports of
Wismar and Bremen must be temporarily surrendered
to him to give him a firm basis of operations. In
order to discuss these propositions, a congress of the
powers friendly to the operation was to be held as soon
as possible.^
Jan. 2. If there was to be war at all, the best policy for the
Bhrinks English Government would probably have been to
ttpense! place itsclf unrescrvally in the hands of Gustavus. But
Gustavus was as yet but Uttle known in England ; and as
matters stood, with Mansfeld s expedition swallowing up
* Rusdorf, M^moires, i. 438, 439.
JAMES AND GUSTAVUS. I43
all the little money which remained in the exchequer, chap.
and with no Parliamentary grant possible for many a ^
month to come, the magmtude of the Swedish demands j^^ ^*
only inspired alarm. " I am not so great and rich a
Prince," said James, " as to be able to do so much. I
am only the king of two poor little islands." The
yearly expense in fact, which he was asked to meet,
would have exceeded 40o,cx)oZ., and he had already
engaged to pay nearly i oo,cxxd/. a year for the troops
which he had sent to the help of the Dutch, and
240,cxxd/. a year for Mansfeld's army.
As the discussion went on, a natural anxiety was Dcnnmrk
expressed by the English Government to see Sweden to join.
and Denmark acting in concert. Why, said Conway,
should not Christian be asked to bear part of the
burthen ? If neither of the kings would serve imder the
other, might not the supreme command be given to the
Elector of Brandenburg ? ^
Day by day the financial difficulties appeared in a jm. 17.
stronger hght. At last Buckingham assured Bellin that b^<^?-***
though he would spare neither life nor honour in the ^^^^
cause, he must first hear what the Kings of Denmark
and France would do. Bellin had better go on to
Paris to consult Lewis. As he had done in the case of
Mansfeld, James was at last brought to promise that he
would do as much as the King of France would do.
Christian might be asked to leave the direction of the
war to Gustavus, and a congress could meet at the
Hague on the 20th of April.
On his arrival at the French Court,* Bellin foxmd Beiim in
no difficulty in obtaining a promise of assistance. A
French emissary, La Haye, had visited the coasts of
Copenhagen and Stockholm, and, though he does not
1 Rusdorf to Frederick, Jan. ^, ^ (probably misprinted ||) ;
M^nmret i. 420, 430.
144
CHAP.
IV.
1625.
Feb.
OSenof
Christian
IV.
Feb. ao.
James pro-
mises to
ally himself
with Den-
mark.
THE LAST DAYS OF JAMES L
seem to have had any definite overtures to make,^ it
is probable that Kichelieu was now hoping to obtain
his sovereign's consent to a more active intervention
in Germany. But Bellin was told that help would be
given only on the understanding that the conditions
of peace to be demanded after the war were to be
settled by the Kings of France and England. Whether
Gustavus would have consented to take money on
such terms may reasonably be doubted.*
Before Bellin returned to England, important de-
spatches were received irom Anstruther.' Christian, en-
couraged by the reports which the English ambassador
had brought from the North German Courts, and
possibly urged to exertion in the hope of outbidding
the King of Sweden, now professed himself ready to
embark on the war with less extensive preparations
than those which seemed indispensable to Gustavus.
Instead of asking for 50,000 men, he thought that
30,000 would be sufficient. If England would sup-
port 6,000 foot and 1,000 horse at the expense of
1 70,000/. or 1 80,000/. a year, he would be perfectly
satisfied. As his own dominions lay on the south side
of the Baltic, he could secure a basis of operations
without asking for the surrender of German ports.
Finally, he made no request for the provision of pay-
ment in advance.*
To a Government without money in hand these
considerations were decisive. But in England it was
not understood that the acceptance of Christian's offers
^ Notes of a letter from Anstruther to Carlisle, Jan. ; M4moire$
de Rtisdffrf, i. 478. OxenstjerDa to Camerarius^ Jan. 23. Moser, v. 94.
" Ruedorf to Frederick, Feb. |f ; M^moires de Eusdotfj i. 480.
' They arrived between the 9th and 20th of Feb., as I judge from
two letters written by Conway on those dates ; S, P. Denmark,
^ Substance of Anstruther's despatch, Jan. 13. MSmoires de Rtudorf^
i. 472.
GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS. 1 45
involved the rejection of the Swedish plan. The chap.
rivalry between the two Kings, it was thought, would - — r^ — '
be put an end to by the decision of the Congress when ^^f'
it met at the Hague.^ In the meanwhile Spens was to {^^JJJ'"
go back to persuade Gustaviis to enter upon the stage co-operate,
in conjunction with Christian. The offer of Denmark,
he was directed to say, ' stood upon shorter ways and
less demands, and if not so powerful, yet feasible,
and held sufficient for the present.' *
The task of reconciUng the two Kings was not so AJm» of
easy as it seemed to the English Government. There
was jealousy of long standing between Sweden and
Denmark. Nor was the enterprise to which Christian
and Gustavus were invited, one to be hghtly undertaken.
Though the North German Princes were alarmed for
the fixture, they were not yet reduced to desperation.
But there can be no doubt that Gustavus alone per-
ceived the conditions indispensable to success. In the
first place, a military force strong enough to defy
opposition must be brought together. In the second
place, within the larger league of the political oppo-
nents of the House of Austria, there must be a narrower
league of those who specially aimed at a Protestant
restoration in Germany, which would be able to speak
with the authority of conscious strength if any attempt *
were made by France to snatch from them in the hour
of victory the object on which their hearts were set.
In England, for different reasons, neither James of James,
nor Buckingham were capable of taking so broad a
view of passing events. James, wishing to recover the
Palatinate with as Uttle cost as possible to his im-
poverished exchequer, was drawn on, half against his
will, fi:-om one step to another, always selecting that
* Rusdorf to Frederick, March 19; MSmoires de Rusdorft i. 510.
3 Instructions to Spens, March 19; 8, P, Sweden.
VOL. I. L
146 THE LAST DAYS OF JAMES I.
CHAP, policy which would involve him as little as possible in
r-^— ' the war, and which would spare him something at
Maroh ^^^^ ^^ thosc terrible demands upon his purse which
And of even the most economical mode of conducting military
Bucking- . . 1 t» 1 . i 1
ham. operations was certain to make. Buckingham, on the
other hand, with Charles following in his wake, desired
a vigorous and all-embracing war. Yet for the very
reason that he had no idea of the strength gained by the
concentration of effort in one direction, he shrunk almost
as much as James had shrunk from the large demands of
Gustavus. If war was to be carried on here, there, and
everywhere, it must of necessity be starved in each sepa-
rate locality. If Gustavus stood alone in perceiving the
way to victory, he also stood alone in resolutely refusing
to take part in a war in which the probabilities of victory
appeared to him to be small. As soon as the EngUsh
resolution was reported to him, he informed Spens that
he would take no part in the German war on such
conditions. Those who thought it so easy a task to
overpower the resistance of the House of Austria
might do their best.^ The negotiation was tlius brought
Gustavus to a close. When the spring came to an end, Gustavus
against embarked to carry on his hereditary feud with the King
of Poland, hoping at least to prevent the Poles from
coming to the assistance of the Emperor.
Bucking- Evcu if Buckingham's policy had been far surer of
^amsfor- ^ favourable reception in Parliament than it was, the
demands for money for Mansfeld, for the Netherlands,
and for Germany, would have strained his late popula-
rity to the uttermost. But these projects, involving as
they did an annual expenditure of more than 500,000?.
formed only a part of the magnificent schemes upon
which Buckingham was launching the English nation.
schemes.
* Gufitavus Adolphus to Spens, March 13 ; S.P, Sweden, This charac-
teristic letter wiU be published in the next volume of the Camden Society's
Miscellany.
BUCKINGHAM'S EXTENSIVE PLANS. 1 47
After all, if he was not a great military commander, chap.
even in his own eyes, he was Lord High Admiral ^ — r-^-^
of England, and the war would be sadly incomplete ^ ^^'
if the navy were to take no part in it. Though
the armament of the fleet had been postponed from
want of money, and on account of the cessation of any
fear of an attack from Spain, orders had been given
which pointed to the employment of the ships in the
following spring.i
What was the exact use to which these ships were May.
to be put was still undecided. When Wake had set ftuST^u
out in May for Turin, he had carried with him instruc- ^"*^
tions to sound the Duke of Savoy on the subject of the
co-operation of an English fleet with a French and
Savoyard army in an attack upon Genoa similar to
that which had been suggested by Kaleigh before he
started on his expedition to Guiana. When Wake Aug.
arrived at his destination, he found Charles Emmanuel
already prepared with a design of his own. Let the
King of England, he said, lend him twenty ships of
war, and pay twenty thousand soldiers for three months.
The whole expense would be about 1 26,000/. In return
for this, James should have a third part of the booty ;
or, if he preferred certainties to uncertainties, the Duke
would engage to pay him 900,000/. after the surrender
of the city.
Genoa had so notoriously merged its interests in Oct. ,
those of Spain, that it could hardly claim the privilege fa England,
of neutrality. But as soon as the Duke's proposition
reached England, doubts were expressed, from a finan-
cial point of view, of the soundness of the proposed
investment. Wake was told to ask the Duke what
were his grounds for thinking the enterprise an easy
' Survey of the Fleet, Aug. 31, 1624} 8, P. Datn., clxxi. 36.
l2
148 THE LAST DAYS OF JAMES I.
CHAP, one, but at the same time to assm'e him that it would
rv •
— r-^— ' be seriously taken into consideration if he could succeed
^ ^^' in showing it to be feasible.^
Oct By this time, however, a French army under the
^StoM' command of old Marshal Lesdiguieres was preparing
^^^^ to take part in the attack upon Genoa, as a diversion
in favour of the troops invading the Valtelline, and
Lesdiguieres, sorely in need of a naval force, had des-
patched agents to England and Holland to recommend
the plan in another shape. He now proposed that the
fleet should sail in the name of the King of France,
though it was to be composed of English and Dutch
vessels. They would simply be hired by Lewis as he
might hire them from a merchant, and if neither James
nor the States General would be able to lay claim to any
share of the splendid profits which the Duke of Savoy
had held up to the English Government, neither would
they have been called upon to take any part in the
expense.
Dec To this plan the Dutch at once gave their consent,
Dutch and tit i • i. i o -r
English and agreed to lend twenty snips for the purpose.^ Li
lent for the England Buckingham warmly supported Lesdiguieres*
agent, and persuaded James to follow the example set
by the States General. It was therefore understood
that the French commander would have twenty English
ships at his disposal.
Thefleetfor Merely to lend a few vessels, however, was a trifle
hardly worth mentioning in the midst of Buckingham's
far-reaching schemes. Li the course of a conversation
with Ville-aux-Clercs and Effiat on the subject of this
an^angement, he flashed before their eyes the grand pro-
ject which, in the following summer, was to occupy so
large a space in the thoughts of men. Another fleet, he
> Wake to Conway, Aug. 9 ; Conway to Wake, Oct. 20 j S, P.
Savoy.
» Treaty with M. de Bellujon, Dec. 145 S. P. HoUand.
THE PROPOSED FLEET. 1 49
said, there must be. It should be sent to sea in the chap.
. IV.
name of the King of Bohemia. It would carry a land -- » '" ^
army strong enough to seize some fortified post on the ^j^
Spanish coast, after which the ships could look out for
the treasure ships which annually returned to Spain
with their precious freight from the mines of America.
When that was taken — and there could be no real diffi-
culty in the way — the power of Spain would be crushed.
Mansfeld and the Prince of Orange — at the time when
Buckingham was speaking, Mansfeld was still in Eng-
land — ^would have an easy task ; France and England
would be the joint arbiters of Europe.^
Truly it was a bright iand glorious vision. When jf°®lf*"|^
Genoa had been taken, when Mansfield had won his confidence,
victorious way into the heart of Germany, when city
after city of the Spanish Netherlands was surrendering
to the armies of the Dutch Eepublic, then, even if the
wealth of the Indies had not been there to pay for all,
Buckingham would have had small need to fear the
persistent opposition of the House of Commons. It
was true that he had made no allowance for difficulties or
even for accidents. But how could difficulties or acci-
dents be thought of when he was there to guide the State?
Buckingham's vainglorious forecast had been uttered Difficulties
in the middle of December. A month later he learned
that even his path was beset by obstacles. By that
time he knew that Gustavus at least did not think
victory so very easy of attainment. He knew that
the French had ideas of their own about Mansfeld's
employment. And he knew, too, that if they liked to
control the march of English troops according to their
own convenience, they were quite ready to appeal to
England for the aid which they needed in their own
domestic difficulties.
> ViUe-aux-Clercs and Effiat to Lewie XHI., Dec || ; HarL MSS^
4596, fol. 2o8| b.
i5o
CHAP.
. IV.
1624.
Dec
The French
Hugaenots.
£ii(9roach-
mentsof
the French
Govern-
ment.
THE LAST DAYS OF JAMES I.
For a long time the condition of the Huguenots
had been such as to forebode a catastrophe. Too weak
to trust themselves to the protection of the common
laws of the realm, they had yet been strong enough to
wrest from their sovereign the right of maintaining
garrisons in certain strong places, so as to secure at
least a local independence. Such a situation was full of
danger. To surrender their privileges was to place
their reUgion at the mercy of a jealous, perhaps of a
bigoted, master. To keep them, was to exist as a state
within a state, and to flaunt the banners of a group of
urban repubUcs in the face of the growing popularity
of a monarchy which had undertaken the task of
founding the unity of France upon the ruins of a self-
seeking aristocracy.
Whatever may have been the right solution of the
problem, the French Government, before Eichelieu's
accession to power, made no attempt to discover it.
The Peace of MontpelUer, by which the last civil war
had been brought to a conclusion, had been violated
again and again. Amongst other promises the King*
had engaged to pull down Fort Louis, a fortress erected
diuing the war to command the entrance to the port of
Eochelle. But the Eochellcse knew only too well that
the walls and bastions thus solemnly devoted to destruc-
tion in word, were being strengthened under their eyes.
Marshal Lesdiguieres is reported to have said that either
the Eochellcse must destroy the fort, or the fort would
destroy Eochelle. Eichelieu, there is little doubt,
would have counselled the fulfilment of the terms of
the treaty in order that France might have her arms
free to operate against Spain. But Eichelieu had to
consult his master's mood, and he would find it hard to
wring from Lewis a consent to an act which looked
like the abandonment of all control over a French city.
THE FRENCH HUGUENOTS. 151
At last, whilst the more prudent among the Hugue- chap.
nots were still comiselling submission, two brotheis, the - — r^ — '
Dukes of Eohan and Soubise, both of them alike am- J ^^'
Lice. 90*
bitious and incompetent, resolved upon once more SoaWae
T T , . seizes the
trying out the old quarrel in arms. On the 26th of J'^ch
December Soubise sailed into the harbour of Blavet in
Brittany, and, capturing six vessels of war, carried his
prizes safely to Eochclle. The seafaring population of
the great city welcomed him as their deliverer, and the
civil war once more began.
Great was the indignation at the French Court when RicheUeu
the news was told. Yet how was Lewis to take ven- from Eng-
geance on the rebels without a larger navy than that tSS iSher-
which, after Soubise's captures, he had at his dis- ^°^
posal ? Eicheliou as usual came to the rescue in the
hour of difficulty. Whether he wished to see the
demands of the Huguenots conceded or not, he was not
the man to deal lightly with rcbeUion. K England and
the States General, he argued, had been ready to lend
ships to Lesdiguieres for an attack upon Genoa, why
should they not lend ships to Lewis to be used against
that perfidious city which was holding him back from
the fulfilment of his obligations to favour their interests
against Spain.
The Dutch Government had scarcely a choice. ^^^^'
They could not afford to offend the sovereign with the *^« ^»**<*»
help of whose subsidies they were making head against
their oppressor. Eichclieu's request, therefore, was at
once granted at the Hague.
In England the preparations for the great naval ex- j^°*j^*^®
pedition against Spain were in full swing. Twelve Govem-
ships of war and a hundred transports were being pre-
pared for sea,^ and Buckingham was only waiting to
^ The King to the Council of War, Dec. 1624; S, P. Dom,, clxxvi.
58, i.
152 THE LAST DAYS OF JAMES I.
CHAP, hear once more from Lesdiguieres in order to get
' — r-^— ' ready the ships intended for Genoa. To him, there-
^j^' fore, news which made it likely that there would be
any obstacle in the way of the French co-operation on
which he counted was most unwelcome. He at once
informed Effiat that the demand made by his master
should be complied with, and, without going through
the form of consulting James, he gave orders that the
ships required should be fitted out immediately.^ Not
that James was likely to throw any obstacle in the
way. When he first heard what had taken place, and
before Effiat had had time to ask for the use of his
ships, he expressed himself strongly on the subject.
" If Soubise," he said, ** or any one else takes upon him-
self to commit such follies in your master's dominions,
I will give every kind of assistance against him, in
men, in ships, and in any other way in my power."
When he heard what Effiat wanted, he had no objec-
tions to make. " K those rascally Huguenots," he said,
" mean to make a rebellion, I will go in person to ex-
terminate them." *^
gjj^J^ The French alliance was still regarded at the Eng-
to France, hgh Court as worth making sacrifices for, in spite of
the misunderstanding which had by this time arisen
about Mansfeld's destination. It was known in
December that the dispensation for the marriage had
been granted at Rome ; and, as it was believed that the
Princess would be in England before the end of
January, Buckingham, who was to hold the Prince's
proxy at the ceremony, began his preparations for the
jouniey. Charles indeed had been eager to go in
«
1 Effiftt to Lewie XIII., Jan. §i, I}, §| ; Hark MSS., 4596, fol. 258, b,
277, b, 290, b.
« Effiat to ViUe-aiix-Clerce, J^ ; Effiat to Lewis XIIL, ^^
Feb. U ; HarL MSS., 459^, fol. 295, b, 298, b, 327.
THE pope's demands. 1 53
person to Paris, as he had gone to Madrid ; but, upon a chap.
note from Lewis that his presence in France was not ^ — r^ — '
desired, he had been forced to abandon the idea.^ t' *^'
' ^ Jan. 19.
January, however, passed away without the arrival ^^"^
of the dispensation; and with the delay came the ii«nent.
necessity for a further prorogation of Parliament,^ a
prorogation which deferred for a yet longer time the
possibility of obtaining money with which to meet the
wants of Mansfield's starving soldiers.
Eichelieu had taken every means in his power to 1624. Aug.
induce the Pope to grant the dispensation. Ira- and the*"
mediately upon the fall of La Vieuville, he had SoST"'
despatched Father BeruUe to Rome to expound to the
Pope the advantages which would accrue to the
Catholic Church from the English marriage. But he
had taken care to reinforce the pleadings of the gentle
enthusiast by plain speaking at Paris. He declared
openly that if the dispensation did not come quickly,
they would proceed to the marriage without it.^
Richelieu's attitude had the desired effect. The Nor.
dispensation was granted on the 21st of November. intS?oSn*
But when it arrived in Paris it appeared that the Pope mwdS %
had only given way conditionally upon certain changes *^* ^*^'
being made in the wording of the agreement between
the two Kings. Amongst other demands, he asked that,
instead of the private engagement taken by James and
his son, there should be a public instrument assuring
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, Dec 4, S, P. Dom,, clxxvi. 1 5 ; Ville-
aux-Clerc8 and EfEat to Lewis Xin., Dec ^ ; Lewis XIIL to Effiat,
Jan. |§; HarL MSS., 4596, fol. 157, 262.
' Proclamation, Jan. 19 ; Hymer, xvii. 648.
* Richelieu, wrote Langerac, the Dutch ambassador at Paris, on
Aug. ^, ' yerclaert dat indien deselve dispensatie niet haest en compt,
dat men daerom niet laeten en sal met het huwelick voorts te procederen.'
I owe this quotation, taken from the despatch at the Hague, to the
kindness of Dr. GoU, of Prague.
154 THE LAST DAYS OF JAMES I.
CHAP, fireedom of worship to the Catholics, of which all the
^ — r^ — ' world might take cognisance.^
^Feb^ Some of the French ministers fancied that even this
^S^dbv ^^^c^ssion might be wrung from James. But they
Junes. forgot that pubhcity had never been required before,
and Effiat soon convinced himself that the Pope's
wishes had no chance of being comphed with in Eng-
land. And this time James had Bichelieu on his side.
^Jj[^^^»- On the 2 1 St of March a promise was signed on behalf
J^ of the King of France to the effect that if the Pope's
■greed demands were not withdrawn within thirty days, the
upon* , - . •' •'
marriage should take place without any dispensation
at all.2
Whether the French alhance would be able to
stand the strain which the divergent views and interests
of the two nations were certain to imt upon it might
strongjo- perhaps be doubted. But there could be no doubt
BnSking- that as far as position at Court went, both Buckingham
^J^ and Eichelieu were the stronger for the successful ter-
mination of the controversies which had sprung out of
the marriage treaty. Of Buckingham it might truly
be said that he held the government of England in his
hands. Whatever wild echeme crossed his brain was
accepted with docility by the Prince, as if it had been
the liighest effort of political and military wisdom ; and,
when Charles and Buckingham were agreed, James
was seldom capable of offering any serious opposition
to their impetuous demands.
Hiaoppo- Until Parliament met, therefore, Buckingham had
nentfl at hw , . ^ _ , . t ' t i -i
feet notnmg to tear, it is true that there had been mur-
murs in high places at his tergiversation with respect
to the English Catholics, and there can be httle doubt
' Carlifile to Buckingham, Feb. i6; Hardw. St, P., i. 551.
' Carlisle and HoUand to Buckingham, Feb. 24; S. P. France,
EfFiat to Lewis XIIL, March y\ ; Harl, MSS., 4596, fol. 359, b.
BRISTOL'S CONFINEMENT. " 155
that the greater part of the old nobility regarded him chap.
with aversion as an upstart. But such opposition he
could afford to disregard. The Privy Council and the j^^;*
government offices were filled with his creatures, or
with men who found it expedient to bear themselves as
though they were his creatures, No man except
Middlesex and Bristol had ventured to stand up against
him. Middlesex, though upon his humble submission ^»^^^*^
he had been Hberated from the Tower, and had been
excused the payment of a large part of his fine, was
hopelessly excluded from public life. Bristol was less
yielding than Middlesex. To a fresh demand that he ^^' ^
should acknowledge that he had been guilty of errors
in judgment in his embassy at Madrid, he replied by a
re-statement of his own view of the matter, accom-
panied by a letter which, though humble enough, did
not contain any acknowledgment that he had been in
the wrong.^ An acknowledgment that he had been in
the wrong was however the one thing upon which
Buckingham insisted, and unless Bristol was much mis-
^ *' Hoping that your nobleness and equity will be such as a true and
clear answer will be more acceptable to your Grace than an unjust
acknowledgment, I have entreated Sir Kenelm Digby to deliver unto
your Grace my answers unto the propositions which he brought unto me
from you^ and humbly beseech your Grace to cast your eyes over them|
and if there shall be anything wherein your Grace shall rest unsatisfiedi
I entreat your Grace to give me leave to attend you, where I shall en-
deavour not only to satisfy you in these particulars, but that I truly and
unfeignedly seek your Grace's favour, to which, if I may upon fair and
noble terms be admitted, your Grace shall find me for the future a
faithful and real servant to you to the utmost of my power. But if I
must be so unhappy as these my humble seekings of your Grace may
not find acceptance — although I conceive my ruin an easy work for your
greatness — I shall with patience and humility endeavour to bear what-
soever God shall be pleased to lay upon me as punishments for other sins
committed against him, but not against my master, whom I take God to
record I have served both with exact fidelity and affection." — Bristol to
Buckingham. JSarl of Bristol's Defence, Pref. xxiiL Camden Miscd^
lany, vi.
156 THE LAST DAYS OF JAMES I.
taken, he was debarred from appearing at Court by an
order issued by the favourite in the King's name, with-
out the consent of James. The Duke, said Bristol, in
the account which he subsequently gave of the matter,
'moved his Majesty that I might first make an ac-
knowledgment of my fault, which his Majesty refused
to compel me unto ; saying he might then be thought
a tyrant to force a man to acknowledge that which he
was not guilty of; and his Majesty sent me word that I
should make no acknowledgment unless I would freely
confess myself guilty. Yet the Duke caused a message
to be sent me that his Majesty expected that I should
make the said acknowledgment, and confess myself
guilty.'i
wuuama, Others were more supple than Bristol. Williams
andcii- and Weston had convinced their patron that they
would be ready to carry out his wishes ; whilst Calvert,
who was secretly a convert to the Church of Eome, and
had long been anxious to escape from the entangle-
ments of office, had laid his secretaryship at the Duke's
feet, telling him plainly that he intended to live and
die in the religion which he professed. Buckingham,
who had spoken hard things of Calvert a few months
before, was always inclined to deal gently with opposi-
tion of tliis submissive kind, and assured the secretary
that he should come to no harm by his avowal. He
was therefore allowed, according to the custom of the
time, to bargain with his successor for 6000/. to be
paid to him as the price of his withdrawal from office,
and he was soon afterwards created Lord Baltimore in
the Irish peerage.^
Calvert's successor was Wotton's nephew. Sir
* Ibid, xxiv.
a SalvOtrs Newsletter, ^%; Chamberlain to Carleton, Feb. 12; &P,
Bom., clxxxiii. 43.
COURT PROMOTIONS. 1 57
Albertus Morton. He had formerly been secretary to chap.
Elizabeth, when she was still at Heidelberg. For the ^ — r^— ^
first time since the office had been divided, both the i ^^'
secretaries were thoroughgoing opponents of Spain ; Morton
and though neither of them was likely to be more than Caivert^
an exponent of Buckingham's policy, the indication of ^^''•
the views now prevailing at Court is not to be n^lected.
A few weeks later, the other secretary. Sir Edward March 33.
Conway, received the reward of his obsequious devo- mX a^
tion to Buckingham, * his most gracious patron,' as he ^^'
always called him, and was raised to the peerage as
Lord Conway. The treasurership, which had been in
commission since the fall of Middlesex, had recently
been placed in the hands of Chief Justice Ley, who ac- j^
quired a peerage with the title of Lord Ley. If he Leytrea-
knew nothing of finance, he has at least Milton's high
testimony to his personal integrity. After all, if Buck-
ingham was to spend money at anything like the rate
he was inclined to do, it hardly mattered much
whether Ley knew anything of finance or not. A
Colbert or a Peel would under the circumstances have
failed in guarding the exchequer against ^n enormous
deficit.
Li the course of the past year, Buckingham had BuckuMp-
added another office to those which he already held. tieTofthT
Having received the reversion of the Wardenship of PortT
the Cinque Ports, he persuaded the Warden, Lord
Zouch, to surrender the post to him at once, by an
offer of locx)/., and a pension of 500/. a year.^ Such
arrangements were too common at the time to call
forth much remark, and but for subsequent events it
is probable that we should have heard no more of it
^ Agreement between Buckingham and Zouch, July 17, 1624. State-
ment relating to the Cinque Porte, Nov. 11. S.P, Dorih, clxx. 16, clzxiy.
71. Grant of Office, Patent Rolls, 22 Jac. I.
t58 THE LAST DAYS OF JAMES I.
CHAP, than we have heard of the very similar transaction
IV
between Calvert and Morton, or than we heard, till
within the last few years, of the sums of money which
passed from hand to hand whenever an oflBicer in the
army thought fit to sell his commission.
5 hu ara^ Buckingham afterwards declared that in accepting
duct. this office he was solely actuated by consideration for
the public welfare. In the approaching war, it would
be highly inconvenient if one part of the coast were to
be under the jurisdiction of the Lord High Admiral,
and another part under the jurisdiction of the
Warden of the Cinque Ports; and future genera-
tions, by reducing the Warden's office to a dignified
. sinecure, were to afibrd testimony to the Duke's fore-
sight in this particular. But however this may be,
there is no reason to doubt his sincerity. For, about
the same time Buckingham refused to accept an office
of still greater dignity which James pressed upon him.
He declines It was proDoscd that he should be named Lord Lieu-
the Lord- ^ ^
Lieuten- tenant of teland, and should execute the functions of
ftOCV of
irciind. govcmment by deputy. It is said that his refusal to
decorate himself with the title caused great annoyance
to his enemies, who hoped to profit by the disrepute
into which his acceptance of the ofier would have
brought him.i
1625- In truth, it was not so much from the number of
Advice of officcs which he held that Buckingham was likely to
Williams. • .
lose the popularity which he had gained in the preced-
ing spring, as by the superiority which he assumed over
the holders of all offices. Williams, whose cautious
prudence always led him to avoid extreme follies, but
whose want of tact was continually leading him to for-
get that good advice is not always palatable, contrived
* Pesaro^s despatch^ Nov. ||, Dec. ||, 1624, *
A SICKLY YEAR. 159
to give dire offence to his patron by recommending chap.
him to retire from his dangerous prominence. The ' — r^— ^
Marquis of Hamilton, the Lord Steward of the House- ^^^
hold, had just died, and Wilhams at once wrote to
Buckingham advising him to give up the Admiralty
and to become Steward of the Household. In time of
war, it was a necessity for the Admiral * either to be
employed abroad personally, or to Uve at home in that
ignominy and shame as' his Grace ' would never endure
to do.'i
It was good advice enough, but hardly Ukely to
commend itself to a man who fancied himself equally
capable of commanding a fleet and of governing a
state. Williams had only succeeded in injuring him-
self.
Hamilton was but one of the many men of note Deaths of
who had fallen victims to that sickly winter. In the note.
Low Countries, Southampton, the patron of Shake-
speare in early hfe, sunk under the fatigue of his duties
as colonel of one of the regiments which had gone out
in the summer to maintain the cause of Dutch indepen-
dence. ■ At home Caron, for thirty years the represen-
tative of the States in England ; Chichester, the soldier
statesman, who had ruled Ireland so wisely ; and Not-
tingham, the Admiral whose flag had floated over the
fleet which drove the Armada to its destruction, sunk
one after another into the grave.
Rife as disease had been, no apprehension had been iiiness of
entertained of any danger to the King's hfe. At the ^ ^^'
beginning of the year he had recovered from the
severe attack of the gout from which he had suffered at
the time of Ville-aux- Clerc's visit in December, and he
^ Williams to Buckinghan), March 2, 1625 ; Cabala, 280. This is the
true date/ Hacket^ fancying the letter related to the death of Lennox,
supposed it to have been written the year before.
l6o THE LAST DAYS OF JAMES I.
was again able to take his usual interest in current
afiairs.^ On the ist of March he was at Theobalds, in
his fevourite deer park. On the 5th he was attacked
by a tertian ague, and, although those around him did
not think that anything serious was the matter, he was
himself prepared for the worst. Hamilton's death
affected him greatly, the more so as there were wild
rumours abroad that he had been poisoned, or that he
had been converted on his death-bed to the Eoman
Church, rumours which, however destitute of truth,
made some impression at the time on the popular mind.
To James the loss of Hamilton was the loss of a per-
sonal friend. * I shall never see London more,* he said,
as he gave directions for the funeral ; and he gravely re-
proved his attendants who sought to cheer him with the
popular saying, * An ague in the spring is physic for a
king.* He had never been a good patient, and he now
refused to submit to the prescriptions of his physicians,
who would consequently be all the more likely to take
offence if irregular treatment were apphed.^
March la. On the 1 2 th Jamcs was beheved to be convalescent,
rent reco- and was preparing to move to Hampton Court for
^^*^* change of air. Anxious to improve his condition still
further, he remembered or was reminded that when
Buckingham had been ill in the spring, he had been
benefited by some remedies recommended by a country
doctor hving at Dunmow. Under the directions, it
^^r. would seem, of Buckingham's mother, a messenger was
5^1l»«« despatched to Dunmow, and the result was a posset
drink given by the Duke himself, and some plaster ap-
plied to the King's stomach and wrists by the Countess,
with all the zeal which elderly ladies are apt to throw
* Chamberlftin to Carleton, Feb. 26 ; S, P. Dom., clxxziv. 47.
' Chamberlain to Carleton, March 12; ibid, cIxxxy. 48. Chambermayd
to Elizabeth, March 27 ; S, P. Dom,, Charles I., i. 2.
doctoring.
THE KING'S LAST ILLNESS. l6l
into the administration of remedies suggested by them-
selves. The remedies may have been, and probably
were, harmless. But they were given just as the hour ^^^f ^*
came round for the returning fit, and this time the fit t»>« King
was worse than ever. The regular physicians found
out what was going on, and were highly indignant.
They refused to do anything for the patient till the
plasters were removed. After this fit the King's condi-
tion again improved. But on the 21st he again asked
for Lady Buckingham's remedies, and^ though Bucking-
ham appears to have remonstrated, the wilful patient
insisted on having his way. The next fit was a very
bad one. Again the physicians remonstrated. One of
the number. Dr. Craig, used exceedingly strong lan-
guage, and was ordered to leave the Court. But Craig's
tongue was not tied, and it soon became an article of
belief with thousands df not usually credulous persons
that the King had been poisoned by Buckingham and
his mother.^
The next day, when the fit was over, Pembroke was March aa.
about to leave Theobalds. But James could not bear
to part with him. " No, my lord," he said, remembering
the rumours that had been spread of Hamilton's change
of religion ; " you shall stay till my next fit be passed ;
and if I die, be a witness Against those scandals that may
be raised of my religion, as they have been of others."
The King had asked for Bishop Andrewes. But ?S*"*«3-
Andrewes was too ill to come, and Williams had been "cnt for.
sent for to administer spiritual consolation to the sick
man. On the road he met Harvey, th6 discoverer of
^ State Trials, ii. 13 19; Fuller^ Church History j y. 568. The eridence
IB worthless in itself, and the only ground for supposing it to have any
Talue 18 cut away when once it is understood that Buddngham had no
object in poisoning the King. Except in the single matter of the relief
of Breda, he had had his way in everything.
VOL. I. M
1 62 THE LAST DAYS OF JAMES I.
CHAP, the circulation of the blood, who expressed his fears
^^ — r^ — ' that the patient would not recover. Williams found
the King's spirits low ; and the next morning he ob-
tained the Prince's leave to tell his father that his end
was near. James bore the tidings well. "I am satis-
fied," he said ; " and I pray you assist me to make ready
to go away hence to Christ, whose mercies I call for,
and I hope to find them." Till the end came, Williams
was by the sick man's side whenever he was awake, * in
praying, in reading, most of all in discoursing about
repentance, faith, remission of sins, and eternal life.' On
Mazch 24. the 24th, James, after making at some length a confes-
o^^ti^ sion of his faith in the presence of his son and the prin-
nioa™" cipal attendants on his person, received the Communion
from the hands of Williams. After this his strength
March 27. OTaduaJlv suuk, and on the 27th he died.^
His death ^ '^J - ^ » nn ^ 1 IT
andcharac- Jamcs was m his fifty-sevcnth year when, already
an old man in constitution, he was taken away from a
world which he had almost ceased even to attempt to
guide. The last years of his life had not been happy.
Nor was the promise of the future brighter. He had
raised expectations which it would be impossible to
satisfy, and it was certain that any credit which might
accrue to him would be attributed by the popular voice
to others than himself. It is but just to ascribe to him
a desire to act rightly, to see justice done to all, to direct
his subjects in the ways of peace and concord, and to pre-
vent rehgion from being used as a cloak for polemical
bitterness and hatred. But he had too httle tact, and
too unbounded confidence in his own not inconsiderable
powers, to make a successful ruler, whilst his constitu-
tional incapacity for taking trouble in thought or action
gave him up as an easy prey to the passing feelings of
* JIacket, i. 222. Conway toCarletOD^ March 31. Court and Timet
of Charles /., i. i.
ter.
DEATH OF JAMES I. 1 63
the hour, or to the persuasion of others who were less chap.
enhghtened or less disinterested than himself. His own ^-^ — r^ — '
ideas were usually shrewd ; and it is something to say of March 27.
him that, if his ideas had been realised, both England
and Europe would have been in far better condition
than they were. The Pacification of Ireland and the
Colonisation of Ulster were, together with the efibrt
which he made to efiect a more perfect union with
Scotland, the acts which did him most credit. And if
in late years his attempts at pacification in Germany had
covered him mih ridicule, and his attempts at forming
a great continental alliance as the basis of war seemed
hkely to end in failure, it was not because his views were
either unwise or unjust, but because either the obstacles
in his way were too great, or he was himself deficient
in the vigour and resolution which alone would have
enabled him to overcome them. TKeenness of insight
into the fluctuating conditions of success, and firmness
of will to contend against difficulties in his path, were
not amongst the qualities of James.
The irony of flattery which m his lifetime had HiBftuwna
named him the British Solomon, was continued after
his death. Wilhams, to whom the best points of the
late King appeared so admirable in contrast with the
rash, headstrong violence of his successor, proclaimed
in his funeral sermon the comparison between James
and the wisest of the Hebrew kings; and, either by
the wish of Charles or by James's own desire, the body
of the first of the Scottish line in England was not to
lie apart as Elizabeth lay in her own glory. The vault
in which reposed the remains of Henry Vll. and Elizar
beth of York was opened. The occupants of the tomb
were thrust aside, and room was made for the coffin in
which was the body of him who was proud of being
their descendant. To unite England and Scotland in
M 2
l64 THE LAST DAYS OF JAMES I.
^^1^- peace justly seemed to James to be as great an achieve-
ment as to miite the rights of York and Lancaster, and
to close the long epoch of civil war. But the com-
parison which was thus invited could not but bear
hardly upon the memory of the late sovereign. Henry,
by his mingled vigour and prudence, laid the founda-
tion of the strong monarchy of the Tudors ; James
sowed the seeds of revolution and disaster.^
^ There is an account of the opening of the tomb in Dean Stanley's
MemoridU of' Wuttmnder Abbey. Curiously enough, James was defied
even in the tomb. Close by the cofiin of the author of the ' Counterblast
to Tobacco' was found a pipe, probably dropped by a workman.
1 65
CHAPTER V.
MILITARY AND DIPLOMATIC PROJECTS OF THE NEW
REIGN.
The news that Charles had succeeded to his father was chap.
received with general satisfaction. " The joy of the — ^ — '
people," as a contemporary expressed it, ** devoured ^^^'
their mourning." ^ Of the character of the new King, General
.1 111 T 1 1 I satUfection
Silent and reserved as he was, uttle was known, and with the
still less had reached the public ear of his questionable °*^
proceedings in the negotiation of the marriage treaty.
It was enough that, ever since his return from Madrid,
he had been the consistent advocate of war with Spain.
When Ville-aux-Clercs. went back to France with vaie-tnx-
the marriage treaty, Richelieu asked him what he SiSSnof
thought of Charles. " He is either an extraordinary ^**«^"'*»-
man," was the shrewd reply, " or his talents are very
mean. If his reticence is affected in order not to ^ve
jealousy to his father, it is a sign of consummate pru-
dence. If it is natural and unassumed, the contrary
inference may be drawn." ^
The extreme reserve of the young King was doubt- ^^j^-
less closely connected with that want of imaginative
power which lay at the root of aU his faults. With all
his confidence in his own thoughts, he failed to give to
his ideas an expression which was satisfactory to others
* Hlmiui to D'EweS; April 8 ; Ellis, aer. 2, iii. 243.
* MSmoires de Briennef L 399.
oenoe.
1 66 PROJECTS OF THE NEW REIGN.
CHAP, or even to himself. His father's rapid utterance had
-' swept his slow conceptions away as with a torrent
Maidi^2i. before he could find out what he really meant to say,
and he did not like to be contradicted. The man who
is too vain to bear contradiction and not sufficiently
brilliant or wise to overpower it, must of necessity take
refuge in silence.
His defects Unfortunately the defect which hindered him from
being a good talker hindered him also from being a
good ruler. The firm convictions of his mind were
unassailable by arguments which he was unable to
understand, and unaltered by the impression of passing
events which slipped by him unnoticed. The wisest of
men, the most decisive of facts, were no more to him
than the whistling of the storm is to the man who is
seated by a warm fireside. They passed him by ; and,
if he heeded them at all, it was only to wonder that
they did not conform to his own beneficent intentions.
"I cannot," he s^id on one occasion, "defend a bad, nor
yield in a good c^use."^ Conscious of the purity of his
own motives he n^v^r ceased to divide mankind into
two simple classes — into those who agreed with him, and
those who did not ; into sheep to be cherished, and goats
to be rejected. Such napowness of view was no
guarantee for fixity of purpose. Whenever the mo-
ment came at last for the realities of life to break
through the artificial atmosphere in which he had been
living, when forms unknown and unimagined before
crowded on his bewildered vision, it was too late to
gain a knowledge the acquisition of wjiich had been
deferred too long, or to exercise that strength of will
which is only to be fpund where theye is an intelligent
perception of the danger to b^ facjed.
The same explanation will probably in a great
1 Laud's Diary, Feb. i, 1623.
, ACCESSION OF CHARLES I. 1 67
measure account for the special fault which has more chap.
than any other cost Charles the respect of posterity. The ^ — ^ — '
truthful man must be able to image forth in his own ^^^'
mind the effect which his words have upon others. He ^<>^ ^" ^«
^ was un-
must be able to represent to himself the impression truthful,
his engagements leave upon those with whom they
were made ; and he must either keep them in the sense
in which they are understood by others, or he must
openly and candidly show cause why it is wrong or
impossible so to keep them. The way in which Charles
gave and broke his promises was the very reverse of
this. He looked too much into his own mind, too
little into the minds of those with whom he was
bargaining. When he entered into an engagement he
either formed no clear conception of the circumstances
under which he would be called to fulfil it, or he
remembered too clearly this or that consideration
which would render his promise illusory, or would at
least, if it had been spoken out, have prevented those
with whom he was dealing from accepting his word.
When the time came for him to fulfil an engagement
he could think of nothing but the limitations with
which he had surrounded it, or with which he fancied
that he had surrounded it, when his word had been
given. Sometimes he went still further, apparently
thinking that it was lawful to use deception as a weapon
against those who had no right tq know the truth.
Of the defects in Charles's character, the nation was Beginning
as yet profoundly ignorant. All that was known of S!rf^'*''
him was to his advantage, tfames died a little before
noon. After sqme hours spent in private, the young
King — he was but in his twenty-fifth year — came up
from Theobalds to St. James's. The next morning ThePHvy
he gave orders that all his father's officers of state ^^^^'
shoidd retain their places. With the exception of the
1 68
PROJECTS OF THE NEW REIGN,
CHAP,
V.
1625.
HmrchaS.
Charles
and Buck-
nghi
Wflliams
objects to
the pre-
paratloiis
Ibr war.
Catholic Lords, Wotton and Baltimore, who were
excluded, the new Privy Council was identical with
that which had existed at the close of the last reign.
For though the names of Suffolk, Walhngford, Middle-
sex, Bristol, and Bacon were also removed, those who
bore them had long ceased to appear at the board.
The only addition to the number was Sir Humphrey
May, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, a man
of some abiUty and of a very conciliatory disposition.^
The remainder of the week was passed by Charles
in seclusion at St. James's. Buckingham, who was alone
admitted to share his privacy, * lay ' on the * first night
of the reign in the King's bedchamber, and three nights
after in the next lodgings.'? There is nothing to show
that this was any way unpopular at the time. The
transactions relating to the French treaty were as yet
involved in mystery. Of all men Uving Eliot was least
open to the charge of undue subserviency. Yet Eliot
wrote to Buckingham that he hoped to become ' wholly
(Jeyoted to the contemplation of ' his ' excellence.'*
If the outer world was satisfied for a time, there
were those at Court who knew too much to be at ease.
Willi^pis had instinctively shrunk from the unpopularity
' Prqceedjogs of the Privy Council, Marcl) 23 ; Chamberluin to
Carleton, April 9 ; S. P. Doni., i. 5, 46. CotmcU Heffister, March 29.
* Neve to Hollondoy April 5 ; Court and Timesji. 3.
' Eliot to Buckingham, April i ; Forster's Eliot, i. 1 1 1 . Eliot had
been coming to London to attend Buckingham on his visit to France,
and Mr. Forster regards the order, which met him, to remain in the West,
as evidence of som'e intrigue countenanced by the Duke. But the order
(Council Refftder, March 28) was plainly a bond fide one, giving him special
duties to ful61. In fact, Eliot was not wanted to accompany Bucking-
ham, simply because l3uckingham*8 journey was indefinitely postponed.
When the Duke went it was under other circumstances, and the suite
which he proposed to take was left behind. There was no slight what-
ever put upon Eliot. As I shall hereafter show, the breach between Eliot
and Buckingham cannot be proved to have taken place till much later
than Mr. Forster supposes.
PREPARATIONS FOR WAR.
169
which was sure to result as soon as the concessions
made to the Catholics were known, and he had too
much common sense to look with favour on Bucking-
ham's military projects, which he knew to be far too
extensive for the means at his disposal. When he was
first admitted to the Eoyal presence, he found Charles
bent upon summoning Parliament immediately, to enable
fiim to go on with his preparations by sea and land.
The King even asked why the old Parliament of the
preceding year might not be called without the delay
of fresh elections. Williams told him that this would be
distinctly illegal, and hinted that it would be well to
afford time to canvass the constituencies in favour of
candidates of the right sort. But Charles was in no mood
to hear of difficulties. Let the write, he said, be de-
spatched forthwith. Let not a day be lost. The fleet
was to go forth in the summer. War with Spain must
be carried on vigorously. Williams did not venture to
argue with his new master. But the few words which
he spoke were not sufficiently enthusiastic. The King
turned his back upon him and dismissed him.^
In the Council too voices were raised against pro-
ceeding with the marriage treaty as it stood. But
matters had gone too far to admit of hesitation now,
and all opposition was put dpwn by Buckingham with a
high hand.2
A week after his father's death, Charles removed to
Whitehall, walking without state across St. James's
Park. His demeanour gained general approbation.
His face was serious and pale. His attention to the
services of religion was the object of almost universal
remark. Men told one another with satisfaction that
the new King was ' very attentive and devout at prayer
^ Hacketf ii. 4.
« Effiat to Lewis XIIL, April |f ; Harl. MSS.J 4597, fol.-36.
CHAP.
V.
1625.
March 28.
March 39
Objections
to the
marriage
April 3.
Charles at
Whitehall
I70
PROJECTS OF THE NEW REIGN.
CHAP.
V.
^ f
1625.
April 9.
Order at
Court.
and sermons/ and were especially pleased to hear that
he had refused to make the customary present of
mourning to a single recusant. A few weeks later
the newsmongers reported that, as an Irish Earl was
talking in a loud voice in a room next to that in whicli
the King was at prayers, Charles sent to him to leave off
prating and come to prayers. " His Majesty," said the
Irishman, " knows well enough that I do not come to
his prayers." " If he will ijiot come to my prayers/'
replied Charles, " let him get out of my house." ^
Such anecdotes were sure to be favourably received.
Nor was the restoration of the st^te which had been
observed at Court in the days of Elizabeth likely to
injure him in the popular opinion. Almost any one
with a courtiers introduction could gain access to
James ; Charles directed that no one should be admitted
to his presence without special directions from himself.*^
Amongst those who \yere fhus excluded was one who
might have hoped for better treatment. Sir Francis
Cottingtoi} had been Ch^i-rles's secretary when he was
Prince of Wales, and had served him faithfiiUy in that
capacity. But it was well known that, having fallen
sick at Madrid, he had declared himself to be a Roman
CathoUc, at least till his recovery, and he had since
protested, as Bristql had protested, his belief that the
restoration of the Palatinate was to be hoped for from
the Spanish ministers. He was now not only stripped
of his official position and emoluments, but forbidden to
appear at Court. Cottington, like a man of the world
as he was, went straight to the Duke, asking him
' whether it could not be in his power, by all dutiful
application and all possible service, to be restored to the
' Neve to Hollonde, April 5 ; Cbamberlain to Carleton, April 9 ;
Meade to Stuteville, May 6 ; Court and Times, i. 3, 6, 20.
» Salvettt's NewsleUer, April H
BUCKINGHAM AND COTTINGTON. 171
good opinion his Grace had once vouchsafed to have of chap.
him, and to be admitted to serve him ? ' Buckingham - — ^ —
had at least the merit of speaking out his thoughts. He ^^ ^^
told Ciottington ' that he would deal very clearly with
him ; that it was utterly impossible to bring that to pass
which he had proposed ; that he was not only firmly
resolved never to trust him, or to have to do with him,
but that he was and would be always his declared
enemy; and that he would do always whatsoever should
be in his power to ruin and destroy him, and of this he
might be most assured.'
Cottington, seeing that all chance of advancement
was at an end, replied that * he hoped from his justice
and generosity, that he would not suffer himself to gain
by his loss,' adding that he had not only by the Duke's
command laid out money in jewels and pictures, but
had once * in hope of his future favour ' made him a
present of a suit of hangings worth 800/. Buckingham
told him that he should be at no loss. If he would
send in his account, every penny should be repaid.^
Such an anecdote as this points to the special dan-
ger of the new reign so far as it was to be influenced
by Buckingham. Generosity there would be above
mere personal meanness. But whether any one was
to be treated as a friend or as an enemy would depend
entirely on the accordance of his political views with
those prevalent for the time at Court. There would be
no largeness of mind, no readiness to hear all sides
of disputed questions.
Charles's heart was set upon greater things than on Committee
the restoration of etiquette. On the 9th he directed the iffiST*^
formation of a Committee of the Privy Council to
advise him on foreign affairs. Buckingham, of course,
was one of the selected number. Of the other four
^ Clarendon, i. 33.
172 PROJECTS OF THE NEW REIGN.
CHAP, members, Pembroke, Brooke, Ley, and Conway, Pera-
-^ broke was the only one who had ventured to differ
. ^' from Buckingham, and even he had never differed from
him for any length of time.^
Maosfeid Th^ first rcsult of the consultations of this body
Sut^uie* w^ *'^^ removal of the bar to the employment of
Dutch. Mansfeld at Breda. The States General were again
applied to for money, and they consented to give their
security to a loan of 40,000/. raised at Amsterdam.
The English Government hoped that this sum would be
sufficient to enable Mansfeld to take his way towards
the Palatinate as soon as the fate of the besi^ed town
was decided.^. The demands of the Northern
Powers were next taken into consideration. It
appeared tl^at the Congress at the Hague could not
be brought together as soon as was expected, and
Charles therefore entered into a seiparate agreement
Maj26. with the King of Denmark. He offered to furnish
^<mey sent y^^^ ^j^j^ 30,ooo/.' a mouth, and before May was at an
Dram^k. ^ud he paid over 46,000/. on account He did not,
however, abandon the hope that the co-operation of
Gustavus might still be secured.*
April. If Charles was anxious for the success of Mansfeld
The Am!
got ready, and Christian, he was still more anxious for the success
of his own fleet, which, thanks to a timely loan of
30,000/. from Buckingham, was being rapidly prepared
for sea. His first recorded appearance in pubUc after
his father's death was on the occasion of a visit to the
shipping at BlackwalL* It had been finally settled that
^ The King to Ley and others, April 9 ; S. P, Dom,, i. 43.
' Conway to Carleton, April 19 j Carieton to Conway, April 19 ;
S. P. Holland.
• Enrolments of Privy Seals, May 26 ; Anstruther to Carieton, May
28 ; S, P, Holland. Ley to Conway, June 1 1 ; S. P. Dont.f iii. 52.
* Declared Aooounta, Treasurer of the Navy. Audit Office.
^ Meddus to Mead, April 22 ; Court Oful Titnes, i. 1 1.
EQUIPMENT OF THE FLEET. 1 73
twelve ships of the Eoyal Navy, twenty armed mer- ,chap.
chantmen, and fifty colliers, to act as transports, should ^
rendezvous at Plymouth in June. Something more -i/^/
than ordinary sea service was intended, and on May i JjJJ?^ ^^
the Privy Council ordered that 10,000 landsmen should beprMBed.
be pressed to accompany the fleet as soldiers. Of these,
8,000 were to be at Plymouth on May 25. The re-
maining 2,000 were to be sent over to the Netherlands
there to be exchanged, if the consent of the States
General could be obtained, for the sanie number of
disciplined men from the English regiments in the
Dutch service. By this means some steadiness might
be imparted to the raw levies who were but too likely
to be the mere offscouring of the streets sent by jus-
tices of the peace to serve his Majesty because they
were troublesome to their neighbours at home.^
The application made at the Haffue for disciplined April.
11. 1 It • T 1 111 The Dutch
soldiers had been accompanied by a proposal that the aaked to
Dutch should take an active part in the expedition
itself. When the demand reached the Netherlands the
soldier who had guided the EepubUc since the death of
Bameveld had died after a lingering illness. In his i^J^o^
brother, Frederick Henry, who succeeded him as Prince ^^|^
of Orange, and as Stadtholder of five out of the seven
Provinces, the States were eventually to find a soldier
of a quality equal to that of Maurice. But he was as
yet untried in his high post, and, with the fate of Breda
trembling in the balance, the States General naturally
demurred to Charles's request to be allowed to select
two thousand picked men from all the English regi-
ments in their service. Whatever men he took, they
said, he must take by whole companies, the good and
the bad together. But they had no objection to his
* Enrolments of Privy Seals, Dec. 23, Feb. 2 ; Reply to Carleton's
Memorial, April 17 ; S. P. Holland. Council RegiBter, May i, 16.
174 PROJECTS OF THE NEW REIGN.
invitation to share in a maritime attack upon Spain,
and they agreed to furnish twenty ships to the proposed
expedition. At the same time they expressed their
S*^^tdi ^^^ ^ bring to trial the perpetrators of the massacre
of Amboina, and, for the time at least, this cause of
dissension was removed.^
May. The discussion then turned on the further arrange-
Bucking- . . ^
ham to ments to be made for the expedition. For some reason
the ezpedi- or another, perhaps to avoid subjecting England to re-
prisals from Spain,* Charles was unwilling actually to
declare war, and it was arranged that Buckingham
should take the command in person, but that he should
receive his commission froto Frederick, the titular King
of Bohemia.'
Where was the thunderbolt to fall ? The intention
had originally been to direct it towards the coast of
Spain, to occupy some fortified town there, and to
watch for the treasure-ships returning from Mexico.
But an idea dropped in conversation by some one in
authority at the Hague was not^ taken up by Buck-
pianofa iugham with characteristic wartnth. The fleet and
to'iC^^ army might, he thought, be inore usefully employed
^®^ in an attack upon the ports of Flanders in combination
with the Dutch forces. If those nests of privateers
were taken and destroyed, both England and the
Netherlands would be the better for the operation.*
NeoesritT Bcforc such a scheme as this could be finally adopted
ing France, it was ucccssary to obtaiu the approbation, if not the
co-operation, of the French Government. Up to this
' Reply to Carleton*8 memorial, April 17 ; S, P, Holland,
' That there was any wieh to ayoid attacking Spain, is a theory im-
possible to maintain in the face of the evidence of the French ambassa-
dors and others, who were watching Charles from day to day.
' Buckingham to Carleton, May 4 ; S, P. Holland,
* Compare Richelieu, MimoireSy ii. 461-4, with Morton's instructions,
June 14 ; S, P. Holland,
TIIE king's MARillAGE. 1 75
time Charles had scrupulously carried out his engage- chap.
w m
ments to Lewis. By mutual consent tlie term within ^
which the marriage was to be celebrated had been ^ *^'
prolonged for a month as soon as James's illness was
known to be serious, and before the month came to an
end, the Pope, discovering that no attention would be
paid to his remonstrances, ordered his Nuncio at Paris
to deUver up the dispensation without waiting for
further concessions from the English. The marriage Mayi.
-,. I 11^11 -wr • Cdebration
was accorumgly celebrated by proxy on May i, m of the
front of the great west door of Notre Dame, after the mLm^ge
precedent set at the marriage of Margaret of Valois ^^p"**^-
with the Huguenot Henry of Navarre.^
On the same day Charles gave directions to the Favours to
^ , . theCatho-
Lord Keeper to carry out the engagement which he 1m».
had taken as Prince to remove the burdens weighing
upon the Catholics in England. " We will and require
you," he wrote, " to give order to all such oiu* oflBcers
to whom it may appertain, that all mannefr of prosecution
against the said Eoman Catholics, as well on their
persons as goods, for the exercise of the said religion,
be stayed and forborne, provided always that they
behave themselves modestly therein, and yield us that
obedience which good and true subjects owe unto their
King." 2
Charles was represented at the marriage ceremony Buddng-
by the Duke of Chevreuse, a distant kinsman of his S^tSTto
own,* who had attached himself warmly to the English [he qu2S?
alliance. As soon as the death of James had opened a
prospect of greater poKtical activity in England, Buck-
ingham abandoned the idea of visiting Paris as proxy
for his sovereign, and, setting himself down to the work
* Siri, Memorie JRecondtte, v. 835, 847.
• The King to Williams, May 1; S, P. Dom., ii. i.
' Through his great-grandmother, Mary of Guise.
176
CHAP.
V.
1625.
May I.
Doabts
arouDd the
French
alliance.
April 21.
Carliide'a
warnings.
PROJECTS OF THE NEW REIGN.
before him, looked forward, at the most, to sailing
across the Straits in command of the fleet which was
to fetch home the young Queen.^
It is not likely that either Charles or Buckingham,
in their sanguine optimism, foresaw the storm which
they were raising in England by their concessions to
the Catholics. But they were beginning to doubt
whether they would have anything except the person
of the bride to show in return for what they had done.
The league offensive and defensive between England
and France, once promised as the crowning ornament
of the marriage, had vanished amidst a cloud of com-
pliments. And now, before the end of April, had come
a letter from Carlisle, arguing that, for Charles's own
sake, the less he said about such a league the better.
No one could tell on which side the weight of the
French monarchy would ultimately be thrown. On
the one hand French troops were co-operating with the
Duke of Savoy against Genoa. On the other hand, no
peace had yet been made with Soubise and the Hugue-
nots of Rochelle. The Pope had deapatched his nephew.
Cardinal Barbarini, to Paris to mediate an agreement
between France and Spain. Under these circumstances
Carlisle doubted the wisdom of urging a stricter alliance
upon the French. "I am infinitely apprehensive," he
wrote, "of adventuring my gracious young master's
virgin reputation to a refusal." The French, he argued,
would break a treaty as easily as they would break
their word. If they continued adverse to Spain they
would of their own accord seek aid from England.
If they made peace with Spain they would expect
' Salvetti's Newsletters, April i, 29, May 6. That hU final resolution
to go to Paris was a sudden one, is plainly stated in a letter from Con-
way to Carleton, May 24 ; S. P. Holland. This explains why Eliot was
not and could not be asked to attend. See p. 168, note 3.
BUCKINGHAM'S JOURNEY TO FRANCE. 1 77
England to aid them against the Huguenots, a thing to chap.
which it would be impossible for the King of England ^ — ^ — '
toconsent.1 ll^'^
It was excellent advice, such as Carlisle, mere Backing-
courtier and spendthrift as he is generally represented, tbanS^"**
was usually accustomed to give. But how was ^^^
it possible for Buckingham to follow it ? This policy of
waiting till France made up her mind which side she
would take, he had long ago impetuously dashed aside.
For the sake of the closest union with France he had
sacrificed his own consistency ; and with it, though as
yet he knew it not, his popularity with the English
nation.
Buckingham could not bear that doubt should be He deter-
thrown upon the hopes on which he had buoyed him- to FVanc^
self up so long. One chance yet seemed to remain to
him. Forgetting how Uttle his personal presence in
Spain had availed him, he woiild try whether his per-
sonal presence in France would not clear all difiiculties
away. It was certain that he would not come empty-
handed. The great English fleet and army was not to
be despised. K he ofiered to attack the Spanish
Netherlands by sea and land from the north in con-
junction with the Dutch, whilst Lewis, taking up in
earnest his father's last enterprise, directed his armies
upon them from the south ; if he promised that the
Spanish province of Artois should be surrendered to
Lewis as his share of the spoils, what French heart
could turn away from so much glory, combined with so
much sohd advantage to the monarchy ? For the sake
of such an alliance as this, Lewis could hardly object
to grant acceptable conditions to the Huguenots.^
1 Carlisle to Buckingham^ April 21 ; S. P, Frmwe,
^ There are no despatches from Buckingham giving an account of his
mission. But its main objects are to be found in Richelieu's Memoir$
VOL. I. N
178 PROJECTS OF THE NEW REIGN.
CHAP. With these hopes and fears Buckingham had ceased
N^ — ^ — ' to wish to give English aid to France against Eochelle.
\^^^ He would rather, as far as we can judge from his acts,
J^^jg^ see Lewis pardon the Huguenots in order that he
for Ro- might make war, than help Lewis to subdue the
Huguenots with the same object. A few days before
James died, the contracts had been signed which made
over to the King of France the ' Vanguard,' a ship of
the Boyal Navy, together with seven merchant vessels
hired for the purpose from their owners. They were
to be placed under the command of Pennington, the
companion of Kaleigh in his last voyage to Guiana, and
were to be at the service of Lewis for a time varying
at his discretion from six to eighteen months. It was
expressly stated that the vessels might be used ' against
whomsoever except the King of Great Britain.' ^ On
the 8th of May the ships were ordered to cross the
Channel, but on the i8th, a few days after Buck-
ingham had left England, Sir John Coke, who was
the leading spirit amongst the Commissioners of the
Theytre Navy, and was deep in Buckingham's confidence,
^MrSe wrote to Pennington directing him in no way to
^^®" meddle with the civil wars of France, or to take part in
any attack upon Protestants there or elsewhere. The
true intention of his employment was to serve against
(ii. 459), ^^ ^^ statement is confirmed, so far as relates to the proposed
league, by Rusdorf (Rusdorf to Frederick, ^^; M^oires, i. 578) ; and
as far as relates to the attack upon Flanders, we know, from Morton's
instructions referred to at p. 186, that such a project was in contempla-
tion. The proposal about the Huguenots is noticed in Langerac's de-
spatch of May |§, an extract from which has been communicated to me by
Dr. GoU.
1 Contracts, March 25 ; S. P. France. When Glanville afterwards
stated that the vessels had been pressed, he probably meant, not that
they had been pressed for the King of France, but that they had been
first pressed for the service of the King of England, and then transferred
to France.
COOLNESS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE. 1 79
' the foreign enemies of France and England.' These chap.
orders, in flagrant contradiction with the letter and - 7* _-
spirit of the contract, were said to be for its ' better ^^^5-
understanding.' ^
This change of front in the matter of the ships was May.
accompanied by a change of jfront in the matter of the the*SSlu
Recusancy laws. On the nth of May the English cShoK<^*
Catholics were full of hope. The order sent to "Wil-
hams on the ist^ was, as they beUeved, to be carried
out. Three thousand letters to the Judges, the Bishops,
and other official personages, commanding them to
desist from any further execution of the penal laws,
were ready to be sent out. Before the 23rd the
Catholics were told that they must wait a Uttle longer.
It would be unwise to fly so openly in the face of the /
coming ParUament. When the session was at an end I
their demands might be attended to.^
It was hardly wise of Buckingham to offer so Dangjaof
openly to the French Government the alternative lu^m'^it
between a complete alliance with England and an open ^ ^"^^
rupture. For Eichelieu, anxious to lead his sovereign
in the path in which Buckingham desired him to tread,
the advent of the impetuous young man must have
been a sore trial. He knew that Lewis, balancing as
he was between two opinions, loathing the domination
of Spain and the independence of his own Protestants
almost equally, would be thrown off* his balance by the
slightest semblance of a threat on either side. And
how was it to be expected that the headstrong Enghsh-
^ Warrant from BuddDgbam, May 8 ; Coke to Penniiigton, May 18 ;
& P. Dom,j ii. yjj 74. I must aak tiiose who think that Coke's letter
was written to throw dust in the eyes of Pennington, to suspend their
judgment till I have told the whole story.
» P. 175.
* The English Catholics to ViUe-aux-Clercs, May 1 1, 23 : Harl MSS,,
4597, HO, b, 170, b.
N 2
l8o PKOJECTS OF THE NEW REIGN.
CHAP, man, whose whole political position was endangered,
' — ^ — ' should abstain from threats ? ^
May I ^^ ^^ ^4**^ ^^ May, Buckingham arrived in Paris.
He anriyee To the world in general he appeared to have set his
whole soul on displaying his handsome person and his
jewelled attire at the Court festivities.^ But those
who knew that he was accompanied by the new secre-
tary, Sir Albertus Morton, might suspect that he had
more serious work in hand.*
Pewe to be Of his negotiations at Paris we merely learn that,
the Hugue- with Eichclieu's warm support, the King sent a noble-
man to Eochelle to invite the Huguenots to send
deputies to Paris to treat for peace.* After some delay
caused by the state of the King's health, the Court set
out for Compiegne, where Lewis was to take leave of
his sister. Buckingham employed the two days which
were spent there in urging the French Government to
^ Richelieu*8 position is clearly defined in Langerac^s despatch of
j^*° . He was always urging the King to war without and peace with-
in. The same ambassador, writing on June ||, says that Buckingham
told the Queen Mother that the Huguenotd must seek peace on their knees,
with rapiers in their hands. As far as I can gather Buckingham's in-
tentionsy he seems to have come over in much the same spirit, though pro-
bably he thought less of the rapier at the beginning, and more at the end,
of his mission.
' The list of his clothes and attendants, printed in BUii^ ser. i, iii. 189,
of which so much use has been made by Buckingham's biographers, is not
a list of what he really had with him, but of what he intended to take
if he had gone as proxy at the marriage. Instead of the long train there
set down, only Montgomery, Morton, and Qoring accompanied him {Sal'
vcUCb Newsletter, May ||). He left England in such haste that he had
to send back a gentleman " pour lui apporter ses nouveaux riches habits,
afin qu'il se puisse montrer en ses ranit^ ' (Rusdofff i, 579). Under
these circumstances Eliot, of course, did not accompany him. The story
told by Wotton how he dropped a diamond in Paris which he subse-
quently recovered, is, I suspect, the origin of the incredible tale that he
purposely left his diamonds so loosely fastened on as to fall off, and that
he then refused to take them back from those who picked them up.
* SalvettVs Newsletter^ May ||,
* Langerac^s Despatch, May |§.
BUCKINGHAM'S RECEPTION IN FRANCE. l8r
join England in a declared war against Spain. But chap.
either the Duke's manner was distasteful to Lewis, or ^^ — ^ — '
he shrunk from taking so decided a part. He would ^^^^
neither bind himself to reject any pacific overtures ?^^8"
which might come from Spain, nor would he engage to nwuada a
take open part in a war for the recovery of the Palati- ance.
nate. Even the proffered bribe of the annexation of
Artois to France was not enough to move him. He
would give 100,000/. towards the expenses of the King
of Denmark, and he would continue his share of
Mansfeld's pay for seven months longer, and would
reinforce the Count's shattered army with two thousand
additional French horse.^ More than this he would
not do.^
By a statesman accustomed to take hard facts as Buckmg-
... ham 8
they were, the result of Buckingham's mission would fluiure.
not have been regarded as so very pitiful. It was
something that the French Court should show a dis-
position to treat with the Huguenots and to oppose
Spain in its own time and its own way. But Buck-
ingham had staked his reputation on far more than
this. Nothing but the most brilliant success would
save his conduct with respect to the Catholics and
Mansfeld's expedition from the gravest animadversion
in the coming ParUament. He went to France with
^ The destination of the French horse is not mentioned in the de-
spatch of Cheyreuse and Ville-aux-Clercs which refers to the offer (^j^^y ;
Harl, MSS,, 4597, fol. 193). But Lorkin tells Conway, in a letter of
June 22 {S, P. IVance), that Richelieu had informed him that ' he had
offered further a new succour of 2yOcx> horse for Count Mansfeld.' In
his letter of Aug. 18, Lorkin further says that Richelieu, in conversa-
tion, told him * that at Compiegne they had offered a million towards
the King of Denmark's entertainment, 2,ocx> horse towards the setting
up of Mansfeld's army again, and to continue their wonted pay for seven
months longer, but could never, in all this time, get answer from England.'
S. P. France.
^ Richelieu, Mimaires, ii. 461.
1 82 PROJECTS OF THE NEW REIGN.
CHAP, inflated hopes of unbounded success ; he returned
^^ — r^ — ' bitterly disappointed. It is hardly too much to say
^ *'* that his visit to Paris in 1625 cut the ground from
under his feet as completely as his visit to Madrid in
1623 had cut the ground fix)m under the feet of James.
He had yielded much, and had nothing to show for it
in return.
Is it wholly impossible that Buckingham's vexation
at his political failure may have vaited itself in the
extravagance of which he was guilty a few days later ?
Though Lewis went no further than Compline, his
mother and his wife accompanied the young Queen of
England some stages further. At Amiens Buckingham
spoke bitterly to Mary of Medici. The Huguenots, he
said, might come to Paris to ask for peace upon their
knees, but they must bring their swords in their hands.^
Backing. Queen Anne he addressed in terms of such passionate
the Q^ devotion as they were walking together in the shades
of FTMice. ^£ evening, that she was forced to call her attendants
to her help. That the handsome Englishman had made
an impression upon the poor young wife who had been
treated with complete n^lect by her husband, there
can be no doubt whatever. And Buckingham was not
the man to restrain himself from taking advantage of
June 7. her weakness. After he had taken leave, he met a
courier at Abbeville with directions to impart certain
information to the French Government. Hurrying
back to Amiens, he informed Mary de Medici of the
State secret confided to him. and then asked for an
audience of the young Queen. Being introduced, as
was the fashion of those days, into the chamber in which
Anne was in bed with her attendant ladies around her,
he threw himself on his knees, and kissing the coverlet
^ Langerac's Despatckf as quoted at p. i8o.
HENRIETTA MARIA IN ENGLAND. 1 83
over her, poured forth a torrent of impassioned words chap.
such as would have beseemed a lover restored after
long separation to the sight of his phghted mistress, j J^^*
Vanity and licentiousness were deeply rooted in Buck-
ingham's nature. But were vanity and licentiousness
sufficient to account for conduct so strange? May
there not have mingled with unchastened desire some
feeling of pleasure at the affi-ont which he thus put
upon the man who had thwarted his pohcy, by paying
his addresses thus publicly to his wife ? ^
Whilst Buckingham was making love or weaving
political schemes at Amiens, the innocent pledge of the
tottering alliance was continuing her journey. On juneia.
June 1 2 she landed at Dover. Charles, at the urgent SST*'*
entreaty of his mother-in-law, had retired to Canter- J^^f*
bury, in order that he might not set eyes on his bride
till she had recovered from the effects of sea-sickness.
The next morning he rode over to Dover and took her June 13.
by surprise. Bunning down stairs as soon as she heard si^ht of
that he had come, she offered to kiss his hand. He
caught her in his arms and kissed her. " Sire," she
said, as soon as she was able to speak, " I am come to
this country to be used and commanded by Your
Majesty." By-and-by, seing that she reached to his
shoulder, Charles, who had heard much of her short-
ness of stature, glanced downwards to see if her feet
were raised by artificial means. '* Sire," she said with
^ The scene is described substantially in the same way in the Memoir9
of Madame de MotteviUe, and in the Memoirs of Brienne, There is no
very dear account of the despatch which reached Buckingham at Amiens.
It seems to have been connected with the Duke of SaToy (Yille-aux-
Clercs to Lewis XIII., tJS^, and the subsequent correspondence : Harl
MS8,y 4597) fol* 19^; 213, b.). Buckingham appears to haye added a re-
quest that the 2,ocx> horse, instead of being placed under Mansfeld,
should be lent to Charles to do what he pleased with them, probably to
use them for the attack upon Flanders.
184 PROJECTS OF THE NEW REIGN.
V
c^p. the ready wit of her nation, " I stand upon my own
-^ feet ; I have no helps by art. Thus high I am, and
j™ 13. am neither higher nor lower." ^
Such passages between a sharp, bright-eyed girl of
fifteen and a husband of twenty-four could not do
more than gloss over the inherent diflSculties of the
situation. The young wife had been taught to regard
herself as entrusted with the mission of comforting and
protecting the persecuted members of her own Church.
She had not crossed the sea forgetting her own people
and her father's house. Nor was Charles likely to fill a
large space in her imagination. Affectionate himself
towards her, he was eager for her affection in retiurn.
But he expected to be obeyed without showing that
superiority which secures voluntary obedience. He was
punctilious, harsh when contradicted, and without re-
DJfflooity source in moments of emergency. Petty diflSculties
Madame de soou arosc. Henrietta Maria had grown up under the
'*^' care of Madame de St. Georges, and she could not bear
to be separated from her as she drove with her husband
fi:ora Dover to Canterbury. But she was told that the
lady's rank was not high enough, and Buckingham's
mother and sister, together with the Countess of
Arundel, were allowed to seat themselves in her stead
in the Eoyal carriage. The first matrimonial conflict,
rising at times almost into the dignity of a diplomatic
dispute, arose out of this question of precedence. The
French ladies of the Queen's suite took good care to
keep the quarrel open, and to teach her to regard
everything English with contemptuous dislike.^
June 16. On the 1 6th the King and Queen entered London
the King by the highway of the river. The rain was falling
and Queen
into
London. ^ Mead to Stuteyille, June 17 ; EUia, ser. i, iii. 196, 197.
3 Chevreuse and ViUe-auz-Clercs to Lewis Xin., undated ; Hitrl.
MJSS.J 4597, fol. 181.
THE KING AND QUEEN IN LONDON. ' 185
fast. But they kept the windows of their barge open, so chap.
that they might be seen by the multitude which awaited ' — ^ — '
them. They were received with the utmost enthu- j^e^xV
siasm. The tops of the houses, the decks of vessels
and lighters, were covered with a shouting crowd.
Deeply laden wherries gave life to the surface of the
river. The ordnance of the fleet at BlackwaD, and
after that the Tower guns, discharged a thundering
welcome. The Queen, as she landed at Denmark
House — the Somerset House of an earlier and a later
generation — seemed to be well pleased with her recep-
tion. The London crowd knew no ill of her, and
those who gathered to see her as she passed had it not
in their hearts to be uncivil to one so young and feir.
It was rumoured too that there were hopes of her con-
version. Perhaps she had herself unwittingly given
rise to the report. Some one had impertinently asked
her whether she could abide a Huguenot. "Why
not?" she quickly replied; "was not my father
one?"^
Charles might well look merrily around hhn as he
led his wife to his home. But for those terrible reli-
gious and political questions behind, he had no need
to be alarmed at the little disagreement about Madame
de St. Georges' precedence, or the important discovery
of the French ladies in waiting that their mistress had
to sleep in an old-fashioned bed which had done ser-
vice in the days of Queen Elizabeth. But already, two
days before the royal entry into London, the first stroke
had been aimed at the French alliance of which
Henrietta Maria was the living symbol. On Jime 14 Morton's
Morton was despatched to the Netherlands to urge the J^'SS^.
Dutch to co-operate with England in the attack upon *"^
* to , June 17 ; Court and Times, i. 30.
1 86 PROJECTS OF THE NEW REIGN.
CHAP. Flanders, which Lewis had refiised to share.* If this
' — r-^— ' project should be adopted, the war would assume a
^°*5- more exclusively Protestant character, and poor Hen-
rietta Maria's marriage would, politically at least, have
lost its meaning.
For the moment, however, this risk was averted.
It was by n© means a propitious time for inviting the
States General to take part in so hazardous an enter-
May a6. prise. On May 26 Breda had surrendered, and there
of Bwda.' was nothing so stable in the military or financial strength
of England as to induce the cautious Dutch Government
to abandon its defensive poKcy for an attack upon the
enemy in the very centre of his power, especially as
there was every reason to suppose that the project was
not regarded with fevour at Paris. If indeed a warning
were needed to keep the Dutch fi'om placing too great
confidence in the overtures of England, it was not far to
Jane. scck. The condition of Mansfeld's troops was more
SS^^* deplorable than ever. As soon as Breda was lost, the
tli^^^ States, anxious to be rid of him without delay, had
^^^ done their best to forward him on his way towards the
Palatinate. But the attempt was no sooner made than
its impracticability appeared. Beyond the frontier
1 9,000 of the enemy's troops were waiting to swoop
down upon him the moment that he abandoned the
protection of the Dutch fortresses. In spite of the
money which Carleton had succeeded in raising upon
the security of the States, the men had, as usual, been
infamously neglected. Four days passed after their
arrival at the frontier before even a piece of bread was
served out to the famished soldiers. The peasants,
fearing the consequences of the irruption of a starving
mob, had fled at their approach. Of the whole force,
^ Instructions to Morton, June 14 ; S. P. HoUand,
. MANSFELiyS DISASTERS. 1 87
English, French , and Germans together, but 6,cxx) march- chap.
ing men were left. " Our General,'* wrote Lord Crom- « — ^ — '
well on June i, " studies his profit and how to ruin us, j^^^^'
I think ; else he would give us that which might make
us live like poor Christians, and as the King's subjects.
I desire nought in this world but an honest
life, and so doth my Lieutenant-Colonel, your servant.
Let us but command men that may not die as if we
had killed them by giving them neither meat nor
money, and we will go anywhere where our noble con-
ductor dare send us; but to command a regiment
starved, now not 220 men, I scorn it." *
Such was the position of England on the Continent June 18.
when, on June 18, Parliament met at last. The only mdd^
diplomatic effort and the only military effort which had S^.
been seriously taken up had ended in failure. The
French alliance had produced no visible results. The
men who had followed Mansfeld in January were
either lying under the green sod in the fields of Holland
and Brabant, or were cowering for shelter under the
gims of the Dutch forts. The projects for the fixture Neeeesities
were uncertain, hazardous, and enormously expensive. futSL
Li the course of the next year 360,000/. would be
required for the King of Denmark, 240,000/. for Mans-
feld, 100,000/. for the regiments in the Low Countries,
and some 300,000/. for tie fleet, making in all a sum
of 1,000,000/., or more than three times the amount of
the subsidies which had been granted in 1624 as an
unprecedented contribution.
Yet it is probable that the mere extent of the Probable
demand would not have stood in the King's way if the feding in
hearts of the Commons had been with him. But, unless 5 com^"^
the new Parliament abandoned the position taken up ^^^
^ Cromwell to CarletoD, June 7 ; & P. Holland.
1 88 PROJECTS OF THE NEW REIGN.
CHAP, by the old one, this was more than unlikely. At all
-^ — ^ — ' events, in 1624 neither the close alliance with France,
^ ^^' nor the embarkation of England upon a Continental
war on a large scale, had been approved of by the
Lower House. It remained to be seen whether the
Commons of 1625 would be of a different opinion.
1 89
CHAPTER VI.
THE FIBST PABLIAMENT OP CHABLES I. AT WESTMINSTER.
Never within living memory had there been such chap.
competition for seats in the House of Commons. ^'
Never had the members chosen attended so numerously /^^^'
on the first day of the session. Something there was Numennw
doubtless of a desire to welcome the young King, of at the
whom nothing but good was as yet known ; something SSiS?
too, it may be, of curiosity to learn the secret of the "^
destination of the ships which were gathering, and of
the diplomatic messages which had been speeding back-
wards and forwards over Eiurope. Nor is it at all
unlikely that many at least were anxiouR to hear from
the King's lips some explanation of the way in which his
promise had been kept to the former Parhament, some
assurance, if assmrance were possible, that the EngUsh
CathoHcs had not benefited by the King's marriage.
The presence of the members in London was not The PUgae
without risk to themselves. The Plague, that scourge ° ^^^^
of crowded and ill-ventilated cities, had once more
settled down upon the capital. In the first week of
April twelve deaths from this cause had been recorded.
By the middle of June, just as Parhament was meeting,
the weekly mortahty was one hundred and sixty-five.^
Seldom has any sovereign had a harder task before Chariee
him than was before Charles when he stood up to per- SSent.""
^ Salvetti weekly recordfi the numbers. The number last given is from
a letter from Mead to Stutevillei June i8 ; Court and Titnes, i. 32.
igo FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT WESTMINSTER*
CHAP, suade the Commons to vote him unheard-of sums of
VI
— r-^ — ' money in order that he might carry out a pohcy on
June^is. which their opinion had never been asked, and of which
they .were ahnost certain to disapprove. But it is very
imlikely that Charles felt at all embarrassed, or that the
idea that any reasonable man in that great assembly
could possibly disagree with him, even entered into his
mind,*
Hit speech. The busiucss to be treated of, said the King, needed
no eloquence to set it forth. He had nothing new to
say. The advice which the Houses had given to his
father had been taken, and he had but to ask for means
to carry it stiU further into execution.
" My Lords and Gentlemen," he then went on to
say, *' I hope that you do remember that you were
pleased to employ me to advise my &ther to break
both those treaties that were then on foot, so that I
cannot say that I come hither a free, imengaged man.
It is true that I came into this business willingly, freely,
like a young man, and consequently rashly ; but it was
by your entreaties, jjrour engagements. . . I pray you
remember that this being my first action, and begun by
your advice and entreaty, what a great dishonour it
were both to you and me if this action so begun should
fail for that assistance you are able to give me." After
a few more words urging his hearers to haste on account
of the plague, and protesting his desire to maintain
true religion intact, he left it to the Lord Keeper to
signify his further pleasure.''
* Of course some will take the view that the speech was deliberately
drawn up so as to avoid mention of the difficulties of the case. What I
have said above, however, seems to me far more in consonance with
Charles's character.
^ In addition to the scanty notices in the Journals, we have for this
Parliament Eliot*s Negotium Paaterorum, and the FawfiJey MS. belonging
to Sir R. Knightley, which I have edited for the Camden Society. I
THE KING'S SPEECH. 19I
Williams had not much to say,^ and his hearers chap.
were doubtless thinking more of the young King's first -- > ' -^
appearance than of the Lord Keeper's rhetoric. If we j Jp^^n
can trust to the subsequent recollection of Eliot, the m«ieby
"*• the speech.
impression made by Charles was pleasing. It was
natural that he should not himself go into details, and
the House might reasonably expect to hear more, in
due course of time, from the Lord Treasurer or from
a Secretary of State. Men were tired of the long
speeches of the late King, and there was a general
disposition to trust to the good intentions of his suc-
cessor.
There was one point, however, on which the Com- Feeling
mons had made up their minds. Whatever Charles or CathoUcs
his ministers had yet to tell them about the war, they
meant to hold him to his promise about the Cathohcs.
Any concession to them they regarded as dangerous to
the security of the realm.
When the Speaker, Sir Thomas Crew, was pre- expressed
sented to the King, he took the opportunity of ex- ^^*cr.
pressing the general opinion of the House on this
subject. The King, he trusted, would be able to
recover the Palatinate, and also ' really to execute the
laws against the wicked generation of Jesuits, seminary
priests, and incendiaries, ever lying wait to blow the
shall refer to the latter as Camden Debates. Unless there is any special
necessity for referring to one particular source, it will he understood that
what I say in the text is founded on these authorities. The further
volume of notes taken hy Eliot I shall give as Eliot Notes,
^ I am unahle to discover the enormity of Williams's suggestion, that
if subsidies were too slow in coming in, Parliament might find some
other way of hastening their grant, as that could not ^'be unparliamen-
tary which is resolved by Parliament" Eliot's account of this session is
HO interesting that one is apt to forget that it was written some years
after the event, and coloured by the recollection of all that had passed
since. I may say at once that I do not believe that there was no feeling
against the King till after the second application for supply.
192 FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT WESTMINSTER.
CHAP, coals of contention.* To this exhortation Williams, by
' — r^^-^ the King's command, replied vaguely that speedy sup-
^ ^^' plies were urgently needed, and that the House might
trust his Majesty to choose the proper means of de-
fending his religion.
June 21. On the 2ist the Commons proceeded to business.
ciemMd of There could be no doubt that precedent as well as
nuSfef ordinary courtesy demanded an explicit statement on the
King's behalf of the amount of the proposed expenditure
and of the reasons upon which the demand was founded.
With the last Parliament James had entered into a
direct engagement to take the Commons into his con-
fidence when they next met. Whether, if Charles had
told the truth, he would have satisfied the Houses, may
well be questioned. It is certain that he did not tell
them anything at all. Not a minister rose in his place
in Lords or Commons to say how much was wanted,
or to explain in what way the surplus voted would be
spent. Charles threw the reins about the neck of
Parliament, and expected it to follow his call.
Silence such as this, whether it was the result of a
deliberate purpose, or, as is more likely, of mere
youthful inexperience and ignorance of human nature,
was in itself the worst of policies. Above all things
assemblies of men ask to be led ; and to this assembly
no guidance was ofiered. Whilst the House was still
hesitating what to do, an unexpected motion was brought
Adjourn- forward. Mallory, the member for Eipon, proposed
poaedty that the King should be asked to adjourn the session to
and Went- Michaelmas on account of the prevailing sickness.
worth. r[ij^g motion was warmly supported by Sir Thomas
Went- Wentworth. It is easy to understand why it should
worth 8 "^
poUcy. have found favour in his eyes. To him the war with
Spain was sheer folly. King and Parliament, he thought,
had gone mad together the year before. The duty of
PROPOSED ADJOURNMENT. 1 93
England, he considered, was to attend to its own chap.
business, to amend its laws, and improve the adminis- ' — t^-^^
tration of justice, leaving the Continent to settle its j^^^J^
troubles in its own way. When he had heard of the
prorogation of Parliament in Octol>er, he had been
beyond measure delighted. " For my part," he hiid
written to a friend, " I take it well, and conceive the
bargain wholesome on our side, that we save three
other subsidies and fifteenths." ^ An adjournment to
Michaelmas now, which would save thore subsidies
still, would, we may readily conjectiire, be equally
agreeable in his eyes.'^
That Yorkshire members, whose antagonism with
Spain was less pronounced than that of the counties, and
above all, of the poit towns of the south, should wish to
dispose for three months of the King's demand for subsi-
dies, is easily intelligible. It is far more significant that The ad-
Phelips, to whom Spain was as hatefiil as the principle sapmrted
of evil itself, should have risen in support of the piro- ^
posal. There was matter of fear, he said, in every
part of the State. Before they thought of giving, they
ought to take an account of that which was last given,
and as by reason of the plague there could not possibly
be found time enough then for such dn enquiry, they
should ask his Majesty that it might be referred to
some other time.' ^
^ Strafford Letters, i. 24.
' Eliot ascribes Wentworth's support of the motion to his desire to
postpone an impending enquiry into the validity of his election. But
Eliot could know nothing of Wentworth's motives ; and, even if it were
worth Wentworth's while to put off an investigation which must have
taken place whenever the House met again, his was the character to
court rather than to shun enquiiy.
' Camden DebiAee, 7. The pmisfflon of all reference in Eliot's narra-
tive to the part taken by Phelips, is enough to put us on our guard
against trusting it too implicitly as a complete authority. Phelips's
speech is mentioned in the Jounuds, though not in a satisfactory manner,
VOL. I. O
194
FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES I. AT WESTAONSTER,
CHAP.
VI.
1625.
June 31.
And Flee-
ted by the
Honae.
June 22.
Committee
for grifr>
yanoeenot
appointed.
Petition on
the Recu-
sancy laws
proposed
by Sey-
mour.
How far these words of the impetuous orator ex-
pressed the floating opinion of the House, must be left
to conjecture. But, whatever members might think,
they were not prepared to drive the King to extremities,
and Mallory's motion was without difficulty rejected.
Something, however, must be done, if it were only to
occupy the time of the House. If the Commons had
voted ten or twelve subsidies without asking questions,
they would have given great pleasure to Charles and
Buckingham, but they would have pleased no one else.
At the next sitting, therefore, after a proposal for the
appointment of the usual Committee for grievances,
came a motion from Alford ^ for a Committee * to con-
sider of what course we shall take in all business this
Parliament.' To these motions Eudyerd rose. After
a studied panegyric on the King, he adjured the House
not to be led away into enquiries which might lead to con-
tention so early in the reign. Sir Edward Coke professed
himself content that there should be no Committee for
grievances, on the understanding that an answer would
be given to those which had been presented the year
before ; and Coke's suggestion was ultimately adopted.
A new turn to the debate was given by Sir Francis
Seymour.^ Their duty to God, he said, must not be
forgotten. Let them ask the King to put in execution
the laws against priests and Jesuits. After an animated
discussion, in which member after member expressed
himself in accordance with Seymour's proposal, the
and the Miot Notes have the following after Mallory's motion : ^ Seconded
by Sir Ko. Pbelips, in consideration of the dangers^ either for adjom-
ment to another time 'or place.' ^e have therefote Eliot's own hand-
writing in favour of the correctness of the Camden Debates on this point
* Doubtless the old member, who again sat for Colchester in this
Parliament, though his name is omitted by Willis.
' Mr. Forster ascribes this co Pym ; but Eliot does not give his name,
apd the Journals and the Camden Debates agree on Seymour.
ELIOT ON RELIGION. 1 95
question was referred to a Committee of the whole chap.
House. V V'^>
The most remarkable feature of this debate was the /^^5-
•1 .— . June a^
complete silence of the Privy Councillors in the House. ^^<» of
It was only at its dose that Heath, the Solicitor- Coun- ^
General, promised that an answer should be given to ""
the grievances of 1624. On the general policy of the
government, it would seem, no man was commissioned
to say a word..
The next day the House went into Committee on
religion and supply, * wherein religion was to have the
first place.' The key-note of the debate was struck by
Eliot. " Eeligion it is," he said, " that keeps the sub- jnne 23.
jects in obedience, as being taught by God to honour ^j^ on
his vic^erents. A religando it is caJled, as the com- ""«*^
mon obligation among men ; the tie of all firiendship
and society ; the bond of all office and relation ;
writing every duty in the conscience, which is the
strictest of all laws. Both the excellency and necessity
hereof the heathens knew, that knew not true religion ;
and therefore in their politics they had it always for a
maxim. A shame it were for us to be less mteUigent
than they ! And if we truly know it, we cannot but
be affectionate in this case. Two things are considerable
therein — the purity and the unity thereof; the first
respecting only God, the other both God and man.
For where there is division in religion, as it does wrong
Divinity, so it makes distractions among men. It dis-
solves all ties and obhgations, civil and natural, the
observation of heaven being more powerful than either
policy or blood. For the purity of rehgion in this
place I need not speak, seemg how beautiful the
memories of our fathers are therein made by their
endeavours. For the unity, I wish posterity might say
we had preserved for them that which was left to us,"
o2
196 FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT WESTMINSTER.
CHAP. To this lack of unity Eliot now addressed himself.
'^^ — A^ Arguing that those who had fallen away from it were
J ^^' a constant danger to the State, he urged that, if neces-
sary, the Eecusancy laws shoidd be amended, or, if
that could not be, that the existing laws should be
put in execution.
MeMdngof EUot's spccch is the more noteworthy as it an-
nounced the complete adhesion of a man who was no
Puritan to the Puritan opposition against Eome. In
EUot's composition there was nothing of the dogmatic
orthodoxy of Calvinism, nothing of the painfiil intro-
spection of the later Puritans. His creed, as it shines
clearly out from th^ tvorfc of his prison hours, as death
was stealing upon him — * The Monarchy of Man ' —
was the old heathen philosophic creed, mellowed and
spiritualised by Christianity. But between such a
creed and Eome there was a great gulf fixed. In-
dividual cultiu'c and the nearest approach to individual
perfection for the sake of the State and the Church,
formed a common ground on which EUot could stand
with the narrowest Puritan. All superstitious exalta-
tion of the external ordinances of the Church, of
human institutions which gave themselves out to be
divine, was hateful to both alike. The Calvinist creed
he could ennoble to his own uses ; the Eoman creed
he could have nothing to do with. For the sake of the
English nation it was to be proscribed and trodden
under foot. There must be unity and purity of faith,
and that faith must be one which brought man face to
face with his Maker.
BaooBaney The rcsult of this debate was a petition drawn up
Sw^^np. by Pym ^ and Sandys, and altered to some extent in
committee. The King was asked to execute the penal
laws in all their strictness, and to take other measures
1 Mr* Pt in the Qamdm Rebates k surelj P71B.
THE RECUSANCY PETITION. 1 97
to prevent the spread of the doctrines of the Roman chap.
CathoUc Church. Nor did the Commons trust only in • — r^ — '
coercive measures. They desired that silenced ministers, ^ ^^'
who would engage not to attack the government of
the Church, should again be allowed to preach ; that
a restraint might be put upon non-residence, pluraUties,
and other abuses; and that some scheme might be
drawn up for increasing the income of the poorer clergy.
It is easy for us to condemn the readiness with
which Eliot and Pym called in the authority of the State
to repress a religion of which they disapproved. But it
is impossible to use their shortcomings as a foil for
Charles's virtues. He, at least, had no more idea than charia not
they had of opposing rehgious error by moral force, peneca-
But for the disturbing influence of his marriage, he ^^
would have been quite as ready as they were to put
the laws in force against the Recusants. His difficulty
was not that of a man who is asked to do what he
thinks wrong, but merely that of a man who is en-
tangled by two contradictory promises, and who sees
the time approaching when one, if not both of them,
must be broken.
When on June 30 the petition was sent up to the jone ^
Lords for their approval, it had been still fiirther SonSmt
modified. The request that the silenced ministers "^'
should be readmitted to their pulpits had given place
to a request that a fresh effort woul4 be made to reduce
them to conformity.
It would still be some time before the petition on Sqnnour'i
religion reached the throne, Wh^t Charles expected asmau
the Commons to do as soon as they had relegated their
religious grievances to the House of Lords, it is impos-
sible to say. Supply stood next in order to be treated
of ; but though twelve days of the session had passed
away, giving him time to reflect on the attitude of the
supply*
198 FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT WESTMINSTER.
CHAP. Commons, he had taken no steps to explain to them
' — r-^ — ' the real meaning of the vague demands which he had
,1'i made in his opening speech.
K he expected that, when once the petition on reli-
gion was cleared out of the way, the Commons would
lay at his feet the vast treasures which he needed, but
the amoimt of which he had not ventured to specify,
he was soon bitterly undeceived. Scarcely had the
petition left the House, when Sir Francis Seymour rose
and proposed the grant of one subsidy and one
Importance fifteenth, or about icx),ooo/. Seldom has a motion
JlotiJn. more simple in appearance been more momentous in
its consequences. The vote proposed was as nearly
as possible one tenth of the sum which Charles re-
quired to fulfil his engagements. It therefore impUed,
under the most courteous form possible, a distinct
resolution of the House to give no adequate support
to the war in which the King was engaged.
2™^^ Seymour gave no reasons for his abrupt interven-
fieymoiur. tiou. As far as he is personally concerned, it is not
difficult to find aii explanation of his conduct. He
had been one of the most eager in the last Parliament
to engage England in a war with Spain, one of the
most decided in protesting against any attempt to
involve Parliament in extensive military operations on
the Continent.^ He was therefore only consistent with
himself in refusing the supply necessary to carry out
a policy of which he disapproved.
JJjj^2^ The Court party was taken by surprise. Many
^•uipriM. of its members were absent from the House : all of
> On the 19th of March, 162A, he had said that he had heard 'wars
spoken on and an army ; hut would he glad to hear where. The Pala-
tinate was the place intended hy his Majesty. This we neyer thought
ofy nor is it fit for the consideration of the House, in regard of the in-
finite charge.'
THE COMMONS DO NOT PROVIDE FOR THE WAR. 1 99
them had been left without instructions how such an chap.
VI.
emei^ency was to be met. Eudyerd alone, facile • — r^ — •
speaker as he was, was prepared to say something, /^^^
and he dwelt at some length upon the recent expenses
of the Crown, the sums of money which would be
required for the payment of debts incurred in bury-
ing Kjng James, for the entertainment of foreign am-
bassadors, for the approaching coronation, and for the
war. The navy was to be got ready ; the Dutch, the
King of Denmark, Mansfeld, to be assisted. But
whatever Eudyerd might say, he had not been em-
powered to ask for any definite sum of money, and
the combined vagueness and magnitude of his demands
was not likely to conciliate men who felt themselves
drifting into a war the duration and extent of which
were beyond calculation. The most dangerous temper
in which an assembly can be found is that which arises
when it believes that it has not been treated with con-
fidence ; and though we have no means of knowing
whether the House was in such a temper when Sey-
mour rose, it certainly was not for want of a cause, if
no such feeling existed.^
The existing dissatisfaction, whatever may have SMtchof
been the extent to which it had spread, found full ^'
expression in PheUps. Now, it would seem, he was
less isolated than when at the beginning of the ses-
sion he had risen to suppqrt the motion for an
immediate adjournment After a few words, which
to Charles at least must have sounded like bitter
irony, in which he described the proposed grant as an
expression of the aflections of the subject, he went on
^ I am soriy to say that I am forced to treat the situation as though
the Negotimm Posterorum had neyer been written. Eliot was so little
able to place himself back in past days, that he retisons as if the vote
passed were an ad^uate supply.
200 FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT WESTMINSTER.
CHAP, to complain, in somewhat exaggerated terms, of the
' — r-^ — ' state of the kingdom as it had been left by James.
June L. I'^^^j coming to the point at issue, he aimed straight
at the argument upon which Charles had rehed in
his opening speech. It was not true, he said, that
ParUament was bound by any engagement to the
King. " The promises made," he explained, " were in
respect of a war. We know yet of no war, nor of
any enemy." Then, touching on still more delicate
ground, he referred to the late disasters. No accoimt
had been given of the expenditure of the last subsidies.
But even if that were in readiness, " What account is
to be given of twenty thousand men, and of many
thousand pounds of treasure, which have been ex-
pended without any success of honour or profit." ^
Such failures, he added, had not been usual in the
days of Elizabeth. Let them press upon the King the
necetfsity of taking these things to heart, and beg him
* to proceed in his gpvemment by a grave and wise
coimsel.' He would vote, however, for rather more
than Seymour had proposed. He thought they might
give two subsidies without any fifteenths, that is to say,
about 140,000/. He hoped no man would press for
more. If any man put forward the Eng's merit as a
reason for a higher grant, he missed the right way.
"For other argument," he ended, "we know what
can be said, and hope that at the return of the navy
there will be better inducements." In the end
Grant of Phclips'^ amcndiTient was carried, and two subsidies
two sabsi- . 1
diee. were voted.
Charles's want of confidence in the House was thus
' The 20;OOo men Rre either a alight oratorical exaggeration, or include
the French and Germans who were with Mansfeld. Eliot makes Phelips
bpeak of millions of treasure, which is too absurd, one wquld think, even
for an orator. I haye followed the Camden Debates. '
OPPOSITION BETWEEN THE KING AND THE COMMONS. 20I
met by a vote which was practically a vote of want chap.
of confidence in his advisers. Phellps's main position — ^ — -
was unassailable. It was not true that even if the ] ^^'
June 30.
existing ParUament were bound by. the vote of the last 9ow«w
° •' were the
one, it was under any engagement to the King, except Commons
to take into consideration his proposals relating to the right,
war. . When he cajne before the Houses without any
definite demands, they could but judge him by the
result of his actions, and those actions had been so
thoroughly unsuccessful that they furnished no induce-
ment to trust him blindly in the future.
Yet though the step taken by the House under the
guidance of Seymour and Phelip^ was certainly justi-
fiable, it is impossible not to regret the manner in
which the thing was done. An event of such his-
torical importance as a breach between the Crown and
the House of Commons shoidd not have been allowed
to take place upon a suddqn and upexpected motion,
followed by a hasty vote. The House, in all proba-
bihty, would have failed in any case to establish satis-
factory relations with Charles. But it would have
spared itself much obloquy in the future and would
have conciliated much popular feeling at the time, if it
had condescended] to put its views and intentions into
an address which would have vindicated its thoroughly
legitimate position. That there was no ill intention is
probable enough. Men who disliked voting money
for questionable objects would be glad enough to
escape from the necessity of entering into controversy
with their sovereign, and would doubtless flatter them-
selves that, in voting two subsidies, they had done the
King considerable service.^
^ TMb view of the cnse is that which finds a reflection in Eliot's nar-
ratiye. As a key to the si^uat^on it is quite worthless, but I do not
doubt that it is not without foundation in the feeling which existed at
the time.
BQBOlOn.
202 FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT WESTMINSTER.
CHAP. The vote of so inadequate a supply was a bitter
' — , — ' pill for Charles to swallow. His first impulse was
charkB ^ remonstrate against the measure which had been
thinks of dealt out to him. Instructions were given to one
remonstra- ^
tj^ of the Ministers to press the Commons to increase
But their vote.^ But the intention was soon abandoned,
•ndthe The SoHcitor-General was ordered to lay before the
House the answer to the grievances of the last Par-
liament, and the Lord Keeper at the same time
informed the House that the King was sorry ' for the
great danger they were in by reason of the sickness,
and that ' he was prepared to end the session as soon
as they were ready.^ In these words the Commons
naturally discovered an intimation that they were to
hear no more of the demand for money. The plague
^ One is always loth to challenge any assertion of the late Mr.
Bruce, hut it is dear to me that the provisional instructions calendared
under July 8 (S. P. Dom.f iv. 26) must have heen written hefore July 4,
as they contain a direction that the person to whom they are addressed
should, if the main ohject failed, urge the House to turn their resolution
into a Subsidy bill, which was what they did on the 4th of July, with-
out pressing.
^ Eliot says that the message was *' that his Majesty received great
satisfaction and contentment in their gift, both for the form and matter,
it coming as an earnest of their love.'' On this Eliot founds an argument,
that the King having accepted the gift was precluded from asking for more.
We have, however, three separate reports of the message : that of the
Lords' Journals, that in Cokeys statement in the Commons^ Journals, and
that in the Camden Debates, In none of these do any such words occur.
Something of the sort may be implied from the fact that the King did
propose to close the session, and Eliot may have taken that which was
implied as actually said. The Lord Keeper may, on the other hand, have
said something which, as not forming part of his message, may not
have been formally reported. At all events, Eliot cannot be relied on
for details. He says that the Subsidy Hll *^ being passed the House of
Commons, and that intimated to the King, it produced a message." As
a matter of fact the Bill had not even been read a first time when the
message was delivered. Since this note was written, I am able to bring
Eliot's own testimony against the NeyoUum, The report in t&e EKot
Notes, like that in the Camden Debates, is silent on any word in the mes-
sage about accepting the subsidiea
THE YORKSHIRE ELECTION CASE. 203
was raging terribly in London. Men were counting chap.
up the growing death-rate with perplexed faces. The ^
members, believing that all serious business was at ^/^^'
11. 1. 1 1*1 . Members
an end, slipped away m crowds to their homes, leaving ^ i»ome
less than a fourth part of their number to bring the
session to a close.
Already, in spite of the preoccupation of the House juoe.
with other matters, a question had been decided of ^rth's
some interest in itself, and of still greater interest as ****''**"•
bringing into collision two men who more than any
others were to personify the opposing views of the
parties in the approaching quarrel, and who were both
to die as martyrs for the causes which they respectively
espoused. At the beginning of the session Sir Thomas
Wentworth took his seat as member for Yorkshire.
But his rival. Sir John Savile, accused the sheriff who
had returned him of conducting the election so irregu-
larly as to make a fresh appeal to the electors a matter
of necessity. According to Savile, the sheriff, being a
friend of Wentworth, interrupted the poUing when he
saw that it was likely to go against the candidate whom
he favoured. The sheriff, having been summoned to
give an account of his proceedings, explained that when
the poll was demanded it was past eleven in the
morning, and that he had doubted whether it could
legally be commenced at so late an hour. He had,
however, given way on this point, but he beUeved that
no one who had not been present when the writ
was read had a right to vote, and consequently
when some of Savile's men broke open the doors
in order to force their way to the poll, he had put
a stop to the voting and had declared Wentworth to
be duly elected.
In the discussions which followed in the House, not
only were the facts of the case disputed, but there was
204 FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT WESTMINSTER.
CHAP, considerable diflFerence of opinion as to the proper pro-
cedure at elections. Wentworth himself bore himself
1628.
j^ as haughtily as usual. Not only did he state his case
w«Bt. proudly and defiantly, but, in opposition to the rules of
advocacy the Housc, he Omitted to withdraw when it was under
caw. mvestigation, and rose agam to answer the arguments
which had been urged against him. Eliot at once
rose to denoimce the offender, comparing him to a
Catihne who had come into the senate in order to ruin
it. Before this invective Wentworth was compelled
to leave the House, though he was afterwards permitted
to return and to state his case once more.^
Compari- It was uo mere personal rivalry, no casual difference,
JJ^ which divided Wentworth and Eliot With Wentworth
juttdaSt!^ good government was the sole object in view. Every-
thing else was mere machinery. Conscious of his own
powers, he was longing for an opportunity of exercising
them for the good of his fellow countrymen. But,
excepting so fiir as they could serve his ends, he cared
nothing for those constitutional forms which counted
for so much in the eyes of other men. The law of
election was there, one may suppose him to think if not
to say, for the purpose of sending Sir Thomas Went-
worth to Parhament. He was himself arrogant and
overbearing to all who disputed his will. It is certain
that in private he expressed the utmost contempt for
his fellow members,^ and it is not likely that he had
* Mr. Forater (Sir J, Eliot ^ i. 160), after giving Eliot's speech from
the Negotium, proceeds as follows : '' ' Yet hear me first,' cried Wentworth,
as with a general feeling mimistakeably against him, he rose to leave.
He spoke briefly and without interruption." This implies that Went-
worth succeeded in setting the rules of the House at defiance. The
Eliot Notes do not agree with this view of th^ case. After referring to
Eliot's appeal to the privileges of the House, they say ^* W. sent out again.
After, the motion being renei^ed upon question, W. admitted to be
heard." Wentworth therefore was specially authorised to speak.
" Straffiotrd Liters, i. 24,
ELIOT AND WENTWORTH. 20$
any higher respect for his constituents. He was an
outspoken representative of that large class of politi-
cians who hold that ability is the chief requisite for
government, and who look with ill-concealed contempt
upon the view which bases government upon the
popular will.
EUot stood at the opposite pole of political thought* EUot's
To him the attempt to convert Parliamentary elections "P"*®*-
into a sham was utterly abhorrent. In them he saw
the voice of the nation speaking its mind clearly, as he
saw in the representatives of the nation once chosen
the embodiment of the majesty of England. Out of
the .fidness of his heart he reproved the man who
held both the House and its constituents in contempt.
The majority sided with Eliot. Glanville, whose Julys-
1. o ^ ^ /»T. The el6(y'
authority was great on all questions of this nature, pro- tion de-
duced precedents to show that a poll when demanded ^
must be granted, whether it was after eleven or before,
and that electors had a right to vote even if they had
not heard the writ read. Wentworth's election was
declared void, and the doors of the constitution were
opened more widely than they had been before.^
Few as were the members remaining at Westminster
during the last days of the session, they had still matters
of unusual importance to discuss. Some three years 1622.
before, Eichard Montague, the Eector of Stamford at^SteST
Kivers, in Essex, found in the hands of some of his '°^^^*"*
parishioners a paper drawn up by a Eoman Catholic
missionary, which contained the usual arguments
against those Calvinistic tenets which, at the close of
the preceding century, had been the accepted doctrines
of the great majority of the clergy, and which were
therefore attacked as if they formed the accepted
^ Forster, Bir J, Eliot, i. 153 ; Camden Debates, i^, 36, 44.
206 FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT WESTMINSTER,
CHAP, doctrine of the English Church. Montague, who
' — ^ — belonged to a different school, and who found support
^ for his opinions in those formularies of his Church
which reflected the beUef of an earUer generation,
determined to frame a reply which should base its repu-
diation of the Eoman doctrine upon grounds very
different from those which were popular amongst the
clergy and laity. He was not unversed in contro-
versy, having already entered the lists against Selden
himself, whose History of Tithes he had unsparingly
condemned.
1624. The result of Montague's meditations was that The
A New Gag Gag for the new Gospel — such was the quaint nanxe of
G^^ the paper which had aroused liis indignation — ^received
a reply under the equally quaint name of A New Gag
for an old Goose. It is unnecessary to say that it was
deformed with that sciurility from which few contro-
versies in that age were free. But, as far as the matter
of the volume is concerned, an impartial judgment
will probably consider it as a temperate exposition of
the reasons which were leading an increasing body of
scholars to reject the doctrines of Eome and of Geneva
alike. To the Calvinistic doctrine of predestination
Montague entertained an insuperable objection. He
refiised to speak of the Eoman Church as indubitably
Antichrist, or of the Pope as the man of sin.^ Those
^ The passage about the Roman Church is a quotation from Caasan-
der : ** Et quamvis prsBsens hiee ecclesia Romana non parum in morum
et discipline sinceritate, ab antiqu& illft unde orta et deriyata est, disoesse-
rit, tamen eodem fundamento doctrinsB, adde etiam in doctrine sinceri-
tate et sacramentorum a deo institutorum firma semper constitit, et
communionem cum antique illft et indubitat& Christi Eoclesi& agnoscit
et colit. Quare alia et diversa ab ill& non potest, tametsi multis in
rebus dissimilis sit Manet enim Christi Ecclesia et sponsa, quamvis
multis erroribus et vitiis sponsum suum irritayerity quamdiu a Christo suo
sponso non repudietur, tametei multis flagellis ab eo castigetur.*' New
Oaffy 53.
MONTAGUE'S NEW GAG. 207
who remained under his authority formed a part of chap.
the Church of Christ, corrupt and unsound in the
highest degree, but not utterly apostate. Of the more ^ *^'
peculiar doctrines sanctioned by Papal authority he
spoke in a way very different from that in which the
majority of Protestant Englishmen were accustomed to
express themselves. He denied the right of the clergy
to enforce upon the people the practice of compulsory
avuicular confession.^ But he held that in cases where
the mind was perplexed or the conscience burthened
with sin, the person so troubled might be invited, or
even exhorted, to come voluntarily to the Christian
minister, and to seek for advice and consolation, and
for the declaration of divine pardon to the repentant
offender. He denied that the bread and wine in the
Lord's Supper underwent any substantial change. But
he asserted that Christ was therein present to the
faithful receiver in some mysterious way which he did
not venture to define.^ Pictures and images, he said,
might not be made the object of worship or even of
veneration. But there was no reason why they should
not be used, even in churches, to bring the persons
and actions of holy men of old before the minds of the
ignorant, and so to excite devotion in those upon whose
ears the most eloquent sermon would fall flat ; if, in
short, they could be used much in the same way as the
pictures in illustrated Bibles, or in painted church
windows, are used in our own time.^ Finally, Montague
argued that prayers to the saints were to be rejected,
1 New Qag, 83. » Ibid. 258.
' *' Images have three uRes assigned by your schools. Stay there, go
no further, and we charge you not with idolatry ! Jnstitutianem rudtum,
comrnonefactumern hidoruB^ et exciUUionein dewtumii, . . . Not the
making of images is misliked, not the having of images is condemned,
but the profaning of them to unlawful uses in worshipping and adoring
them.'' New Gag^ 300, 303.
2o8 FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT WESTMINSTER.
CHAP, not because he doubted that the holy dead retained a
* — r^ — ' loving sympathy with those who were yet living,
^^* but because he was unconvinced that there was any
way of reaching their ears so as to excite their pity, and
further, because * we may well be blamed of folly for
going about, when we mdy go direct ; unto them, when
we may go to God/ ^
The Com- Such Opinions were not likely to pass long unchal-
ShSfbook to lenged. Two clergymen, Yates and Ward, complmned
to a Committee of the Commons in the last Parhament
of James, and, as the session was drawing to a close,
the Commons referred their complaint to the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury.
^^S With the objections taken to the New Gag, Abbot
fa^r^ warmly sympathised. But he did not much Uke the
responsibility thrust upon him by the House of Com-
mons. If the idea, prevalent with modern writers, that
he was still under disgrace in consequence of the
accidental homicide committed by him in Lord Zouch's
park, finds little countenance from contemporary
evidence, it is certain that James far preferred the
chatty, secular-minded Wilhams, to the Calvinistic,
clerical Archbishop. Abbot therefore thought it best,
as soon as he had read the book, to ask James what he
had better do, and was recommended to send for the
author.
Heremon- Abbot took the hint. "Mr. Montague," he said,
Mootague. " you profcss you hate ropery, and no way mclme to
Arminianism. You see what disturbance is grown in
the Church and the Parliament House by the book
by you lately put forth. Be occasion of no scandal or
offence ; and therefore this is my advice unto you. Go
home, review over your book. It may be divers things
* New Gagj 229.
MONTAGUE AND ABBOT. 209
have slipped you, which, upon better advice, you will chap.
reform. If anything be said too much, take it away ; — r^ — '
if anything be too little, add unto it ; if anything be "*'
obscure, explain it ; but do not wed yourself to your
own opinion, and remember we must give an account
of our ministry unto Christ."
Such advice, which might perhaps have been of
some avail with a young man whose opinions were as
yet unformed, was of course thrown away upon a
practised writer who was simply asked to cast the
whole treasure of his intellect in a new mould. Mon-
tague too went to the King, and found in James a
sympathising auditor. " If that is to be a Papist," said
James, " so am I a Papist." By tlie King's permission AnpeUo
he prepared a second book, entitled Appello Ccesarem^ ^aarem.
in which he vindicated more fiercely than ever his claim
to be the true exponent of the doctrine of the Church ;
and this book, having been referred by James to
Dr. White, Dean of CarHsle, was by him declared to
contain nothing but what was agreeable to the public
faith, doctrine, and discipline of the Church of England,
and was accordingly licensed, for the press. Before it
was ready for publication, James died, and it was issued
with a dedication to his successor.
And now, on July i, as soon as the question of 1625.
supply had been settled, the Commons sent a deputa- The Moni-
tion to Abbot to know what steps he had taken. The STbbS?^
deputation found him much vexed. After telling them
all that had happened, he complained that he had
not even been informed of the intended publication of
the second book till it was actually in the press. But
he had no legal jurisdiction over Montague on the mere
complaint of the House of Commons. All that he
could say was that he would gladly give his judgment
VOL. I. P
2IO FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT WESTMINSTER.
CHAP, upon the Appello Ccesarem whenever he should be
' — f^ — ' ' orderly directed to it.'
juiy^i. ^^^ attempt of the Commons to obtain the unofiB-
«5erred to ^^ support of the Archbishop having thus fairly
mStoJ' broken down, they referred the whole subject to the
Committee by which the petition on Eecusancy had
been prepared.
That the report of the Committee would be adverse to
Montague was clearly to be foreseen. His opinions had
made but little way amongst the lawyers and country
gentlemen — the two most conservative classes in the
nation — of whom the House was mainly composed.
Nor indeed was it to be expected that the prevailing
English Calvinism would surrender its ground without a
struggle. It had done great things for Europe. At a
time when the individual tendencies of Protestantism
threatened to run riot, it had given to men a consistent
creed and an unbending moral discipline, which was
yet Protestant to the core, because it was built upon
the idea of the divine choice resting upon the individual
soul, without the intervention of any priest or ecclesias-
tical society. Wherever the struggle with Eome was
the deadliest, it was under the banner of Calvinism
that the battle had been waged. Wherever in quiet
villages, or in the lanes of great cities, any one woke
up to the consciousness that a harder battle with sin
was to be waged in his heart, it was in the strength
of the Calvinistic creed that he had equipped himself
for the contest. Alone* with his God, the repentant
strugghng sinner entered the valley of the shadow of
death. Alone with his God he stepped forth trium-
phantly to hold out a hand to those who had passed
through the like experience with himself
g^^f The strength of the English Calvinists lay mainly
in the humble peaceable men who found in it a safe-
guard against a Ufe of sin. Such a one was the father
ENGLISH CALVINISM. 2X1
of Eichard Baxter. Around his Shropshire home, in chap.
VL
the last ten years of James's reign, there was but little -
preaching at all. In one village there were *four j^Z^^
readers successively in six years' time,' ignorant men,
and two of them immoral in their lives ! In another
* there was a reader of about eighty years of age that
never preached.' He said the Common Prayer by
heart, and got a day-labourer or a stage-player^to read
the psalms and lessons. These were succeeded by
others, one of whom obtained a living in Staffordshire,
and, after preaching for twelve or sixteen years, was
tiu^ned out on the discovery that his orders were forged.
Then came an attorney's clerk who was a drunkard,
and who took orders, or pretended to have done so,
because he could not make his living in any other way.
On Sundays and holidays these men read prayers, * and
taught school and tippled on the week days,' often
getting drunk and whipping the boys. The villagers
did not prosper under such shepherds. As soon as the
hasty service was over on Sunday morning, they
gathered round the maypole on the green and spent
the rest of the day in dancing and jollity. To take no
share in these riotous amusements was to incur the
mockery of the little community, and to be called a
Puritan, a word which then carried the deadliest re-
proach. Not that the elder Baxter had any wish to
separate himself from the Church. He * never scrupled
Common Prayers or ceremonies, nor spoke against
Bishops, nor ever so much as prayed but by a book or
form, being not ever acquainted then with any that did
otherwise ; but only for reading Scripture when the
rest were dancing on the Lord's Day, and for praying
— by a form out of the end of the Common-Prayer
Book — in his house, and for reproving drunkards and
swearers, and for talking sometimes a few words of
p 2
212 FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES I. AT WESTMINSTER.
CHAP. Scripture and the life to come, he was reviled commonly
' — r^ — ' by the name of Puritan, Precisian, and hypocrite.' ^
July I. ^^^ ^^s* ^^ those who took part in the conflict with
Bome and the conflict within themselves, there was no
disposition to shake ofl* the CaJvinistic doctrine. They
felt it as a support rather than an incumbrance. They
, had no wish to probe it to its depths or to search out
its weak points. Its moral strength was enough for
them.
RMction Yet this could not last for ever. There was sure
(Siviniam. jq come a time in every land when this feeling that
religion was a conflict would die away, at least with
some ; when those who grew up strengthened by the
smrrounding influences of habitual piety would look to
their religion rather as an intellectual framework to the
quiet morality of their hves than as a struggle or an
effort. In England it had come when men like Laud
and Montague set themselves free from the bonds of
Calvinistic dogmatism. They claimed to think for them-
selves in cases in which no decision had been pro-
nounced, and to search for goodness and truth on every
side. They were oflended not merely by this or that
doctrine of Calvinism, but with its presumption in
repelling half the Christian Church of the present, and
almost all the Christian Church of the past, from parti-
cipation in the divine favour. They were oflended
with its dogmatism, with its pretensions to classify and
arrange men's notions of mysteries which eye hath not
seen nor ear heard, and they claimed the right to say
that there were things on which the popular religion
had pronounced clearly, which were nevertheless beyond
the domain of human knowledge.
Not^»^^ Even if, like the Arminians of the Netherlands, the
iiiov»iLent. rebellion against Calvinistic dogmatism had taken a
' Baxter's Life f i.
OPPOSITION TO CALVINISM. 213
merely doctrinal form, the supporters of that rebellion chap.
would have had but little chance of taking hold of the
popular mind. The objections which they felt were juiy L
only likely to occur to men of culture and education.
It was ahke their weakness and their strength that the
movement was emphatically a learned movement, a
movement springing from those who had outgrown the
leading strings which were necessary to guide the steps
of others, and who could look without shrinking at the
fact that religion was a subject upon which human
reason could, to a very limited extent, exercise its
powers. They were intellectually the liberal church-
men of the age. They stood between two infallibili-
ties — the infallibility of Calvinism and the infallibility
of Eome — asking for evidence and argument at each
step which they took, and daring to remain in imcer-
tainty when reason was not satisfied.^
Evidently such a standing point as this was not
likely to be received with popular applause; and
the difficulty before these men was considerably in- .
creased by the fact that they did not content themselves
with merely doctrinal differences. It is a necessity of Neceerfty
himian nature that for every plunge which it makes toSS
forward into the untried sea oiF free thought, it must ^'*^'
attach itself all the more closely in some other direc-
tion to the firm ground of orderly systematic belief.
* There is a passage in tbe conference held in the following year on
Montague^s books, which seems to me to embody the spirit of the move*
ment more than any other which I have seen. The question asked was
whether General Councils could err. To this Buckeridge and Cosiu re-
plied : *^ All assemblies of men m senm divino, and confederated merely
as men, may err in the weightiest matters of faith : but aU assemblies
of men having sufficient ahility of learning to judge, and wh*^ with prayer
and pious affection endeavour to understand heavenly truth by the rule
of God*s Word, all such assemblies of men shall not err, because God hath
promised the assistance of His Heavenly Spirit to deliver them from fun-
damental error." Ca«m*< Works, M, 24.
tern
214 FIRST PARLIAMENr OF CHARLES I. AT WESTMINSTER.
CHAP. Luther, aa he struck boldly out from the Church in-
' — r^ — ' stitutions of his day, saved his creation from falling
Iniyt ^^ chaos by clinging with almost convulsive grasp to
the institutions of the State. Calvin, in fixing his eyes
upon the individual salvation of the man predestined to
glory, took care to surround the future saint with the
strictest discipline and with the iron bonds of a theology
which was for him to be ever unquestioned. In our day
those who trust most to their own powers of reason are
the loudest in proclaiming the forces of universal law,
and in expounding the necessities of a fixed order in
the universe.
Podtion For men like Montague and Laud the order of
^ Kome and the order of Calvinism were alike impossible.
Never again would they bend their necks under either
yoke. But in the earlier days of the English Eeforma-
tion, in the days when Calvinism was but stealing in,
they found exactly what they needed. The theology
of Cranmer, fixing itself upon the principle that all
practices were to be maintained, all doctrines held,
which could not be proved false by the authority of
Scripture and the custom of the early Church, suited
them exactly. It gave them a rational ground on
which to stand. It gave employment to minds to which
the history, especially the ecclesiastical history, of the
past was an attractive study. It appealed to the poetic
and artistic instincts which were almost smothered
under the superincumbent weight of dogmatic theology.
It fenced them in with memories of the past, and cere-
monial forms in the present. Their life was more
sympathetic, more receptive of a higher culture, but at
the same time weaker, and less fit to take the lead in
any crisis through which the nation might be called
upon to pass, all the more so because these ideas were
not originally arrived at by themselves, but partook
OEREMONLAlLISM. 2 1 5
«
to a great extent in the weakness which attends the chap.
revival of the system of an earlier age. That which in
Cranmer was the forward movement of the prese^t, j f ^'
became in Laud a looking back to the dry bones of
the past.
It was natural that the outward ceremonialism of
the men should attract more notice than that principle
of intellectual liberalism which, though yet in its
germ in their minds, brings them into connexion with
modem thought. And it was natural too that they
should be accused of inclining towards Eome. They How far a
attached weight to external acts and ceremonies, which 5SJd"
they venerated in common with the Boman Church. rSUJ^"
Their whole way of regarding the spiritual Hfe of man
was, if not Eoman, distinctly not Protestant. Luther
and Calvin, differing in much, had agreed in this, that
the relation between the individual soul and God came
first, and that all Church arrangements were secondary
matters. The new school of Enghsh Cliurchmen
brought forward the Church arrangements into fresh
prominence. Unifonnity was to be maintained as the
surest preservative of unity. From the cradle to the
grave man's life was to be surrounded with a succes-
sion of ecclesiastical acts influencing his soul through
the gates of tlie senses. The individual was cared for
by the Church. He stepped from the first to the
second place.
It is impossible to deny that even the modified per-
mission to men to think as they pleased on matters on
which theCliurch had not pronounced her decision arose
rather from a feeble grasp of speculative truth than
from any broad view of the necessity of liberty to its
cultivation. When they repudiated, as most of them
did, the epithet of Arminian which was hurled in their
faces by their opponents, they were guilty of no
2 16 FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT WESTMINSTER
ft
CHAP, hypocrisy. Tliey did not mucli care whether any
*— .^ — particular view of predestination were true or false.
1625. Ynist they did care for was that men should be honest
and virtuous, and live peaceable and orderly lives
under the care of the proper authorities in Church and
State. And if it is true that this view of life deserved
to be lield in due regard, it is also true that without
the stern self-denying striving after truth which was
the characteristic of the opposite party, life tends to
become more like a stagnant pool, breeding all manner
of foulness and corruption.
Such a system might be regarded as holding a
middle place between Eome and Calvinism. But it
might also be regarded as a mere feeble copy of Rome.
Those who valual the independent reasoning and
the freedom of enquiry upon which it was based
would take the more favourable view. Those to
whom freedom of enquii-y was an object of terror,
would have nothing to say to it. They would desert
it for the infalhbility of Eome, or they would attack
it in the name of Calvinism. Between the negation
of individual religion and the assertion of individual
religion, a compound of free thought and ceremonial
observance was likely to have a hard time before it
could establish itself in the world.
As yet, however, the ceremonial part of the con-
troversy had hardly engaged the attention of observers.
It was with Montague's doctrinal positions that the
Commons' Committee was principally engaged. JHow-
ever orthodox a Committee of the House of Commons
might be, it was certain to be influenced by thoughts
which would have no weight with a Synod of Dort or
July 7. a Scottish General Assembly. Those who drew up its
tiMCom- report did their best to conceal from themselves the
fact that they were advising the proscription of
mittee.
THE COMMONS' COMMITTEE ON MONTAGUE. 217
certain theological opinions. They said that ' though chap.
there be tenets in that first book contrary to the — — r^-— '
Articles of Eeligion established by Act of Parliament, j^^^*
yet they think fit for the present to forbear till some
more seasonable time to desire a conference with the
Lords that course may be taken to repair the breaches
of the Church and to prevent the like boldness of
private men hereafter.' All direct action against the
opinions contained in the book, therefore, was to be
postponed for the time. But the author was not to
be allowed to escape so easily. The powers of the
Hou^ in dealing with theological belief might be
doubted. Its right to interfere in matters of State
could not be doubted. Montague was accordingly
accused of dishonouring the late King, of disturbing
Church and State, and of treating the rights and pri-
vileges of Parliament with contempt.
Of these three charges the first was absolutely Montaffoe
ludicrous. To accuse a man of treating James with diflferfn/^
disrespect by publishing a book of which James had jimes.
expressed his approbation, simply because certain
opinions were controverted in it which James had
advocated in early life, was not only absurd in
itself, but would have led to conclusions which the
Commons would have been the first to repudiate.
For if a man was to be prosecuted for disagreeing
with James on a point of theology, why might he
not much more be prosecuted for disagreeing with
Charles?
The real weight of the accusation, however, fell upon Of sowing
the second head. The unity of religion which Eliot had so
enthusiastically praised had its advantages. Statesmen
as well as theologians might look with apprehension on
the day when Protestantism was to embark upon the
raging waves of internal controversy, and when, as it
mg
with King
2 1 8. FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT WESTMINSTER.
CHAP, might be feared, the Jesuits would be enabled to sing
' — r-^— ' triumphant songs of victory whilst their antagonists
juT^ were fleshing their swords in mutual slaughter. Even
if that were not to be the case, the entrance of reUgious
strife would open a sad and dreary perspective of
bitterness and wrangling, of seared consciences, and of
polemical ability rearing itself aloft in the place which
should have been occupied by moral suasion. And it
must be acknowledged that, if Montague was far less
sciurrilous than Milton was a few years later, his tone
was by no means calm. He had used expressions
which might occasionally give ojQTence. Above all, he
had spoken of his adversaries as Pinritans, a term which
is now generally appUed to the whole Calvinistic party,
but was then looked upon as a disgraceful epithet, only
applicable to those who refused conformity to the
Prayer Book.
w treating The third charge carried the question into the
of Com- region of- law and privilege. Montague had pre-
contempt. sumcd to print his second book before the Commons
had concluded their examination into the first, and
had attacked Yates and Ward, who, as complainants,
were under the protection of the House.
Debate in ^g goon as the rcDort of the Committee had been
the House. , •*■ ,
read a debate arose in which the charge of differing from
King James seems to have been treated with silent con-
tempt. The second charge found more ready accept-
ance. A small minority indeed argued that Montague's
opinions had never been condemned by the Church
of England. Even amongst those who scouted this
view of the case there appears to have been a feelmg
that there was no wisdom in approaching so nearly to
a theological discussion. Coke, however, had no such
hesitation. To him the Common Law was all in all,
and he quoted Fleta to prove ' that the civil coiuts
THE COMMONS DECLARE AGAINST MONTAGUE. 219
ought to have a care of the peace of the Church.' chap.
Others again argued that the complaint was not - — ,^ —
made ' directly for the doctrine, but for the sedition ;' ^^^^'
that the meaning of the Articles was plain, and that
they only asked that the law should be put in execu-
tion. In the end it was resolved that a committee
should be appointed to examine Montague's books, and
that when ParUament next met the whole subject should
be brought before the Lords. There remained the
question of privilege. Sandys indeed, with the support
of Su' Humphrey May, took the coinmon-sense view,
that there had been no contempt of the House. All
that had been done in the former Parliament, they
said, had been to refer the case to the Archbishop ; and
as the Archbishop had not thought proper to treat
Montague as a delinquent, he had not put him upon
his triaJ. And it was well known that a man not upon
his trial was not precluded from replying to his op-
ponents. The House seems to have been divided
between its respect for these arguments and its wish
not to allow Montague to escape altogether. He was
committed to the custody of the sergeant-at-arms, but
a hint was given him that he would be allowed to go
at hberty upon giving a bond to the sergeant for his
reappearance when the Commons met again. ^
A breathing time was thus afforded to Charles to what was
consider what part he would take in the controversy, to do f^
The importance of the question before him was more
momentous even than that of the direction of the war.
Whatever the Commons might think, it was clearly to
the advantage of the nation that the men who thought
^ The bond was to be given to tbe sergeant, becanae it was affirmed
by Sir Ed. Coke ' that tbe House could not take a recognisance.'
Camden Debate^, S3- Subsequent practice has decided against Coke.
HaUeWs Precedents^ iv. 276.
220 FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT WESTMINSTER.
CHAP, with Montague should not be condemned to silence, and
^ — r^ — ' that there should be room found outside the pale of Eome
jniyi. ^^^ those who had revolted against the dogmatic tyranny
which was supported by the House of Commons. For
a great statesman like Bameveld the work would have
had its attractions, though he would have known that
he was treading on dangerous ground, in which a shp
might be fatal to himself, even if his cause was certain
of ultimate success. But difficult as the task of finding
room for differences of opinion was, its difficulty was
immeasurably increased by the tone of Montague and
his friends. They did not ask for liberty of speech or
for equal rights with others. They and they only were
the true Church of England. Their teaching was
legal and orthodox, whilst the opinions of their oppo-
nents had been cast upon the Church * Uke bastards
upon the parish where they were bom, or vagabonds
on the town where they last dwelt.'
Charles made no attempt to save these men from
their own exaggerations. His own sympathies were en-
tirely with those who resembled himself in their love of
art, in their observance of ceremonial order, and in their
reverence for the arrangements of Church and State.
He listened to Laud as his father never had listened
to him. That pushing, bustling divine was convinced
even more clearly than Montague that his system was
the only true system for all men and for all times.
Scarcely had Charles ascended the throne when he ap-
plied to Laud to draw up a list of the principal clergy,
Land's p. suitable or imsui table for promotion. A long catalogue
was soon handed in, duly marked with 0. and P., the
Orthodox as fit for reward, the Puritan to be treated
with neglect. It was the beginning of a fatal course.
Calvinism had too much vitahty in England, and was
too thoroughly identified with the struggle with Kome
and P. list.
THE TONNAGE AND POUNDAGE BILL, 221
VL
1624.
and Spain, to be borne down by a partial distri- ca^p.
bution of Court patronage. The power of the Crown
counted still for much. But its strength had rarely
been tried as Charles would try it, if he attempted to
impose his own religious opinions upon an unwilling
nation.
Eeligion was to be Charles's main difficulty in
the future. His main difficulty in the present was
want of money. And he now saw questions stirred
in the Lower House which might seriously impair
even his existing revenue. Ever since the days of Julys.
Henry VI. the duties on exports and imports known andpSm-
under the name of tonnage and poundage had been ^"^
granted by Parliament for the Ufetime of each succes-
sive sovereign in the first session of his reign. The
grant now for the first time met with opposition.
The usual formula was that the supply was ofiered to
provide means for guarding the seas. Sir Walter Erie,
who, as member for Dorsetshire, would know something
of what was passing in the Channel, reminded the
House that during the last few weeks Enghsh vessels
had been captured off the ScUly Isles by rovers from
Sallee, and that even the Channel itself was not
adequately guarded. And Erie had more to say than
this. In James's reign certain duties had been levied
under the name of pretermitted customs, which were
alleged by the Crown lawyers to be included in the
Parliamentary grant, a view of the case which found
no favour in the eyes of those who were called upon to
pay them. Erie now proposed that in order to give proposal to
time for the examination of the pointy the grant should gSnttoa
be limited to one year. ^^'
Matters were not likely to rest here. Phelips, who Question
succeeded Erie, carried the debate into another region, tkms.
He moved that the bill ' might so be passed as not to
222 FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES I. AT WESTMINSTER
CHAP, exclude the question of other impositions.' The old
^ — r^ — ' quarrel which had been smothered in 1621 and 1624,
July 7 when the Commons were looking forward to co-operation
with the Crown in war, was certain to break out afresh
when there was no longer any such prospect. And even
if there had been no change in this respect, it is hard to
see how the question could have been avoided when the
banning of a new reign opened up the whole subject
by the introduction of a new bill for the grant of
tonnage and poundage. PheUps took up a position
which was logically unassailable. If the King, he said,
possessed the right of imposing duties upon merchandise
at his own pleasure, why was Parliament asked to
grant that which belonged already to the Crown ?^
In spite of Heath's opposition, the House resolved to
grant tonnage and poundage for one year only. There
would thus be time to consider the questions which had
been raised. The bill thus drawn was carried up to
the House of Lords and was there read once. It is not
necessary to suppose a deliberate intention to defeat
The bill it. But neither, it would seem, was there any desire to
^'^^oiMe hurry it on, and the bill was swept away by the tide
ofLorda. q£ evcuts which brought the session to a hurried
close.^
A few days more, and the members of the House
would be dispersed to every part of England. With
the plague demanding its victims in London alone at
the rate of 370 a week, more than a third of the total
death rate,® the Commons could afford to wait for a
^ *^ Kings ever received it as a gift of the subject, and were therewith
contented; without charging them with any other way of imposition.
For if they had any such power it were altogether unneedful to pass."
Camden Debates f 43. The speech is toned down in the Journals.
' The speeches in the Camden Debates seem to me to warrant the
conclusion that far mere than a mere adjustment of rates was at issue.
• Mead to Stuteville, July 2 ; CotiH and Times, i. 39.
CHARLES ASKS FOR A FURTHER SUPPLY. 223
more convenient opportunity to discuss the issues chap.
raised by Montague's book, or even to settle the vexed '^ — ^ — '
question of the impositions. But Charles could not j^j^^'
afford to wait. In the full belief that the Commons The King's
would grant him, without hesitation, any sum for which difficStiefl.
he chose to ask, he had entered into the most extensive
engagements with foreign powers. Was he now to
acknowledge to the King of France and the King of
Denmark that he had promised more than he could
perform ? Was he to disperse his fleet and send his
pressed landsmen to their homes ? And yet this and
more than this must be done, if no more than a beggarly
sum of 140,000/. was to find its way into the exchequer.
If on the 4th of July he had submitted to hard fate, and
had consented to end the session, further reflection did
not render more endurable the rebuff with which he had
been met. Who can wonder if he made one more
effort to supply his needs ?
The King was at Hampton Court, whither he had
fled in hot haste as soon as he learned that the plague
had broken out amongst his attendants at Whitehall.^
Late on the evening of the 7th Buckingham hurried up He deter-
from York House, assembled his followers, and told STfora
them that an additional supply must be asked for the ^^t'
next morning.^ It is said that on account of the lateness
of the hour many of the leading members of the Court
party were absent. At all events when Sir Humphrey
May heard on the following morning what Buckingham's
intentions were, he resolved to keep back the proposed
motion till he had remonstrated with the Duke.
* Locke to Carleton, July 9 ; S. P, Dom,j iv. 29.
' The authority for all this is Eliot*s Negotium JPosterorum. I do
not see any reason to suppose that things happened in the main others
wise than he tells them, though his view of the position is evidently
coloured hy the misconception that the Commons had already done all that
the King could reasonably ask^ even from Charl^s^s own point of view.
224 FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES I. AT WESTMINSTER.
CHAP. For the purpose of conveying this remonstrance
' — r^ — ' May selected EKot, as one who had stood high ir
July 8. Buckingham's favour, and who was likely to set forth
S?otT"rt ^^ arguments against the step which the Duke was
whh'Se* taking in the most persuasive manner. That Eliot
i>ak«- had already seen reasons to distrust his influential
patron is likely enough. But there had been nothing
approaching to a breach between them, and there is no
reason to suppose that, at this time, Ehot was inclined
to go further than May, or that, though he must have
thought Buckingham hardly capable of taking the lead
in the national councils, he had any wish to bear
hardly on him, or to deprive him of the confidence of
his sovereign.
mt^B^in- What followed may best be told in Eliot's own
with Buck- words, written with such recollection of the scene as he
was able to command after some years had passed.
" Upon this," he writes, speaking of himself in th^
third person, " he makes his passage and address, and
coming to York House finds the Duke with his lady yet
in bed. But, notice being given of his coming, the
Duchess rose and withdrew into her cabinet, and so
he was forthwith admitted and let in."
ms argu- " The first thing mentioned was the occasion, and
the fear that was contracted from that ground. The
next was the honour of the King and respect unto
his safety ; from boih which were deduced arguments
of dissuasion. For the King's honour was remembered
the acceptation that was made of the two subsidies
which were passed and the satisfaction then professed ;
which the now proposition would impeach either in
truth or wisdom. Again, the small number of the
Commons that remained, the rest being gone upon
the confidence of that overture, would render it as an
ambuscade and surprise, which, at no time, could be
ments.
ELIOT'S INTERVIEW WITH BUCKINGHAM. 225
honourable towards subjects, less in the entrance of the chap.
sovereign. The rule for that was noted. According - — r-^
to the success of the commencement, is the reputation j^^|*
afterwards.^ The necessity likewise of that honour
was observed without which no Prince was great,
hardly any fortunate. And on these grounds a larger
superstructure was imposed, as occasionally the conse-
quence did require. For his own safety many things
were said, some more fit for use than for memory and
report. The general disopinion was objected which it
would work to him not to have opposed it, whose power
was known to all men, and that the command coming by
himself would render it as liis act, of which imputation
what the consequence might be nothing but divinity
could judge, men that are much in favour being ob-
noxious to much envy."
"To these answers were returned, though weak, Bucidng-
yet such as implied no yielding : — ^That the acceptation »▼«".
which was made of the subsidies then granted was but
in respect of the aiffection to the King, not for satisfac-
tion to his business : that the absence of the Commons
was their own fault and error, and their neglect must
not prejudice the State : that the honour of the King
stood upon the expectation of the fleet, whose design
would vanish if it were not speedily set forth. Money
there was wanting for that work, and therein the King's
honour was engaged, which must outweigh all consi-
derations for himself"
Evidently the arguments of the two men were
moving in different planes. Buckingham believed the
Commons to have been wrong in refusing to vote
larger supplies. Eliot, whatever he may have thought,
was content to avoid the real point at issue, and only
1 ** Ut iDitia provenient) fama in caeteris eat"
VOL. I. Q
226 FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT WESTMINSTER-
CHAP, attempted to show that it would be inexpedient to ask
' — r^~^ the House to reverse the decision.
juiv 8 ^^ ™^y ^^^® \y^QVL prudent in EUot to avoid all men-
2^^ tion of the opinion which the members were doubtless
ftTowaL passing on Buckingham's quahfications as a war
minister. But, on the other hand, to ask'^a man so self-
confident as Buckingham to withdraw from a course of
action merely on the ground of its inexpediency was to
court failure. "This resolution being left," the nar-
rative continues, " was a new way attempted, to try if
that might weaken it. And to that end was objected
the improbability of success ; and if it did succeed, the
greater loss might follow it by alienation of the affec-
tions of the subjects who, being pleased, were a fountain
of supply, without which those streams would soon dry
up. But nothing could prevail, there being divers
arguments spent in that ; yet the proposition must pro-
ceed without consideration of success, wherein was
lodged this project, — merely to be denied."
Eiiot'f " Merely to be denied." Whatever words Bucking-
"*^^^*^ ham may have used — and he was open enough of speech
— such was the inference which EUot drew from them.
And more too, it seems, was behind. " This secret,"
Eliot tells us, " that treaty did discover, which drew on
others that supported it, of greater weight and moment,
shewing a conversion of the tide. For the present it
gave that gentleman some wonder and astonishment :
who, with the seal of privacy closed up those passages
in silence, yet thereon grounded his observations for
the future, that no respect of persons made him desert
his country."
What did What did Buckingham mean when he proposed to
h^m^? press for additional supply, * merely to be denied*?
That he wished, from pure gaiety of heart, to engage in a
struggle of prerogative against the popular representa-
PROBABLE INTENTION OF BUCKINGHAM. 227
tion of the country is an idea which needs only to be chap.
mentioned to be dismissed, especially as there is another - ^^'
interpretation of his words which exactly fits the cir- J^y|'
cumstances of the case. If Buckingham really thought,
as there is every reason to suppose that he thought,
that he had been scandalously ill-treated by the House
of Commons, that they had, without raising any open
charge against him, deserted him in the midst of a war
which he had undertaken on their invitation, he may
well have believed himself justified in putting the
question once more directly to them, with the distinct
prevision that if they refused to help him he would
stand better with the nation than if he allowed the war
to languish for want of speaking a necessary word.
Somehow or other the immediate crisis might be tided
over, and the military operations on the Continent
postponed. Somehow or another the equipment of the
fleet might be completed. A great naval success, the
capture of the Mexico fleet, or the destruction of some
Spanish arsenal, would work wonders. Whatever blot
attached to him through past failures — and Bucking-
ham's failures were always, in his own eyes, the result
of accident, his successes the result of forethought —
would be wiped away. A second ParUament woiild
gather round Charles of another temper than his first
had been. The King who had done great things could
ask, without fear of rebuff*, for further means to ac-
complish things greater still.
If this was Buckingham's intention — and his sub- His over-
sequent conduct goes far to show that it was his inten- tStefSto
tion — it is easy to understand how Eliot would have ^^^
been shocked by it. Viewing, as he did, the House of
Commons with almost superstitious reverence, and pro-
bably already inclined to doubt Buckingham's qualifi-
cations for rule, he must have regarded with extreme
q2
228 FIllST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES I. AT WESTMINSTER.
CHAP, dislike both the attempt to deal disingenuously with the
«.- — r-^— ' House, and the vaunting language in which Bucking-
J^^S- ham's confidences were doubtless conveyed.
July 8. '^
Bucking- Whatever the exact truth may have been about this
represented Conference with Eliot, Buckingham's immediate diffi-
Houi of culty was to find a fit exponent of his policy in the
mmone. g^^g^ ^f Commons. Of the Secretaries of State,
Conway was in the House of Lords, and Morton was
absent on a mission to the Hague. Sir Eichard Weston,
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, would have been
naturally selected to bring forward a financial proposal.
But, as he was one of those who had originally objected
to the war with Spain, Buckingham may have suspected
that, supple as he was, his heart was not wholly in the
matter. May and Heath, whose tact had hitherto been
conspicuous in the debates, would evidently be useless
as supporters of a proposal of which they were known
to disapprove.
Hia de- T^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ heeu selected as Buckingham's
JJ^^^ mouthpiece was Sir John Coke. Having {been from
Sir J. Coke, ^q fi^st a leading member of the Navy Commission, he
had long taken into his hands the control over matters
relating to the fleet. He was versed in the details of
his office, and would probably in our days have made a
very excellent permanent Under-Secretary. As far as he
took any interest in politics at all, his principal charac-
teristic was a fixed dislike of everything which savoured
of the Papacy.^ But in general he was a mere tool,
ready to do anything or to say anytliing as he was
bidden by Buckingham and the King.
Further As soou as it was known to Buckingham's friends
supply
asked for. i Thus he was one of the instigators of the complaint Against Mon-
tague in the Conference at York House in 1626, and he did his best in
1628 to lead the House of Commons astray by an attack upon the
Jesuits. In later years he opposed the Spanish alliance advocated by
Weston, Cottington, and Windebank.
SIR J. COKE'S DEMANDS. 229
in the House that Eliot's mission had failed, Coke rose. chap.
. VI
For the hasty grant of two subsidies before any minister ^ — ^ — ^
of state had been heard on behalf of the King, he found ]Jl\^
a convenient excuse in the eagerness of the House to
satisfy his Majesty. He now explained the way in
which the subsidies granted in the last Parliament had
been expended, said what he could in defence of Mans-
feld's failures, and stated that the fleet in preparation
would cost 293,000/., or 133,000/. more than the sub-
sidies already voted. Besides this would be needed
240,000/. a year for Mansfeld, and the same sum for the
King of Denmark. Even this, though the needs of the
King of Denmark were understated, was enough to
frighten the House, and Coke went on to throw away
whatever chance remained to him of persuading the
members, by adding that this expenditure ' coidd not be
supported without more help by Parliament, or else
some new way.' After this last phrase, which was sure
to grate upon the ears of his hearers, he made an appeal
to the magnanimity of the House. " The King," he
said, " when he was Prince, borrowed 20,000/. for these
provisions. The Lord Admiral hath engaged his estate.
Other ministers have furnished above 50,000/. Shall it
be said that these men are left to be undone for their
readiness to the pubUc services ? Shall we proclaim our
own poverty by losing all that is bestowed upon this en-
terprise, because we cannot go through with it ? What
shall we say to the honour of the King ? But that is
not all. Even the establishment of his Majesty in his
royal throne, the peace of Christendom, the state of
religion, depend upon the fleet."
Coke's estimates, underrated as they were, were TheCrown
larger than the House cared to face. And even now with um
there was no attempt to convince the Commons that it "^®°^
was wise to enter so extensively upon a Continental war.
230 FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT WESTMINSTER.
CHAP. It was taken for granted that Charles and Buckingham
*- — A— had been in the right in entering into engagements
juiv a ^*^ Mansfeld and the King of Denmark, and the
House was merely asked to provide the means for so
necessary an expenditure.
Nature of If the sixtv members or so who still remained at
Coke 8 , "^
demand. Westminster to represent the Commons, cared to please
the King without bringing any apparent responsibility
upon themselves, the way was made easy before them.
Coke did not ask them actually to vote the subsidies.
They were only to express their affection to the business,
and to give assurance, by some public declaration, that
when they returned they would be willing to relieve
his Majesty.
It ftdis flat But they were not so easily entrapped. The whole
Ho^ display of military preparation flashed thus suddenly
before their eyes, created astonishment rather than any
other feeling. They did not wish to bind their fellow
members to answer a demand which had been kept in
the background as long as the House was fiill. Neither
did they like to enter into a contest with the King.
Scarcely a word was spoken for or against the motion.
Heath, seeing that the discussion, if it once began,
would take an angry turn, did the best he could for
And is put his master by smotherinoj the debate. The House, he
Heath. said, had already expressed its affection in its previous
grant. No man ought to speak but as if the King of
Spain were there to hear him. It would be enough if
they made it appear that, whensoever they met again,
they would bring the hearts of true Englishmen.
The King In spitc of this rebuff Charles kept his temper. To
Monti^e's a deputation from the . two Houses which carried the
petition on religion to Hampton Court, he replied
civilly that he would shortly give them an answer. He
then called Heath aside and enquired about Montague's
ADJOURNMENT TO OXFORD. 23 1
committal. Montague, he said, was now his chaplain, ch\p.
and he had taken the case into his own consideration. >
" Montague," rephed the Solicitor-General, " did not ]^Z^l
allege so much for himself. It was hardly known but
to very few in the House." " I believe," replied the
King, " if they had known it, they would not have pro-
ceeded in that manner." He then expressed a hope
that the prisoner would be set at hberty, in which case,
he said, he would be ready to give them satisfaction.
Montague's committal. Heath said, was not for his
opinions, but for his contempt of the House. He then
gave an account of all that had taken place. Charles
* smiled, without any further reply.' ^
The House, when it heard what had passed, deter- JiUjr 9-
mined to maintain its position. This recent nomination monsmain-
of Montague to a chaplainship looked very like a pondon.
Court intrigue to screen his conduct from investigation,
and the doctrine that the King's servants were re-
sponsible to the King alone was not Hkely to find
favour amongst the Commons.
On the nth of July the Houses were informed jnirxx.
that their labours were to come to an end that day, a^yoomed
and that they were to meet again shortly to hear more *®^***'^
from the King. The Commons then proceeded to the
Upper House to hear the Eoyal assent given to the few
bills which had been passed. The word " shortly "
was then explained to them by the Lord Keeper.
There was to be an adjournment,DOt a prorogation. They
were to meet again at Oxford on the ist of August.
They would then receive a particular answer to their Execution
of tliA Ro
petition on religion, and in the mean time his Majesty, euauicj
' by present execution of the laws, would make a real mSZ"^
rather than a verbal answer 10 their contentment and
the contentment of all the kingdom.' ^
' Camden DehaUs, 62. ' Ibid. 67.
232 FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT WESTMINSTER
CHAP. The Lord Keeper had been an unwilling instrument
- — r-^ — in pronouncing the King's resolution for the adjoum-
^^ ^^' ment to Oxford. Williams, with his usual good sense,
**^*°jv saw that there was little prospect of success in an
opposed by ^ r r
wiuiams. attempt to drive the Commons to vote supphes to which
they entertained an apparently insurmountable objec-
j«iy la tion. The day before the adjournment he had advised
that the Houses should meet not in August but at
Christmas. As WilUams did not hope much from
the fleet which was preparing for sea, the proposal
came natural enough from him. To Buckingham it
looked very hke treachery. " Pubhc necessity," he said,
" must sway more than one man's jealousy." ^ Charles
sided with his fevoiurite, and the prescient Lord
Keeper was reduced to silence. The Houses dispersed,
hardly thanking Charles in their hearts for the modi-
fied promise which had been given them, and full of
discontent at the prospect of meeting again, to be asked
once more for those subsidies which they were so reluc-
tant to grant.
* Hacketf ii. 1 4.
233
CHAPTEE Vn.
THE LOAN OF ENGLISH SHIPS TO THE KING OF FRANCE.
The promise made at the adjournment that the penal chap.
laws should be put in execution, was a symptom of a ' — -*-— '
change which was coming over the minds of the King j^y „.
and his minister. It was easy to suppose that because JJ^romiae
the House of Commons cared a great deal about [he^pSo*
repressing the CathoKcs they cared for very little else, ^^■•
and that if only the penal laws were put in execution
the House, at its next meeting, would make no more
diflBculty about supply. Nor was Charles, in consenting
to this course, doing any violence to his own wishes.
Ever since Buckingham had reported the failure of his
mission in France, there had been growing up at Court
a carelessness about the value of the French alliance,
and an increasing belief that England was being sacri-
ficed to the separate interests of Lewis.
To these poUtical grievances was added a personal ^ J^HJJ-
grievance still more irritating. The dream of domestic **®"2^
happiness which had floated before Charles, in after
life the most uxorious of husbands, was vanishing away.
The dispute about the precedence of Madame St. George
had embittered the early days of his married life.
Other troubles were not long in coming. Henrietta
Maria was impetuous and indiscreet. " The Queen,"
wrote one who had seen her, " howsoever little of
stature, is of spirit and vigour, and seems of more than
234 LOAN OF ENGLISH SHIPS TO THE KING OF FRANCE.
CHAP, ordinary resolution. Witli one frown, divers of us
' — r-^— ' being at Whitehall to see her, being at dinner, and the
jj^' room somewhat overheated with the fire and company,
she drove us all out of the chamber. I suppose none
but a Queen could have cast such a scowl." * It was
a scowl which her husband sometimes experienced as
well as her courtiers. He did not pay much respect to
her priestly attendants. When she heard mass he
directed that no Englishman should be present.^ After
the Koyal pair had been a few days at Hampton Court,
a deputation from the Privy Council was sent to instruct
her about the regulations which the King wished to be
observed in her household. " I hope," she replied,
pettishly, " I shall have leave to order my house as I
list myself." Charles attempted to argue the point
with her in private, but the answer which she returned
was so rude that he did not venture to repeat it to her
own mother.* She regarded herself as in a foreign
land, in which everyone was at war with her. Even
the exhortations of Eichelieu*s kinsman, the Bishop of
Mende, who had accompanied her as the head of her
train of ecclesiastics, could not induce her to treat the
highest personages of the English nobility with common
civility.*
May. Such a misunderstanding between a spirited child and
Enffiiah ^ piiuctilious youug husband ten years older than herself,
cauidic* jg Qj^2y too casy to explain. Nor was the Queen without
^ Mead to Stuteville, July 2 ; Coui't and Times, i. 39.
* to Mead, June 245 ibid. i. 33.
' Instructions to Carleton, July 12, 16, 26; Ludloxds Memoirs, iii. 305.
^ '* II seroit apropos que la Reine traita le Roi et les grands de T^tat
avec plus de courtoisiei n*ayant personne de quelque quality que ce soit
a qui elle fasse aucun compliment, c'est ce que nous ne pouyons gaigner
sur elle, et que peut-^tre les lettres de la Heine Mdre gaigneront^ Decy-
phered paper from the Bishop of Mende, inclosed in a letter from Ville-
aux-Clerc8, Aug. ^f ; Kinc^'s a^SS, 137, foL 52.
THE QUEEN AND THE CATHOLICS. 235
reason for complaint. She had come to England in the chap.
VII.
fiill persuasion that her presence would alleviate the
lot of the English Catholics. She had scarcely set foot ' ^^'
in the island when she learned how little had been
gained for them. The orders which were to have
saved them from the penalties of the law had been
countermanded. Is it not probable that if the secrets
of those early days of married life could be rendered
up, we should hear of the young wife's stormy
upbraidings of the man who had beguiled her into
taking upon herself the marriage vow by promises
which he now found it convenient to repudiate ?
At all events the French ambassadors, Chevreuse Difficulty
and Ville-aux-Clercs, who were in England on special Lgthe^
business, protested loudly. At first they received JSLm,'
nothing but evasive answers. A few days after Par- ^*^
liament met, they were asked to allow the King to
hold out hopes to his subjects that he would put the
laws in execution, and to shut their eyes if sentence
were passed on one or two Jesuits, on the express un-
derstanding that the sentence would not be carried into
execution.^ At last the time was come when the ful-
filment of Charles's contradictory promises was
demanded of him. He would, soon find that he must
either break his word to his Parhament or his word to
the King of France. For the present a way was found
by which the difficulty might be postponed for a little
time. Effiat was about to return to France, as well July 12.
as Chevreuse and Ville-aux-Clercs. James had ofpiiceu.
been in the habit of allowing foreign ambassadors who
took leave of him to carry with them large numbers of
priests on the understanding that they would not return
' Chevreuse and Ville-aux-Clercs to Lewis XIII., 'J^f, V*
236
LOAN OF ENGLISH SHD^ TO THE KING OF PTIANCE.
CHAP.
VII.
— «
1625.
July 12.
April.
The ships
for Ro-
chelle.
May.
Reluctance
of the
captains to
take part
in the
enterprise.
Part taken
by Charles
and Buck-
ingham.
to England. Williams was accordingly directed to seal
pardons for the priests in confinement at the time.
But Williams objected, and it was only by the King's
special command that the pardons were issued. That
command was given at the Council held on the i oth of
July to decide upon the adjournment of the Houses.^
The way was thus cleared for the announcement made
the next day that the laws would be put in execution.
Though there was no real contradiction between the
issue of pardon for past offences and the intention to
carry out the law in the futiu-e, the sight of so many
priests coining out of confinement, without any word
of explanation being given, was Kkely to throw doubt
on the honesty of the governing powers.
The impossibility of reconciling engagements made
in opposite directions weighed no less heavily on Charles
in the matter of the squadron which had been fitted
out for the service of the King of France. As early
as the 1 1 th of April the * Vanguard ' and her seven
consorts had been ready for sea,* but delays had
supervened. As soon as the captains and owners of
the merchant vessels discovered that they were to be
employed against Eochelle, they hung back and did
their best to find excuses. One of the captains, Sir
Ferdinando Gorges, who was to go as Pennington's
Vice- Admiral, kept away fi:-om the rendezvous till the
end of May, and was only compelled by threats of im-
prisonment to take his place with the others.®
The exact part taken by Charles and Buckingham
in the affair must always be matter for conjectiure. It
is probably true that when the contract was signed by
* Hackiif iL 14.
» Effiat to Ville-aux-Clerca, April ii ; HarL MSS., 4579, fol. 57.
* Conway to Coke, May 21 ? S, P, France. Cvuftcii JRegister^ May
29» 31
PENNINGTONS SQUADRON. 237
which the merchant ships were offered to Lewis for chap.
. . VII
service against anyone excepting the King of England, ^ — r-^— '
the owners were quieted by assurances that they would ^ ^^'
not have to fight against the French Protestants.^ At May 18.
all events, on the i8th of May Sir John Coke was to^tiid'
employed to write to Pennington' to that effect, ^o^not
and this letter of Coke's may be fairly taken as em- \^^\l^
bodying the sentiments of the Lord Admiral. For ^Jjj*"
Buckingham was already in France with the object of
inducing the French Government to make peace with
the Kochellese, and it was Buckingham's habit to regard
as absolutely certain anything which he had strong rea-
sons for desiring. That it would be to his interest that
there should be no fighting at Eochelle there could be
no doubt whatever. He was still looking hopefully
for French co-operation, if not in his projected attack
on the Flemish ports, at all events in some way or
other in the Continental war. His original plan had
been to lend the ships for the purpose of an attack
upon Genoa, and nothing would please him better than
to see it carried out.
Still the fleet had been offered to the French to be
used against all enemies, and Charles found himself,
as he had found himself in the matter of the EngUsh
Catholics, in a strait between two engagements.
To find an issue from such entanglement Charles nj^jfe^*
had recourse to that double dealing which was cha- «Jo«w«
racteristic of him whenever he was driven into a diffi-
culty. Through Conway he conveyed orders to the fleet
to get ready instantly for sea. Through Coke he
intimated to Pennington that he was not to give his
ships up to the French till he had used them to convoy
^ This was staled by Glanville in bis speecb at tbe impeacbment of
Buckingbam.
238 LOAN OF ENGLISH SHIPS TO THE KING OF FRANCE.
CHAP, the Queen to England.^ Charles's intentioii was doubt-
-- ' -^ less merely to delay the delivery of the vessels till he
jimtg. heard what turn Buckingham's negotiation had taken.
When Buckingham learned in France, that, though
Lewis would not join England openly in the war
with Spain, he had despatched a messenger to offer
peace to the Huguenots, there seemed no longer any
The sbipt rcasou for delay. On June 9 Pennington sailed with
Pennington his eight ships. On the 1 3th he was at Dieppe. Pen-
Diep^ nington was an honest sailor, sympatliising doubtless
He"find!?' with the unwiUingness of the captains to fight against
^liT'aSSl Protestants, but anxious, above all things, to carry out
teuigibie. }jj[g instructions. His main difficulty was to know
what his instructions were. He knew that by the
contract he was bound to serve against the Huguenots if
the French Government ordered him to do so. He knew
that by Coke's letter he was prohibited fi:-om doing
anything of the sort. When he arrived at Dieppe he
found that every Frenchman whom he met told him
that his ships were wanted for an attack upon Eochelle.
In the midst of these distracting uncertainties he re-
solved firmly that he would not allow the command of
the squadron to sUp out of his hands. When, there-
fore, he was requested by the French authorities to
take three hundred soldiers on board the * Vanguard '
and two hundred on board each of the smaller vessels,
' '' His Majesty hath been much moved at the delays of Sir F. Gorges,
and because it wiU be the utter overthrow of the voyage if it be not
gone away presently, his Majesty hath commanded me to will and re-
quire you by all means to hasten it away, or else show the impossibility
of it," Conway to Coke, undated, but written on May 20 or 21 ; S. P.
France,
** Nevertheless, having received a command from his Majesty by Sir
J. Coke to detract the time as much as I could for the wafting over of
the Queen, for which service I was appointed, though with privacy, I
could not depart without a discharge of that command/' Pennington to
Conway, May 22 ; S, P. Dom., ii. 83.
PENNINGTON AT DIEPPE. 239
he flatly refiised compliance. His orders, he said, chap.
authorised him only to take the French Admiral on ^ — r^— '
board his own vessel, * with such convenient train as ' he rJ^^Jo
was able to accommodate, and not to admit into the ^^^h
merchant ships more than * half of the numbers of JJJJjJ^ **"
each ship's company.' ^
Possibly these orders had been given by Buck- I^^Z'^f^
ingham to enable him to retain a hold upon the theawpe
_ into their
vessels. But the French refused to accept them on power,
these terms. They had by this time learned enough of
the temper of the English sailors to discover that,
except under comptdsion, they would never fight
against their fellow Protestants. Officers and seamen
alike, including Pennington himself, had spoken out
their minds on this. But the French were aware that
their demand was not justified by the letter of the con-
tract. All that they could do was to exhort Penning-
ton to take a broad view of the case instead of
haggling over words, whilst they wrote at once to
their ambassadors, who were still in England, to urge
Buckingham to alter his instnictions.^
With Pennington there was nothing to be done. June ad.
Montmorency, the Admiral of France, came in person rency at
to Dieppe to use his influence. But Pennington re- ^^'
plied tiiat he was ready to obey orders from his own
Government, but that he would not go an inch beyond
them. And he soon conveniently discovered that it was
impossible to remain much longer in an open roadstead
exposed to the violence of the winds. At midnight on ^J^^
June 27 the whole fleet weighed anchor and took returns to
. r . England.
refuge in Stokes Bay, leaving it to diplomacy to settle
what was next to be done.
* Pennington to Pembroke, June 15 ; S, P, Dom,, iii. 71.
« DOcquerre to Pennington, ^^ ; 8. P. Francej D'Ocquerre to
Ville-aux-Clerc8, June |§ 5 Harl. MSS., 4597, fol. 198.
240 LOAN OF ENGUSH SHIPS TO THE KING OF FRANCK
CHAP. Charles's first impulse was to assert that Pennington
VII.
had been in the right, and even to suggest that the
June 27 ships Were not bound to fight against Kochelle.^ But
R«non- ii ^ag impossible for him to maintain this view of the
fltnnoeB of ^ ^
the French case in the face of the French ambassadors, who knew
do". perfectly well that, whatever the letter of the contract
might be, there had been a fidl understanding that the
ships were originally offered for the object of overcoming
the resistance of the Huguenots. The conclusion was
very hard for him to accept. His feeling that the
French had duped him was growing stronger. Just
after Pennington arrived in England, however, news
June 36. Tcached Charlcs which promised better things. Gon-
SSbS^ domar had visited Paris on his way to Brussels, had
Lewis and ^^^ ^^ Icavc ou the 26th without venturing to make
nou^"^*" ^°y ^^^^^ overtures to the French Government, and on
the same day the deputies of the Huguenots, who had
come to treat for peace in consequence of the negotia-
tions opened whilst Buckingham was in France, were
formally received by Lewis. To Lorkin, who after the
return of Carlisle and Holland represented Charles in
France in the inferior capacity of agent, the French
ministers spoke in the most friendly terms. "Peace
will be made," said EicheUeu ; " assure yourself of that.
K only the King of England will show that he means
to assist the King against his rebels, peace will soon be
made." ^
According to Richelieu, therefore, a mere demon-
stration against Kochelle in order to help on that paci-
fication which he and Charles alike desired, was all
that was intended. Charles, obliged to trust him to
some extent, and yet unwilling to trust him altogether,
» Chevreuse and Ville-aux-Clerca to Lewis XIH., ^J^f ; ibid, ful.
207.
« Lorkin to Conway,—*; S. P, France,
PENNINGTON'S ORDERS. 24 1
tried to steer a middle course. He informed Penning- chap.
"VII
ton, through Conway, that his proceedings had been - — .-^
well received on the whole. But he had been wronff ,^ , ^"
O July 3,
in divulging the secret that his instructions bound him Penning-
not to fight against the Protestants. As this had given theArdew.
rise to firesh demands, he must return to Dieppe, and
take sixty Frenchmen on board the 'Vanguard,' and fifty
on board each of the other vessels. He was then to
sail against any enemy pointed out to him by the King
of France.^
As the number of Frenchmen thus allowed to be New objec-
taken on board was very similar to that to which the f^cS.
French authorities had already taken objection,'renewed
protests were made by the ambassadors. At last on July
10, the day of the Council on which it was resolved to
promise the execution of- the penal laws, Conway sent
a warrant to Pennington to deliver over the ships to
the French, and take on board as many Frenchmen as
the King of France might order him to receive.*
As far as words could go the question might be
regarded as settled. It may be that Charles trusted
for the moment to Bichelieu's assurances that there
would be no war with the Protestants. But there
were those at Court who were not inclined to put too
much trust in these assurances. On the nth Sir John Jnijrxi.
Coke forwarded to Conway, with evident approval, a of th™^
protest from the captains and owners of the merchant- ^k^
men. The French, according to this protest, had
threatened to take possession of the ships, and to place
English sailors under French martial law. '^And
* Conway to PenniDgton, July 3 ; & P. Dom,, Addenda,
' Ville-aux-Clerc8 and Chevreuse to Buckingham, July ^ ; The same
to Lewis XIII., July j\ ; Harl MSS, 4597, fol. 207 b, 218 b ; Conway to
Pennington, July 10; Pennington to the King, July 27 ; S. P. Dom,, y.
33» 132.
VOL. I. R
242 LOAN OF ENGUSn SHIPS TO THE KING OF FRANCE.
CHAP, lastly/' they said, "for serving against them of our
religion, it is very well known that our seamen gene-
rally are most resolute in our profession ; and these
men have expressed it by their common petition that
they would rather be killed or thrown overboard than
be forced to shed the innocent blood of any Protes-
tants in the quarrels of Papists, so as they will account
any commandment to that end to be in a kind an imposi-
tion of' martyrdom." Nothing could come of it, as
C!oke thought, but a quarrel between the two nations,
" to which," he said, " if we add the discouragement of
our party at home and abroad, the late murmuring
against it in Parliament, and the open exclaiming made
in the pulpits that this taking part against our own
religion is one chief cause of God's hand that now
hangeth over us, we can hardly balance these conse-
quences with any interest or assistance we can have
from the French."
The difficulty. Coke proceeded to show, lay in the
King's promise and in the terms of the contract. It
might be argued, he said, that the prohibition to serve
against his Majesty included a prohibition to serve
against the French Protestants who were his Majesty's
Kemedy alUcv^?. But it would pcrhaps be better to order Pen-
IiruiK>9€(i
>y him* nington to comply with the French demands, taking
care, however, to instruct him that if he could not * pre-
sently obey this direction by reason of any interruption
whatsoever,' he was to * acquaint his Majesty therewith,
that he ' might ' give order to remove it, and so take
away all excuse for not accomplishing the intended
gratification of his dear brother the French king.' In
plain English, if the men were mutinous, Pennington
was to represent his difficulties to the King. This
would take up time, and it would be possible to spin
matters out by retorting upon the French that they
SCHEME OF SIR J. CORK 243
had not made their payments at the proper day, and had chap.
not kept their part of the contract. The blame would
thus be thrown upon the French. " Only," added Coke, j^^l'^
" some care woidd be taken after his Majesty's letters
written, that Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who . . . pur-
poseth to go aboard his ship to the rest of the fleet, may
receive some directions for the carriage of their answers,
that Captain Pennington by the unexpected style of
his Majesty's letters may not be surprised." ^
It is hardly hkely that Coke would have made so Tfcep">-
. , • posai con-
startling a suggestion unless he had been well aware jjderedat
that Charles was longing to be off his bargain. That it
was well received is evident. But it was perhaps
thought too hazardous to entrust either Pennington or
Gorges with the secret, and at all events a more suitable
person was at hand. Edward Nicholas, the Lord July is-
*• - MiBsion of
Admiral's secretary, was one of those useful men who Nicholas
are intelligent, busy, and subservient. To his pen we
owe much information which would otherwise have
been lost on the debates in the Parliaments in which he
sat. When Coke was removed to another sphere, the
business of the Admiralty, accounts, orders, information,
all passed through his hands. He was now selected as
the fittest instrument for a delicate mission, as likely to
say and do no more than was necessary, whilst his
official position would raise him above suspicion.
Apparently the next move involved a complete ordewfor
surrender to the French. Effiat, who was now leaving render of
England, was to pass through Di;ppe on his way homf ^'"'^
A letter was written to Pennington by Buckingham,
ordering him to take the ships to Dieppe and there to
give them up to the French, allowing them to ' put
into them so many men as they shall think good, and
* Coke to Conway, July 1 1 ; 8, P, JDom.f iv. 40.
b2
244
LOAN OF ENGLISH SHIPS TO THE KING OF FRANCR
CHAP.
VII.
1625.
July 15.
July 16.
Bucking-
at Koclies-
tcr.
July 18.
ResiHtanoe
of the
ruemy.
dispose of them as ' the King of France might direct.
He would receive in return security from the French
for the restitution of the value of the ships in case of
their coming to harm/ security which, as Nicholas
thought, would be entirely valueless, seeing that it could
not be enforced by anything short of war.^
Buckingham, accompanied by Nicholas, went to
Eochester to confer with the French ambassadors about
the security to be given to the owners. He did his
best to play a double part. To the Frenchmen he was
all coiutesy, and offered to do his best to satisfy them.*
At the same time he warned the shipowners not to
* dehver over their ships unless they had security to
their content.' * But if Buckingham counted on any
dispute between the shipowners and the French he
was disappointed, Secmity was offered to which Buck-
ingham took no exception, preferring perhaps that
objection should come from others rather than from
himself^
Wlien he fii-st arrived at Eochester Buckingham
had reiterated his orders to Pennington to dehver up
the ships at Dieppe.* The reply which he received
must have sounded like music in his ears. Pennington
was at Stokes Bay with the ships. The other captains
were away at Eochester with the Duke. The crews of
the merchantmen refused to stir till their captains re-
turned. If they would not come, Pennington wrote,
he would obey orders, aud go with only the * Vanguard.'
' BuckinghRm to Pennington, July 15 ; S, P, Donu^ iv. 59.
• This does not seem conclusive, as it might be given through an
English capitalist. But the objection shows what another of Bucking-
ham's entourage thought of* the surrender of the ships. Nicholas to
Buckingham, July 16; ibid, iv. 58.
■ Chevreuse and Ville-aux-Clercs to Lewis XIII., July |y ; Harl,
MSS,y 4597, fol. 220.
• Statement by Nicholas, 1626 (?)',S. P. Dom.j xliii. 43.
• Burlamachi to Effiat, July 19; S. P, France,
• Buckingham to Pennington, July 16 ; S, P, Dotn.y iv. 67.
THE SECRET INSTRUCTIONS. 245
By doing so, he and his ship's crew would be as slaves chap.
to the French. The business was too difficult for him* -
to understand, and he hoped a more competent person ^^ ^^^
would be sent to take his place. "Moreover," he
added, " yoxu: Grace may be pleased 10 take notice
that I have a strange uproar in my ship amongst my
own company upon this news of going over again, I
having much ado to bring them to it, though I keep
all from them, and make them believe we go over upon
better terms than formerly." ^
Pennington's request to be relieved from his trouble-
some command was at once refused. Buckingham had
taken his course, and before he left Eochester to retiu'n
to the Court, Nicholas had been despatched to Dieppe
with secret instructions.
The instructions, as Nicholas set them down long Seent
afterwards, were as follows : — tions to
" To employ my best endeavour to hinder or at ^ ^^^
least delay the delivery of the ships to the French, but
therein so to carry myself as that the ambassador might
not discern but that I was sent of purpose, and with full
instructions and command, to effect his desire and to
cause all the ships to be put into his hands." ^
On the 19th news arrived from France that the July 19.
terms of peace had been agreed on between the King pea
and the Huguenots. Upon this Buckingham wrote to
Nicholas acquainting him with what he had heard, and
enjoining upon him the duty of doing all that Effiat
might ask, though he expressed a hope that the French
would no longer need the ships.^
* Penniogton to Buckingham, July 18 ; S. P. Dom.^ iv. 78.
' Account by Nicholas of his employment, ibid, xxvii. 1 1 1. This and
the statement formerly quoted were probably drawn up at the time of the
Duke's impeachment in 1626. We have a letter written by him to Pen-
nington, May 6, 1626, S. P, Dom,, Addenda (1), corroboratiiif? these state-
ments, and valuable as appealing to Pennington's knowledge of their
truth. See p. 248, Note 5.
' '^ I having received advice lately from Lorkin that peace is con-
ce m
ranoc.
246 LOAN OF ENGLISH SHIPS TO THE KING OF FRANCR
CHAP. The next day he had changed his mind. It may
w , ' ■> be that he wished to wait yet a few days, to see if the
j^ ». news was really true. Pembroke, who had been taken
Secret into Buckingham's confidence, despatched the following
Penning- mcssagc to Pennington : —
" That the letters which Captain Pennington sent
the Lord Duke of Buckingham's Grace, to himself and
the Lord Conway was the best news that could come
to the Court, and that the King and all the rest were
exceeding glad of that relation which he made of the
discontent and mutinies of his company and the rest ;
and that if such a thing had not fallen out, they should
have been constrained to have sent him advice to have
brought some such thing to pass. If the French should
accept of the service of that ship alone without the
rest, that he should carry it on fairly with them,^ but
still to keep himself master of his ship, and if they
proceeded so far as to offer to take the possession of
A mutiny bcr, that then his men should take him prisoner and
to be got . . ^ .
up if neoea- bring away the ship : and that the said Captain Penning-
ton might believe liim that he had thus much to deliver,
it being the King's will and the rest,^ that it was far
jfrom them that any of his ships should go against any of
the Protestants." *
eluded between the Most Christian King and those of the Religion, it
may be the Marquis d'Effiat, upon hearing of the same, will easily put an
end to all these questions, having not the use expected." Buckingham to
Nicholas, July 19 ; S, P, Dom,, iv. 80.
^ In the MS. we have — '^ to have brought such thing to pass if the
French should accept of the service of that ship alone without the rest,
and that he should carry it on fjEiirly with them.*' The slight alteration
above makes sense of it
' Of Buckingham, Conway, &c., I suppose.
* Message sent from Pembroke by Edward Ingham, S, P. Dctni,, iii.
120, undated, and calendared June i P but the date is approximately
fixed by the mention of '' that ship alone,** as coming soon after Penning-
ton's letter of the i8th. The following letter from Pembroke to Pen-
nington (JS, P. Dom,j Addenda), written on the 20th, gives it to that day :
PENNINGTON'a SECOND VISIT TO DIEPPR 247
If Pennington had before been anxious to surrender chap.
VII.
his command, what must have been his feelings when he *—
received instructions in this underhand manner to set ^ 1 ^"
Jul}' ao.
up a mutiny on board his Majesty's ship entrusted to
his charge?
Pennington, when Pembroke's message reached him, joiv ai.
was once more at Dieppe with the ' Vanguard,' having toii°agX
brought his own ship away in spite of the murmurs of ** ^^'
his men. A day or two later the merchantmen fol-
lowed, as soon as their captains came onboard.^ When
the * Vanguard ' arrived, Nicholas was already in the
town with EflSat. Pennington, although he had not
been informed of the real nature of Nicholas's mission,
was ready to fall back upon any excuse which would
cause delay, and discovered that he had not suflScient
warrant to deliver up the ships. He even refused at
first to come on shore to confer with EflSat, and said that
he could do nothing till he had firesh authority from
England. Nicholas then took up his cue. He remon- J»»iy ca-
strated with Pennington in accordance with EflSat's
wishes, and arranged with him to send off a message to
England. But to his disappointment Effiat would not
allow him to go on board.^ At last Pennington con-
sented to land and to confer with Effiat, and in spite
of the jealousy of the Frenchman, who did his best to
prevent any communication between Nicholas and the
Admiral, Nicholas contrived to whisper a few words
of warning to him, bidding him take heed that he had
'' I must give you many thanks for your respect to me in so freely Acquaint-
ing me with all particulars that have happened this voyage. You shall
receive directions hy this bearer from his Majesty and my Lord Admiral
how to carry yourself in this businessi which I know you will punctually
obey. From me you can expect nothing but assurances of my love^ &c.*'
* Pennington to Nicholas, July 21 ; S, P, Dam., iv. 97.
' Pennington to Nicholas, July 21 ; Nicholas to Pennington, July
22 ; Nicholas to Buckingham, July 22 ; S, P. Dom., i?. 97, 100, 104, 105.
248 LOAN OF ENGLISH SHIPS TO THE KING OF FRANCE.
CHAP, sufficient waxraat for delivering up the ships. He
VII.
had but a letter from Conway, and, in such a case, the
^ ^^' King's signature to a warrant might fairly be demanded.^
jtdy 23. Nicholas's next step was to address a letter to the
the crews, officcrs and crew of the ' Vanguard.' Would they or
would they not -either deliver up the ship, or receive
three hundred Frenchmen on board ? ^ The answer
jQijr 43. was contained in a note from Pennington. " I pray," he
begiiming. wrotc, *' let me entreat you to come aboard, for my
people are in a miglity mutiny, and swear they will
carry me home per force. I know yoxu: words will do
much amongst them, and I have a great desire to give
satisfaction to my Lord Ambassador, so far as I may
with safety of my life."^ Upon this appeal Nicholas
was permitted to go on board. Alike in the ' Vanguard '
and the merchant ships he met with opposition. The
crew of the 'Vanguard* would take on board 150
unarmed Frenchmen, would carry them to England,
' and there leave the ship to them, so as they may have
a good discharge.' The captains of the merchantmen
objected to the security agreed upon at Eochester, and
said that they could not deUver the ships till this point
Double had been better arranged.* Nicholas, in fact, had
Ni^SiwL made use of this visit to do his master's bidding.* To
^ Account by Nicholas of liia employment, 1626 (?), S, P. Dom^
xxvii. III.
' Nicholas to Pennington and the Ship's Company, July 22 } S. P.
Dotn.j iv, 102.
' Pennington to Nicholas, July 23 ; S, P. Dom.j iv, no.
* Answers to Nicholas, July 235 S, P. Dom., iv. 102; S. P. IVance,
^ When Buckingham was accused the next year of giving up the
ships, Nicholas, who seems to have been quite proud of his part in the
transaction, wanted to tell the whole truth. On the 6th of May,
1626, he wrote to Pennington (S, P. Dom.^ Addenda) — "The Vanguard
and the six merchant ships are come to Stokes Bay, but you are to
satisfy the Parliament by whose and what warrant you delivered
them up to the French. The masters of the merchants* ships, have
some of them said that it was by my Lord's command, and by reason
INTRIGUE OF NICHOLAS. 249
Pennington he repeated the warnings which he had chap,
addressed to him on shore. With the captains he ' — r-^— '
1625.
of threateniog speeches which I used to them bj order from my July 33.
Lord; but this will be, I doubt, disproved by many witnesses, and by
some of them when they shall speak on their oaths. It is true that,
before the Ambassador or his people, I did often charge them aloud to
deliver them over according to my Lord Conway's letter and the
King's pleasure ; but I fell from that language when we were private
with the masters ; and you may remember how often I told you I had
no warrant or order from my Lord for delivery over of those ships, and
though I did not wish you to go oyer into England, yet I think you may
well remember I told you, you had not warrant, nor could I give you
any to deliver them, and that my Lord was absolutely against the de-
livery of them. But I pray keep it to yourself until you shall be called
on oath and have leave from the King to declare that I told you I came
over rather to hinder than further the delivery or loan of those ships."
In the statement already quoted, Nicholas writes, after giving the
substance of his instructions :—
'^ Accordingly when the Vanguard came into the road of Dieppe,
and that Captain Pennington sent for me to come aboard, I acquainted
the Ambassador with it, and told him if I went to the Captain, I made
no doubt but to persuade him to come ashore with me, notwithstand-
ing he was— as the Ambassador had complained to me — so obstinate
that he refused to come out of his ship to the Duke de Montmorency,
who importuned him there by many kind inyitacions and noble messages ;
but the Ambassador would not permit me to go aboard, but commanded
me to write to Captain Pennington to come ashore, which I did as press-
ing as the Ambassador desired, which tool; effect When he was come,
the Ambassador interposed still between us, so as I could not have a
word in private with him, but was forced to let fall a word now and
then as I purposely walked by him, to bid him look well whether he had
sufficient WAri*ant to deliver the ships : which I did lest the Ambassador,
by importunity or artifice, shewing a letter under his Majesty's hand to
the French king, which was much more effectual than the warrant from my
Lord Conway, should draw a promise or engagement from the Captain to
deliver the ships before I should have opportunity privately to advertise
him to beware how and on what warrant he did surrender the fortresses
of the kingdom into the hands of a foreign prince ; for if the Ambassador
should have found him more averse than before, it would have given
his Lordship just occasion to be jealous of the intent of the instructions
I had received from my Lord. And the Captain kept himself very warily
from any engagement, and craved time to speak with the other Captains
and his company before he could promise anything, and so got leave to
return to his ship.
** Afterwards I seemed not forward to go aboard to him, though I
much desired it, till the Ambassador wished, and, indeed, pressed me to
250 LOAN OF ENGLISH SHIPS TO THE KING OF FRANCE.
CHAP, held two languages. U there were any Frenchmen
— r-^— ' present, he charged them to give up the ships at once.
juiyl^ When he could speak with them alone he charged
them to do nothing of the sort without better warrant.
Continued ^fter this Efl5at had but Uttle chance of getting
possession of the ships. Nicholas continued to sunmion
Pennington to do his duty and to surrender the vessels.
But as he had previously warned Pennington not to
take account of anything which he might write to
please the French, his words naturally produced no
effect. Pennington excused himself upon the notorious
disaffection of his crews. If that was all, Effiat repUed,
he would place four hundred Frenchmen on board to
put down the mutiny.^ As soon as the sailors heard of
g«> And use means to work him and the rest of the Captains to eSect his
desire, and to deliver over the ships with aU speed.
'* 1 told Captain Pennington, as soon as I came aboard his ship and
had an opportunity to speak privately with him, that 1 thought the war-
rant from the Lord Conway which he showed to me, and whereof I
had before seen a copy, was not sufficient for the delivery of the ships.
''In all the time of my negotiating this business, I never plainly dis-
covered to Captain Pennington what mine instructions were, because I
saw he was of himself unwilling to deliver up the ships, and after I had
told him I had no warrant for the delivery of them to the French, he was
as adverse in it as I could wish him.
'' I told him also I was by the Ambassador pressed often to write
what I intended not, and therefore desired him not to be moved with
whatsoever letters he should receive from me touching the delivery of the
ships until he spake with me. My Lord, after I went over, never wrought
(wrote P) to Captain Pennington or myself, but in every material and
pressing point concerning delivery of the ships, his Lordship referred us
to the instructions his Grace had given me for that service ; and when
the Captain came to demand a sight or knowledge of my instructions to
warrant the surrender of the ships, I told him I had none.
'* If I used any pressing course or language to the masters of the ships,
it was either in the presence of the Ambassador, or some euch of his ser-
vants as he sent aboard with me, or else when I perceived them far enough
from yielding, thereby the better to disguise and keep unsuspected my
instructions.*' S. P, Dowi., xxvii. 1 1 1.
^ Nicholas to Pennington, July 24; Answer from Pennington, July
24; Demands and Answers on board the Vanguard, July 24; Nicholas
THE CREWS REFUSE TO SURRENDER THE SHIPS. 25 1
the threat, they took the matter into their own hands chap.
and stood out to sea. " And when," wrote Pennington, ^^ — r^ — -
. " I demanded their reason, they told me that they had /^j^f ^'
rather be hanged at home than part with your Majesty's "^^^^7*^^
ship upon these terms. Yet however they did it to sea.
without acquainting me, I must confess I knew of it and
did connive, otherwise they should never have done it,
and I live. For I had rather lose my life than my
reputation in my command." ^ The merchant ships re-
mained at Dieppe. But their captains refused to
surrender them to the French.^
Charles and Buckingham had therefore, at whatever
expense to their own honour, succeeded in staving off
the immediate surrender of the ships.^ And now at
last it seemed that the object of all this trickery was
within their grasp. The news from France had been Prosipecte
growing brighter as each despatch arrived, and there France,
was every reason to believe that the ships might now be
safely delivered up without any risk of seemg them
employed against the Protestants of Eochelle.
The plea which Buckingham had put up for peace june.
had been seconded by the Constable Lesdigui^res, who
was in command of the French troops which had gone
to assist the Duke of Savoy in his attack upon Genoa.
But it was hopeless to attack Genoa without the com-
mand of the sea, and Lesdiguieres longed for the pre-
to PeDnington, July 25 ; Pennington to Nicholas, July 25 ; Nicholas to
Buckingham, July 25 j S, P. Bom., iv. 106, 115, 117, 119, 120, 122.
^ Pennington to the King, July 27 ; S, P, Dom,^ iv. 132.
' Demands of Gorges and the Captains, July 27 ; S, P. France,
* When the first news of the difficulties at Dieppe reached Charles,
he told Conway to inform Buckingham that he had nothing to change in
his former orders. " I must," wrote Conway, ** in the duty I owe your
Grace, say that there is not anything so tender, and to be so dear to you,
as the avoiding of that scandal, offence, and hazard of extreme incon«
stancy, as if his Majesty's ships should fight against those of the Re-
ligion.*' Conway to Buckingham, July 25 ; S, P» Dom,, Addenda,
252
IX)AN OF ENGLISH SIIIPS TO THE KING OF FRANCE.
CHAP.
VII.
■— ■ ■'
1625.
June.
Uicheliea
and the
Huguenots.
June 25.
The Hu-
guenot
deputies at
FiinUiiae-
blcau.
senc© of the ships which Soubise had seized, reinforced
if possible by Pennington's English squadron, which had
been originally destined for that service.^ At the
French C!ourt, however, there was a strong party urging
Lewis to finish with the Huguenots now that he had a
chance, and the French clergy were ready to ofier
large sums to support the holy war.
Eichelieu himself wavered — ^perhaps he only saw
that if he was to keep his hold upon the mind of Lewis,
it was necessary to him to appear to waver. In the
beginning of May he had declared that it was impos-
sible to wage war with Spain and the Huguenots at
once, and recommended, though in a somewhat hesi-
tating tone, that peace should be made with Spain, and
that the Huguenots shoidd be compelled to submission.
In June, when there was a prospect that the Huguenots
might be brought to acknowledge their fault, he urged
that they should be satisfied as far as possible, but that
Fort Louis, at the mouth of the harbour of Rochelle,
which had been kept up in defiance of the express words
of the last treaty, should not be razed, on the ground
that to destroy the fort would look as though the King
had granted to rebellion what he had refused to do at
the humble petition of his subjects.^
On June 25 the Huguenot deputies arrived at Fon-
tainebleau and threw themselves at the' feet of the King.
If they obtained the concessions which they considered
indispensable for their security, they were quite willing
to accept it as a Royal favour. Their demeanour seems
to have made a favourable impression on Richelieu.
If the Royal authority was to be acknowledged as the
* Lesdigui^res to Lewis XIII., June ^5 ; S, P. France.
^ The two discourses are printed by M. Avenel (Letires de BicheUeu^
ii. 77, 98). They are asdi^ed by him to the begiauing of May aod the
middle of June.
RICHELIEU DESIRES PEACE YTLTU THE HUGUENOTS. 253
source of all that was conceded, he would no longer chap.
bar the way to peace. In a splendid argument, he . ^-L^
urged the advantages of making peace at home and of ^^^5-
confirming the religious toleration granted by the
Edict of Nantes, in order that France might turn its
whole attention to war with Spain.^ DiflSculties
hindered the final arrangement of peace for some 'days.
At last came news that Soubise had inflicted some loss
upon the French Admiral who, with the aid of twenty
Dutch ships, was guarding the entrance to the harbour
of Eochelle. The party of resistance at Court found
that to overpower the great seaport was not so easy as
they thought, and, on July 15, the conditions of peace juiy 15.
were mutually agreed on. A form was drawn up in p^H^e ^
which the King was to engage out of his Eoyal goodness "^^ **°'
to dismantle Fort Louis within a year. As the deputies
had no power to conclude the peace themselves, the And sent
conditions were at once forwarded to Eochelle for Jj^***"®
ratification.^ ratified-
Such was the news which had reached Buckingham July 19.
on the 19th, and which had caused him for a moment thenews
to think of ordering the delivery of the ships.^ A few ?ngh^'
days later, Lorkin was able to send better news still.
A council had been held at Fontainebleau, and it had
been resolved to declare open war against Spain and to
encourage the Duke of Savoy to attack the Milanese.
In order that there might be no further danger of dis-
turbance at home, couriers had been despatched to the
French commanders in the south of France to order
* The anonymous discourse, which is evidently Richelieu's, is wrongly
placed at the end* of Jan. 1626 {S. P, France), A translation with notes
will he found in The Acadewy for 1874.
• Lorkin to Conway, June 28, July 15; 8, P. France, All thb is
completely ignored in Richelieu's Memoirs.
5 P. 245.
254 LOAN OF ENGLISH SHIPS TO THE KING OF FRANCK
CHAP, them to abstain from all acts of hostility as soon as the
VII. "^
treaty had been ratified by the Huguenots.^
1625. That the ratification would follow seemed hardly
open to doubt. At all events neither Charles nor
¥inal ^' Buckingham doubted it. A formal order was issued
ordere to jq Penningtou to take back the ' Vanguard/ and to
ton. deliver up the fleet at once, and Buckingham gravely
informed him that the King had been extremely
offended at his previous delay. A private letter from
Pembroke explained the mystery. " The King,"
he wrote, "is assured that war will be declared
against Spain for Milan, and the peace is made in
France for the Eehgion. Therefore his pleasure is
that you peremptorily obey this last direction without
reply." ^
Pennington had at last got orders which he could
^^ understand. On August 3 he was again at Dieppe,
Sunrcnder and ou the 5th the * Vanguard ' was placed in Effiat's
guard.* hands. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who was in command
of one of the merchant ships, continued to refuse to
deliver his vessel till better security for its value had
been given, and sailed for England in defiance of
Aug. 6. Pennington and EfBat alike. The other six captains
of the mer- submitted morc readily. But if the French got the
ships they did not get the men. One only of the
whole number consented to accept a service in which
* Lorliin to Buckingham, S. P. France. There is no date ; but it
was received on, or just before, July 28. See Pembroke to Pennington,
S, P. Dom,, Addenda, The date of July 18 is given in an incorrect copy,
S, P. Dom,f iv. 1 34. Lorkin*8 informant was the Abbot of Scaglia, the
Savoyard ambassador in Paris. I have no doubt of the truth of the
story, though, as I have said, Richelieu chooses to ignore it all, simply,
I believe, because he did not like to acknowledge having furthered a
negotiation which afterwards came to nothing.
^ The King to Pennington, July 28 ; Buckingham to Pennington,
July 28; S, P. Dom,y iv. 136, 137. Pembroke to Pennington; ihid,^
Addenda,
THE SraPS GIVEN UP TO THE FRENCH. 25-5
they expected to be employed against their fellow cnAP.
VII.
Protestants, and it was believed in England that that '
one was not long afterwards killed by the accidental ^ ^^'
explosion of a gun.^
Buckingham therefore had reason to flatter him-
self that when Parliament met at Oxford he would
be able to give a good account of Pennington's fleet.
If he could not openly declare the means by which he
had kept it so long out of the hands of the French,
he could point to the fact that it had not been sur-
rendered till peace had been secured. When the
news came that France was at open war with Spain,
and that the English vessels were on their way to
Genoa, there would be little disposition to enquire too
narrowly into the original engagement by which the
ships had been ofiered to the King of France.
As far as their foreign policy was concerned,
therefore, Charles and his minister had some ground
for the expectation that they would meet with more
favourable consideration for their proposals than they
had met with at Westminster. But what was to be ij'rj^-
done about the English Catholics ? The engagements ^^^ CatFe
which Charles had severally taken to the King of
France and to his own Parliament were so flagrantly in
contradiction with one another, that no double-tongued
Nicholas could by any possibility help him out of this
diflSculty. The advice given by Williams was, that,
seeing that promises had been made to Lewis, Charles
should announce to the Commons that the execution
and relaxation of the penal laws was entirely a matter
for himself to judge of.^ If he had been able to
* Pennington to Nicholas, Aug. 3; Gorges to Buckingham, Aug. 5 ;
S, P. Doin.f V. 7, 10 ; Effiat's receipt for the Vanguai-d, Aug. 5 j Agree-
ment for the six ships, S, P. France,
^ Hacketf ii. 17. See also the brief of depositions against Williams,
June 16, 1637; & P. Dom,, ccclxi. loi.
256
CHAP.
VII.
1625.
July.
Aug. X.
BeoBsem-
biy at
Oxford.
PROSPECTS OF PARLLydENTARY SUPPORT.
inform the Houses at the same time that peace had
been made in France with the Huguenots, and that
there would be no longer any persecution of the Pro-
testants there, it is just possible that, with a really effec-
tive French aUiance to fall back upon, he might have
stood his ground, even with the House of Commons.
On the other hand, if Charles put the laws in execu-
tion to please the Commons he would give deadly
offence to Lewis, and would probably render all active
French co-operation impossible.
By this time the members of the House of Commons
were unwillingly preparing to make their way to
Oxford. The temper in which they were did not bode
much success to the experiment which Charles was
about to try. Even the difficulty of obtaining lodgings
in a strange place was raised to the dignity of a
practical grievance. History was ransacked for in-
stances of unlucky Parhaments which had met at
Oxford, whilst no one seems to have thought of the
glories of that great assembly which gave birth to the
Provisions of Oxford. Worse than all, the plague
was already breaking out in the town, and there were
not a few who shrunk from facing that fell disease
away from their homes, and in the midst of a popu-
lation swollen by so great a concourse.^
* Eliot in bis Kegotium speaks of coses of the plague as already oc-
curring when the Houses were adjourned at Westminster. But the King
on the 4th of August expressly stated that this was not the case, and the
way in which he ran away from Whitehall may be taken as good evi-
dence that for his own sake he would not fix upon an infected place in
which to meet Parliament On the 5th Whistler said there had then
been only six deaths ) a small number if the plague had been there more
than three weeks.
257
CHAPTEE Vm.
THE FIRST PABLIAMBNT OF CHARLES I, AT OXFORD.
On August I Parliament met at Oxford. Upon the ^yiil'
motion of Sir Edward Coke it was resolved that a ,525.
Committee of the whole House should take an account Aug. r.
of the expenditure of the subsidies granted in the last bUnij ©r
Parliament. He doubtless intended that investigation mwit"
into the past should form the basis of a decision upon
the course to be pursued in the future.
If religion had not been first mentioned, the omission
was soon repaired. The favours granted to the Catholics ^"^j^J®
on the supplication of the French ambassadors were not compiainui
likely to pass unnoticed, and Sir Edward Giles held
up the copy of a pardon granted to a Jesuit expressed
in terms of imusual latitude. The pardon, he ob-
served, bore the date of July 1 2, the very day after
the promise of a real compliance with their petition
had been given.
The inevitable inference bore so hard on persons
high in oflSce, if not on the King himself, that for
some time no one ventured to speak. At last Eliot Eiiot's
rose, ever the first to throw himself into the breach. ''*^*''
" I cannot think," he said, " that this pardon we have
seen issued fi-om the King ; or, if it did, that he
rightly understood it. I cannot believe he gave his
pardon to a Jesuit, and that so soon, upon his promise
uoto us." Some one must have abused his confidence.
VOL. I. s
*i
258 THE FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES I. AT OXFORD.
CHAP. Let the Lord Keeper be asked who gave the warrant
for the issue of the pardon. They might then discover
;} Ang.^i. who procured it.
The ministers present did their best to avert enquiry.
Defence of Hcath truly asscrted that the promise of which the
pardon was the fulfilment had been given before July
1 1 , the date of the King's answer through Williams,
and explained it as a concession to the French am-
,] bassadors. They had only to wait, he said, till they
' heard the King's answer to their petition on rehgion,
ij which was certain to give them satisfaction.
Heath's mode of meeting the difficulty was the
more noteworthy as he was known to be possessed of
ham^°£ Buckingham's confidence. Buckingham, in fact, was
ttntion*. making up his mind, if he had not made it up already,
to cast to the winds his engagements to France, and
to throw himself upon the popular sympathies of the
House, by offering up to them the CathoUcs whom
Charles had promised to protect. He did not see that
it was too late ; that a man who plays fast and loose
with every principle, and who joins each party when
it suits him, is certain to be mistrusted by all parties.
As the members were arriving at Oxford one of the
Duke's confidants told Sir Francis Seymour that if the
Commons 'would set upon the Lord Keeper, they
should be backed by the greatest men in the kingdom.*
Seymour answered sharply, "I find nothing in the
Lord Keeper but the mahce of those great men."^
Heath's appeal therefore met with but httle response in
the House. Phelips attacked the practice of complying
with the demands of foreign ambassadors, although
Answenof the prcsencc of Charles himself at Madrid had not
and availed to release a single prisoner from the Inquisition.
A further blow eame from Sir Henry Marten, who,
' Statement made by Williams to the King, Aug. 14; Hackety ii. 18.
VIII.
IRRITATION OF THE COMMONS. 259
old as he was, sat now for the first time in Parhament. chap.
As Judge of the Admiralty Court, he was often brought
into colhsion with Buckingham, and he may perhaps
have had some cause for complaining of him at this
moment. Even in former times, he said, when old
ambassadors were employed, England had been more
skilled in fighting than in diplomacy. Marten did not
go further than this allusion. But his reference to the
old ambassadors of former days was understood to
imply a reflection upon the young ambassador who had
talked so much and had done so little.^ The whole a oetition
discussion finally resulted in a petition to the King, ^r&x?^
in which the Lords were asked to join.
The first day at Oxford had been devoted to the «^**k-*.
Catholics. The second was devoted to the High caae again.
Churchmen. The sergeant-at-arms reported that
Montague had written to say that he was too ill to
surrender on his bond. Coke at once rose to warn
the House of its danger. The ancient Britons had been
worsted, according to Tacitus, because there had been
no unity in their mode of fighting. So it was now in
matters of religion. Permission was given 'to every coke'«
particular man to put out books of all sorts.' He ubcrt/o?"
wished that ' none concerning religion might be printed p"°'"^-
but such as were allowed by Convocation.' *^
^ Mr. Forster makes Marten draw the contraat himself. " In former
times (Sir J, JEUot, i. 199), when old ambassadors of wisdom and ex-
perience were employed, our treaties had ik»^ been misuooessAil,'' &c The
Negotium however makes Marten say that they had been unsuccessful.
'* lie showed that in former times, when old ambassadors were employedi
where wisdom and experience might give a promise for their works, suc-
cess did prove it not the propriety of their nation/ &c«
Success, as I understand it, here means ' the result ' not ' success * in
the modem acceptation of the word.
I may add that Eliot's description of Carlisle which follows, as ' so
ceremonious and affected that his judgment and reality were in doubt^' is
unfair to Carlisle. But then Eliot had not read Carlide's despatches.
' Camden DebaieSf 69.
82
26o
THE FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT OXFORD.
CITAP.
VIII.
1625.
Aug. a.
Heath
declares
Montague
to be toe
King's
chaplain.
Claims of
tbe Com-
mons.
This was at least plain speaking. It was as well to
know what Eliot's magnificent declamation about unity
of religion meant in prose. Upon liberty, so far as it
implied the right of each man to enjoy the freedom of
person and property according to the law of the land
and the decision of the judges, Coke placed the highest
value. For liberty, so far as it meant intellectual
freedom, he cared nothing at all. If Charles had
possessed a mind of a higher order he might have
entered the lists against the legal intolerance of Coke
and the dogmatic intolerance of the Calvinistic clergy
with a fair prospect of success. If he had failed, at
least he would have failed in a noble cause. But
Charles was not likely to take his stand upon so
broad an issue ; perhaps the time was not yet come
when it was possible for any man to take so high a
ground. At Hampton Court he had claimed to save
Montague from the Commons by declaring him to be
his chaplain, and Heath now warned the House against
touching a man in his Majesty's service. The challenge
was not allowed to pass unquestioned. " All justices
of the peace, all deputy -lieutenants," said Alford, " are
the King's servants." No man could by any possi-
biUty commit a public offence but by colour of public
employment and service to the King. If all these
were to be freed from Parhamentary enquiry, what
would be the condition of ftiture Parhaments ?
In spite of the tendency of some speakers to go off
upon the merits of Arminianism and the doctrine of
the fallibility of grace, the leading members had suffi-
cient influence to keep the point raised by Alford in
the foreground. Coke, who was allowed to speak a
second time, expressly disclaimed any right in the
House to meddle with points of doctrine. Tliey had
only to deal with Montague for his contempt of the
House. They would inform the Lords of his evil
MONTAGUE'S CASE AGAIN. 26 1
doctrine, and, as the Bishops had seats in the Upper chap.
VIII.
House, such questions might be resolved there. At
the last the sentence would come before the King, who \^^'^
might execute it or remit as he thought fit. There*
were even precedents of cases in which Parliament had
petitioned the King not to use his prerogative of mercy.
Phelips closed the debate by reminding the House that
in the last Parliament James had already put forth the
claim 'that no servant of his should be questioned/
In the end, the sergeant was ordered to bring Mon-
tague to the bar, an order which took no effect, as it
was discovered that Montague was really too ill to
attend.
The question of the responsibility of the King's Question of
officers, when once stirred, was certain to recur sooner buiSy."*
or later. Coke might strive hard to bring the desire of
the House within the formulas of the past. But in
itself the question of responsibility was the question of
sovereignty. If all official persons were liable to com-
plaint and punishment in Parliament, whether the King
liked it or not, Charles might still have functions to
perform which would be eminently useful to the
Commonwealth. But he would not be a sovereign
in the sense in which Henry VIH. and Elizabeth
had been sovereigns. The impeachment of Middlesex
and the threatened impeachment of Montague were the
signs of a great change in the relations between the
King and the House of Commons. The question was
raised because the House had ceased to have con-
fidence in the King. But the innovation was none the
less striking for that.
As far as the great religious dispute by which men's view uken
minds were agitated was concerned, it mattered little t«g«e""
whether Montague was the King's chaplain or not. On the BiMhop«
the very day on which the Commons were pronouncing umf^^ ^
strongly against his opinions, the three Bishops by
262 THE FERfiT PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT OXFORD.
CHAP, whom these opinions were regarded with the greatest
favour, were writing to Buckingham in their defence.
A^?l ' '^^^ Church of England,' said Buckeridge, Howson,
and Laud, ' when it was reformed from the supersti-
tious opinions broached or maintained by the Church
of Eome, refused the apparent and dangerous errors,
and would not be too busy with every particular
school-point. The cause why she held this moderation
was because she could not be able to preserve any
unity among Christians if men were forced to sub-
scribe to curious particulars disputed in schools.' Some
of the opinions for which Montague was attacked were
' yet only for schools, and to be left at more liberty
for learned men to abound in their own sense, so they
keep themselves peaceable and distract not the Church ;
and, therefore, to make any man subscribe to sfehool
opinions may justly seem hard on the Church of Christ,
and was one great fault of the Council of Trent.'
Liberal Evidently the Bishops were more hberal than the
Sbhops, * House of Commons. Beyond the region of dogmatic
teaching they saw a region of mystery into which the
eye of reason could hardly pierce, and wliich might
well be reserved for reverent investigation by learned
and devout men, whilst it was utterly unsuited for the
violent declamation of the popular rhetorician. Un-
happily it is by slow steps that the world rises to the
height of a great argument. Something had been
done for liberty of thought when dogmatism was re-
stricted by Laud and his fellows. But what the Bishops
gave with one hand they took with the other. It is
hard for men who look upon a creed from the out-
side to know by how many ramifications its dry pro-
positions gather vital strength for the moral life of its
believers. It was well to say that grace and predesti-
nation were fitter subjects for the schools than for the
THE PREDESTINATION QUESTION. 263
pulpit. But, for all that, the fact remained that there chap.
were thousands of men in England who thought other- ^ — r-^
wise, and who, if they were not to hear of grace and \^\
predestination, would find that their whole framework
of spiritual thought had broken down. When there- conjoined
fore the Bishops went on to say, that they could not liberality,
conceive what use there was ' of civil government in the
Commonwealth, or of preaching and external ministry
in the Church, if such fatal opinions as some which
are opposite and contrary to those delivered by Mr.
Montague are and shall be publicly taught and main-
tained,' they were calling upon the King to use his
authority to silence opinions which had by long expe-
rience become dear to many a pious soul from one end
of the land to the other. The Bishops were seeking
to accomplish by force that which they might well
have striven to accomplish by example.
With this difference of opinion on Church doctrine who is to
was necessarily connected a difference of opinion on cSrch^"
Church government. On this head Coke had been ^"<«^<>°«?
somewhat hesitating. He would have had books pro-
hibited by Convocation. He would have had Montague
judged by the House of Lords because it had Bishops
amongst its members. The view of the Bishops
was clear. " When the clergy," they said, " submitted
themselves in the time of Henry VIII., the submission
was so made that if any difference, doctrinal or other,
fell in the Churoh, the King and the Bishops were to
be judges of it in a National Synod or Convocation ;
the King first giving leave, under his Broad Seal, to
handle the points in difference." ^
Such was the ground thus early taken up by Laud, The King
and maintained by him through the whole of his career. vocaUon.
> Buckei-id^^e, Howson, and Laud to Backingham, Aug. 2 ; Lau^B
Works, vi. 244.
264 THE FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES I. AT OXFORD.
CHAP. It was a claim hard to be met if it were once admitted
VIII
* ^ that the clergy were a body separate from the rest of
^^^}' the nation, and able to bind the nation to the perpetual
observance of any compact to which it has once as-
sented. But if this be not the case — and the whole
spirit of English history is opposed to such a view —
then Laud was in the wrong. What was temporary
in the settlement of Henry VIII. was the position taken
by the King as the head of the clergy. What was
permanent was that in so doing Henry VIII. repre-
sented the state and nation. Just so long as Charles
represented the state and nation would Charles and
the Bishops be able to lay down the law as to what
was to be taught and what was not. Already the
Commons were beginning feebly and incoherently to
put in their claim to be the representatives of England.
But they, too, would have to learn that the voice of
numbers will not suffice to give permanent supremacy.
The question of religious differences was coming to the
front. WJioso could most wisely solve it, whether
King or Commons, would lead the English nation in
the ages which were coming.
Immense as was the ultimate importance of these
leligious disputes, they did not form the immediate
question of the hour. But the feelings roused by the
discussions of the first two days were not favourable
to Charles's design of drawing fresh subsidies from the
Anff.3. Commons. The third day, too, kept as a fast on
The fjwt. •' ' ' . ^
account or the plague, was certain to bring with it
thoughts and feehngs which boded no good to the
King who issued pardons to Jesuits and shielded
Arminians from punishment.
Auff.4. On August 4 Charles came in from Woodstock,
In Christ- where he was staying, and summoned the Houses to
haiL appear before him in Christchurch hall. He had
THE KING IN CHRISTCHURCH HALL. 265
indeed need of all the eloquence he could command, crap.
His exchequer was even at a lower ebb than it had
been when he opened Parliament in Jime. It waa
only with the greatest diflBculty that the necessary pro-
visions for the Eoyal Household had been procured.^
And now too, as in June, he had to balance the ad-
vantages of making a clean breast of it to Parliament,
and telling all his plans and all his needs, or of content-
ing himself with asking only for as much as would be
required for the equipment of the fleet, which, as it
was to be directed against Spain, was more likely to
stir the popular feeling than any combination in
Germany.
As usual, he did not say much. He again reminded His speech,
the Houses of their engagement to support him in the
war, and begged them to think of the reputation of the
kingdom even at the risk of danger to their own per-
sons from the plague. His preparations had cost him
great sums of money, and it would be better that half
the ships should perish at sea than that they should
remain at home. In two days, he ended by sajdng,
they should have an answer to their petition on
rehgion.
Charles had dwelt entirely on the fleet. Conway, conway's
who followed, took a wider view of the situation. He
said that 30,000/. or 40,000/. were wanted to enable
the fleet to start. But he drew a pictiure in the back-
ground of the Continent in flames, and hinted at the
large sums needed for keeping the Protestant forces on
foot in Germany and the Netherlands.
There was thus a discrepancy between the small-
ness of the sum named and the largeness of the expen-
diture hinted at. To fulfil his engagements, Charles
wanted not 40,000/. but some 700,000/. or 800,000/. at
* Conway to Ley, July 24; S. P. Dam,, Addenda.
266 THE FraST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT OXFORD.
CHAP, the least. To make up his mind to forego this and to
>- . ' " be content with the smaller sum would probably have
Aug.^4. ^^^^ ^^^ wisest course, and if he had done this he
might perhaps have avoided summoning Parliament
at all. But this was precisely what he was unable
to bring his mind to. He therefore, it may be sup-
posed, whilst authorising Conway to mention the fact
that no more than 30,000^. or 40,000/. was needed
for the fleet, allowed his greater expenses to be ex-
pounded in the hope of stirring the liberality of the
Commons to the uttermost.^
Originally, it would seem, it had been intended to
reserve all ftu*ther observations for a message which
Sir John Coke had been directed to deliver to the
Commons in their own House.^ But it may have
been that signs of impatience were seen amongst
the members, or that Charles felt that a mis-
take had been committed in allowing Conway to say
^fjCokc so much without saying it more plainly. At all events,
the throne, he bcckoucd Cokc to his side, and, after whispering a
few words in his ear, sent him into the middle of the
hall to do his work at once.
Hisexposi- Coke at least did not start with asking for a paltry
st^tcof 40,000/. for the fleet. With all possible emphasis he
enlarged upon the greatness of the work before them.
600,000/. a year would be wanted for Mansfeld and
the King of Denmark. He argued that though Mans-
feld's armament had not been so successful as could
have been wished, it had shown that the King of Eng-
land was in earnest. The German Princes had been
encouraged. The Danes had taken the field. The
^ Conway's speech seems to be rery fully given in the Camden De-
bates^ 73. I gather from it that there is no ground for saying that the
King only asked for 40,000/. Conway seems simply to have spoken of that
sum as that which was immediately needed for the fleet
' Instructions for a message, S, P, Dom., v. 14.
afTaira.
SIR J. COKE ON THE SITUATION. 267
King of France was aiming at Milan, and had made chap.
peace with his Huguenot subjects. It now devolved ^- — r-^
on Parliament to consider whether they would yield ^^Ifl
his Majesty a convenient help. But even now Coke
did not ask for all that was needed. Those who
dreaded such an enormous expenditure were reminded
of the importance of sending out the fleet. It would
not be a constant di-ain on the nation. When once
success had been obtained, that success would help to
bear the charge. When the pride of Spain had been
quelled, private adventurers could follow to sweep the
seas at their own expense. The spirit of the people
would be roused, and the whole land would be en-
riched at the enemy's cost.
Coke's hearers were thus left in uncertainty, an
uncertainty which was doubtless shared by the King
himself, how much they were really expected to grant.
The small sum needed for the fleet was fixed and defi-
nite. All else was hazy and impalpable. The success
of the fleet would perhaps enable Charles to dispense
with almost everything that he now needed. But he
did not come forward, as Qustavus had come forward
in the negotiations of the past winter, with a definite
demand which he himself recognised as indispensable.
He tried to influence the minds of the members with-
out first making up his own.
Coke was not popular amongst the Commons, and f. dings of
it was felt as a mark of disrespect that they should be moM. *"*
addressed in the King's name by a man who was not
a minister of state. Yet, as far as the fleet was con-
cerned, he seems to have spoken the whole truth as
completely as if he had been a Privy Councillor or a
Secretary of State. The Prince of Orange had by this
time rejected Morton's proposal for an attack upon the
ports of Flanders, and Charles had reverted to his
268
THE FIRST PARLUMENT OF CHARLES I. AT OXFORD.
CHAP.
VIII.
1625.
Aug. 4.
t
1
I-
Aug. ^.
Proposal
to confer
•
with the
(
•*
Lords.
1 .
4
1
*
1,
Objections
raised to it
If
it
original scheme of sending his fleet to capture the
Spanish ships returning from America.^
The Commons were fairly puzzled. Though Coke
named no sum in particular, it seemed as if he had
come round again to Conway's 40,000/. The wildest
conjectures were hazarded as to what was really meant.
Some thought that the fleet was not to go at all, and
that the blame of failure was to be thrown on the
House of Commons. Others even thought that a peace
had been patched up with Spain. It needed the
utmost frankness of explanation on the part of the
ministers of Charles to do away with the ill-will caused
by the long reticence of the King, followed by the in- •
volved and almost unintelligible demands which had
been made at the close of the sittings at Westminster,
and which were repeated in a form more involved and
unintelligible still at the opening of the sittings at
Oxford.
When the House met the next morning, Mr.
Whistler opened the debate by a proposal which, if it
had been met in the spirit in which it was made, might
have changed the history of the reign. Let the Com-
mons, he said, ask the opinion of the Lords upon the
necessity of the action proposed. K they could not
get satisfaction there, let them go to the King.
Full and complete information upon the intentions
of the Qovermnent was plainly the only condition upon
which the Commons could be justified in acceding to
the demands made upon them. But even if Charles
had been willing to grant such information, it was one
of the evils of the new system of government that there
was no one in the House of sufiicient authority to take
* The Piince^s answer is unknown, as it was given by word of mouth
(Morton to Conway, July 13; S, P. Holland) j but it may be gathered
from that ofticially made by the States General. Morton and Carle ton
to Conway, July 4 ; S. P. Holland,
SEYMOUR ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS. 269
upon himself the responsibiUty of meeting an unex- chap.
pected proposal. It was probably from instinct rather * — r-^
than from any knowledge of the King's wishes that Sir Aug. 5.
George More replied, with courtier-like facility, that it
was unconstitutional to apply to the Lords on a ques-
tion of subsidy. But May, Weston, and Heath sat
silent in their places, and before they had time to
receive instructions the debate had taken another turn.
If there was a man in the House who would be fj^^jj'^lh^,
consistent with himself in attacking the foreign policy ^^^^^^f
of the Crown it was Sir Francis Seymour, the proposer the Crown,
of the restricted supply which had been granted at
Westminster. In itself the fact that the Government
had entered into engagements with foreign j)owers so
extensive that it did not venture directly to ask the
Commons for the means of fulfilling them was calcu-
lated to give rise to the gravest suspicions, and Sey-
mour, the old opponent of the system of Continental
wars, was not likely to treat such suspicions lightly.
This meeting of Pariiament, he argued, had been the
work of those who sought to put dissensions between
the King and his people. It was absurd to suppose
that it needed a Parliament to procure 40,000/. for
the fleet. As for the rest that had been said, he had
no confidence in the advisers of the Crown. He did
not beUeve that peace had been made in France, and
he hoped that English ships would not be used as
abettors of the French king's violence against his
Huguenot subjects. Then turning to the past, Sey*
mour continued, " We have given three subsidies and
three fifteenths to the Queen of Bohemia for which
she is nothing the better. Nothing hath been done.
We know not our enemy. We have set upon and
coiLsumed our own people." What he wished was that
they might now * do somewhat for the country,' and
270
THE FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT OXFORD.
CHAP.
VIII.
1625.
Aug. 5.
aoswer.
200,000/.
asked jor
by Ed-
mondcs.
Sp< cch of
Phillpe.
they would then give his Majesty a seasonable and
bountiful supply.
Distrust of Buckingham's capacity, perhaps of his
integrity, was imprinted on every word of Seymour's
speech. When May rose to answer him, he knew that
the whole foreign pohcy of the Government needed
defence. And if he could not meet all attacks he was
able to tell of much that had been overlooked by Sey-
mour. It was something that the King of Denmark
was on the move. It was something that France was
no longer in friendship with Spain. May then went
on to relate an anecdote from his own personal know-
ledge. When at the end of EUzabeth's reign Mountjoy
had been sent into Ireland and was in great danger of
defeat. Sir Eobert Cecil had protested beforehand that
if disaster followed no imputation could be brought
against the Government at home. " My Lord Mount-
joy," he had said, " cannot complain of us. He hath
wanted nothing from hence. If things miscarry, the
blame must be somewhere else." The application of
the anecdote was obvious. It was the business of the
House to vote supplies and to throw the responsibility
ofT their own shoulders.
May had forgotten that the House courted respon-
sibility, and that it was very far from feeling that con-
fidence in Buckingham's powers as a minister which
Cecil had in Mountjoy's powers as a soldier. He did
not acknowledge that times were changed, and that
those who supply the money for war must necessarily
ask for a larger share in its management as soon as
they have reason to think that the supplies are being
squandered or misused. Nor did Edmondes, who fol-
lowed, mend the position of the Government by asking
directly for two subsidies and two fifteenths, about
200,000/., a sum far too great for supplying the imme-
PHEUPS'S GREAT SPEECH. 27 1
diate needs of the fleet, whilst altogether inadequate to 9^i^f-
meet Charles's engagements on the Continent.^ * — -•— ^
If Seymour had hinted at some things which he l^X
could have expressed more clearly if he had thought
fit, Phelips, who rose next, was certain to speak out all
that was in his heart And speak out he did. For his
part, he told the House, he saw no reason for giving.
But neither was there any reason for leaving the work
to which they had been so unexpectedly called. Let
them stay to do something to make his Majesty glorious.
Those who were now urging them to war — so far at
least the person intended was suggested rather than
expressed — were those who had been foremost in
urging on the Spanish marriage, and who had for its
sake broken up the Parliament of 1 62 1 , and had thrown
members of the House into prison, himself being one
of the sufferers, for refusing to hold their tongues. In
the Parhament of 1624 three things had been desired.^
They had asked that the Prince should marry a
Protestant lady, that the Dutch Kepublic should be
supported, and that rehgion in England should be
^ Eliot, as is weU kno-wn, believed that Buckingham wanted to be
denied. I am quite unable to take this view of the case after a full con-
sideration of Buckingham's whole proceedings, of which an historian is
now able to know much of which Eliot knew nothing. It is likely
enough, as I have before said, that he expected to be denied, and that he
intended to make use of the impression caused by his being in the right
and the Commons in the wrong, when success came. Nor can I see that
he only asked for 40,ocx>/. at first. I fancy he simply wanted that at
least, and would take as much more as he could get ; a frame of mind the
very opposite to that of Qustavus, who at once refused to engage in war
except on his own terms.
* Eliot makes Phelips say that they had been ^ desired and promised.'
Phelips was an impetuous orator and may have said this. But as it is not
true that Charles promised to marry a Protestant lady, I have followed
the Camden D^ateSf Sly giving Phelips the benefit of the doubt.
It was, indeed, not strictly true that the House had asked for a Pro-
testant marriage. But the desire of the members can hardly have been
a matter of doubt, and may have been taken oratorically as equivalent
to an actual demand.
272
THE FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT OXFORD.
CHAP.
VIII.
r. I
1.
Want of
counseL
preserved. Had this been done ? " What the Spanish
articles were," he said, " we know. Whether those
with France be any better it is doubted. There are
visible articles and invisible. Those we may see, but
these will be kept from us."
Then, after touching on the sore of the impositions,
and of tonnage and poundage, still levied, though the
Lords had not yet passed the bill, Phelips went to the
root of the matter. *' In the government," he said plainly,
" there hath wanted good advice. Counsels and power
have been monopolized." Then, with an allusion to
the Parhament which, meeting at Oxford, had wrested
authority from Henry III., he said that he did not love
the disordered proceedings of Parliaments. In all
actions, he cried, " there is a mixture of good and ill.
So was it with their forefathers struggling with the pre-
rogative. Let us," he cried, " avoid that which was ill,
but not that which was good. They looked into the
disorders of the time, and concluded with the King for
a reformation. Wlien kings are persuaded to do what
they should not, subjects have been often transported
to do what they ought not. Let us not come too near
the heels of power ; nor yet fall so low as to suffer all
things under the name of the prerogative. Let us look
into the right of the subject. I will not argue whether
the fleet is best to go or stay, whether leagues abroad
are apt to support such great actions. The match haa
not yet brought the French to join with us in a de-
fensive war, or any longer than conduceth to their own
ends. The French army, which they say is gone, we
hear is upon return. In Germany the King of Den-
mark hath done nothing. The best way to secure
ourselves is to suppress the Papists here. . . Let
the fleet go on ; and let us not part till his Majesty may
see an ample demonstration of our affections. Let ua
GOVERNMENTAL RESPONSIBILITY DEMANDED. 273
look into the estate and government, and, finding that chap.
which is amiss, make tliis Parliament the reformer of
the Commonwealth." /^^5-
Aug. 5.
There was more in Phelips's words than even Effector
distrust of Buckingham's abiUty or honesty. Both Buck- ^ ^ '^^^ '
ingham and Charles had failed to recognise the import-
ance of the fact that neither the French alhance nor the
intervention in Germany had ever received the appro-
bation of the House of Commons. It was enough for
them that they judged this policy to be right, and that
they promised to themselves great results in the future
from it. They would tell the House what they had
done, and ask for the means to carry out their designs,
but they would not so far demean themselves as to con-
sult it upon the direction which their pohcy was to take.
To this Phelips's somewhat ironical answer was
decisive. The responsibihty must fall upon those by
whom that policy had been originated. The Commons
would give no support to a course of action which they
were unable to understand. They would confine them-
selves to those internal affairs which were Avithin the
compass of their intelligence, and would content them-
selves with criticising the administration of the laws, and
the financial and pohtical arrangements of the Govern-
ment.
Such a speech was an historical event. If Charles speeches of
could not make up his mind to discuss with the andCoke.
Commons the policy which he had adopted with such
headlong rashness, it was useless for Weston, who
followed, to try to persuade them that success might
still be looked for if money enough were voted, or
to frighten them with a prospect of dissolution by
saying that, if they refused to give, ' beyond that day
there was no place for counsel.' Nor was the speech
of Sir Edward Coke much more to the point, as he
VOL. I. T
»,
274 THE FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT OXFORD.
CHAP, contented himself with calling attention to the minor
VIII .
causes of the financial embarrassment of the Treasury,
without touching upon the question really at issue.
Heath's^ The Housc was all the more attentive when Heath,
th^Tart of the Solicitor-General, rose to speak, because he had had
mentT^^™" time to receive instructions from Buckingham since
Fhelips sat down, and because he was &r too able a man,
and had too good an acquaintance with the temper of the
House, to fail in giving full weight to any concessions
which the Government might be disposed to make.
He began by placing the engagement of the Parliament
of 1624 on its proper footing. The House, he ai^ed,
was bound to follow the King unless he propounded
anything to which it was impossible to consent. As they
were not engaged to everything, let there be no mis-
understanding. Let them ask the King against what
enemy he was prepared to fight. He was sure that the
King was ready to take measures against the Catholics,
' that they might not be able to do hurt.' It had been
said that places were filled by men who wanted experi-
ence. He was under great obligations to the person to
whom allusion had been made, but if there was any-
thing against him he hoped that it would be exa-
mined in such a way as that the public good might not
suffer. Let the blame, if blame there was, light upon
himself, not upon the Commonwealth*
Aiford says Heath had done his best to open the way to a better
understanding. But the speaker who followed him,
Edward Aiford,^ struck at once at the weak point of
Palatinate, ^^hc casc, the fact that objection was taken not merely
to Buckingham's management of the war, but to the
dimensions which the war was assuming in his hands.
" We are not engaged," he said, " to give for the re-
covery of the Palatinate. For when it was in the Act
' Camden Debates, SB, 135.
the House
never pro-
mised to
recover the
BUCraNGHAM'S HEfflTATION. 275
of Parliament, as it was first penned, it was struck chap.
out by the orda: of the House, as a thing unfit to en-
gage the House for the recovery of the Palatinate, and xug.^5,
if possible, yet not without great charge and diflSculty."
The full truth was out at last. The House did not
mean to support Mansfeld and the King of Denmark,
and Buckingham and the King would have to reconcile
themselves to the fact.
That afternoon Buckingham's agents were busy Di«aiMioM
amongst the knots of members who were gathering l^raoon.
everywhere to discuss the morning's debate. The
greater part had already taken sides, the majority
against the Court. Some few alone were accessible to
influence. But besides the scenes which were passing
in the streets or in the members' lodgings, another
scene, it can hardly be doubted, was passing in Buck-
inghara's apartments. There were men who wished
him well, wliilst they disliked his policy, and who were
anxious to induce him to give way to the strength of
ParUamentary opinion. What was said we do not
know, probably shall never know. But no one who
reads with attention the course of the next day's debate
can doubt that an effort was being made on the part of
his friends to save him from the consequences of his
own self-conceit.
The next morning, after a brisk passage on a pro- Aug. 6.
tection accorded by Conway to a Eoman CathoKc lady r^Siu-
in Dorsetshure, the great debate was resumed. The tweca*"
course which it took was altogether different from that £?m^iSS"
of the preceding day. The 5 th had been given up to ^* ^^"^
a conflict between the ministers of the Crown and the
men who, in modern political language, would be
termed the advanced wing of the opposition. On the
6th all is changed. Phelips, Coke, and Seymour are
as silent as Weston, Heath, and Edmondes. It looks
z3
?76 THE FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT OXFORD.
CHAP, as if both parties had come to a tacit agreement to
^ — r-^ allow a body of mediators to declare the terms on
Aug. 6. which an imderstanding might yet be effected.
liiiidmav's Sir Henry Mildmay, who spoke first, was Master of
^^^ the King's Jewel House, and was on friendly terms
with Buckingham. He proposed that the House should
ask what sum would be sufficient to complete the
equipment of the fleet, and that that sum should be
granted, not by way of subsidy, but by some other
mode of collection, apparently in order that it might
be at once brought into the exchequer. Such a course
of raising money, he added, being taken in Parliament,
will be a Parhamentary course,^
Mildmay had quietly thrown overboard all the
coryton'« King's continental alliances. He was followed by
Coryton, Eliot's friend, who was ready to supply the
King, * if there was a necessity,' but suggested that the
state of the King's revenue should be examined, the
question of impositions sifted, and a CJommittee ap-
pointed to debate of these things,^ ' and especially for
religion.' '
Eiiot'8 Eliot followed. It was his last appearance as a
mediator. But it is plain that he had already ceased as
completely as Phelips and Seymour to feel any confi-
dence in Buckingham. The war, he said, ' extendeth
to Denmark; Savoy, Germany, and France.' "If he
shall deal truly, he is diffident and distrustful of these
tilings, and we have had no fruit yet but shame and
dishonour over all the world. This great preparation
is now on the way ; he prayeth it may have a prospe-
^ This speech is substantiaUj the same in the Journals and in the
Camden Debates, But see especially the report in the appendix to the
latter, 136.
^ " And everyone may contribute his reasons which may do much
good/' probably means this. Camden Debates^ 139.
ATTEMPTED COMPROMISE. 277
reus going forth, and a more prosperous return." He chap.
did not believe there was any necessity for more
money than had been voted at Westminster, and he
could not see why, if the seamen were pressed in April
and the landsmen in May, the fleet had not been at sea
long ago. That the delay had been caused, in part at
least, by Buckingham's project of diverting the enter-
prise to the coast of Flanders, was of course unknown
to Eliot. But though he had spoken thus strongly of
the proceedings of the Government, he went on to
acquit Buckingham of all personal blame about the
fleet. If anything had gone wrong it was the fault of
the Commissioners of the Navy.
The attack upon the Commissioners called up Sir
John Coke, who protested loudly against this imputa-
tion upon the office which he held. Strode then fol-
lowed, supporting ^ Mildmay's proposal that the money
should be raised in some other way than by subsidy, by
asking how subsidies payable more than a year hence
could supply a fleet which was to go out in a fortnight.
After a few words from Sir John StradUng, Sir Nathaniel Rich's five
Rich, who even more than Mildmay represented in S^^^""
the House that section of the Duke's friends which
objected to his late proceedings, rose to put Mildmay 'a
proposal in a more definite form. He proceeded to
lay down five propositions, which had probably been
accepted by Buckingham the evening before. In the
first place, he said they must ask the King for an
answer to their petition on religion. In the second
place, his Majesty must declare the enemy against
whom he meant to fight, so that the object of the war
might be openly discussed, though the special design
^ This atleastseems to me to be the obvidus interpretation of Strode*s
question. Mr. Forster, if I understand him rightly ('Sir J, EUU^ i. 226),
regards it as an argument against the grant of supply.
278 THE FIRST PABLIAMENT OF CHARLES I. AT OXFORD.
CHAP, ought properly to be tept Becret. Further, he wislif4
that ' when His Majesty doth mak^ a war, it may be
debated and advised by Ws .grave, council '-a pp>-
posal which in the most courteous terms, expressed t^e
general wish that the opinion of others than Buckingham
should be heard. Besides these three demands, Rich
asked that the King's revenue should be examined with
a view to its increase, and that a permanent settlement
of the vexed question of the impositions should be
arrived at.^
Thus far the House had listened to men who, if they
were friends of Buckingham, could speak in an indepen-
dent tone. But other voices were now raised. Before
we give more money, said some one, let us take
account from Buckingham of the subsidies voted the
year before.^ Edward Gierke, a man trusted by the
Duke as his agent in affairs of questionable propriety,
rose to defend his patron. "Bitter invectives," he
Incident of began, "are unseasonable for this time." There was
imprison- at oucc an outcry from all parts of the House, and
Gierke was committed to the custody of the sergcant-at-
arms. With this scene ended the day's debate. The
House was adjourned at Seymour s motion, in order
that at the next sitting they might go into committee
on the great business. But the members did not
Rich's separate before PheKps had expressed his decided
BC116IX10
approved approbation of ' the platform of Sir Nathaniel Rich.' *
by Phelips.
^ I would refer those who doubt my view of this debate to what I
have said in the Preface (xiii) to the Camden Debates,
^ This speech, which gave rise to Gierke's unlucky words, is men*
tioned in a letter from the Bishop of Mendo. King^s MSS,^ 137, fol. 84.
' Camden Debates j 140. Hich is mentioned by Williams in a paper
given in to the King on Aug. 14, as one of those who were ^ never out
my Lord Duke's chamber and bosom/ Dackety ii. 18. There may have
been some exnggeralion, but unless there had been friendship, Williams
would not have said this to the King.
BUCKmaHAM URGED TO GIVE WAY. 279
Thus ended the discussions of this memorable week. chap.
VIII
That Saturday afternoon pressure was put upon
Buckingham to accept the terms offered by Eich, which lul^e,
would then without doubt be adopted by the House. ^^™SJf*
"The advice he had," writes Eliot, "was much to BucWng-
endeavoiu* an accommodation with the Parhament.
The errors most insisted on were said to be excusable
if retracted. That the disorders of the navy might be
imputed to the oflScers; that the want of counsels
might be satisfied by a free admission to the Board.
The greatest diflSculty was conceived to rest in religion
and the fleet. For the first, the jealousy being derived
from his protection given to Montague ; for the latter,
that it had so unnepessary preparation and expense ;
and yet in both there might be a reconciliation for
himself. Sending the fleet to sea and giving others
the command, was pi'bpounded as a remedy for the one ;
having these reasons to support it, that the design
could not be known, nor, if there wanted one, that
judged by the success, and the' success was answerable
but by those that had the action. For the other, it was
said that the leaving of Montague to his punishment,
and the withdrawing that protection, would be a
satisfaction for the present, with some public decla-
ration in the point, and a fair parting of that meeting.
That the danger of the time ^ was a great cause of
dislike — ^that the dislike had ushered in most of those
questions that had been raised. Therefore to free
them from that danger would dissolve the present
difficulties, and fecilitate the way to a ftiture temper for
agreement. The fleet must needs go forth to coloiu: the
preparation, and the return might yield something to
* i.e. from the plague.
28o
THE FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT OXFORD.
CHAP.
VIII.
>— — r—
1625.
Aug. 6.
How this
would
oouDd to
Docking-
ham.
justify the work, at least in excuse and apology for
himself, by translation of the fault" ^
Kthis accoiint of the language used to Buckingham
has not been distorted in its passage through the
medium of other men's minds, it must have been
beyond measure annoying to him. To have it hinted
that thfe fleet which had been for so many months the
object of his solicitude was never intended to sail, was
not a suggestion to which he was likely to listen with
equanimity. The wonder is not that the proposal was
ultimately rejected by him, but that he should, even
for a moment, have given any hope to his advisers.
For he was called not merely to admit himself to be
incapable of directing the state, by consenting to place
himself under the control of a Coimcil reinforc«l by
men who looked upon him with distrust, but to re-
nounce all those long-considered plans which he
regarded as of such importance. Already war had
broken out in Germany, and the King of Denmark,
depending on Enghsh promises, was holding out with
difficulty against Tilly. From France every post brought
news of preparations for war, and a day or two, he
firmly believed, would tell the world that the internal
struggle with the Huguenots was at an end. And were
Buckingham and his master, in the face of one adverse
debate, to fling their engagements to the winds ? Were
they to tell Christian that in building on the word of
an English king he had been building on the sand ?
Were they, by teaching Kichelieu that Enghsh co-ope-
ration was imattainable, to throw France back into the
arms of Spain, and to force her to pass once more into
the bondage from which she had with such difficulty
emancipated herself? *^
* Eliot, Neg, Posterorum,
* All these considerations arise out of the facts as we know them, and
BUCKINGHAM'S DECISION. 28 1
What wonder therefore if Buckingham resolved to chap.
make one more eflfort to win the Commons to his side ?
There was one point at least on which he was ready to ^uj! 6,
give them satisfaction. Neither he nor the King cared Sf„^\*o"
really for the principle of rehgious toleration. They ^J^^gJ^^
were both of them as ready to execute the penal laws The c«tho-
against the CathoUcs, if anything could be gained by so ablnSotd.
doing, as they had been to remit the penalties. Yet
how could this be done without risk to the French
alliance? Would Lewis help Charles to recover the
Palatinate, if Charles's promise to protect the English
CathoKcs were treated as if it had been never given ?
That Charles and Buckingham should have found
excuses for breaking their engagements is no matter
for surprise. But no better proof can be found of
their incapacity to understand human nature than the
ease with which they persuaded themselves that the
King of France would be quite content that the engage-
ments, by which he set such store, should be broken
openly.
On Simday, August 7, there was high debate at Aug. 7.
Court* From La Vieuville's unguarded language, from mii to*"
EicheUeu's poUte phraseology, Buckingham, with Car- «pSSed
lisle and Holland to back him, drew the astounding ^^^^'
inference that the promise, so solemnly signed and
attested at Cambridge, had never been anything more
than a mere form, adopted with the approval of the
French Government, to deceive the Pope.^ For impar-
as Buckingham knew them. Eliot's picture of Buckingham is drawn
not merely in ignorance of them, but in the belief that things were true
which we know were not true.
^ The Bishop of Mende to Richelien, received Aug. || ; King's MSS.,
127, foL 84. The Council is here by mistake dated Aug. 9, if this is
more than a copyist^s error. But the 7th is meant, as it is said to have
taken place the day before Buckingham's speech at Christchorch.
28o THE FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT OXFORD,
CHAP, justify the work, at least in excuse and apology for
-- » ' -' himself, by translation of the fault." ^
Aug.! If this account of the language used to Buckingham
would **" has not been distorted in its passage through the
BooDdto medium of other men's minds, it must have been
Jfackiiig- ,
haou beyond measure annoying to him. To have it hinted
that thfe fleet which had been for so many months the
object of his solicitude was never intended to sail, was
not a suggestion to which he was likely to listen witli
equanimity. The wonder is not that the proposal was
ultimately rejected by him, but that he should, even
for a moment, have given any hope to his advisers.
For he was called not merely to admit himself to be
incapable of directing the state, by consenting to place
himself under the control of a Council reinforced by
men who looked upon him with distrust, but to re-
noimce all those long-considered plans which he
regarded as of such importance. Already war had
broken out in Gtermany, and the King of Denmark,
depending on Enghsh promises, was holding out with
difficulty against Tilly. From France every post brought
news of preparations for war, and a day or two, he
firmly believed, would tell the world that the internal
struggle with the Huguenots was at an end. And were
Buckingham and his master, in the face of one adverse
debate, to fling their engagements to the winds ? Were
they to tell Christian that in building on the word of
an English king he had been building on the sand ?
Were they, by teaching Kichelieu that English co-ope-
ration was imattainable, to throw France back into the
arms of Spain, and to force her to pass once more into
the bondage from which she had with such difficulty
emancipated herself? *^
* Eliot, Neg, PosUrorum,
* All these considerations arise out of the facts as we know them, and
282 THE FUtST PAELIAMENT OP CHARLES L At OXFORD.
CHAP, tial judges it is enough to condemn so monstrous a pro-
^ — r-^ position that it was now heard of for the first time, and
2 ^5* that Charles had already acknowledged by his actions
that, when his wife was on her way to England, he
considered his engagement to her brother as a reality.
This view From this time forward it was to become a cardinal
~*JgJ^ principle at the English Court to disavow all obhgation
OMiidi. to the King of France in the matter of the Catholics,
and to appeal to words spoken in conversation by the
French ministers as if, even if they meant all that
Buckingham asserted them to mean, they could outweigh
an obligation formally contracted. The members of
the Privy Council had not a word to say in opposition
when the revelation, as they supposed it to be, was
suddenly made. Williams, and perhaps Arundel, may
have been displeased at the. rashness of the affront
offered to the King of France, but they Were powerless
to resist. Of the others, Pembroke and Abbot wejre
probably in communication with the leaders of the
Commons, and doubtless shared to a great extent the
general dissatisfaction. But whatever their exact form
of opposition may have been, when once Buckingham
had taken his stand, with the King's support, it was
useless to raise further questions.
Bucking. On Monday morning therefore Buckingham ap-
Christ^ peared, radiant with self-confidence, in Christchurch
Sar** hall, and the Commons were summoned to hear from
his Kps a communication from the King. After a
short preamble from Williams, the Duke stood up as
he had stood up at Whitehall eighteen months before,
to answer for the government which was in reality
centred in his person.
The pcti- First he directed the King's answer to the petition
religion of rcligiou to bc read. All that the Commons had
^^^ ' demanded was fully and fi:cely granted. If they
BUCKINGHAWrS DEFENCE 283
tll?f^ght th^t Jhe e:^ecutioi)L, jof the pei^al J^-ws against chap.
the Catholics was an object worth striving for, ,th^
weye to have their widies. ' . . m \; ^^^
, Bucldqgham <ih^n proceeded to d^femd^ his fcireigu Bucking-
policy* He spoke of the dissolution of the anti^ fends kL
Spani3h party in Europe at the time when he came ^uJf!^
back froRi, Spain. Now it. was fex otherwise. "Now,"
he s^^ ."the Valtelliqe is at liberty, .the war is in
Italy ; the King of Denmark hath an . army of 1 7,000
foot and 6,000 horse, and commissions out to make
them 30,000; the King of Sweden declares himself ;
the Princes of the Union take heart; the. King of
France is engaged in a war against the King of Spain,
hath peace with his subjects, and is joined in a league
with Savoy and Venice. This being the state of things
then and now, I hope to have from you the same
success of being well construed which then I had ; for
since that time I have not had a thought, nor entered
into any action, but what might tend to the advance-
ment of the business and please your desires. But
if I should give ear and credit, which I do not, to
rumours, then I might speak with some confusion,
fearing not to hold so good a place in your opinion as
then you gave me, whereof I have still the same
ambition, and I hope to deserve it. When I consider
the integrity of mine own soul and heart to the King
and State, I receive courage and confidence ; where-
upon I make this request, that you will believe that if
any amongst you, in discharge of their opinion and
conscience, say anything that may reflect upon parti-
cular persons, that I shall be the last in the world to
make apphcation of it to myself, being so well assured
of your justice, that without cause you will not fall on
him that was so lately approved by you, and who will
never do anything to irritate any man to have other
284
CHAP.
VIII.
*-_^ _ _i
1624.
Aug. 8.
Dedans
he has
acted by
connsel.
The neces-
sity of the
fleet.
Whst was
intended?
THE FERST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT OXFORD.
opinion of me than of a faithful, true-hearted English-
man.
»
Then turning to the demand for more counsel and
advice, he declared that he had never acted without
counsel. All that he had done or proposed to do had
been submitted to the Council of War or to the Privy
Coimcil. He himself, when he went to France, had
advised the institution of a Committee to give advice
on foreign affairs. If therefore the Commons thought
that he took too much on himself, they were mistaken.
The Coimcil which they demanded was already in
existence.
Of the suggestion that the fleet was not intended to
sail, Buckingham spoke scornfully. " For my part,"
he said, " I know not what policy my master should
have to set out a fleet with the charge of 400,000/.
only to abuse the world and lessen his people, and to
put you to such hazard. What should my master
gain ? Would he do an act never to meet with you
again ? Certainly he would never have employed so
great a sum of money but that he saw the necessity of
the affairs of Christendom require it ; and it was done
with an intention to set it out with all the speed that
may be."
After touching on other less important points,
Buckingham spoke of his plans for the iFuture.
" Hitherto," he said, " I have spoken nothing but of
immense charge which the kingdom is not well able to
bear if it should continue: the King of Denmark,
30,000/. a month ; Mansfeld*s army, 20,000/. ; the army
of the Low Countries, 8,000/. ;^ Ireland, 2,600/. ; besides
twelve ships preparing to second the fleet.
" Make my master chief of this war, and by that
1 8.500/., according to the Lord Treasurer.
BUCKINaHAM'S OFFERS. 285
you shall give his allies better assistance than if you chap.
VIII.
gave them 100,000/. a month. What is it for his
allies to scratch with the King of Spain, to win a battle ^^ ^g
to-day and lose one on the morrow, and to get or lose a
town by snatches ? But to go with a conquest by land,
the King of Spain is so strong, it is impossible to do.
But let my master be chief of the war and make a
diversion, the enemy spends the more ; he must draw
from other places, and so you give to them." ^
K they wished to know who was their enemy they Ther
might name him themselves. Let them put the sword miuie their
into the King's hands, and he would maintain the war.^ *°^"" '
Buckingham's declaration was followed by a state- The Lord
ment by the Lord Treasurer, in which the King's debts ntSSSCTt."
and engagements were plainly stated. But the main
interest lay in the reception which would be accorded
to Buckingham's vindication of himself. That there Bucking-
was intentional deception about his words it is impos- sincerity,
sible to imagine. There is a ring of sincerity about
them which cannot be mistaken, and those who are best
acquainted with the facts will probably acknowledge
that he said exactly what, under the circumstances, he
might reasonably be expected to say. But it is one
thing to hold that he was sincere ; it is another thing
to hold that what he said ought to have given satisfac- But his
tion. Doubtless it was perfectly true that he had un^tCSt
appealed from time to time to the Privy Council and ***'^*
to the Council of War. But had he done his best to fill
the Privy Council with men of independent judgment?
Had he not rather given away places at the Board to
men who had risen by obsequiousness rather than by
merit ? In politics, as in all other actions of life, one
or two questions, decided one way or another, carry
^ i.e., to the King's allies.
' Lnrdi JowmaU, iii. 479 ; Camden Debates, 95.
386 THE FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT OXFORD*
CHAP, with them the settlement of all other points at issue.
^- — r-i— Buckingham may have asked advice whether the fleet
Au^jB. ^^ ^ ^^ against Cadiz or Dunkirk, but had he asked
advice whether the secret engagement about the
French Catholics should be signed, or whether the King
of Denmark should be encouraged to take part in a
fresh war in Germany by offers of aid from Eng<>
land?
5^J If Buckingham's defence against the chaige of
"^hkSdf ^^P^^^^ counsel was unsatisfactory, his accoimt oi his
own future designs was more unsatisfactory still. The
Commons wished him to abandon his continental
alliances, and to be content with attacking Spain. It
can surprise no one that Buckingham was unwilling so
lightly to turn his back upon the efforts of the past
year. But when he proceeded to sum up the King's
engagements, and when he allowed the Lord Treasurer
to restate them in fuller detail, it was only natural to
expect that he would urge upon the Commons the
absolute necessity of furnishing money to enable the
King to carry out his undertakings. He did nothing
of the sort. He suggested that if the fleet were suc-
cessftil it would do more good to the common caucse
than if 100,000/. a month were paid to the allies of
England on the Continent.
The explanation doubtless is that, whilst he could
not abandon the world of alliances and subsidies in
which he had been living and moving during the past
year without a word spoken in their favour, his sanguine
mind seized upon the chance that the success of the
fleet might make all these subsidies unnecessary. After
all, why should he not pay Mansfeld and Cliristian with
gold from the mines of Spanish America rather than
from the purses of English citizens and landowners ?
EFFECT OF BUCKINGHAM'S EXPLANATION. 287
Such a solution would rid lum of his diflSculty. It chap.
VIII.
would satisfy the King's allies and satisfy the House of ^
Commons as well. }^\'
Buckingham's explanation, taken at its best, is fatal 2^^^^'
to his claims to statesmanship. Either he had pro- J^^ti^ed.
mised too much before, or he was asking too Uttle now.
Was it likely that it would allay the suspicions which
were so rife amongst the Commons ?
On Wednesday morning the Lower House was to Au^ 10.
go into committee on Buckingham's explanation of the m^ageT *
King's demands. Before the Speaker left the chair a
message from the King had been delivered by Weston,
pressing for an immediate answer, which was demanded
alike by the necessity of the case and by the danger to
their own health. If the Commons would vote a sup-
ply at once, he would pledge his Eoyal word that they
should meet in the winter, and should not separate till
they had considered the plans which had been sug-
gested for the reformation of the Commonwealth, He
hoped that they would remember that this was the first
request which he had ever made to them.
For some time the debate wavered to and fro. Feeiiagin
There were some who had been carried away by ***«^®"*-
Buckingham's evident zeal in the cause which was their
own. But there were others who disliked his assimip-
tion of almost regal dignity, and who mistrusted him
too much to repose in him the confidence which he
required. Even his concession of the execution of the
penal laws ofiended some who had been displeased at
the coimtenance before shown to the Eecusants. Men
whose rehgion, if of a somewhat narrow and un-
charitable nature, was a reahty very dear to their
hearts, had no respect for the man who had attempted
to prostitute a thing so high and holy to considerations
?88 THE FIRST PARUAMENT OF CHARLES L AT OXFORD.
CHAP, of State policy, and had made use of religion to support
>J^^ a tottering minister.^
Aa la ^^di nien, and they were doubtless many, found
PheB^ an apt spokesman in Phehps. He treated the question
question as altogether one of confidence. Keputation, he said,
aa one of, *-*- ,.,.. in
confidence. IS a great advantage to a kmg, but it is not built on
every action, but only on such as have a sure ground
of advice preceding, and a constant appUcation of good
counsel, leaving as little as possible to chance. It was
no honour to send forth the fleet if it was exposed to
so hazardous a return. It was easy to say there was
necessity. It was for those who had brought the King
to such a necessity to take upon themselves the burthen
of their own counsels. In old days there had been
Parliaments which had demanded the reformation of
abuses and the dismissal of favourites. " We," he said
with striking force, " are the last monarchy in Christen-
dom that retain our original rights and constitutions.
Either his Majesty is able to set out this fleet, or it is
not fit to go at all. We ought neither to fear nor to
contemn our enemy. If we provide to set it out, we
must provide to second it too, for without a second it
will do nothing but stir a powerful king to invade us."
Everything, as Phehps clearly saw, turned on the
question of confidence. Forty thousand pounds might be
a httle sum for them to give, but it was no light matter
to embark on a war with a leader who could not be
trusted. Nor was Phelips content with mere declama-
tion. He had a practical solution of the difficulty to
recommend. Buckingham had declared that the
Council of War had authorised his proceedings. But
not a single member of the Council of War had come
Manwu forward to confirm his statement. One of them. Sir
to be '
examined.
^ This seems to have been £liot*8 view.
WANT OF CONFIDKNCE IN BUCKINGHAM. 289
Eobert Mansell, was a member of the House. Let chap.
Mansell be asked * to declare his knowledge with what
deliberation and counsel this design hath been
managed.' A Committee might also be appointed to
inform his Majesty that, though supply would not at
once be granted, the House would in due time * supply
all his honourable and well-grounded actions.* ^
It would perhaps have been well if Mansell had continu-
responded at once. The King's claim to be judge of debate,
the grounds upon which he demanded supply had
been met by the counter-claim of the House to judge
the sufficiency of those grounds before they gave the
money. But Mansell held his peace, and the debate
went on. The King's cause was feebly defended by
May. No one had been authorised to join issue with
Phehps. Then came Seymour, still more personal in
his attack than Phelips, complaining of peculation in
high places, and of the sale of honourable preferments
at Court.'
^ Camden DebateSf 109; Cotnnions* Journals, i. 814.
' With respect to the alleged speech of Eliot I had better repeat what
I have said in the preface to the Camden Debates : —
'^ In the first place I shall have to ask my readers to abandon the
notion that the great speech prepared by Eliot in conjunction with Cotton
for the debate of the loth of August| was ever really spoken. Mr.
Forster was, indeed, perfecUy justified in inserting the speech, for not
only does it bear throughout the impress of Eliot*s mind, but Eliot
has inserted it both in the Negotium and in his own collection of speeches,
and though he does not use his name, he says^ after reporting May*s
speech : —
But the esteem of precedents did remain with those that knew the
true value of antiquitjr, whereof a larger collection was in store to
direct the resolution in that case, which thus contained both reason
and authority.
<' Then after giving the speech in the Eliot, not in the Cotton form,
he goes on : — '
This inflamed the a£fection of the House, and pitched it wholly on
the imitation of their fathers ; the clear demonstrations that were
made of the likeness of the times gave them like reasons who had
like interests and freedom. But the courtiers did not relish it, who
VOL. I. U
290 THE FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT OXFORD.
CHAP. The debate was kept up for some time longer.
Amongst the speakers was Wentworth, who had been
at once forsook both their reason and their eloquence; all their hopes
consisting but in prayers and some light excuses that were framed,
but no more justification was once heard of, in which soft way the
Chancellor of the Exchequer did dbcourse, &c.
"This certunly is strong evidence, and in the face of it Mr. Forster
was quite justified in treating with disdain the fact that nothing of this
speech is to be found in the Journals. But the Journfds do not now stand
alone. We have three reports completely independent of one another,
but all agreeing in omitting Eliot's speech , and in substituting one spoken
by Sir Francis Seymour. If this were all, those who think Eliot's state-
ment enough to counterbalance those of three independent witnesses
might still hold that it had not been rebutted. But there is another ar-
gument far stronger. Sir Richard Weston, according to all four autho-
rities, followed. He does not even allude to one of the arguments which
are supposed to have been pouring out from Eliot. He utters no word
of remonstrance against his tremendous personal attack upon Buckingham ;
but he applies himself very closely to Seymour's argument, and carefully
answers it I cannot believe that anyone who will take the trouble of
reading Weston's speech at p. 112, can doubt that Seymour really spoke
before him. And if so, where is there any room for Eliot's speech,
which is substituted for his in the Negotium ?
** The two forms of the speech which have come down to us are, as Mr.
Forster has pointed out, substantially the same, but the one is the speech
of an orator, the other of an antiquary. Mr. Forster argues, that in the
case of Cotton's speech, * some one finding at the same time,' i.e. after
1 65 1, when the speech was published by Howell in his CoUoni PodhumOy
* a manusciipt copy of the speech purporting to have been spoken by
Eliot, was misled by Howell into a marginal indorsement of it as '' not
spoken but intended by Sir John Eliot," and the preservation of the copy
in the Lansdowne MSS., so indorsed, adds to the confusion.'
** The argument is probably based upon the fact that, at the head of
the speech (Lansd. MSS., 491, fol. 138) is written in a different hand
from the rest of the pnper * Sir John Eliot's : this speech was not spoken
but intended.' But any argument drawn from the difierence of hand-
writing falls to the ground when it is observed that this is merely a
copy of a heading which was originally at the top of the page, and the
greater part of which has been cut off in the process of binding;
enough, however, remains to show that the heading was originally in the
same writing as the body of the document. My own belief is that it was
a copy taken from Cotton's notes at the very time by some one who
knew that Eliot intended to use them but did not For, in after years,
who was likely to call to mind the mere intention to deliver a speech,
especially as it was known amongst Cotton's friends as his production ?
la
wentworth's view of the case. 29 1
re-elected for Yorkshire during the vacation. He had chap.
. VIII
promised to take no part in any personal attack upon -- , ' --
the Duke.^ He took no interest in the Duke's pro- ^ u
jects, and the slight put upon the House of which he
was a member stung him to the quick. * He was not/
he said, * against giving, but against the manner.' He
did not like to hear the threat that they must either
give or adjourn. * The engagement of a former Par-
hament,' he added, * bindeth not this.* Not that he
seems to have i^ared much whether the House had
confidence in the Duke or not. As far as he was con-
cerned, we may safely conjecture, if the subsidies were
In a letter written bj Sir S. D*Ewe8^ on the 4th of February, 1626 (EUiSf
ser. I, iii. 214)1 tbewriter, speaking of the omission of the King to land
on his way to his coronation at Sir K. Cotton's stairs, says : — ' I con-
ceived the Duke had prevented that act of grace to be done him, by
reason of that piece I shewed you, which began, '* Soe long as thou at-
tendedst our master, now with God,'' framed by him. You may remember
how I told you that I doubted him the author, by reason of the style
and gravity of it,'
** Curiously enough, the first words here given are not the first words of
Cotton's work as it stands in the CoUoni Posthttma and the Lansdovme
MSS, The paper which D'Ewes saw must have omitted the introduc-
tion relating to Clerke's censure by the Ilouse. On the other hand it
was Cotton's, not Eliot*s work which he saw. For Eliot began with a
verbal difference : * While thou remainedst in the service of King James.'
** The most probable explanation is that the speech is by Cotton ; that
Cotton shrank from making use of it, and that Eliot, catching it up,
breathed into it the fire of his own magnificent ima^ation, and converted
the result of the antiquary's laborious investigation into words inspired
with life.
''It is easy to find reasons why, after all, Eliot should have pre-
ferred silence. In the first burst of his indignation at finding Bucking-
ham had broken away from his compact, nothing would seem too hard to
say. But when it came to the point, we should only be inclined to think
more highly of Eliot if he shrunk bnckand refused to strike the first blow.''
Since these words were written I have an additional witness to call,
and that is no other than Eliot himself. In the notes in his own hand-
writing which, through Lord St. Germans* kindness, I have before me,
Seymour's speech is given, and not a word is said of any speech of Eliot's
own.
* Wentworth to Weston ; Strqfot'd LeUers, i. 34.
u2
^92
THE FmST PARLIAMENT OP CflARLES 1. AT OXTORD.
CHAP.
VIII.
**- — I
1625.
Aug. za
A benevo-
lence sag-
gested by
Coke.
Mansell
says he
had not
approved
Backing*
ham's
scheme.
Adjonm-
meut.
to be spent in war with Spain, it mattered little
' whether Buckingham or some more trusted councillors
were to have the disposal of them. The internal afiairs
of England were the prime object of his solicitude
from the first day on which he opened his mouth in
Parliament. " Let us first," he said, " do the business
of the Commonwealth, appoint a Committee for peti-
tions, and afterwards, for my part, I will consent to do
as much for the King as any other." ^
Other speakers followed with various opinions, Coke
strangely enough suggesting a benevolence as the best
way out of the difiiculty. As a private man he was
ready to give 1,000/., and that willingly, notwith-
standing all his crosses. He hoped those of the King's
council woidd do as much. Then at last Mansell rose.
Since February, he said, he had not been at any debate
of the Council of War. When the proposition had
been made for the levy of 10,000 landsmen to go on
board the fleet, he ' thought that proposition to no pur-
pose, being such as would gall the enemy rather than
hurt him.' He had a plan of his own which would be
far more useful. Conway had told him that the resolu-
tion would admit no debate. The advice of the
Council was asked only concerning the arms for 2,000
men. He had answered that he protested against the
business itself.
Upon this the Committee was adjoimied to the
next morning. It would be hard for Buckingham to
wipe away the impression made by Mansell's words.
By this time, too, Pennington and his sailors were back
in England. The tale of the delivery of the ships by
special orders from Buckingham must have been in
every mouth. It was known that the French boasted
that they would use them against Eochelle. The un-
^ Camden Debates, 113; £M Notes.
BUCKINGHAM ATTACKED BY NAME. 293
confirmed assertion of Buckingham that there was chap.
. Vllf.
peace in France was entirely disbelieved.
Before the debate recommenced on Tliursday
morning a letter was read from William Legg, a ^o^fe^**"*®
prisoner to the Moorish pirates at Sallee. He was one,
he said, of eight hundred Englishmen captured at sea.
Enormous ransoms had been demanded, and those who
refused or had been unable to pay had been treated
with the utmost cruelty. Some of them had been
tortured by fire, some were almost starved, and one
poor wretch had been compelled to eat his own ears.
Witnesses, too, who had escaped from the pirates were
actually in attendance. One had been captured but
eight leagues from the Land's End. It appeared that
great spoil had been committed on the EngUsh coast,
so that vessels scarcely ventured from port to port. If
the West of England cried out against the rovers of
Sallee, the East cried out against the Dunkirk privateers.
Even the Huguenots of Eochelle had forgotten the
respect due to English commerce. They had seized
some ships of Bristol for service against the King of
France, and had turned the sailors adrift on shore with-
out money or provisions.
Indignation was fast coming to a head. It was Anger of
known that orders given by the Council for the em-
ployment of some of the King's ships against the
pirates had been countermanded by the Navy Com-
missioners. It was replied that the Duke had given
directions to Sir Francis Steward, one of the commanders
of the fleet, to clear the seas of pirates. The answer
was that Sir Francis Steward had looked calmly on
whilst a capture was being made near the French coast,
on the plea that he had no orders to act in foreign
waters. At last Seymour spoke out what was in the
mind of all. " Let us lay the fault where it is," he
294 TIDE FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES I. AT OXFORD.
CHAP. said. " The Duke of Buckingham is trusted, and it
^ — r-^ must needs be either in him or his agents." " It is not
AvJ!ii fi*'" ^^^^^ Phelips, " to repose the safety of the king-
Budung- (jQm upon those that have not parts answerable to
named. their placcs." A Committee was appointed to frame a
petition embodying these complaints.
For the first time the Duke had been attacked by
name. It was a fitting answer to his assumption of
almost regal dignity in Christchurch hall. The man
who had assumed to direct all things must bear the
responsibility of all things.
Marten When tlic Housc at last went into committee. Sir
»«ppiy. Henry Marten ^ made one more efibrt to obtain a grant
of supply. But he, at least, was not likely to make
much impression on the House. Eightly or wrongly,
it was believed that he was trying to wipe off the
offence given by his reference to Buckingham as a
young ambassador. He produced so little effect that
Seymour, in repeating his advice not to give, did
not care to put forward any fresh reasons. After
a few more words on both sides. Sir Eobert Killigrew
advised that the question should not be put It would
be a greater disgrace to the King to be in a minority
than to have the whole House against him.^
DiMoiatioa That aftcmoon^ the Council met to consider
resoiTedon. ^ i ^ iiini*
whether the House should be allowed to sit any longer.
Once more Williams pleaded hard against the fatal
error of opening the new reign with a quarrel with the
House of Commons. And for once Buckingham was
^ He, aud DOt Sir J. Coke, is the 'old artLit ' of the Ke^ium, aa ap>
pears from what Eliot says, * Some did imagine that an act of expiation
for the former tre8pa.«8 he had done.'
' Camden Debates, 1 20.
^ IHshop of Mende to Richelieu, received Aug. |J; Kin^s aMSS., 137,
99. Nethursole to Carleton, Aug. 14 ; Camden Debates^ 162.
A DISSOLUTION RESOLVED ON. 295
on the same side. Throwing himself on his knees he chap.
entreated the King to allow the Parliament to continue. ^-TV^'-^
But Charles was immovable, and the dissolution was '^^S-
irrevocably determined on. ^' "'
Buckingham's petition was naturally described by his
opponents as a mere piece of acting.^ It may have
been so, but it was not in his nature to shrink from
opposition. His temper always led him to meet his
detractors face to face, certain of the justice of his own
cause and of his own ability to defend it. In truth it
was Charles's authority as much as Buckingham's
which was at stake. The coiurse which the Commons
were taking led surely, if indirectly, to the responsi-
bihty of ministers to Parliament. And the responsi-
biUty of ministers to Parhament meant just as surely
the transference of sovereignty from the Crown to the
Parliament.
The next morning, before the fatal hour arrived, an Heath
attempt was made by Heath to answer Mansell. The mS^i?
Council of War, he said, had often been consulted.
Chichester, who was dead, had left papers to show how
far he agreed with the plans proposed. Carew was
absent from Oxford ; Harvey had only recently joined
the Council. But Lords Grandison and Brooke, the Sir
Oliver St. John and Sir Fulk Qreville of earUer days,
would come, if they were invited, to tell the House
what they knew. As for ManseU, he had a scheme of
his own to which no one else would listen, and had
consequently refused to attend the Council.
This account of what had taken place was very
likely true, but Heath had not met Mansell's assertion
that he had been told that he was not to speak on the
scheme itself, but only on its execution. And Mansell, Manaeii
who rose in self-defence, did not deny that there had been
* Eliot's Negotium, in Fonter^ i. 252, ,
8
anawer.
296 THE FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT OXFORD.
CHAP, personal ill-will between himself and Buckingham,
* ^ but he said that when he laid his own proposal before
A^ 12. *^® Council, he was told that he must go to Buckingham,
* who only had permission from the King to consider of
new propositions.' To this, which was only what the
Commons suspected, no reply was vouchsafed; the
testimony of Brooke and Grandison was neither
demanded on one side nor pressed on the other.^
By this time it was known in the House that they
had but a few minutes more to sit. The Black Eod
was already at the door to summon them to dissolution.
Proposed Some wished to petition for delay. But what good
g^uon for y^ould delay do them imless they were prepared to
abandon their ground ? " Eumours," said Phehps, " are
no warrant for such a message. Let them go on with
business. When they had notice of the King's plea-
sure, it was their duty to obey it."
fhepro- The House went at once into committee, and
adopted a protestation prepared by Glanville, who had
taken a prominent part in the debates of the past
days. In the following fashion the Commons ap-
proached the King : —
" We, the knights, citizens, and burgesses of the
Commons' House of Parliament, being the representa-
tive body of the whole commons of this realm,
abundantly comforted in his Majesty's late gracious
answer touching religion, and his message for the care
of our healths, do solemnly protest and vow before
God and the world with one heart and voice, that we
will ever continue most loyal and obedient subjects to
our most gracious sovereign King Charles, and that we
will be ready in convenient time and in a parliamentary
way freely and dutifully to do our utmost endeavour to
discover and reform the abuses and grievances of the
' Camdeti DebaleSf 122.
PROTESTATION AND DISSOLUTION OF THE COMMONS. 297
realm and State, and in the like sort to afford all necessary chap.
VIII.
supply to his Majesty upon his present and all other his
just occasions and designs ; most humbly beseeching our ^^^^^
ever dear and dread sovereign, in his princely wisdom
and goodness, to rest assured of the true and hearty
affections of his poor Commons, and to esteem the
same — as we conceive it indeed — the greatest worldly
reputation and security a just king can have, and to
account all such as slanderers of the people's affections
and enemies of the Commonwealth that shall dare to
say the contrary."
One last effort was made by Sir Edward Villiers The last
to induce the House to reconsider its determination. "^^
" We are under the rod,'' answered Wentworth, " and
we cannot with credit or safety yield. Since we sat
here, the subjects have lost a subsidy at sea." ^
The protestation was hurried through the necessary
forms. Whilst Black Eod was knocking at the door,
some one moved that there shoidd be a declaration
' for the acquitting of those who were likely to be
questioned for that which they had spoken.' If any
one was likely to be questioned it was PheUps. But
Phehps would hear nothing of it. '' Tliere hath been
Httle effect of such declarations," he eaid. " The last
Parhament but one ^ some went to the Tower, some
were banished to Ireland, notwithstanding just ac-
quittals. For my part, if I am questioned, 1 desire no
other certificate but the testimony of my conscience,
in confidence whereof I will appeal from King Charles
misinformed to King Charles rightly informed."
At last the doors were opened. The Commons ninsoiu-
tion.
^ The exposure of English oommeice to pirates was always a reproach
to which Wentworth was extremely sensitive.
* The words " hut one " are wanting in the report Camden De-
batti, 127.
298 THE FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT OXFORD.
CHAP, were summoned to the Upper House, and in a few
minutes the first Parliament of Charles I. had ceased
.^ *^* to exist.
Aug. 12.
Such was the end of this memorable Parhament — a
Parliament which opened the floodgates of that long
contention with the Crown, never, except for one brief
moment, to be closed again till the Eevolution of 1688
came to change the conditions of government in Eng-
land. And, as far as the history of such an assembly
can be summed up in the name of any single man, the
history of the Parhament of 1625 is summed up in
the name of Phehps. At the opening of the session
his hasty advocacy of an immediate adjournment met
Leadership with httlc rcsDonse. But under the pressure of events
of rhclips. ITT -in 1 ^ ' ' 1 1
the House came gradually round to his side, and at
Oxford he virtually assumed that unacknowledged
leadership which was all that the traditions of Parlia-
ment at that time permitted. It was Phelips who
placed the true issue of want of confidence before the
House, and who, by the enquiry which he directed to
Mansell, pointed out the means of testing the value of
Buckingham's assertions,
justifica- It is not necessary to defend all that was said, still
want of less all that was thought, in the House about Bucking-
in Buck-^^ liam. No one who has studied the facts of the history
mghain. ^^ ^ caudid spirit can deny that the speeches of the
popular members were full of unfounded suspicions
and unreasonable demands. But, for all that, it is im-
possible to assert that Buckingham could show any suflS-
cient ground for reposing confidence in him. The
account which he gave of his proceedings was singularly
confused. By his own confession he had entered into
engagements which he was unable to meet, and which he
did not venture to ask the Commons to assist him in meet-
ing. And, besides this, the terrible failure of Mansfeld's
BUCKINGHAM'S FAULTS. 299
expedition, costing thousands of innocent lives, could chap.
not be explained away. Nor is Buckingham's a case
in which further publicity than he was able to appeal
to would present his ability in a better light. For
some time he had been occupied in undoing the
results of his own mistakes. The engagement about
the Catholics and the loan of the ships to the King of
France had been mainly his doing. The manner in
which he had extricated himself from those entangle-
ments was not known to the House of Commons. But
it is known to us ; and we may be sure that if the
Commons had known what we know they would have
been even more indignant than they were. As it was,
the general opinion of moderate Englishmen was pro-
bably well expressed by a foreign diplomatist who
took but little interest in the Parliamentary conflict.
Since he had come to England, he said, he had learned Riwdorfs
the truth of two paradoxes. Under Jam6s, he found
that it was better to take a bad resolution than none
at all ; under Charles, that it was better to give
effect to a bad resolution with prudence and abiUty,
than to give effect to a good resolution without fore-
thought and consideration.^
The attitude which Charles would take towards Attitude of
the King.
this declared want of confidence in his minister
would evidently depend upon the amount of confidence
which he himself continued to feel in him. And
unfortunately there was no chance that his reUance
on Buckingham would be shaken. His own mind
had nothing originative about it. When once the
brilliant schemes of Buckingham had dazzled his un-
derstanding, he adopted them as his own, and from
that moment all chance of inducing him to abandon
' Rusdorf to Camerarius, Sept {^ ; ConsUia et Negoiia, 69.
300
CHAP.
VIII.
*— r— —
1625.
Aog. I a.
Conflict
between
Ciownand
Parlia-
ment.
Conservg-
tism of the
Hoafle.
THE FIRST PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES L AT OXFORD.
them was at an end. He had no power of stepping
out of himself to see how his actions looked to other
people, especially when, as was certain to be the
case, the real objections to his policy were mixed up
with offensive imputations which he knew to be un-
founded in fact.
The difference of opinion between the King and
the Parliament was thus reduced to a contest for power.
The two great elements of the constitution which had
worked harmoniously together were brought at last into
open conflict. The right of enquiry before subsidies
were voted would, if once it were admitted, place the
destinies of England in the hands of the House from
which subsidies proceeded. But it would be a mistake
to suppose that either party in the quarrel were grasp-
ing at power for its own sake. Charles believed that
he was defending a wise and energetic minister against
factious opposition. The Commons believed that they
were hindering a rash and self-seeking favourite fix>m
doing more injury than he had done abready. If
neither were completely in the right, the view taken
by the Commons was far nearer to the truth than the
view taken by Charles.
So far as the difference between the King and the
House went beyond the mere question of confidence,
the Commons stood upon a purely conservative ground.
We look in vain amongst their leaders for any sign of
openness to the reception of new ideas, or for any
notion that the generation in which they lived was not
to be as the generation which had preceded it. Their
conception of the war was more suited to 1588 than
to 1625, and the mazes of European politics formed
for them a labyrinth without a thread. In all they
had to say about the affairs of the Continent it is hard
to find a single word which betrays any real know-
CONSERVATISM OF THE COMMONS. 301
ledge of the wants and difficulties of the Protestants of chap.
• . . ' VlII
Germany. In home politics, too, their eyes were - — r-^
equally directed to the past. The form of religion Aog.Vji.
which had grown up under the influence of the
Elizabethan struggle with Spain was to be stereotyped.
Differences of opinion were to be prohibited, and the
Calvinistic creed was to be imposed for ever upon
the EngUsh nation.
But if the temper of the Commons was thus purely
conservative, its conservatism was to some extent
justified by the nature of the alternative offered to it.
Charles's foreign policy was as ignorant as that of the
Commons, and far more hazardous. Charles's eccle-
siastical policy had hardly yet had time to develope
itself. But signs were not wanting that it would be
even more dangerous than that which was secure of
the popular favour. If the Commons were ready to
proscribe the religious opinions of the few, the men
whom the King honoured with his preference were
ready to proscribe the religious practices of the many.
302
CHAPTER IX.
THE EXPEDITION TO CADIZ.
CHAP.
IX.
^*- — r— — '
1625.
Aug. 12.
The leaden
of the
Commons
untouched.
Bucking-
ham's in>
tent ions.
The gloomy anticipations of some of the Commons
with respect to their personal safety were not realised.
PheUps and Seymour, Coke and Glanville, returned in
peace to their homes. Mansell indeed was summoned
before the Council. But he answered boldly that he
could not be touched without a violation of the
liberties of Parliament, and he was dismissed with
nothing worse than a reprimand.^
In fact it was no part of Buckingham's policy to
drive the nation to extremity. Full of confidence in
himself, he fancied that he had but to use the few
months' breathing space allowed him to convince the
electors that their late representatives had been in the
wrong. The time had come which he had apparently
foreseen when he conversed with Eliot at Westminster.
He had asked for necessary support, and had been denied.
A few days would show the King of France at peace
at liome, turning his sword against Spain and the
allies of Spain abroad. A few months would show
the great English fleet returning with the spoils of
Spanish cities and the captured treasures of the New
World. Then a fresh Parliament would assemble
round the throne to acknowledge the fortitude of the
King and the prescience of his minister.
A few days after the dissolution news came from
^ Johnston, Hist, JRerum JSrUannicarunif 666. Tilli^res to Lewis
XIII., Aug. l\; King's MSS.y 137, p. 121.
THE CIVIL WAR IN FRANCE. 303.
France which dashed to the ground the hopes which chap.
had been formed of the cessation of the dvil war. ^^•
There were many persons about the Court of Lewis ^^^^•
who had no liking for EicheUeu's poUcy of toleration. ^j^^J|J,^®
The Prince of Cond6, if report spoke truly, sent a hint Huguenots
_ conies to
to Toiras, who commanded the French troops outside nothing.
Eochelle, that the peace must in one way or another
be made impossible. To carry such counsels into
execution presented no difficulties to Toiras. The
EocheUese, pleased with the news that peace had been
made at Fontainebleau, pressed out without suspicion
into the fields to gather in their harvest. Upon the
innocent reapers Toiras directed his cannon. Many of
them were slain, and Toiras then proceeded to set fire
to the standing com. Loud was the outcry of the ^^s-^o.
indignant citizens within the walls. It was impossible,
they said, to trust the King's word. The ratification of
the treaty was refused, and it seemed as though the
war must blaze up once more with all its horrors.^
It was not long before the burden of war fell upon those
who were most innocent. The English ships were now
in the hands of the French admiral, and in a naval en-
gagement which took place ofi" Eochelle on September 5, sepL 5.
Soubise was entirely defeated, and driven to take an solJbfse.^
ignominious refuge in an English port.
Such a calamity could hardly have been foreseen How it
ftffected
by any one. But it was none the less disastrous to Bucking,
Buckingham's designs of conciliating the English
nation. All the long intrigue carried on with the as-
sistance of Nicholas was rendered useless. The English
ships were in French hands, and they woidd doubtless
be used against Eochelle. What a handle this would
give to Buckingham's accusers it was easy to foresee.
It is probable that this misfortune was already
* Hesoluticn of the Town of Kochellei Aug. |§; Lorkin to Conway,
Aug. l\ ; 8, P. Fran<^,
304
THE EXPEDITION TO CADIZ,
CHAP.
IX.
1625.
Aug. Z4
Banish-
ment of
the priests
resolved on.
The fleet
to go, and
Privy seals
to be
issued.
The Privy
seals de-
layed.
Charles's
domestic
troubles.
known to Charles when the Privy Council met at
Woodstock on the 14th, the Sunday after the dissolu-
tion. It was evidently the King's intention to show
that, so lar as the assent of the Privy Council as it
was then composed was worth anything, he would
take no serious step without its advice. Its members
unanimously approved of a proclamation for the
banishment of the Eoman Catholic priests, of the con-
tinuance of the preparations for sending out the fleet,
and of the issue of Privy seals, to raise what was prac-
tically a forced loan, in order to meet its expenses.^
Yet if money had been needed for the fleet alone,
there would have been no such pressing need. In
addition to the 10,000/. borrowed in August, no less
than 98,000/. were brought into the exchequer in the
months of August and September on account of the
Queen's portion,^ and Charles, before August was over,
was quietly talking to the French ambassador of divert-
ing part of the new loan to some other purpose.*
In point of fact the order for preparing the Privy
seals was not issued till September 1 7,* and the fleet
was at sea before a single penny of the loan came into
the King's hands. But Charles had many needs, and
he may perliaps have thought that there would be
less opposition to the loan if he asked for it for the
purpose of fitting out the fleet.
Charles had thus been able to dismiss his Par-
liainent and to convince or cajole his Privy Council.
But he could neither convince nor cajole his wife. The
promises lightly made when hope was young he had
now repudiated and flung aside. He was unable to
understand why the Queen, who had upon the faith
^ Meautys's Note, Aug. 14, S. P. Dom,^ v. 41 ; Tillidres to Lewia
XIII., Aug. I}; Kinff'tMSS.f 137, p. 1 21.
' Heceipt Boohs of the Exchequer,
* Timbres to Lewis XUL, Aug. {|; King's M88., 137, p. 131.
^ The King to the Oouncil| Sept. 17 ; S.P, Dom,, vi. 70,
ILL-HUMOUR OF THE QUEEN. 305
of those promises, consented to leave her mother's care ^?x.^'
for a home in a strange land, should feel aggrieved j^' .
when the Catholics, whom she had come to protect, ^ug.
were again placed under the pressure of the penal laws.
A few days after the dissolution he was at Beaulieu,
hunting in the New Forest, whilst Henrietta Maria was
established at Titchfield, on the other side of Southamp- The Queen
ton Water. There he visited her from time to time ; field,
but in the temper in which they both were there was
little chance of a reconciliation. Charles never thought
of taking the slightest blame to himself for the
estrangement which had arisen between them. It
was a wife's business, he held, to love and obey her
husband, just as it was the business of the House of
Commons to vote him money. Sometimes he sent
Buckingham to threaten or to flatter the Queen by
turns. Sometimes he came in person to teach her what
her duties were. If he was Wind to his own errors he
was sharpsighted enough to perceive that his wife's
French attendants were doing their best to keep her
displeasure alive, and were teaching her to regard her-
self as a martyr, and to give as much time as possible
to spiritual exercises and to the reading of books of
devotion.^ To counteract these tendencies in the Queen, Dispute
Charles wished to place about her the Duchess of ilTdiM Sf
Buckingham, the Countess of Denbigh, and the Mar- chlmw.
chioness of Hamilton, the wife, the sister, and the
niece of his own favourite minister, and he desired
her at once to admit them as Ladies of the Bed-
chamber.
The demand was not in contradiction with the
^ See a curious letter, said to be from a gentleman in the Queen's
household (Oct 15, S. P. 2>(wi.,vii. 85), which looks genuine. But even
if it is not, the statements in it are in general accordance with what is
known from other sources.
VOL. I. f X
3o6
THE EXPEDITION TO CADIZ.
CHAP.
IX.
1625.
Aug.
The Eng-
lish sennoii
at Titch-
field.
Practical
jokes- upon
the
preacher.
letter of the marriage treaty.^ But it was in complete
opposition to its spirit, and the young Queen fired up
in anger at the proposal. She told Charles that what
he asked was contrary to the contract of marriage.
Nothing, she told her own followers, would induce her
to admit spies into her privacy.
The strife grew fierce. The guard-room at Titch-
field was used on Sundays for the service of the
English Church, according to the custom which jM:e-
vailed in houses occupied by the King. Against this
the Queen protested as an insult to herself, and argued
that whilst Charles was at Beawheu, she was herself the
mistress of the house. But Lady Denbigh took part
against her, and the service was not discontinued. At
last the Queen lost all patience, made an incursion into
the room at sermon time, and walked up and down
laughing and chattering with her French ladies as
loudly as possible. The preacher soon found himself
a butt for the practical jokes of the Frenchmen of the
household. One day, as he was sitting on a bench in
the garden, a gun was fired ofi* behind a hedge close
by. The frightened man fancied an attempt had been
made upon his Ufe, and pointed to some marks upon the
bench as having been made by the shot aimed at himself.
Tilli^res, who had come back to England as chamberlain
to the Queen, was called in to adjudicate, and, having
sat down on several parts of the bench, gravely argued
that as he could not sit anywhere without covering
some of the marks, and as, moreover, the clergyman
was very corpulent, whilst he was himself very thin,
the shot which had made the marks must certainly
1 By Article 1 1 all the attendants taken from France were to be
Catholics and French, and all vacancies were to be filled up with
Catholics. Lewis had forgotten to provide for the case of Charles wish-
ing to add Protestants when there were no vacancies.
TREATY WITH THE DUTCH. 307
have passed through the person of the complainant, if chap.
his story had been true.^ >— ^r^ — '
K Charles was hardly a match for his wife, he had ^^^ 5-
no doubt at all that he was a match for half the
Continent. Those vast enterprises which he had been
unable to bring himself to disavow in the face of the
House of Commons had stiU a charm for his mind. In Rnsdorf
vain Busdorf, speaking on behalf of his master, the cSariesto
exiled Frederick, urged upon him the necessity of con- JS^ ©f *
centrating his forces in one quarter, and argued that ^^°^**-
the ten thousand landsmen on board the fleet would be
xiseless at Lisbon or Cadiz, but would be invaluable on
the banks of the Elbe or the Weser, where Christian
of Denmark was with diflSculty making head against
TiUy.*^
The attack upon Spain was the first object with The Dutch
Charles, and he therefore listened readily to the Dutch SonSsVa
commissioners, who had come to England in order to ^^
draw up a treaty of alliance. Naturally the Dutch-
men cared more about the war with Spain than about
the war in Germany, and when the treaty which they
came to negotiate was completed it fixed accurately
the part to be taken by the two countries in common
maritime enterprise, whUst everything relating to
hostiUties on land was expressed in vague generaUties.
The States General had already agreed to lend Charles
2,000 English soldiers in exchange for the same
number of recruits, and to send twenty vessels to join
the fleet at Plymouth.® By the treaty signed at septs.
Southampton on September 8 an alUance offensive and ^sowS-'^
defensive was established between England and the ""p^"^
* TilliSres, MSmoires, 99-104 ; Rusdorf to Oxenstjenia, ^^^ j Meni.,
ii. 73.
* Rusdorf 8 advice, ^775 j Mem,, i. 611.
^ Agreement, '^l:^; AUzema, i. 468.
x2
308 THE EXPEDITION TO CADIZ.
CHAP. States General. The Flemish harbours were to be kept
' — r^ — ' constantly blockaded by a Dutch fle3t, whilst the Eng-
^ ^^g lish were to perform the same task off the coast of
Spain. Whenever a joint expedition was concerted
between the two nations the States General were to
contribute one ship for every fom* sent out by England.
The details of a somewhat similar arrangement for
joint operations by land were left, perhaps intentionaDy,
in some obscurity.^
To Eusdorf the preference shown for maritime
over military enterprise was the death-knell of his
master's chances of recovering the Palatinate. Charles
was far too sanguine to take so gloomy a view of his
Open situation. He had now openly broken with Spain.
Spain. He had recalled Trumball, his agent at Brussels, and
he had no longer any minister residing in the
Spanish dominions. He had followed up this step
by the issue of letters of marque to those who wished
to prey on Spanish commerce. But he had no idea of
limiting hostilities to a combat between England and
Spain. " By the grace of God," he said to a Swedish
ambassador who visited him at Titchfield, "I will
carry on the war if I risk my crown. I will have
reason of the Spaniards, and will set matters straight
again. My brother-in-law shall be restored, and I
only wish that all other potentates would do as I am
doing." 2
In fact it was because Charles liad not been con-
tent to pursue a mere war of vengeance against Spain,
that he had entered upon those extended engagements
which more than anything else had brought him into
collision with the House of Commons. Those engage-
ments he had no intention of abandoning, and he
^ Treaty of Southampton ; ibid, i. 469.
' Rusdorf to Frederick, Sept. §g ; Man., I 623.
PROJECTED PROTESTANT ALLIANCES. 309
hoped that if some temporary way of fulfilUng them chap.
could be found, the success of the fleet would place ^- > ' — ^
him in a position to claim the gratitude of his subjects, ^^^^'
and that he would thus be able to place himself at the
head of an alliance more distinctly Protestant than when
he had been hampered by the necessity of looking to
France for co-operation. In the treaty of Southamp-
ton the foimdation for such an alliance had been laid,
and it now only remained to extend it, with the need-
ful modifications, to the King of Denmark and the
North German Princes. It was therefore arranged
that Buckingham should go in person to the Hague, Bucking-
wliere the long-deferred conference was expected at ?o'Si^*^^
last to take place. But it was useless for him to go ^^^^
with empty hands. If Charles could not procure the
money which he had already bound himself to supply
to Christian, it was hardly likely that Christian would
care to enter into fresh negotiations with so bad a pay-
master. Yet, how was the money to be found ? One
desperate resoiu'ce there was of which Charles had
spoken already in a rhetorical flourish, and of which
he was now resolved to make use in sober earnest. The The Crown
plate and jewels of the Crown, the hereditary possession p^^n^di ^
of so many kings, might well be pledged in so just and
so holy a cause. In England no one would touch pro-
perty to which his right might possibly be challenged
on the ground that the inaUenable possessions of the
Crown could not pass, even for a time, into the hands
of a subject. On tlie Continent there would be no
fear of the pecuUar doctrines of English law. But
if once the precious gems were sent to the Continent,
there might be some difficulty in recovering them. At
last it was decided that the plate and jewels should be
canied by Buckingham to Holland. It was probably
argued that in that rich and friendly country men
Harwich.
310 TIIE EXPEDITION TO CADIZ.
CHAP, might be found who would both aocept the security
>■ — r-^ and be faithful to their trust.^
^ ^^' Want of money is a sad trial to any Gtovernment,
and in one part of England it had already brought
Charies into difficulties with his subjects. Towards the
end of August serious apprehensions were entertained
for the safety of Harwich. It was known that Dun-
kirk was aUve with preparations for war, and no part
of England was so hable to attack as the flat and in-
The Essex dcutcd coast of Esscx. Ordcrs were therefore issued
Ks at by the Privy Council to put Landguard Fort in repair,
and to occupy Harwich with a garrison of 3,000 men,
chosen from the Essex trained bands. So far everything
had been done according to rule. Each county was
bound to provide men for its own defence. But the
Crown was also bound to repay the expenses which it
might incur, and this time there was an ominous
silence about repayment. Under these circumstances
a proposition was made by the Earl of Warwick,
Holland's elder brother, who was now in high favour
with Buckingham, which looks hke tlie germ of the
extension of ship money to the inland counties.
The adjacent shires, he said, were interested in the
safety of Harwich. Let them, therefore, be called on
to contribute to its defence in men and money. The
adjacent shires, however, refused to do anything of the
kind ; and the vague promises of payment at some
future time, which was all that the Government had in
its power to offer, were met by the firm resolution of
the Essex men that they, at any rate, would not serve
' The earliest mention of Buckingham's intended journey is, I beUeve,
in Husdorfs letter to Oxenstjema, Sept. -^ (Mem. iL 63.) The first hint
about the jewels is in an order from Conway to Mildmaj, the Master of
the Jewel House, to give an account of the plate in his hands. Gonwaj
to Mildmay, Sept. 4 ; CvmoayU L^ter Book, 227 ; S. P, Dom,
THE NEW SECKETARY. 311
at their own charges. Making a virtue of necessity, chap.
the Council ordered the men to be sent back to their ^ ^f * -^
homes, and directed Pennington, who, since his return ^^^S-
from Dieppe, had been watching, with a small squadron,
the movements of the Dunkirk privateers, to betake
himself to the protection of Harwich. Thus ended
Charles's first attempt so to construe the obUgations of
the local authorities as to compel them to take upon
themselves the duties of the central Government.^
With all Charles's efforts to conciliate public opinion
by a bold and, as he hoped, a successful foreign
policy, there was no thought of throwing open the
offices of state to men who were hkely to be re-
garded with confidence by the nation. And yet it was
not long before an opportunity occurred of which a
vnse man would have taken advantage. On Septem- x)^i'*of'
ber 6 Morton died of a fever which seized him a few Norton.
days after his return from the Netherlands. The
vacant secretaryship was at once conferred upon Sir ^/^^^
John Coke, the only man amongst the Government t*^-'
officials who had incurred the positive dislike of the
opposition leaders of the Commons, and whose sub-
serviency and want of tact was to do even more damage
to his patrons than they had done already.
These things were not unnoticed. Lord Cromwell, cromw^S*
who had left his service under Mansfeld for a more i«"cr.
hopeful appointment in the new expedition, had brought
back with him from the 'Netherlands his old habit of
speaking plainly. " They say,** he wrote to Bucking-
ham, " the best lords of the Council knew nothing of
Count Mansfeld's joiurney or this fleet, which discon-
^ Coke to Buckingham y Aug. 25 ; Coke to Conway, Aug. 26 ; Order
of Council, Aug. 30 ; Sussex to the Council, Sept, 9 ; Warwick to Con-
way, Sept. 10; Warwick to the Council, Sept. 18, 23; The Council to
Warwick, Oct. 2 ; S, P. Dom., v. 85, 99 j vi. 38, 44, 76, 98 ; vii. 4.
312
THE EXPEDITION TO CADIZ.
CHAP.
IX.
1625.
Sq>t« 8.
Aug.
Badoon-
dition of
the troops
atPiv-
moath.
Cecil to
commuid
the ezpedi*
tion.
tents even the best sort, if not all. They say it is a
very great burden your Grace takes upon you, since
none knows anything but you. It is conceived that
not letting others bear part of this burden now you
bear, it may ruin you, which Heaven forbid.'* ^
The expedition upon which so many hopes were
embarked was by no means in a prosperous condition.
For a long time the soldiers had been left impaid.
Before the end of August there was a new press of
2,000 men to fill up the vacancies caused by sickness
and desertion.^ The farmers of South Devon upon
whom the soldiers were billeted refused to supply food
any longer to their unwelcome guests, as soon as they
discovered that their pockets were empty. like Mans-
feld's men eight months before, the destitute recruits
made up their minds that they would not die of star-
vation. Eoaming about the country in bands, they
killed sheep before the eyes of their owners, and told
the farmers to their faces that rather than famish they
would kill their oxen too.®
At one time there had been a talk of Buckingham's
going himself in command, and a commission had been
made out in his name. But he could not be at the
Hague and on the coast of Spain at the same time, and
he perhaps fancied that he could do better service as a
diplomatist than as an admiral. At all events, whilst
much to the amusement of the sailors he retained the
pompous title of generalissimo of the fleet, he ap-
pointed Sir Edward Cecil, the grandson of Burghley
and the nephew of Salisbury, to assume the active com-
mand with the more modest appellation of general.*
* Cromwell to Buckingham, Sept. 8 ; S, P, Dom., vi. 30.
^ The King to Nottingham and Holderness, Aug. 23 ; ihid, ▼. 62.
' Commissioners at Plymouth to the Council, Aug. 12, Sept. i ; S,P.
Dom.j vi, 3.
* Eliot, Negotium Posterorum.
k_
STATE OF THE TROOPS AT PLYMOUTH. 313
Cecil had served for many years in the Dutch army, chap.
with the reputation of being a good officer. But he *— — r^ — •
was now for the fiiBt time to be trusted with an indepen- ^^
dent command, and the selection was the more hazard-
ous as he was entirely unacquainted with naval warfare.
But he had from the first attached himself closely to
Buckingham, who had in vain supported his claims to
the command in the Palatinate in 1620, and who had
now sufficient influence to reverse the decision then
come to in favour of Sir Horace Vere. The Earl of Esaex and
Essex, who was to go as Vice-Admiral, knew as Uttle ° *^ '
of the sea as Cecil himself ; and the same might be said
of the Bear- Admiral, the Earl of Denbigh, -whose only
known qualification for the post lay in the accident
that he was married to Buckingham's sister.
Whatever Cecil's powers as a general may have s«pt.8.
been, he had at least a soldier's eye to discern the defi- report on
ciencies of the troops under his orders, and he pro- * ^
fessed himself as puzzled as the Commons had been to
discover why, if no attempts had been made to convert
the recruits into trained soldiers, they had been levied
in May for service in September. Buckingham too, he
complained, had been recommending officers to him
who were not soldiers at all, and whom ' he neither
could nor durst return.' The arms which the men
should have been taught to handle were still on board
ship in the harbour. On September 8, only three out
of the twenty Dutch ships promised had arrived at
Plymouth.^
There was, however, one direction in which Mewures
Cecil's energy could hardly be thrown away. In gainst
answer to the complaints made in Parliament it had ^ "
been announced that Sir Francis Steward would be
sent out with a squadron to clear the English seas of
^ Cecil to Conway, Sept. 8 ; S*P* Doni., vi. 36.
314 THE EXPEDITION TO CABIZ.
CHAP, the Sallee rovers. But Steward's attempt had ended
- — r^— ^ in total failure. According to the Mayor of Flymoudi
^^5- his ships had been outsailed by the pirates. Accord-
ing to his own account the weather had been against
him. Parliament, instead of grumbUng against the
King's officers, ought to have passed an act ensuring
them a fair wind.^
The outcry from the western ports waxed louder
than ever. It was reported that danger had arisen
from another quarter. No less than ten privateers had
sUpped through the Dutch blockading squadron in
front of Dunkirk,^ and were roaming the seas to prey
Sept. 9. upon English commerce. Cecil, when he heard the
cruise. news, seut out Sir Samuel Argall in seardi of the
enemy. Argall, after a seven days' cruise, returned
without having captured a single pirate or privateer.
But he was followed by a long string of French and
Dutch prizes, which he suspected of carrying on traffic
with the Spanish Netherlands. Amongst these was
one, the name of which was, a few months later, to
flash into sudden notoriety — the ' St. Peter of Havre de
Grace.' ^
The King By this time the King himself had paid a short visit
ingham at to PljTnouth to scc the fleet and to encourage the a:^w^
^™°° * by his presence. Buckingham, who came with him,
remained behind to settle questions of precedence
. amongst the officers, and to infuse, if it were possible,
some of his own energetic spirit into the commanders.
As usual he anticipated certain success, and he was
unwise enough to obtain from the King an immediate
peerage for Cecil, who was from henceforth to be
^ The Mayor &c. to the Council, Aug. 12 ; Steward to Buckingliiiii,
Aug. 16; S. P., V. 36, 49.
^ Hippisley to BuckiDghani, Sept 9 ; ibid. vi. 67, 1 20.
' Narrative of the expeditiou, Sept 16; Examination of the masters
of the prizes; ibid, vi. 67, 120.
SAILING OF THE EXPEDITION. 315
known as Viscount Wimbledon, on the ground that the chap.
additional rank would give him greater authority over ^ — . — '
his subordinates. Buckingham seems to have forgotten ^^J^'
that honours assumed before success has crowned an
imdertaking are apt to become ridiculous in case of
failure.
This was not the only foolish thing done by Buck- cianvuie
ingham at Plymouth. The sight of Glanville, the b^^Xho
author of the last address of the Commons at Oxford,
quietly fulfilling his duties as Kecorder of the Devon-
shire port, inspired him with the idea of maliciously
sending a Parliamentary lawyer to sea as secretary to
the fleet. Glanville pleaded in vain that the inter-
ruption to his professional duties would cause him a
heavy loss, and that, as no one but his clerk could,
even under ordinary circumstances, decypher his hand-
writing, it was certain that when he came to set down
the jargon of sailors, even that confidential servant
would be unequal to the task.^
At last, on the 5th of October the great fleet put to oct. 5.
sea. As it passed out of the harbour and rounded the the fl^t!
point where the soft woods of Mount Edgcumbe slope
down to the waters of the Sound, the long-expected
Dutch ships were descried showing their topsails above
the eastern waves, as if, as men said, they had come to
escort the English fleet upon its voyage. These fair
prospects were soon interrupted. The wind chopped
round to the south-west, and began to blow hard.
Essex, with the foremost vessels, took refuge in Fal-
mouth, but the bulk of the fleet put back to its old it puts
anchorage. But Plymouth harbour was no safe Plymouth,
refuge in such a gale, in the days when as yet the
* Glanville^s reasons, Sept ? Woodford to Nethersole, Oct. 8 ; S. P.
Dom,j vi. 132; vii. 44. Was Olanyille's objection the origin of the old
joke, or did he use it for want of an argument P
3l6 THE EXPEDITION TO CADIZ.
CHAP. lonfT low line of the breakwater had not arisen to
IX. °
curb the force of the rolling waves. By the next nxom-
oft^i' "^8 ^^^ bonds of discipline bad given way before the
anxious desire for safety, and the waters of the Sound
were covered with a jostling throng of vessels, hurrying,
regardless of the safety of others, to the secure retreat
of the Catwater. Orders, if given at all, met with but
little attention, and Wimbledon himself was forced to
get into a boat, and to pass from vessel to vessel, ia
order to exact the least semblance of obedience.
Wimble- Wimbledon had long ceased to look upon the ex-
spondency. pcditiou with his patrou's confidence of success. Little
good, he thought, would come of a voyage commenced
so late in the season. And now the spectacle of dis-
order which he witnessed left a deep impression on his
mind. The discipline which comes from an energetic
and well-arranged organisation was entirely wanting,
and it was not replaced by the discipline which springs
from old habits of comradeship, or from the devotion
which makes each man ready to sacrifice himself to die
common cause. Buckingham, who in 1624 had fancied
that military power was to be measured by the number
of enterprises simidtaneously undertaken, fancied in
1625 that the warlike momentum of a fleet or army
was to be measured by its numerical size. He had yet
to learn, if indeed he ever learnt it, that thousands of
raw recruits do not make an army, and that thousands
of sailors, dragged unwillingly into a service which they
disliked, do not make a navy. But Cecil knew it, and
the expedition carried with it the worst of omens in a
hesitating and despondent commander.^
Th^lwt ^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ iieety laden with the fortunes of
aj;ainputs Buckin<]jham and Charles, put to sea once more. It
to sea. " 'a
* Cecil to Coke, Oct. 8, undated in CaMoy 370; Wimbledon to
Buckingham, April 28, Sept. 26^ 1626; S, P, Dom., Addendti,
AimnrAL OF THE FLEET AT CADIZ. 317
sailed, as it had been gathered together, without any chap.
definite plan. There were general instnictions that a — ^^-^
blow should be struck somewhere on the Spanish coast ]^^\
before the treasure ships arrived, but no special enter-
prise had been finally selected. At a council held in
the King's presence at Plymouth, San Lucar had
been mentioned as a point of attack. But objections
had been raised, and the whole question was reserved
for further discussion on the spot. As soon, therefore, -,.^'- ^
r ' » The coun-
as the fleet rounded Cape St. Vincent, Wimbledon called «' o'^»r
a council, and was assured by seamen of experience
that it would be dangerous to enter the harbour so late
in the year. Upon this Argall observed that an easy
landing could be effected at St. Mary Port in Cadiz
Bay. From thence a march of twelve miles would
bring the troops to San Lucar, and their object would
thus be obtained without diflSculty.^
ArgalFs advice was adopted, and orders were given ri^^\^
to anchor off* St. Mary Port. But as the fleet swept up ^a^»* ^v-
to the station a sight presented itself much too tempting
to be resisted. Far away on the opposite side of the
Bay lay twelve tall ships with fifteen galleys by their
side,^ covering a crowd of smaller vessels huddled under
the walls of Cadiz. Essex, who led the way in
^ Wimbledon's Journal, printed in 1626, has been usually accepted
as the authority for the voyage. But it should be compared with his
own despatches, and with the letters of other officers, such as Sir W. St.
Leger, Sir G. Blundell, and Sir T. Love, which will be found amongst
the State Papers. The Journal of the ' Swiftsure ' (8, P. Dom,, xi. 22)
gives a full narrative of the proceedings of the squadron under Essex,
whilst the proceedings of Denbigh and Argall are specially treated of in
an anonymous journal {8, P. Doiii., x. 67). In Oeronimo de la Concep-
cion's Cadiz Ilustrada, we have the Spanish story. In the Tanner MSS,
(Ixxii. 16) there is a MS. copy of Wimbledon's Journal, annotated by
some one hostile to the author, thus bearing witness to the correctness of
his assertions where they are not questioned.
' There is a discrepancy about the numbers. I take them from Wim-
bledon's Journal.
3l8 THE EXl>EDinON TO CADIZ.
cnAP. Ai^ll's ship, the ^ Swiftsure/ dashed at once upon the
M.A.m
prey.
^^ It was not Wimbledon's fault that Essex narrowly
escaped a grave disaster. Sailing through Essex's
division, he shouted orders to. right and left to crowd
all sail after the Vice- Admiral But he shouted now as
vainly in Cadiz Bay as he shouted a few weeks before
in Plymouth harbour. The merchant captains and the
merchant crews, pressed unwillingly into the servioe,
had no stomach for the fight. Essex was left alone
to his glory and his danger, and Wimbledon, who did
not even know the names of the vessels under his com-
mand, was unable to call the la^[ards to account.
Of all this the Spanish commanders were necessarily
Flight of ignorant. Instead of tiutiing upon the unsupported
iiardT * Swiftsure,' they cut their cables and fled up the har-
bour. It was a moment for prompt decision. Had a
Drake or a Ealeigh been in command, an attempt would
doubtless have been made to follow up the blow. But
Wimbledon was no sailor, and he allowed his original
orders for anchoring to be quietly carried out.
At nightfall a council of war was summoned on
board the flagship. The project of marching upon San
Luair was tacitly abandoned. Had it been known that
a mere handful of three hundred men formed the
whole garrison of Cadiz,^ some voices would perhaps
have been raised for an immediate attack upon the
town. As it was, the pursuit of the ships was r^arded
Puntai to as the preferable alternative. But it was resolved first
li6 Attacked
to attack the fort of Puntai which guarded the entrance,
barely half a mile in width, leading to the inner
harbour where the vessels were. The obstacle did not
seem a serious one. '* Now," said one of the old sailors,
* Geronimo de la Concepdoti, 458.
ATTACK ON FORT PUNTAL. 319
*'you are sure of these ships. They are your own. ^fx5'
They are in a net. If you can but clear the forts to ^ \^2s
secure the fleet to pass in safely, you may do what you ^^- ««•
will." Nothing could be easier, it was thought, than
to take the fort. Sir WiUiam St. Leger alone protested
against the delay. Part of the fleet, he argued, w'ould
be suflBcient to batter the fort. The remainder might
sail in at once against the ships whilst the enemy's
attention was distracted. But St. Leger, like his com-
mander, was not a sailor, and in a council of war
composed mainly of sailors, his advice met with no
acceptance.
Five Dutch ships and twenty small Newcastle FaUureof
coUiers were accordingly ordered to attack the fort at attack,
once. As Wimbledon watched the flashes of the guns
Ughting up the night, he flattered himself that his orders oct 23.
had been obeyed. But when morning dawned he
learned that the English colliers had taken advantage
of the darkness to remain quietly at anchor, whilst the
Dutchmen, overmatched in the unequal combat, had
been compelled to draw ofi* at midnight with the loss
of two of their ships.
A rope at the yard-arm would doubtless have been
Drake's recipe for the disease. Wimbledon was of a
milder nature. Eowing from ship to ship, he adjured
the cowards to advance for very shame. Finding that
he might as weU have spoken to the winds, he went on
board the * Swiftsure ' and directed Essex to attack.
The ' Swiftsure ' was at once placed opposite the Second
enemy's batteries, and was well seconded by her
comrades of the Koyal Navy. But nothing would
induce the merchant captains to venture into danger.
Clustering timidly behind the King's sliips, they con-
tented themselves with firing shots over them at
the fort. At last one of them clumsily sent a shot
320 THE EXPEDITION TO CADIZ.
^?x ^* ^S^^^ through the stem of the * Swiftsure/ and
\^' Essex, losing patience, angrily ordered them to cease
Oct. 23. firing.
Surrender ^ t -it* ti-i
of PuntAi. Such an attack as this was not likely to compel the
garrison to surrender, and it was only upon the landing
of a portion of the troops that the fort capitulated.
The Spanish commander was struck by the gallant
bearing of the * Swiftsure,' and asked who was in com-
mand. "Do you know," was the reply, "who took
Cadiz before ? " " Yes," he said, « it was the Earl of
Essex." " The son of that Earl," he was told, « is in
the ship." " Then," replied the Spaniard, " I think the
devil is there as well." A request that he might be
allowed to pay his respects to Essex was promptly
accorded, and his reception was doubtless such as one
brave man is in the habit of giving to another.
It was late in the evening before Puntal was in the
hands of the English. By that time all hope of taking
Reinforce- Cadiz bv siirprfse was at an end. Whilst Essex was
ments for .
Cadiz. battering Puntal, Spanish troops were flocking into
Cadiz, and that night the town was garrisoned by four
thousand soldiers. It was true that the place was only
provisioned for three days, but the Spanish galleys soon
learned that they coidd bring in succours in spite of
the English, and Cadiz was soon provisioned as well as
guarded.
For the present, however, the ships at the head of
the harbour were the mark at which Wimbledon
Oct 24. aimed. But he contented himself with directing
sent after Denbigh to sec that the work was accomplished. He
* ' *^*' himself saw to the landing of the greater part of the
troops still on board on the following morning, and
called a council of war at noon to decide what was
next to be done.
The march Scarcely, however, had the council met, when a
northwards.
WIMBLEDON'S MARCH TO THE BRHX^E. 32 1
scout hurried in with intelUgence that a large force of chap.
the enemy was approaching from the north, where the >
island, at the southern end of which Cadiz was situated, ^^^'
swelled out in breadth till it was cut off from the
mainland by a narrow channel over which a bridge was
thrown. Fearing lest he should be taken between this
force and the town, Wimbledon gave hasty orders to
advance to meet it. But the Spaniards were in no
hurry to bring on an action against superior numbers,
and prudently drew back before him.
After a six miles' march the English discovered
that no enemy was in sight. But Wimbledon did not
appear to be in the least disconcerted. " It seemeth,"
he sjiid to those who were near him, " that this alarm
is false. But since we are thus forwards on our way, if
you will, we will march on. It may be we may light
on some enemy. If we do not, we may see what kind
of bridge it is that hath been so much spoken of." ^
Wimbledon, in fact, lighted on an enemy upon The
whose presence he had failed to calculate. In the among the
hurry of the sudden march no one had thought of ^*°®^
seeing that the men carried provisions with them.
Many of the soldiers had not tasted food since they had
been landed to attack Puntal the day before. Ever
since noon they had been marching with the hot
Spanish sun beating fiercely on their heads. Wim-
bledon, in mercy, ordered a cask of wine to be
brought out of a neighbouring house to solace the
fasting men. Even a little drop would have been too
much for their empty stomachs, but the houses around
were stored with wine for the use of the West India
' This would be almost incredible; if it did not stand on Wimbledon's
own authority. The marginal note in the copy amongst the Tanner MSS.
remarks : << The first time an army marched so far to answer a false alarm,
and it were fit his Lordship would name those some of the council he
spake to, that were not against his going to the bridge."
VOL. I. Y
322
CHAP.
IX.
Oct. 2$.
Retreat to
Puntal.
Failure of
the attack
upon the
Bhipa.
THE EXPEDITION TO CADIZ.
fleets. In a few minutes casks were broached in every
direction, and well-nigh the whole army was reduced to
a state of raving drunkenness. Interference was useless,
and the officers were well content that the enemy was
ignorant of the chance ojflfered him.
Disgraceful as the scene was, it had no appreciable
effect upon the success or failure of the expedition.
When morning dawned it was evident that the men
could not be kept another day without food, even if
there had been any object to be gained by remaining
where they were.^ Leaving therefore a hundred poor
wretches lying drunk in the ditches to be butchered by
the Spaniards, Wimbledon returned to Puntal, to learn
that the attack which he had ordered upon the Spanish
ships had not been carried out. Their commanders had
made use of their time whilst the EngUsh were battering
Puntal, and, warping their largest vessels up a narrow
creek at the head of the harbour, had guarded them
by sinking a merchantman at the entrance- Argall, to
whom the attack had been entrusted by Denbigh, had
only to report that the thing was impracticable. How-
ever great may be the risk in forming an opinion on
imperfect data and with imperfect knowledge, it is diffi-
^ Let Wimbledon be judged by his own Journal. ''Now this dis-
order happening,'* he writes, '' made us of the council of war to corsider
that since the going to the bridge was no great design, but to meet with
the enemy and to spoil the country, neither could we victual any men
that should be left there^ and that the galleys might land as many
men as they would there to cut them off : and that when my Lord of Essex
took Cadiz, Conyers Clifford was taxed by Sir Francis Vera . . . with
mistaking the directions that were given him to go no further from the
town than the throat of the land, which is not above two miles, where he
might bo seconded and relieved, and be ready to relieve others ; but he
went to the bridge, which was twelve miles off ; so in regard there was no
necessity, this disorder happening and want of victuals, we resolved to turn
bock again, which we did." The marginal note tg this is, " Why did his
Lordship then go to the bridge without victuals and to lose time^^ having
such a precedent against it P ''
WIMBLEDON S RETURN. 323
cult to resist the impression that a combinal attack by chap.
sea and land would not have been made in vain, and
that if Wimbledon, instead of wasting his time in pur- i^^^*
suing a flying enemy, had contented himself with
acting in conjunction with Argall, a very different
result would have been obtained.
But however this may have been, it was now too
late to repair the fault committed. A reconnaissance of
the fortifications of Cadiz convinced the English com-
manders that the town was as unassailable as the ships.
The Plate fleet, the main object of the voyage, was
now daily expected, and there was no time to linger
any longer. On the 27th the men were re-embarked, oct.27.
The next day Puntal was abandoned, and the great ^^^^
armament stood out to sea as majestic and as harmless ^^J^^g
as when it had arrived six days before.
On the 4th of November the EngUsh fleet arrived at Nov. 4.
its appointed station, stretching out far to seaward from out for the
the southern coast of Portugal. Though no man on ^ ^
board knew it, the quest was hopeless from the begin-
ning. The Spanish treasure ships, alarmed by rumours
of war which had been wafted across the Atlantic, had
this year taken a long sweep to the south. Creeping
up the coast of Afiica, they had sailed into Cadiz Bay
two days after Wimbledon's departure.^
It may be that fortune was not wholly on the side
of Spain. Judging by the exploits of the merchant
captains before Puntal, it is at least possible that
instead of the English fleet taking the galleons, the
galleons might have taken the English fleet. At all
events, if the Spaniards had trusted to flight rather than
to valour, the English vessels would hardly have suc-
ceeded in overtaking them. With then: bottoms foul
» Atye to Acton, 5~y 5 ^' -P* 'S^/ww.
y2
324
m
THE EXPEDITION TO CADIZ.
CHAP.
IX.
> , — -
1625.
Nov. 16.
Return to
England.
Bad con-
dition of
the shii)s
and men.
Bucking-
ham's part
in the
matter.
with weeds, and leaking at every pore from long ex-
posure to the weather, they found it hard to keep the
sea at all. It had been at first resolved to keep watch
till the 20th, but on the i6th orders were given to
make sail for home with all possible speed.
It was indeed time. The officiaJs who had been
charged with supplying the fleet had been fraudulent
or careless. Hulls and tackle were alike rotten. One
ship had been sent out with a set of old sails which
had done service in the fight with the Armada. The
food was bad, smelhng * so as no dog in Paris Garden
would eat it.' ^ The cyder ^ was foul and unwhole-
some. Disease raged among the crews, and in some
cases it was hard to bring together a sufficient number
of men to work the ships. One by one, all through
the winter months, the shattered remains of the once
powerful fleet came staggering home, to seek refiige
in whatever port the winds and waves would suffer.
It was certain that so portentous a failure would
add heavily to the counts of the indictment which had
long been gathering against Buckingham. After his
defiant challenge to public opinion at Oxford, it
would be in vain for him to argue before a new House
of Commons that he was not answerable for Wimble-
don s neglect of his opportunities at Cadiz, and still less
for the accident by which the Plate fleet had escaped.
Nor, after all allowances have been made for exagge-
ration, is it easy to deny that the popular condemnation
was in the main jusl. The commanders of the
expedition, and the officials at home by whom the
preparations were made, were Buckingham's nominees,
and the system of personal favouritism, the worst
* Sir M. Geere to W. Geere, Dec. 1 1 ; S. P, Dom., xi, 49.
^ Beverage, in these letters, menns cyder. It is the usual word in
Devonshire now for common cyder.
CAUSES OF WIMBLEDON'S FAILURE. 325
canker of organisation, had never been more flourishing chap.
than under his auspices. Nor was it only indirectly - — r-^
that the misfortunes of the expedition were traceable ^j^^^'
to Buckingham. If, upon his arrival at Cadiz,
Wimbledon Imd been too much distracted by the
multiplicity of objects within his reach to strike a
collected blow at any one of them, so had it been with
the Lord High Admiral at home. Undecided for
months whether the fleet was to be the mere auxiliary
of the army in the siege of Dunkirk, or whether the
army was to be the mere auxiliary of a fleet whose
main object was the capture of the Plate fleet, he had
no room in his mind for that careful special preparation
for a special object which is the main condition of
success in war as in everything else.
If Wimbledon's errors as a commander were
thus the reflection, if not the actual result, of Bucking-
ham's own errors, the other great cause of failure, the
misconduct of the merchant captains, brings clearly
before us that incapacity for recognising the real con-
ditions of action which was the fertile source of almost
all the errors alike of Buckingham and of Charles. The
great Cadiz expedition of which Ealeigh had been the
guiding spirit, had been animated, hke all other successful
efibrls, by the joint force of discipline and enthusiasm. A
high-spirited people, stunp to anger by a lifelong inter-
ference with its religion, its commerce, and its national
iiulependence, had sent forth its sons burning to requite
their injuries upon the Spanish nation and the Spanish
king, and ready to follow the slightest command from
the tried and trusted leaders who had learned their
work through a long and varied experience by sea and
land. How different was everything now ! It is hardly
possible to doubt that tlie war of 1625 never was and
never could have been as popular as the war of 1588
326 THE EXPEDITION TO CADIZ.
CHAP, and 1 597. It was a political and religions rather than
a national war, awakening strong popular s3aDpathies,
indeed, so long as the home danger of a Spanish mar-
riage lasted, but liable to be deserted by those sympa-
thies when that danger was at an end. And if the
enthusiasm were lacking, its place was certainly not
supplied by disciphne. The commanders were per-
sonally brave men, and most of them were skilled in
some special branch of the art of war, but utterly
without opportunities for acquiring the skill which
would have enabled them to direct the motions of that
most delicate of all instruments of warfare, a joint
miUtary and naval expedition. It was possible that
after eight or ten years of war so great an ejSbrt might
have been successful. It would have been next to a
miracle if it had been successful in 1625.
No serious The worst side of the matter was that Charles did
liou. not see in the misfortunes which had befallen him any
reason for attempting to probe the causes of his failure
to the bottom. Some shght investigation there was
into the mistakes wliich had been committed in Spain.
But nothing was done to trace out the root of the
mischief at home. Sir James Bagg and Sir Allen
Apsley, who had victualled the fleet before it sailed,
were not asked to account for the state in which the
provisions had been found, and they continued to enjoy
Buckingham's favour as before. No oflScer of the
dockyard was put upon his defence on account of the
condition of the spars and sails. There was nothing to
warrant that another fleet would not be sent forth the
next spring equally unprovided and ill equipped. In
the meanwhile the King and his minister had fresh
objects in view, and it was always easy for them to
speak of past failures as the residt of accident or
misfortune.
327
CHAPTEE X.
GROWING ESTRANGEMENT BETWEEN THE COURTS OP
ENGLAND AND PRANCE.
Even if the Cadiz expedition had not ended in so chap.
complete a failure, the difficulties resulting from the ^
French alliance would have been Hkely to cause Charles ^^^5-
Sent
serious embarrassment. Every step which he had TheA^ch
taken since the meeting of his first ParUament had been ^
in the direction of a closer understanding witli the
Protestant powers. He had begun again to execute
the penal laws. He had signed a treaty with the
Dutch, and he was about to send Buckingham to
the Hague to sign another treaty with the King of
Denmark and the Princes of North Germany. When
Parliament met again, he hoped to be able to stand
forth in the character of a leader of the Protestantism
of Europe.
At Salisbury, on his way back from his visit to the
fleet at Plymouth, he was reminded of the old engage-
ments which he had contracted with France. Blain- q^^ ^
ville, the new French ambassador, presented himself ft sSiJl?*^
before him, and Buckingham, who had already started ^^^^
for the Hague, was summoned back to take counsel on
the French proposals.
Those proposals, as far as the war was concerned. The French
ought not to have been unacceptable. Lewis was ^^^'*"'®^
ready to furnish ioo,oooZ., payable in two years, to the
King of Denmark. He would also join Charles in
328 ESTRANGEMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCK
giving support to Mansfeld's army, and he consented
to an arrangement, already in progress, for transferring
that force to Germany, and placing Mansfeld under the
command of Christian.^ If Lewis, however, was pre-
pared to do as much as this, he was prepared to ask
for something in return. He could hardly avoid
asking for the fulfilment of Charles's promise to free the
English Catholics from the penal laws ; and now that
Soubise had been defeated he would be likely to press
for the entire submission of Rochelle, though he was
ready to promise that the Huguenots should enjoy
religious liberty, a privilege, as he wrote to Blainville,
which was not allowed to the Catholics in England.*
Such questions, however, diflScult as they were to
settle, were far from forming the whole of the barrier
which stood in the way of the maintenance of the
French alliance. Lewis's idea of that alliance was
evidently that of a man who wishes to play the first
Buckimr- P^^^' ^^^ Buckingham wished to play the first part
ham's too. He would refusc to negotiate on the war with
puma. , ~
Blainville. He would cross over at once to Holland,
and then, when the foundations of a great Protestant
aUiance had been surely laid, he would pass on to
His pro- Paris. Once more he would summon the King of
foFranoJ Fraucc to joiu England in open and avowed war
against Spain and her allies. And he would summon
him, not as he had done in May, as the representative
of England alone, but as the leader of a mighty Pro-
testant confederacy, offering to France the choice
between the acceptance of English leadership or the
isolation of neutrality.
Buckingham, indeed, had no difficulty in persuading
' Lewis XIII. to Blainville, ^: f ; Blainville to Lewis XIIL,Oct. ^ .
King's MSS.^ 137, p. 274, 350; Villermont, £. de Mmiffeldt, ii. 321.
* Lewis XIIL to Blainville, Oct. JJ; King's MSS., 137, p. 385.
BUCKINGHAM'S PROPOSAL TO VISIT FRANCE. 329
himself that the offer which he made was worthy of
Lewis's acceptance. The Spanish treasure of which
Wimbledon had gone in search was already his by
anticipation. When the fleet returned there would be
enough to keep up the war in Germany for many a
year, and the Flemish ports, the objects of his desire
for so many months, could at last be snatched from
Spinola*s tenacious hold.^
There were reasons enough why the husband of V.^»f
Anne of Austria should be unwilling to receive a
visit from the audacious upstart who had ventured to
pay public court to the Queen of France, and Lewis,
as soon as he heard of the proposal, peremptorily
instructed Blainville to refuse permission to Bucking-
ham to enter his kingdom.^ But pohtics had un-
doubtedly as much part as passion in the matter. The
' The Tiews of the English Govemment may be gathered from a pas-
sage in the instructions drawn up as a guide to some one whom it was in-
tended to send to Gustavus. '' And because we are seated most properly and
best furnished for maritime actions, we have undertaken thst part, though
it be of greatest cost, and which will, in a short time, by the grace of
God, render all the land service easy and profitable to those that shall
attempt it And therefore we shall expect that both our dear uncle the
King of Denmark and the King of Sweden will, upon your reasons heard,
go on cheerfully for the stopping of the progress of the enemy *s conquests
by land, without calling to us for contribution in that, wherein princi-
pally must be regarded the present conserration of all the sea towns
which might any way give Spfun a port of receipt for their ships that
may come from thence that may be bought or built in these parts, or may
correspond with the ports of Flanders. And it will not be amiss when
you phall fall into deliberation with that king, to consult and consider
with him the great importance of taking away the harbours of Flanders
from the King of Spain, and to prove how far he might be moved to join
with us, our uncle of Denmark, and the States, to make one year's trial to
thrust the King of Spain from the seacoasts of Flanders." Instructions
for Sweden, Oct 17 ; Rymer, xviii, 212.
' " Je me passionne de sorte pour Totre contentement que je ne crains
point de vous mander si franchement mon avis, et vous §tes assez du
monde pour p^n^trer ce qui ne me seroit pas biens^ant d'^crire," is Ville-
aux-Glercs* explanation on giving the orders to Blainville, ^^^ ; King's
MSS.y 137, p. 313.
30 ESTRANGEMENT BET\VEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE-
CHAP, question between Lewis and Buckingham was the
— v^ — ' question of the leadership of half Europe. And Lewis
Ort.^ had to guard against the interference of England nearer
home. Buckingham was instructed, as soon as he
reached Paris, to demand the immediate restoration of
the English ships which had been used at Kochelle, and
to ask that an end should at once be put to the unnatural
war between the King and the Huguenots.
The demand, that Charles should be empowered to
interfere between Lewis and his subjects, was to be made
in the most offensive way. Buckingham's instructions
ran in the following terms : — *' To the end they," that is
to say, the French Protestants, " may not refuse the
conditions offered them for the only doubt of not
having them kept, you shall give them our Koyal pro-
mise that we will interpose our mediation so far as that
those conditions shall be kept with them ; and if this
will not satisfy them, you shall give them our kingly
promise that if by mediation you cannot prevail for
them, we will assist them and defend them." In other
words, when Lewis had once given his promise to the
Huguenots, it was to be considered as given to the King
of England, and if any disputes again arose between
him and his subjects, the King of England would be
justified in intervening in their favour if he thought
fit so to do.
Buckingham, in fact, not content with taking the
lead in Gcnnany, was to dictate to Lewis the relations
which were to exist between himself and his subjects;
and that too at a moment when the English Govern-
ment was fiercely repudiating a solemn contract on the
ground that it did not become a king of England to
allow a foreign sovereign to intervene between himself
and his people.^
* Conway to Carleton, Oct. 7 ; S, P, Holland, Instructions to Buck-
ingham ; Eytner, xviii.
BLAINVILLE IN ENGLAND. 33 1
On October 1 1 Blainville was admitted to an au- chap.
dience. To the Frenchman's remonstrances about the ^ — i- — -
English Catholics, Charles at first replied that he had ^^^'
only promised to protect the Catholics as long as they BUinwiie's
behaved with moderation. It was for himself to inter-
pret this promise, and he took upon himself to say
that they had not behaved with moderation. He then
added the now familiar argument that the secret article
had never been taken seriously, even by the French
Government.
The tone of the conversation mutually grew wai'mer,
and a fresh demand of the ambassador did not serve to
moderate the excited feelings on either side. Soubise The * st.
had brought with him to Falmouth the * St. John,' a fine Falmouth,
ship of the French navy, which he had seized atBlavet.^
This ship Lewis naturally claimed as his own property
which Charles was bound to restore. Charles, on the
other hand, being afraid lest it should be used, as his
own ships had been used, against Eochelle, hesitated
and made excuses.
The state of the Queen's household, too, ministered The
occasion of difierence. Charles wished to add English ho"i^how.
officials to those which had been brought over from
France, and he peremptorily refused to discuss the ques-
tion with Blainville. He intended, he said, to be master
in his own house. If he gave way, it would be from the
love he bore to his wife, and for no other reason.
The next day the ambassadorwaited on Buckingham. ^^ ^^
The conversation was carried on in a more friendly Biainviik
tone than that of his conversation with Charles. But BucUng-
in other respects it was not more satisfactory. Bucking-
ham treated all the subjects in dispute very lightly.
If anything had gone wrong the fault was in the
necessities of the time. Instead of troubling himself
with sucli trifles, the King of France ought to treat at
' P. 151.
332
ESTRANGEMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE.
CHAP.
X.
— 11 '
1625.
Oct,
Bearing of
the French
Govern-
ment.
Sept
The oppo-
sition reers
Abbot and
Pembroke.
once for an offensive league against Spain. As for
himself, he was said to have ruined himself for the sake
of France. He was now going to the Hague to save
himself by great and glorious actions. K France
pleased, she might take her place in the league which
would be there concluded. If she refused, England
would have all the glory.
Buckingham, as Blainville pointed out, had two
irreconcilable objects in view. On the one hand he
wished to ingratiate himself with English public opi-
nion by placing himself at the head of a Protestant
League. On the other hand he wished to show by-
driving France to follow his lead on the Continent, that
his original overtures to that power had not been
thrown away.^
Neither Lewis nor Richelieu were likely to stoop as
low as was expected of them. Blainville was instructed
to announce that the * Vanguard,' as being Charles's own
property, should be given up, but that he had no claim
upon the merchant vessels, which had been expressly
hired for eighteen months. The Huguenots could not
be allowed to carry on a rebellion against their lawful
sovereign, and if Charles was so solicitous for religious
liberty, he had better begin the experiment with his own
Catholic subjects.^
Buckingham was too anxious to reach the Hague as
soon as possible, to await the issue of these negotiations
at Salisbury. But before he left the King, arrange-
ments had been made for dealing in various ways with
those Peers who had taken part in the opposition in
the last Parliament. Of these Abbot might safely be
> Tillieres, Mdmoires, 105 ; Blainville to Lewis XIIL, Oct |f, Jf ;
King's MSS., 137, p. 409, 438.
2 Memoir sent by De Vic, Oct. H ; Lewb XIII. to BlninnUe, ^^ 5
King's MSS.f 1 37, p. 470, 482.
BUCKINGHAM AND PEMBROKE. 333
disr^arded. He had nothing popular about him chap.
except his firm attachment to the Calvinistic doctrine, >-
and he had long been left in the shadow by James, ^^^'
who displayed a strong preference for the cleverness
and common sense of Williams, as Charles displayed a
strong preference for the sharp decision of Laud.^ But
it was a different matter to deal with Pembroke, the
richest nobleman in England,* who commanded nume-
rous seats in the House of Commons,^ and whose
influence was not to be measured by the votes thus
acquired. At first, indeed, Charles's temper had got
the better of hun, and on his journey to Plymouth
he had treated Pembroke with marked disfavour. The
Earl was not accustomed to be slighted, and he replied
with a counter-demonstration. As he passed through
Sherborne he paid a formal visit to Bristol, who was
still in disgrace, at Sherborne Castle. The significance
of the step could not be misinterpreted, and Charles
lost no time in renewing the old familiaiity to which
Pembroke was never insensible. When Buckingham
was with the King at Salisbury on his return journey,
he made an early call at Wilton, and though Pembroke
was still in bed and could not see him, it was after-
' The idea, almost universal amongst historians, that Abhot was
thrown into the shade by hb accidental homicide in 1621, is not home
out by contemporary writers, and his want of influence may be easily ac-
counted for from the causes mentioned above. Fuller is doubtless the
original authority for the usual opinion, but Fuller*s story has long ago
been shown by Hacket to have been based upon a misapprehension of ,
the facts.
' To the first subsidy of the reign Pembroke paid 700I., standing
alone ; then came Northumberland, Rutland, and Devonshire, with 600/. ;
Buckingham, Derby, Cumberland, Hertford, Northampton, Petre, and
Robartes, with 400I, Book of the Sttbrndy of the ^'olnlitt/, Oct. 2 ; S. P.
Dom.f vii. 6.
* Rudyerd to Nethersole, Feb. 3, 1626; S, P. Dom., xx. 23. * All
my Lord*s letters were sent out,' means Pembroke's letters, not * the
Duke's,' as given in the Calendar, See also a letter from Sir James
Bagg, in S, P., Addenda,
334 ESTRANGEMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCR
CHAP, wards understood that the temporary estrangement was
— r^ — ' at an end.^
&jpt Abbot and Pembroke belonged to that section of
the opposition which it was Buckingham's object to
irondei conciliate. Anmdel and Williams were in different
•viUiams. case. As a great nobleman, not mixing much in the
business of government, Arundel could hardly be
touched. But Williams had incurred Buckingham's
bitterest displeasure, and was easily assailable in his
official position. His strong sense had led him to con-
demn alike the extravagances of the new reign and
the shifts to which Charles had been driven in order to
cover those extravagances from popular condemnation.
He had shown a sad want of confidence in the success
of those vast armaments in which Buckingham .trusted,
and he had been sufficiently uncourtierlike to dissuade
the King from summoning the Commons to Oxford, and
to suggest that if Charles had really given his word to
the King of France that he would relax the penal
laws, it was dangerous as well as impolitic to break it,
)i?miLS* It was easier to resolve to get rid of the Lord
Keeper than to find an excuse for dismissing him. At
first lie had been charged with entering upon con-
ferences at Oxford with the leading members of the
opposition in the Commons. But this charge he was
able to meet with a denial, and it was hardly possible
to disgrace him on the mere ground that he had given
unpalatable advice, or even on the ground that he had
agreed with the Commons in thinking that a reinforce-
ment of the Privy Council was advisable. At last some
courtier reminded the King that his father had en-
trusted the Great Seal to Williams for three years on
probation, and that the time fixed had now expired.
' North to Leicester, Sept 28, Oct. 17; Pembroke to Leicester,
Sept. 29 J Sydney Papers, ii, 360, 363.
fWilliams.
DISGRACE OF WILLIAMS. 335
Charles caught at the suggestion, and WiUiams, unable chap.
to defend himself against a form of attack in which
no direct imputation on himself was necessarily im- ^^'
plied, surrendered his office. Charles, glad to be rid of
him, spoke to him fairly at the last. But the tone amongst
Buckingham's followers was different. " May the like
misfortune," wrote one of them to his patron, " befall
such as shall tread in his hateful path, and presume to
lift their head against their maker!" ^
With Lord Keeper Williams, worldly wisdom de- ^"JJ^"^
parted from the councils of Charles. If he could never to charies.
have ripened into a great or a high-souled statesman,
he had always at command a fund of strong common
sense which saved him from the enormous blunders
into which men more earnest and energetic than
himself were ready to fall. Government was to him
a balance to be kept between extreme parties. War
was distasteful to him, and he cared little or nothing
for Continental poUtics. Dogmatism of all kinds he
regarded with the utmost suspicion. He had no sym-
pathy with the persecution of the High Chiu*ch clergy
by the House of Commons, no sympathy with the
coming persecution of the Puritans by the High Church
clergy. If he had been maintained in power Charles's
reign would hardly have been eventful or heroic. But
it would not have ended in disaster. England would
liave gained a great step on its way to liberty, by the
^ Not ' their heel/ as cnlendnred. Suckling to Buckingham, Oct, 24 ;
8, P. Dom., viii. 37. I have no belief in the theory that Williams had
intrigued against Buckingham. It is itself in the highest degree un-
likely, and the- only scrap of evidence in its favour is a story told in
Bushworth that Williams said that he meant to stand on his own legs.
But Bushworth is no authority for this period, and even if the story is
true, its meaning depends on the question which preceded the answer.
Williams may have meant, *' I am not engaged in any intrigue with the
opposition, I am standing on my own legs, giving the advice which I
think best ; " and this would probably be a true account of the matter.
336
CHAP.
X.
1625.
Oct
Coventry
Lord
Keeper.
Treatment
of the
Catholics.
Oct. s.
Disarma-
ment of tlie
Itecusants.
Nov. 3.
The penal
1»WA en-
forced.
Nov. 7.
ESTRANGEMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE.
permission which would within certain broad limits
have been granted to the free development of thought
and action. The last clerical Lord Keeper in English
history was in reality less clerical than any of his
predecessors.
The Great Seal was given to Coventry, whose l^al
knowledge and general ability were beyond dispute, and
whose leanings were against all concessions to the
Catholics. His accession to oflSce therefore was one
more announcement of the Protestant tendencies of
Buckingham. " The Duke's power with the King,"
said a contemporary letter writer, " for certain is
exceeding great, and whom he will advance shall be
advanced, and whom he doth but frown upon must be
thrown down." ^ Heath succeeded as Attomey-Gteneral ;
and with far less excuse, Shelton, whose only distinction
was that he had been employed by Buckingham in his
private affairs, followed as Solicitor-General.
The meaning of the change was soon manifest, at
least to the Catholics. The order for banishing the
priests, given immediately after the dissolution, had
not been followed at once by any attempt to interfere
with the laity. On the 5 th of October directions were
given for a general disarmament of the Recusants, but
it was not till Coventry had succeeded Williams that
any further step was taken. On the 3rd of November
the blow fell. A commission was issued to provide for
the execution of the penal laws, with instructions to
pay over the fines levied to a special fund to be em-
ployed in the defence of the realm. On the 7th orders
were given to prohibit all minors from leavmg England
without license from the King, and to silence all school-
masters whose teaching was open to suspicion.*
* Ingram to Wentworth, Nov. 7 ; Strafford LeUers, i. 28.
' Commission, Nov. 3. S, P, Dom. Sign Manuals, i. 87 ; the King
to Buckingham, Not. 7, ^S*. P. Dom, Addenda.
SHERIFFS BY COMPULSION. 337
Charles had probably an instinctive apprehension chap.
that the persecution of the Catholics would not alone - — A^
be sufficient to secure for him the approbation of the ^^^^'
next House of Commons. But he was never keen-
sighted in discerning the real causes of popular dissatis-
faction, and he ascribed the attack upon Buckingham
at Oxford to a mere ebullition of factious spite. The
inference was obvious. If by any means the assailants
of his minister could be excluded from seats in the
coming Parliament, the really loyal nature of English-
men would find unimpeded expression. It was like
Charles, too, to fancy that if only legal right were on
his side no one could be justly dissatisfied. With this
idea in his head, nothing could seem simpler than the
course he adopted. A sherifi* was bound to attend to
his duties in his own county, and if the opposition
leaders were named as sherifis it was plain that they
could not take their seats at Westminster. Coke, i-heoppoM-
Seymour, and Phelips were of course marked out for m^^®"
the unwelcome honour. With them were Alfbrd, who 8*»«"^
had explained that the subsidies voted in 1624 had not
been voted for the recovery of the Palatinate, and Sir Guy
Palmes, who had referred unpleasantly to the fate of
Empson and Dudley. And to these five was added a. went-
sixtli. Sir Thomas Wentworth. Charles knew well that pecuUar
Wentworth had little in common with Seymour ^^ °"'
and Phelips. He was anxious, if possible, to obtain
service under the Crown and to exercise his undoubted
jx)wers of government. But the war, whether it was
to be in Spain or Germany, was in his eyes sheer
madness, and it was plain that he would be as cool
about the King's Protestant crusade in 1626 as he had
been cool about his attack upon Spain in 1625.
*• Wentworth," said Charles, as the names were read
over to him, " is an honest gentleman." But the
VOL. I. z
33«
CHAP.
X.
^" »
1625.
Rnd^erd's
opinion.
Oct. 13.
The escape
of the
Dunkirk
privateers.
Backing-
ham's
voyage
postponed.
ESTRANGEMENT BETWEEN ENGLAKB AND FRAIWE.
reasons for his exclusion were equally valid whether
he was honest or not.^
ISuch a manoeuvre stands self-condemned by the
very fact that it was a manoeuvre. It had, however,
at least one supporter amongst those who &voured the
vigorotis prosecution of the war. •* The rank weeds of
Parliament," wrote Eudyerd, *' are rooted up, bo that
we may expect a plenttfiil harvest the next. I pray
God so temper the humours of our next ass^nbly that
out of it may result that inestimable harmony of agree-
ment between the King and his people." *
It was not by such tricks as these that Charles
would regain the confidence of the nation. By this
time he had hoped to receive news of great results
from Buckingham's diplomacy in the Netherlands.
But though the Lord Admiral, taking the courtly
Holland with him, had left Charles at Salisbury in the
second week in October, his voyage had been sadly
delayed. On the 1 3th a terrific storm swept over the
Channel and the North Sea. The Dutch fleet before
Dunkirk was driven from its port, and great was the
alarm in England when it was told that twenty-two
vessels, it was said with 4,000 soldiers on board, had
escaped to sea. But the blow fell upon the Dutch
fishing vessels, and the Enghsh coast was spared- •
With the Dunkirk privateers loose upon the world,
the Lord Admiral could not cross without a convoy.
* Ingram to Wentworth, Nov. ; Strafford Letters, L 29. The name
of Sir VV. Fleetwood is here given as a seventh. He had not sat in the
last Parliament, hut in the Parliament of 1624. He was found ineligible
for the shrievalty, and was neither a sheriff nor a member of the Com*
mons in 1626. The first suggestion of making sheriffs in this way which
I have met with, is in a letter from Sir G. Paul to Buckingham, Oct. 24 •
S, P. Ihm.f viii. 34.
^ Rudyerd to Nethersole, Nov. 23 j S, P. Dom., x. 16,
' Downing to the Navy Oommisaioners, Oct. 19; Pennington to
Buckingham, Oct. 23 ; S, P. Dom., viii. 5, 28.
BUCKINGHAM AT THE HAGUK 339
And a convoy could not be easily found. The great
fleet was still away at Cadiz, and three English ships
had been cast away with all hands upon the cliffs ' ^^'
between Calais and Boulogne. What vessels were to
be had must be hurried together for the defence of the
country before the Duke's convoy could be thought of.
At last, however, ships were found for the purpose.
On November 9 Buckingham was at the Hague, and Nov. 9.
was astonishing the sober citizens of the Dutch capital £^^he
by the lavish splendour of his dress and the gorgeous ^^^^
display of pearls and diamonds with which it was
adorned. He soon allowed it to be known that he had
brought with him no friendly feeling towards France.
'* I acknowledge," he said, " the power of the King of
France. But I doubt his good will." ^
Buckingham had brought with him, too, his old not. h.
plan for a joint attack with the Dutch upon Dunkirk. ^^^
The effort, he told the Prince of Orange, should be ^Sdrk.
made at once, as the Spaniards were in no condition to
defend the place. The wary Prince knew too much
about war to relish the idea of a siege to be beguji in
November, and reftised to entertain the proposition till
the spring. Then Buckingham asked that Sluys should
be put in his master's hands as a basis of operations for
the English army which was to hem in the Flemish
ports on the land side. But the Prince met him with
the saine dilatory response: He was probably of
opinion that the English army of which Buckingham
spoke wotild never have any real existence ; * and, even
if it had been otherwise, he would certainly have been
unwilling to confide to it the guardianship of so im-
portant a fortress.
^ Vreede, Inleidmg tot eene Geschiedtms der Nederkmdsche Dqtlomatie,
u. 2,83.
« Ibid, il 2, 85, Note 2 ; Carleton to Conway, Nov. 14 ; S. P. Hoi-
land,
2 2
340 ESTRANGEMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE.
The Congress of the Hague, when it met at last,
was but a poor representation of that great anti-Spanish
The Con- Confederacy for which Gustavus had hoped when he
g^of first sketched out the plan. Though he was himself
engaged in the Polish wax, he had ordered his ambas-
sador to take part in the assembly. But the ambassador
was taken ill, and died a few days before Buckingham's
arrival, and Sweden was therefore entirely unrepre-
sented. The French minister stood aloof, and the
North German Princes took no share in the discussions.
The representatives of the King of Denmark were there
alone, to b^ for money and paen.
Christian IV. was indeed in sore need. Trusting
to the promises made to him by Charles, he had gone
to war. But after the first month's contribution
Charles had no money to send, and he was in no better
plight in November than he had been in June. In
fact, if Buckingham had carried out his original inten-
tions, the war in Germany would in all probability
have come to a sudden end. For his instructions, un-
doubtedly drawn up with lus concurrence, authorised
liim to acquaint the Danish ambassadors that the origi-
nal ofier of 30,000/. a month, or its equivalent in men,
paid by the English exchequer, had only been made
to give encouragement to the German Princes. When
those Princes had once taken the field it was only to
be expected that they would submit to provide a fair
share of the expense. Buckingham was therefore to
insist upon a large reduction of the monthly charge,
though he was first to make sure that Christian was
thoroughly embarked in the cause, lest by threatening
to stop the supplies he might drive him to make his
peace with the Emperor.^
It is probable that a little conversation with the
^ Instructions to Buckingham and Holland, Oct 17; JRymer,
xviii. 211,
THE TREATY OF THE HAGUE. 34 1
Danish ambassadors convinced Buckingham that if the chap.
King of England thus withdrew from his engagements ^ — ^-^
Christian would without doubt submit to the Emperor. ' ^^*
At all events, nothing, as far as we know, was heard
of the proposed reduction. On November 29 the Nov. 29.
Treaty of the Hague was signed between Engknd, STiTa^ue.
Denmark, and the States General.
The Dutch agreed to supply the Danes with 5,cxdo/.
a month, whilst Buckingham engaged more solemnly
than ever that the 30,000/. a month originally promised
from England should be really sent.
Large as the sum was, there is every reason to sup- Dec. 5.
pose that the promise was made in good faith. Parlia- ham'iJex.
ment would soon meet, and, as Buckingham hoped, all p^^^*®*"*
difficulties would then be smoothed away. For the imme-
diate future he could trust to the Crown jewels, which .
would soon be pawned to the merchants of Amsterdam.
The disaster at Cadiz was as yet unknown, and every
day might bring the happy news of victory. A new
fleet was to be speedily prepared to relieve Wimble-
don's force, and to take up the task of blockading the
Spanish ports. The flood of mischief would thus be
arrested at the fountain head, and when gold no longer
flowed from Spain, the armies by which Christian was
assailed would break out into open mutiny.^
Proud of victories yet to be won, Buckingham had
meditated a continuance of his journey to Paris in order
that he might add the name of the King of France to
the signatures appended to the Treaty of the Hague.
But his hopes had been cut short by the French am- He is
bassador, who plainly told him that till better satisfac- permiMion
tion were given to his master's just demands in England, FraSc^
he would not be allowed to enter France.*
Buckingham therefore returned to England by the
» Buckingham to Christian IV., Dec. ^f ; S, P, Uoliand,
« Lewis XIII. to Blainville, Dec.^; KingsMSS,, 137, p. 819.
342
ESTRANGEMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE.
CHAP.
X.
1625.
News of
the £ulaFe
at Cadiz.
Dec 16.
Parliament
sammoned.
Prospect of
war with
France.
Dec z6.
Difficulties
aboat the
marriage
treaty.
way that he had come. He was at once met by news
of the failm*e at Cadiz and the return of the fleet.
Alone, probably, of all Englishmen alive, Charles and
Buckingham failed to realise the magnitude of the dis-
aster, or the influence which it would earerdse upon
the deliberations of the coming session.^ OnDeoember
16 the Lord Keeper was directed to issue writs far a
new Parliament.2
It was possible that Parliament might have work on
hand even more serious than voting supplies for the King
of Denmark. It was by no means unlikely that by the
time the members were collected at Westminster, Eng-
land would be at open war with France. Charles had
been seriously vexed at the failure of his effort to frus-
trate the employment of English vessels at Eochelle, and
the first resolution taken in council after Buckingham's
return was that a new fleet should be sent out to
succour Eochelle, and to bring home the ships by force.'
Orders were accordingly issued that the soldiers who
had come back from Cadiz should be kept under their
colours for future service.*
Nor were the differences relating to the fulfilment
of the marriage treaty in a fairer way to an accommo-
dation. Lewis, indeed, had sent messages to Bucking-
ham after his return, that if the EngUsh Catholics were
relieved from ill-treatment, and if his sister's household
were permitted to remain as it had been arranged by
the contract, he would make no further objection to
receiving him in France.* But on the first point
^ ' Quod vero Regem et Buckinghamiam attinet, illi non multum
morentur aut indignantur.' Rusdorf to Oxenstjeraa. Dea Minwiret^
il 138.
' liynieTj xviii. 245.
» Blainville tol^wis XIII., Dec. || ; King's MSS,, 137, p. 948.
* CoU, Proclamations, Car. I., Dec. 16, No. 31 ; S, P, Dom.
* Lewis XIII. to BlainvUle, Dec. y\ ; The Bishop of Mende to ViUe-
aux-Clerc8, received 7^; Kwg's MSS., 138, p. 819, 1043.
RICHELIEU'S OVERTURES. 343
Buckingham could not yield without alienating Parlia- chap.
ment. On the second he could not yield without — ^ — -
alienating the IQng. ' ^^'
Whilst Buckingham was stOl at the Hague, Charles's The
exasperation at his wife's French attendants had risen houaehoid.
to fever heat. To their interfierence, and not at all to
his own failure to keep his promises, he attributed his
domestic troubles, and he threatened to send them all
back to France. More. prudent, counsels prevailed for Dec 25.
a time, and he now contented himself with announcing
to the Bishop of Mende, the Queen's almoner, his inten-
tion of introducing English ladies into her household.
A man, he repeated once more, ought to be master in
his own house. ' The utmost to which he would agree
was to wait a few days till his resolve had been com-
municated to the Court of France.^
To Eichelieu the threatened breach between France
and England, bringing with it a death struggle with
the Huguenots of Kochelle, must have been infinitely
displeasing. In spite of his master's strong feeling French
that he had been ill-treated, he contrived to obtain BucWng-
permission to address overtures to Buckingham, assur- ^*™'
ing him of a good reception in France if certain con-
ditions, of which we have no particular information,
were fiilfilled. If he could not come on these terms,
let him at least send confidential ambassadors to smooth
away the difierences between the two Crowns.^
^ The Eang to Buckingham, Nov. 20; HardiMie S, P,,u. 23. The
Biahop of Mende to Lewis XIII., ^^; J&V< ^^^-t ^A P* 1056.
' "M. Bautru is on his way for England with letters from the Duke
de Chevreuse and Marquis d'Effiat, bat concerted with the Queen Mother
and the Cardinal, to invite my Lord Duke of Buckingham to come over,
which many wish, but few hold it eounselable.'' De Vic to Conway,
Dec. If. *' We may not conceal what we understand, that what the Car-
dinal tnld us of Bliunville's revocation was conditional, in case the Lord
Duke of Buckingham came over upon such invitements as were sent
344
ESTBANGEMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE.
CHAP.
X.
^— — » "
1625.
Deo. 27*
Embasty
ofHoUaod
and Carle-
ton.
Objects of
themiaaion.
Sept.
The neu-
trality of
Flrance.
The French
prises.
The latter alternative was accepted. Holland was
once more to go to Paris to make himself agreeable to
the Queen Mother and the ladies of her court. But the
real business was entrusted to Carleton, who had at
last been recalled from the Hague, and was now Vice-
Chamberlain and a Privy Councillor. A diligent, well-
informed man, too dependent upon office to be likely
to take a course of his own, and sympathising entirely
with the movement against Spain without rising into
any large view of contemporary politics, Carleton was
exactly suited for the service for which Buckingham
required him, and was likely, as time went on, to
establish himself firmly in his favour.
Carleton's present work was to mediate a peace
between the IVench Government and the Huguenots,
and to persuade Lewis to surrender the English ships
and to join in the alliance of the Hague. ^
The differences between the two Courts were serious
enough in themselves. Unhappily there was a political
difference which was more serious still. In September,
whilst the Cadiz fleet was still at Plymouth, a string of
French prizes had been brought in, charged with carry-
ing goods for the use of the Spanish Netherlands.
Under ordinary circumstances it is hard to persuade
neutrals and belligerents to take the same view of the
law of prize, and there was in this case a special diffi-
culty arising firom the fact that at Whitehall French
neutrality was regarded as an underhand contrivance for
reaping the benefits of war without sharing its burdens.
There was clearly need of enquiry into the nature
of the cargoes on board the vessels. Besides the French
him.' Holland and Carleton to Conway, Feb. 26, 1626; 8. P.
France. It can hardly be said, therefore, that Buckingham could not go
to France without first declaring war.
' Instructions to Holland and Carleton, Dec 30 ; S, P. France,
BELLIGERENTS AND NEUTRALS. 345
prizes, there were many of Dutch nationality, and a chap.
few from other parts of Europe. K they had on board '^ — ^ — -
goods which were the property of Spaniards, those 'g^p^^"
goods, according to the ideas of the day, would be
subject to immediate confiscation. Contraband of war Contra-
*: , . btnd of
again, being carried to Spain or the Spanish Nether- war.
lands, woidd be liable to seizure, whether it was
Spanish property or not. But it was by no means
a matter of universal agreement what contraband
of war was. In the treaty of Southampton indeed,
England and the States General had recently agreed
upon a sweeping definition, including in that category
provisions and the precious metals as well as munitions
of war and materials used in shipbuilding,^ and had
declared not only such articles, but even the ships and
men engaged in the traffic, to be lawful prize. Such an
interpretation of the customary maritime law was not
likely to commend itself to a neutral seafaring nation.
Even if this knotty point had been settled, there Proof of
was another behind it. What evidence was to be tion. *'
accepted that the contraband goods were or were not
destined for Spanish use. Every one of the eleven
French vessels seized had sailed from a Spanish port,
and all of them, with one exception, were owned by
Calais merchants.* It was, however, notorious that
there were men at Calais whose business it was to pass
goods as soon as landed over the irontier into Flanders,
in much the same way as goods were passed over into
Bussia from Memel in the time of the Crimean war.^
It happened that Buckingham was at Plymouth xhemonej
when the prizes were brought in. Gold and silver Mqnes-
tered.
^ Art. 20 of the Treaty ; Dufnant, y. 2, 480.
' Examinations of the masters of tJie prize ships. Sept 29 ; S. P. Dam.,
tL 120.
' Marten to Conway, Nov. 8; Joachimi to ; 8. P. Holland,
— — to Quester ; 8, P. France,
346 ESTRANGEltfENT BETWEEN ENai.ANJ) ANP FRANCE.
CHAP, beiag contraband of war, according to the view, .tftkeii
— ; — ' in England, he ordered 9,cxx)i. or iQfiool. :whiesbi were
g^^ on board to be sequestered,^ and! the remainder of the
goods to be placed in safe Jkeepiug. A ibriweeks later
Theses the cargoes were stowed again on botrd, and the prices
undln. bjought up to Loudon to ftm tibrOugh a 1^1 investi-
gation before the Court ot Admirdty. By the begin-
ning of November |3ie number of captured French
vessels had increased to twenty-two.*
So far there was no reasonable ground of complaint
But in the needy circumstances of the King's treasury
the sequestered property was too tempting a bait to be
long resisted. In October Buckingham had attempted
to borrow 70,000/., in order that he might carry with
him something to the Hague for the immediate supply
of the armies of Christian IV. and Manafeld. But the
security which Charles could offer fell short of th^ re-
•
quired sum by 20,000/., and Ley and Weston proposed
to fill the gap by giving security upon the first sale of
condemned prize goods. The suggestion in itself was
innocent enough. But either it was not thought suffi-
0ct27. cient, or Charles fancied that he could do better. On
money Octobcr ij the moucy from the French ships was taken
^^ *°^ to be spent on warlike preparations, and on November 5
SlS^ ^" orders were given to sell goods at once to the required
value of 20,000/., without waiting for a sentence from
the Court.®
To Charles the difference may have seemed slight.
If the decision of the Court was against him he would
* Minutes by Nicholas, Feb. (P) 1626; S, P. Doiii^ xxi. 99.
' Minute of the replacing of the goods on board, calendared in Sep-
tember, but it was almost certainly in October. Receipt by MiarBh,
Oct II ; S, P, Dwn,, vi. 126; xxiL 12, i. Blainville to Lewis XIII.,
Nov. ^; King's MSS,y 138, p. 659.
• Coke to Conway, Oct, 27 \ 8, IK Dom.y viii. 36. Warrant, Nor. 5 ;
Sign Manuals, i, 90.
THE PRIZE GOODS. 347
refund the money. But there was another side of the chap.
question which he had forgotten to consider. Blainville — ^ — -
reminded him that as the cargoes had not been made ^J^'
up for the English market, they would not fetch any- ^Jj^^jj,"®
thing like their fiill value on a compulsory sale in
London.^
The impression produced by Charles's hasty act
was likely to be worse than the act itself would justify.
It gave to the Admiralty Court the appearance of
being merely an official instrument for enforcing con-
fiscation for the benefit of the Crown. Sir Henry Nov. s.
Marten, the Judge of the Court, felt the indignity jr^Mn tn
keenly. "For my part,^ he wrote, in answer to iSHm.
an appeal from Conway for arguments in support of
the course which had been taken, " I can profess to
know no other disposition yet intended, but that all
the goods should be landed, inventoried, and ap-
praised ; and, on Saturday next, all who pretend to
any of those ships or goods to appear and propound
their claims." ^
Before this remonstrance Charles gave way for a charies'a
time, Buckingham was absent at the Hague, and
there was a period of indecision till the guiding
spirit of the Government was once more in England.
The Council took up the question, and on December 4 d^c. 4.
fresh orders were given to proceed with the sale,
orders which were retracted shortly afterwards.^
Sir John Coke, who, as a prominent personage on the
Navy Commission, was eager for money that he
might be enabled to meet the expenses of the fleet, and
whose small official mind could not catch sight of the
1 Blainville to Lewis XllL, Nov. ^; Kin^s MSS.y 138, p. 659.
' Oonway to Marten, Nov. 7 ; Conway's Letter Book ; Marten to Con-
way, Nov. 8 J S. P. DanUf ix. 32.
•• Joachimi to ; S, P. Holland.
348
ESTRANGEMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE.
Doc 7.
BepiiMls
in France.
Dec 28.
Order in
Council for
the re-
deliverj* of
the * St
Teter.'
larger aspects of tlie case, was eager for instant and
sweeping action. "If you shall limit the sales," he
wrote to Conway, on hearing that some half-measure
was in contemplation, " as I hear you intend, to goods
which are out of question, I know not what goods can
be sold ; since there is neither ship nor particular
goods therein to which no man doth pretend."^
Before Charles had made up his mind, the mere
announcement of his intention had called forth reprisals
in France. Villars, the governor of Havre, was him-
self interested in the * St. Peter ' of that port, and on
December 7 he arrested two English vessels lying at
Eouen. A fortnight later it was known in London
that the French authorities were contemplating a
general embargo upon all English property in France,
which was only delayed till there was some certain
intelligence of the course finally adopted in England.
By this time Buckingham was again at Courts and
the acceptance of Eichelieu's overtures had opened a
prospect of averting the impending quarrel. " It is
necessary for me," said Charles, " to preserve my
friends and allies." Just as Holland and Carleton
were starting, an Order in Council was drawn up to
form the basis of a settlement of the dispute.*
According to this order the ' St. Peter of Havre de
Grace/ against which the presumptions were less than
against vessels belonging to the merchants of Calais,
was to be delivered to its owners. Of the remaining
ships and their cargoes, whatever was clearly French
property should be given up at once. Against what-
ever was questionable proceedings should be taken^
* Coke to Conway, Dec. 17 ; S, P, Dom,, xii. i.
^ CotnmoM* J(ntntal$, i. 823 ; Palloyseau to Hippisley, ^Sti » -^«K
MSS.j 1583, fol. 171; JoAcliimi to the Stated General, ^^, Jan. /y;
Add. MS:S., 17677. L. fol. 130, 119.
ENGLISH AMBASSADORS IN FRANCE. 349
' without any further restraint of sale, or other pro- chap.
ceeding warrantable by law or the course of the - — ^ — -
Admiralty/ ^
On January ii the ambassadors had their first Jan. n.
interview with Bichelieu. He received them in the between
most friendly way ; but he gave it to be understood and the"
that till the Huguenot rebellion was at an end there dCl^"""
could be no open war with Spain, and that his master
could not tolerate the interference of a foreign king
between himself and his subjects. But they might rest
assured that there was no intention of persecuting
the Protestant religion in France. The 'Vanguard'
would be restored as soon as Soubise's prize was given
up. The other vessels had been hired from the mer-
chants, and as long as Eochelle was in arms it was
impossible to dispense with their services.
The irritation at the French Court at the tone Feeling of
assumed by Charles was such that no minister could
afford to disregard it, and least of all was Kichelieu
likely to think lightly of the honour of his sovereign.
Lewis himself was particularly displeased at the pro-
posal to include him in the treaty signed at the Hague
without his concurrence. " The league," he wrote to
his ambassador in the Netherlands, "is not aimed at
the liberty of the Empire or the abasement of Spain,
but at the abasement of the Catholic religion and of
all the princes who profess it, and particularly of
myself." One of his ministers expressed himself in
much the same tone. " There is a great difference,"
he wrote, " between proposing to the King things done
or things to be done. To communicate a design and
to wish to do nothing without his advice would oblige
his Majesty, but to propose to him to take part in a
' Order in Council, Dec 8 ; 8, P, Dom,, xii. 72.
CHAP.
X.
•
1626.
to relieve
Bochelle.
350 ESTRANGEMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE.
matter already arranged would have the contrary
effect." \
In Lewis's place Charles would have felt precisely
in the same manner. But he had not the tact to per-
ceive that cx)ncession must be made to the feelings of
others, and, with the consciousness tiiat he had himself
contributed, or appeared to have contributed, to the mis-
fortunes of Eochelle, he determined to support the town
against its sovereign, at whatever cost to the int^^ests
of the rest of Europe. Pennington had for some time
been getting ready a fleet at Plymouth, whioh was
destined in case of necessity to escort Soubise with
provisions for the blockaded Huguenots, and at a
Jan. aa couucil held ou January 20 it was resolved that the
detemines flcct should bc at ouce despatched. In order to impart
greater energy to the crews it was arranged that Buck-
ingham should command in person. The deputies
from the insurgent city, who were in England seeking
for aid, were informed that the fleet would proceed to
drive the troops of the King of Prance out of Bh&
and Oleron, if they would consent to the deposit of
the islands in Charles's hands till the expenses of
the undertaking had been repaid to him.*
No secret was made of the resolution taken.
Buckingham informed Blainville that his master could
no longer remain neutral. He had contributed to
the ruin of the Protestants by the loan of his ships,
and now, with one voice, his Council and his people
called upon him to undertake the defence of those
whom he had so deeply injiured. If war were once
* Extracts given by Vreede, Inleidmg tot eene Geichieden%$ der N&der^
hndsche Diplomatie, ii. 2, 85^ 87.
s Blainville to Lewis XIII., Jan. 21 j Km^$ MS&, 138, p. 1206,
Conway to HoUand and Carleton, Jan. 21 ; S, P, France, Buckingbam
to Pennington, Jan. 7 ; Pennington to Buckingham, Jan. 17 ; S,P. jDam.p.
xviii. 18, 7S't
Blainville
informed.
THE 'ST. PETER' OF HAVRE DE GRACE. 35 1
declared he would show the world that he was not
so destitute of men and money as was commonly
11 ^ ^ 1626.
supposed/
The resolution thus taken at Court could not fail
to have its eflfects on the prospects of the owners
of the French prizes. As far as the * St. Peter '
was concerned everything had proceeded regularly.
Suspicion only attached itself to some hides and a few
other articles on board. Bonds were accepted in the
Admiralty Court for the payment of their value, in
case of their proving to be Spanish property, and on
January 26 Marten gave orders for the delivery of ship jan. ad.
and cargo to the owners. uTe^^toM-
The proprietors of the other vessels had before Ig^p^JJ'®.
this &ncied that their difficulties were at an end. Soon
after the Order in Council of December 28, goods to
the value of 30,cxx)i. were given up to them, as being
beyond question legitimately French property. But
when the news of the difficulties made in France
about the surrender of the English vessels reached
England, the Goviemment took another tone. On jan.24.
January 24 the goods were again seized for the King, ^°^a.
and out of that part of the cargo which was considered
contraband by the Crown lawyers, though it had not
yet been condemned by any court of law, property
to the value of 7,cxx)/. was sold by auction. Having
made up his mind to war, it would seem that Charles
no longer thought it necessary to keep terms with the
subjects of the King of France.^
With the King and Buckingham in this temper,
it was not likely that even the ' St. Peter ' would be
^ Order for taking bonds, Jan. 21 ; Bock of Acts, Admiralty Court,
159, fol. 30^ b. Order for release, Jan. 26 ; S, P, Dom,, xiz. 52.
a Joachimi to ; S, P. HMmd, Joachimi to the States
General, Feb. {^', Add. MSS., 17677 h., fo). 143. Blainville t© Lewis
XIII., ^5 Kms^iMSS., 138, p. 1270, 1273.
352 ESTRANGEMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE.
X.
1626.
CHAP, allowed to escape. As soon as the order had been
issued for its release, Apsley, the lieutenant of the
Tower, remonstrated with the Lord Admiral, assuring
him that he could bring as good evidence against
that vessel as against the others. To Apsley's state-
ments Buckingham gave too easy credence, and on
Feb. 4. February 4, having previously obtained the King's
Peter 're- couscut, he Ordered the detention of the ship. It is
*'^^'^" perhaps not an unreasonable conjecture that the real
motive in these proceedings was the desire to detain
as many pledges as possible for the English ships at
Kochelle, the recovery of which had been the subject
of repeated messages to the ambassadors at Paris.
Buckingham might well doubt his chances of obtaining
from the approaching Parliament a favourable consider-
ation of his policy, if Lewis were still engaged in war
with the Huguenots with the help of English vessels.
All this time the despatches sent to Paris had been
Jan. 23. growing more peremptory. On January 23 the am-
tions in bassadors were ordered to hasten home if the ships
were not surrendered. On the 26th Charles was still
unyielding. He had just received a letter from Hol-
land and Carleton, telling him that Eichelieu, in his
master's name, insisted on the maintenance of the
King's garrison in Fort Louis and in the islands of
Rhe and Oleron, as well as on the right to send a Eoyal
Intendant of Justice into Rochelle. The Huguenot
deputies objected to all three points, and asked for the
full execution of the treaty of Montpellier. After a
time, however, they expressed their readiness to with-
draw their demands. They would reluctantly agree
to admit the Intendant, and to allow the garrison to
remain in the islands. Even at Fort Louis they would
not insist upon an immediate disarmament, if they
could ^ope for its demolition in course of time.
INrEUVENTIOX IX FRANCE. 35
The ambassadors were satisfied that peace was vir- chap.
tually made. But Charles was not satisfied. He thought ^* — ^ — '
that the conditions were insufficient for the safety of j^n, 26.
Kochelle. Notliing less than the terms of the treaty
of MontpeUier should receive his assent. The ambas- TheEn^r.
sadors were also to ask for the immediate release of the tiobe *^
ships, and if that were refused, they were to come demand^,
home at once.^
The error of Lewis was coming home to him. interfer-
If he had been faulty in appending to his sister's charieain
marriage contract a condition which involved an in- ^uu^
terference with the administration of English law,
Charles was now interfering far more incisively in
French domestic politics. And when once it was under-
stood that the Huguenots were to owe their recovered
independence to English help, a situation would be
created which would be intolerable even to a king
of France far less sensitive than Lewis on all matters
connected with his personal authority. In the pre-
ceding August liichelieu might wisely have argued
that it woidd be better for him to grant all the de-
mands of his Protestant subjects, in order that he
might turn his attention to external war. But it was
one thing to grant such demands upon conviction ;
it was another thing to grant them to the menaces of
the King of England. Kochelle, freed from the
control of its own sovereign by Charles's interposition,
would practically be an independent republic, resting
for security upon the support of England. The work
of uniting France, handed down as the task of cen-
turies from one generation of monarchs to another,
would receive a blow from which it would be hard to
^ BuckiDgLam to HoUand and Carleton, Jan. 23; Holland and
Carleton to Conway^ Jon. 23 ; Conway to Holland and Carleton, Jan.
19; S, P.France,
VOL. I. A A
354 ESTRANGEMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE
CHAP, recover. An English Rochelle would be a far more
' — ^ — ' potent instrument of mischief than even an English
Jam 26 Calais had ever been.
Such a view of the case was not likely to present
itself to Charles. All that he saw was that as his
ships had been used for the defeat of Soubise, it was
his business to take aire that the Huguenots suffered
no loss. And by this time he had a fresh grievance in
his own domestic circle, which kept his mind in a state
of irritation. He had arranged that his own corona-
tion should take place before the opening of Parliament,
and he fondly hoped that the Queen would be at his
The Queen sidc ou that solcmu occasiou. To his surprise he
JI^^JJ^ found that his young wife had rehgious scruples about
taking part in a Protestant ceremony, and he at once
appealed to her brother to convince her that she was
Jan. iz. in the wrong. The coronation, Conway wrote to the
ambassadors, was but a form. " Yet," he added, " it
is a wonder, it is a disorder, it is a misfortune, so appa-
rent a declaration of a difference in judgment, obedience,
and conformity." But he got no help from Lewis.
The view taken at the French Court was that there
would be no harm done if the Queen submitted to
coronation, provided that none of the Protestant clergy
took any part in the ceremony.^
As this was clearly inadmissible, Charles had to
resign himself to be crowned alone. Such a conse-
Charies qucuce hc ouglit to liavc foreseen when he decided
SSmriS^^ upon marrying a Eoman Catholic princess. But he
was bitterly disappointed, and he threw the whole
blame upon the French ambassador. BUiiiiville,
according to him, had given himself, since his coming
into England, to stirring up ill-will between liimself
* Lewis XIII. to Blainville, Jan, :J|; K%mJ%*M8S,^ *38> P« Ii2i,
Conway to Holland and Carleton, Jan. 2i\iS, P, France,
THE COKONATION. 355
and the Queen. Blainville was certainly not concilia- chap.
tory in his dealings with a Government against which ^- / ^^
he had many and bitter grievances, and he had listened ^^^ ^ •
more sympathizingly than became an ambassador to
the Queen's complaints ; but it is undeniable that the
Queen's troubles had their root in causes which existed
before Blainville set foot in England.
The day fixed for the coronation was the 2nd of Feb. a.
February. The curtained seat which had been pre- SS."""''
pared for Henrietta Maria, at a time when it was still
hoped that she might be present as a spectator, if she
would not take her part in the ceremony, was empty.
Its emptiness must have reminded Charles bitterly of
the misery of his home life and of the most conspicuous
failure of his political hfe. Yet there was no want of
loyalty in the hearty shout — the echo of that old cry
which had once given to English kings their right
to sit upon the throne — ^which greeted him as he stood
in the pride of youthful dignity in the face of the
assembled multitude. As yet, though the first enthu-
siasm which greeted his accession had passed away, no
personal unpopularity had gathered round him. What-
ever was ill-done was attributed to the influence of
Buckingham.^
» Mead to Stuteville, Feb. 3 ; D'Ewes to Stuteville, Feb. 3 ; EUis,
ser. I, iii. 220, 213. Mr. Foreter is mistaken in supposing that the inci-
dent of Charles's stumbling, and of his answering * when Buckingham
offered to assist him, " I have as much need to help you as you to assbt
me," * took place ' when all was over, and the King and the Duke came
wearily away.' It really happened before the coronation, and D'Ewes
adds that the words were spoken ' with a smiling countenance.' Charles
doubtless merely meant that he was able to recover his footing without
help. It would not have been worth while mentioning this, but for the
doubt which I entertain whether Mr. Forster is right in attributing any
sort of foreboding of coming evil to Charles. There is no evidence either
way 5 but my impression, from what I know of Charles's character and
actions, is that he never foreboded evil, and that he was so convinced
A A 2
356
CHAP.
X.
1626.
Feb. a.
New earl-
doms.
ESTRANGEMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE-
The* new king was thus, to use words spoken by his
direction a few days later, married to his people.
He chose that day to be clothed in white,^ as the sign of
the virgin purity with which he came to play a bride-
groom's part, instead of in the purple robe of sovereignty.
Amor civium, Regis prcesidium was the motto which
in trustful confidence he placed upon the coins which
still bore the Koyal arms impressed upon the sails of a
ship careering through the waves, the emblem doubt-
less of that great naval victory with which he hoped
to illustrate the annals of his reign. If Wimbledon
had failed at Cadiz, Buckingham, he might think, would
hardly fail at Kochelle. Charles, so far as it is possible
to judge by the indications which have reached us,
was preparing to meet the new Parhament with all the
buoyancy of hopefulness. Neither Coke, nor Phelijis,
nor Sejnnour would be there to distract the hearts of
his faithful Commons with factious opposition. So
little did the King suspect that he would meet with
any difficulty in the Upper House that he neglected the
that he was always in the right, that the idea of Parliamentary opposi-
tion would not occur to him till he was called to face it.
As for the people not shouting at the coronation when Arundel first
asked them to do so, I am content with D'E wes's explanation ; " Whether
some expected he should have spoken more, or others hearing not so well
what he said, hindered those hy questioning which might have heard, or
that the newness and greatness of the action husied men's thoughts, or
the presence of so dear a thing drew admiring silence, or that those which
•were nearest douhted what to do, but not one word followed till my I^rd
of Arundel told them they should cry out, 'God save King Charles ! '
upon which, as ashamed of their first oversight, a little shouting followed.
At the other sides where he presented himself there was not l^e like
failing." Joachimi, as Uauke has observed, has no hesitation to tell of.
lie says the answer was given ' with great cry and shouting,' Joachimi
to the States General, Feb. ^ ; Add. MSS,, 17,677 L. fol. 148.
* Heylin, Life of Laud, 144. After Charles's death, this was pointed
to as a presage of the innocence of martyrdom, as was also the text takeo
by the preacher, "I will give thee a crown of life.'*
X.
■ ^
1626.
NEGOTIATIONS IN FRANCE 357
opportunity which the coronation afforded of raising chap. |
to the Peerage persons in whom lie could confide. No
additional votes were gained by the earldoms which he
distributed amongst members of the existing peerage,
and it was only a matter of personal importance to
themselves that Lord Ley, for instance, would for the
future be known as Earl of Marlborough, Lord Mande-
ville as Earl of Manchester, and Lord Carew as Earl of
Totness.
There were yet a few days before the meeting of Jan.a5.
Parliament, and if Charles had been capable of rising tioS^
into a statesmanlike view of his relations with France, L^'ildtxiii.
he would have seized the opportunity of reconsidering Huguenots,
his position which was offered him during those days.
Holland and Carleton had left no stone unturned to
bring about a pacification. The stumbling-block was
Fort Louis. The French minister frankly averred
that unless the King kept up a garrison in it, he
could have no security that when he was engaged
in war abroad the Eochellcse would not rise in insur-
rection as they had done the year before. With equal
energy the Huguenot deputies argued that unless tlie
fort were demoHshed, they could have no security
for the freedom of their commerce. On the evenincr of
the 25th of January it was believed on both sides that
the negotiation was at an end.
Tlie next morning a chosen number of the French Jan. a6.
clergy were to be admitted to the King to declare their mentcon.e
readiness to open their purses to support him in the •
holy Avar which they had done their best to render
imminent. But they had reckoned Avithout the Cardinal.
Seizing a pretext for deferring the audience for a
time, he had proposed a compromise through the
English ambassadors. When at last the deputation
358 ESTRANGEMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FR.VNCE.
CHAP, swept into the Royal presence they found that they
' — -^ — ' were too late. The Huguenot deputies were already
jan.^26. o^ ^^^^^ knees before the King, and the baffled priests
had come only to see the King reconciled at last with
his Protestant subjects.
Terasof Unhappily the terms of reconciliation announced
mentf"** ^^ *^^ following day by the Chancellor, were such as
by no means to preclude the probability of a renewal
of the strife at no distant future. Under pressure from
Holland and Carleton, the deputies agreed to give up
all the points at issue, including the demolition of
Fort Louis. In return they were to have from the
King an assurance that ' by long services and continued
obedience they might expect that which they most
desired,' and that ' in fitting time he would listen to
their supplications made with due respect and humility.* ^
Before the words were spoken a private exposition of
their meaning was given by the French ministers to
the effect that they pointed to the eventual demolition
of Fort Louis.
Jan. 20. Holland and Carleton had certainly taxed their
^ the authority as mediators to the uttermost. The deputies
throi^hex. plainly told them that they had agreed to the treaty
^TfiJlgiSh ' because they might now lawfully accept assistance
support. £^.Qjjj j^jg Majesty.' When the ambassadors attended
the Protestant church at Charenton on the following
Sunday, they found themselves the objects of univers(d
enthusiasm. The preacher took for his text, " How
beautiful are the feet of them that preach the gospel
of peace."
It was all very natural, but it was very dangerous.
* Answer of the Chancellor in the name of the King of France,—— ;
'S'. P, France, This date, however, must bo merely that on which a
written copy of the speech was delivered. It was spoke on ^^^^^»
' Declaration l>y Holland and Carleton y^^~^^^, S. R Dance,
PEACE ACCORDED TO TIIE HUGUENOTS. 359
To tliriist the foreign mediation in the face of Lewis chap.
was the very way to disgust him with the arrangement
^
which had been made, and if Charles had been wise ,'^^S-
he would have kept his part in the treaty in the back-
ground. If the French Government were once en-
gaged in earnest in the conflict with Spain, any renewal
of persecution would be virtually impossible.
In such a course Charles would have had every RicheUeu
, ready to
assistance from Kichelieu. The treaty was signed on take'up the
the 28th, and the Cardinal at once assured the ambassa- against
dors that the English ships would be speedily restored, ^*"*°*
and that his master would practically, if not in name,
join England in the war in Germany. On the 29th
Holland and Carleton reported that the French ministers
dealt with them more freely than they expected, ' for
they have not denied those of the Keligion any of their
demands, so as all parties are satisfied.' ^
On the 5 th of February the ambassadors were able J^^^^^j^e
to write of offers still more definite. Kichelieu had ^y ^™-
assured them that his master, besides carrying on the
war in Italy, was ready to create a diversion for the
King of Denmark by sending into Germany an army
nominally commanded by some German prince, but in
reality supported jointly by France and England. In
addition to this he would give the aid already promised
to the King of Denmark. The army thus proposed
would not cost Charles a third of the expense of the
force which he had proposed to send against Dunkirk,
whilst it would be of far greater advantage to the
common cause.^
Whether Charles, after his numerous failures, would „ ^eb. 10.
tory pro-
^ Holland and Carleton to Conway, Jan. 27, 29; Declaration by spect...
Holland and Carleton, ~-J[ ; The state of Holland and Carleton's nego-
tiation, Aug. (?) ; S. P. France,
^ Holland and Carleton to Conway, Feb. 5 ; S. P, France,
X.
1626.
Feb. la
360 estr.vxgemi:nt between England and France.
CHAP, have now been able to persuade his Parliament to
grant the supply necessary for this or for any other
enterprise, may well be doubted. But it was at least
in his power to meet Parhament with the proposal of a
definite joint action with France, which was the very
object at which he had been so long driving. Li a few
days the English ships would have returned and the
establishment of peace in France would have justified
the policy upon which their loan had originally
depended, whilst it might be taken for granted that
when once England and France were actively co-ope-
rating in Germany, there would be no disposition on
the part of the French Government to return to the
system of annoyance of which the Huguenots had pre-
viously complained, nor even to scrutinise very closely
Charles's failure to observe the provisions of his mar-
riage contract.
Feb. 6. Such however was not the view which Charles
faction oir took of the situation. On the 6th of February, when
Charles. ^j^^ ^^^^ uews of the agreement had reached England,
Conway was directed to write ironically to the ambas-
sadors that liis Majesty was confident that there must
be ill tlie treaty ' some excellent good warrants and
reservations provided that are not expressed.' ^ The
Feb. 7. next day Charles had an opportunity of reading
the treaty itself. " It seems," wrote Conway again,
" something strange that your Lordships had concluded
the peace Avith so httle surety for those of the Religion,
for ought appeared here. But his Majesty is persuaded
if your Lordships have, as it seems, placed the con-
fidence of all tliose of the Eeligion and those of
Kochelle upon him for the maintaining of their surety,
that you have some very good grounds that such un-
derhand promises as may have been made, which
* Conway to Holland and Carleton, Feb. 6; S, P» France.
1626.
Feb. 7.
DISSATISFACTION OF CHAHLES. 361
appear not, shall be kept ; or that, now that the King chap.
is satisfied in point of honour, of his goodness he will
presently withdraw all his forces from Ilochelle, and
will appoint a certain time when he will demolish the
fort.
" His Majesty's pleasure is that you protest to that The lin-
king and his ministers that, under the hope and con- to pr,>te«t
fidence of the real and present performance of those tStreaty.
things, you had employed your mediation, and had en-
gaged the authority of his Majesty to move and almost
constrain the deputies to accept the peace upon these
conditions.
" And further, you are, by the advice of the depu-
ties, to move for such conditions as may be for their
surety, and so to carry that business betwixt that king
and those of the Rehgion that, if his Majesty's honour
must be pledged for the due observation of the treaty,
his Majesty may be called and admitted to that office
by that king and those of the Religion ; and tliat
there may be some ground and possibility for such a
surety to be in the power and possession of those of
the Religion and those of Rochelle, in the strength of
which they may subsist until such time as they may
make their grievances known to his Majesty, and for
him to apply his mediation and set his endeavours on
work. But in these things his Majesty can give you no
exact limits?, but must leave you to that restraint or
latitude your Lordships' own wisdom will take in your
own negotiation. But it is his Majesty's precise com-
mandment that you demand the present restitution of
his Majesty's ship, and of the merchants' ships ; and
that in that point you admit no delay, but take a delay
as a denial."
Charles, in short, blind to the fact that the force of ^*^^"
circumstances under Richelieu's guidance was working
362 ESTRANGEMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE.
CHAP, for him, would be content with nothing less than an
^ open acknowledgment of his position as mediator
^ ^ ' between Lewis and his subjects. A few more de-
spatches such as this would make even Eichelieu power-
less to preserve peace between France and England.
chw^is"* 0" *^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ French offer of co-
SS^tfi^ ^^ operation in Germany had reached England. Sir John
the offer Cokc was directed to answer as follows : —
of French , , t 1 -n r
co-opera- '' Concerning the raising of a new Englisli-French
cooineas. army, — ^which strange overture you have kept afoot
by undertaking to procure an answer from hence, —
that this may not serve them for any pretence to colour
their withdrawing of contribution from the King of
Denmark and Mansfeld, you are to lay before them
his Majesty's great charges both by sea and land, and
the impossibility of levying more armies of that kind ;
and further directly to profess that if that king per-
form not what he hath promised for the support of
those forces, his Majesty in like manner will presently
hold his hand and employ all his means for the
strengthening of his fleet, which he well knoweth to
be the best support of his own honour and state,
all the rest having a principal relation to his allies.
And, since the diversion in Germany concerneth chiefly
the security of France against Avliich the Imperial
forces were evidently designed, if the King of Den-
mark had sat still ; you are to make them sensible of this
interest and of his Majesty's resolution to bear that
burthen no longer, if that king shall cast it off, or not
contribute at least in an equal proportion."^
iviTp^we® On such terms a working alliance was impos-
cJndluons. ^^^' ^ foreign government would find now, as
domestic parties were to find afterwards, that it was not
* Coke to Holland and Carleton, Feb. 1 1 ; iS. P. France*
CHARLES'S DOMESTIC TROUBLES. 363
enough to give way to Charles in some things, unless chap.
it was prepared to give way to him in all. What he ^— r^ — '
asked was merely that a high-spirited and sensitive Yeb,u.
nation should first submit its domestic affairs to his
arbitration, and should then enter upon a war pre-
cisely in such a manner and on such conditions as it
pleased him to. prescribe.
If knowledge of character be worth anything, it
is to Charles rather than to Buckingham that these
unsatisfactory despatches are to be ascribed. Charles
too had annoyances at home which may well have
served to put him in a bad temper during the days in
which they were dictatal. His dissatisfaction with his
wife had reached a crisis. Parliament was opened on Feb. 6.
the 6th, and arrangements had been made for the atThe^^
Queen to witness the procession from one of the win- {^hc^^iSng
dows of the Banqueting Hall at Whitehall. Charles, ^™*-
however, always anxious to separate her from the
French attendants, and to bring her as much as pos-
sible in communication with the ladies of the Villiers
family, expressed a wish that she should take a seat in
a balcony occupied by the old Countess of Buckingham.
The Queen assented, but when the time came she
either saw or fancied she saw that it was raining, and
asked to be excused from going out into the street
in the wet. Charles, on the other hand, insisted that
it did not rain, but finding that liis words produced no
impression, withdrew from the altercation. Dissatisfied ^JI^'J^"®"
at Ms rebuff, — so at least the French accounts of the busband.
affair assert, — he betook himself to Buckingham. " How
can you expect," said the favourite, "to be obeyed by
your Parliament if you cannot secure the obedience of
your wife ? " Charles, conscious perhaps of his own
inabiUty to impress the Queen with sufficient awe of
his commands, sent Buckingham to try his powers upon
3^4
ESTRANGEMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE.
CHAP.
X.
1626.
Feb. 6.
Ill- feeling
between
them.
her. Buckingham rated her soundly for her dis-
obedience, and as Blainville, who had perhaps objected
originally to her showing herself in Lady Bucking-
ham's company, now advised submission, she took
Buckingham's hand, and was led across the street to
the house in which his mother was.
Even this act of submission caused fresh umbrage
to Charles. The Queen, it would seem, would not obey
him, but would obey the French ambassador. With
some reminiscence, perhaps, of the * Taming of the
Shrew,' he sent orders to her to come down from the
window at which she was, and with these orders Hen-
rietta Maria meekly complied.
For three days Charles kept entirely aloof from
his wife, waiting sulkily till she should come to beg his
pardon. At last, weary of his silence, she sought him
out and askal in what she had oflfended him. He
expected her, he answered, to acknowledge her error.
She was unable, she said, to accuse herself of anything
wrong. Would he not tell her what her fault had
been? The question seemed to take him by sur-
prise. After some hesitation he answered : " You
told me that it rained when I said that it did not rain."
" I should never have thought that to be an offence,"
she replied ; " but if you think so, I will think so too."
Pleased with such evidence of humihty^ Charles took
his wife in his arms, and kissed licr.^
* Meynoires de Tilliercs. It seems so unlikely that Charles should
have quarrelled with Blainville on this point, that it is as well to give the
words of the English narrative : " In the meantime a difference that
fell out about the place for the Queen to see the King ride to Parliament
(she aflfecting to stand in the Banqueting House, or in the Privy Gallerv,
when the King had given reasons for her better sight in the house of the
Countess, mother to the Duke of Buckingham, next the gate in King
Street), was a subject for some discontent, and so far as the Ambasfiador
Blainville seeming to his Majesty to have been the causer of it, had the
BLAINVILLE ORDERED FROM COURT. 365
The quarrel was over for the time. The Queen had chap.
1626.
Feb. za
perhaps begun to open her eyes to the truth that with
such a character as Charles's the outward appearance
of complete and unreasoning obedience is the surest
way to mastery in the end.
Unhappily this misunderstanding between man and
wife became another element in the misunderstanding
between two kingdoms. On the day after the offence Feb. 7.
was given, the courier who carried the despatch ex- iua« to ^
pressive of Charles's dissatisfaction with the Huguenot jSiTto*^'
treaty, took with him a letter from Charles to Lewis cSSSt **
himself, asking for Blainville's recall, on the ground
that he had done everything in his power to bring
about a misunderstanding between himself and the
Queen. At the same time he directed Conway to in-
form the ambassador that he would no longer be per-
mitted to appear at Court.^
Such were the conditions under which Charles met circum-
his second Parliament. A great French minister, under
amidst unexampled difficulties, had steered the vessel of chaHes
state on to the track in which it was hereafter to be SSm«in""
borne to victory on behalf of a noble cause. In spite of
the hesitations of Lewis and of the opposition of the
clergy and of a large portion of the aristocracy, Eicheheu
had firmly planted the banner of monarchical France
on the basis of toleration. lie had gained his point
by unwearied patience, by yielding in details whilst
never losing sight of his main object, by the ap-
pearance of being but the servant of his king, whilst
in reality he was bending the king and France itself to
next day a message brought him by the Lord Conway." A flair of
Blainville. Undated. S, P. France,
^ Message sent to Blainyille^ Feb. 7. The King to Lewis XI II.; Feb.
7. S, P. France.
366 ESTRANGEMENT BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE.
CHAP, his own ends. One thing he yet wanted, that tlie
^^ — . — ' ruler whom fortune had placed upon the English
1626. throne should be capable of understanding his meaning.
As long as Charles was King of England no such
good fortune was likely to be his.
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
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INDEX.
Abbey &• Overtones English Church History 15
Abney's Photography lo
Acton's Modem Cookery ao
Alpine Qub Map of Switzerland 17
Guide (The) 17
^M^j'i Turisprudence 5
— ^— Primer of the Constitution 5
— ^— 50 Years of English Constitution 5
Anderson's Strength of Materials ..« zo
<Wrmx/n7»f['j Organic Chemistry 10
Arnolds p3r. ) Lectures on Modem History a
Miscellaneous Works 7
Sermons 15
(T.) English Literature 6
— ^— Poetry and Prose ... 6
Amotfs Elements of Physics 9
Atelier The) du Lys 19
Atherstone Priory xd
Autumn Holidays of a Country Parson ... 7
Ayrt's Treasury of Bible Knowledge flo
Bacon's Essays, by Whaiely 5
— — Life and Letters, by Spedding ... 5
Works S
Bagthot's Biographical Studies 4
— -— ^ Economic Studies sz
Literary Studies 6
Baileys Festus, a Poem j8
Bains]^mG& Mill and J. S. Mill 4
Mental and Moral Science 6
on the Senses and Intdlect 6
^—^ Emotions and Will 6
Baker's Two Works on Ceylon 17
WORKS published by LONGMANS &• CO.
Balft Alpine Guides >!
Baits Elements of Astroromy ic
Bon? on Railway Appliances «
hBramvtllon Railways, *c I3
flfliiennirtii't M incralogy i*
BtatSKiJltld'i (Lord) Novels and Talcs 17 4 i!
- Wit i\nd Wisdom...
Bush's Giscchi, Marius. and
i{»/i Memoir of Gaiibaldi •
Marriages ...
Bingham's Booapai
Bloii'i Treatise on Brewing ..
BlackleVj German- EnglishDii
Bhsinis Raro.1 Sports
BMshJ and Lsn^i Aiislolje'a Politics
Boko's Italian History by Morill ..
Bi>MlHttoa 3g Articles
■ 'j History of the English Church..
Baarnis Works on the Steam Engine. 1
Beuidlir't Famay Siaitiftart
Brtanlef-Monris Six Sisters ot the Valleys .
Brandos Diet, of Sdcnce, Liletaiure, & Art :
Bivis^s British Navy.
■ Sunshine nnd Slorm in the East
■ Voyage of the ' Suntieam '
Bn/uaii's Elxposition of the ggArtides
Btvania^i Modem EnelaDd
Biuklt'i History of CiviUsalion
BHcklea't Food and Home Cookeiy 1
■ Health in the House
Bull Hints to W others !
Malcroal Maoagenienlof Children. 1
Burgomastcr'i Family (The) :
BtnfeilAlire
iSwri/jWduitudei of Families
CaUnet Lawyer 1
Capti Age of the Anlonines
EJu'ly Roman Empire
Carlyii't Reminiscences
Caits's Biographical Dictionary
Cnj'/o'i Iliad of Homer
Changed Aspects of Unchanged Truths ...
CktiKtyi Waterloo Campaign
CkarcA's Beginning of the Middle Ages ...
CoZouo on Moabile Slone Ac :
• 'j Penlateaeh and Boot of Joshua.
Commonplace Philosopher ,
CcmUt Positive Polity
Ctmder's Handbooli lo the Rible :
Canii^loris Tmnslacion of Virgil's jGneid :
CmlaMsiat' Two French Dielionaiiea ...7a
Cmyitan and tiouiKn's Si. Paul
Carderys Struggle against Absolute Mon-
Ctila On Rocks, by Lianma
Counsel and Comfort from a City Pulpit...
Cex's (G. W.) AthenJEin Empire
I Crusades
■ Greeks and Persians
Cnighlon's Age of Eliiabcth
England a Conlinenlal Power
Papacy during the ReforniatioQ :
■ Shilling Historv of England...
Tudors and the Reforaialion
Cn^t Eoqrdopsedk of Civil En^^eering :
Qrltleal Essays of a Counlrr Parson 7
Cirair'' Handbook of Tele^pby M
Cnrteiis Macedonian Empire „ %
Da-vidions New Testament 15
:-!\u{i BoUnr _ It
'' ::i'?cracy in America.- *
Dtiti Amcncao Funung and Food .»... u
BasllaUs FordgQ Picture Galleries I]
Hints on Household Taste 14
Ednardi on Ventilation &c. .» ID
Bllievtti Scripiure Commentaiiea _ IJ
Lectures on Lifcof Christ ..—. IS
Elsa andlitr VnUure „. tf
Epochs of Andent History „ 3
— — EngUsh History 3
■ Modem History .,,„ 3
Enaitts History of Israel „ t!
— — Antiquities of Isntel „ 16
^m'rAiini'j Applications of Iron 14
^^^^^^— Information for Engineers... >.. 14
MUls and Mill«-Qrk ij
farrat'i Language and Languages 7
■Pilniygrjta on Horses ig
JVuatjj'j Fishing Book 19
franaiis Historical Geographv a
FroudJs Ctesar » r j ^
English in Ireland .. i
History ot England .. j
Short Studies 5
'ITiomas Carlyle ^
Gairdttt'i Houses of Lancaster and y<nh t
GaHofs Eiemenlary Physics a
Natural Philosophy _ >
Gardintr'i Buckingham and Charles 1. ... a
Personal Govemment of CharliaL a
Outline of English History ,„ ■
Puritan Resolution •
Thirty Years' War J
(ierman Home Life J
Gee/it's Faust, by Birds a
hySelss ■■ ,g
by Webb rf
Gaidnt-J Mech.inits „
Mcghanism „
Gore s Elcctro-Mctalltirgy.. -.....„... n
Gospel (The) for tlio Nineteenth Cemurr rf
Grants Ethics of Aristotle ' ,
Graver Thoughts of a Country PMTson!I||„ <
Grew/ft'jjounal J
Griffin's Algebra and l^gonometry..'""" ig
Grovi on Correlation of Physical I^rces " q
Gwilfi Encyclopsedia of Architecture...!!' 13
/fo&'jFalloftheStoarts ,
Hartvii^s Works on Natural History ftcJ it
HassaSls Chmate of San Remo .,.'.. n
Maugkton'i Physical Geography "" ^
/fdymmf 'iF Sekcted Essij* ™ |
WOJiKS published ^ LONGMANS &• CO.
Httt's Primeval World of Sivitierland it
/f</niAi//:'i Scienlific Leclures 9
Htrscktts OmlinesofAslrDnomj 8
Hafkinis Cliriii ihe Consoler 16
Hoiscs [iQd HofiUi TO
Hasicld's Engineer's Valuing
Mullahs History of Modem Ml
Transition Period ,
Numt'i Essays ,
Treatise on Human Nature ,
UuUi Rome to its Capture by the Gaals..
Hiiioiy of Rome
IngtlttBs Poems
^go's Inorganic Chemisfiy ,
yanuimi's Sacred and Legendaiy Art
JtniiH'i Electricity and Magnetism
yim/Wj Life of Napoleon
JWbjob'j Normans in Europe ,
Palentee's Manual ,
yoAnj/Bji'i GeoBiaphical Diciioniirv
7»ia'jNewMan.. ,
Second Death
Types of Genesis
Kalixk'i Bible Studies i|
■ Coramenlary on the Bible 18
Path and Goal,. S
Ktltit's Lake Dwellings of Switierland. ... 11
Ktrtt MelalluTgy, by Crookts and Reirig. 14
KnalchiuU-Nugti^en'i Fairy-Land 18
• Higgledy-piggledy 18
Landscape!, Cliurclies, Ac 7
Lal/iam's English DicIionBrics 7
Handbook of English Language 7
Ltckj'i History of England i
• European Morals 3
Rationalism 3
Leaders of Public Opinion 4
La' Geologist's Note Book 11
Leisure Hours in Town 7
Ltilii Polititaland Moral Philosophy ... 6
Lessons of Middle Age 7
Leuiei History of Philosophy 9
inuit onAulhorily S
Liddtlia-niScoir Greek-English Lexicons S
Lindley asiA Maori s Treasury of Botany ... 90
Lloyd's Magnetism , 9
Wave-Theory of Light lo
Langnan's (F. W.) Chess Opeaioga 30
— Frederic the Great 3
Langmmi' s {^ .\\ .\ German Dictionary 8
(W.) Edward the niird. 9
Leeiurcsonriiatotyof England 9
Old and New St, Paul's 13
Leudon's Encydopiedia -of Agrienlluro 14
Gardening 14
Plants u
LtMochi Origin of Civilisation 11
Lud/mi'i American War of Independence 3
lom GcnnatiiM 16
i^ij/ir'j VerlcbraleAidmals ...........
mil)/ s {Lord) Essays ■
History of England ..
- Lays, Illnstraicd Edits.
— Writings, Seleclioni bom 6
JI/sfCu/idM' J Tracts ., .
jl/tCdrM/j Epoch of Reform
MiCulixA's Dictionary of Commerce
lil-icfamn on Musical Harmony
MoiUods Economical Philosophy
Economics for Beginners
Elements of Banking
Elements of Economics !
Theory and Practice of Banking :
U.-icnamara's Himalayan Districts .
M^iiiemoisellc Mori
Mah.,fy-$ Classical Greek Literature
M,irihm,i,is Life of Havclock -
Martintau's Christian Life
Hours of Thought ;
Maundir's Popular Treasuries.... 1
Afaxieelfi Theory of Heat ..
Afii/i History of Democracy
History of England
Mil-MU! (Whytc) Novels aod Tales .
MtRdtlaohn! Letters
MiHvaUs I',ill of the Roman Republic ...
General History of Rome
. Roman Triumviiales
• Romans under the Empire
A/(mrff/.f I Arithmetic and Mensuration. ..
Miks on Horse's Foot and Horse Shoeing .
on Horse's Teeth and Stables..
//j'//U.)omljeMind
Milts (J. S.) Autobiography
• Dissertations 4 Discussion*
Elssays on Religion.
. Hamilton's PhllosoiAr
Politiral Economy
Representative Govermneat
Subjection of Women
Systcni of Logic
Unscliled Questions
Momtlts Sphilual Songs
Moerti Irish Melodies, Illustrated Edidon
Lalla Rookh, illustrated Edition,,
Morris's Arc of Anne
Jilullcr ciiips from a German Workshiq),
' ' 'ibttt l-ccturcs (in Religion ...
'Of Re
igion ...
Selected Essajrs 7
AlwimontheMoon 8
WOUKS ptMihtd by LONGMANS &* CO.
NtviUj Horses and Riiing ...
^VsrMctftfi Lathes & Tucning .
Orsfs Fifty Years' RecoUections
Crmtty'i I'oem of ihc Cid
Our Utile Life, by A. K. H. B
Ovtrlen'i Ufe, &c. of Law
OuKiii Comparaltve Anatomy and Phy-
siology of Vertcbmte Asimals^ •
OwtH's Evenings with the Skcplic*
FajrtM'i Induxtrial ChenUlry .....
ftatna'i Lomprahensive Spedfiet .
/^'eij/j Art of I'eriuinery
PoUi Game of Whist
i^rux/f I Early Ejigtond
Pnc(t& SiifTwtfW J Telegraphy...
Prasenl-Doy Thoughts
/VKfta-'j Astronomical Works
Public Schools Atlases
RawlinKii'i Andeiil Egypt
Recreations of a Country Parson
Stynoldst Ex pennienial Chemistry i
RuKi Dictionary of Antiquities
Rivtri! Orchard House „ ]
Rose Ama.teur'a Guide I
Rt^tris Eclipse of Faith and its Defence I
R^tti Engluh Thesaurus
Ranalds Fly-Fisher's Entomology ;
*TOi/r^j Rise of the People
Settlement of the Constitution ...
RtiU^t Study of Rocks :
£aitdari'i Justinian's Institutes 5
ScHkiy's Sparta and Thebea g
Siivilc on Apparitions 7
Seaside Musmgs 7
Scold Farro Valuer 31
Rents and Purchases ai
Sltiiihi''i Oxford Reformers of 149S a
Protestant Revolution 3
Samctts MurineSteain Engine 14
Stu/ttTs liistoty -of France a
Passing 'ThouRhts On Religion 16
' Preparation fortommumon 16
Private Def utlons 16
. Stories and Tales 18
Shtllty's Worltshop Apphonces ■ 10
"j Church History 13
5/«/ on Diseases of the Oi '9
SUplun'i Ecdesiaslical Bim^phy 4
SlonikiHge. DOg and Greyhound — -. '9
Sloiief on Sirajns '3
S/kMi'j Early Planlagenels .- 3
Sunday Afternoons, by A. K. H.B 7
Supernatural Religion
SwManUl Picture L^c
TaiuacKs England during ihe Want
Taytot'i History of India —
Ancient and Modem History .-. ■
{Jeremy) Works, edited by £da t
Teit-Boolis of Science *
Tkaml's Botany '
ThumioHs Laws of Thought
Therpis Quanlilative Analysil »
Tharft and Maii'i Quahlative Analysis ... i
Thvdidiunis Annals of Chemical Medicioe i
TildtHi Chemical PhiJQSOphy 1
Pracdcal Chemistiy I
STjiW on Parliamentary Government
Trmck'! Realities of Irish Life '
TrcvcIyaniUSeat'^ox
TVoWi^j Warden and Barchestet Towers 1
Tfiiss's La* of Nations -
TjmdalTi (Professor) Scdeatlfic Works ... 1
Unawares
Umeiit'i Machine Design
Urt't Arts, Manufactures, and Mines ...—
in Artilicial Manures • M
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