This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project
to make the world's books discoverable online.
It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover.
Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the
publisher to a library and finally to you.
Usage guidelines
Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.
We also ask that you:
+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for
personal, non-commercial purposes.
+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.
+ Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it.
+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe.
About Google Book Search
Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web
at|http : //books . google . com/
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by
Google
,c ■/,', ■'.'.•V.'/»/
HISTORY OF GERMANY;
FROM THE
EARLIEST PERIOD TO THE PRESENT TIME.
BY FREDERICK KOHLRiUSCH.
LONDON:
CHAPMAN AND HALU 186, STRAND.
1844.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
^^.^<^
G. WHITINQ, BEAUFORT HOUSE, STRAND.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
TRANSUTOR'S PREFACE.
The high merits and distinguished character of the
original Grerman work by Professor Kohbausch, of which
this is a translation, have long been acknowledged. A work
which during a period of thirty years has enjoyed so much
popularity as to have gone through several editions, em-
bracing a circulation of many thousands of copies; a pro-
duction which has extended and estabUshed its good repute,
even in its original form, far beyond its native cUme, to
England, France, Belgium, Italy, America, &c. (in several of
which countries it has been reprinted in German), and has
thus become a standard book of reference in almost all the
universities and principal public, as well as private edu-
cational institutions — such a publication possesses ample
testimony proving it able to create a lasting interest, and
confirming its cboms to consideration and esteem.
The aim of the distinguished author in this valuable
history is thus simply but distinctly expressed by him-
self: " My sole object," he says, " has been to produce a
succinct and connected development of the vivid and
eventftd course of our country's history, written in a style
calculated to excite the interest and sympathy of my
readers, and of such especially who, not seeking to enter
upon a very profoimd study of the sources and more ela-
borate works connected with the annals of our empire, are
nevertheless anxious to have presented to them the means
of acquiring an accurate knowledge of the records of our
Fatherland, in such a form as to leave upon the mind and
heart an enduring, indelible impression."
o c itzoo °'^' ''^"^ ^^ Google
»3 C "-J. U 'W 'W
IT FBETACE.
That our industrious historian has attained his object,
the intelligent reader will find in the interest excited, the
clear views imparted, and the deep impression effected by
his animated portrayals of both events and individuals.
This has been the original and acknowledged characteris-
tic of Herr Kohlrausch's work throughout its entire ex-
istence; but in the new edition from which this translation
has been rendered, he has endeavoured to make it as
perfect as possible, both in matter and style, and besides
this has enriched it with many valuable notes not con-
tained in the former editions; thus making it in reality
a concise, yet, in every respect, a complete history of Ger-
many.
It is important to remark, that Professor Eohlrausch is
a Protestant, and one distinguished not less for his freedora
from prejudice and partiality, than for the comprehensive-
ness of his views and the high tone of his philosophy. The
general adoption of the work — ahke by I^otestant and Ro-
manist— ^is proof suflSiciently convincing of the impartiality
of his statements, and of the justice of his reflections and
sentiments.
JAMES D. HAAS.
L(mdon,l&U.
Digitized by
Google
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTION.
ANCIENT GEBMANT AND ITS INHABITANTS.
The Sources of the most ancient German History — The Nature of the Conntnr
—The Natives— The Germanic Races— Manners and Customs— Civil Insti-
tntioDs— War— Regolations.and Arms — Religion— Arts and Manufactures
—The Germanic Tribes 1-41
THE MORE ANCIENT GERMAN HISTORY.
FIRST PERIOD.
FIOH THE MOST AMdBNT TDtES TO THE CONQUESTS OF THE FEANK8 UMDEB CLOYXSy
486 iuD.
CHAPTER L
B.C. 113 — 6 iuD.
The (^hfi and Teatonl, 118-101 B.C.— Cesar and Ariovistus, 58 b.c.— Julius
Cbesar on the Rhine— Commencement of the Great German Wars— Drusus in
Genaanj — ^Marbodius,Eingof theMaroomanni 42-58
CHAPTER II.
7— «74
Armhiias or Hermann — Arminins and Varus— Arminius and Germanicns —
llie Death of Arminius, 21 a.d. — ^Further Wars hetween the Germans and
Romans— War with the Marcomanni, 167-180 — ^The Germanic Confederations
—Hie Alemanni^The Franks — The Saxon Confederation — ^The Goths —
The Decline of the Roman Empire 58-78
CHAPTER III.
375-476.
The Emms— Commencement of the Great Migration, 875— Irruption of the
Weitem Goths, Vandals, Suevi, Burgundians, and other Tribes into the
Wertem Roman Empire— Alaric—Attih^ God's Scourge, 451— The Fall of
the Roman Empire in the West, 476 79-92
CHAPTER IV.
SECOND PERIOD.
FBOM THE CONQUESTS OF CL0TI8 TO CHART.KlfAOWE, 486-768.
QoTis, Emg of the Franks, 482-511— Theodoric, sumamed Dieterich of Berne,
488-5S6— The Longobardi in Italy, 568— Changes in the Customs and Insti-
tutions of the Germans— The Language— Constitution— Feudal System-
laws— Pastimes— Christianity in Germany— The Grand Chamherhdns—
Chalks Martd against the Arabs, 732— Pepin the Little— The Carlo-
lin^ans 94-111
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
Vi CONTENTS.
CHAPTER V.
THIRD PERIOD.
PAG£.
THE CABLOVINGIANS FROM CHARLEMAGNE TO HENRY L, 768-919.
768-814.
Charlemagne, 768-814— The State in which Charlemagne fonnd the Empire —
The East-Roman, or GredanEmpire— England— The North of Enrope— The
Spanish Peninsular— Italy— Anstria and HungaiT'— Germany— The Wan of
Charlemagne— The Saxons— The Longobardi— The Arabs — TheBaTaiians
— ^The Empire of Charlemagne— Charlemagne, Emperor of Rome, 800— The
Death of Charlemagne, 814— His Portraiture 113-137
CHAPTER VL
814-918.
Louis the Pious, 814-840— Division of the Empire among his Sons, Louis,
Lothaire, and Charles the Bald, 843— The German Sovereigns of the Race of
the Carlovingians, 843-911— Louis, or Ludwig, the German— Charles the Fat
. — ^Amulf— Ix>uis the Child — The later and concluding P^od of the Carlo-
vingians—C<Mirad I., of Franconia, 911-918 138-151
CHAPTER VIL
FOURTH PERIOD.
FROM HENRY I. TO RUDOLPHUS OF HAPSBURO, 919-1273.
919-1024.
Henxy L, 919*936— His Wan— The Hungarians— The Sdavomans— New Insti-
tutions—Otho L, 936-973— The Hungarians— Battle of the Lechfeld— The
Western Empire renewed, 962— Greece— Otho H, 973-983— Otho IIL, 983-
1003— His Religious Devotion— His Partiality for Roman and Grecian Man-
ners and Customs — Henry IL, 1003-1024 — ^Italy — ^Pavia — ^Bamburg— His
Dt^ith, 1024— End of the Sazcm Dynasty 155-185
CHAPTER VIIL
THE 8AIJC OR FRANCONIAN HOUSE, 1024-1125, TO LOTHAIRE THE SAXON, 1137.
Assemblage of the Ducal States— The Election— Conrad H, 1024-1039—
Re-establishes Internal Peace — ^Italy — Canute, King of England and Den-
mark—Burgundy— Ernest, Duke of Swabiflr— The Faust-Recht— Conrad's
Death, 1039— Henry HI., 1039-1056— The Popes— Henry's Zeal for the
Church— His Death, 1056— Henry IV^ 1056, 1106— His Mmority— The
Archbishops — ^Albert of Bremen — Henry and the Saxons— Their Hostility —
Henry's Revenge— Pope Gregory VH. — His Ambition— The Right of In-
vestiture— ^Rupture with the Emperor — ^Henry Excommunicated — The Em-
peror a Fugitive— The Rival Emperors and Popes— Rudolphus of Swabia
and Pope Qement HI.- Henry's Death, 1106— Henry V., 1106-1125— Rome
— Pope Pascal IL— The Investiture Contest — Sanguinary Battle— Henry
Crowned Emperor— His Death, 1125— The First Crusade, 1096-1099— Lo-
thaire the Saxon, 1125-1137 185-216
CHAPTER IX.
THE 8WABIAN OR H0HEN8TAUFEN HOUSE, 1138-1254.
113&— 1190.
Conrad m., 1138-1152— The Guelphsand GhibeUnes— Wemsberg— The Faith-
fiil Wives— Conrad's Crusade— Disastrous Resultsr-His DeaUi, 1152— Fre-
derick L, or BarbaroBsa, 1152-1190— His Noble Character and Distinguished
Qualities— Extends his Dominions— The Cities of Lombardy and AGlan—
Pavia— Pope Adrian IV.— The Emperor's Homage— Otho of Wittelsbach—
Dispute between the Pope and the Emperor— Mihin Taken and Razed— Tlie
Confederation of the Lombardian Towns— The Battle of lignano— Frederick
Defeated— Pope Alexander and Frederick— Venice — ^Henry, tiie lion of
Brunswick— His Rise and Fall— Reconciliaticm and Peace— Lonibardy—-
Frederick's Crusade and Death in Palestine, 1190 216-233
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
CONTENTS. *m
PAGE.
CHAPTER X.
FBOM 1190 TO THE INTBRBBGNUM, 127S.
Bcniy VL, 1190-1197— Hi« Mercenary and Cruel Character— -mcbard L of
England— Ib Seixed and Impruoned by Henry— Naples and Sicily— The
Gnndeea — ^Th^ Barboioiu Treatment by the Emperor— His Death, 1197—
The Biral SoTereigns— Phillip of Swabia» 1197-1208, and Otho IV., 1197-
1215— Their Death— Frederick H., 1215-1250— His Noble Qualities— Love
Dor the Arts and Sciences— His Sarcastic Poetry— P^ereooe for Italy— Dis-
putes with the Popes— Is Excommunicated— His Crusade to the Holy Land
—Crowned King of Jerusalem — ^Marries a Princess of England^Italy —
Pope Gregory IX. — ^Frederick Denounced and Deposed— Dissoisions in Ger-
many— The Biyal Kinga— Death of Frederick IL, 1250— His eztraordinaiy
Geam and Talents — ^His Zeal for Science and Education— A Glance at the
East and Nortii-Eastem Parts of Germany — ^Progress in CiTilisation —
WiOiam of HoOand, 1247-1256— Conrad IV., 1250-1254— Their Death—
Thelnterr^^mun, 1256-1273— Progress of the Germanic Constitution ... 234-252
CHAPTER XL
THE MIDDUB AGES.
CluTOlry— The Cities— The Peasantry— The Arts and Sciences— Tlie Clergy
and Ecclesiastical Institutions — The Monasteries and Convents — The Faust-
Ibecht— The Adminjrtration of Justice— The Vehm-Gericht, or Secret
Mnmal 253-285
CHAPTER XIL
FIFTH PERIOD.
FBOM BUDOUHUS I., 07 HAPSBUSO, TO CHABLE8 V., 1273-1520. — ^EMFEBOBS
or BIFFEBEMT HOUSES.
1273-1347.
Bndolphus L, of Hapsburg, 1273-1291— Adolphus I., of Nassau, 1292-1298—
Aibot L, of Auatr^A, 1298-1308— Switzerland— Confederation of the Swiss
-Oesalei^WilliamTell-HenTyVIL, of Luxemburg, 1308-1313— Frederick
of Austria, 1314-1380, and Lewis of Bararia, 1314-1347— Switzerland— The
Battle of Morgarten, 1315— The Battle of Miihldorf; 1322— The First Elec-
tonlAUiaaoe,13da— Death of Lewis, 1347 288-304
CHAPTER XIIL
EMPEItOBS or PIFFEBENT HOUSES*
1347-1437.
Charles IV., 1847-1878— Wcnceslas, 1378-1400— Switzerland— The Battle of
Sempach, 1386— Leopold of Austria— Arnold of Wlnkelzied— His Heroism
and Setf-deyotion— Wenoeslas Deposed— Rupert of the Palatinate, 1400-
UlO—Sigismund, 1410-1437— Grand Coundl of Constance— John Huss,
andtheHossiteWars- Deathof 8]giBmund,1437 305-820
CHAPTER XIV.
THE HOUSE OV AUSTRIA.
Albert IL, 1438-1439— His Death— Frederick m., 1440-1493— The Council of
Basle, 1448— .aineas Sylvius— The Turks— Belgrade— Defeat of the Turks
--The Diets— The Emperor besieged m Vienna— His Resdution— His Bro-
»^« Doke Albert— The Count Palatine of the Rhine— His Hostility^
Defeats the Imperialists— Albert of Brandenburg, the Achilles of Germany
-^Feads of the Nobles and aties— Nuremberg— The Nobles Defeated—
Amtda and Burgundy— Charies the Rash— His Ambitionr— Attacks the
S^w-Defeated at Murten— The Battle of Nancy— His Death— Mary of
Digitized by
Google
VIU C0KT£NT8.
PAGE.
Burgondy— Marries MaximiKiin of Austria—Her Death— The Emperor
Frederick a FugitiTe— His Return— Maximilian, Roman King- The Laws
— Their Improyement— Frederick's Obstinacy and Refusal — Maximilian Ap-
pealed to — The Swabian League— Death of Frederick HL, 1493— Prussia —
The Teutonic Knights — Their Decline and Fall— Prussia under Pdish
Sway, 1466 321—323
CHAPTER XV.
Maximilian L, 1493-1519 — His Mental Acquirements and Chivalric Character —
His Government — ^Italy — Charles VIIL and Louis XH. of France — Switzer-
land—The Venetian Repubtic — ^The League of Cambray^-Maximilian's Ho-
nourable and Consistent Conduct— The Battle of the Spurs— Union of Hun-
gary and Boh^nia — ^Internal Administration of Affairs — Perpetual Peace of
the Land — End of the Faust-Recht— The Imperial Chamber and Aulic
Council — Opposition of the States — ^The Emperor Triumphant— State of the
Country — The Nobles, Cities, and Peasantry — Ootz von Berlichingen, &c. —
Death of the Emperor Maximilian, 1519 — ^Events of his Reign, and End of
the Middle Ages — ^Disoorery and Use of Gunpowder — ^Artillery and Fire-
Arms— Inyention of Printing, 1457 332-350
CHAPTER XVL
SIXTH PERIOD.
FBOM CHARLES T. TO THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA, 1520-1648.
State of the Empire— Internal Anarchy— Charles V. of Spain, and Frands L of
France— Frederick the Wise, Elector of Saxony — Charles V. elected Emperor
of Germany— His Character— Jealousy and Discontent of the Spaniards —
Try to dissuade Charles from accepting the Imperial Crown— New Spain —
Discoyery of Mexico — Arrival of Charles in Germany — ^His Coronation, 1520
— Schism in the Church— Causes which produced it— Ignorance of the\
Clergy— Their Vices — Murmurs and Discontent of the People— A Reforma- )
tion in the Church unlrersally demanded — Scholastic Wisdom — ^Theology— y
Enlightenment of Sdence-nJohn Reuchlin 354-362
CHAPTER XVIL
Outbreak of the Reformation, 1517— Abuses in the Church— Letters of Indul-
gence— ^Martin Luther, the Reformer — His Exposure and Condemnation oi
these Proceedings— Is summoned to appear in Rome— Withheld from going
by the Elector of Saxony— The Pope's Nuncio, Cardinal Cajetan and Luther at
the Diet of Augsburg, 1518— Refusal of Luther to retract— Luther's Appeal to
the Pope for a fur Hearing— Controversial Discussion between Luther and
Dr. Eck— Luther maintrfiins his Ground— The Pope's Bull against Luther —
The Reformer bums the Bull, with the Canon Law and Eck's Writings —
Propagation of the New Doctrine— Luther addresses the People— Ulric of
Hiitten, and Francis of Sickingen— Frederick the Wise of Saxony and the
Princes in favour of Reform— The Grand Diet at Worms, 1521— Charles V.
— ^The Pope's Legate, Cardinal Alexander— Luther's Appearance and Exami-
nation there — Solemn Refusal not to retract— The Emperor's Declaration —
Luther Excommunicated and his Writings burnt— Conveyed by the Elector
of Saxony for Safety to the Castle of Wartburg— His TransUtion of the New
, Testament — ^Tumults and Revolutions of the Peasantry— Miinzer the Fanatic
-Battle of Frankenhausen— Miinzer's Death— Tranquillity Restored.... 363-377
CHAPTER XVin.
Foreign Relations of Charles V.— Francis I. of France— War between these two
rival Monarchs— Italy— Mihm— The Duke of Bourbon— The Chevalier
Bayard— The Battle of Pavia, 1525— Defeat of the French— Francis L taken
Prisoner— Madrid— The King of France liberated— His dishonourable Breach
of Stipulation— The Imperialists in Rome— The Pope a Prisoner— His Ran-
som—War with France resumed— Andrew Doria— Peace of Cambray, 1529
Digitized by
Google
CONTENTS. IS
^ PAGB.
—OutttesV. crowned Emperor and King of Lombardy in Bologna— HiB 6e-
namiy — Ketom to Grermaoj— First Loigae of the Protestant Princes, 1526
-The Angsbaxg Ck>iife88ion, 1530— Melancthon— His Character of Charles
V.-John» Elector of Saxony— His Determination— The Imperial Council-
Hie Emperor's Declaration— lieply of the Protestant Princes— Ferdinand,
King of Rome, 1531— Religious Peace— The Turks in Hungary— Their
Defisat— .Ulric, I>ake of Wnrtemberg— Restored to his Possessions by Philip
of Hesse— Insiirrection of the Anabaptists— Their Defeat— The Emperor in
Afiicar— Tunis— His Triumph and Liberation of 22,000 Christian Slaves —
^tnas I. attacks Italy — Charles V. enters France—Suspension of Arms—
iDterriew between the two Monarchs at Aigues-Martcs — Revolt in Ghent —
Progress of Charles V. through France and Ghent — Hospitality received —
^eice restored in Ghent— The Diet at Ratisbon, 1541— Charles V. in Al-
giers—Disastrous Expedition— His Fortitude— Return to Italy— Francis I.
resumes Hostilities — ffis Dl-success— Charles V. on the Rhine — Attacks the
Duke of Cleves — Overcomes and Pardons him — Marches into France — ^Ad-
^ance upon Ftois — ^The Peace ofCrepi, 1544 ^ 378-397
CHAPTER XIX.
State of Religious Affairs in Germany, from 1534 to 1546— Vain Attempts at
HeoondKation — ^Rapid Propagation of the New Doctrine— Henry, Duke of
Branswick— Death of Martin Luther, 1546— Charles V. and the Pope— Their
Alliance— Fteparations for War— The League of Schmalkald— The Elector
of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse — Their Characters contrasted —
ibnrioe, Duke of Saxony — ^His extraordinary Genius — His Adherence to
the Emperor — ^Thc Pope's BuU— The Holy War- The Schmalkaldian Army,
1546-1547 — General Schartlin — Division among the Protestant Leaders —
Insurious Results — The Imperial Camp besieged — Charles triumphant —
I>oke Maurice and the Elector of Saxony — Treachery of Duke Maurice —
The Emperor in Upper Grermany— Conquers the Imperial Free Cities —
Saxony— The Battle of Miihlberg— The Saxons cefeated— The Elector taken
ftisoner— Deposed and condemned to Death— The Game of Chess— The
Elector's firmness and Resignation — His life spared — Duke Maurice made
Elector of Saxony— Wittenberg— Charles V. and Philip of Hesse— The Land-
grave's Submission and Humiliation — ^Detained a Prisoner, and his Lands
>eued by the £mperor — The Elector Maurice — His Mortification and Projects
"Cunst the Bmperor — ^The Spanish Troops in Germany — Their Insolence and
C^resrion 397-421
CHAPTER XX.
The Conndl of Trent- Rupture between the Emperor and the Pope— The
Interim or Temporary Code of Doctrines— Its Condemnation by both Parties
—The Captive Elector of Saxony— Refuses to adhere to the Interim — His
^declaration — Shameful Treatment in consequence— The Elector Maurice —
Magdeburg — ^Maurice marches against that City — The Emperor and Maurice
—Maurice deaerts the Emperor, and with Albert of Brandenburg joins the
^^^n>testants — Their Declaration against the Emperor— His Reply — Albert's
^depredations — Maurice's Separation from him — Charles V. at Inspruck — ^Pur-
«^by Manrice — The Emperor a Fugitive in the Mountains of the Tyrol— His
I^esolate and Forlorn Condition — His Return to Augsburg— Release of the
Elector John Frederick— His Welcome Home— Jena— Treaty of Passau —
liberation of Philip of Hesse— Charles V. in France— Metz— Unsuccessful
Campaign — ^Albert of Brandenburg— Defeated at Liineburg by Maurice—
^th of Maurice and Albert — Rdigious Peace of Augsburg— Final Sepa-
^«tioQ of the Two Religious Parties— Abdication of Charles V.— Retreat to a
Hemut's Cell— Rehearsal of his Funeral Procession— His Death, 1558... 422-437
CHAPTER XXL
^erfioand I., 1556-1564— His industrious Habits— Moderation and Tolerance—
^ Calvinists and Lutherans— Their Hostility towards each other— Ferdi-
^^ and Ptotestantism— The Foundation of the Order of Jesuits by Igna-
tioB Loyola, 1540— Its rapid and universal Dissemination- The Council of
Digitized by
Google
X COilTKJNXS*
PJLGE.
Trent— Eerdinand's Aml>nwiidor« Their FropoflitioiiB leftued— Thdr Lettear
to the Emperor— Death of Ferdmand L, 1564 — Mazhmlian IL, 1564-1576 —
Ss QnalificatioiiB and Good Character^Bohemifr— Poland— ^tate <tf Tna-
quillitj — ^William of Gmmbach in Franronia ■ Hiw Bercdt and Exfionmnini*
cation— QoUiar- The ToungFrinoe of Saxony— Joins Gmmbach— Hia per-
petnal CaptiTity and Death in Styriar— Gmmbach's Execution — The mer-
cenary Troopa— EviJa they produce— German Soldiers in Eordgn Senrioe —
Death of Maximilian H, 1576— Bndolphns IL, 1576-1612— His Indolence
and IneKilntion— Bad Coondllon — ^Beligioiis Excitement roiewed — ^Tlie
Netherlands— The Dnke of Albar-The Elector GeUiazd of Cologne and
Agnes of Mansfeld, Canoness of Gerresheim — Gehbard exconmranicated —
John Gasimir, the Count Fdatine— CalTinism — ^Donauwerth — ^Anstriar— Ra-
dolphns against the Protestants— Deprives them of their Clmrches — Hnnguy
— Revolt of Stephen Botscbkai — ^Tbe Emperor an Astrologist and Alchymist
— Neglects his GoTemment more and more — ^Tycho Brahe and Keppler—
Rudolphus resigns Hungary to his Brother Matthias — ^Bohemia— ^The Letter
of Migesty — ^Ilie Palatinate — The ErangelicaL Union— Juliers — ^Henxy IV.
of France joins the Union— The Catholic League — ^Prague— Revolt — The
Emperor a Prisoner— His Death, 1612 437-450
CHAPTER XXIL
Matthias L, 1612-1619^His Coronation — Its Pomp and Splendour <
The Protestants — ^Increase of general Discontent — ^Austriar— Aix-la-Cfa
—Cologne— The Prince Palatine Wolfgang William, and the Elector of
Brandenburg^— Their Quarrel— Box on the Ear — ^Baneful Conseq[uenceB—
Foreign Allies — ^The Young Archduke Ferdinand — ^Elected King of Bohemia
—His Character— His Deyotion to Catholicism and Hi^a«d of the Protestants
—Banishes the New Faith fhim his Lands— The Electoral Princes— Ferdinand
warned against his Proceedings by the Elector of Saxony — ^Bohemia— The
Letter of Majesty shameftdly infringed— The Protestant Churches destroyed
— ^Indignation and Revolt of the Protestants — ^Their Defender, Count 'Mat^
thias, of Thum— Counts Martinitz and Shnratar-Their Hostility to the Pro-
testants— ^Prague — The Council Hall — Martinitz and Slavata thrown out of
the Window — General Rerolution — The Emperor's Alarm and Desire for
Peao&— Ferdinand's Declaration in reply — Commencement of the Thirty
Years' War— Connt Ernest of Mansfeld, the Leader of the Protestants— Hjb
great military Genius and heroic Character— Death of Matthias L, 1619 —
Ferdinand XL, 1619 -1637— Count Thum and the Bohemians in Vienna —
Surround the Emperor in his Palace— Ferdinand unexpectedly rescued — ^The
Bohemians depose him— The Elector Palatine, Fredmck V., Son-in-Law of
James I. of England, King of Bohemia, 1619— His Irresolution and Pnsill^
nimity— Ferdinand and Maximilian of Bayaria — ^Tbeir Alliance— Superiority
of the Imperialists over the Bohemians— Battle of Weissenbeig, near Pragne,
1620— The Bohemians defeated and their King put to Flight— His AJadi*
cation— Prague capitulates— Bohemia severely punished by Ferdinand —
Thirty thousand Families banished the Country 451-464
CHAPTER XXIIL
Military Expeditions in Germany, 1621-1624 — Generals Mansfeld and Tilly —
Successes of Mansfeld— Joined by the Margraye of Baden— Durlach and
Christian— Duke of Brunswick- Tilly— The Palatinate— The Heidelberg
Library— Ferdinand resolyes to continue the War — ^Tlie Duke of Bavaria
made Elector Palatine — Tilly defeats the Duke of Brunswick in Miinster —
War with Denmark, 1624-1629— The Protestant Forces under Christian IV.
of Denmark— The Duke of Brunswick and Mansfeld— The Emperor without
a Leader— Count Wallenstein — His extraordinary Character— Ambition-
Astrological Studies— Faith in Destiny— His Bravery— Weissenberg- Wal-
lenstein, Duke ^of Friedland — His stately Palace and regal Style of living —
Raises an Imperial Army — His Appearance— Pursues Mansfeld — ^Death of
Mansfeld, 1626— Death of the Duke ^Brunswick- Christian IV. of Denmark
—His Flight— Dukes Adolphus and John of Mecklenburg banished— Their
Estates sdzed by WaUenstein— Created Duke of Mecklenburg and a Prince
Digitized by
Google
coNTEirrs. ai
PAOB
of the Empire, l628--Pbmeraiua~-StraUn]nd--Bes]eged by WaUenstein— lis
braTe Besutanoe — ^ForoeB WaUenstein to retire— Peace between the King of
Beomark and the Emperor, 1629—The Edict of Bestitation, 1639— Its Effect
— Angsbnrg^-The Catholic League— Tyxaanj and Crwiij of WaUenstem
and hia Army— Comphunta of the GathoUcs and Brotestants against WaUen-
Stein to the Emperor— The Frineea and the Nation insist upon his Dismissal
—His Resignation 464*474
CHAPTER XXIV.
GnstaTiis Adolpbns, Kmg of Sweden, in Germany, 1630-1632— His Character
—Motives and Flans in faronr of Protestantism— Stralsnnd-^nstayns de-
dares War against Ferdinand— Lands with his Army in Pomeranian-Stettin
—The Plrotestant Princes hesitate to join Giutarus— Ciistrin and Spandan —
Hie Slectar of Brandenburg— The Elector of Saxony—Siege of Mbigdebarg
Omat m^—'Conquers and bums the City— Dreadful Massacre— Gustayns
and Taiy— Battle of Leipsic— Defiaat of the Imperialists— Glorious Besults to
GustBTua— Sumnder of the Cities— Ingdstadt—'nily wounded— His Death
—Munich— Fragoe—Feidmand and Wallenstein- Begal splendour of Wal«
lensfton— His Palaee— Be««ssembie8 an Army for the Empecor— Extravagant
OonditiQna— Appointed Generalisshno— The Camp of Nuremberg— The Swe«
dish and Imperial Annies— Gostsms in Saxony— Battle of Liit2sen, 1632—
GnstaTua kiUed— His Death rerenged by the Swedeik— Total Defeat of
Walknstein— Portraiture of GnstaTOsAdolphus 475-491
CHAPTER XXV.
CoDthiuatian of the War» 1632-1635— Chancellor Oxenstiem— Wallenstein's
Inaction— Court Martial over his Oflloers— Military Executions— Coimt of
Thum taken Prisoner and released by Wallenstein— The Emperor^s Bemon-
stranoe and Wallenstein's Beply— The Swedes in Bayoria— Wallenstein
withholds Assistance— Prohibits his Officers from obeying the Imperial Com-
mands—FQsen — ^Military Council, and Compact between Wallenstein and
his Officers— Counts Terzka, Bio, and Piccolomini— The Emperor diTests
Wancnstem of all Command— Italian-Spanish Conspiracy against Wallen-
stein—Piocdomini marches against WaUenstem— Wallenstein negotiates with
France and Sweden for his Serrices — The Crown of Bohemia offered to him
— ^Retreats to Eger — ^The Supper in the Citadel — ^Murder of Counts Terzka,
IBo, and Kinsky, by Dereroux and Gersldin— Assassination of Wallenstein,
1634— His Estates confiscated— Succeeded in Command by Ferdinand, King
of Bome— The Battle of Noidlingen— The Elector of Saxony— Peace of
Fragne, 1685— Dreadfol Condition of Germany— Cardinal Richelieu and
ChnceDor Oxenstiem— ^French and Swedish Alliance against the Emperor —
Ingkxriooa Character of the War— Death (^Ferdinand IL, 1637 492-498
CHAPTER XXVI.
Ferdhumd IIL, 1637-1657— Continuation of the War— Duke Bernard of
Weimar on the Rhine— BSs Death— Cardinal Richelieu- The Swedish Gene-
rals—Banner— Torstenson—Wrangel-Negotiations for Peace— Tedious Pro-
gress—French and Swedish Claims of Indemnification— Humiliation and
Dismemberment of the Empire— Territorial Sorereignty of the Princes —
Switzerland— The Netherlands— ilnal Arrangement and Conclusion of the
Peace of Westphalia, 1648 499-607
CHAPTER XXVIL
SEVENTH PEBIOD.
FBOX THB FEACB OF WEfiTPHALXA IN 1648, TO THE PRESENT TDEB.
General Observations- State of the Empire— Agriculture— Commerce— The
Nofaihty— French Langnage, Fashions, and Customs— Decline of National
Feelmg in Germany— Death of Ferdinand IIL, 1657— Leopold L, 1658-1705
—The Rheniah League— Lonis XIV., of France— His ambitious and aggran-
dising Spirit— Ccmquers the Netherlands— The Elector Frederick William of
Bnada&nirg^Westphalia^The Rhhie— War between France and Germany
— BatUe of FWirbellin, 1675— Successes of the Elector of Brandenburg— His t
Xn CONTENTS.
PAGE.
energetic Character— Extends and impioyes Mb Territoriefl — ^Berlin^Konigs-
berg — Generalfl Montecucoli and Tnraine— Peace of Nimwegen, 1678 — ^^Die
four French Chambers of JReviiKm— Treachery and Diahones^ of Loois
XrV. towards Germany ^Claims and takes Possession of Strasburg and other
German Towns on the Rhine— Enters Strasborg in Triumph, 1681— Pusilla-
nimity and disgraceM Inertness of the Germans — ^The TuriDi in Hmigary —
Advance and lay siege to Vienna, 1683— Flight of Leopold and his Court —
Brave Defence of the Viennese under Count Biidiger of Stahrenberg— Beliered
by Duke Charles of Lorraine and Sobiesld, King of Poland— Heroism of So-
bieski— Battle of Naussdorf— Total Overthrow and Flight of the Turks by
Sobieski— His Letter to his Queen— Description of the Battle 511-527
CHAPTER XXVIIL
Fresh War with France, 1688-1697— Alliance of Enghmd, Holland, and Spain,
against Louis XIV. — The French in Germany — DreadAil Devastation and
unheard of Cruelties committed by Orders of Louis XIV.^Cottflagration and
complete Destruction of Heidellxarg, Worms, and Spues— Deplorable Condi-
tion of the Inhabitants — The Tombs of the Emperors pillaged— ^Peaoe of
Byswick, 1697— Compensation demanded for Germany-— Insolence of the
French Ambassadors— Elevation of the German Princes— The First Elector
of Hanover— Frederick, Elector of Saxony, ascends the Throne of Poland,
1696— Frederick, Elector of Brandenburg, places the Crown on his own
Head as King of Prussia, 1701 — ^War of the Spanish Succession, between
France and the House of Aus^a, 1701-1714 — ^William IIL, of England —
Louis XIV. Procliums his Grandson, Philip of Ax\jou, King of Spain—*
Prince Eug^ie — His military Genius and private Character— Appointed
Commander-in-Chief of the Imperial Army — His Reply to Louis XIV. —
Marches into Italy — Defeats the French at Carpi and Chiari— England —
Louis XIV. and the Exiled Stuarts— The Duke of Marlborough, General of
of the Allied Army— The Elector of Bavaria— The Bavarians in the Tyrol—
Their Overthrow by the Tyrolese— Battle of Hochstiidt— Blenheim— Tri-
umphant Victory gained by the Duke of Marlborough and Prince Eugene,
1704— The Duke of Marlborough created a Prince of the Empire— Death of
Leopold L, 1705 527-538
CHAPTER XXIX.
Joseph L, 1705-1711— Continuation of the War— Riots in Bavaria— The Elec-
tor outlawed— Marshal Villeroi— Battles of Ramillies and Turin, 1706—
Triumph of Marlborough and Eugene — Complete Overthrow of the French —
Creneral Capitulation— Naples— Spain — Battles of Oudenarde and Malplaquet,
1708-1709— Defeat of the French under Bourgoyne, Vendome, and Villius —
Humiliation of Louis XIV. — ^England— Queen Anne — Marlborough re-
called and dismissed— Death of Joseph L, 1711— Charles VI., 1711-1740—
Peace of Utrecht, 1713— Peace of Rastadt and Baden, 1714— Death of Louis
XIV., 1715 — ^The House of Austria in its Relations with the Germanic Em-
pire-Peaceful Reign of Charles VI.— His Death, 1740— Maria Theresa of
Austria— Her Title to the Imperial Throne disputed by Charles Albert of Ba-
varian-Frederick n. of Prussia — His extraordinary Genius and energetic
Character— His Army — ^Invades Austrisr— The First Silesian War, 1740-
1 742— Glogau — Sangniuary Battle of Molwitz — Defeat of the Austrians — Al-
liance of Ftance, Spain, Bavaria, and Saxony, against Austria in Support of
Charles Albert — Hanover — George II. of England — Charles Albert, King of
Poland— Election of Emperor in Frankfort 539-555 i
CHAPTER XXX. I
Charles VIL, Emperor of Germany, 1742-1745— Maria Theresa in Hungary— i
Her Appeal to the Nobles— Their Devotion to her Cause— March into Ba- I
varia^Seize that Country and banish its Elector— Charles VIL a Fugitive
— ^Battle of Czaslau, between the Austrians and Prussians, 1742— Treaty of
Peace, between Maria Theresa and Frederick IL— Continuation of the Aus-
trian Succession War, 1742-1744— The French in Prague under Marshal
Belle-Isle— Prague besieged by the Austrians— Absndoned by the French-
Charles VIL in Bavariar— Again a Fugitive— George IL of En^^d in Ger-
CONTENTS. xiii
PAGE.
many— Battle of Dettingeii, 174d~-Defeat of the French— Alliance of Saxony
uid Austria— Second Silesian War, 1744-1745— Ill-«acces8 of Frederick-
Death of Charles VIL, 1745— Sileiia— Battle of Hohenfriedherg— Frederick
▼ictorkms — ^Battle of Scvr^— The Princes of Bmnswick— Frederick triam-
phant — Bottle of Kenddorf— Frederick conquers and enters Dresden —
Peace of Dresden and End of the Second Silesian War— Francis I. elected
Emperor, 1745-1765— Austria and France— Peace of Aiz-la-Chapelle, 1748—
Brief Interval of Bepose, 1748-1756— State of Affairs— Alliance of England
and Pnusia, 1756 — Alliance between France and Austria, 1756— Saxony —
Bnsflia — Sweden— Combination of Powers against Prussia— The Seven Years*
War, 1756-1768— Frederick in Saxony —Battle of Losowitz, 1756— Frederick
victonoiis— The Saxons lay down their Arms— Frederick Conqueror of
Saxony — ^Imniense Annies opposed to Frederick— His Presence of Mind —
Desperate Battle of Prague— Charles of Lorraine— Death of the Prussian
General Schwerin and the Austrian General Brown— Frederick victorious —
Battle of Eolfin— General Daun— Frederick's grand ManoBuvre— Generals
Zkethen and Hulsen— Frederick and Prince Maurice of Dessau— Defeat of
Frederick — Shameful Conduct of the Duke of Cumberland — Convention of
CloBter-Seren between him and the French-^Battle between the Russians and
ProaaiaQs at Grosfjagersdorf— Defeat of the Prussians— Withdrawal of the
Rnasiana — ^The Empress Elizabeth of Russiar— The Grand Chancellor Bestus-
chef— Retreat of the Swedes 555-571
CHAPTER XXXI.
CoDtlniiatkm of the Seven Years' War, 1757-1760— Battle of Rossbach, 1757—
Total Defeat of the French— General Seidiitz and the Prussian Cavaby—
Reverses of Frederick— Silesiar— Battle of Lenthen, 1757— Frederick's Appeal
to his Officers and Army— Their Enthusiasm— Complete Overthrow of the
Austrians— Glorious Results to Frederick — ^His Proposals of Peace rejected
by Maria Theresa— France — ^Russui^-England's Enthusiasm for Frederick —
Wmiam Pitt— England supports Frederick— Treaty of CkMter-Seven dis-
avowed—Duke Ferdinand of Brunswick General-in-Chief of the Allied Army
— ^Defeats and drives away the French from Germany— Frederick in Silesia—
Schweidnitz— Frederick's rapid March into Moravia — Olmiitz — ^Bohemia —
Pomerania — ^Battle between ibe Russians and Prussians at Zomdorf, 1758 —
Dreadful Slaughter and Defeat of tt^e Russians— The Prussians attacked and
defeated by the Austrians at Hochklrch, 1758— Frederick's Presence of Mind
—The Prussian Army- The Imperial Diet — ^The Prince of Mecklenburg—
The Imperial Ban against Frederick proposed- Negatived— The Allied and
Frendi Annies— Battle of Bergen, 1759— Partial Success of the French—
Battfeof Mmden— Shameful Conduct of the English General, SackviUe—
Defeat of the French— Battle of Elay and Kunersdorf, 1759— Total Defeat
of the Prussians— Frederick's Misforteiee— His Despaur— Prince Henry of
Pnusia — Continued Reverses of Frederick — ^Battle of Liegnitz, 1760 — The
Prnssiana defeat the Austrians— Beneficial Results to Frederick— Battle of
Toigau, 1760 — Total Defeat of the Austrians— Frederick in Leipsic 572-593
CHAPTER XXXII.
Conclusion of the Seven Years* War, 1761-1762— The Austrian and Russian
Annies — ^The Camp of Bunzelwitz— F^erick's difficult Position — Jealousy
between Centals Butterlin and Laudon— Schweidnitz, Glatz, and Colberg—
Saxony — Berlin threatened by the Russians — The Prussians rise en masse to
expel them— Death of Elizabeth of Russia— Peter III.— Peace and Alliance
between Russia and Prussia— Sweden— Battle of Reichenbach— Frederick
victorious^-Schweidnitz— Final Battle and Defeat of the Austrians at Frei-
berg—Peace between France and England, 1763 — Peace between Prussia and
Austria at Hubertsburg, 1763— Observations— The Age of Frederick the
Great — His Army— Exerts himself to repair the Calamities of his Country—
His indefatigable Industry— His Labours and Recreations— Genius for Poetry
and Music— His Early Years— His Father's Tyranny— Its sad EflFects even-
tually proved — ^His Predilection for French Education and Literature-
Voltaire— Helvetius, 6cc— His Anti-German Feelings and Neglect of Na-
Digitized by
Google
XIV CONTENTS.
PACK.
tional G«iiiu»—Lening—Elopfltock— Goethe— Kant— Fidite-^acobi, &c.,—
Joseph II. 1765-1790— Dismembenneiit of PoUiid, 1773— Pruana and Russia
— Stanislaus Poniatowski— BavarianWarof Suooessioa, 1778— DeAthofMana
T&eresa, 1780— Innoratioas and intolerant Measures of Joseph II.— Frederick
and the Allied Princes of Germany against Joseph IL— Death of Frederick
the Great, 1786— Death of Joseph IL, 1790— Leopold II., 1790-1792 594-615
CHAPTER XXXIII.
Leopold n. and the State of France— France declares War against Austria,
the Imperial States, Holland, Spain, &c, 1792 — ^Francis JL Emperor of Ger-
many, 1792-1806— Prus8ia^--Sucoe88es of the Allies — General Dumouriez and
the Republican Army — The Auatrians defeated at Jemappes — ^The Nether-
lands republicaniced— Defeat of Dumouriez at Neerwinden, 1793— Joins the
Allies — Continued Successes of the Allies under the Didces of York and
Coburg — Camot — Generals Pichegru and Jourdan — ^Battles of Toumay and
Fleurus — Jourdan's Aerial Reoonnoitering Messenger, or the Adjutant in the
Balloon — ^Defeat of the Allies — Successes of the fVench — Conquests in
Flanders, Holland, and the Rhine — ^Kaiserslautem — ^Peace'of Basle, 1795—
England and Austria — France — The Austrian Generals Beaulieu, Wurmser,
and Archduke Charles — Napoleon Buonaparte, 1796 — ^Appointed General
in Italy— His Army- His Conquests and rich Booty made in Italy— The
French in Germany — ^Archduke Charies — Moreau— His famous Retreat —
Mantua — Buonaparte in Germany — His rapid Marches — Vienna — ^Peace of
Campo-Formio, 1797 — Shameftd Conditions — State of Europe — Alliance of
England, Russia, Austria, and Turkey— Hostilities resumed, 1798— Buona-
parte in Egypt — Cairo — ^Aboukir — ^His Fleet destroyed by Nelson— Italy —
General Suwaroff— His Successes in Italy — Grenoa — Switzeriand — Suwaroflfs
Passage across the Alps— His desperate Appeal to his Soldiers— His Recall —
The Emperor Paul and England— Buonaparte First Consul, 1799— Genoa —
Battle or Marengo, 1800 — General Desaiz — Moreau in Germany — Peace of
Lun^yille, 1801 — Sad Results to, and Sacrifices made by, Germany— Resig-
nation of William Pitt — Peace of Amiens, 1802 — ^England declares War
against France, 1803— Buonaparte takes Possession of Hanoyei>-The Ger-
man Legion 615-634
CHAPTER XXXIV.
Napoleon's Consulship— Gains the Nation's Confidence— Restores internal
Tranquillity and improves the Institutions — Napoleon Emperor of the
French, 1804— His Usurpations— Alliance of Austna, Russia, and England
— War declared— Napoleon in Germany, 1805— Defeats the Austrians —
Ulm— General Mack— Battle of Austerlitz— The Allies defeated— Peace of
Presburg — Dismemberment of the States of Germany — ^Naples— Joseph Buo-
naparte— Holland— Louis Buonaparte^Rhenish Confederation, or League of
the German Princes— Their Dc^neration— The Emperor of Austria lays
down his Title of Emperor of Germany, 1806— Prussia^Declares War
against France— The Prussian Army- Battle of Saalfeld- Death of Prince
Lewis Ferdinand of Prussiar-^Battles of Jena and Auerstadt— Defeat of the
IVussians— Napoleon enters Berlin— The Russian and Prussian Alliance
—Battles of Eylau and Friedland— Defeat of the Allies— Peace of Tilsit
between Russia and France, 1807 — Prussia's Dismemberment— Westphalia
— Hesse — Jerome Buonaparte — Plrussiar-Lieutenant Schill — Napoleon's
triumphant Return to Paris 634-644
CHAPTER XXXV.
Austria declares War against France, 1809— BaUles of Gross-Aspem and
Esslingen — Arohduke Charles — The Austrians Tictorious — Lieutenant
Schill killed— Execution of Palm, the Bookseller— The Tyrolese— Battle of
Wagram— Defeat of the Austriana— Peace of Vienna— The French in the
Tyrol— The Moimtaineers overpowered— Execution of Hofer, the Tyrolese
Patriot— The Duke of Brunswick— His Territory seized— His bold March
Embarks for England— His Heroic Death— Napoleon at the Height of his
Power — Marriage with the Archduchess Maria Louisa of Austria, 1810 —
Digitized by
Google
CONTENTS. XV
PACK.
Hi« continqed Umirpatioiis in Germany— His Campaign in Russia, 1812—
GooflagTation of Moscow— The Erench Annj destroyed— Napoleon's Flight
ud Return to Paris — The King of Prossia's Declaration and general Arming
of his Nation against the Inyaders, 1813— Napoleon's Pleparations — The
French in Germany 645-655
CHAPTER XXXVI.
Soccessesof the Prussians— The Duke of Mecklenbnrg-Strelitz— His Daughter,
tbe Queen of Pmssia — ^ErAirt — Russia unites with Prussian-Battle of LUtzen
— NapdeoQ in Dresden — ^The King of Saxony— Battle of Bautzen — Hamburg
tiken by Marshal Davoust— Heayy Contributions — ^The Armistice — Prussia
—Hie Liitzow Free Corps — Theodore Komer — ^Austria endeavours to nego-
tiate a Peace hetween France and the Allies— The Congr^ at Prague —
Napoleon reliises all Concession — ^The Emperor of Austria declares War,
and joins Russia and Prussia^Dresden— Renewal of Hostilities — Strength
and Position of the Allied Forces— Bemadotte—Bliicher— Prince Schwartz-
enberg— Marshal Oudinot— Battle of Gross-Beeren— Defeat of the French.655-667
CHAPTER XXXVII.
Glorious Victory of the Prussians under Bliicher at Katzbach — Bliicher
created Prince of Wahlstadt— Battle of Dresden— Defeat of the Austrians—
Death of General Moreau— Battle of Kuhn— General Kleist— Generals Yan-
teome and Haxo made Prisoners — ^Battle of Dennewitz — ^Battle of War-
tenbnrg — Genoral York— Preparations for the Battle of Leipsic-The French
Army — Hononrs and Promotions conferred by Napoleon— The Allied Forces
—Prince Schwartzenberg 667-675
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
TlieTfareeDays'BattleofLeipsic— Murat— The Austrian General Meerveldt
tsken Ihrisoner— Battle of Mockem — Marshals Marmont and Bliicher— Ge-
neral Horn — ^Total Defeat of the French— Buonaparte's Offers to negotiate
rejected— Breitenfeld—Bemadotte—Bennigsen— The Prince of Hesse-Hom-
fcurg- Prince Poniatowsky— Probstheyda— The Saxon Army deserts Buo-
lAparte and joins the Allies — The Allied Soyereignfl — ^Night Scene on the
field of Battle— Buonaparte's Slumber— Retreat of the French— Destruction
of the Elster Bridge— Prince Poniatowsky's Death— Triumphant Entry of
the Ames into Ldpsic 676-685
CHAPTER XXXIX.
Napoleon's Retreat across the Rhine— Bavaria^— General Wrede— Hanau— The
Allied Forces mrade France— Their rapid March — Napoleon against Bliicher
—Battle of Bridnne— Battle of Rothidre-7Repulse of the French— Temporary
Successes of Napoleon— The Congress of Chatillon— Napoleon's Confidence
restorod — His Declaration — ^Bliicber's bold Moyement— Soissons- Laon—
Napoleon against Schwartzenberg — Rheims — ^Ards — ^Napoleon's desperate
Courage and final Charge with his Cavahy 686-693
CHAPTER XL.
^ French and Allied Armies in Battle Array— Napoleon's Sudden and Mys-
terious Retreat before Action — ^His secret Designs for the Destruction of the
Allies— His Plot DiscoTeredr— The Allies before Paris— Its Capituhition—
Triumphant Entry of the Allies into that City— Napoleon deposed— Louis
XVIH. Kingof France— Napoleon at Fontainebleau— His Abdication— Ba-
^bment to Elba— Fteaoe Signed at Paris— Conclusion 694-700
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by
Google
INTRODUCTION.
ANCIENT GERMANY AND ITS INHABITANTS,
Hie Somoes of the most aiicient German Hiftoiy— The Nature at the Country—
The NmtiTea — ^The Germanic Baoes — ^Maanera and Cuatoms— Giyil Inatitutions —
War— BegnlatioDa and Axma— Religion— Arts and Mannfactorea— The Ger-
manic Tribes.
I. THE SOUBCES OF OUB EABLEBST HISTOBT.
The histoiy of the origin, and of the earliest state of the German
nation, is inyolved in impenetrable obscnritj. No records tell us
when, and under what circumstances, our ancestors migrated out
of Asia, the cradle of the human race, into our fatherland; -what
causes urged them to seek the re^ons of the north, or what allied
bnmches they left behind them m the countries they quitted. A
few scattered and obscure historical traces, as well as a resemblance
in various customs and regulations, but more distinctly the affinities
of language, indicate a relationship with the Indians, Servians, and
the Greeks.*
Tins obscurity of our earliest history must not surprise us; for
every nation, as long as it lives in a half savage state, without a
written language, neglects every record of its history beyond mere
traditions and songs, which pass down from generation to genera-
tion. But as these, even in their vety origin, blend fiction with
truth, they naturally become, in the course of centuries, so much
disfigured, that scarcely the least thread of historical &ct is to be
found in tliem. Not a syllable or sound of even those traditions and
songs, wherein, according to the testimony of the Romans, our an-
cestors also delighted to celebrate the deeds and fate of their people,
has, however, descended to posterity.
Our authentic history, consequently, commences at the period
when our ancestors, possibly after they had dwelt for centimes, or
even a thousand years, in our native country, first came into con-
tact with a nation that already knew and practised the art of his-
* Aooording to more recent researchea, it is concluded that the ancient Sanacrit
and Zaad langnagea may haye formed likewise the baaia of the Grerman tongue,
or at leaat have approximated more doaelj with the common primitiTe dialect
B
Digitized by
Google
2 ' • •• .♦ INTRODUCTION.
torioal ^t^f iij»g.\ ;Tii8 happened through the incursion of the Cum-
brians and Teutonians into the country of the Romans, in the year
113 before the birth of Christ. But this intercourse was too tran-
sitory, and the strangers were too unknown, and too foreign to tlie
Romans, for them, wno were sufficiently occupied with themselves,
and besides which, looked haughtily upon all that was alien, to in-
quire very particularly into their ongin and history.
And even the relation of this contest against the Grerman tribes,
howsoever important it was to the RomanSi we are obliged to seek
laboriously from numy authors ; for the source whence we should
draw most copiously, is precisely here dried up, the books of the
Roman author, Livy, which treated of this war in detail, having
been lost, together with many others; and we only possess— wbicn
we may even consider as very fortunate — thm mere table of con-
tents, by means whereof, viz., those of the 63 — 68 books, we can
at least trace the couise of the chief events of the war. Beyond
this, we derive scune solitary facts from Roman historians of the
second and third class, who give but a short and partially mutilated
account, and collectively lived too long after this period to be con-
sidered as authentic sources. To those belong — 1, the " Epit. Rer.
Bom.'' of Florua (aceoiding to some, a book of the Augustan age,
but according to others, the work of L. Ajmseus Floras, who lived
at the commencement of the second century under Adrian) ; 2, the
" History of the World" of Velleius Paterculus, in a brief outHne,
down to the period of Tiberius, who lived about the time of the birth
of Christ; 3, the *^ De Stiate^matibus'* of Frontinus (about 150
years softer Christ) contains some ^ood notices of the Cimbrian war;
4, the ** Dicta et Facta Memorabilia'^ of Valerius Mazimus (about
20 years after Christ); 5, the '* Historv of the World" of Jus-
tin (about the year 150) ; and 6, the *^ Sketch of the R<Hnan His-
toiy" of Eutropius (about the year 375), -present us with much —
and again much is supplied us, incidentally, by the Roman writers
who md not directly write history.
Among those wno wrote in Grieek, must stand: 1, Plutarch,
(about 100 years B. c), in his biography of '* Marius," beddes
whom, good details may be gleaned m>m: 2, Diodorus Siculus
(about the period of the birth oi Christ), in his *' Historical Library;"
3, Appian (about the year 160), in his ethnographically arranTCd
'^ History of the Romans," (particulariy in the cap., '' DeKeb. C^t."
and '' De Reb. Blyr."); 4, Dio Casdus (about the year 222), in the
fragments which are preserved of his '* Koman History;" and among
l^ose who treat of geography, Strabo (about the penod of the birth
of Christ) especially.
After the Cimbrian era, another half century passes before the
Romans again mention the Grermans. It was towards the middle of
the last century before the birth of Christ, when JuliusCsesar adyanced
to the frontderB of what may be truly considered Germany. He him-
self mentaons having fought with Ariovistus in Gaul, and afterwards
Digitized by
Google
INTEODUCTION. 3
vi& some Gennan tribes on the left bank of the Rhine, and that
be twice tmited the banks of this rirer by means of a bridge, and
set foot upon the opposite side; besides which, heaves us aU the in-
filiation he oould obtain from the Gauls, traveUin^ merchants, or
Gemian captives, relative to the nature and condition of Germany
and its people. His in&nnation is invaluable to us, although it is
bat scanty, fia^entary, and, to a certain extent, not to be depended
npoiL For tms great ccmunander, who strove for absolute rule;
who used mankind— be cazmot be freed from the charge — as the
means to his end; who, from the depth of an already corrupted
state of civilization, could not possibly estimate the simple, natural
dignity of such a nation; and who, lastly, in order to be considered
WQstkj o£ belief in every thin^' he relates, too well understood the
art of leparesenting events to his own advantage, — such a writer, we
say, caanot truly be regarded by us without some degree of mistrust.
A&esz him there ooguib another interval of about fifty years,
donng which the obscurity of our history is scarcely illuminated by
A sm^ rajr of fbreim observation, unm about the period of the
biith c^ Christ, and when, immediately after, the Romans again set foot
upon, and, for a longer period, traversed the German soiL They then
became tolerably w w acq^oainted with the south-west and north-west
of Germany; or, rather, they might have become well acquainted
therewith, had their prejudiced and selGah minds, which were barred
against all foreign peculiarities, been properly competent to it, and
had not the diffieult extremities to which they were reduced in Ger-
many too much occupied them, and rendered them unjust in their
judgment of the country and its inhabitants. In order to expose
themselves to less shame for being several times severely cut up by
the very force of arms borne by those they called barbarians, by
whom they were freguently surpassed in prudence and warlike su^
tlety; they necessarily, notwithstanding the decisive victories of
wbch they boasted, when driven from tne German soil, extenuated
their own misfortunes, and exaggerated those of their opponents,
whom they accused occasionally of deceit, when probably, on the
contrary, the most op&a. conduct prevailed, and generally, in fact,
they heaped upon the Germans and their country the most oppro-
hrioua chaiges. No impartial man among them, who was an eye-
witness of tneir incursions, describes to us faithfully the events them-
selves, and the German nation generally. The only historian of the
period who mijght have done so, Velleius Faterculus, the servant of
the Einperor liberius, and l^e friend of his favourite, Sejanus, who, '
in the years immediately preceding and succeeding the birth of
Christ was himself in Germany— that is to say, on the banks of the
Elbe, with the army of the emperor— shows himself, in the very
scan^ notices he j^ves, only as a flatterer of his despotic lord, whose
deeds he elevates to the skies in inflated and extravagant language.
A second Banian writer, who also had seen Germany, Puny
the elder, (and who died in the year 79 A. P.,) had been upon
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
4 INTRODUCTION.
the northern coast of Germany, among the Chanei^ but certainljr
did not trayel &r into the land. In his '* Hist. Nat/' which is ai^t
Encyclopaedia of general knowledge, he gives us several valuable
notices of the natural condition of our country, and of its tribes and
nations. His information and iudffment, however, must be used with
precaution, as his critical sa^i^ is often questionable. But we have
suffered an irreparable loss m his twenty books, which treated of all
the wars of the Romans with the Germans, not the least fragment
of which has come down to us. He lived so near the period that he
might have collected the information as correcdy as it was to be ob-
tained. We may, however, in some de^^ree console ourselves that
Tacitus (about ido years A. D.), who cites his precursors as testi-
monies, availed himself of the work of Pliny; but Tacitus only
relates the German wars in part, and does not treat them as the prin-
cipal subject, whilst, also, much from him that was important is lost
to us. His "Annals," which relate the Roman history from the
death of Augustus to the death of Nero, commence after the ^eat
German battle of liberty with Varus; but of these annals all m>m
the seventh to the tenth book is also wanting, and the fifth and six-
teenth books have come down to us only in an imperfect state. We,
nevertheless, acknowledge him to be by far the chief and most im-
portant author as regards our earlier German history, and revere his
elevated feeling for moral dignity, for truth and justice, in what he
also relates of the contests between the Romans and Germans, al-
though, faultlessly on his part, he does not always draw his infor-
mation from a pure source. But we value him for the treasure he has
left us in his description of Grermany and its people, (" De Situ ac
Moribus Germ."). His deep feeling for simphcity of manners, and
healthy energy of nature, Imd maae him a warm friend towards
the German natives; and it appeared to him that a faithful descrip-
tion of the German nation would be a work worthy of his pen,
so that, when placed before his corrupted countrymen, it should
present to their view a picture which might bring manv of those
whose minds were as yet not quite unsusceptible, to acknowledge
their own unnatural condition. For this purpose he collected all I
that he could obtain from the earlier authors, from the oral infonna-
tion of the Romans who had been in Germany, and from the Ger-
mans who were in the Roman service. Thus arose this invaluable
book, which may be called a temple of honour to the German na-
tion, and which illuminates, like a bright star, the commencement
of their otherwise obscure path. Some things, indeed, through too
^reat a predilection, may be placed by him in too favourable a light;
but, even if much be deducted, still sufficient that is praiseworthy
remains, and that the material portion is true, we may be assured of
by the incorruptible love of truth of the noble Roman, which speaks
so triumphantly in all his works.
Among the remainder of the less important historians who con-
tributed to our earliest historyi and are already mentioned in the
Digitized by
Google
INTRODUCTION. 5
notice of the Gimbrian war, Dio Casslus maj be included aa im-
portant; for the later wars may be named, Suetonius QIC years
AJ)., esteemed by Trajan and Adrian), in his biograpny of the
tvdve first Caesars; the " Scriptores Hist. Augustce," towards the
esd of the third century; j£tius Spartianus, Julius Capitolinus,
and Flavins Vopiscus; Aurelius Victor (330), in his bio^phy of
tiie Caesars, from Augustus to Constantine; and Faulus Orosius (417),
in his history. Among the geographical writers, besides Strabo and
Pomponius Mela (48), we may name in particular Claudius Ptolo-
maeus (140), who constructed a system of geography upon a lost
work of Tyrian Marinos, and was particularly careful in the deter-
miimtion of longitude and latitude.
But even wben we have brought together all of the best that ancient
authors supply us with upon Germany, and console ourselves over the
great chasms they leave, with the idea that still something has de-
scended to us both great and important, we must neverthdess con-
ader it but as the testimony of strangers, — of the people of the South,
diffeiing essentially from the Germans in nature and character, igno-
lant of their language, and, with the exception of one instance,
IndifFerent, or rather inimically-minded, towards them. Not a
aagle German word, correcting the judgment of the Romans, or
elucidating the thread of events which the Romans could neither
^ nor understand, resounds to us from yonder period. How much
richer, and certainly more honourable, would the picture develop
Itself before us, did we also possess German reoords !
But it was not until many centuries later, after multifarious con-
^oJaons had taken place, and most of die constituent parts of
ancient times had disappeared from their seat, that isolated and
^<^ty sources of history commenced flowing from original German
^^stimony, by writers who, driven with their coimtrymen to foreign
lands, there endeavoured to relate their career and fate. Their names
will be mentioned at the commencement of the second period.
After what is stated above, we must rest contented with giving as
^e a picture as possibleof ancient German history, derived as it is from
the Roman and Greek writers, and by conclusions drawn from later
^mony upon earUer times, admitting that much must necessarily
appear obscure, firaffmentary, and contradictory, and that upon many
points opinions will for ever remain divided. The period to which
the following description belongs, is about the time of the birth of
Christ, and the few immediately succeeding centuries.
n. THE NATUBE AND CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY.
AccordiBg to the description of the Romans, Germany was, at
the time they fifet became acquainted with it, a rude and inhos-
pitable land, full of immense forests, marshes, and desert tracts,
fhe great Hercynian forest, by Caesar'^s accoimt, extended from the
^ps over a space, that in its length occupied sixty, and in its width
^e days' journey; consequently, all the chief mountain chains and
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
6 INTRODUCTIOK.
forests of the present Germany, mnst be the remnants of that one
stupendous wooded range. But Caesar^ from the indefinite informa-
tion he received, owing to his ignorance of the German language,
appKed the general German word, Hart^ or Hcarz^ for mountain, to
the collective mountain forests of the land, which, however, tlie
natives certainlj^ ahreadj distinguished by different appellations.
Later authors, viz., Pliny and Tacitus, circumscribe the Hercyniaa
forests to those chains of mountains which, to the south of the
Thuringian forest, enclose Bohemia, and in the east extend to Mo-
ravia and Hungary. They also, as well as Ptolemy, subsequently^
mention many mdividual mountains by peculiar names; forezample.
Mom AJmabuy the Black Forest, (Ptolemy seems to injpjy by tJaisy
the mountains between the Maine, the Rmne, and the Weser); the
Mehbokos mountains, the present Harz; the Semana forest, to the
south of the Harz, towards the Thuringian forest; the Sudeta forest,
a portion of the Thtiringian forest; the Gabreta forest, the Bohe-
mian forest; the AsMburgish mountains, according to some the jErr,
or rather the jBic5«i-Gebirg ; the Taunus^ the heights between
Wiesbaden and Homburg; the Teutshurger forest, tne mountain
and forest tracts which extend from the Weser through Paderbom^
as &r as Osnaburg. Caesar mentions besides, the Bacenis forest^
probably the western portion of the Thuringian forest, which ex-
tends into Fulda, and in the middle ages was called Bocauna, or
Buchonia; and Tacitus names the Sihia C^esia, between the Ems
and the Issel, the remains of which may be the Haser forest, and
the Baumberge, near CJoesfeld; and that town itself may probably
have preserved the name. Many other less important or imcertain
names we pass over.
The laige German forests consisted probably, as now, principally of
oaks, beeches, and pines. The Romans admired, above all, the immense
oaks, which seemed to them coeval with the earth itself. Pliny,
who had been personally in the north of Westphalia, in the country
of the Chauci, expresses himself thus upon them: " Created with
the earth itself, untouched by centuries, the monstrous trunks sur-
pass, by their powerful vitality, all other wonders of nature."
The Romans were also acquainted with the majority of German
rivers: Danubius^ the Danube; Rhenus^ the Rmne; MoermSy the
Maine; AUns^ the Elbe; Visurgis^ the Weser; Viadrus^ the Oder;
the Vistula; Nicer ^ the Necker; Luppia^ the Lippe; Amina^ the
Ems; Adrana, the Eder; Salas (in Strabo alone), the Saale; and
some others. It is remarkable that the Romans do not mention the
Lahn and the Ruhr, although they must surely have become ac-
quainted with them in their campaigns in the north of Germany.
The German rivers were not at that period made passable by means
of bridges, which the native did not require, as he easily swam
across the former, and for wider transits he had his boats.
The soil of the land was not cultivated as now, although the
Romans call portions of it extremely fertile, and agriculture and
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
INTRODUCTION. 7
pastmage were the chief oecupstioxis of the Germanfl. Bje, barle]^,
OAte, and, aocardixig to the opinions of some, wLeat also, wexe culti-
fited; £ax was everywhere distributed; various sorts of carrots and
feiiniips it certainly prodnoed; the Romans admired radishes of the
aae m a duld's head, and mention aspara^, whidi they, indeed, did
Bot praise, and a species of parsley, which pleased ihem mudi. The
mpeaxx fruits of southern climates which have been subsequentlv
tnmsplanted among them, might probably not then thrive, althougk
Flioy mentiaBS a spedeB of cherry found near the Rhine, and Ta-
citiu names among the food of the Germans wild-tree fiiiits {agrestia
f«Mi\ which must certainly have been better than ova crab-applea.
Hk pastorea w^re rich and beautiful, and the homed cattle as
vdl as the horses, although small and inconsiderable, yet of a good
tod durable kind.
The most important of all condiments, salt, the Germans found
iqua their native soil, nor did it recuse them that most useful of all
lAetals, iron, and they understood the art of procuring and manuiac-
tunng it; they do not, howevra, appear to have dug for silver.
or the many strengthening mineral springs wmch the country
number, the Romans already mention Spa and Wiesbaden.
The climate, in cooDBequence of the immense forests, whose density
vas impervions to the rays of the sun, and owing to the un-
^nmed fens and marshes, was colder, more foggy and inclement
tltta at present, was nevertheless not quite so bad perhaps as repre-
sented by the Romans, spoiUas they were by the lururious climate of
I^' AooQsdingto them thetrees were without leaves foreightmonths
intae year, and the laige rivers were reffularly so deeply and firmly
^iotoi that th^ could bear upon them tae heavy fiela-equipages of
tiic army. « The Germans," says Pliny, " know only three seasons,
^ter, spring, and summer; of autumn they know neither the name
iKff its fimts. The Romans found the countiy in general so un-
genial, that they considered it quite imposdlble that any one should
quit Italy to dwell in Germany.
Bot the ancient Germans loved this country beyond all, because,
tt fiee men, they were bom in it, and the nature of the climate
^Ipei them to defend this freedom. The forests and marshes ap-
palled the enemv; the severity of the air as well as the chase of wild
spimals, strengthened the bodies of the men, and nourished b^ a
>naple diet, diejr eiew to so stately a size that other nations admued
them with astanimment.
HL THE NATIVES.
The Romans justly considered the Grerman nation as an abori^nal,
pnie, and uxmuxed race of people. They resembled themselves alone ;
and fike the specifically similar plants of the field, which sprin^g from
5 pure seed, not raised in the hotbed of a garden, but germinating
in the healdiy, free, unsheltered soil, do not differ from each other
hy varieties, so also, among the thousands of the ample German race,
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
8 INTRODUCTION.
therewasbut one determined and equal form of bodj. Their chest ^^^s
wide and strong ; thdr hair yellow, and with yomig children it was of a
dazzling white. Their skin was also white, their eyes blue, and tlieir
glance bold and piercing. Their powerfiil, gigantic bodies, which
the Romans and Grauls could not behold without fear, displayed the
strength that nature had given to this people, for accormng to the
testimony of some of the ancient writers their usual height -was
seven feet.
From thdr earliest youth upwards they hardened their bodies by-
all devisable means. New-bom infants were dipped in cold water,
and the cold bath was continued during their whole lives as the
strengthening renovator by both boys and girls, men and women.
Their dress was a broad short manfle fastened by a girdle, or the
skins of wild animals, the trophies of the successful (mace; in both
sexes a great portion of the body was left imcovered, and the winter
did not induce them to clothe themselves warmer. The children
ran about almost naked, and effeminate nations, who with dij£culty
reared their children during the earliest infancy, wondered how
those of the Germans, without cradles or swaddling bands, should
grow up to the very fullest bloom of health.
The Komans called our nation, from its warlike and valiant mode of
thinking, Gekmans;* a name which the T\mffi, —a body of German
warriors, who, at an earlier period, crossed the Rhine, and colonized,
with arms in hand, among the Gauls, — first bore, and subsequently
applied to all their race, to express thereby their warlike manners, and
thus to impress their enemies with terror. This name was willingly
adopted, as a name of honour, by all Germans, and thus it remained.
The aboriginal name of ihe people is, however, without doubt
the same which they bear to the present day. It springs from the
word Diot (in the Gothic, Tkiudu)^ which signifies Nation. A
Teutscher or Deutscher, according to the harder or softer pronim-
ciation, was, therefore, one belonging to the nation^ which styled
itself so prerogatively.
According to history, it was some centuries after the decline of
the Roman dominion, that the name of the nation of Germans was
again heard of, and it is found in but few records prior to Otto I., the
earliest of which bears the date of the year 813.
It must not appear remarkable to us, that the original collective
name of the people was little used in the earlier periods, and was
probably imknown to the Romans. In the intercourse with a nation
composed of so many septs, the names of only those septs transpired
* Most probably from tbe word gar, spear or lanoe, and the word man — ^the man, the
lord or chief. Therefore, in any case, a warlike titie of honour, which disting^iiahed
the manliness and valour of the nation. It is worthy of remark, that the name
Crermanen, which, before Cssar, no Roman author mentions, appears on a marble
slab discovered in the year 1547, and which is connected with the celebrated Faxtk
CapitoUnis, in the year, before the birth of Christ, 223. The consul Marcellus gained
in that year a victory over the Gallic chief Viridomar, who is inscribed upon that
captured slab a leader of the Gauls and Gemumen,
Digitized by
Google
INTRODUCTION, 9
with wliom that conunumcatioii took place, because each held Itself
to be a nation (Diot); and so also later, when various tribes asso-
ciated together in bodies, merely the name of the imion appeared:
S&, the Suevi, the Marcomanni, the Allemanni, the Gotns, the
f iBnks, and the Saxons. It is, however, remarkable enough, that
we meet with the original national name in that of the Teu-
tonians» which is already used by P^theas, 300 years before the birth
of Christ, and which again recurs m the Cimbrian war.
lY. THE GERMANIC RACES.
Ancient authors mention several Grerman tribes, as weU as their
dwelling-places, with greater or less precision. Several of them also
5peak of tne chief tribessLmong^ which the single septs united them-
selves. But their statements are not sufficienUv unanimous or pre-
cise, to give us that clear view which we would, however, so wil-
lingly obtain. For how desirable would it not be for us to be able,
even in the very cradle of our histoiy, to point out the original dis-
tinctions of the races as yet discovered, and which display them-
selves in the different dialects of the German language, as well as
in many essential differences in the manners of the people, particu-
laily in those of the less sophisticated peasantry ! But we are here
upon too insecure a foundation, although it still yields us some few
f eatoies always important.
The most obscure account presented to us is the fivefold division
o{ tribes given by Pliny. Beginning at the extreme north coast,
towards the estuary of tne Vistula, he first mentions the Vimlians or
WindUer; farther westward, towards the East Sea coast, and beyond
the Gimbiian peninsula, towards the North Sea, as far as the mouth
of the Ems, the Inffovonians ; in the neighbourhood of the Rhine,
as far as the Maine, and higher up on tbe left bank of the Rhine, the
IxUaxmians; and in the middle of Germany , particularly in the high-
lands along the Upper Weser, the Werra, Fulda, and towards the
south, as far as the Hercynian forest, the HermUmian tribes. He gives
no general name to the fifth tribe, but includes therein the Peu-
cimans and BastarmanM in the districts of the Lower Danube, as far
^Dacia.
Tacitus also mentions three of these names, but he derives them
fiom the mythical origin of the people. Man, the son of Tuisko,
luid three sons, Ingavon, Istavon, and Hermion, whose descendants
formed the three principal tribes of the Ingavonians, the Istavonians,
and the Hermionians.
We would willingly, as before mentioned, brin^ the fourth or fifth-
fold division of the tribes of Pliny, in conjunction with the subse-
quent times, and, on this head, we are not altogether without some
Instoricalindicalions,— as,viz., when the Vandals, of their own accord,
^tum later and join in thegreat Gothic imion; when the Suevi, the
nower of the Allemannic alliance, as the inhabitants of the internal
Digitized by
Google
10 mTBODCCTIOK,
Eadsouth-weBteni parte of Oeixnaiiy, this bring to mind the Her-
mioniaiiB, the Ingavonians and IrtaYomans thezefore remaining for
the north and north-weBtem pordonB ; 00 that as, even in the
earlier times of the Romans, an essentaal differenoe, nay, a de-
cided contrast, in comparison with the inhabitante of the North
Sea, the Treaians and Ooaucians, evidentlj occurs between the inha-
bitante of the Middle and Lower Rhine, eictending itself onwards to-
wards the mountain districte of the Weaer and the Harz, and which,
in the subsequent league of the Franks and Saxons, becomes con-
firmed, we have thence fttmished to us abready the third and fourth
principd tribes of Pliny.
The fifth he refers to as before-mentioned. Prooeedinff further on-
wards we may find again in Bavaria the remnant of the Gothic tribe,
which, after the period of the magration of the pe(^[>Ie, remained sta-
tionary in Germany, 00 that between the later four principal nations in
Grennany, the Franks, the Saxons, the Swabians, and Bavarians, a
oonnexion is formed and establifihed even to the original tribes of
Pliny. Such links of connexion convey assuredly a great charm;
but we, nevertheleBS, wajider upon ^tmd too uncertain to enable ub
to succeed in acquiring authentic historical data.
Much more importance attaches, on the contrary, to what the
anciente, but more distinctly Gaosar and Tacitus, relate of the pecu-
liarities of one Grerman chief tribe, which included many individual
eqpts, namely the Sueoi. From the combination of the picture
sketched by them, in conjunction with other descriptions of German
manners and institutions, we can define, with toleraUe safety, the
peculiarities of a second tribe, although the Romans give it no
general name. We will first pourtray the Suem, as Oumx and Ta-
jdtaB described them:
1. The nations forming the Suevic race dwelt in the large semi-
cirde tzaoed by the upper and middle Rhine and the Danube,
through the middle of Germany, and fiirther towards the north to
the £^ Sea, so that they occupied the country of the Necker, the
Maine, the Saale, and then the right Elbe bank of the Havel, Spree,
and Oder. Nay, Tacitus even places Suevic tribes beyond the
Vistula, as w^ll in the interior as on the coasto of the Baltic, and
beyond it in Sweden. Grounds of probability, admit, indeed, of
our placing a third — the Gothic-Vandal tribe, between the Oder and
the Vistula, and along the latter stream; but as distinct information
is wanting, we can but allude to it, of which more below. The
Suevi, as Caesar informs us, had early formed themsdres into one
large union, whose principles were distinctly warlike. The love of
arms was assiduously chenshed in all, that they might be always
xeadv for any undertaking. Thence it was that individuals had no
.fixed landed possessions ; but the princes and leaders yearly divided
the land among the fiunilies just as it pleased them; and none were
allowed even to select the same pastures for two consecutive years,
Digitized by
Google *
nCTRODUCTION. 11
hitwerefaiced to exchange with each other, thatneitherof them might
aocoBtam himself to the ground, and, acqtiiiing a love for his dwelling*
^oe, be thus induced to exchange the love of war for agiicultoxe.
Tkey were a&aid that, if an individual were pennitted to acquire aa
ateosive tract, the powerfid mi^ht chase away the poor, build
luge and impooiQg dwelling, and that the lust of wealth might
nreriBe to iaotionB and divisions. Besides which, thej were oblirai,
from eadi of their hundred districts, to supply the warswith a l£oii-
■nd men Tearij, and those who remained at home.cultivated the
had for aU. The following year, on the other hand, the latter
marched under arms, and tli^e former remained at home, so that
agncoteore aa well as the art of war were in constant exerdse.
They considered it a proof of glory when the whole tract
beyond -dieir frontiers lay waste, as a sign that the neighbourii^
nationa were not able to resist their force. They might also have
omsidered it perhaps as a greater security against suddai invasion.
In these, ahhough rode pindples of the Suevic union^ a great
idea manifests itself, and proves that the ancient Grennans, aboot
the period of the birth of Christ, were by no means to be reckoned
among the savage tribes. What Lycurgus wished to effect by
ineans of his led^lation among the Spartans, and for the same
Keason that he allowed his citizens no nxed and exclusive posses-
SCO, seems to have been a principle and combining power of the
Sneyic union, viz: a public spirit, so general and operative, that the
mdi^dual should submit himself to the common ^ood, and for which
and in which he should only Hve; and not bv sdfifihness, Action, or
by idleness, demre to separate Imnself from the rest, or consider his
own weal aa more important than that of the collective body.
2. The Romans mention many individual tribes in the nordh
west of Germany, between the lower Elbe and the lower Rhine, con-
sequently about the Alkr, the Seine, the Harz, the Weaer, the Lippe,
the Rum*, and the Ems, as high up as the coasts of the Baltic, (later
bIso on the opposite side of the Rhine, in the vicinity of the Mouse
and Scheldt,) without distinguishing them by a collective name. Sub-
sequently, in the second century after the birth of Christ, the name of
SaxoK occurs in these districts, and in still later times it becomes the
^/ommant title in the above-mentioned tracts of land; for in the third
century, the tribe of Saxons q>read forth from Holstein over Lower
Gennany, andgave its own nametoall those tribes which it conquered
<n^ united by aSiance. It has been customary to apply the name of
Sttona, for even the earlier periods, as the collective appdlation of
^ ibe tribes of lower Germany, and thereby to eroress the very op-
Mite character they presented in their whole mode of living to the
Suevi. For as these unwillingly confined themselves to a fixed spot,
ttid by their greater exercise and activity, kept themselves con-
B^BHtly ready f<^ every warlike undertaking, so, on the other hand,
d^ aatioDs of Lower Germany had early accustomed themselves to
settled dweUinga^ and had made agriculture their principal occupo-
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
12 INTRODUCTION.
tion. They dwelt upon scattered farms; each farm had its boun*
daries around it, and was enclosed by a hedge and bank of earth.
The owner was lord and priest within his farm, and by voluntary
union with a number of other proprietors was attached to a com-
munity; and several communities a^ain were bound to a Gau or dis-
trict. The name of Saxon^ which is derived &om sUzen^ to sit, and
has the same signification as to occupy, or hold, appeared effectively
io characterise the peculiarity of this people; wnilst on the other
hand, the name of Stuvi would indicate the roaming life led by the
others. But these derivations are more iageniously than historically
founded. The name of Saxon is, according to aU probability, to be
derived from the short swords, called Saxens (Sahs), of this people;
but that of the Suevi in its derivation is not as yet thorougnly ex-
plained. Meantime, however, the contrast between the Suevi and
the non-Suevi is not to be mistaken. In the latter we find the greatest
freedom and independence of the mdwidual; in the former we
perceive the combined power and unity of the whole^ wherein the
individual self is merged ; in the latter again, domestic life in its entire
privacy, and in the former, je>tfft&c life in the — although as yet rude —
accomplishment of an acutely formed idea.
Saxon institutions were not the most favourable for the exercise
of the strength of a nation against the enemy. But it gives a
strong and self-dependent mind to the individual man, to find him-
self sole lord and master upon his own property, and knowing that
it is his own power that must protect wife and child. In villages,
or even in towns where man dwells amidst a mass, he depends upon
the protection of others, and thereby easilj becomes indolent or cow-
ardly. But the isolated inhabitant, in his, frequently, defiance-bid-
ding retreat, is nevertheless humane and hospitably minded, and
offers to his neighbour and his fiiend, and even to the stranger, an
ever welcome seat by his hearth. For he feels more intensely the
pleasure derived firom the friendly glances of man, and the reiresh-
ment of social intercourse; whilst, on the contrary, the townsman,
who meets a multitude at every step, accustoms himself to view the
human coimtenance with indifference. When the Saxon, with his
hunting-spear in his hand, had traversed, through snow and storm,
the wilderness and forest, the huts of his friends smiled hospitably
towards him, like the happy islands of a desert sea.
We shall enumerate subsequently the individual tribes of both
branches, as well as the others mentioned by the authors of antiquity.
It appeared necessary to notice thus early the chief distinction
between the German nations, for many of the descriptions given by
the ancients of their manners and customs, accord only with the one
or the other branch, and their apparent contradictions are to be ex-
!>lained only by the confused mixture of the information. CsBsar,
or example, notices chiefly the Suevi; and Tacitus, the Saxon tribes.
Yet in the detail which we now enter upon, it will be perceived that
the essential fundamental character of both was the same.
Digitized by
Google
INTRODUCTION. 13
V. MANNEBS AND CUSTOMS.
Tie Germans loved the open country above every thing. They
did not build towns, they likened them to piisons. The few places
vhich occur in the Roman writers called towns — ^the later Ptolemy
names the most — were probably nothing more than the dwellings of
the chie&, somewliat larger, and more artificially built, than those of
the common freemen, and in the vicinity of which the servitors
fixed their buts ; the whole might possibly^ have been surrounded by
i wall and ditch to secure them from the incursions of the enemy.
Hie Saxon tribes did not even willingly build connecting villages,
so great was their love for unlimited freedom. The huts lay, as is
already mentioned, in the midst of the inclosure that belonged to
them, and which was surrounded by a hedge. The construction of
these huts was most inartificial. Lqgs shaped by the axe were raised
and joined together, the sides fiUea with plaited withy, and made
into a firm wall by the addition of straw and lime. A thatched roof
covered the whole, which (as is still found in Westphalia) contained
&e cattle also; and by way of ornament they decorated the walls
'With brilliant colours.
Tacitus says, they selected their dwelling wherever a grove or
spring attracted them. Advantage and comfort were consequently
nequently sacrificed to their love of open and beautiful scenery, and
it 13 probable, that they so ardently loved their country from its pre-
senting them with so great a variety of hiU and dale, wood and
plains, and rivers in every part.
This strong love of nature, which may be traced from the very
first in our forefathers, is a ^rand feature of the German character.
As long as we retain it, it will preserve us from sensual ener-
vation and the corruption of manners, wherein the most cultivated
nations of antiquity, by excess of civilization and luxury, and com-
pression into large cities, gradually sunk.
Next to war Sie most favourite occupation of the Grermans was
the chace; and that itself was a kind of warlike exercise. For
the forests concealed, besides the usual deer, also wolves, bears,
nrocks, bisons, elks, wild boars, and many species of the larger
birds of prey. The youth was, therefore, practised in the use of
Anns from childhood, and to him the greatest festival of his life was
when his fiither first took him forth to hunt wild animals.
*' Agriculture, the herdsman's business and domestic occupa-
.tions,** says Tacitus, *' they leave to the women and slaves; for it is
easier to prevail upon the Germans to attack their enemies than to
cultivate tiie earth and await the harvest ; nay, it even appears
cowardly to them to earn by the sweat of the brow, what the san-
Siinaty conflict would procure." But this description of our fore-
thers, as is so often tne case with the narratives of the Roman
anthers, represents the individual feature as tiie general charac-
teristic. Tne small proprietor, no doubt, like our peasant, neces-
Digitized by
Google
14 INTRODUCTION.
sarily applied Us own hand to the ctdtivation of his land, while the
great land-owner reserved time for hunting, for festivities, and for
all the pleasures of social interoourse.
And with respect to the description of their dominant warlike
propensities, which preferred earning the neoessaries of life hj blood
rather than by the sweat of the brow, this must be understood to refer
more particukrly to the conquering warlike trains df bold leaders, such
as an Ariovistus, or to the firontier safeguards of the Germjuis against
the Romans, as, for instance, the MarcomaanL For when once
amongst a nation a^culture and nasfeurage have become prominent
occupations, and without which life could not be supported, they
can no longer belong to those employments despised by the &ee
man, and ^vniich as such he leaves solely to the care and attention of
women and slaves.
It is, however, no doubt true, that among the Grennans of
the more ancient period, warlike desires, and powerful na*
tural inclinations for bold imdertakings, and in particular for
the display of an untamed strength with its violent concomitants,
were a ruling passion. But the ennobliuj^ features of higher vir-
tues are seen through these defects. Hmory reoards no people
who, in conjunction with the &ults of an unresmcted natural power,
possessed nobler capabilities and qualifications, rule and oraer, a
aublime patriotism, fideUty, and chastity, in a greater proportion
thiem the Germans. '* Thmj' says the noble Roman, who had pre-
served a mind capable of appreciating the dimity of uncorrupted
nature; ''there no one smiles at vice, and to s^uce or be seduced,
is not csiledfashianabk; far among the Germans^ good morals effect
mare than elsewhere good laws."
This moral worlh of the (xermans, which beams through all their
rudeness, has its true source and basis in the sanctity of marriage,
and the consequent concentration of domestic hairiness; for it is
these two features chiefly which most decidedly determine the mora-
lity of a nation. The young man, at a period when his form had
taken its perfect growm, in the full energy of youth, like the
sturdy oaks of his native forests, and preserv^by diastity and tem-
perance from enervating desires, at the time that his pnysical and
moral nature had attamed their equilibrium, selected then the
maiden for his wife, little differing in age from himself. The
exceptions were few, says Tacitus, and that only perchance — as in the
case of a prince, who might wish to increase his own importance bj
an alliance with another powerfol house — ^that a secoiKl wife was
taken.
It was not the woman who brought the portion to the man, but
ihe latter to the former, and who indicated tae value he attached to
his alliance with her by the quality of the present he made, aocord-
iiu; to the extent of his means; and even this custom displays the con-
flideration the German nation had for the gentler sex. The bridal giii
comprised, besides a team of oxeui a war-horse, a shield and arms; »
Digitized by
Google
mTRODUCTION. 15
^not useless among people with whom, particukilj in long ezcur-
sons, the wife, ffenenulj, accompanied hor nnsband to the field. She
iss dins reminded not to conaiaer valour, war, and arms, as whoUj
stnioge to her, but these sacred symbols of the opening marriage told
kr to consider herself as the companion of the labours and dangers of
Iier husband^ in war as well as in peace, and as such to live and die.
Sbe received what she was bound to transfer uncontaminated to her
eluldien, and what her daughter-in-law was to inherit in turn, in
<nkt to transmit to her grand-children. And this gift, as Tacitus
mp, was, as it were, the mystic holy consecration and guardian
^ty of mazxiage.
Such an alliance founded upon love and virtue, and calculated to
contiime for better for worse» in firm union unto death, must indeed be
Wy and inviolable; and in &et, the iofiingemait of the marriage vow
was, according to the testimony of Tacitus, almost unheard of^ The
demst and most universal contempt foUowed a crime so very rare.
The children of such a marriage were to their parents the dearest
pledges of love. From their very Urth they were treated as ficee
BmsoL beings. No trace was to lie found in Uermany of the tyran*
nical power of the Roman father over his children. The mother
leaied her in&nts at her own breast; thev were not left to the care
of nurses and servants. The Grermans, therefore, hishly venerated
virtuous women; they even superstitiously believed there was some«-
diing holy and prophetic in them, and they occasionally followed
their advice in important and decisive moments.
This veneration for the female sex in its human dignity, com-
bined with their strongly impressed love of arms, of war, and man-
hood, this noble feature in the Grerman nature, which elevates him
8D Ugh above the— in other senses, so gifted — Gre^ and Romans,
shows most clearly that nature had reso&ed her German son to be the
entire man, who, by the imiversal cultivation of the human powers,
^ould at some fiiture period produce an age, which as now, in its
liberal and xnany-rided or multifarious views, should &r surpass that
of the Greeks and Romans.
The ancient German dress and food were dmple, and agreeable to
nature. Female decoration consisted in thdr long ydlow hair, in the
fresh colour of their pure sldn, and in their linen robes, spun and
iroven by their own hands, ornamented with a purple bandas a girdle;
the man knew no other ornament than his warlike weapons; the
shield and his helmet, when he wore one, he adorned as weU aa he
could. Amcmg the Suevi the hair was worn tiedin abundle on the
top of the hcadnn: the sake of its warlike eSect« Amoi^ the Saxons
it was jparted, and hung down the shoulders, cut at a moderate length.
Their simple fare consisted chiefly of meat and milk. They pre-
pued their mvourite drink, beer, from barley and oats. They made
n^ead also firom honey and water. Their noney was collected by
the wild bees in great quanti^, and good quality. Upon the Rhine
they did not demise or neglect the cultivation of the vme introduced
there by the Romans. ogtzedbyGoogk
16 INTRODUCTION*
No nation respected tlie laws of hospitality more than the GrermanB
To refuse a stranger, whoever he might be, admission to the house,
would have been disgraceful. His table was free and open to all,
according to his means. If his own provisions were exhausted^ he
who was but recently the host, would become the guide and con-
ductor of his guest, and together they would enter, uninvited, the
first best house. There also they were hospitably received. When
the stranger took his leave, he received as a parting present whatever
he desired, and the giver asked as candidly on his side for what he
wished. This goodnatured people rejoiced in presents. But they
neither estimated the gift they made too highly, nor held themselves
much bound by that which they had received in return.
At these banquets the Germans not un&equently took council upon
their most important affairs, upon the conciliation of enemies, upon al-
liances, and friendships, upon the election of princes, even upon war
and peace; for the joyousness of the feast and society opened the
secrets of the breast. But on the following day they reconsidered
what had been discussed, so that they might view it coolly and
dispassionately; they took counsel when they could not deceive, and
fixed their resolution when fitted for quiet consideration.
During these banauets they had also a peculiar kind of festival.
Naked youths dancea between drawn swords and raised spears; not
for reward and gain; but the compensation for this ahnost rash feat
consisted in the pleasure produced in the spectator, and the honour
reaped by the display of such a dangerous art.
They gambled with dice, as Tacitus with astonishment informs us,
in a sober state, and as a serious occupation, and with so much eager-
ness for gain, that when they had lost their all, they hazarded their &ee-
dom, and even their very persons upon the last cast. The loser freely
delivered himself up to slavery, although even younger and stronger
than his adversary, and patiently allowed himself to be bound and
sold as a dave ; thus steadfastly did they keep their word, even in a
bad case : ^^ they call this good faith" says the Roman writer.
VL CIVEL INSTITUTIONS.
The entire people consisted of freemen and slaves. Among the
latter there seems even to have been an essential difference. The
one class, which may be compared to the vassals pertaining to the
land of the lord of the manor, and among whom the freedmen
of Tacitus msLj be also reckoned, received from the land proprie-
tor house ana home, and yielded him in return a certain ac-
knowledgment in com or cattle, or in the woven cloth which
was made under every roof. The second class, on the contrary,
the true slaves, who were bought and sold, and were mostly pri-
soners of war, were employed in the more menial services of the
house, and the labours of agrictdture. But their lot even waB en*
durable, for their children grew up with those of their master, with
scarcely any distinction, and thus in the simplicity of their living
there was formed a relation of mutual adhere^c^. (^ut the slave was
INTRODUCTION. 17
held incapable of bearing anns ; these wiere alone the privilege and pre-
log^ye of the Free*mm.
Iley were dLvided into the nobles, nobiks^ as Tacitus calls them,
snl the common Free-men, ingenid. In laterperiods the Gennan lan-
guape distinguishes AdeUnge and FriHnge. The fonner word is pro-
bab^ derived from Od, Estate, and therefore denoted the large pro-
prietor, who reckoned in his estate bondsmen and vassals, and who
possessed already in his domains the means of exercising a more ex-
tensive inflaence. The Friling was, on the contrary, the common
free man, who cultivated his small possessions with nis own hands,
or \fj the assistance of but a few slaves. If Tacitus, as is probable,
uuhcates this distinction bj his term nobiles and ingenvi^ we may
therein trace the ori^ of the Glerman nobilitjr, founded as it is in
the nature of all social relations. From the importance given by
possessions and merit, individual as well as ancestral, those privile^s
may be adduced, which are held over the poorer, unnoticed famihes,
and which in the course of time, and as it were by the antiquit;]^ of
Cssion, pass into rights. But the information ^ven by Tacitus
not, however, speak absolutely of rt^Ats,— imjplymg, for instance,
the offices of director and president in communities and districts,-^
but merely of the custom of filling them from the superior fiunilies.
A nimiber of farms of great and smaU landowners, spedallj united
hjdose ties, constituted a community {Gemeinde); several commu*
nities a league of the hundred {Markgenassenschaft)^ which exercised
within a larger circuit the common riffht of herd and pasture; and,
hsdy, a number of these formed the krger confederacy of a district
(Gau), formally united for protection against every enemy, and for
internal security both of life and property.
As chief of the district, a judge was elected firom amon^ the
oldest and most experienced, who probably may have borne m an-
cient times the name GrafJ^ Gents or hundreds were subdivisions
of the district, probably consisting originally of a himdred farms,
whose chiefs were the centners or Ceniffrafen. These gave judgment
in trifling affidrs; and in matters of more importance they were the
assistants of the Gaugrafen. The occupation of these functionaries was
not limited to their judicial emplojrments, but they had the guidance
&1m of other affidrs in the community; and together, they formed the
Prineipes of the district, the foremost and first amongst their equak,
whence is derived the German word Furst (prince). The recompence
for their trouble did not consist in a regular stipend, but in presents
i<H%ived from the chiefs of fiimilies. •
But the National assembly was at the head of all, and counselled and
decided upon the most important affairs. Every fireeman, high as
well as low, was a member of the national assembly, and took his
part in the welfare of the whole.
In earlier times, perhaps, there never existed in many circuits, and
* The deriTation of the word Graf or Gray is uncertain. That firom grau, gray,
u veil M from ak^ old, is not tenable.^
O Digitized by Google
18 INTRODirCTION.
during peaceM relati<ms, a more eztenaiTe and firm eonfedraacy than
that of the Gau. But danger from without, and the relatunifihip
of the septSy chiefly produced, without doubt, the establidunent of
Unions of whole tribe»y whidi maj poesiblj have ^vea to their eol-
lective body a form Taiioudy fi^osed. A muItifimoaBaiieas of so-
cial regulations wasweloometo the heredzfcarj love of freedom of the
Germans. The majority of these tribes appear to have had a very-
simple constitution of confedeiacy in the time of peace, inasnmdi as
all transactions in common were determined and regulated by the
national community. In the individual districts all oonldniied ac-
cording to the customary mode of administration, and it consequently
did not require the permanent appointment of a superior executive
government. In war, on the contrary, an deetion was made, of the
common Herzog^ or duke, according to valour and manly virtue^
whose office closed wi&the war. (Duces ex virtnte sunrant.— T«ff.}
Among other tribes peace had also its chie&or diieetois, selected
originally by the community from the most meritorious of the people,
which election, in the course oi time, when a natural feeling placed
the son in the situation of the fivther, became invested wim an al-
most hereditaiy right. (Reffes ex nobifitate sumuot. — Tac^ We
cannot ascertain whether l£ese chidb bore ererywhere, or merely
among some tribes, the title of ISnff; the Romans called them Reaes,
because they found this name most applicable, and in contradistmc*
tion to the transitory ducal dignity, which terminated with the war.
The king could also naturally be the leader in war, in which case
the duke was superfluous; not in smaller expeditions, which were
not to be consiaered in the Hght of a national war, or when the
king, by reason of age or natural infirmity, was unable to act, a
duke may have been appointed as his substitute.
Among some tribes we see a change of constitution. Among
the Gherusci, when they fought against the Romans, there appears
to have been no king ; Armmius was the leader appointed by the
people. Later, however, in the year 47 after the birth of Christ,
the Gherusci appointed ItaUcuSy the son of the brother of FlavmSy
who was brought up among the Romans, to be their king, in order
to adjust the internal &ctiotis.
The peculiarity of the Saxon j>eople consisted altogether in their
iree form of government, a constitution most conformable to their
ori^, springing as they did from the union of the heads of free
fiunilies, each of whom ruled his domain according to the ancient
patriarchal form. A common general was required only during war,
which, in general, was defensive, and consequently national Among
the Suevi, on the contrary, whose constitution was one warlike
throughout, wherein the individual was early accustomed to consider
himself but a portion of the whole, a monarchical government be-
came the natural form of the constitution, and we consequently find
among them an Ariovistus, a Marbodius, and a Vannius, as kings of
a warlike state.
Digitized by
Google
INTRODUCTION. 19
Tkae dxflferenceB mAT Bsmst in ezplammg the vaiioiis dbazac-
tendcB and forms of the pubHc institutions which the Romans
aentioii, aaKl which it is not alwa^rs easy to distingnish^ firom theii
knag ocmfoonded and mixed the mdiyidual details.
hi the hoger confederations there also ocdined ^eneial as-
semblies, althou^ more seldom than in the individual distiicts, and
Bach that the Komans relate refers to these said larger assemblies,
riulst on the eontzair the leading subjects were coimmon to both
Inge and small assemblies.
ihese were generallj held at a retain of the fiiU moon and new
Boon; as tb^ considered those the most happj momenta for any
tcDttcdon. They cameaimed — armsbeingthesymbolof £ceedom,and
^ pvefened exposing themselves to the possibility of their misuse,
other than come without them. The rimit ^ijoyed by the youth
of beanng them as an ornament when ne had attained a nttmg
>ge, and was adjudged worthy, even in tunes of peace, was im-
ported by the national assembly itself; he was there solemnly in-
^(^esled by one c^ the piinceSy his &ther or a relative, with snield
^ q)ear» This was deemed amcmg them the clothing of man-
^Knd, the ornament of youth; previous to this the youth was con-
fidered only as a member of the domestic hearth, but henceforth he
vu leoeived as the representative of the common fatherland.
Priests ruled the communities; Gt)d only was the universally
^iued lord, whom it was no breach of freedom to obey; and in his
22^e the priests kept the multitude in order. They commanded
olcnee; the kings, dukes, counts, who derived experience firom years
"^ nobles, who leamt firom their ancestors how the district was
to be governed — ^the most valiant, who, by their deeds in war, stood
m gettoal respect, spcke in turn simply, briefly, and impressively, and
M in a commanding tone, but by the force of reason. If the pro*
portion diseased them, it was rejected by the multitude with hissea
^d nninnurs; but if ax>{>roved, they signined their satis&ction by the
dsshingof diexrarmff, thmmosthonourablemode of testifyi^
hi important af&irs, the king and princes first counselled together,
pQc^ to the matter being brought before the people; a custom
conastent with good government, for the multitude can form con-
chsioiis only upon a transaction being simply and clearly eiqplained.
^^lese few tndts of aboriginal Grerman institutions display the
<^Hiig sense <^ oiir forefiithers, who therein sought to establish the
pnncaue, that the foundations of every community should be based
^ uidividual good fedin^, obedience to l^e laws, and respect for re-
l^pa. Thus an internal durability was given to the whole structure,
^1^ no external means could replace, howsoever artificially applied.
Wehaveyetawordtosayuponthelargerunionsof several tribes.
^ a CQttinon danger, th^ formed themsehres into a Confedereetian, at
*k« Head of which stood one of the more powerful tribes. Thus it was
^A tbe Gherusci alliance against the Komans; thus the Suevi, at
^066 head,in earfiertimes, stood the Semnoni ; and later, the confede*
C 2 Digitized by Google
20 INTRODUCTION.
rations of the Goths, Franks, and AUemanni. In all that concerned
the universal league, the laws were very severe. The slightest breach,
of &ith, and treachery as well as cowardice, were punished by death..
Their principle was, '' One for aU and all for one, for life or-
death I" May this through every century be the motto of all Germans I
Vn- WAE-REGULATIONS, A^^> ABMS.
When the nation was threatened by impending danger, or the
country of the enemy was to 'be invaded by a large force, all the
freemen were summoned to arms by what was called the HeerbannJ^
The army thus proceeded under the banner of the national god,
borne bv the priests in advance. The princes and judges of each Gaiz
or district were also its leaders in war ; the confederates of one mark or
hundred, and of one race or sept, fought united; and when the inva-
sion became a regular migration, or when the invading foe chased all
from their hearths, the women and children followed them. Thus
was all combined lliat could excite their valour; each warrior stood
side by side to his nearest relations, companions, and friends, and in
the rear of the order of battle were placed their wives and children,
whose appeals could not fail to reach their ear. When wounded, they
retired to the matrons and females, who fearlessly investigated and
numbered their wounds. We read, indeed, of the women having-
occasionally restored a faltering battle by their incessant supplications,
from the <£:ead of slavery, and even by forcing, with arms in hand,
the fugitives back to the contest.
Besides the general summons of the Heerbann, there was a Ccfm-
paruonship in arms, founded upon a volimtary union, which was called
the Gefoige, the reserve phalanx or sacred battalion. Warlike youths
collected themselves around their most tried and esteemed leader, and
swore in imion with him to live and die. There was much contention
among this G^folge who should take the first place next to theleader, for
this corps had its grades. It was high fame for a leader, not merely
among hisown tribes, but among all the adjacent ones, when he was dis-
tinffuished by the number and valour of his Gefolge. He was appe Jed
to for assistance ; embassies were sent to him, he was honoured by pre-
sents, and the mere celebrity of his name would frequently check a
war. In battle it was considered a disgrace to the chief to be outvied
in valour, and to the Gefolge not to equal that of their leader;
but to return alive from battle, after the death of his chieftain, was
a stigma that attached for life to the individual, and their fidelity was
so great, that scarcely an instance of this occurs. It was considered
the most sacred duty to protect and defend their brave brother in
arms, and to attribute their own valorous deeds to his fame. The
leaders contended for victory, and the Gefolge for the leaders.
• In the language of the earlier tunes Heerbann^ {HeribannvSy') the penalty, which
was inflicted upon those who, at the general summons to the war, neglected their
duty. This word, however, for its ohject, is at once so usual and significant, whilst
it is so difficult to replace with another, that it may be here retained in its original
fbrm. ^ T
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
INTRODOCTION. 21
Wben the tribe to wbicli thejr belonged continued in a state of long and
jsonotonous peace, the majority of these bold youths, led by their cap-
tsin, voluntarily joined those tribes which were at war. ilepose was
batdiil to them; and, amidst danger, the valiant acquired fime and
booty. The Gefolge received fix)m the leader their war-horse, and
tbeir conquerixig and deadly spear; a large Gefolge, consequently,
^pported itseir most easily by war and booty. It is thus thiat
Tiatus describes the military institutions of the Germans. He
VTote, however, at a period when lon^ wars and their attendant
chances may possibly nave altered much. Originally, perhaps, the
alliance between the Grefolge and their chieftain was bmding only
dming dngle excurdons, and ceased at their termination. For it is
not probable that a people so jealous of its liberty would have
lUowed individual princes to have surrounded themselves with such
a troop, as with a body-guard. But when the dangers of war con-
tUHwdfor a longer period, it became desirable, and even necessary, to
le prepared for every casualty. The Gefolge remained long united|
and they formed the experienced and ^lite portion of the army for
attack, defence, or pursuit. In the migratory period, kingdoms were
founded by these Gefolges, and &om the essence of their internal
^organization, the laws sprung which regulated these new states
(feudal ffjnstem).
The chief arms of the ancient Germans were the shield and the
q«ar, called by them Frcanen (Frameay^ with a narrow and short
^lade, but so sharp and weU adapted for use, that they could employ
the same weapon, according to necessity, both far and near. Long,
heavy lances are also spoken of in the description of many battles.
For close combat, the stone battle-axe, which is still frequently dug
^P, and the common club, were certainly used. From the scarcity
of iron, few wore body-armour, and but here and there a helmet;
even swords were scarce, and the shield was formed of wood, or of
^e plaited twigs of the withy. Nevertheless, it was with these
simple weapons that they achieved so much that was grand, inas-
mnch as natural courage and strength of Hmb effect more than arti-
ficial weapons.
Their horses were neither distinguished by beauty or speed, but
*tey were very durable, and the Germans knew so well to manage
tkem that they frequently overthrew the fully-armed and moimted
^^^'ouui and Grallic cavalry. They held the latter in contempt because
they used saddles, which appeared to them unmanly and effeminate ;
^ey themselves sat upon the naked back of the horse. But the chief
^^''^ligth of their army lay in their infantry, and they placed the
holdc«t and strongest of their youth, mixed with their cavalry, in the
^^1 in order to give an additional solidity to the ranks. The
cavahy themselves selected their companions from among the in-
™toy, and thus, even in the rude pursuit of war, esteem and affec-
tion exerted their influence. They thus held together in the
• RfOm/«,««^tOtlmm. oigitlzedbyGoOgle
22 INTRODUCTION.
tumult of the fight, and came to each other's assistanoe when tlx4
contest was desperate. If a horseman fell heavily wounded fix^zx:
his steed, the foot . soldiers immediately surrounded and shieLd&d
him. When sudden and rapid movements either in advaadng os*
retreating were necessaiy, iiud quickneBB of those on foot, by mean£»
of incessant pracdce, was so great, that holding by the main of thi^
horse, they equalled the swiftest in their course.
Their Older of battle was generally wedge-shaped, that they miglr^
the more speedily break the ranks of me enemy. Bef<»e battle
they sang the war-song relating the deeds of their ancestors and th.^
celebrity of their fatherland. W arlike instruments also, horns of brass
or of the wild bull, and large drums, formed of hides expanded cvexr
hampers, beat the measure to their joined shields; and as they pro*
oeeded they became more and more excited. In the march against tlie
enemy the song became ruder and wilder, a courageous and stimulatiTig
cry, which was called Barrit; at first deep sounding, then stronser*
and fuller, and ^ovring to a roar at the moment of meeting Sia
foe. The chieftain felt excited with hope or fear, according to the
louder or weaker tone of the Barrit. Frequently, to make the sound
more strikingly fearfiil, they held their hollow shields brfore their
mouths. This terrific war-song, combined with the sight of the
^gantic figures, and the fearful threatening eyes of the Germana
tnemselves, was so terrible in its edicts upon the Romans and the
Gauls, that it was Ions before they could accustom themselves to it.
To leave their shield behind them was to the Germans an inex-
piable di^race; he who had so debased himself duist not attend ve-
ligious worship nor appear in the national assembly, and many who
had thus effected their escape firom the field of battle could not en*-
dure so miserable a Hfe, but »ided it by a voluntary death.
VUL BELIGION.
The relipous worship of the Germans attached itsdf to, and was as-
sociated with nature. It was a veneration of her great powers and phe-
nomena ; but withal it was more simple and sublime than the worship of
other ancient nations, and bore the impress of its immediate and pro-
found feeling for nature. Although but rudely so, they yet had the
prseentiment of an infinite and eternal divine power in th^ breasts;
for they considered it at variance with the dignity of the divinity to
Aldose him within walls, or to conceive and represent himinahuman
shape. They built no temples, but thejr consecrated to holy purposes
groves and woods, of which nature had formed the pillars, and whose
canopy was the infinite heaven itself; and thev named after thdr
divinity the mystery which their fiiith alone allowed them to con-
template. Even their abori^al poetical descriptions of their divir
nities display the nobler sentunente of the Germans, who did not, like
the Greeks and Romans, attribute to their deities all the infirmities
9f human nature, but represented in them the portraiture of strength,
valour^ magnanimity, and sublimitv. And they stiU more atronglj
distinguish themselves itovt all other ancient nations by their firm
IKTROmrCTION* 2S
nd cfaeeEfol belief in the xmmarfcality of the soul, which entirely
Jbqiited every fear of death; and in tne confidence of a future state
isey oommitted snididey when life itself could foe purchased only by
darexy.
TioB suUinie natural feeling, and this purity of their religioiua
ideas, made thenar in after times, better adapted for the reception of
Chnstiamty. Tliey were the vessel which God had selected for the
pine preservatioii of his doctrines. For Jews, Gredcs and Romans
vere already enerv^ated by sensuality and vice; they could neither com-
]xehepd nor retain the new doctrines, just as, according to the scrip*
tozal inage, the old dnmkard could not retain the new wine. The
ancient Germans revered, like the Persians, the sun and fire; but war-
Aippedastlieirsuperior God, fraibi,(Gticirf^^
Ihey(»Jledbinia3bobyabea4itiM They
^'t, in their sacred groves, white hoises for the sun, which were har-
nesed to the consecrated chariot and driven by the priest or prince,
who paid particular attentixm to their neighing, which they consi-
dered, as md the Persians, fHophetic of the future, and indicative of
w win of theix divinitjr.
They venerated the mother earth as their most beneficent deity;
tliey called her Nerthus (the nourishing),* and we have the fol-
fcwinff relation of her worship: " In the midst of an island in the
Kaf tbtere was a sacred grove, in whic^ was a consecrated chariot,
covered with tapestry. Sometimes (as noticed by the priests) the god-
^ descended nom the sacred dweUin^ above, and drove tl^ cluuaot,
^wn by consecrated cows, accompanied by the priests in the dew)-
^ xevQEence. The days were then cheer&l, and the places whichshe
honoured with her presence, solemn and holy; they then entered
mtc no war, sei£ed no arms, and the iron q)ear reposed in conceal-
'^t; peace and tranquillily then rei^gned in every bosom, until the
iriests reconducted the goddess, satiated with her intercourse with
BK>itals, back into the temple. The chariot and carpet were immersed,
nul the goddess too, if we may believe it, bathed in a secret lake;
slaves perfeimed the offices of service, whom the same lake immedi-*
^yawallowed up. Thence arose a mysterious fear and holy ignorance
of what that might be which only those bdield who were to die."
IheGermans placed great fidth in prophecies and indications of the
^le, as aho^m already in the neighing of the sacred horses of the sun.
When thej were at war they often selected a ij^ffisoner taken from their
^^'^ci&T, anid caused him to fight with one oi their countzymen, eadi
^inieoi with his national weapons; the vict(»:y of the one or the other
^as received as prophetic, or as a divine judgment. They considered
we laven and we owl as harbingers of evil; the cuckoo announced
''i^th of life. They prophesied of the future also with small staves
^t irozn a fruit tiee, having peculiar or runic signs carved upon eadi
"^ and these were then strewed upcma white raiment, ^dthen,
* IWitiu, Oenn. zl.
T Much here indicates Iftie island to l)e Bugen; Inittiiere are importaiitgrcn^
wattadiction.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
24 INTRODUCTION.
on public occasions, the priest, but in private the father of the family,
5 rayed to the divinity, and, v^ith upraised eyes, took up each in—
ividual rod thrice, the characters upon which mdicated the event.
The holy prophetesses were highly esteemed, and history names
some to whom tiie credulity of the tnbes attached great influence iix
the determination of pubhc affairs. Tacitus names Aurinia (per—
haps Alruna, conversant with the mystic runic characters); a^ain, the^
celebrated Veleda, who, from a tower on the banks of the lappe, di-
rected the movements of the tribes of the Lower Rhine; and, lastly ,
a certain Gauna, in the time of Domitian. In the incursions of the
Cimbri, and in the army of Ariovistus, notice is taken of prophesy-
ing females.
There was no ceremony at their funerals; only the bodies of the
most distinguished were burnt with costly wood, and with each, at the
same time, were offered up his arms or war horse. The tomb which
covered the ashes and the bones of the deceased was a mound of turf.
Splendid monuments they despised as oppressive to their dead. La-
ments and tears they speedily gave over, but grief they indulged in
much longer. Lamentations mey considered as appropriate to females,
but to men Remembrance alone was deemed suitable.
IX. ARTS AND MANUFACTURES.
Should we after all that has preceded, inquire concerning the pro-
gress made by the ancient Germans in the arts of life, we shall find
upon that subject the information of the Roman writers unfortu-
nately very scanty. Looking down from the point of their very-
superior culture, they did not consider it worth their trouble to
attend to the origin of the arts, trades, and knowledge, foimd
among those nations which they conridered as barbarians. This
rilence has misled to the supposition, that the Germans, about the
period of the birth of Christ, were to be considered as half savages,
resembling the North American Hurons. But history may, where
she finds no express testimony, draw conclusions from uncontested
facts. Therefore we can, with certainty, infer that about the time,
and shortly after the birth of Christ, the Germans — who in arms and
warlike skill could contest with an enemy who had acquired in a war
of five hundred years, with all the nationsof the earth, thehighest grade
in the art of war and consequent subjugation; these Grermans, who
had already far advanced in their civil institutions; to whom marriage
and the domestic hearth, and the honour of their nation, and their an-
cestors, were sacred; who in their reUgious symbols displayed a deep
feeling for the most profound ideas of the human mind ; and who,
1^^7» ^7 & dignified natural capacity, and exquisite moral traits, in
spite of the undeniable ferocity of unbridled passions, were enabled
to inspire that noble Roman, m whom dwelt a deep sense of all that
was great and elevated in human nature — ^these Germans, we say, could
not have been the rude barbarians described as resembling North Ame*
rican savages. Their cultivation, as far as their wild life and dia-
Digitized by
Google
INTRODUCTION. 25
persed mode of dwelling admitted, advanced to a degree worthy of
mention.
AgTicultuie and pastoiage united, consequently a regulated and
settled rural economy, pre-supposes the use of the necessary imple^
ments, howsoever simple they might be. The German made them
himself. The iron necessary for that purpose, as well as for his
weapons, he must have known how to work, and the manipulation
of hard-melting iron is not easy ; presuming they were only able to use
that vrhich lay upon the surface without understanding or practising
the art of mining. Yet Tacitus names iron-mines among tne Goths,
m the present Silesia. That the preparation of iron utensils must
indicate already a higher degree of skill in art, in the earUest ages
of nations, is shown oy the very frequent use of copper in such in-
stnunents for which iron is much better adapted. Copper is much
easier to manufacture.
In the irruptions and battles of the Germans, namely, among the
CSmbri and Teutoni, chariots and cars are named, wluch conv^ed
the YTomen and children, and which were placed aroimd to defend
the camp. The Germans appear also upon their rivers, and upon
the coasts of their seas in ships, and contest also with the Romans in
lUKval battles. Tribes which could build structures of this descrip-*
tion, need no longer be considered savage.
The art of spinning and weaving is also not possible without compli-
cated machinery, and this formed the daily occupation of the females.
Although the art of building houses was not carried to anv
extent, yet the towers or burgs of the superior classes, some of which
are mentioned in the records of history, must have been essentially
cKfferent from the huts of the community; and that walls of stone
were used in their construction, we may infer from the subterranean
excavations in which provisions were preserved, and wherein the
women generally wove their linen, and which must therefore have
been waJ&ed in.
Trade and commerce were not foreign to the ancient Germans ;
they were even acquainted with that pivot of all commerce, a general
medium of barter — ^monev, Tacitus remarks that they knew well
how to distinguish the ola good coins of the Romans, and took silv^
in preference to gold in their retail transactions. The great multi*
tnde of Roman coins, which by degrees have been dug out of the
German earth, proves that their commercial intercourse was not
trifling, although much may have fallen into the hands of the Ger*
nansas booty upon the defeat of the Romans. Arminius, before the bat-
tie of Idistavisus, offered to every Roman deserter daily 200 sesterces.
Their music was no doubt limited to their war-song, and the rude
warlike instruments previously named, and to the neroic song at
festivals. German antiquity had without doubt its inspired singers,
equally as the Greeks had their Homerides ; the testimony of Tacitus
tells us so, and the inclination of the people for all that was great,
and worthy of &me, as it evinces itself in their deeds, would eveUf
irithout that testimony, have convinced us.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
26 INTRODUCTION.
It has been disputed whether the Germans, about the tiine of the
birth of Christ, had a written character. Tacitus expresslj fiays^
that iieiih.er men nor womai understood writing (liteiarum secreta
Tiri pariter ac f^nime ignorant. — Germ. 19). And although this
passage might be interpreted in a more zestaicted sense, wra» thexe
escpress witnesses to the contrary extant; still, for the want of them,
it IS sufficiently condusive of the ignorance of writing among^ the
joicient Gennans. There are, inoeed, letters mentioned of J&Car-
bodius and Adgandaster, a prince of the Ghatti, to Rome; but these
were certainly written in !uitin, and only prove, if they were written
by the princes themselves, that the upper classes, who had inter-
course with the Romans, and perhaps lived a long time in Ronie
itself, learnt there the Roman art of writing. The people geiiermll j,
however, were, without doubt, ignorant of the art.
X THE GflBMANIO TBIBES.
The seats of the Saxcm tribes am already gemerally stated in the
fourth division; the following are the names and situations of the
individual septs:
1« The Siffambri, a considerable tribe in theneighbouriiood <^the
Sieff^ whence they probably derived their name; and &rther in-
wards towards the mountainous districts of Westphalia, which was
called, later, the SUderland, or Sauorland. CsBsar found tbem here
about the year 56, and Drusus in the year 12, before the birth of
CSuist, at which time their domain extended as far as the lippe.
Weakened by the attacks of the Romans, to yNhom thev were most
exposed, a portion of them were driven by Tiberius to the left bank
of the Rhine, as &r as its mouths, as wdl as that of ti^ Ind;
another ^rtion remained in their ancient dweUing-places, and
fought with the Gi^nsci against (xennanicus. In the subsequent
centurm, the name was retained only bv that portion which
dwelt at the mouths of the Rhine, and which constituted the Salic
Franks, and formed a leading tribe in the con&deration of the
franks.*
S. The Usipetri and Tenchieri, almost always neighbours, and
charing the same caaialties. Driven by the Suevi, about the
jjrear 56 befoie the birth of Ghrist, from their original seat, probably
m the Wederau (the district between the Maine, the Rhme, and
die LfthnV farther towards the north, they were, upon their cross*
ing the Rhine, beat bac^ again by Geesar, and pardy destroy^ The
sonainder were received by the Sigambrians; and in the time of
Ihitsas, the Usipetrians dwelt north of the lippe, on the Rhin&
But the Toichterians had already, about the year 36 before the
birth of CSirist, when the Ubierians were driv^i to ihe left bank of
ihe Rhine, occupied their domain upon its right bank, so that bolli
* Claud. Qatidiunui (aboat 400 yean after the Inrth of Christ) de ir. Cods.
Honor. 449; Gregoiy of Tours, H., 81; andoUien. Okms, on beiog bajptixed, iras
addressed I7 the Bisbop Bemigins: mUk Steamier.
Digitized by
Google
INTRODUCTION. 27
tlie tzibes became again neigkbaurs, and dwelt in the duchy of
Berg and in a portion of Cleves. Finally, the Tenchterians appear
to luLve formed a portion of the Franks.*
^ The Brvktm^ a powerful tribe in the coimtry north of the
lijppe, as far afi the more central fkns, and £x>m the vicinity of the
Bmme near the Weser, consequently more properly in the preseiit
Miinster land, and some of the approximate mstncts. According to
tlie most recent investigations, the country in the south of the Lippe,
as fiir as the mountains of Sauerland, therefore, the so-called Hellweg,
is conadeied a portion of the country of the Brukterians. Thej
vcxe divided into larger and less^ bodies, toc^ an active part
as the confederates of the Cherusci, in the war of freed(»n against
the JEtomans, and they received as their booty, after the battle with
Varna, one of the three conquered eagles. About the year 98 after
the birth of Christ, in an internal war with their nei^bours, thej
were almost annihilated, so that Tacitus divides th^ir domain be-
tiieen the Qiamavrians and the Angrivarians. But this account is
certainly eamggerated, as their name occurs in Ptolemy mudi later
121 the same district; and even afterwards they appear as a portion
of the Frankish confederation. After the alliimce of ihe Saxons had
more aad more widely extended itsdf towards Westphalia, the
ocmntiy and tribe of the Brukterians became equally included
theran; but whether by &rce of arms, or by alliance, is not to be
decided. The Brukterians may possibly have derived their name
from the marshes (bruchen) in their country.
4. The Marsi, nd^hfoours of the Brukterians, also present them-
selves as active enemies of the Romans, about the time of the birth
of Christ In the battle with Varus they seized an eagle, which 6er-
maniciis afierwaids ^recooquered; and tnis same leader commenced
his campaign againrt Lower Germany, in the year 14 after the birth
<^ Christ, by an incursion from Vetera Ceutra ^near Xanten) through
the Cbesian forest, into the land of the Marsi, in which he destroyed
the oelebrafted sanctuary of Tanfiuu. These events show us the
Marsi bb a Westphalian tribe, dwelling not &x from the Rhine.
B^ond this, we cannot determine wiui certainty their dwdling
fdaioey and antiquarians consequently aitertain different opinions
with reroect to it Some place them on the Lippe, others eastward
of the Ems, towards Tecklenburg and Osnaburg, which latter is
the most probable. The sanctuary of Tanfima, which has been
sought for in di£^nt jplaoes, and among the rest near Miinster,
would, therefore, henceforth be conridsied to lie in the land of
Tecklenburg.
5. The I^ibmii, likewise neighbours of the Brukterians, are
placed by some in the cotmtiy between Paderbom, Hamur and the
Amsbeig forest (the Soe$ter jBih-de); by others, and with greater pro-
Idbilitjy on the, oj^osite side of the country of the Bruktenana, noith-
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
28 INTRODUCTION.
west of the Rhine, and the Vechte, the Twente of the present
day.
6. Southward of the Tubanti, on the Rhine, dwelt the Cheancnn,
and bordered farther southward on the Usipetrians, to whom they
had yielded a portion of the pasturage on tne Rhine and the Issel,
even before the time of Drusus. About the year 98 after the birth
of Christ, they deprived the Brukterians of a portion of their
country, and they appear later as forming a part of the confedera-
tion of the Franks, la the middle ages, their domain was called
the Hamaland. Ptolemy mentions ^e Chamavi, as well as the
Cherusci, at the foot of the Harz mountains, but which former were
probably a very different tribe.
7. The Ansibari or AmsivarianSy northward from the Bruk-
terians on the Ems Tthence called Emsgauer or Emsbauer). In the
year 59 after the birth of Christ, a portion of them were driven
away by the powerful Chauci; they long sought, in vain, another
dwelling among the neighbouring tribes, and they at last vanish
among the Cherusci. A portion, however, must have remained in
their ancient dwelling place, as they appear later, forming part of the
Frankish confederation.
8. The Chasuari and Chattuart were, according to some, two
tribes, the first of which dwelt upon the Haase, northward of the
Marsi, and were thence called Hasegauer, but the latter at the mouth of
the Ruhr, where the Grau or district Hatterun gave testimony of them
in the middle ages; but, according to others, they were but one
tribe, which had their dwelling northward of the Chatti, on the
Diemel.
9. The Dulaibim are placed, with probability, in the neighbour-
hood of the Weser, pernaps precisely in the district of the Lippe,
where the legions of Varus were destroyed, and where the name still
exists on the heath of Dolger. In a stricter sense they belonged to
the confederation of the Cherusci. Ptolemy places them on the
right bank of the Weser; therefore, they very probably occupied
both its banks. In this neighbourhood Ptolemy also names Tu"
Usurgium^ perhaps wrongly copied for Teutiburgium^ in the vici-
nity of Detmold, and Tropcsa Drusi^ the monument of the vic-
tory of Drusus on the Weser, perhaps in the neighbourhood of
Hbxter.
The- foflowinff are some other places, mentioned by Ptolemy, in
Westphalia, unfortunately without indicating the domain wherein
thejr were, and which are, consequently, very variously referred to by
antiquaries:
a. Boff odium — Munster, according to some, but according to others,
Bochold, or also Beckum; according to Ledebur, Beckum on the
Lippe, upon the great Roman road between Vetera and AUso.
b. M^iolardum — Also supposed to be Miinster, but now, pro-
bably, Metelu on the Vechte.
c. MufdHum — is either Osnaburff, the Castle Ravensberg, or
Stromberg in the neighbourhood of Miinster. ^ ,
jitizedbyLiOOgle
INTRODUCTION. 29
d. SUreontium — Warendorf, Stromberg, Steinfort or Steveien,
all in the land of MUnster.
e. Anuisia — ^probably the same place as the Andgia of Tacitus, the
hold on the left bank of the Ems, not far from its estuaiy, which
WBS built b J Dmsus.
f. AscaUngium^ near Minden oil the Weser.
g. With respect to AKso^ the castle built by Drusus, in the second
jear before the birth of Christ, at the confluence of the Aliso and
the Lippe, according to the information of Dio Cassius, opinions are
80 far unanimous that it was situated upon the upper Lipp^y i^ot very
&r from the entrance of the Teutoburgian forest. The majority
again have decided for EUen^ near Paderbom, not far from the con-
fluence of the Alme and the Lippe; the most recent, rery careful
investigation of Ledebur, however, has raised it to the highest pro-
bability that Aliso lay in the present parish or district of Liesbam^
in the space which is formed between the junction of the Liese and
the Glenne, and that of the Glenne and the Lippe, near the reli-
gious foundation of Cappeln.
h. Arbalo — ^where Drusus was pressed hard by the Germans, upon
the frontiers of the country of the Cherusci, Sigambri, and Chatti,
was, very probably, between Nuhden and Gesecke, where the Haar
mountains gradually dwindle into the plains of the Hellweg, and
where in the Middle A^es a Cfau or district, Arpesfeld, was situated.
The syllable ending with lo in the name, implies & forest; Feld, in.
contradistinction to fFald, indicates old forest land made arable.
CSlofle to the lefk bank of the Weser, beyond the Dulgibini, dwelt
also the remaining smaller tribes of the confederation of me Cherusci ;
and on the opposite side of this river:
10. The CAtfnwci themselves, the most celebrated Germanic tribe
of ancient times, when in their most flourishing state. About the
period of the birth of Christ they possessed an extensive domain,
but of which it cannot be exactly stated how much was properly
their own hereditary land, and how much of the land belonged to
their more closely attached confederates, who are often called by the
Romans, off-hanaedly, Cherusci. This domain extended from the
Harz, its centre, eastward as far as the Saale and the Elbe, north-
ward nearly as fitr as the Aller, westward as far as the Weser, and
southward as far as the Werra and the Thurin^n forest. From
the time of Drusus to the generalship of Varus, m the twenty years
during which the Romans were almost settled in Lower Germany,
and weady spoke of a Roman province, the Cherusci were on
friendly terms with them; the sons of their princes entered the
Roman armies, Augustus had a German body guard, and all seemed
neaceable. But under Varus the Cherusci placed themselves at the
nead of almost all the tribes between the Rhine and the Weser; the
smaller tribes, particularly on the lefi bank of the Weser, united them-
selves with them, whom the Romans oflen called clients of the Cherusci,
naming them often absolutely Cherusci, whence has arisen the error
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
30 INTRODUCTION.
tliat the Cherufld dwelt cm haUx ades of the Weser. Later, when
Axxninius went forth against MarbodiiiB, the Lon^obardi and
Senmoni, their powerful neighbours in the East, united thanselres
with them. Butai^rthedeamof ArmininsthesaperiorityoftheCfae*
rusci diminished. Thejbecame enervated in a protracted state of inao-
tivity, and were by degrees so weakened bjthe Longobardi, Qiauciy
andQiatti tribes, that the shadow alone of their former greatness re-
mained. Once again only does their name appear as a oonstitu^it
poftkmoftheamfederstion of the Franks. PtcJemy mentions in their
domain Layia or Latpta^ now Eimbeck, CaOagri^ Halle on the Saale,
Brieurdium, Erfurt.
With the Cherusd sank also dieir confederates, tiz.:
11. The Fast on the Fuse, (x Brunswick of the present day,
12. The Angrioari, on both sides of the Weser, below Minden,
the neightx>ui8 and faithful eonlederates of the Chauei, with whom
thej aj^pear again later as a constituent portion of the Saxon con-
federation under the name of JSngem. The Saxon district on the
Weser was called Angaria. •
13. The Chauei dweh on the BaMc, from the estuary of the
Ems to &e Elbe, surrounding the Weser, bj whidi they were di-*
Tided into the greater and the lesser classes.* PHn j, who had per-
sonallj Tisited their country, sketches a mdkncho^r picture of the in-
habitants on the coast : ^' The ocean, twice a day," he says, " orerfiowB
an extensive district, and produces a constant contest in nature, so that
we must continue doubtful whether to call this part land or sea.
The miserable natives dwell upon the hilb of the coast, or rather
heaps of earth, thrown up by the hand upon the margin of the
highest side. They dwell there at flood tiae like maxiners, and at
its ebb like shipwrecked beings. The fish driven hither by the sea
they catch with nets of reeds and sea-grass. Th^ have no cattle, and
do not, like their neighbours, feed upon milk. They are not allowed
even to hunt for game, for not a shrub grows near tnem. The turf,
secured by hand, they dry more in the air than in the sun, where-
with to cook their food, and thereby to warm their bowels frozen by
the north wind. They have no otner drink than rain wata, pre-
served in holes; and yet had these tribes been conquered by the
Romans, they would nave called themselves slaves V* Tacitus, on
the contrary, who had more in view the extensive tribe of the Chauei
in the interior of the cotmtry , celebrates them as the most consider-
able tribe of the Grermans, peaceably minded and yet warlike and
valiant. They were long the faithM allies of the Romans, who fre-
quently traversed their country, against the tribes on the more central
Weser, probably emanating m an original feud with the Qierusci.
Indeed, mthe reign of Nero th^ pressed hard upon the Wehrmanni
* Their name appears to liaTebeea denred from the naitiixe of tiior ooBntEj;
kauketiy quaketij means, in the vnlgar language, to quake; and the marahj ground
of the ooontiy quakes imder the feet Quakenbruch still retains the original de-
TiniininatiftH>
Digitized by
Google
INTRODUCTION. 31
of the Cheraaciaxi aUiance — ^the Anaibaxians, and spread themselves
80 tax towarda -the south, that Tacitus makes them eren ezt^id as
in as the Chatti. In the third century they devastated Gaul in the
Xof ihe Smperor Didius JulianuSy and at last thej disappear
ike oonfederate name of Saxons.
Ptolemy m/entioiis some of the towns of l^e Chanei: Tuderhtm^
pnibably Meppene; TkuHphmrduMj Veiden; JPhabiranum^ Bremen.
orBiEevieiiLTOTdeT; X«»pAaaa, Luneborg, and others.
14. The Frimi^ (Xi the Baltic, ficom the months of the Rhine,,
to the Ems, alkieB of the Romans in the Gvecnan wars. In the
famtk aaiid. fif^ centimes thej again appear in the Saxon alii-
laee, aik&eireakenibark with these for Bzitam.* The Romans call the
idand Boxkom, Bwrehama^ and Ameland, Austeraxiay on their
tQaaty toid in their country: Fletam or Flammy on the DoUart.
ISL The SaxanSj afterwards so important, are first mentioned by
¥lokemy in the middle of the second oentory as inhabitants of the
' DRsettt Holfiteuu They were skilful sailors, and in the fourth and
fifidi centmiea became dreaded £rom their piracies. Tadtns and
IKnj do not name them, probably because they comprise them
under the name of Cimbri. We shall speak further on of the con«-
fedenitiain they founded and eaUed hj their name.
16. The Cimbri remained for many centuries after their sreat
irmplioin, with which our history b^ins, still in their old dwemng-
^aoe, called the Cimbrian peninmih, styled the present Jutland;
Strabo expressly says, '^ they still dwelt in their old seat."t
Betvreen the Saxon and Suevic septs is found one of the most
lemaikable of the German tribes, which appears to belong to neither
fliide ; «tr..
The Chatii or KaUij in high probability the Hessians of the
piisaimt day (Chatten, Chassen, Hessen). They frequently came in
contact with the Romans, up<Hi whom they bordered, and are ofben
named by them. Caesar himself even knew them, for the Suevi,
against whom he de&nded the Ubeiians, and whom he threatened
by his paamge across the Rhine, must, according to the locality of
the dwelling-pkce, have been the Chatti. They even then, probably
belonged to the great Suevic confederation. Tacitus, on the con-
tnuy, expressly separates them from the Suevi, and we may, therefore,
most i^htly consider them as a self-dependent tribe, forming a
separation between the two great tribes, the Suevi and Saxons. At
the time of these great wars under Augustus, their country was
of^ visited by the Romans; but in the age of Tacitus, after the
entire reduction of the Gherusci, their domain seems to have
acqubed its greatest esctent, for they spread themselves from the
neighbourhood of Hanau, and where they bordered upon the Roman
tithe-land beyond the Spessart and the mountains of the Rhine as fir
* Pkooop.CkitIi,iy.SO. ^ Qeogr.yiL,^l
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
32 INTRODUCTION*
as the Thuringian forest, and towards the south-west as &r as the
Franconian Saale, then towards the north, somewhat beyond the
country where the Werra and Fulda join, and north-west as &r as
the heights of the Wester forest.
Tacitus celebrates the Chatti especially for their valour and pru-
dent management of war. Their in£mtry was the best of all the
Gisrmans. They were more accustomed than all the rest to disci-
5 line and order, and knew how to form defensiye camps; besides,
ley were larce-formed, powerM, and fearless, and their warlike
glance was intmiidatin^. ^^ They can all fight," says Tacitus, ** but
le Chatti alone know how to conduct a war; and what is very rare
in savage nations, they depend more upon their leader than upon
the army. Gi>od fortune thetf reckon amorist the casualy valour
amongst the certain thxngs^^ Their youths allowed their hair and
beard to ^row long, and the^ wore an iron rinff upon their arm, the
sign of mmority, until a slain enemy proved meir manliness; over
wnose body, and captured arms, they freed their &ce from the
abimdance of hair, and onl^ then first boasted of having paid the
reward for their tenure of life, and of being worthy of their father-
land and ancestors.
At a later period the Chatti joined the extensive confederation of
the Franks.
The ancient metropolis of the Chatti was Mattium^ which many
consider to be Marburg; but it is probably the present village
Maden^ near Gudensber^, on the river Eder.
The Matttaci^ a brancn of the Chatti, which, in the expeditions
of Drusus and Germanicus, appear only under this latter name, but
by Tacitus are called by their individual name, dwelt between the
Lahn and the Maine, as fitr as the Rhine, therefore in the present
Nassau. The Romans located themselves very early in their country,
constructed defences upon the Taurus mountains, and treated the
Matdaci as a conquered tribe. In the revolt of Civilis they took
a part, and invested Mentz. Subsequently, their name disappears,
and the AUemanni occupy their land. Pliny mentions warm springs
here, which he calls Pontes Matiaci^ doubtless Wiesbaden, where
many remains of Roman buildings, baths, &c., have been found; and
Arctaunum^ the Roman fort upon the heights near Homburg, of
which traces are yet extant. Ptolemy names also Mattiacum, pro-
bably the present Marburg.
SUBVIC TRIBES.
1. The Semnoni are called by Tacitus the most ancient and con-
siderable among the Suevi ; and Ptolemy fixes their seat between the
Elbe and the Oder, in the southern part of Brandenburg, and in
the Lausitz as far as the Bohemian firontiers. It is said that in
their country the sanctuary of the confederation was a holy grove,
wherein the confederate sacrifices were solemnized. They, conse-
quently, appear to have stood, in more ancient times, in peculiar re-
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
INTRODUCTIOK. 33
gizd among all the Suevic tribes. After the second centuiy of the
Chnsdan era, however, theb name does not again occur in the an-
oils of history ; of the causes for this disappearance, we are ignorant.
2. The Longobardiy few in number, but the most warlike of all
tlie Suevi. They dwdt, when history first becomes acquainted with
tiiem, about the periodof the birth of Christ, westward from themiddle
Elbe, opposite the Semnoni in the Alt-Mark and Liineburg districts,
where the name of the city, Bardewik, the villages of Barleben and
Bartensleben, and the Bardengau, still preserve their recollection.
Iliey thence spread to the eastern banks of the Elbe, as far as the
HaTeL Under Arminius, they fought against Marbodius, but subse-
qnently they assisted towazdsthe reduction of the Cherusci, who appear
to have been, for a period, in a certain degree of dependancy on them.
Ptoleny gives them, in the second centuiy, a very extensive do-
laain, fiom the Elbe over the countrv of the Cherusci, the Tubanti,
md Maiai, as far as the Rhine. They may possibly, if Ptolemy's
lelation be true, have made successful, but short invasive expeditions,
ffistory then becomes silent concerning them, until towards the end
of the fifth century, when they appear upon the Danube, in Hun-
euy; and in the sixth, they establish their kingdom in Italy. They
aenved their name, according to their ancient legend (as handed down
of king Rothari), from their long beards, but according to others,
fwffli &dr HeUebarden or Halberts; more probably, however, from
th^ dwellinff-place, on the borders of the Elbe, where a tract of
land is still cfuled the lonff Barde, or firuitful plain. Ptolemy names
Metittum among them, perhaps the present Magdeburg.
3. Northwards firom the Lonffobardi and Semnoni, m the present
Lauenbuig, Mecklenburg, and Pommerania, dwelt, accorcUng to
Tadtus, the Suevic tribes of the Varini, Anffeli, Reudingi^ Avioni,
Eudagit Suardanif and Ntdthoni; but Httle known or remarkable. We
nave already referred to their common worship of the goddess Nerthus.
Ihe name of the Varini reminds us of the river Vame, in Meck-
lenburg; and, indeed, Ptolemy mentions, in their domain, a series of
towns, which, according to his geographical determination, are com-
pnaed in the district on the north of the Elbe, from Hamburg as
w as the estuary of the Vame. Hamburg itself appears under the
J^me of Marunds ; Liibeck under that of Marioms Altera. Loci-
S?""* may be Wismar, and AKstuSy Schwerin.
The AngeKj neighbours of the Varini, appear later in union with
% Saxons, with whom they seem to have joined themselves, in the
vicinity of Silesia and upon the neighbouring islands ; thenin England,
^hich has preserved their name nobly down to the present day.
On the coasts of the Baltic, extending farther towards the east,
Tacitus names a series of tribes, which he refers to the Suevic
^« Perhaps we may recognize in them a third, namely, the
^^^0^, and we therefore quit, for the present, that direction, to
tamoQtselves towards the undisputed Suevic tribes in the interior
w Germany. Here first we meet :
P Digitized by Google
34 INTRODUCTION.
4. The Hermtmduri. The infonnatioii of the dwelling-places of
this tribe, which, besides, is named by almost all the writers who
mention the Germans, from Yell, raterculus to Dio CassiuB
(with the exception of Ptolemy), is very contradictory, but which ma^^,
perhaps, be owing to their fre<^uent cmange of locality. Tacitus is
aequamted with wem as the friends and neighbours of the Romans
on the northern shore of the Danube, whence they stood with the
Romans in a peaceful commercial intercourse, namely, in the capital
of RhoBtia, Augusta VmdeUcorum^ Augsburg, and ne makes tnera
contend with theChatd, on the Francoman Saale, for the possession of
the salt springs, so that their domain, consequently, stretched between
the Danube and the Maine, across the present Franconia. They had
arrived here about the time of the Christian era, when the Marco-
manni, under Marbodius, were moving towards Bohemia. They
were received by the Roman general, Domitius .£nobarbus. Thence
arose their frienaship with the Romans. They probably dwelt, pre-
viously) farther north-eastward, in the Franconian and Bohemian
mountains, as far as the Elbe. The Hermunduri, from the middle
of the second century^ appear only under the collective name of
Suevi; and it is they, probably, who, carrying it farther to the
south-west) have preserved and brought it down to the present day
under the name of Swabians.
Ptolemy mentions, in the present land of Franconia, Segodunum^
perhaps Wiirzburg; Bergium^ Bamberg; Menotgada, Baireuth, &c.
6. The Nariskij in the Upper Pftlatmate, between the Hermun-
duri and the Marcomanni.
6. The Marcomanni^ the most important of the southern Suevic
tribes, or perhaps, more properly, the advanced Wehrmannei of the
Suevic confederation against the Gkuls, and later, against the Ro-
mans—thence called mark or frontier-men— guarded tne boundaries
of Grermany between the Rhine, the Maine, and the Danube. Upon
the increasmg weakness of the Grauls, they endeavoured to make
conquests in the country of their enemies. Ariovistus was, accord-
ing to all probability, a Marcoman. History will inform us how
about the commencement of the Christian era, they, under Mar-
bodius, advanced, in front of the Romans, towards Bohemia; and
how, subsequently, they became the terriiSc enemies of the latter.
Their name disappears m the miction, probably merging in that
of the Suevi, under which collective name theymay have wandered,
with other Suevic tribes, to Spain.
7. The Quadif the most south-eastern Suevic tribe, seated upon
the Danube, in Austria and Moravia, as far as the river Gran, in
Hungary, where they joined the Sarmatian tribe of the Jasygi.
They lived in peace with the Romans until the great Marcomanmc
war, under Mark Aurelius, in which they took a share. From this
time they always remained the enemies ot the Romans. In the fifth
century, their name likewise disappears, and merges in that of the
Suevi, among whom they are agam mentioned inl^ain. Ptolemy
jitizedbydOOgle
INTRODUCTION. 35
nunes many towns in their country, as a ereat commercial road led
from CtarnrntuMy Pressburg, through the land of the Quadi, and by
this means conveyed life and spirit mto it. We name only Phurfft-
satiSj Coridorffisj sad Philecia, probably Znaim, Briinn, ana Olmlitz.
8. Behind these, towards the east, ancient writers mention the
names of many other tribes, without, however, giving more particular
infbrmataon about them, or even being able to state precisely that
they were of German origin. Thus it is with the Gbthini and Osi,
in tlie mountains which bolder upon Moravia and Bohemia, running
towuds Upper Silesia, of whom Tacitus himself says, that the for*
mer spoke tlie Gallic, and the latter the Pannonian, accordingly, the
Sarmalian tongue.
The Marsmffi^ are mentioned by Tacitus alone ; according to whom,
their dwelling place seems to have occupied a portion of Lower Silesia,
eastwards from the Riesengebirge. It is, however, doubtftil whe-
ther the Marwingi of Tacitus were not a branch of the Vandals. In
the disbict of the abovementioned tribes, belong many of the names of
towns which occur in Ptolemy; viz., Stremntaj in the vicinity of
Neiflse; Quurgit^ in that of Glatz.
9. Thei^^', a powerful union of tribes in the eastern portion of
Sileflia, and m that part of Poland which is inclosed by the elbow
of tlie Vistula, from its source as &r as Bromberg. Tacitus con-
sdeis them, perhaps rightly, as Suevi, although their manners
and mode of life partake much of that of their savage Sarmatian
neighbours, on which account several modem historians class them
wil^ the Sclavonic tribes. They belonged, when we first hear of
them, to Marbodius' confederation of tribes, and their alliance with
the Maicomanni and Hermunduri, seems to have continued even
much later. In the third century, they appear with the Buigundians
on the Rhine, and are defeated by the Emperor Probus.* The chief
stem, however, i^ch remained behind, probably attached itself
at the time of the great migration, to the Goths, the name being no
kofier mentioned.
Among the Lygian tribes, Tacitus names the Ari, the Hdve*
coni, Manimi, Elysi, and Naharvali; his Buri also, which he does
not join to the Lygian union, belonged probably to it; thev dwelt
at the sources of the Oder and the vistuk. Tacitus describes the
Ari as the most powerful, but also the most savace of the Lygians.
They painted theur shields black, coloured their bodies, selected dark
nights for their battles, and excited terror in their enemies by the fear-
ful and almost infernal appearance of their ghastly, death-hke ranks.
In the country of the NakarvaU^ there was a sacred grove, where-
in a youthful pair of twins, similar to Castor and Pollux, were wor-
shipped under the name of Aldus, and were attended by a priest in
feinale ndmentt
The whole domain of the JElysi^ who dwelt probably in Silesia,
I i, 67.
t IWituscaUsittiieSaiictaaiyordeityAlcu, probably the QoihicAlfaf, t
jj 2 jitizedbyVjOOQlC
36 INTRODUCTION.
and perhaps gave its name to the principality of Oek, was certainly
traversed oy a Roman commercial road, which is proved by the
many Roman coins that have been, and still continue to be found
buried there in the earth.
In the great Lygian domain, Ptolemy mentions many names oF
towns ; among others, Budorgisy probably Ratibor ; Lygidunum^
Liegnitz; Caligia^ Kalisch, &c.
10. The Goths. Tacitus, who only knew the Suevi and non-
Suevi among the German tribes, considers this tribe also, which he
calls Goths, as Suevi. Pliny, on the contrary, who makes a fivefold
division of the tribes, regards them as belonging to the stem of
the Windili, namely, to that of the Vandals. Tliat the tribes of this
stem dwelt, collectively, in the extreme east of ancient Germany, these
two, as well as the rest of the ancient authors who mention theirnames,
are in opinion unanimous. Later history finds many of these tribes
likewise in combination, or, at least, actmg under the same impulses
and towards the same piurpose ; and it was by them that the first grand
blow was struck against the Roman colossus. If, therefore, nothing
decided can be said upon these obscure relations, to the elucidation of
which the light of history is wholly wanting, it will not be objection-
able, but rather contribute to the easier survey of this manifold mix-
ture, if we here collect these tribes together, as belonging, probably,
to a third chief stem, allied to the Suevi, which, with Phny, we may
call the Vand<diany or, according to the title of the later principal
tribe, the Gothic branch.
a. The true Goths, or Gothcnes, were known to Pytheas, about
the year 300 before the birth of Christ, on the Amber-coast, near
the estuary of the Vistula. Tacitus places them beyond the Lygi,
therefore still on the Vistula, but no longer extending to the sea;
for on the coast he names the Rugi and the Lemovi. Ptolemy,
nearly fifty years later, places them hkewise on the Vistula, in the
intenor of the coustrjr, and mentions, by name, the Venedi, or
Wendi upon the coast. We may thence conclude that, even at this
period, the great movement of the Wendian and Sclavonian nations,
from the north-east towards the south-west, had already commenced,
whereby the Germans were impelled forward in the same direction.
At the beginning of the third century, we already find the Goths
again farther southward, namely, in Dacia, where they fixed them-
selves. At this time, also, they appear divided into two great
branches, the Ostro-Goths and Westro-Goths, or East and West-
Goths. Their progress and fate, at the time of the great migration,
will be further related in the history itself.
As sinffle tribes, the Gepidi, Mosogothi, Therwingi and Greuthungi
are named as branches of the Gothic stem, upon whose aflSmity and
position towards each other a variety of opinions are still maintained.
b. The Bnrffundians are placed by Pliny at the head of the Van-
dal stem, but they are not named by Tacitus. Ptolemy points out
as their dwclling-pkcc the country between the Oder and Vistula,
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
INTRODUCTION. 37
riere the Netze and iihe Warthe flow. Driven by the Gepidi from
lias district, a portion of them turned towards the north and located
tkonselves upon the island Bomhohn (Burganda-hohn) between
Sweden and Denmark ; but the greater portion drew oflF to the south*
west, attacked Graul, were beaten back by the Emperor Probus, dwelt
ioTi space of time in the vicinity of the Maine, then upon the upper
Bliine, and received from the Koman governor, Aeldus, at the oe-
pming of the fifth century, a dwelling-place in the south-east of
Gaul, where their name still continues. In their ancient domain
ftolCTay names the city Ascaucalis, where Bromberg now exists.
c. The Htiffi axe placed by Tacitus on the Baltic ; he attaches close
to them the Lemovi, who are mentioned by no one else, and who
4) not even a^in appear in the great migration. The name of the
Ku^ survives in the island of Riigen and some neighbouring places
Tacitus does not enumerate them among the tribes who took part in
Ae Nerthus worship on the isle of RUgen; but it was, perhaps, after
^ age of Tacitus that they spread themselves so wide towards the
west, and gave its name to the island Riigen, with which he was un-
acquainted. At the lime of the great migration they appear in the
army of Attila, when he advanced against the Gauls; after his death
they settled themselves upon the northern banks of the Danube in
Austria and Hungary, which coimtry was called Rugiland; and,
^^^^7 afterwards, Odoacer, king of the Heruli, Rugi, Sciri, and
Turciiingi (he being sometimes called by one and sometimes by the
other of these titles, although by birth a Scirian), came forth and des-
troyed, in the year 476, the west Roman empire. The said four named
tribes were, according to all probability, closely allied, originatinff from
the vicinity of the Baltic, between the Vistula and the Oder ; and who,
*«tt several separations and a variety of adventures, of which isolated
^tices occur in history, are again found united under Odoacer. The
BeniUans are, next to the Ruri, the most remarkable. They ap-
^r as a portion of the great iangdom of the Ostro-Gothic ting,
nemanrich, and form, after Attila's death, a powerful empire on the
^ks of the Danube, at last vanishing on oifferent sides, after en-
^untering the most adventurous fortunes.* A portion seems to have
^ited itself into a nation with the Bojoarians or Bavarians.
i The Vandah appear as an individual tribe in Dio Cassius only,
who calls the Riesengebirge the Vandalian mountains, whence the
l^be has its source, and we indeed find upon its north-east side the
onoinal dwelling-place of the Vandalian tribes. We have already
noticed that the Wendili race of Pliny is the Vandalian, and that
^^\^ speaks really of the Vandalian as received by some others;
«ter writers expressly say, that the Vandals were of the same stem as
^ Goths, had a similar appearance, the same laws and institutions.
^i^eBhaU further relate their history at the period of the migration.
Tacitus does not allow his country of the Suevi to end with the
*^^^^ of the Baltic only, as far as the estuary of the Vistula, but
• Procop.de belL Goth. iL, 11 and 12. ^ j
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
88 INTRODUCTION.
oonv^ Ilia readers to the iEstyi, on the Amber coasto. They,
accordiiig to their xnannen and dress, were Suevi, but approach^
nearer to the Britons by their language. They zealously iniltiYBted
grain, and collected amber, which they called hesum (glass), and
receiyed with astonishment the high price Roman luxury ofiered
for it. Tacitus describes amber yery distinctly and rightly.
12. Also, on the other side of the Baltic, in the present Sweden,
according to him, are found Sueyi, yiz.: the Suioni. ^^ Equally
strong," says Tacitus, '* by their fleets as by their men and arms,
kings rule oyer them widi unlimited power. Beyond the Suioni
th^ is another sea, calm and almost motionless. It is belieyed
that this sea limits the earth, &om the circumstance that the last
d;^g splendour of the settmg sun continues until its rise, and so
bri^ntly, that it obscures the stars." Thus it is evident that they
haa intelligence of the Polar circle. Tacitus also seems to hint at
the great northern lights, by citing the tradition that particular rays
are seen in the skies, and tones heard at the same tune. To the
Suioni are attached the races of the Sitom, oyer whom a woman
reigns. *^ Thus fitr," says Tacitus, '* they are not only degenerated
from freedom, but fedlen into slavery. Here is the end of the Suevi.'*
That the Swedes are of German origin, may be considered as de-
cided, and that they were closely related to the Goths is extremely
probable. The name of the island Gbtland, and many other names
m Sweden, corroborate this. The Gothic historian, Jordanis, de*
scribes the Goths as having migrated and shipped themselves direct
fix>m Scandia (Scandinavia, the general name given by the ancients
to the northern countries), and settled on the banks of the Vistula.
But what he states assumes more the form of heroic tradition than
a history of his peonle; and it may be received as equally correct,
that the Goths passea over to Sweden from our coasts.
TRANS-RHENISH TRIBES. .
In the west, the Rhine was not properly the boundary of the
German tribes, but many of them had passed over it already, before
the period of the birth of Christ, and had located themselves on its
lefl bank. To these belonged :
1. The Vanffioni, the Nemeti^ and the Tribady in the district on
the left bank of the Rhine from Bingen, below Mentz, as far as
Breisach. In their domain are many towns, which either owe their
origin or enlargement to the Romans; viz., Mongiaitiacwn^ Mentz,
an ancient Game city in the country of the Vangioni; under the
Romans an important citadel. Already, in the year 70 after the
birth of Christ, the 22d legion, which, on returning from the con-
quest of Jerusalem, was quartered in this place, brought with them
probably, and introduced Christianity there. Banconica^ Oppen-
heim ; Borhetomagua^ Worms ; Nomomagus^ chief seat of the Nemeti,
Spires; Tabemaj Rheinzabern; Argentorahany Strasburg, iq the
country of the Triboci, containing the chief arsena^ throughout Gaul.
Digitized by CjOOQIC
INTRODnCTION. 30
2. Tlie Ubi dwelt earlier on the light bank of the Bhine, but
vere bo liard piessed by the Suevi, that they applied to JuliuB
Gnsar for help, and after he had procured them peace for a «bort
time, they allowed themselyes, in the year 36 before the birth of
Chiiafc, to be tranaplanted to the left bank by the Roman general Yu^
fomuM Affrippa. They were always the faithful allies of the Bo^
mana. lElieiT country commenced at the confluence of the Nahe
with llie Rhine, and here was founded Bingiune^ Bingen, the first
seat of their domain; further, Bimtobrioe^ Boppart; Coi^uewUt^
Cobknts; Antunnacum^ Andernach; Bonna, Boim; on the oppoBite
ade, as a bridge head or sconce, built by Drusus, was estabushed
Gemnda^ the present village Geusen; Cohrnia Agrippma^ Cologne, %
diief city of the Bomans on the Bhine, named after the daughter
of Gennaiiicus, and consort of the emperor Claudius, Agrippina, who
was bom in thos city of the Ubi, ana in the year 50, after the lirth
of Christ, sent hither a colony of veterans in order to distinguish
her birth-place. Constantine also caused a bridge to be built here
overthenver, the remains of which are still to be seen at low wateri
on the light side was Divitia^ the present Deutz, the bridge head.
Nocesium^ Neuss; Gelduba^ (often named by the Bomans), the
preaait village Gelb, near the little town of TJerdingen.
3. The Gtifferm, northwards from the Ubi, commencing not far
itoax Geldtibaj down the Rhine to where the Waal divides itself from
it. Places: AMcUmrgium^ Asburg, near Meurs; V^^a (caatra)^
Xanticn or Buderich, opposite Wescl.
4. Hie Batavi and Canninefatij both of the Chattic race were»
sooording to Tacitus, driven uom their country hj a revolt, and
settled themselves near the mouth of the Bhine, in that part of
the land surrounded by water, which was called the island of the
Batavians. They were allies of the Bomans until they revolted
imder Civilis in the year 70, after the birth of Christ. In thei?
domain lay Lvgdunum^ Leyden; Ultnyectum^ Utrecht | NovUh
maguMf Nimwegen.
Besides these tribes there were several others in the Trans-Bhenish
countries who had fonuer ly wandered thither, and were still proud of
their German origin, as if the celebrity of their race separated them
from a connexion with, and a resemblance to the weak and cowardly
Gauls. The chief among them were the Treviri, with the capital
Augusta Trevirarum, the present Treves, the most important city
of the Boman empire in our northern countries; and the Nervi^
between the Meuse and the Scheldt
The south of the Danube was no longer inhabited by the pure Ger-
man tribes, but such as had become mixed with Gallic and other
emigrants. The Danube may be considered as the boundarv of Ger-
many at that period, and the Boman provinces on its soutnem side
from 3witzer]and to beyond Carinthia, and Camiola, were called:
Helvetia, BbeUa, Vindelicia, Noricum and Pannonia.
Digitized by
Google
40 INTRODUCTION.
BOMAN TITHELAND.
But more important for the ancient geography of our country is
the consideration of the southern part of Germany, from the Rhine
downwards beyond the Maine, according to others still further north.-
wardsy and which was called the Roman titheland, {agii decumates^.
From these districts the Germans, pressed hard by the superiority of
the Romans, who threatened them from the Rhine and the Danube,
had retired more and more into the interior — amongst the rest the
Marcomanni especially — and the Romans considering the land now
as a portion of tneir own provinces, allowed Gallic and other colonists
to cultivate it, upon the payment of a tithe. Thence the country
which was now considered as a frontier or foreland against the barba-
rians, received its Roman name ; and as such it was already known to
Tacitus. To secure it from the predatory irruptions of the Germans,
a long line of fortresses, walls, ditches, walls with towers, and other
defences, were by degrees constructed, the traces whereof by un-
wearied research have been discovered in the whole of the south
and middle of Germany, so that we are enabled to follow these
Roman frontier-defences almost uninterruptedly.
Their commencement is foimd in consideraole remains of defen-
sive works, three miles beyond Ratisbon, near the influx of the
Altmiihl into the Danube. The intrenchment, weU known to the
natives under the name of the Devil's Wall and the moat of piles,
runs from here, for twelve miles iminterruptedly, towards the north-
west, sometimes raised three or four feet above the ^und, then
again south-west and west into Wurtemberg, in the vicini^ of the
Neckar, and at the distance of some miles from this river constantly
northward, as far as the Oden forest. This wall was built of a stone
found in the earth near the spot, and at every half leamie was almost
regularly provided with towers. If here and there perhaps the traces
of the fine have become indistinct, we soon again meet yrith them
more perfect In the Oden forest we only discover the ruins of solitary
towers more distinctly marked; and it is highly probable that here,
where there was such an abundance of wood, Siey were connected by a
fence of piles, or a row of pallisades, all traces of which have
naturally disappeared. But if we follow the remains of these isolated
fortifications, we find at last that near Obemburg and eastward fix)m
AschafFenburg, the line joins on the Maine, alter it has completed
from the Danube onwards a distance of nearly two hundred miles.
Northward from the Maine, the traces of the line are very slirfit,
yet it traverses Hanau and Darmstadt, to the north of the Nidda,
where the moat of piles begins to be a^ain visible, and runs past Butz-
bach towards Honiburg. Here lies the Salburg, probably the fort or
citadel of Arctaunum, erected by Drusus on the Taunus mountains.
In this part the frontier wall is twenty feet high, and closed in by
trees as old as the forest itself. It runs over the whole of the
Taunus mountains, then through the latter on the right bank of the
Digitized by
Google
INTRODUCTION, 41
Bhuie, as far as the EmB, and ihence again over moimtain and through
fofiesl to the neighbourhood of Neuwied. Its traces are lost be-
lund the Seven mountains. This Roman boundary line extended no
doabt, as far as the Sieg, near Siegburg, perhaps also still farther
noidiwaids. Tiberius, at least, according to Tacitus, built a border
waU/fijiief , also in the Gesarean forest; but no trace of any connexion
between this and the southern defences has been discovered. It is
dear that even imder the later emperors, the defensive works were
OHistantly being extended, imtil the repeated irruptions of the Al-
lemaunic hordes destroyed them. At the commencement of the
fourth century the Allemanni were in possession of the former'
TitheJand.
As Roman colonies within the boimdary line of defences, besides
those in the north already mentioned, the f oUoyring are further cited :
1. CasteUum VakjUmiani^ in the neighbourhood of Manheim.
2. CwUoB AureUa A^punsis^ called also merely Aqua, the present
B«den; it is not cited, it is true, in Roman authors, but from mscrip-
tioDB that have been found, it is at least clear that a Roman gar-
lison and baths were here, already at the end of the second century.
3. Tarodunumf near Friburg, in Breisgau, where the Mark or
boundary, Zarten, is still found.
4. Ara Fkaria^ Rotweil, together with several others. The
wbole titheland is full of the remains of Roman buildings, forts,
dtadels, and temples, bridges, streets, towers, pillars, and baths.
Digitized by
Google
THE MOBE MCIENT GEBMAN EESTORT.
FIRST PERIOD.
PBOH THB HOfT ANdEHT TZXXB TO THE OONQinESTS OF THX ntANKS UKDKB CL07IB,
486 A-D.
CHAPTER L
B. C. 113—6, ▲. D.
The CHmbri and Tentoni, llS-101 aa— Caaiar and AriOTistua, 68 iuc.«-^iiliua Csaar
on the Rhine— Commencement of the great Gennan Wara— Dnuus in German/
— Marbodius, King of the Marcomanni.
The Roman and Greek writers who give information upon this
period of our history, have ahreadj been mentioned at the commence-
ment of the Introduction. In addition to those, we may include
here the subsequent chronicles of Prosper and his continuators, Marius
especially, Idacius and Marcellinus, which are collected together
by Roncallius, in his " Vetustiora Latinorum Chronica," 2 vols.
Further, is to be named Beda Venerabilis, a very learned English
monk, who died in the year 735, and who has left behind him a chro-
nicle," De Sex ^tatibus Mundi," to 726, and a ** Hist. Eccles. Grentis
An^licansB." Finally, we have likewise collected largely, for this
eaxher epoch, from Jordanis, who will be referred to m the second
period.
Efforts have been made to trace back the signs of migrations and
contests of German tribes on Roman and Greek ground to very early
times, and especially to the invasion of the Grauls imder Brennus
into Italy in the year 389 B. C, and the incursion of the Gauls
again, imder a second Brennus, through Thracia and Macedonia,
as &r as Delphi, in the year 278, as referring to German tribes
from the vicmity of the Alps. But these indications are much
too obscure and fragmentary, and to pursue the inquiry would pro-
duce no essential contribution towards a knowledge of our national
records. We shall therefore commence the running thread of our
history, after, as before, with the incursion of the Gmbri and Teutoni.
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
THE CIMBRI AND TEUTONI. 4S
It waB in the year 113 B.C. that a wild and unknown tribe eroMied
the Danube, and appeared upon the Alps, where the Romans
raaided the passes into Itdy. In this same year they defeated the
Aoman consul Papirius CSurbo, who commanded the army here,
near Noreja, in the mountains of the present Styria. Garbo had
proved treacherous to them, for upon their request to remain on
ineEidly terms yrith him, he had provided ihem with false guides,
who led them astray among the mountains, whilst he advanced by
a shorter road and tell unexpectedly upon them. For this breach of
&ith they punished him severely, and he and all his troops would
have been utterly destroyed had not a heavy storm intervened and
asBSted his flight
No one knew whence these fearftil hordes originally came; they
called themsdves, according to the accoimt of the Romans, Cvmbri
and Teutonic Upon collecting together the isolated narratives of
wTiterB, it appears that the CSimbri had already, for a length of time,
been wandermg about, and had fought yrith many nations, especially
with the jBoi, and now, quitting tne Danube, appeared upon the
Roman frontiers. Whether they are to be considered as collective
tribes intuit upon migrating, or only as troops of warriors seeking
adventures (as was subsequently the practice of the Suevic warriors
under Ariovistus), or, forming themselves by degrees into one entire
mass by the junction of women and children, they required a country
wherein to settle, we cannot, owing to the deficiency of precise in-
formation, positively decide. If the Cimbri, as is the general opinion,
proceeded from the Cimbrian peninsula, so called bjr the Ei)mans,
but which now is the present Jutland, it is very certain that only a
portion of the tribe could 'have left it, as it was still occupied by that
tribe at a much later period. But if the name Kimber, as others have
surmised, implied merely Kdmpfer, fighters, (Kamper, Strenuus),
they may then have belonged to other (%rman tribes, probably to the
Suevi. Opinions likewise differ upon the name of the Teutoni. Some
believe it was not the name of an individual tribe, but that the Ro-
mans, hearing that these Cimbri were Teuten or Teutones, imagined
that they had a second tribe to contend ¥rith, which they called
Teutoni. According to the opinion of others, the Teutoni were
wanderers of several tribes between the Vistula and the Elbe, who,
urged forward by the eruption of the CSmbri from their northern
peninsula, formed themselves into an individual horde, and called
themselves Teuten, or Teutones, the collective name of all the German
races. Others fix the home of the Teutoni in the northern Scandi-
navia, in favour of which their iron armour appears to say xnuch
already. But we shall follow the accounts of the ancient writers,
who always name the Teutoni as an individual tribe, and remind us
that Pytheas had already, more than three hundred years B.C., heard
the name of the Teutom on our northern coasts.
After the Cimbri had fought near Noreia, they advanced
through the fruitful district that lies between the Danube and the
Digitized by VJjOOQIC
44 THE CIMBRI AND TEUTON!.
Alps, towards southem Gaul^ wliich appears originally to have beeii
the aim of their exertions, and many tnbes fix>m Germany, Gaul, and
Switzerland, strengthened their numbers, particularly the Ambroni
from the Emmegau, and the Tigurini (Zurichers), a valiant tribe at
the foot of the Alps. They demanded a country from the Romans,
for which they promised military assistance for every war. The Ro-
mans, however, refused their request, when they determined to obtain
by valour and the sword what they could not acquire by treaty.
Four Roman armies, one after the other, were defeated ana almost
annihilated by them amd their confederates — the first under the
consul Junius Silanus, the second under the consul Cassius Longinus,
who fell in the battle, the third under the legate AureUus Scaurus,
who was taken prisoner. When he was brought before the council
of the Germans, in order to give them intelligence respecting the
passage over the Alps, he advised them to forego their intention, call-
ing ihe Romans imconquerable. Angered at this, a young German
pnnce> Bojorix, stood lorth and struck Scaurus to the ground with
his sword.
The Romans, who already thought of conquering the whole earth,
but saw themselves now defeated by a horde whose name they scarcely
knew, collected together another large army, under the consul Marcus
Manlius, and sent it to the assistance of the consul Scipio; whose le-
gate, Scaurus, had just been vanquished. But envy and dissension
existed between the generals, and the Germans taking advantage of
this, gave such battle to this large army, that 80,000 of the Romans
and their allies were left dead upon the field, with 40,000 of their
slaves. Manlius fell with his two sons, but Scipio escaped, with, it
is said, but ten men. This day was, henceforth, consiaered by the
Romans as one of the most imlucky in their calendar, and the city
of Rome, as well as the whole country were seized with such a panic
that in Rome for a very long time after, any uncommon alarm was
called, a " Cimbrian panic" The enemy, however, did not take ad-
vantage of this opportunity, the reason for which neglect is not known ;
but, instead of advancing upon Italy, they turned aside towards the
south of France and Spain, and gave the Romans time to recover
themselves.
- The Romans possessed but one man who still sustained their hopes,
this was Caius Marius, a rude, proud man, but a valiant wamor.
He was of low origin, and had raised himself by his talents alone;
he was, therefore, hated by the patricians, but they were obliged, in
opposition to all hitherto followed rules and against the laws, to make
him consul several years in succession, in order that he might free
them £rom their terrific German foes.
Marius collected his army and conducted it over the Alps towards
Gaul, as far as the river Rhodanus (the Rhone), and formed there a de-
fenfflve camp. He re-established the ancient discipline and order in
his armv, which had been long neglected, and to which was to be at-
tributed the mischances that had befallen them. He, therefore, kept
himself for a long time quiet in his camp, that he might accustom
THE CIMBRI AND TEUTONI. 45
Lis warriors to the view of the large s;igantic forms of these stran-
gers, and to the tone of their fearfui voices. And when ever he
observed that a small troop of his enemies were alone, he quickly took
advanta^ of the favourable opportunity, and made a sortie upon
than with great strength and superiority, that his troops might
kam to conouer them by degrees. This delay was irksome to the
war-hunting Germans, and they often came to the very walls of the
camp, mocked at the Roman army, and called them out to battle,
bat Mazius was not to be diverted from his plan.
The Germans had now divided themselves into two bodies. The
Cimbri had passed up the Rhodanus through Syritzerland and the
Tyrol towards Italy, but the Teutoni remained opposed to Marius.
When these latter perceived that their challenge was not accepted by
their opponents, they also broke up, marched past his camp on the
road to Italy, and called out jeeiingly to the Roman soldiers, asking
them *^ if tney had any commissions to send to their wives?" The
multitude was so great that they were six days passing the camp in
uninterrupted ranks.
Marius followed at their side, continuing always upon the heights,
that they might not unexpectedly attack mm; he then re-encamped
himsdf opposite to ihem near Aquae Sextiae, or which is the present
town of AJoLj in the south of France. In the spot he had selected
there was but little water, and when his warriors complained of thirst,
he pointed with his hand to a river that ran close by the enemy's
(^mp, and said, '^ Behold, yonder is drink offered you — but only to be
purchased with blood." They rei)lied, " Why do you not then
lead us at once against them whilst our blood still flows ?" He
however returned, in a steady voice, '' The camp must first be
secured/' — ^And liie warriors, although unwillingly, obeyed his
orders; to such an extent had this strict leader been able to re-
^tablish military discipline. Of the baggage men, however,
many hastened in a multitude to the river to procure water for them-
selves and the beasts of burden, when, meeting with a few of the
enemy who were indulging in bathing, they speedily came to
bbws with them, and as the cries of the combatants drew to
their aid more from both sides, there arose a sharp skirmish with
the ArnbroTu^ whose camp lay on the Roman side of the river. The
Ambroni were driven back into their camp of waggons, and then a
severe battle took place with the women, who burst forth with swords
and axes, attackii^ as well their own countrymen who retreated, as
the pursuing Romans. Night separated the combatants. But this
night was in many ways terrific and dreadful. There arose from the
camp of the Germans a strange mixture of voices, not like lamenta-
tion and sorrow — ^although it miffht have meant a mourning-cry for
the dead — but resembling a dea&ned roar as of wild beasts, which
was re-echoed by the mountains around, and by the shores of the
stream. Terror seized the Romans ; they feared the enemy might make
a night attack, which would easily have thrown all into confusion;
for their camp, owing to the battle, was stiU without walls and
46 THB CIMBRI AND TEUTONt
ditches. But the enemy stiiied not; they remained ^et, and
continued so up to daybreak. Marius now laid down his plana for
battle. He placed the infantry before the camp, but the cavalry he
sent down into the plain, andhe despatdied his lieutenant-general,
Claudius Marcellus, with 3O00 heavy armed soldiers forward to oc-
cupy the wooded heights behind the enemy, with the command to
advance from his ambush at the commencement of the fiay.
When the Teutoni observed the Romans place themselves in
order of battle, they were seized with such a desire for the fight that
they did not await them in the plain, but clambered the heights
agamst them. But as they arrived, breathless and panting, the
^mans received them courageously and with closed ranks, and
drove them back again into the plain. Marcellus did not waste this
decisive moment, but broke forth in full gallop, and shouting from
the wood with his three thousand horsemen, fell upon the rear of
the enemy, who, 'm:essed on both sides, soon got into disorder, and
took to night The Romans pursued them, and either killed or
took prisoners more than one hundred thousand. Shortly after-
wards the prince of the Teutoni, Teutobody was also taken prisoner
in his flight across the mountains, and was subsequently forced
to form in Rome the chief ornament in the triumphant train of
Marius; and according to the accoimt of the Romans, he was so tall
and lofty that his figure rose above all the trophies, and so active,
that he could leap over from four to six horses. But Marius
burnt the arms and entire booty as a great and splendid sacrifice
to the gods, excepting only what he selected and preserved of
the most costly and rare. This battle, near Aquas oextiae, took
?lace in the year 102 B. c, and eleven years after the battle of
foreja.
The exultation of Marius and his troops was speedily damped by
the intelligence that the consul Catulus had been repulsed oy the
Oimbri in Upper Italy. These latter had, although late in the year,
crossed the Alps, and drove before them the enemy, who guarded
the mountain passes. The latter looked with astonishment upon
these powerful strangers, who, in their delight at their native snow
and ice, as well as in the consciousness of their hardy powers of endur-
ance, revelled naked in the snow, ascended over ice and deep snow
to the summits of the mountains, and then sitting upon their broad
shields, slid down from the peaks of the most precipitous declivities.
The consul was obliged to retreat behind the river Atnesis (the Etsch),
but erected defences on each side of the bridge he had built. When
the Cimbri, advancing closer, had surveyed the river, they com-
menced, ffiant-like, to break rocks from me surrounding summits,
and cast mem, with stones and earth, into the stream, in ordet to
check its course; they loosened the piles of the Roman bridge with
great weights, which were driven cradling against them t>y the
floods, so that the Romans, in their toxor, deserted their defences
and their camp, and took to flight; and not until they had crossed
the river Po did they again take up a poeitio^.^, ,^ Google
THX CIMBRI ANB TKUTONI. 47
Tke CSmbii now spread theanaelveB over the rich and beautiful
phinB of Upper Italy, and delayed going at once and direct, as they
ihoold have done, upon Rome ; the charms of the country completely
enchantiTig them. Instead of their rude camp beneath the open sky,
they now accustomed themselves to the shelter of aroof and itsoom-
forte; instead of their cold baths, they now took warm; instead of
plain meat, they indulged in choice dishes; but, above all, they sank
mto intemperance by wine drinking. Catulus, in the meantime,
waited beyond the Po until Marius returned £rom Ghul with his vie-
torious army and joined him; when they both advanced forwards
over the river* As soon as the Cimbri were apprised of this, they
collected their troops, and, in expectation ot the Teutoni, whose
misfortane they were either ignorant of or did not believe, they sent
to Marius once more to demand of the Romans a country for them-
sdves and their brethren. When they named their brethren, the
Tenloni, Marius ridiculed them, and said, ** Think no more of your
brethren ; they have their land already, and you Ukewise shall receive
quite sufficient from us." The ambassadors censured him for his
ndicule, and said he would q>eedily receive his punishment from the
Cimbri on that very spot, as also &om the Teutoni the moment they
arrived. ** They are here already," said Marius; '' and it would not
be right to allow you to retire without having greeted your bre*
thrai.*' And with that he ordered the captive princes of the Teutoni
to be brought forward in their fetters.
Struck with amazement, the ambassadors returned to their camp,
and the Cimbri immediately broke up; Bojoriz, their pnnce, roue
to the Roman camp, and challenged Marius, with the Romans, to
battle, at any place which he might appoint. Marius replied, " It
was not usual for the Romans to make their enemies acquainted be-
forehand vdth the day of battle, yet even in that he would show him*
self agreeable to the Cimbri;" and he accordingly appointed the
Bamdum plain, between Vercelke and Verona, as me place of battbi
and fixed the time for the third day following.
After the lapse of this interval, the Cimbn quitted their camp in
good order; they placed their infantry in a square, but the cavalry,
16,000 moi strong, turned to the right, and endeavoured, by this ma-
noeuvre, to bring the Romans between themselves and ^e infantry.
Their cavalry, for the mater portion, was equipped in the most
Bomptuons manner posrible; they wore helmets which were made
to resemble the throats of terrific animals, or other frightftd ob-
jects, with a full waving crest, which increased the size of their gi*
gantic figures, and theur iron armour and shining shields glittered
afiff. Every rider had a double javelin, and for close combat a large
heavy sword. They had obtained these choice arms very probably
inrictorious battles during their long incursions. The infantry,
however, poured itself forth upon the plain like an immeasurable and
moving sea. Marius, at this moment^ washed his hands, raised them
to the godsy and vowed to them a great sacrifice, should he conquer;
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
48 THE CIMBRI AND TEUTON!.
Catulus also, with raised hands, made a vow for the sucoess of this
day. And when the entrails of the slaughtered animal were shown
to Marius by the priests, he exclaimed, with a loud voice, so that the
midtitude might hear him, *^ Mine is the victory T
A severe and bloody battle now began. The heat and the mm
which shone in the eyes of the Germans, aided the Romans. For
the former, brought up in cold and shady parts, could endure the
cold but not the heat; profuse perspiration enervated thdr bodies^
and they held up their shields to shelter their eyes from the sun. It
was precisely in the month of July, when the summer's heat is most
intense, that the battle was fought. The dust also was opposed to
them, for it completelv enveloped them, and concealed trom the
Romans both their numbers and their terrific aspect, so that the latter,
not being previously alarmed by their appearance, fell at once upon
the ranks of their enemies. The most dreadful dose conflict ensued,
wherein the Romans derived a vast advantage over their enemies fix>m
their short broad swords. They had also so accustomed their bodies
to the labours and discipline of war, that not a single Roman was
observed to perspire or to lose his breath, even in the most suffocating
heat. Besides, Marius had invented a new weapon, a kind of long
barbed spear, which the Romans hurled against the shields of their
enemies, and with which they forced these down, so that the indi-
vidual remained exposed.
Thus it happened that the largest and most warlike portion of the
Cimbri were killed. The foremost rank had bound tnemselves to-
gether with long chains or cords, fixed to their girdles, that they
might not be forcibly sep^ted; and they now lay on the field as it
were strung together. When the Romans, pursumg those who fled,
arrived at tneir waggon-camp, their eyes beheld a sad and mournful
scene. The wives of the Grermans stood, dressed in black, upon their
waggons, and themselves destroyed the fugitives as they arrived, nay,
even their own little children they cast beneath the wheels of the
wagffons, and under the feet of the beasts of burden, that they might
not rail into the hands of the Romans; and they then killed them-
selves. Many of the men also slew themselves, for they feared slaveiy
more than death. Sixty thousand were, however, taken prisoners,
and as many more upon this fatal day were exterminated.
Thus was concluded this severe and bitter war, which the Romans
considered equally as critical as the earlier one, nearly three hun-
dred years before, when the Gauls under Brennus burnt Rome; and
thence they called Marius the third founder of the city. But the boys
and youths of the Cimbri and Teutoni, who were made prisoners m
these battles, and conveyed away as slaves, amply revenged hereafter
the blood of their fathers and tneir brothers in that of thousands of
Romans, whom they slew in the servile war under their leader,
Spartacus.
Notquite fifty years had passed aft;er this first essay at arms of the
Germanswith theRomans,wheniheformeragainadvanoedtoward8tlie
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
JULIUS CiESAR AND ARIOVISTUS. 49
fiomaii frontiers, in smaller numbers, certainly, than at the first
nine, and perhaps not with the clearly defined purpose of invading
Italy; but conquest and the prospect of booty probably -would
^eedily have increased their forces, and the fruitful pastures, as
veil as the full granaries, of the natives, would have allured them
from province to province, until the fame of the smiling country
bejond the Alps might have suggested to them the path over these
towering frontier walls, had they not found an opponent who knew
at lesst the art of war as well as Marius.
AriooUtuSj a king of the Marcomannic Suevi, between the Danube
snd the Neckar, was appealed to for assistance by a Gallic tribe, the
Stjuani^ against another tribe, the j^klui; in the vear 72 B. c, he
pased over the Rhine at the head of an army, and obtained a victory
for the Sequani; but the beautiful plains of the present Burgundy
pleased him so much, that he would not again quit them. At en-
loity equally with the conquerors and conquered, he seized a space
of land, and when the Gauls had united against him he put them to
%ht near Magetobria (now Mumpelgard). He, perhaps, originally
went forth upon this adventure as a duke with his warlike tram, but
nioie and more Germans flocked to him, attracted by the celebrity
of this beautiful country, so that he speedily had under him an army
of 120,000 men. The whole of Gaul trembled before him ; the tribes
Wieved themselves already vanquished or driven from their ancient
wats. The Romans, however, who possessed already in Southern
Guiil a subjected province, acknowledged Ariovistus as king in his
conquered territoiy, and called him iriend.
But speedily atlerwards Julius Csesar, one of the greatest and
boldest of Roman leaders, appeared in (raul. Burning ambition
exdted him to great warlike imdertakings, and he had arrived in
tkese districts with no other view than to subject the whole of Gaul
to the Romans. The iEdui and other Gallic tribes, now turned to
Urn and demanded aid of him against the Germans. Csesar gladly
profited by this opportunity of advancing farther into Graul, promised
them help, and demanded an interview with Ariovistus.
Atiovistus answered proudly and boldly, that, '' If he himself de-
^led aught of Csesar he should come to him, and if Caesar desired
&ught of him he must do the same. Besides, he could not under-
stand what Caesar or the Roman people in general had to do in Aw
Govl, which he had conquered by the force of arms?"
Caesar replied to him: '* As he had refused his invitation to an
interview, he at once would briefly state what he desired of him,
^: in the first place, that he should not bring any more Germans
^'^ the Rhine; and, secondly, that he should return to the Gallic
tribes their hostages, and treat them no longer as enemies. If he
fulfilled these conditions, the Roman people would hold constant
P^ and friendship with him ; if not, Cs^r would not behold the
«ijurieB of the JSdm with indifference."
Ariovistus, in his reply to this, referred boldly and candidly to the
E Digitized by Google
50 JULIUS C^SAR AND ARIOYISTUS.
right of anns, according to which the conqueror might treat the
conquered as he pleased. It was thus the Romans themselves were
likewise accustomed to act, who well knew too how to make use of
their r^hts; he only required therefore to be left to do the same.
And with regard to Gae^r's announcement, that he would not let
the injuries of the .^!dui remain unrevenged, Ariovistus replied:
" No one had hitherto contended with him but to their ruin. If
CssBax wished, he might begin the contest; he would then learn to
know what unconquered Germans, perfectly practised in the use of
arms, and whom no roof had sheltered for fourteen years, could
I>erform." Truly, the language of a hero of the great tribes-migra-
tion; to whom ms sword stood in lieu of hereditary right and title
deeds, and who, with his brethren in arms, was determined to rejposc
under no roof until he had conquered the sought-for country of his
new home I
With any other opponent this bold declaration might have pro*
duced its influence, and been effective; but Csesar, who even in
Borne itself could not endure to be the second, felt thereby the
more excited to measure himself with such an enemy. He ad-
vanced against him and occupied Vesantio (Besan^^n), the chief
city of the Sequani, which was very strong and richly provided
wiw all the munitions of war. Whilst he remained here a few days,
a very dangerous despondency suddenly overpowered his army.
The statements of the Grauls who had been so often beaten by the
Germans, the descriptions ^ven by the traders who had travelled
through their country, the close proidmily of the terrific enemy him-
self, tended, combined altogether, to present before the soul of the
Bomans so fearftd a picture of the stren^, the valour and ferocity
of the Germans, within whose annihilatmg glance it was impossible
to stand, that many who had thus far voluntarily followed Caesar, did
not hesitate inventing anj excuse to enable them to return home.
Others whom shame retamed, could however so little govern them-
selves, that they frequently broke forth in tears, and in their tents
sorrowfully mourned their ill-fortune. Throughout the whole camp
all were engaged making their wills publicly; and at last even those
became tainted by the panic, to whom the dangers of war were by
no means strange. And, in fiict, there was a general murmur against
their rash leader, for thus unnecessarily seeking so perilous a battle.
Caesar, in order to subdue this impression in his army, summoned
forth the whole force of his eloquence. He collected together the
leaders of his host, and represented to them that a war with Ario-
vistus was as yet by no means certain; he much more expected that
the latter would listen to the voice of justice and of peace. But
should he, fix>m a mad love of battle, absolutely desire it, they had
only to remember the defeat of the Cimbri and Teutoni, and the ser-
vile warjust ended, wherein the Germans also were conquered as well
as the BLelvetians, not being able to resist the Roman arms. But if,
notwithstanding, all these reasons could not serve to tranquillize them ,
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
JULIUS CiESAR ON THE RHINE. 61
lud none wonld* follow him, he would at once advance against the
foe widi the tenth legion alone, for on their fidelity he could de-
pend.
This address made a deep impression upon their minds. The
tEQth legion thanked him immediately for his confidence, and all
the rest emulated each other in displaying their readiness. Csesar
broke up forthwith, and adyanced nearer to the German army. An
interview which he held with Ariovistus at his desire, was as firuit-
las as the previous n^otiations, and Gsosar now wished for nothing
bat a battle. But Axiovistus took up a position in which he cut off
&Qm the Romans all the supplies, and caused his cavaLry, which by its
miztoie with the light infantry, was superior to that of the Romans,
to make skirmishes. But the battle, alwough daily offered by Csesar,
he did not accept.
Cieaar then learnt from some prisoners the cause of 'this delay,
which otherwise was not in accordance with (xerman custom, llie
prophetic toomeny according to whose oracles the army acted, had
announced misfortune shouH they fight before the new moon. Csesar
now sought a battle more zealously than ever, and advanced dose up
to the (%rman camp. They then at last drew forth their troops,
and each tribe took up its position— the Harudi, Marcomanni, Tri*
bocki, Vangioni, Nemeti, Sedusi, and Suevi; they surrounded their
battle array with waggons and chariots, whereon sat the women with
wild and loosely flowmg hair, supplicating all the ranks as they passed
by, not to allow them to fall into the bondage of the Romans. The
battle commenced, and they were soon furiously engaged on all
sides. The Germans rushed forward with so much speed, that the
Romans had not time to cast their javelins, and their left wing was
driven to flight; but their right wing conquered on its side, and now
were dUis^layed the advantage and superionty of perfect warlike order
and disciphne. The broken wing of the Romans was re-formed,
when the third division advanced to its aid; the ranks of the Ger^
mans, however, remained in confusion, for their army, although
extremely valiant, was deficient in strict discipline and order. They
were therefore at last driven to flight on all sides, and hastened
towards the Rhine. But the Roman cavalry overtook the greater
part, and but few, among whom was Ariovistus, saved themselves
by swimming or bv traversing the river in small boats. His two
wives were kill^ m the flight, and of his two daughters one was
likewise slain, and the other taken prisoner. Of Axiovistus himself
history sajB nothing further.
When Cfesar had driven Ariovistus across the Rhine he began the
subjection of the Grallic tribes, who were not equal to the Germans
in valour. He conquered one after the other, and kept constantly
advancing to the lower Rhine. Intelligence then came to him that
two German tribes of the lower Rhine, the Unpeti and Tenckteri^
pressed by the Suevi, had passed over the Rhine to seek a new set-
tlement m Gaul. They had with them their wives and children,
E 2 Digitized by Google
52 JULIUS CmSAB, ON THE RHINE.
their slaves and herds, as well as the rest of their property, and Yrere
upwards of 430,000 strong. As Cssar now, however, considered
Gaul to belong to him, ne desired them to retrace their steps.
They, however, replied " That they had been forced by the Suevi
to wander from their homes; they desired nothing but a land to
dwell in; he ought therefore to leave them the fields they had con-
quered with ther arms, or give them others instead. Besides, it was
not German fashion to avert a battle by intreaties, but to make a stand
against those who desired the contest ; he was therefore free to choose
their friendship or war. They yielded to none but the Suevi, to
whom in battle even the immortol gods themselves were not equal ;
but excepting those there dwelt none on earth whom they could
not conquer.'
They nevertheless were conquered by Cassar, but only by Italian
cunning, for as their princes and chieftains came to an arranged inter-
view with him, he suadenly seized them as prisoners, fell immediately
upon their camps, and beat and scattered tne whole tribe, which was
now without a leader. Some of them fled back across the Rhine to the
Sigambri. Caesar required them to be delivered up. The Sigambri
answered : '' The Rhme at least was the limits of the Roman empire ;
if he did not wish the Germans to cross the Rhine against hiB will,
why did he presume to give orders on their side of the river?"
iSuch language vexed the proud Roman. He likevrise still bore
fresh in mind, that the Suevi imder Ariovistus had already fallen
upon Gaul ; therefore, he determined to build a bridge over the Rhine,
and make the German tribes feel in their own country the power of
the Romans. In ten days he constructed with much ingenuity, in
the country of the Dbij below the place where the Moselle falls into
the Rhine (according to some near Bonn, according to others near
Andemach) a large wooden bridge, and passed wiw his army over
Germany's noble stream. This was in the year 55 B. C. He wished
to attack the powerAil confederation of the Suevi ; these, however, re-
moved their whole property and their wives and children far back
into the interior of tne forests, and collected all their warlike forces
in the middle of their domain, there to await their enemy. It appears
they had selected their ground with great prudence, for Caesar did not j
consider it even advisable to follow them thus far. He baited only i
eighteen days on the right bank of the Rhine^ devastated with fire <
and sword the vicinity of the Sieg, where the Sigambri then dwelt,
and then returned across the river. To the Ubi, who upon this \
occasion had been his faithful adherents, he gave the name of Roman
allies.
But the Suevi had so little fear of the Romans, that they shortly
afterwards sent assistance to the Treviri against diem. Caesar then
determined to cross the Rhine a second time. He built a second
bridge a little above the former place (according to the opinion of
some near NeuwiedJ but scarcely placed a foot in Ghermany, for the
Suevi had made their arrangements this time as prudently as before.
According to the connexion of events, and of the locality where
I
I
DEATH OF JULIUS CaESAR. 53
Caesar crossed the Rhine, those whom he called Suevi must have
been the Chatti, and these either then have belonged to the Suevic
oonfederation, or Caesar, in his ignorance of the German relations,
Lis included them as such.
After this period Caesar did not again pass into Germany, but he had
(eoome so well acquainted with the Germans, as being such strong and
Tiliant men, that he endeavoured to raise troops from among them to
senre in his lemons. This was easy to him amongst such a brave
people, where mere were always bold men ready to go forth for pay,
booty, and the love of war. Caesar was likewise a hero who well un-
derstood hovr to win the hearts of his warriors ; he led them always to
^ory. Grennan subsidies helped him henceforth to win his battles,
and at Pharstdtu^ where he fought the last battle against Pompey , and
where it was decided which of the two should rule the world, they
afforded him important aid. After the battle had been hard fought,
Pompey despatcned his cavalry against the enemy, that they might
tve decision to the battle; but these horsemen were chiefly proud
Oman youths, of the superior classes, who idly thought they coidd
not be defeated. Caesar then gave command to his German infantry
to drive back the cavalry, and called out to them : ** Comrades, strike
only at the face I" He well knew that the vain youths of the metro-
poUs preferred their smooth faces to scars. And the Germans, who
were sufficiently tall and strong, rushed against the cavaliers as if they
irere themselves mounted, and not on foot, and frightened them
80 much that they speedily took to flight. Thus the day was
by them won for Caesar. Henceforward, there were constantly German
soldiers in the Roman service, and ihe succeeding emperors even
formed of them their body-guard.
Julius Caesar was murdered as he was about to make himself sole
master of Rome; but the Romans were no longer worthy of being
*fcee people; they therefore speedily fell into 3ie hands of masters
who were worse than Caesar. The first among them was the Em-
ptor Augustus, whose reign lasted from the year 30 b. C. to the year
14 A. n.
During this time the Romans had subjected a greater portion of
the then Known earth. Of Europe, besides Italy, Greece and Mace-
<lonia, Hispania, and (Jaul, were also subject to them; with that they
^re not nowever satisfied, but coveted other countries which lay
^joni the Alps and the Rhine; for the ambition and avarice
of the Romans knew no limits, and no doubt it appeared very desir-
able to them to gain dominion over the powerful men of the German
jace according to their own will, and to form the^fiower of their armies
from their ranks, and by their aid to hold the rest of the world in
^Wience. They at first attacked those tribes which dwelt upon the
fiidea of the Alps towards Germany, in the mountains of Graubiinden,
tte Tyrol, Saltzburg, and Austria: wild tribes, partly of Gallic and
Ktly of unknown origin, who could not resist the superiority of the
mans, and who were not only conquered, but exterminated or
sold as slaves. This contest was concluded in the .j|£^r(J^gUJ^
54 DRUSUS.
Henceforward the river Danube was on thtf side the boimdaiy be-
tween the Romans and the Germans. From the other side, however^
the river Bhine was no longer to remain so, and Augustus therefore,
sent his step-son, Claudius Drusus, to Gaul, to attack the Germans
in their own country, and he was certainly a hero competent to ac-
complish what was great.
Drusus undertook four campaigns in Germany, ill the years 12
—9 B. c. He warred with the Suevi, Chatti, Sigambri, Usipeti,
Tenchteri, Brukteri, and Oherusci. He passed on from the lower
Rhine to the rivers Lippe and Ems, as &r as the Weser,
and in his fourth incursion advanced even to the Elbe. But his
irruptions were no conquests. The Germans well understood how-
to conduct war against such an enemy. They retreated £rom their
isolated dwellings into the forests on both sides of the road he took,
destroyed the supplies they could not take with them, J^aced their
families in safety, and stayed there until the autumn. The Romans
were then obliged once again to return, as they could not winter in
the desert country, from the deficiency of provisions ; and that was the
moment the Germans had awaited with impatience. They now an-
noyed the enemy at every step he took; attacked solitary troops,
rushing upon them suddenly from the forests, in the most dan-
gerous places, destroyed the wearied stragglers, seized upon their
baggage and allowed them no rest either hj night or day; and thus
the Romans never returned to the Rhine without considerable loss.
The rapid and extensive incursions of Drusus into Germany gave
him^ therefore, great fame among the Romans, but did little harm to
the Germans. In the auturon, winter, and spring, they dwelt quietly
in the places which the enemy had again quitted. But Drusus would
certainly have found at last tne means of establishing his dominion in
Lower Germany had he lived longer. He had made one commence-
ment towards it already. He buHt strong forts at the mouths of the
rivers which flowed into the Rhine and the North Sea, that he might
retain in his power all their navigation; thus being enabled to convey
into the coimtry a portion of his army with greater security upon a
fleet of small vessels, and to transport their provisions convemently
after. For this purpose he also commenced a canal, which was called
after him the Drusus ditch (and is still called the Drusus Vaart) and
united the Rhine between Doesberg and Isselort with the Issel. By
means of this canal the Rhine was brought into connexion with the
Zuider Zee, the flevum ostium of the ancients, and the Romans hence-
forth, by means of this outlet, were enabled to have communication
with the North Sea flrom all their holds unon the Rhine. Drusus
himself took this mode of imiting himself witn the Friesi, and of reach-
ing the mouth of the Ems by sea, and where he likewise built a fort,
probably opposite to the present Emden. On the Rhine he built as
many as fifty of these forts, strongly fortified, especially Bonn and
Mentz, the last upon the border-limits against the Suevi, and pro-
vided them with bridges and flotillas for their defence; and upon
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
ORUSUS. 55
the Taimus mountains, on the heights near the present Hombnrg, he
built the fort Arctaunum, intended against the Chatti. Had he,
therefore, firom year to year advanced more and more with such for-
tresses into Grermany , and so at last have prevented his being^obliged
to quit the land again in autumn, the dominion of the Komans,
together with the adoption of their language and manners might,
perhans, have maintained a firm around in Germany. But his course
was already stopped in the fourth year of his impeUent irruptions.
Wc will here give a brief sketch of these incursions. The first he
made was after his legate had revenged himself upon the Sigambri
for the defeat of LoUius, with his fleet down the Rhine, through his
canal and the Zuider Zee into the Northern Sea, entering the mouth
of the Ems. The Friesi were allies; however, the Brukteri had col«
lected a fleet in the Ems and opposed him, but they were beaten. Here
Dnisus built his fort at the mouth of the river, and then continued
his course along the Oldenburg coast, as far as the afflux of the Tade,
where his ships ^ot stranded, but hj the aid of the Friesi and the
flood were set afloat again. The wmter, however, obliged him to
return.
In the second campaign Drusus gained the shore across the Lippe,
as fiir as the Weser, in the vicinity of Hoxter; but a revolt of the
tribes in his rear forced him to make a retreat, when he found him-
self suddenly surrounded near Arbalo by the Germans. Their too ^reat
confidence mgainin^ a victory, which misled them to make an irre-
gular attack, as well as their thirst for booty, were the means of his
rescue. He built here, at the junction of the Aliso and Lippe, the
fort or casde AHso*, in order to nave a point iappui {ox his incursions
against the tribes on the Weser.
^ The third campaign he made was against the Chatd, who, jxre-
viously peaceable, had now united with the Sigambri against him,
because he had bmlt opposite to them the fort upon the Taunus
mountains; they were beaten but not subdued.
In the fourth campaim Drusus advanced from the fort on the
Taunus mountaiQS into tne land of the Chatti, beat them, as well as
the Marcomanni under Marbodius, and forced the latter to retreat &r •
ther eastwards. These attacked the Bopians and forced them to yield.
Thus did Drusus himself assist in causm^ the G-ermans to completely
drive before them the GraUic tribes, and to extend their own settle-
ments. Upon this Drusus turned again to the left against the
Cherusci, marched oh across the mountains to the Saale, and along
this river downwards as far as the Elbe (perhaps in the vicinity of
Barby). It was whilst one day he was here standing alone on the
banks of the Elbe, which in his mind was not yet to Ibe the liinits of
liis progress, that, as it is related, a supernatural figure in the
form of a female, appeared before him, ana with a lofty, threatening
air, addressed him thus: " How much farther wilt thou advance,
* Bespecting the locality of Arbalo and Aliso, eee the Introduction.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
56 TIBERIUS.
insatiable Drusus? It is not appointed for thee to behold all theso
countries. Depart hence ! the term of thy deeds and of thy life is
at hand!"
Whether this was the creation of his imagination, or was de-
vised by the craft of one of the prophetic women among the Grer-
mans, mwardly bemoaning the late of her country, is uncertain ;
suffice it, that Drusus, on his return, fell from his horse, and died a.
few weeks afterwards in consequence.
After him his brother Tiberius commanded the legions whicli
were opposed to the Germans. He was of an artful and deceptive dis-
position; and besides arms, he employed other and worse means
against them. Bv craft he caused disputes among the tribes, and.
by want of faith he led them into ruin. The Sigambri who were
one of the strongest and most valiant tribes upon the Rhine, he could
not conquer with arms. He therefore demanded an embassy from
them to nim for the sake of peace, as he said; and as the princes and
leaders came in great numbers, he caused them to be taken prisoners
and dispersed among the Gallic cities, transplanting also of the
tribe, which was thus robbed of its chieftains, 40,000 towards the
estuaries of the Rhine and the Issel.* The princes, however, to
whom life among a strange people was an insupportable burden, and
who would not, that onmeir account, their people should be with-
held from a retributive war against the Romans, killed themselves.
By such means, indeed, it was not difficult to hold in trammels
those districts which bordered on the Rhine, or on the rivers which
flowed into it; and by the aid of the strong forts j)laced there,
and of the frontier walls or land defences (Umites), which enclosed
the occupied country, the north-western portion of Germany
as far nearly as the Weser, appeared even already subdued, and, as it
were, a Roman province. DomiHiis JEnobarbus^ tne grandfather of the
subsequent Emperor Nero, who held the command in the years
immediately preceding the birth of Christ, pressed forward, even
across the Elbe. No one hitherto had been so far. He also built a
road between the Rhine and the Ems, called pontes hmgi^ namely
dykes and morass bridges, which led from vetera castra, near Wesel,
onwards to the vicinity of the Ems, over moors and marshes.
When Tiberius came a second time to Germany, about the year
3 A. D., he completely subdued a recent rebellion among the lower
German tribes, embarked upon theoceaujandsailingas far as the mouth
of the Elbe, fought with the Longobardi, and took up his winter
quarters among Sie quieted tribes near the sources of the Lippe,
probably near the fort Aliso. Henceforth this place was the
point whence the Romans directed' all their undertakings against
the middle of Germany, upon the frontiers of which they had
♦ 'fhia transplantation of the Sigambri, by which Tiberins thought to extermi-
nate the tribe, only produced their salvation; for from these new settlements arose
afterwards the Issel-Franks, who laid the foundation for the greatness of the king-
dom of the Franks.
Digitized by
Google
MARB0DIU8, KING OF THE HARCOMANNL 57
now arriYed; and with the nearest tribe therein, the Cheruseij
th^ had just formed an alliance tinder the name of friendship
uid confederation; which kind of union had, more safely than
the fbfice of arms, led to the subjection of the tribes. The internal
organizationoftlus province app«ured to bea task possible now to be
put into operation. 3ut under this great oppression of their country,
the courage of the Grermans did not sleep; ior^ the same as in all times,
although it was possible to bend their proud spirit, still it had never
yet been broken. The sources of their aid sprung &om among them-
sdvea,
A multitude of noble German youths had by a variety of events ar-
rived at Rome; some in the Roman service, others as deputies, or as
hostages; some again perhaps from ambition. But in the metropolis of
the world they beheld neither jopreatness nor freedom, on the contrary,
only slavery, which carries with it these sins:— meanness by the side
ofant^ance, flattery, dissipation, enervation^ and idleness. To be ruled
by so(£ masters as the Romans then were, seemed to them the most
disgraceful of all things. At the same time, however, they became
acquainted with Roman military affairs, their art of government, and
their crafl; and what the former had applied to the oppression of their
country, they determined to employ lor its redemption.
Marbodius, a noble Suevian of the frontier tnbe of the Marco-
manni, was a youth of this stamp. The Romans describe him as tall
and stately, sdf-willed in disposition, and more by birth than intel-
lect a barbarian, which name they in their pride gave to all who were
not Romans or Grreeks. He had been sent yoim^ to Rome, and at
the court of the Emperor Augustus he was particularly honoured.
When however, he had seen sufficient of Kome, he returned to
his own country, and as he saw that they could not, in their present
settlements upon the Neckar and the Rhine, well maintain themselves
gainst the great power of the Romans, which threatened them after
the conquest of the Alps from the side of the Danube, and, since the
almost completed subjection of the north of Germany, menaced them
also from the Maine, he persuaded his people to quit their districts, and
to withdraw to other settlements towards the east. The Marcomanni,
who, by their warlike constitution, were speedily ready and resolved
for any movement, broke up, and Marbomus lea them to Bohemia, a
country well defended on all sides by mountains; they drove hence
the Grallic tribe of the Boji, which had for generations past wandered
thither, subjected many tribes around, and founded a great, well-
r^ulated I^rcomannic kingdom. His capital was Bubienum , called
also Marobudum, according to some the present Prague, according
to others Budweis. The Hermunduri, Longobardi, and Senoni, the
flower of the Suevi, became dependent, and thus his power extended
from the Danube across the centre of Germany to the Elbe. Hence-
forward he addressed the Roman emperors not humbly as one sub-
ordinate and weak, but as their equal.
He had thus &r conducted his affairs laudably, and he might now
have become, as it were, a frontier defence for the freedom pit Afi
58 MARBODIUS, KING OF THE MARCOMANNI.
whole of Gennany; but it almost appears as if he had learnt too
much in Rome. He had acquired the love of dominion also firom tho
Roman emperors, and had at the same time perceived the art whereb v
the exercise of power over men otherwise £ree bom, may be confirmed.
He maintained a body ^uard, introduced all other Aoman regula-
tions, and hitherto no smgle individual had ever practised so much,
authority among the German tribes. His army consisted of 70,000 in-
fantry and 4000 cavalry, andhe kept it in constant practice by his con-
tinual wars with his neighbours, so thatit could be well seen that he was
preparing it for still greater purposes. This, however, constituted the
condemnable and distinctive feature in his characteri whence^ in truth,
he cannot be called a great man; inasmuch as all this was accom-
plished, not for the freedom and happiness of his people, but solely
lor himself, and in order that he might alone be called great and
powerful, and become honoured and ^red.
He had already appeared so dangerous to the Romans, that Tiberius,
the son of the emperor, in the year 7 A. n., advanced against him with
a large army. He intended to attack him from two sides with
twenly-two legions, and he was already in full march, when intelli-
gence reached him that a great rebellion had broken out in Hun-
g^, Dalmatia, and Illyria, and that all the tribes from the Adriatic
to the Black Sea, who dwelt upon the Danube and among tho
mountains, had conspired against the Romans, and had collected an
army of 200,000 infantry and 9000 calvary, with which they were
determined to invade Italy. Fright and terror seized upon all in
Rome, and the Emperor Augustus exclaimed in the senate, ^' Ten
dap hence the enemy may be within right of Rome !"
Tiberius immediately concluded a peace with Marbodius, which
was favourable to the latter, and hastened with his whole army
against the Pannonian tribes; and, afW three years of the most ob-
durate war, he succeeded in diverting the great danger, and brought
these tribes again under the dominion of nis father. The latter re-
joiced, however, but little in this good fortune; for, on another side
of his empire, the Germans had caused him the greatest loss, and
had involved him in calamities the most serious ne had ever ex-
perienced during his whole life.
CHAPTER n.
7—374.
Arminitu, or Hermaon— ArminioB and Yunu— Arminitu and Gennanicofl— The
death of AnxuniuB, 21a. d.— Further Wan between the Germans and Bomaiu—
War with the Marcomanni, 167 — 180 — The Gennanic Confederationf — The Ale-
manni— -The Franks — ^The Saxon Confederation— The Goths— The BecUne of the
Itoman Empire.
The campaigns and forts of Drusus, and the crafty, cunningly-
Digitized by CjjOOQIC
THE ROMANS IN GERMAKT. 69
dened sxia of Tiberiufl, liad effected so much in Lower Geimanj,
S3 we have above seen, that as iar as the Weser, no armed tribe any
IcHt^er openly opposed the Romans. All was bowed down, the imions
cjffthe tubes were sundered, and the minds of many of the leading
men had been poisoned by the seductions of the Romans. They
already began to appear a different race of men, habit and intercourse
with the strangers commenced already to obliterate their national
manners. Markets sprau^ up and were established around the Ro-
man camps, and enticed the Germans to purchase and barter. Even
^e earth and heayens, says a Roman writer, appeared to be more gentle
iod mUdy for the forests had become penetrated and passable, and
bridges and dykes were built across the morasses. Three complete
I^ons, the best of the Roman army, kept guard in the numerous forts
and camps, and in the midst of our lofty forests of oak, a Roman Prsetor-
^x> was established^ together with Koman laws, legal institutions,
sna appointed functionaries. The Roman governor, Sentiui Satur-
nixuB^ who was in Germany in the year 5 or 6 a. d., contributed
much to these changes; he was a man who united old Roman honesty
with affiibility. He took pleasure in feats and enjoyments, and im-
parted to the Germans a greater love for the renned mode of hfe
among the Romans. QuintiHtis Varus succeeded him in the autumn
of the year 6 ; a man of a weak mind, who was more adapted for the
occupations of peace than of war, and besides which, was addicted
to avarice. For it was said of him, that he entered the rich pro-
vince of Syria, where he had just been governor, a poor man; but
when he quitted it, he himself had become rich and had left the
province itself poor. The Germans, to this weak-minded man, ap-
Sred thoroughly subjected, because they were tranquil, and he en-
voured to fix slavery among them by those gentle but effective
means, which are more pernicious and destructive than the j)ower of
Ae Bword, because they assume an innocent garb. He sat in judg-
ment upon the Germans, as among Romans; decided upon the
fineedom and property of Germans, and the Roman lawyers, instead
of the straightforward and simple German custom, sought to intro-
duce the sid)tle and perplexing arts of Roman jurisprudence. If it
be desired to fix within the heart of a nation, a secretly devouring
and destructive worm, which shall gradually reduce it to that stat6
of d^radation that it becomes careless to all magnanimous ideas, the
love of country and compatriots — substituting instead, the more de-
basing, petty, selfish considerations — it is only necessary to imbue it
with a love of law and disputation, that all may become embittered
r" St each other, and that every one shall know nothing greater
his own advantage. And as all ludicial proceedings were con-
ducted in the Roman knguage, it was likewise intended thus to intro-
duce and establish that tongue among the Germans. For, in order
to thoroughly annihilate ike idiocrasj, freedom, and independent
feelings of a people, and to mould it into an entirely new form, it
is only necessary to deprive it likewise of its peculiar hereditary
possession — its mother tongue. Digitized by Google
60 VARUS AND ARMINIUS.
Varus, however, had much miscalcukted when he supposed the
rude (xennans were insensible to these cunning arts. The understand-
ing of uncultivated nations is keenly alive to those who wish to en-
close them within nets, and the Germans were supplied by nature
with ahealthymind andgood discernment. They quietly perceived the
source and central point of ruin, and they were beyond all things filled,
with inward ra^e at the view of the lictors' rods or fasces of the KomarL
governor, which were the attributes of his power of awarding corpo-
real punishment, or even death itself. Nothing was more degrading to
the free German than corporeal pxmishment, the disgrace of the most
abject slavery; and the power of punishing with death, they did not
even allow to their own princes, but conceded it to the divinity-
alone, who proclaimed the sentence through the voice of his priests.
Their wrath, however, durst not give itself utterance, but it re-
mained long concealed in the breasts of individuals, for there was no
one near, who with a bold mind could collect and fan the glimmering
sparks into a broad flame. But it was Rome itself that was chosen to
nurture and bring up to maturity the saviour of German freedom.
This was Armirdus^ (whom we are accustomed to call Hermann) the
son of Segimer, prince of the Cherusci; a youth of vaHant heart and
arm, of a clear, quick mind, whose eyes proclaimed the fire of his soul.
By distinguished miUtary service he had acquired the right and
dignity of a Roman citizen and knight, and had returned to his
country well instructed and practised in all the arts of war and peace.
He here perceived the disgrace and ruin which was being prepared
for his native country; and his mind pondered upon the great means
of remedy. He speedily discovered a similar feeling to reign among
the noblest of the Cherusci and the neighbouring tnbes; his inflam-
ing word inspired their courage; they prepared the grand blow of
deliverance, and in order to destroy the Romans the more securely,
they enticed Varus by a planned rebeUion to the frontiers — as it
is related by the Roman 'svriters — still farther away from the Rhine,
into the depths of the Teutoburger forest, which flanked the districts
towards the Weser.
Varus, however, might still have escaped his fate, through
treachery: the traitor bemg found amongst the Germans themselves,
in the person of Segestes, aprinceof the Cherusci, who was an enemy to
Segimer ; whilst he was envious also of Arminius's great reputation, and
jealous because this much younger man, by the powers of his mind
and his heroic virtues, attracted the eyes of all the tribes upon him.
Even the day before the breaking out of the conspiracy, when Varus
had collected the princes at a banquet, Segestus entreated him most
earnestly to take Arminius prisoner on the spot; but a bUnd confi-
dence in his own power, concealed from the governor the abyss that
yawned beneath his feet. He advanced still deeper into the forest
which covered the country of the Weser, and the princes quitted
him with the promise of immediately joining him with their auxiliary
troops. They came — their plan being well and happily laid— and in
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
MARIUS AND ARMINIUS. .61
the midst of the Teutoburger forest (in the present principality of
lippe-Detmol), where there are on all sides mountaiQS and narrow val-
]tjs, they met him. Nowhere around was a beaten path visible, no-
thing but athickly grown and impenetrable wood. Trees were obliged
to benewn, pits and morasses filled up, and bridges built. It was in the
stonoy autumn season — the month of September; — heavy rains had
made the ground slipperjr and every step unsafe, whilst the tempest
roared at the summits of the oaks, whence the tutelary deities of
the country seemed wrathfully to threaten. Warriors, beasts of
burden, loaded with baggage and munition, all passed heedlessly on,
as in perfect security.
Amidst these terrors of nature, appeared suddenly, on all sides,
occupying the heights, the Germans as foes, hurling forth their
destructive weapons against the compressed masses of Romans.
These could but little defend themselves in their heavy armour, upon
a slippery ground, and with arms which were spoilt for use by the
oontinuea rain. They, however, continued their course under con-
tinual attacks, and arrived in the evening at a spot where a camp
might be constructed. Fatigued as all were, they nevertheless
exerted their utmost powers to raise defences whicn should keep
the enemy off, in order to provide themselves with at least one quiet
night, were it even to be tneir last. Thus they awaited the &wn
of day between hope and fear. In the morning every thing unne-
cessary was burnt; the soldiers were thereby made lighter for battle,
and the baggage was also diminished; this, together with the women
and children, of whom there was a great number with the expe-
dition (as no war had been anticipated), they placed in their centre,
and commenced their retreat, probably in the direction of their fort
AKso. Their fate seemed to brighten; they came to a more open
space, where they could muster and regulate their ranks, and where
tne Gennans did not venture to attack them; but this was to be no
resting-place for them, they were to resume their inarch forward, and
the terrific forest once more received them. The enemy renewed
and increased his attacks; the tempest still continued, at which the
Germans exclaimed as they pursued the Romans: '* Behold this is
done by our God, who wiu this day revenge our wrongs upon our
enemies." Many of the most valiant Romans sank beneath their
wrathful, and unceasingly emboldened attacks.
In this desperate position night appeared a second time, and they
again endeavoured to construct defences. But the attacking enemy,
^th his cries of victory, left them no time, and then, when heaven
and earth seemed to oppose them, and there was no hope of salva-
tion, the courage of tne bravest sank. Varus, seeing now that all
was lost, and having already received several wounds, cast himself
upon his sword; man]^ of tne leaders followed his example, whilst
the whole army was either made prisoners or killed, very few escap-
ing. This last battle took place, according to the most recent re-
searches, very probably between the present Horn and Lippe spring,
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
62 A^RMINIUS.
on the Bouthem borders of ilie Lippe."^ Thus was annihilated the
finest and most valiant of all the Roman armies, with the auxiliaries,
40,000 men strong. Hiis was the hour of the heavy retaliation that
was to be expected upon some such day, from the fury of a severely-
oppressed, freedom-loving, but still savage people. Many of the
most distinguished prisoners bled as saoifices upon the altars of
the native divinities, others who retained their lives, were used
for the most degrading services; and as tlie Romans themselves in-
form us, several of their distinguished countrymen, to whom at home,
the gates of entrance into the senate were open, concluded their
miserable Hves as the herdsmen of German flocJoB, or as the keepers or
porters of Grerman gates. It is also related, how embittered the Ger-
mans showed themselves towards the Roman judicial functionaries,
with the feeling, as it were, that it was by their arts that the greatest
danger was prepared against fireedom and independence ; and further,
that a German tore out the tongue of one of these functionaries
with the caustic words, ** Now cease hissinff, adder !" Such is the
account of the great German battie of freedom, according to the re-
lation of our enemies themselves. In what a different hght should
we not behold it, had we the testimony thereupon of even one
German historian I
But the opinion of all is unanimous and fixed, and it is confirmed
by the conrcssion of the Romans themselves, that our fatherland
owes its freedom to this ffreat victory in the Teutoburger forest, and
we, the descendants of those races, are indebted to it for the un-
mixed German blood which flows in our veins, and for the pure
German sounds pronounced by our tongue. But in Rome tiiere
was universal alarm and mourning; wmlst the Germans were full
of rejoicing, and^ storming the forts on this side of the Rhine,f
cleared the whole countij of the Romans. The Emperor Augustus
was beside himself; in his fury he struck his head against the wall,
and constantiy exclaimed: '^ Oh, Varus, Varus, restore me my le-
mons !" For some months he allowed his beard and hair to grow,
tne guards of the city were doubled, and that no riot might occur, the
Germans were despatched from Rome, and even the German body-
guard was conveyed across the sea into the islands. At last Augustus
vowed great festivals to his god Jupiter, *' Should his empire attain
a more flourishing state."-— Thus did it happen in the Oimbrian war.
In order to meet the more extensive incursions of the Grermans
which were now expected as certain, consequent upon this victory,
Tiberius was hastily despatched to the Rhine with a rapidly collected
army; to his astonishment, however, he found every tmng quiet.
* The thiee days of battle have been calculated by M. Schmidt, not without inge-
nuity, to have taken place about the 9th, 10th, and 11th of September.
t .^1^ held out the longest. It was so strong, that the Germans, being without
a knowledge of the art of besieging and the neoessary instruments, could not con-
quer it by force. They had, therefore, recourse to famine; but the Boman garrison,
managed, in an tmwatched moment, by a nue de guerre^ to slip out, and, although
with loss, they nevertheless succeeded in reaching the Khine.
Digitized by
Google
ARMINinS AND GERMANICUS. 63
Tke Gexmans did not desire conquest, they wished only to protect
ihar fineedom, and according to the very nature of their alliance,
after the danger was removed each returned to his home. Tiberius
held the vBcillating Qaul in obedience, and passed again across the
Bhine but without proceeding very far into the country, and as in a
&w years afterwards he succeeded Augustus in the empire, he trans-
ferred to his nephew, Germanicut^ the son of Drusus, the management
of the war against the Grermans.
Gcrmanicus, a ^oung and ardent hero, had before his mind the
|reat example of ms father, and he resolved to revenge the defeat of
Varus. He imdertook three grand campaigns in lower Germany,
in the same districts where war had previoiwlyraged on the Lippe,
and from the sea up the Ems towards the Weser and the Elbe.
Germany was now again menaced with £:esh danger, for Grermanicus
was a warrior worthy of the best ages of Rome. But equally as
Arminius had obtained victory over bad leaders, so did he now with
so much craft and valour resist those better chiefs who advanced
with large armies, that although he was not always victorious in his
battlesy he obliged his opponent at the end of every campaign to
wididiaw to his fortresses on the Rhine. And thus, on these occa-
sions, he did not less for the freedom of his &therland than he had
previously done in the annihilation of the legions of Varus.
Germanicus made his first campaign in the year 14 A. D., with
12,000 Romftns and a multitude of allies from the Rhine, where
B iiderich and Wesel now He, through the Ca^sarean forest in the vici-
nity of the Marsi, and fell craftily from several sides upon the un-
prepared enemy (who, thinking themselves in the midst of peace,
were at the time celebrating a great festival), and destroyed the
country for fifty miles around with fire and sword. No age, no
sex were spared, and a widely celebrated temple — that of Taufana —
(according to some in Tecklenburg, according to others in the neigh-
bourhood of the present Miinster) was destroyed. He did not press
farther into Lower Germany, for now the Brukteri, the Tubanti,
and Usipeti, speedily collected themselves to revenge the mis-
fortune of their friends. The retreat of the Romans was not unac-
companied by difficulties. It was dhly by prudence and strict
order that Grermanicus led his legions successfully back across the
Rhine.
In the following year, after he had first attacked the Chatti, who
had joined the confederation of the tribes under Arminius, he rescued
Segestes, who was hated by his own tribe, and who applied to him
for assistance and rescue from the hands of his opponents. The feud
between the two hostile houses had i^ain broke out. Arminius, who
loved Thusnelda, third daughter of Segestes, and whom the father re-
fused to j[ive to him in marriage, had eloped with, and made her his
wife. Hfer father, however, recaptured her, and brought her back to
hia castle. Here he was besieged by Arminius, in order to recover his
wife; but Germanicus meantime aelivered Segestes^ and upon this
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
64 AHMINIUS AND QERMANlCUa
occasion he took prisoner Arminius's consort, Thusnelda, and con-
ducted her to Rome. But she never forgot her husband or her high
rank, and in her sentiments she fortunately more resembled him than
her father. Segestes, on the contrary, who had now found a pro-
tector, addressed the Romans in the same sense as at all times is usual
from such as have betrayed their country : '* This is not the first day
of my fidelity and constancy towards the Roman people !" — ^he ex-
claimed : ^' Since I was made a Roman citizen by the divme Augustus,
I have, in the selection of my friends and enemies, had solely your
advantage in view; not from hatred towards my country — for
traitors are hateful to those to whom they twin — ^but from me con-
viction that the same thin^ is beneficial to both Romans and Grer-
mans, and because I prefer peace to war, the old order of things
to the newy and tranquillity to turmoil. And now that I am wim
you, I can become to the German people a useful advocate — ^should
they choose repentance instead of ruin."
Thus spoke Segestes. Augustus promised him protection, and se-
lected a dwelling for him on the Rnine. Arminius, however, felt
the most violent ra^ and indignation, and above all it pained liim
most deeply, to think, that the child with which his consort whs
pregnant, must first behold the light of day in slavery amon^
the Romans. Acting upon these leehngs, he forthwith traversed
the land of the Cherusci, summoning them all to the war against
Segestes, and against the Romans. His words are rife with the
most bitter energy: "The noble father! the great leader! the
valiant army !" he exclaimed, ironically, " who aU combined together
to carry off a weak woman ! Before me three legions, and as many
leaders have fallen; / do not conduct war by treachery and against
pregnant women, but openly against the armed; and in our German
groves are now to be seen the Roman banners which I have there
consecrated to our native divinities. Let Segestes continue to
dweU upon the subjected banks of the Rhine. Let him there ob-
tain the priestly dignity for his son; but let him know that the
Germans will never forgive him, or forget that they have seen be-
tween the Rhine and the Elbe the Roman fasces and the Roman
toga. If, therefore, my countrymen, your fatherland and fa-
milies, and our ancient Grerman manners are dearer to you than alien
mlers and their followers, then join Arminius, who will lead you to
flory and freedom, rather than obey Segestes, who will only con-
uct you to disgrace and slavery !"
By such fierv language he excited and collected together the
Cherusci and allied tribes, and at their head appeared at his side
his uncle, Inguiomar, as the Romans call him, who stood in great
reroect and esteem among the people.
Germanicus had already retired with his legions to the Rhine;
upon receiving intelligence, however, of this fresh and great rismg
of the German tribes, he resolved upon another expedition that same
year so as to prevent them from making an attack upon the Rhine.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
GERMANICU3 AND ARMINIUS. 65
In order to pass more rapidly, and from several sides into the heart
of the country of the enemy, he, according to his father's example,
led a poitioii of his army by sea to the estuary of the Ems; two
other divisions under CoBcina and Pedo advanced from the Rhine
thiQugli the interior of the country, and thus the in£mtry, cavahry,
lod we flotilla met together in Westphalia. Unfortunatdy the
Romans were not "^thout German auxiliaries; they had Batavian
cavalry with them— and besides these, troops from the Tyrol and
Salzburg, as also from the left bank of the Rhine. The country
that lay between the Ems and the Lippe was devastated; the Bruk-
ten destroyed their own country themselves, that a waste might lie be-
fore the Romans; but the latter pressed onward, re-captured in their
Eursuit of the Brukteri the ea^le of the (19th) legion, which the
liter had taken in the battle with Varus, and arrived in the neigh-
bourhood of the Teutoburger forest, where Varus had been de-
stroyed. Germanicus glowed with the desire to show the last
honour to the fallen leader and his army ; he sent Ccecina forward
to inspect the mountains and passes, and to lay bridges and dams
over the deceptive morasses; and then he himself advanced and
marched over the melancholy scene, ghastly and terrific in its
appearance as well as in its associations. The vestiges of the first
camp of Varus might still be recognised by the larger circuit of
ground, capable of containing three complete legions; the second
encampment was smaller, the wall half demolish^, and the trench
filled up and level. It was perceptible that the last remnant of the
army had encamped itself there until they were at length overpowered.
In tne middle of the plain heaps of whitening bones, the remains of
the vanquished army, lay strewed around, and beside them were
scattered about the fragments of lances, the bones of horses, and
even heads transfixed to the trunks of trees. In the neighbouring
groves the altars still remained, upon which the commanders and most
distinguished leaders had been sacrificed to the gods. And some few,
who, having survived the battle and escaped from slavery, had joined
the present army, pointed out here a spot where a leader fell, there
where an eagle was seized — ^yonder wnere Varus received his first
wound, and finally, where, ftirther on, he gave himself his death
blow.
The Roman army then, in the sixth year after this defeat, buried
the bones of the three legions without any one of them knowing
whether he covered with earth the remains of his friend or enemy;
the commander himself planting the first turf upon the mound. The
army now advanced witn increased fury agaSnst the enemy. Armi-
nius had well understood his own advantage, and retired into the
forests and morasses ; and when the Romans incautiously followed him,
he broke forth, repulsed the cavalry, and drove them back upon the
in&ntry. ButwhenGermanicusadvancedwith the disciplined legions,
he retired, and the contest remained undecided. The results, how-
ever, were nevertheless those of a victory; the Romans commenced
^ Digitized by Google
66 GBRMANICUS AND ARMINIU8.
their retreat: Codcina, one of the before-xnentioiied leaders, serving
under Germanicus, proceeded with four legions across the country
towards the Rhine; VitcJlius, another leader, marched with two le-
gions towards the shores of the sea; and Geimanicus himself -with
uie third body, embarked upon the ships.
The road taken by CcBcina was that of the formerly noticed pontes
hngi, or long bridges, a narrow dam road which ran across immense
morasses. All around were gently rising wooded heights;* these
heights Arminius now occupied, whence ne courageoudy attacked
the Romans, and but little was wanting for Coecina to suffer the same
fate as Varus. The dams and bridges had become so ruined with
fl^, that it was found necessary to repair them, whilst at the same
time a camp was formed, and efforts made to keep the enemy off.
Many of the Romans sank into the morass, for the Cherusci, who
knew the locality well, drove them to the most dangerous parts, and
as these people were accustomed to fight amongst bogs, they, by their
great length of body, and their monstrous javelins which they knew
well how to cast from a distance, brought the Romans into great diffi-
culties. Niffht alone saved the already wavering legions j&om the
ruinous batUe. But the Germans even then indulged in no repose,
for they guided the courses of the spring which rose among those
hiUs, direct upon the Romans encamped oelow.
This was the 40th year that Coecma had either served or com-
manded as a Roman warrior; to him the chances of war were well
known, and his mind, therefore, continued unalanned in all situa-
tions. He accordingly gave his orders, and with presence of mind
commanded what was most expedient in this necessity. The night
was in a variety of ways most tumultuous. The (Germans with their
rejoicings and shouts made the veiy valleys below resound, so that
even the ravines re-echoed with them ; among the Romans there were
only to be seen isolated small fires, and here and there was heard an
abrupt voice, they themselves lying dispersed along the walls, or
ffliding about the tents, more because they were sleepless, than that
they were watchful. Coecina himself was alarmed by a bad dream.
He thought he saw Varus rise spotted with blood, from the morass,
and beckon to him; but the Roman did not follow him, and when
the former extended his hand towards him he struck it back.
At break of day the march was continued as Ccecina had arranged
it, so that he was covered by two legions on each side. They, how-
ever, quitted their position upon the Gtermans attacking them with
renewed fury, led dv Arminius, who called out to them, " Here,
Varus ! here are the legions already conquered by a like fiite 1" The
battle was severe and ammated. Co^cinahimselffell with his wounded
horse, and must have been destroyed had not the first legion thrown
themselves before him. The baggage and munition fell into the hands
* IVobably the forest heights of Mont Canus, the so-called Banmherge, between
Hontmar, Schapdetten, and CMfeld, vhere the sources of the Aa, Stewer, Berckel,
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
GERMANICUS AST) ARMINIUS. 67
of the enem^y and ihe loss of these was the salvation of the Romans,
fcr tbejr enticed the boot^-loving Germans from slaughter to pillage,
and the l^ions thus at last anived on the open plain, where they
eacunped.* Their condition was nevertheless deplorable, and the
aoUieis alxeadj began to complain aloud, that only one day was now
left far so n&any tnousands to live; and so great was their terror
that, when a horse which had escaped, ran towards a few soldiers
ttaading in its way, they all thought the Germans had now broken
ioto the camp, and they fled towards its back gates. Goecina, to
hin^ them to a stand, used intreaties, commands, and threats of
panuhmentf but in vain; and as a last resource, he cast himself down
icrosB the gate, so that the fugitives could pass only over his body,
and thiB desperate state of their old and honoured leader, brought
them at once to their senses and stopped their flight.
In the mean time the Germans nad surroun^d the camp. Ar-
nining, who knew ihe firmness of a Roman encampment, would
not venture to storm it, but preferred conquering the enemy by
Sunine. His uncle, Inguiomar, on the contrary, insisted upon a
speedy attack, and his advice, because it was bolder, pleased the
uennans better. They stormed the camp accordingly, but just in the
decuire moment Coecma caused his troops to saUy out, beat back
the bedegers, and forced them to flight. Arminius left the battle
without a wound, but Inguiomar, his uncle, was severely wounded, and
the I^ons, as many as were left of them, arrived safely on the Rhine.
For the third campaign, in the 16th year, A. D., Germanicus made
still greater preparations than he had for the former. A fleet of a
thouamd vessels, small and large, with deep and broad holds, and
others with flat bottoms for koiding, were collected to carry the
whole army, without exposing it to the dangers previously expe-
rienced by an expedition by land, into the heart of northern Germany,
and if necessai^, so fitted as to bring them also back a^ain. During
these prepaxatians Germanicus mi^e a rapid expedition with six
l^ons, probably upon the road from the W esel towards Lippstadt,
on die northern banks of the Lippe, as far as Aliso, to raise the sie^e
of this fort, which had been re-taken from the Germans and repaired,
and which they were now again besieging. It succeeded, lor the
enemy dispersed on his approach, and ne strengthened the highway
between Aliso and the Rhine with new defences and dams. But as
the chief attack was to be made firom a different side, he marched
back again to the Rhine, and thence embarked his whole army
of not less than 90,000 men, and passing through the fossa Dm-
tiana into the North Sea, landed at the mouth of the Ems. The
Chauci were oblij^ed to supply an auxiliary army, and the Angri-
vari were forced mto subjection on the Lower Weser. The Roman
simy advanced as far as the present Minden. Arminius, at the head
of the Cherusci confederation, opposed it, and abattle ensuedat Idista-
^ Fonibfy between Coesfeld and Veien.
T2 Digitized by Google
$8 ARMiNIUS.
vims^ on the Weser (probably between Prussian Minden and Vlotho).
After a long and warm contest, the Germans were obliged to yield
the field to the Romans, after the latter had gained the hiUs which
commanded the plain. But the Romans could only attribute their
victory chiefly to the German auxiliaries who were with them,
from the North Sea and from the Danube ; and thus, even at the very
commencement of our history, it appears that Germans aided
aliens in the subjection of their compatriots. But in those rude ages
this must not be severely censured, for these tribes from the Danube
had probably never heard of the name of the Cherusci. In this battle
Arminius mmself was wounded, and escaped only by the speed of
his horse; and so great was the slaughter, that from mid-day to the
very depth of nighty the work of murder was continued, and the land
was covered with bodies and arms to the extent of fifty thousand feet.
The subjected tribes of these districts had already determined to
quit their seat between the Weser and the Elbe, and retire beyond
the latter river, when they perceived the trophies^ which the Ro-
mans had raised after the battle, and inscribed with the names
of the conquered tribes; the sight of this inflamed their wrath more
than their own wounds and the remembrance of their fallen friends.
The populace, the nobles, the young and the old, all seized arms,
and again advanced against the Romans. A second bloody battle
took place in a wood^ district between the Weser and the Steinhu-
der Lake, which mroved that the nations' force was not yet broken;
for although the Komans ascribed the victory to themselves, they
nevertheless immediately afterwards commenced their retreat, and '
Germany was saved. Henceforth the Weser never again saw a
Roman army.
The greatest portion of his warriors, Germanicus led back by
water down the Ems to the North Sea. But a tremendous storm
overtook his fleet, destroyed a multitude of his vessels, and dispersed
them on the coasts of Britain. He, himself, was shortly afterwards
recalled from the command of the armies on the Rhine, by the Em-
peror Tiberius, who was jealous of his miUtary fame, and he was
sent to Asia, where he was destroyed by poison in the bloom of
manhood.
Thus did this truly German hero, Arminius, who was equally
great whether in victory or in a doubtful battle, behold his countir
freed from the danger of a foreign yoke. The rapidity and strength
with which he roused himselT in misfortune, and instilled new
courage into his people, produced its salvation. And be it remem*
bered, he had not to contend merely with the rising or sinking
power of the Romans, but whilst it stood in its highest perfection
and extent. Such an army as fought against the Uerman forces in
most beautifullv regulated military array at Idistavisus, and near the
Steinhuder Lake, even the most powerful empires of the earth
could not, up to that time, have resisted.
After he knew that the frontiers were secured, he turned against
an internal enemy, who had remained indifferent to the contest for
ARMINIUS AND MARBODIUS. 69
Gcnnan liberty, and whose manners, aped from the Romans, together
with his despotism, made him doubly hateful to his own tribe, as well
as to ins ne%hbouis. This was Marbodius, the king of the Marco-
nuuini. Amr the battle of the Teutoburger Forest, Arminius had
sent the head of Varus to Marbodius, prolwtbly as a token of victory,
10 diaxne him, because he had not taken part in tlie league against
Rome; perhaps, also, as an appeal to his patriotism to break forth, at
this deosiTe moment, from his position, so favourable to the Ger-
mans, Ixom its being so near and dangerous to the best Roman pro*
Tinces. But Marbodius remained inert. The Emperor Tiberius,
may likewise, perhaps, have employed his usual ingenuity — in order
to conquer ihe Germans more oy stratagem than arms — and have
oontnbated his share also in this case, to produce a division between
the two German princes.
The power of Arminius was now strengthened by the Senoni and
Lonsobardi, who, wearied with the system of dominion exercised by
Marbodius, at once renounced him, and joinod the Gherusci; but,
on the other hand, Arminius was forced to behold his uncle, In-
Sdomar, desert his own ranks, and pass over to those of the enemy.
ostilities appear to have been commenced by Marbodius, inasmuch
as he was the first to advance beyond the frontiers; very probably in
order to overtake and chastise the renegade Senoni and Lon^bardi.
A severe and sanguinary battle was fought, in which, as Tacitus
states, they did not fight in irregular array, but with perfect mili-
tary order and discipline. The result of the action was against Mar-
bodius; he was forced to retire back to his country, and tncreby lost
still more the confidence of his people; and, finally, driven away by
the Grothic prince, Katualda, he ned to the Romans. The latter
granted him a pension, perhaps as a reward for having remained neu-
tral instead of joining Arminius; and, eighteen years afterwards, he
concluded his life — tne means for prolongmg which had been fur-
nished by Roman charity— ingloriously at Ravenna.
We have no records of the last years of Arminius, except what
Tacitus relates in a few words, viz.: that he himself having oecome
suspected of indulj^ng a desire to rule despotically, a conspiracy was
formed against htm, in which his relatives (possibly Segestes and
Inguiomar) participated, and he was murdered in the year 21, in
the thirty-seventh year of his age, and in the twelfth of his chief
command. But we must not forget that the Romans had this talc,
probably, from the assassins of Arminius, and, perhaps, from their
old friend, Segestes, himself; for the whole spirit and tenour of his
great Ufe testi^ that he certainly desired nothing more for himself
than what was justly his due. He may, however, have endeavoured
to havegiventothe north German confederacy — whose chief in war he
was— a permanency and stability likewise during peace, and thus have
drawn tne confederation closer together, in order that a new enemy
should not take them unprepared; and as his great object in this was
misunderstood, his old enemy, Segestes, and nis imcle, who was per-
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
70 CLAUDIUS CIVILIS.
haps envious of the great fame of a nephew, io much his junior ini
may haveavailed themselves of the generalfeeling toprbmotehisdoi
fal. The testimony of the great historian of his enemies, does espedaX
honour to the memory of our hero ; for, after the short narrative of lus
death, he thus speaks of him : '^ Arminius was, without dispute, tlxo
emancipator of 6ermany. In battles not always the victor, he never-
theless remained in war unconquered; and he is still celebrated in tho
heroic songs of the Germans. He is unknown in the chronicles of*
the Greeks, for they admire themselves alone; neither among us
Romans does his &me stand high enough, for we elevate and dig--
nify only that which is ancient, and have but too little regard for
that which is modem." *
Henceforth, the Romans thought no more of subduing Grermaniy ,
but applied themselves solely to me means of securing their fixmtierB
£rom the incursions of the German tribes. Thev therefore continued
to add to the strength of the banks of the Rhme and the Danube,
and kept a considerable finnYi consisting of their best legions, as &
guard upon the borders. Tlie Emperor Claudius granted to the
chief seat of the Ubi the distinction of a colony of veterans, and,
subsequently, in honour of his consort Agrippina, bom in that
spot, it was called, Colonia Agrippina (Cologne). Tlie strong camp
upon the Taunus mountains, which the Romans likewise considered
as one of the most important points in the district of the Rhine,
was re-established also bv Claumus.
In the ^ear 69, another serious revolt again broke forth in the
Lower Rmne, imder Claudius Civilis, a leaoer of the Batavian aux-
iliary tribes, and of roj^al birth. Like Hannibal, one-eyed, and of inde-
pendent, haughty spirit, he nourished the greatest hatred towards the
Romans, and, under Nero, had been dragged in chains to Rome, where
he narrowlv escaped death. When, therefore, now a tribute was
demanded from the Batavians, aldiough they were only bound to do
military service, Civilis invited all the chiefs to a festival in the sacred
grove, where he communicated to them his plans, and, by his elo-
quence, gained over the whole body to join m the revolt. Messen-
gers were despatched to all the neighbouring tribes, nay, even across
to Ghreat Britain; and Civilis, without fur£er delay, forthwith at-
tacked and defeated a Roman encampment, and conquered the fleet
on the Rhine; but not content with small results, he swore not to
cut his beard, or the hair of his head, before he had gained a gieat
and signal victory. He was now joined by the Caninefati, Friesi,
and several tribes of the Saxon race; and as soon as he had con-
quered the CoMtra Vetera, and had d^troyed or made caj^tives several
legions, the whole bodv of Germans, dwelling on the nght bank of
the Rhine, rose up ana joined him, as well as uie Brukteri and other
tribes on the left Dank; for their prophetess, Velleda, a Brukterian
virgin of high rank, had predicted that the power of Rome was now
approaching its end. Civilis sent her the most valuable portion of
tne booty he made; and from her isolated tower, in the zorest near
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
THE BIARCOMANNIC WAR. 71
tlie lippe, ahe herself dizeded the war. All the fortreaies beyond
MentflE were taken, Cologne was made to pledge itself to abolish the
Rlienish dues, at the deciee pronounced by Velleda, diat die Ger-
man trade should be open ana fi:ee £rom taxation. Gallic tribes, also,
joined the oonfedezation« The Emperor Vespasian who had, mean-
time, Boooeeded to the imperial throne, now despatched Gerealis, an
es^erienced and active geneial, to the head-quarters, where, on his
aniYal, he at once proceeded to sow dissension, and produce sus-
picioQ amongst the army of Civilis against their leador; and the
Gauls, in accordance with their usual chanmable character, with*
drew themselves; whilst Civilis, twice defeated, was forced to retreat
amon^the marshes, and wade through the dykes. Numbers deserted
him; V elleda was taken prisoner; and Cerealis, who gained over to
him the passions of the majority, partly by mildness, partly by cun-
lung, as well as by mysterious promises, offered terms of peace. Ci-
viKs then yielded; the generals met on a river, according to the ancient
German custom, and peace was a^ain restored under the old con-
dilions of furnishing military service only. Of the subsequent iate
of Claudius Civihs, nothing more is known.
After these fresh trials at superiority of arms, it was but occarion-
ally that any emperor essayed to obtain military fame against his un-
oonqiiered neighbours, and these endeavours were generally very un-
sucoeosfbl, but m order to conceal the shame thereof, they were obliged
to inTent a variety of plausible excuses. No one, however, had con-
ducted himself more shamelessly and ridiculously than the Emperor
Domitianus, who reigned between the years 80 and 90. He com-
menced awarwith theCSiatti but did not venture to attack them se-
riously, for he quickly retired, leaving his purpose unfinished, and in
order that he might not return to Rome with dic^race and obloquy, he
purchased tall and strong grown slaves in Graul, mressed them like Ger-
mans, caused their hair to be died yellow and arranffed in the Ger-
man &ahion, and then led them as if they had been German captives
in triumph into Rome. In the second century after the birth of
Christ, tne Romans had to endure a very severe war with the Grer-
mans which they called the Marcomannic toar, because the Mar-
comanni were best known to them &om time immemorial, and
because their attack, combined with that of the tribes of the Danube,
most immediately threatened Italy. But a yet more extensive al-
liance of the tribes Seems to have taken place, for also on the Rhine,
and even on the coasts of the Baltic, the Romans had to endure hard
contests. But, unfortunately, the accounts which we must collect
from &e later historians, (Jul. Capitolinus, ArL Spartianus, Dio Cas-
aus, as extracted from liUphilinus, Amm. Marccdlinus, Orosius and
others,) are very imperfect. The Emperor Marcus Aurelius well
understood the greatness of the danger; he caused the priests to be
collected from all parts, prayers and large sacrifices to be made, and the
oracles questioned respecting the issue of the war. It is also related
by Lucian, that a wise man from Egypt, of the name of Alexander,
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
72 THE MARCOMANNIC WAR.
who had acquired great fame, was questioned respecting the Mar-
comannic war. He replied that two lions, well anointed with fra-
grant herbs and spices, should be made to swim across the Danube
into the enemy's country, and that victory would not then fail. His
advice was followed. The Germans, however, who held these lions
to be foreign dogs, killed them with clubs, and immediately after-
wards gained a great victory over the Romans.
The war now became so desperate that the emperor was neces-
dtated to receive into his army slaves, gladiators, and others, who
were previously considered unworthy to bear arms. Even a band of
robbers from Dalmatia were included in the service; and the em-
peror, that he might find means to carry on this severe war, sold every
thing most precious in his treasury, together with his pictures, and
his gold ana silver vessels, the sale of which lasted two months.
Tne Marcomanni nevertheless pressed forward as far as Aquileja,
which lies on the frontier of Italy, causing a similar panic and con-
fusion in Rome as at the time when the Cimbri crossed the Alps.
Had a weak emperor then governed the Roman empire, its fate
would probably have been decided. But Marcus Aurdius was
a wise and valiant man^ and saved Rome once more from &:reat dan-
ger. He maintained a war for thirteen years against the allied tribes,
and had to endure several san^inary battles, being even obliged to
maintain a warm skirmish wim the Jazy^ on the frozen Danube;
and although he brought many of the tnbes individually to peace
and thereby weakened the enemy, and succeeded in irritating Ger-
man tribes against each other, he, nevertheless, did not survive the
end of the war, but died from his exertions during the campaign at
Whfdobona^ the present Vienna, in the year 180.
It now fell upon his son, Commodus, to lead the army against the
enemy, and he made a speech to the soldiers, even over the body of
his father, of what great things he purposed doin^, and that the ocean
alone should set liimts to his conquests; but his heart longed for the
pleasures of Italy and for the sensualities of his metropolis. This was
well known to his flatterers and courtiers, and as they themselves were
weary of the fatigues of the camp, they thus addressed him : *^ How
much longer will you exchange Rome for the rude banks of the Da-
nube, where nothing is to be met with but cold, rain, and eternal
winter, where not a fruit-bearing tree is to be seen and nothing to be
met with to exhilarate life? When will you cease to drink the frozen
water of the Danube whilst others indulge in the warm wells and baths
of Italy?" To such speeches Commoduslistened eagerly and said, "It
is true what you say, and if I preserve my life, I can assuredly more
effectually weaken the enemy than if I expose it to the dangers of war."
Some of the tribes were so reduced by his father that thejr willingly
concluded a peace with him, but from others he purchased it in a dis-
graceful manner by means of large presents, and then he hastened back
to Rome. So vatiantly, however, had these tribes fought tliat, upon
peace being concluded, the Quadi alone gave back 50,000, and the
Digitized by
Google
CONF£DKRATIONS OF THE TRIBES. 73
Jazjgi 100,000 Roman prisoners; and all that the Romans had
gamed by the effusion of so much blood was, that things now
Temained for a short period tranquil upon these frontiers of their
empire*
The proximity of the Romans on the Rhine, the Danube, and
the Neckar, had by degrees effected alterations in the manners of
the Grermans. They had become acquainted with many new things,
both good and bad. By means of the former they became
acquainted with money, and many luxuries. The Romans had
Silaated the vine on the Rhine, and constructed roads, cities, manu-
ketones, theatres, fortresses, temples, and altars; Roman merchants
brought their wares to Oermany, and fetched thence ambers, fea-
thers,* furs, slaves, and the very hair of the Germans, for it was now
the fashion to wear light flaxen wigs, instead of natural hair. Of
the cities which the Iu>mans built there are many yet remaining, as
Salzburg, Ratisbonne, Augsburg, Basle, Strasburg, Baden, Spires,
Worms, Mentz, Treves, Cologne, Boim, &c. But in the interior
of Germany, neither the Romans nor their habits and manners
had found friends, nor were cities built there according to the
Roman style.
The most im{>ortant alteration that took place among the Get*
mans at this period, was their concentration into several extensive
confederations of the tribes. The more ancient example of the
Suevi, the later combination of the Marcomanni and Cherusci, and
periiaps various successful results in other German districts, chiefly,
nowever, the character presented by the great Roman empire, which,
notwithstanding its great corruption, was yet strong by its union : all
this, as welTas the predominant power of individual tribes, and perhaps
many other unknown causes, produced four great confederations of
the tribes, which probably arose from small beginnings, and had ex-
fflsted perhaps for some time, but had only become known and formi-
dable to the Romans in the third century after Christ. Their origin
will probably always remain obscure to us. The Roman writers
here leave us entirely, or are so scanty and uncertain in their indi-
cations, that we cannot build upon them; and the historians who
afterwards arose among the German tribes themselves, were so
iffnorant of their earlier history, that they were only able to pro-
duce old traditions, and often placed them in the most wonderful
fashion in connexion with the narratives of the ancient writers; and
thus they connected the origin of the German tribes with the Trojan
war, the expeditions of Alexander the Great, and other specially
celebrated events of the ancient world. The confederations of the
tribes as they occur in history, and as they arc actually treated
therein, are as follow:
1. llie Alamanm^ afterwards called the Alemanni, and AUe-
* The BomaiiB celebrated the white Gennan goose, which they even called by its
GecmaD name, poM«— Flin. Nat EL, x. 27.
Digitized by
Google
74 CONFEDERATIONS OF THE TRIBES.
manni, between ilie Danube and ihe Maine ; and aabeequently,
after they bad won back ihe Roman tithe^land, alao upon the Upper
Rhine and Neckar. They spread themaelyes later northwaxda aa
£ax as the Lahn. They were a confederation of Suevic tribes, whoee
formation perhaps emanated from the Hermmiduri, and, according
to the opinion, erroneously foxmed, of some ancients^ derived their
name from their being composed of all kinds of men, or manni.
But it is perhaps more correct to consider the name AUemanni as a
warlike, confederative name, equally as the Maicomanni signifies the
War-manni on the frontiers, Crermani, the army or Ger-manni in
general; the Allemanni may therefore mean the Manni, who formed
uie defence for the whole. They were warlike, wild, and valiant,
and gave the Romans no little uneasiness. Dio Gassius first men-
tions them in the histonr of the Emperor Garacalla; accordingly,
at the beginning of the third century mm this period — particularly
after they had penetrated the Umesj and towards the end of the
third centuiy, alter the death of the Emperor Frobus, when they
had conquered the tithe-land — they fell upon the efieminate Gauls
(who henceforward, from terror, called all Germans Alkmandt)^ at
another time made incursions across the Danube, and even across
the Alps into Italy, and each time returned home with rich spoil.
Northwards from these dwelt:
2. The Franks, on the lower Rhine, as far as the Netherlands
and the North Sea; likewise a confederation collected fix>m dif-
ferent tribes of the north-west of Germany: the Sigambri, on the
Issel, which appears to have been the chief tribe (the subsequent
salic franks), the Chamavi, Amsibari, Tenchteri, Usipeti, Brukteri,
Chatti, Cherusci, Tubanti, and others. The Friesi and Chaud
also joined them afWtrards. The name of Frank is variously
derived by ancient and modem learned men. The broadest deriva-
tion is that they wished to be Jrank Bxxdfree people, and thence
called their confederation. The name of x ranks is much more pro^
bably 8uj>po6ed to be derived from their peculiar weapon, a javelin
armed with a barbed hook, which writers call Franziska (perhaps
the ancient/ramea of the Germans). History mentions the Franks
to us for the first time distinctly about the middle of the third cen-
tury, as a union of north Genoan tribes. Flavins Vopisous first
names them in the life of the Emperor Aurelian, about 242; af^r
which the Emperor Julian and other later writers. They were also
veiy strong and bold. Their hidi opinion of themselves is ex-
pressed in the introduction to the Salic law, where it states: '' The
high-jGuned nation of the Franks, who have God for their judge,
are brave in war, profound in council, firm in union, noble, manly in
form, bold, prompt, firm; such is the nation, which, small in num-
ber, by strenffth and courage, burst the yoke of the Romans.''
They traversed many Roman countries, particularly Graul, from one
end to the other, whenever they were eaccited by the lust of prey
Digitized by
Google
CONFEDERATIONS OF THE TRIBES. 75
and booty. ,Th£y even crofleed the Pyienees into Spain, and con-
quered the city Tarragona. The Romans in the third century had
so frail a tenure of these countries, that the Franks and other Ger*
man warlike hordes, among whom are named the Bur^undians and
Vandals, had possession of seventy considerable cities in Gaul.
After a long period a hero again appeared among the Roman
rulers, in the Emperor Probus (276 — ^282); he drove the Germans
beyond the Rhine, fell upon their country, and conquered so many
of them, that in order to reduce them, he was enabled to transplant
many thousands into other portions of his empire. He conveyed a
body of the Franks, who Imd their seat upon the North Sea, more
than a thousand miles into a distant country, to the coasts of the
Black Sea. He expected the Germans would nere forget their bleidc
fatherland, for here they dwelt in a most beautiful and warm cli-
mate, and in a rich and delightful country. They, however, could
not banish from their recollection the cold shores of the stormy North
Sea, but only planned how they could return. They attacked and
took possession of several ships, and in them passed, amidst a thou-
sand dangers and difficulties, through unknown waters, across the
seas of Greece and Africa, and by we coasts of Italy, Spain, and
France, towards their home. Tliey were often obliged to land, and
fi^ht with the natives for provisions; they even conquered the large
city of Syracuse in Sicily, which the Athenians m ancient times
had vainly invested for thiree years; and they at last came through
the great Ocean into the North Sea, and back to their German
coasts. This took place in the year 280.*
3. The Saxon confederation is named, together with the Franks, as
early as the year 288, by Eutropius, and was formed of the remaining
Lower German tribes who had not joined the Franks, or had a^ain
separated themselves from them. Amm. Marcellinus next mentions
tl^ Saxons as the neighbours of the Franks about the middle of
the fourth century, and after him thev are named by many others.
The greatest territorial extension which they attained in the course
of the following centuries up to the time of Charlemagne, was from
the Danes, from whom they were separated by the Eider, over
Lower Saxony and the greatest portion of Westphalia, and in addi-
tion they occupied the banks of the Elbe, Weser, AUer, Seine, Ems,
Lippe, and Ruhr. The history of this command of territory by
the Saxons is entirely unknown to us. If we fix ui>on the name
of the small tribe of the Saxons which is mentioned in the second
century by Ptolemy alone, and who places them at the mouth of
the Elbe, and towards Holstein, it then becomes probable, that
these, together with the Chaud, Brukteri, Gberusci, and Friesi,
(who agam detached themselves from the Franconian league), the
Angrivari, the Fosi, and* other tribes, formed an alliance against
the powerful confederation of the Franks, and drove these who
* ZosimiiB, L, 71} Eomenias in Panegyr., ir., IS.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
76 CONFEDERATIONS OF THE TRIBES.
previously occupied the greater portion of Westphalia, farther to-
i¥ards the Rhine.
The Saxons appear subsequently divided into three circles: that of
the EastphaUans^ beyond the Weser, in the country of Hanover and
Brunswick; the fFestphoHtms on the Ems, and the Lippe in Mun-
ster, OsnabrUck, &c., as far as the Rhine, and the Engeriansy in the
centre between both, in the vicinity of the Weser, continuing per-
hap the name of the Angrivari in an abridged form.
The Saxons likewise well understood navigation, although in the
earlier times tliey possessed but poor ships, formed as they were
principally of twisted branches and boughs of trees lashed together,
and then covered over with hides ot oxen and bullocks — they
were called by the name of Ate/.* They committed many piracies
and became nrst known to the Romans at the end of the third
century, as pirates on the (Jallic coasts. We shall find, subsequently,
that they crossed over to England, and there founded new king-
doms. They placed themselves only during the wars tmder the
leadership of dukes, who afterwards immediately withdrew into
the ranks of the nobility. In times of peace they legislated by
representation, and sent from each of the three circles an equal
number of chosen deputies to their assembly, whose decisions were
valid for all. Thus the idea of a representative parHament, of
which the ancient nations knew nothing, originated with the
Germans.
But still more powerful than all these tribes were:
4. The Goths. Their name we have already found on the
banks of the Vistula. Subsequently, however, it is mentioned from
the shores of the Black Sea as far as the East Sea. They were evi-
dently a union of many mixed nations, as it appears, belonging
hereditarily to the Gothic race, and perhaps founded already at
the period of the great war of the Eastern tribes against Mark
Aurelius. And wmlst on the one hand the Alemanni, Franks,
and Saxons, attacked the country of the Romans, which lay to-
wards the west, the Goths, on the other, turned their attacks to-
wards the south and the cast, the Black Sea and the Danube.
Already, in the third century, the Romans had to maintain severe
contests with them. The Gothic king, Eniva, crossing the Danube,
invaded Moesia and Thracia, conquered several cities, laid the country
waste, and when the Emperor Dedus advanced to meet him, he
gained so great a victory over him at Abrutum, that the emperor
himself and his son remained slain upon the field. From this battle,
in the year 251, the superiority of the Germans, and the weakness
of the Romans, became more and more evident, although several
powerful emperors gained victories over them. Even the successor
of Decius, the Emperor Gallus, was obliged to purchase peace with
the Goths, by leaving them all the booty, as well as all the distin-
* Kid, a Danish port, stiU bears this sign in its city arms.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
DECLINE OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 77
guisbed prifloners, and promising them besides a yearly tribute. At a
later penod they made, in conj unction with the Herulians, several bold
and dangerous piratic expeditions, from the northern coasts of the
Black Sea, as well as l^yond it, to those of the Mediterranean.
Athens, with many moniunents of its flourishing period, the vicinity
of Troy, and the splendid temple of Diana at Ephesus, were overrun
by them, and the latter wholly destroyed.
Tlie great prince of the Goths, who, of all others, spread their do-
minion the most extensively, was Armanarich, or Hermanrich,
who lived in the fourth century. He ruled over them for more
than two generations, and attained himself the age of a hundred and
ten years. His empire extended from the Black Sea and the Da-
nube over Moldavia, Wallachia, Hungary, Poland, and Prussia, to
the Baltic.
The Goths early divided themselves into two head divisions, which
afterwards, after many changes, appear in the history under the titles
of the Eastern Goths and the Western Goths. Kings of the race of
the AmaUans (probably the pure, without stain) ruled over the
Eastern Goths; and the Western Gk>ths were governed by the royal
race of the Baitians (from balt^ bold). Among the Eastern Gotns,
the Greuthungi, and among the Western Goths, the Thervingi, were
the cliief tribes.
The Goths belonged to the noblest and most civilized German
tribes, and had adopted Christianity at a very early period. Their
bishop, Ulphilas or Wulfila (Wcilflein), as early as the fourth cen-
tury, undertook the truly wonderful task of translating the Bible*
into their la^ua^e, until then but little cultivated; and thus was
speedily diffiised among them, together with the belief in the
oaviour of the world, both gentler feelings and manners.
Besides these confederations, there were other isolated tribes in
Germany, ^particularly two, who will speedily appear among the
rest, as distmguished for power and dignity, viz.: the Burgundi^
earlier on the V istula, and the Longobardi^ on the Elbe.
At the period that the German tribes flourished in their prime,
and collected and combined their power in large unions, the Uoman
empire, in its declining strength, oecame daily more and more re-
duced within itself, and its magnitude was a burden to it. The ma-
jority of the Roman emperors, &om the year 180 downwards, became
in a greater degree enervated, and with their effeminacy, grew likewise
either more and more malignant and suspicious, or they were avowed
tyrants, and shed the blood of the best men without reserve or shame.
But even if a good ruler happened to appear, and sought to maintain
* This traiislation is the most ancient, and for us, an invaluable monument of our
language. For a long period, there only existed two MS. copies thereof: the so-called
Codex AraeHtim»(pt the silver letters), in Upsala, and the Codex CaroUnui, in Wolfen-
btttteL These, however, contain only the four Evangelists and a portion of the Bo-
man Epistles; whilst Ulphilas translated the whole Bible, with the exception of
the hooks of Samuel and the Kings. In recent times, however, considerable portions
of the xemaming translatkm have been discovered and made known in^iUan.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
78 DECLINE OF THE ROMAN EICPIEE.
rifflit and order, he was speedily murdered by the tlrild horde of
soldiers; for they it was irao, in &ct, ruled the empire. Accord-
ing to Iheir pleasure, they elevated or deposed the emp^x>r8; and
to such shameless extent did tiiey carry their swa^^, that they pub-
licly offered the imperial crown for sale, and placed it upon the head
of nim who gave them the most money. In the course of one hun-
dred and twenty years, from 180-300, in which period — ^in the
ordinary course ot things — six rulers would have succeeded each
other, no less than six-and-thirty emperors governed the Roman
empire, of whom twenty-seven were murdered, three fell in war,
and only six died a natural death.
It did not, however, suffice that an eniperor was destroyed every
moment, but the murderers slew aU his adherents with him; so that
blood was shed in streams, and the majority, in their selfishness, took
especial care not to adhere too faithfully to their princes to the last.
In such times, tiie Romans necessarily became a corrupted, reckless,
and contemptible people, who only cared to pass their days in idleness,
luxury, and sensuality. For when man beholds before nim no secu-
rity for the future, and knows not if the fruits of his industry will
descend to his children, he then only considers how he himsell shall
enjoy the present moment; and thus, in his sensual voracity and
brutality, he places himself upon a level with the irrational beasts,
no longer thinking of a future judgment and a retribution.
It is true that the doctrine of Jesus had calmly diffiised itself like-
wise among the Romans, and had certainly saved many from the
general ruin. The Emperor Constantino himself even, who removed
the seat of empire from Rome to Constantinople, made it, in the
year 311, the established religion of his empire; and, indeed, from
that time, Roman affairs took for a period a more favourable turn,
but the improvement was not fundamental. The Romans during
the dominion of vice had lost the higher moral power of the soul,
in which alone the divine word can take deep root; the former sin-
fulness became intermixed with the modem doctrines, and thus, as
pure spring water when flowing into a morass, becomes as bad as the
stagnant pool itself, so did the admixture of die andent wickedness
with the new light of Christian virtue destroy completely all bene-
ficial results. \
In this condition of the world it is easy to understand, that the at-
tacks of the German nations upon the Roman empire must, neces-
sarily, have become daily more successfiil, and it also explams how
they were ur^ed by an irreastible natural impulse to overpower such
miserable neighbours, by whom they themselves had been first at-
tacked, and who, notwithstanding their enervation and corruption,
considered themselves a nobler race than the unpolished Germans,
whom they called barbarians. And thus in nature also it may be
observed as a rule, that where there* is a vacuum, the active, agitated
powers of air and water forthwith strive to break in.
Digitized by
Google
THE HUNKS. 79
CHAPTER m.
375—476.
The Hiiimi--€kimm6DC6ment of the Graat Migratioii, 376— Imptum of the Western
Goths, Vandals, Siievi, Burgondians, and other tribes, into the Western Roman
Em^re— Alaric— Attila, God's Soonrge, 451-«The Eall of the Boman Empire m
the west, 476.
About the year 376, when the Emperor Valens reigned in Con-
stantinople, and the western empire was under the dominion of his
nephew, the youthfiil Gratian, a new tribe, ahnost unknown and
exoeedinglv savage, broke forth from Asia. Thejr were not of Ger-
man but 01 Mongolian origin, and were called Hunns. Terror and
diead preceded them, and those who had seen them described them
in theiollowing terms* : " The tribe called Hunns surpass every deffree
of sava^eness. They have firm-set limbs and thick necks, and their
whole ^ure is so mis-shapen and broad, that ihey might be consi-
dered as two-l^^ed monsters, or as posts that have been roughlv hewn
to sup^rt the balustrades cf bridges. And as, immediately after
their mrth, deep incisions are made in the cheeks of their cluldrcn,
so that the growth of hair may be hindered by cicatrising the
wounds, they remain beardless and most hateful to behold, even
to the most advanced period of life. In addition to their ill-
&voured and repulsive shapes they are so savage that they neither
need fire, nor cook their victuals; but the roots of wild plants and
the half raw flesh of the first good animal they meet with, and which
they place beneath them upon the backs of their horses and thus ride
it somewhat tender, is their whole sustenance. They enter houses
only when they are forced by the most extreme necessity; they
avoid them as the separated ^ves of life, but wandering through
mountains and valle^rs, they learn to endure, firom their infancy,
frost, hunger, and tmrst. lliey clothe themselves with a linen ^r-
ment or in furs, consisting of the skins of mice sewn together; they
cover their heads with overhanging caps, and their legs with the
skins of goats. Their rous^h and dumsy boots prevent them from
walking freely, and, theretore, they cannot fight on foot; but are
almost grown, as it were, to their horses, which are durable, but, in
keeping with their masters, as characteristically u^ly. All their
business is transacted upon horseback, and thus this people buy
and sell, eat and drink; and, leaning upon the neck of his swilt
animal, the rider mnks into a deep sleep, even to the very phantasma
of dreams; and if a council is to be held upon serious matters, it is
conducted in this same manner.
"Iliey commence battle with a terrific howl; with the rapidity
of lightning they advance and purposely disperse themselves m tne
MaroelL, xxi, 9} Dordanis, S4.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
80 THE HUNNS AND THE GOTHS.
same moment; return rapidly again, hover about in irregular array,
destroying heedlessly whatever they meet with here and there; and
from their extraordinary speed, almost before they are observed, they
are already engaged in storming the wall, or plundering the camp of
the enemy. At a distance they fight with javelins, whose points are
furnished with polished bones, prepared with extraordinary skill; but
in close combat vrith the sabre, whilst the enemy parries the thrust,
they cast a noose over him and carry him off.
** Agriculture is not practised among them, and none touch the
plough, for all roam about without a dwelUng, without a home,
without laws and fixed customs, always wanderers; the women
dwell in waggons, where they weave their x^oarse garments and
bring up their children. If Viq question be put to tnem, whence
they come, none can return an answer; for they are begot at one
place, bom at another, and brought up again elsewhere. Adherence
to contracts the^ know not, and like insensible animals, they scarcely
know aught of justice or injustice, but they precipitate themselves
with all the impetuosity of their desires upon an object, and they
waver at every newly raised hope or prospect; nay, they are so
changeable and irritable, that even sometimes in the same diay with-
out me least offence, they fall out with their allies, and again without
anyjpersuasion, they return and become friends with them again."
This lightly*equipped and uncontrollable race, burning with a
fearful and determined desire of booty from strangers, broke forth
from the sea of Asov, whither they were driven much earlier from
their ancient pastures on the fix)ntiers of Cliina, and fell first upon
the Alanij thought by some to be an Asiatic tribe, by others a^rain
considered to be a branch of the Goths ; but it is probably a collec-
tive name, by which the Romans signify the tribes eastward of the
Goths on the Wolga and the Don, who may possibly have been of
different races. The Hunns are said to have sacrificed their first
European prisoners to the manes of their ancient princes. This im-
mense swarm then rushed onwards upon the Goths. Hermanrich,
a brave old warrior, upwards of a hundred years of age, and still suf-
fering from a severe wound received in battle, when he saw he
could not resist the Himns, would not survive his formerly acquired
fame, and therefore, in despair, killed himself. His people were
obliged to subject themselves to the power of these savages, and
the 'ihervingians considering resistance useless, quitted their ancient
seats, and sent messengers to the Emperor Valens, at Constan-
tinople, with a petition: '* that if he would give them land and pas-
turage beyond the Danube, they would be the defenders of the
frontiers." As mediator for the Thervingians, it is very probable,
that much was effected by the Gothic Bishop Ulphilas, who, in a
persecution made against the Christians by the pagan Gothic princes,
had, some time previously together with several Gothic Christians,
taken refuge, and been granted an asylum on Roman ground, at
the foot ot the Hoemus. This pious and patrioticj>relate had, in-
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
THE HUNNS AND THE GOTHS. 81
deed, dunng a space, of forty years, been continually occupied in
worUng for the benefit of his people. The emperor received them
kindly. They were not pursued by the Hunns, who now followed
pasturage, hunting, and pillage, for more than fifty yeaxs in the
oteppes and forests of the present southern Russia, Poland, and
Hungary, by which means they came into frequent intercourse with
the Komans, whom they often served in war ; and humanized by
this communication with the latter and the Germans, much of the
imoouthness in their manners was removed.
The new seat of the Western Goths in Msesia became very soon
too narrow for them ; and as their herds did not supply them with
sofl&cient support, they begged permission to barter for their necessary
wants. The Roman rulers, however, Lupicinus and Maximus, took
such shameful advantage of their necessities, that for a loaf and
about ten poimds of miserable meat (frequently the flesh of dogs),
they demanded a dave in return. The majority of their herds were
consumed, their slaves gone, and famine induced many to give up
even their children for bread. While the people suffered from these
mievances, Fridigem, the Gothic prince, was mvited as a ^est by
Lupicinus to MarcianopoUs. He was a valiant youth, fuU of the
heroic courage of his ancestors; and on this occasion many young
men, his brethren in arms and other friends, accompanied him.
Whilst he was eating, the cries of his followers outside rose suddenly
upon his ear, for the Romans had fallen upon them and were murdering
them. With his eyes sparkling with vengeance, and his sword in
hand, he sprang up, and rushing out, saved his friends, and hastened
away with them.* The Goths, embittered at the treachery of the
Romans, broke up, defeated Lupicinus, and traversed the nearest
provinces with fire and sword; and from the walls of Constantinople
were seen the flames of the villages and country-seats which they
had lighted.
The Emperor Valens advanced against Fridigem with an army;
the assistance which his nepihew, Gratian, was bringing to his aid from
the westy he would not wait for, in order to retain alone the honour
of victory; and he precipitately ventured a battle near Adrianople.
It was severely contested; but the Gothic in&ntry repulsed, at last,
the Roman cavaliy ,and then the lemons. The emi>eror fled wounded ;
his horse falling, he had scarcely time to save himself in a neigh-
bouring peasant's hut The Goths, far from thinking that the Ko-
man emperor was concealed beneath a thatched roof, set fire to this
as well as other huts; and Valens found his death in this miserable
manner in the year 378.
In this pitiable state the empire was once more warded from its
fall by the vigorous and prudent Emperor Theodosius, a Spaniard
by birth. lie contrived to weaken the Goths by divisions, and
made Fridigem's successor, Athanaric, conclude a peace. He pro-
• Amm. MaioelL, zzxL 5, and Jordazds, 26.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
89 THE OOTH8— -ALARIC.
xniaed tbe Goths a oonuderable supplj of provmcm^ and ikej, m
return, lent him 40,000 men as aiuobanes.
Tlu8 emperor died in the year 395, and his two eons, Hone-
riu8 and Axci^us, divided the empire between them; Arcadius
took his seat at Constantinople, Honorius in Italj, and the first divi-
aon was called the eosfem, and the second the wettem empire.
The sons did not resemble the father; too indolent to undertake
the goTemment themselves, ihej allowed their chanceUois, the
Gaul, Rufimus^ snd the Vandal, Stilichoj tomle. Bufinius, who wa»
chancellor in Constantinople, corrupt and selfish, thought bj war
and daring adventures to exalt himself and increase his power;
accordingly he excited the Goths under Alaric to make an immtioiu
The presents promised them by Theodosius were not delivered, and
Alaric devastated Thracia throughout ; and Stilicho advanced against
him, but was driven back by the jealous Rufinius, who was mur^
dered by the embitteied army. JJuoa this, Alaric turned against
Greece, then quite defenceless, which he robbed of its last treasures
and glories. ' oudd»dy, Stilicho attacked and pressed hard u{K>n
the Goths; but Arcadius ordered him to retire, negotiated with
Alaric, and made him general of Slyria, that is — gave it up to him
in 396. The Goths broke up firom here in the year 402, and
advanced uctcm the Alps. Stilicho, neverthdess, once more sue*
ceeded, by a determined reostance, in fbrcinf^ his dang^x>us en^ny
to retire beyond the boundary line of mountams. And in the same
manner he saved Italy in me year 405 &om the attack of a large
mixed army of German tribes, which, under Radajgaisns, endok-
Touied to break across the Alps from a different side, and were
perhaps in alliance with Alaric The history of these times is very
c(m£used, and it is therefore not dear if tnat body was destroyed
near Foesulae, as some historians relate, or whether Stilicho was
enabled to remove them by treaty, and direct them to Gaul.
But it appears that Stilicho also pursiaed ambitious projects; for he
had combined with Alaric to make an attack upon the eastern
empire, but was accused of treachery by his enemies, and by com-
mand of the Emperor Honorius, his own son*in-law, he was assas-
sinated in the year 408. As soon as Alaric heard of the death of
Stilicho, he once more advanced against Italy, pressed through the
passes of the Alps, crossed the Po, and went direct to Rome; he left
the emperor in Ravenna, for he despised this weak prince. In Rome
all was terror and confusion; for since 600 years the Romans had
seen no enemy before, nor during 800 years had they beheld an
enemy within their walls, thence the city was called the eternal
city. They, nevertheless, once more gave voice to theb ancient
haughtiness, and thus addressed Alaric:* '^The Roman people are
numerous and strong, and by their constant practice in arms are so
bold and courageous that they have no dread of war." But Alaric
* Zotimus, v.. Si.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
TH£ G0TH8~ALA&IC. 8S
only laaghed aloud at thu, and replied: '* Thickly standing grasB k
much easier mowed than thin." The ambaflaadors then asked the
oonditioiiB of peace. He demanded all the cold and silyer, together
With the whole of the rich plate contained in we city, and all the slaves
of Gexman origin. On which they asked, ^' What, will you then leave
hb?' *^ Your souls I" said he. Thus insolently spoke a man, bom
amcmg a barbaric tribe, upon the island of Pence (at the mouth of
the Dairabe) to that city which, for centuries, had ruled the habit-
aUe earth, and through the gates and streets of which the proudest
herocB had marched in triumph, crowned with victories gained over
foreign nations, and loaded with booty fSrom Europe, Asia, and
Afiical
At this moment, certain prophets (ram Tuscany, who were in the
city, offered themselves to drive Alaric back from Rome by pro-
phetic threats, if, in return, they might be allowed to institute feasts
and aacrifices to their ancient divinities. Doubtless, when he heard
oi radi weak and futile proposals being made, the valorous Alaric
treated the matter with mented contempt and derision.
When now the Romans discovered no hopes of bein^ rescued,
they were obliged to fulfil the wishes of their enemy, and promise
him 5000 pounds of mid and 30,000 of silver, liesides a multi-
plicity of rare and cosuy articles. But so much gold and silver was
not to be found in the possesion of the inhabitants. They were,
dierefofe, obliged to have recourse to the ornaments and decorations
of the ancient temples; and it is said that, among the statues of their
divinities, diat of Valour was also melted down — ^it thus appearing as
if all that still remained in Rome of ihat noble quality in man was
now annihilated for ever.
Tlie Emperor Hanorius refused to enter into any negotiaticn
whatever with Alaric, who, therefore, returned next year to Rome,
and appointed another emperor, of the name of Attalus, as rival to
Hononus; but as, after one year's trial, he also proved himself to be
wholly worthless, Alaric reduced him again to the dust &om which
he had raised him, and the dty of Rome, which held out against
him^ he now took by storm. Tnis happened on the 23d of August,
in the year 410. llie Goths entered the imperial palace and plun-
dered It, as well as the houses of the nobles; but they so far mode-
rated their ire, that they did not bum the city, u was a happy
thing for the R(»nans that the Goths were Christians; for those who
fled to the churches were not molested or touched; nay, a singular
occuiraioe, which is related to us, displays very evidently the pious
feeUng of diese people. A warrior, who entered the house of a fe-
male, found gold and silver vessels there. She told him that they
belonged to tl^ holy uKMtle St. Peter, and were given to her
in diarge for the church; he might, therefore, act as he thought
proper. Hie soldier communicated this to Alaric, who sent imme-
diately thither, and caused the sacred vessels to be carried with so-
knmi^ back to tiie church. The RomauSi animated by such gene-
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
84 MIGRATION OF THE TRIBES.
rous tolerance, accompanied the train, chanting solemn hymns; and
the Gothic warriors, astonished at the unexpected spectacle, ceased
to plunder, joined the procession themselves, and thus was the fury
of war transformed into genial peace bj mere Christian emotion.
Alaric remained only a few days in Rome ; he then advanced towards
lower Italy, indulging his ima^nation with magnificent plans, for,
as it appears, he purposed embarking for the beautiful island of Sicily,
and thence to proceed to Africa, in order to conquer likewise this
granary of Italy. But death overtook him at Cosenza, in his 34tli
year. The entire Westro-Gothic nation bewailed his loss, and pre-
pared a remarkable and memorable grave for him. They dug ano-
ther bed for the river Busento, conducting the water through it,
and then buried their king, fully armed and equipped, in the onginal
bed of the river, accompanied oy his war-horse and the trophies of
his victories. They then conducted the course of the river back
again, in order that neither Roman covetousness nor revenge should
desecrate or disturb the great Alaric, in the grave where he reposed
from his victories. Upon his death, the Goths elected for their king
the most handsome of their young nobles, the youth Athaulf^ or
Adolplius^ the brother-in-law of Alaric. He advanced from Lower
Italy to Rome, where he obliged the Emperor Honorius to give
him his own sister, Placidia, as consort; he then quitted Italy,
passed with his nation into Gaul and Spain, and he and his suc-
cessor, Walliay were the founders of the extensive Westro-Gothic
kingdom, which comprised the south of France as far as the Loire,
and speedily embraced Spain also, the metropolis of which was
Toulouse, on the river Gkronne. In the year 419, the Romans for-
mally delivered Southern Gaul up to Wallia. The commencement
of the fifth century was therefore in the highest degree turbulent,
from the violent movements of the various nations. Almost all
the German tribes sent out hordes of troops upon excursions of
pillage or conquest; or they themselves, pressed forward by the
superior attacks of other tribes, broke up their abode, that they
might, arms in hand, seek elsewhere for new dwellings. Tlie
weak alone, who could or would not quit their paternal dwelling,
remained behind, and became mingled with and lost amidst the
immediately succeeding race. Besides the Goths, the Vandals
and Alans were pressed forward by the Hunns, and advanced from
the east gradually towards the west. In their advance, the Bur-
gundians, who likewise had quitted their dwelling-place on the
Vistula and had arrived as far as the Upper Danube, with a portion
of the Suevi, namely, the Quadi, and other tribes joined them.
It was probably a swarm of these mixed tribes which, under Ra-
dagaisus, or Radigast, made the attack upon Italy in the year 405,
and which by great good fortune was warded off by Stilicho.
This isolated horde disappears, as well as the name of its leader,
without leaving a trace in mstory. But in their attacks upon Graul
and Spain the beforementioned tribes were more fortunate. Stilicho
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
MIGRATION OF TH£ TRIfiES. 85
bad opened to them the road thither, by withdrawing the legions from
the Rhine and fSrom Graul for the defence of Italy. They now
desolated the country from Strasburg to Amiens. Treves was
four times plundered, Mentz and Worms destroyed, the inhabitants
of Strasburg, Spires, Rheims, and other cities driven forth as
slaves. Aiter these swarms had at last been driven back into the
south of France by the Romans and the Franks, they, in the
year 408, were called into Spain by the rebellious Roman governor,
Gervatius. Hitherto this country had been spared during these
fearfid times, but its turn came at last. The Vandals, Alani, and
Suevi, crossed the Pyrenees, and speedily conquered the greatest
part of the country. A portion of the Alani remained in Gaul, and
are found later on the side of the Romans, in the great battle with
Attila; after which they disappear. The Burgundians also remained
under their king, Gkindikar (GUnther), and first founded their king-
dom in Alsace, where it speedily extended towards the Rhone
and Soane into Switzerland, and from thence it spread to Savoy.
In northern Graul, however, the Franks appear about this time to
have made themselves masters, so that all that lies towards the
north, fiom Boulogne on one side, to Cologne on the other, was
subject to their sway. Before the middle of that century Treves
also, which they had four times conquered, remained in their ]>ower.
The Vandals, who with the Alani had taken their seat in the
south of Spain, passed thence in the year 420, under their king,
Geiserich or Genserich, upon the invitation of the discontented
Roman mvemor, Bonifacius, over into Africa, and conquering there
the whole of the northern coast, founded for a century a flourish-
ing kingdom, the chief dty of which was Carthage. What a mi-
gration, from the very shores of the Baltic, where these tribes first
appear in historv, even to the borders of the African deserts! Gei-
sench, one of the sreat men of his age, but of a savi^e disposition,
ruled for 50 years, fiom 428 — 477. After him the kingdom of the
Vandals fell, in the luxuriant climate of the country, produced by
internal disturbances, and by the enervation of this otherwise powerful
tribe- The emperor of Constantinople, Justinian, took advantage of
their reduced state? and in the year 653 sent his general, Belisarius,
to AiBrica with an army* who overcame them in eight months. Their
last king, Gelimer, was led by him in chains on his triumphant entry
into Constantinople.
Tbe Suevi remained in Spain, but became, by degrees, more and
more pressed upon by the Westro-Goths under W aUia and his succes-
BOTs, being soon limited to the north-western portion of Spain and
Portugal; and at last, in the year 585, they were entirely united
with toe Westro-Gothic kingdom.
In the middle of the fifth century, 449, the Angeli, Saxons and
Futi, passed over into England, and there founded new dynasties.
Under the Emperor Honorius, and immediately after him, the Ro-
mans had entirely quitted Britain. The Britons had, however, be-
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
86 THE BRITONS — ATTILA, GOD'S SCOURGE.
come 80 enervated under dieir sway, that after the withdiamd of the
Roman garrisons, thej felt themselves incompetent to protect their
freedom. Their neighbours in the Scotch Highlands, the warlike
Picts and Scots, breaking forth irom their momitaina with iindi-
ininished power, pressed hard upon them; andihej foimd no other
alternative but to call strangers once more to their defence. Their
choice fell upon the tribes of Saxon origin who inhabited the coasts
of the North Sea, and whose valour they had often had occasion to
know when these fell in with their piratic squadrons on the coasts of
Britain. Two Saxon brothers, Hengist and Horst, or Hoisa, heroea
of a noble race, who derived their origin from Wodan, accepted the
invitation of the British kin^, Vortigem, and with only three ahips,
which bore 1600 warriors, they landed. Their valour alone snpphed
the place of numbers; thev beat the Picts near Stamford, and speedilj
afterwards large troops of their countrymen followed them overfiom
the continent. The Britons then would willingly have been freed
of their new guests; they, however, pref^red remaining, subjected
the whole of England as far as Wales, and founded the weU-koowa
Anglo-Saxon kin^oms or heptarchy, of which Kmt, established by
Hengist, formed tne first
In a large village, seated in a plain between the Danube and the
Theiss, in Hungary, and surrounded by pallisades, which had origi«
nated in a camp, there stood, in the midst of a spadoua court, an
extensive wooden mansion, adorned with many passages and halls,
and which formed the dwelling of Attila or Etzel, Icing of the Hunns.
He hadimitedhispeoj^le — ^until then dispersed under many leadenh—
under his own dominion; and in eflfecting this had not hesitated
even to slay his own brother, Bleda. All the tribes of tlie Hunna
and their subjected nations, distributed from the Wolga to Hungaiy,
reverenced his command. He was brd of the Gepi£, Longobanu,
Avari, Ostrogoths, and many nations in the south of Germany; they,
however, retained their Imguages, their customs, and their laws,
and were ruled by their own j>rinces; so that thev were to be con-
sidered more as allies than subjects; and besides the language of the
Hunns, that of the Croths, or German, was spoken at the court of
Attila.
He himself was small of stature, had a hum head, deeply-seated
eyes, which he proudly cast around, a broad diest, much animatioii,
and a manner and bearing which thoroughly dirolayed the ruler.
His most &vourite name, indeed, was God^esel, the scourge of
God, for the punishment of the world.
But as it may be assumed generally with r^ard to rulers, the
founders of mighty empires, that tbuey have not alone to thank
their conquering swords for their acquired power, so also on his part
King Attila gave undoubted proofs that for governing he possesed
capacities more mild and intellectual than the mere rude courage
and skill of a warrior. For if he was terrible towards his enemies,
and in bis wrath severe and exterminating, still, on. the other haiid|
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
ATTILA AND THE HDNNS. 87
he 'was gentle and kind to thoee he took under his protection. And
if m war he himself alwa js led on his people to battle, he was never-
th^eas, in timesof peace, always to be found seated at their head be-
fiune his palace gates, performing the office of mediator and judge be-
tween each and all who came to him, without distinction.
He loYed splendour around him, but he himself lived in a simple
and plain style, as if his greatness did not require this foil. The trap-
pings of his horse were unadorned and but litde costly; at his ban-
qoela, gold and silver vessels were placed before his ^ests, whilst he
akHie had those of wood; he ate but little meat, despising, according
to the custom of his nation, even bread. After each dish was served,
the cup or wassail-bowl was handed round, and his health and pros-
perity drank ; whilst minstrels sang heroic songs in praise of his valor-
ous deeds. The court jester then followed with his wit and fun, and
hilarity and merriment ruled at the board of the royal host; but he
akme never intermitted his strict seriousness. He remained through-
out grave and thoughtful; and it was only when his youngest son,
Imack, entered the hall and approached him, that his features re-
laxed into a smile, and whom ne greeted vrith affection; for of this
son it had been prophesied, that he alone would be the means of pre-
serving the succession of the race of Attila.*
This powerful ruler, of whom it has been said that, when with
his mysterious sword-^ which had been found by a shepherd in the
steppes of Icythia, and was considered to be the sword of the god
of war — ^he struck the earth, a hundred nations trembled, and even
Bcme and Constantinople shook to their foundations, arose with his
anny in the year 451, and turned his course towards the west He
advanced with 700,000 men, all under him as chief ruler, and every
tribe under its particular prince; and although the princes them-
selves trembled before him, his whole army had but one soul, and
his nod alone directed every movement. His path was called de-
struction; for what could not fly, or was not destroyed, as he pro-
gzessed in his road, was forced to follow in his train.
He advanced through Austria and the Allemannic country, across
the Rhine, overcame the Burgundian King Gundikar (O'unther),
even to the destruction of his whole tribe; conquered and plimder^
the cities of Strasburg, Spire, Worms, Mentz, Treves, and others,
and vowed not to stop until he reached the ocean itself The military
portion of the countries he traversed joined him either spontaneously
or by foioe, and the gigantic horde increased at ever j step like aa
avalanche.
But the Romans and several German nations had now armed
theaaelveB against the great danger which threatened the west; for it
was now to be decided whether Europe should be German or Mon-
* ThJi deflcriptum of Attilaaad his court u handed down to lu by an eye-witneMr
file sophist, Frisnu, who attended in the snite of on emhassy from the Bmperor
Thcodosina Hat the eoort of AttUatBysant. hist script L Jocdaals idso describes
▲ttflaesfw BBXVy-^fi^th xelate also aboat the sword of UbiB.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
88 ATTILA AND THE GOTHF.
Solian, whether Geirnan races were to found new kingdoms npon
le tottering ruins of the Roman Empire or the great King of the
Hunns. The Romans had at this time once again a good leader of
the name of -ZEtius, who had formerly, when banished by Valen-
tinian, sought refuge at the court of Attila; he collected an army in
Gaul, and applied for aid to the Westro-Gothic king, Theodoric or
Dicterich, who dwelt in Toulouse, and whose kingdom also was in
great danger. To him Dieterich repUed, although, in earlier times,
JEtius had been his enemy: *' A just war has never appeared to fall
too heavy upon any king of the Westro-Goths; and never has anj
such king been known to fear when it depended upon a glorious deea.
Even thus think the nobles of my kingdom also ; and the entire
nation of the Westro-Goths will, at the call, cheerfully seize their
well-tried arms, at all times victorious." The Burgundians had also
promised assistance, besides Sangipan, the Alanian, who ruled upon
the Loire; a portion of the Franks also, together with the city of
Paris itself, and even a branch of the Saxons, which had colonisedy
it is unknown at what period, at the mouths of the Loire, or perhaps
had landed there direct from a maritime expedition — all these united
together for the same purpose.
In the broad plain of France, through which the Mame flows,
and which was called by the ancients me Catalaunian Plain, where
the city of Chalons now lies, there rises near Mury, in the viciniw
of Troyes, a moderately high hill, which commands the district. It
was here that the army of the West met the forces of the Hunns,
and a severe battle was fought. It may be called a battle of the
nations, for the majority of me European nations stood here opposed
to each other. The left wing of the Roman army was commanded
by iBtius, the right by Theodoric; between them they posted
King Sangipan, who was the least to be trusted. The hordes of the
Hunns, on the opposite side, appeared innumerable; one wing was
commanded by Arderic, the King of the Grepidi ; the others by
Theudimer, Widemir, and Walamir, theprinces of the Ostro-Goths.
Attila was in the centre of the whole. The multitude of petty kings
obeyed his least nod, and they fulfilled his commands in silence and
terror; he alone, the chief of all these kings, thought and acted for
all. When the battle was about to begin, he summoned his leaders
before him, and said, *' It does not become me to say conmion-place
things to you, or for you to listen to such. Be men; attack, break
through, cast all down; despise the Roman array and their shields.
Fall upon the Western Goths and Alani, in whom lies the strength
of the enemy. If you must die, you will die even when you nee.
Direct your eyes to me, for I shall go first; he who does not follow
— shall be a corpse 1"
Both armies strove to obtain the hill; the battle was very furious,
and there was terrible slaughter. The Hunns soon broke through
the centre, where the Romans were stationed, and whom they put
to flight; and soon afterwards the Westro-Goths gave way before the
Digitized by
Google
ATTILA — HIS DEATH. 89
Ostro-Gotlis. Whilst the Westro-Gothic king was addressing his
people he fell, but gloriously, for his death inflamed his nation to
revenge it; and his son Thorismund leading them on, put the
enemy to flight, and thus decided the battle. Upon the approach
of night, Attila was obliged to retire within his camp of waggons.
As he did not know but the enemy might pursue him, he caused
innumerable saddles and wooden shields to be piled up, in case of
necessity to set fire to them and die in the flames; at the same time,
to terrify the enemy, he commanded a noise to be made all night
with arms, drums, trumpets, and songs; but they did not at-
tack him. Amongst the piled heaps of the slain, they sought the
body of the Westro-Gothic king, and celebrated his funeral by a
procession, amidst laments and warlike instruments sounding, taking
with them the spoils of the Hunns in their verypresence, who how-
ever did not venture to interrupt the ceremony. Thorismund followed
the body of his father, and wished to return and renew the attack;
but he was dissuaded from this by iBtius, who advised him to re-
turn to his kingdom, that his brother might not take first possession
of the crown. He was anxious not to destroy the power of the
Hunns completely, in order, perhaps, to be enabled to use it subse-
quently against the Goths.
In tne following year, Attila, who was thus enabled to recroes the
Rhine unpursued, made a second incursion into Italy, and destroyed
in a temble manner Aquileja, Milan,* and other cities. Rome
itself was alone saved frpm a similar &te by the supplications of
Pope Leo, and the rich ransom he offered to him. Want of sup-
plies and disease amongst his army, forced him to retreat across the
Alps; he nevertheless threatened to return a^in, and had al-
ready prepared another expedition, but amidst nis preparations he
died, in the year 453. He was mourned over, and buried according
to the customs of his people. The Hunns slashed their faces with
wounds, and shaved away their hair, and upon a broad plain, be-
neath a silken tent, his body lay in state. About it coursed the
cavafay^ singing his deeds as they galloped around, and vaunting
the good fortune, that the great Attik, auer immortal victories, in
the most clorious moment of his nation's history, and without pain,
had dosed his life, and had transferred himself to the spirits of the
ancient heroes. In the night he was laid in a golden coffin; this
was placed in a silver one, which was inclosed in an iron one; the
caparison of his horses, his arms, and costly ornaments being buried
with him. Afler the ceremony, the workmen were immediately
slanghtered on his grave, that none of them might betray where the
hero of the Hunns reposed.!
* Soennos rdates that, at this place, Attila met with a picture, in which were re-
pntented ■ome Scythian men kneeling hefore the Roman emperor; and that there,
oppotite to it, be had hia own flgore painted, seated upon the imperial throne, and
tt hif feet the Roman emperors, throwing down hefore him hags of gold.
t The iHine of AttOa, or Etzel, was sflerwaids mentioned in the German legends; '
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
90 FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
As soon as the tenor of his name no lon^ bound die nations
together, they separated; many refused obedience; and afber bis
first-born son, EllJak, had fallen in a great battle against Arderic^
the king of the Gepidi, the whole power of the Hunns disappeared,
and they dispersed farther towards the east. The head ot one of
the sons of^ Attila — such are the changes in human fate — ^was
shortly afterwards seen held up for display, at one of the race-
courses in Constantinople I Arderic occupied the country of the
Lower Danube, and the Ostro-Goths took possession of Hungary,
towards Vienna. The remaining portion of the German tribes wno
had been subject to the power of tne Hunns, no doubt Hkewise took
advantaffe of this moment of renewed independence, to return to
their old, or to take possession of new dwelling-places. This peiiod
may therefore be considered as decisiye of the form of the imme-
diate future, until the entire destruction of the Roman power in
Italy produced new revolutions for a portion of Europe.
The Western Roman Empire now consisting of Italy alone, de-
clined more and more towards its utter extinction, llie wretched
emperor, Valentanian HI., murdered with his own hand ^tius,
who had been the suj^rt of the empire, and who had once more
saved it in the Catalaunian plains, against Attila, because he had
been made to suspect him. Valentinian himself was slain, at the in-
stigation of Petronius Maximus, who now became emperor, and
forced Eudocia, the widow of the murdered monarch, to marry
him. She however, out of revenge, invited the Vandal king,
Geiserich, from Africa. He came, conquered in 455 the city of
Rome, plundered and devastated it in a dreadful manner for the
space of fourteen days, as if, by him, Fate retaliated upon the
Romans, for their terrible destruction of Carthage six nundred
years before. He then embarked again for Africa, with a fleet of
many ships, loaded with costly booty and prisoners of all clasBes*
who were sold as slaves.
After Valentinian, nine sovereims, in the short space of twenty
years, bore the degraded title of £lmpeior of Rome. At last, in
the year 476, Odoacer, a prince of Scyiic descent, commander of
an a&ied horde of Scyri, Herulians, Rugians, and Turcilingi, a man
equally distinguished for his mental powers imd phyaicaf strength,
thrust the last of those shadowy emperors, Romulus MomyUus
ot Augustulus, as yet a boy, from the tluone, and called himadf
King of Italy. Ine tend^ age of the young emperor when he
kid aside the purple lobes, the crown and arms, and came and
deposited them in the cam|>, caused him to be siMuted, and he was
sent by Odoacer to a castle in Campania. The above-named tribes,
who doubtlessly belonged to the Gothic confederation, had gra-
dually advanced from their earlier dwellings on the Baltic tovraids
hewMthere araoped with Hemuuuurich and the mbieiiiiuit Theodoric (Dietench^of
Berne). He does not, howevwv aspear them m n eMB^ lo the Q«nn^
iB|gb^TaliaBtnikriBlhasist4 ^
Digitized by
Google
DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES. 91
lihe soath, until they found a dwelling on the Danube and the
firaoitieis of Italy, and there served the Komans firequently for pay.
This small band, therefore, at last extinguished the Roman empirQ,
ID. the year 476, and in the 123(Hh year since the foundation oi the
captaL
AlxHit this period the following was the manner in which the
c^'wiairiftB of the western empire were divided among foreign tribeSf
tlie lesult of the great migration which had taken place a century
iM&xe.
Italy was under the dominion of Odoacer, and his kingdom ex-
tended itself towards the north, across the Alps, as iar as the
Danube. In Hungary the Ostre-Goths were powerfiil, and the
liongobardi had long before advanced from their seats upon the Elbe,
and nxed themselves to the north of the Danube, towards the Theiss.
Ja. Bayaria was formed by degrees, (without history giving a de-
tailed account of it) from remnants of the Rugi, Heruli, Scyn, Tur-
cilingi, and certainly from Suevic tribes, particularly theMarcomanni
—the nation of Bojoarians'under the royal race of the Affilolfi. The
name more particularly indicates the descent from llie Marcomanni,
coming firom Bohemia, inasmuch as the more ancient name of this
eounftry, Boja or Bojos, has been transferred to Bmoheim, Baiheim,
cff Belieim. The Marcomanni, who had previously wandered back
to this country, after the Danube districts had become &ee, fixed
themselves in Fxanconia and Bavaria, and called themselves Bojoari
or BajovarL
The AUemanni dwek in the eastern part of Switzerland, in
Swabia, and down both banks of the Rhine, as &r as the Lahn and
Colome. On the left bank of the Rhine they were afterwards
called Alsatians. The name of Suevi also appears about this time
among them, and has preserved itself to this day in the name of the
country: Swabia.
In the centre of Germany, from the present Harz mountains to
Franconia, the powerful Thuringians held their sway, whose earlier
history is very obscure. They first appear noticed about the middle
of the fifth century, without our autnor mentioning their origin or
earlier state.
In Lower Saxony and Westphalia the Saxons retained their
ancient seats and constitution, and close to them on the North Sea
were the Friesi.
On the Lower Rhine, on the Maas and the Scheldt, as far as the
Netherlands, and in the north of France, dwelt the branches of the
Franks; the most considerable of which were the Salians,' in the
Netherlands, and the Ripuarians, dwelling along the coasts of the
Rhine.
Close to them, on the Seine, a Roman governor, of the name of
Syagrius, maintained his power for ten years longer, until the year
486, when already there was no longer an emperor in Rome. The
nortk-westem pomt of France, the present Britany, had already
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
92 DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES.
been occupied much earlier by fugitives from Britain, who had fled
before the Picts, and then formed under the name of Armoricae an
alliance of free cities.
South-eastern France, Savoy and western Switzerland belonged
now to the Burgundians. Their chief cities were Geneva, Be-
san9on, Lyons, and Vienne. The Burgundians were certainly
the mildest of the conquering tribes of this period, being early
attached to Christianity, cultivation, and art; and to them that
portion of France is mdebtcd for its many remains of ancient
Roman works of art. In Switzerland the French language still
marks its ancient boundaries against the AUemanni, for the Bur-
endians mixed more with the Romans, and adopted much of their
i^age.
boutn-westem France, from the Loire and Rhone to the Pyxa-
nees, as well as a great portion of Spain, was subject to the Western
Goths, but north-western Spain to uie Suevi.
The north-western coast of Africa was Vandalian. In Britain the
Angeli and Saxons by degrees retained their power and augmented
it more and more.
The east and north-eastern portion of Germany was lejR; com-
paratively bare by the advance of the tribes towards the south and
west, and Slavonic tribes migrated increasingly thither, who had
been seated on those boundanes from time immemorial, and who
had also perhaps been partly subject to the Germans. Those foreign
branches now gained the suj^noritj, and the remains of the Ger-
mans who would not quit their original dwelling-place, became sub-
ject to, and were dispersed amongst them.
Digitized by
Google
93
SECOND PERIOD.
FBOM THB CONQUSSTS OV CL0VI8 TO CHABLSMAOKB.
486^768.
Thb bistorical writers of this period form bat a yery limited claM, and are dTyefj
qnpqnal estimation. What they relate of the earlier times is mostly founded on tra-
ditioo, and can scarcely be placed in cMQunction with what has been ftimished by
the Roman authors; still, in reference to the history of their own period, and those
immediately preceding, they are neyertheless of high importance:
1. For the "History of the Franks,'* we may consider as a principal writer, Gre-
gory, bishop of Tonrs (Gregorins Turonensis), who died in the year 595. He calls
his book, an ecclesiastical histoiy, but therein he describes generally the acts and pro-
ceedings of the Franks, in ten books, until the ^ear 591. His language, charac-
teristic of his time, is undribzed, his description confhsed and interrupted by
le^eodsoy wonders, going, howeyer, yeiy deeply into the details, and in reference to
subseqiieDt years, as the record of a contemporary, it is yery exact, and thus renders
him equally instructiye; he likewise possesses the merit of being honest and a loyer
of truth. He has been styled the Herodotus of this period.
Fredegar, about the year 650, made from Gregory s work a short abridgment, in-
terspersed with fables, (**Historia Francorum Epitomata,") which proceeds as far as
the year 584, and then continues the history in a ** Chronicum*' until 641. This ** Chro-
mcum" was again taken up and resumed by three other men, but with certain chasms,
until 768; yery meagre and without connection, but still important because the
writers were chiefly witnesses of the eyents described. The ** Gesta regum Fran-
cormn," are, likewise, in part, extracted from Gregory, whose description they
continue to the year 720, yery briefly and not without many inaocurades.
With these and later are, the " Annals," short sketches which were made annually
in the monasteries, of the most important eyents, and thus, at least, in part originate
from eye-witnesses. They were afterwards copied and communicated from the one
monastery to the other, often augmented there, then subsequently yariousportions
corrected and prepared, and thus they acquired greater extent and yalue. The most
important are those which bear the simple title ^'Annalis Laurissenses,'* from a
monastery in the Upper Rhine proyince, which go on from 741 to 788, and wero
aoontinued by Eginhardt, fh>m 778 to 829. They haye been partially published in
the older collections, but moro completely giyen in the " Monumenta Germaniie His-
torica,'* collected by Fertz.
2. For the ** History of the Goths** aro to be mentioned:
a. Ounbdbruf, inyested with high ofllces of state, under Odoaoer, Theodoric, and
their successors, and who died in the year 565, in the oonyent Yiyarosa; he wrote a
history of the Goths, which, unfortunately, was lost. There haye, howeyer, been
presenred his " XH Libri Variorum," a yery important work, because it contams
edicts, instructions, and documents, which were written in the names of the kings;
ksmed, elegant, but yain and yerbose.
h The monk Jordanis (thus he is called, and not Jomandes, in the moro ancient
documents, and by himself likewiseX a Goth, liying about the middle of the sixth
century, has brought into an abridgment— de rebus Getids — ^the lost history of
Cassiodorus, but has disfigured it by the interlineation of eyery thing he knew or heard
of bc^des. Still, idthough without judgment and historical knowledge, his book is of
the highest yalue, inasmuch as for many eyents that is nearly our only source. It
extends to the year 540.
c The parallel of *' Fiocopii Caesarensis Vandalica et Gothica" may in the details
explain much, because the Greek proceeds upon yezy different yiews to those of the
voteru writers.
d. Uidor, Bishop of SeyiUe, (Isidorus Hispalensis), who died fai 636, wrote a short
hiitofy of the Goths, Yaadal*, and Sueyians, to the year 628, but which again ex-
Digitized by
Google
94 CLOVIS, KING OF THE FRANKS.
jlainfl nothing aboat the earlier history of these nations, and refers more properly to
Spain alone.
3. The chief writer on the history of the Longobardi is Paul Diaamus, the son odt
Wamefried, one of the first men of his age, liying at the courts of Desiderius andl
Charlemagne, and who died as a monk on Monnt Cassino in the year 799. In his
** De Gestis Langobardorom libri vi." he describes the deeds of his nation with a greats
pieiUlecUon for tradition; the commencement is quite unhistoriosl, but subsequently
he becomes more careM and exact, and presents ns with detailed information ez^
trem^y yaluable.
4. For German history likewise ave of great importance the Biographies of tho
Boman Pontiflb, at least from the eighth century, composed by contemporary writers ^
they continue to the beginniug of the nsntii century.
5. Extremely important also are the letters of distinguished men which have been
handed down to ns flrom that period, especially those of Saint Booifiice, as weU as the
Uo^nmhies of him and other holy men (Vitae Sanctorum) which often present the
most nilMil picttire of Iftieir times, and bare preserred for ne the most Taluabie
6. and lastly; for onr reeeaidi into the relations dT life, llie manners, costoma, and
institntions, are very important, the ** Laws of the German nations or tribes,** who
bdonged to the Franoonian empire: the Salians, Ripoarians, Allemannians, Bor*
gund&ins, and BaTarians, and later, the Saxons and Thoringians. But there remaiHA
much therein which is very obscure, inasmudi as they oontain prindpally only the
penal law of these people, and cannot therefore yield us the desired information re*
specting the other rebiions, are not regolated according to general principles, contain
nothing of the oonstitntion of the empbe beyond what refers to the administratioQ q£
tiie law, and present efen in that portion what to our eye appears Yvy fragmentaxy.
CHAPTER IV.
raOM TBS COHQUBffm OF CLOVXS TO <
486—766.
Cknris, Kfaigof the Franks, 482-511— Theodoric, somamedBieterich of Berue, 488-
526 — The Longobardi in Italy, 568 — Changes in the Customs and Institutions of
the Germans — ^Tbe langnage— Constitution— Feudal System — ^Laws — ^Pastimes —
Christianity in Germany—The Grand Chamberlains — Chaiies Martel against the
Arabs, 732— Pepin the litae— The Carlovingiana.
During the ^reat movements of the tribes, wUch we have just
related, the Fxaus had not, like the Goths, Bargmidions, and other
nations, migrated from their dwellings to settle themselves elsewhere,
but thej remained in their own seat, and from thence conquered only
that portion of Gaul which lies to the north of the Forest of Ar-
dennes. And this forest also sheltered them from being drawn into the
great stream of migration. Hieir division also into several branches,
each of which had its own king or prince, prevented them from
making extensive and general expeditions.
But their time came. About tne year 482, Clovis, or as we should
say Lewis, the son of Gilderich, became Prince of the Salian Franks ;
and he soon prepared himself to execute the plans of his bold and
comprehendve mind, for the bent of his ardent spirit was to make
war and conquest. Clovis belongs to that class of rulers in the his-
tory of the world, who think all ways good that lead to dominion.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
CLOTIS, KING OF THE FRANKS. 95
Be has sullied the cdebritf of his miliiaiy fame by the most des-
picable want of £uth to his leUtayes and aUies. He at fiist condaded
with the princes of the Franks, who were his equals, and for the
majoritj His lektires, alliances of war against other tribes, and after
be bad conquered them by their assistance and had become powerful,
be then also despatched tnose very friends oat of his waj by poison,
tbe dagger, and treachery. By this means he became eventually
King ca all the Franks.
Qt his f<Mreign enemies, he first attacked, when only twenty, the
Roman governor Syagrius, whom we mentioned above, effectually
beat him at Soissons (Suessiones), and occupied the country as far
is the Loire. Syagrius, who fled to the Western Goths, was obliged
to be delivered up to Clovis and was executed. This commencement
of the oonqnests c^ Clovis took place in the year 486, ten years after
Bomxdua Augustuhis was deposed.
He then advanced with ms army against the Allemanni, who in
tbe meantime had fallen upon the country of the Bipuarian Franks,
for both nations having their boundaries up<»i the river Lahn, had
been enemies for years. They met in the year 496, near Zulpich,
in the district of Juliers, and fought bitteriy against each other, and
tbe victory already inclined to the side of the Allemanni, when in the
beat of tlie battle, his soul excited by anxiety, Clovis fell upon his
bnees and vowed to become a Christian; andas victory now absolutely
tamed on his aide, he caused himself and three thousand of his Franl»
to be baptized in Rheims, at the subsequent Easter festival, by the
Bishm Kemigius. This was the commencement of the introduction of
the CnrisUan fidth amonff the Franks, and Clovis was hencdGsrward
called the eldest son of the church and the most Christian king. His
consort Clotilda, the daughter of a Burmmdian prince, had long
inshed to convert him to the better faith by the force of gentle per-
suasicm; he, however, had always despised it until the necessity of the
battle overpowered him, and it was indeed very evident both in him
and in the Franks in general, that their conversion was a work of
mere compulsion. For Clovis murdered his relatives afier as well
as hefort^ and subdued one Christian nation after the other, whilst the
Franks for several centuries bore the character of being the most
treacherous of all the German nations.
After the Allemanni were reduced and the kingdom of the Franks
bad spread itself along the Rhine to Switzerland, and after the Bur-
gundians were obliged to.nromise tribute, Clovis bent his eyes to*
^fards the kingdom of the W est Groths^ who possessed the most beau*
tiful portion of France in the south. Thus although he had only
^bortl^ before had a conference with their king, Alaric, and had sworn
frien<tehip to him, he yet determined to attack him as an enemy.
Tbe wise Ostro-Gothic king, Theodoric, who previously to this had
founded his dominion in Italy, counselled the unruly Olovis, whose
^fter, Andofleda, was his consort, in the most urgent manner from
^ vnjust expedition against Alaric, and reminded him that peace
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
96 THE DIEROVINGIANS — THEODORIC THE GOTH.
and union became Christian nations. But Clovis, who knew only
the language of the sword and of rude force, gave no ear to him; he
attacked the Westro-Gothic kingdom; and, in the year 507, in a
plain of the river Yienne, near Vougle or Vironne, fought and won
a great battle in which Alaric himself fell, transpierced by the spear
of Clovis, who took possession of the chief cities of his country, and
would, no doubt, have destroyed the whole kingdom, had not the
great Theodoric stepped between and driven him back with a strong
hand. He was, therefore, obliged to content himself with the coun-
try between the Loire and the Garonne.
Clovis did not live long after this, but died at Paris, in the year
511, in the forty-third year of his age, and his empire was divided
between his four sons.
His successors to the throne of the Franks, who are called the
Merovingians, were in general worthy of their founder. It appeared
as if vice and tyranny, unheard of cruelty, and savage revenge were
hereditary in this family, and as if a curse had from the beginning
been poured over them. In the space of forty years six Merovingian
kings were destroyed by poison or the sword; and the intrigues and
revengeful passions of malicious women form an important feature
in these horrid scenes. It cannot, therefore, suit the purport of this
history to penetrate further into the details of these events, which
are equally as unnourishing to the mind, as the^r are unfruitful in re-
gard to the knowledge it is so desirable to obtain from the great en-
tirety of our history. The nation of the Franks, under such princes,
could not possibly be raised from its state of moral rudeness and
degradation, but necessarily became plunged more deeply in vice.
Tlieir power, however, continued to extend itself more and more.
They by degrees subjected the Burgundians, and in Germany the
powerful nation of the Thuringians, and the dukes of Bavaria sought
their protection. About the middle of the sixth century all the
German nations from the frontiers of the Saxons to the Alps allied
themselves with the kingdom of the Franks; Franks, Thunngians,
AUemans or Swabians, and Bavarians. The Saxons alone and the
Friesi still remained independent in their north-western dwellings.
When, after king Attik's death, the kingdom of the Hunns fell
asunder, the Ostro-Goths, as has been already mentioned, became
r'n free, and dwelt in Hungary and the neighbouring countries of
Danube. They had frequent disputes with the emperor, in Con-
stantinople, and upon one of these occasions Theodoric or Dieterich,
a son of one of their princes, was sent as hostage to that city, and
there he saw, as had Marbodius and Arminius formerly, in Kome,
the institutions of a great empire. He remained there ten years,
and was instructed in the Grecian arts and sciences, so that no Ger-
man prince of his time equalled him in accomplishments. After the
death of his father, Theodemir, and. of his uncles, he became sole
kinff of the Ostro-Goths, and now resolved, like other rulers, to found
for his people a large and beautiful kingdom, for they longed to be
Digitized by
Google
THEODORIC THE GOTH. 97
led to more denrable lands than the wastes near the Saa and the
Danube. The Emperor of Constantinople, Zeno, who considered
himself now as the sole inheritor of the entire ancient empire of
the Romans, upon this presented him with the land of Italy as the
leward for services rendered, and instead of his promised subsidies
in money. Italy was still imder the rule of Odoacer, but his king-
dom was not properly to be conadered German, because the Heru-
fians and Rugians formed but a small portion of his people.
Tkeodoric broke up with his nation in the year 488, pressed
throii^li the passes of Italy and encountered Odoacer near Aquileja
and Verona. But the Italians fought with little zeal for their king,
and he was both times obliged to fly. King Theodoric, from this
last battle, was styled in legendary songs andbaUads, in a multitude
of wUch his fame was recorded, the great heio^ jDzeterich of Berne
(which signifies Verona). Immediately after this, Odoacer was a
^rd time defeated near the Adda, after his own city, Rome, had
abut its gates against him, and for three years he was besieged in
Ravenna until, m the year 493, he was at last forced to yield, and
his lands fell into the hands of Theodoric, by whom he was killed.
His kingdom had lasted seventeen years. Theodoric became lord of
Italy, and ruler over the countries beyond the Alps to the Danube,
and in th^ wars of the Franks and Westro-Goths he made himself
master of the provinces as far as the Rh6ne, an extensive and beaur
tifiil kingdom, which might have existed to the present day if his
successors had equalled him in wisdom and virtue. His chief cities
were Ravenna and Verona.
He himself reigned more than thirty years, and was not only a
kind and mild master to his Goths, but dso a gentle ruler over his
Roman subjects and all who dwelt in Italy; so much so, that this
country had not enjoyed so happy a time for many centuries as under
him, tne foreign prince. Agriculture and trade again flourished.
Art and science found in him a protector, and ancient cities, lying
in ruins, were rebuilt. Italy enjoyed under, and subsequent to his
reign, for a period of forty years, continued peace, and was so dili-
gently cultivated, that it not only grew sufficient grain for its own
consumption, but could even export it to Graul, whilst formerly,
under the Roman emperors, it was always necessary to procure a
sujj^ly from Sicily and A&ica.
Jdis wisdom and justice raised him above all the kin^ of his time.
He stepped among them like the father of a larse family and an in-
stitutor of peace; and the most distant tribes had recourse to his
counsel, and honoured him with presents. To the other kin^s of
German origin, with almost all of whom he had allied himself by
marriage, he' wrote as a father thus: '* You all possess proofs of my
good-will. You are young heroes, and it is my duty to counsel you.
Your disorder and irregularities grieve me; it is not a matter of in-
difierence to me to behold how you allow yourselves to be go-
verned by your passions, for the passions of kings are the ruin of
^ Digitized by Google
98 THEODOBIC THE GOTH— HIS DEATH.
naticma; whilst, on tbe contEaiy, your friendship and unity together
aie, as it were, the veins through which the wishes of nations flow
into each other."
He placed such principles before their eyes, and showed thereby
that his mind had formed the conception of a great alliance, founded
iipon justice and wisdom, between all the Christian nations of
German origin, who had fixed their seat in Europe. An alliance,
such as reason has depicted before the eyes of all ages as a sublime
picture; and as it has displayed itself, from time to time, by the
mouths of enlightened men, so that justice and order, and especially
the spirit of (Smstian unity, should i>redominate, and hatred and
thirst after prey be reined in— evils wnich, alas I through the want
of such an alliance, have ravaged Europe &om one end to the other*
Had Theodoric heen enabled to form such a noble union, he would
have founded more of that which is truly grand than the ancient
Romans, over whose possessions he had now become ruler, and whose
empire he was anxidus to restore, not hj the rude force of arms, but
in the form of a peaceful alliance of nations. But as the mild force
of truth and justice always finds its enemv in the selfishness of those
who only seek their own advantage and the indulgence of their pas-
sions, llieodoric, consequently, experienced that the world was not
then yet rife enough for the fruction of his great ideas; for whilst he
preached peace wiw earnestness and love, Clovis, the Frank, ra^ed
war with his sword, despiainff his doctrine, and seeking only to brmg
a multitude of tribes under his dominion.
The great Theodoric died in the year 526. His monarchy had
now no duration; for his son, Athalaric, was but just ten years old,
and died shortly after his father. The nobles of his kingdom were
no longer imanimous, but devated and deposed several kings
after eadi other. The Roman subjects, also, could not forget that
their rulers were Goths, and attached to ihe Arian faith. They *
wished themselves again under the Grreek emperors, who dwelt in
Constantinople, and were members of the orthodox church, al-
though the dominion of these emperors had become lamentably bad,
and was in a ruinous state. It was then that the Emperor Justmian,
who was one of the best of the series, took advantage of this dis-
content, and sent his general, Beli^arius, and after him Narses, into
Italy, to subject this country again to. his rule. A long and severe
war arose, conducted by the Goths with their usual valour, but with-
out success, and which destroyed the country, and almost depopu-
lated Rome by several sieges, so that no trace was left of its ancient
splendour.
The Groths raised themselves once more, after four of their sove-
reigns had been destroyed, under their king, Totilas, who was worthy
of rulingthedominions of Theodoric; but as ne also,after he had fought
with &me for eleven years, was killed in the year 552, in a battle
against Narses. and ten months afterwards, his successor, Tejas, fell like-
wise in the three days' desperate battle near Cuma, the Gotmc kingdom
Digitized by
Google
THE LONGOBARDI IN ITALY. 99
sunk into sook a nunous state that twenty-aevenyean after the death
ci Ilieodoiic, and in the year 563, tlie Ostro-Gotha were not only
Tuqiuflbedt but also almoit entirely annihilated. A few only escaped
over the Alpa to seek an asylum among other German nations.
Fifteen jreatB tStex the fall of the Ostro-Goths, another yaliant
German nation, the Lonffobardi, who had taken possession of the earlier
dwdling-places of the former on the Danube, executed an act of re*
taliation, justly timed for them, on the Greeks. The Greek g^eral,
Naraes, upon mllinff under the displeasure of the Emperor Justinian,
bd hiinaelf caUed forward their king, Alboni or Albwin, who
bad already OTercome the Gepidi, and now ruled in Hungary, Au8->
tm, GaiTuthia, and eyen in a portion of Bayaria. This Idnff pos-
Ksed that keroio courage whicm ^ves itself deeply in the hearts
of nations. Not only hi? own nation, but those of the Saxons and
Bavarianfl aang his praise for centuries after his death.
On the second day of April, in the year 568, the King Alboni
broke up firom Hungary with all his Longobardian men, their
^omen and children, accompanied by 20,000 Saxons, The country
tbey hitherto possessed was left by them to their allies, the Ayan^
vl^ were found still there by Charlemagne subsequently. It was a
moming fuU of qdendour wnen, from the heights of one of thead*
^oed mountains of the Alps, which was afterwards called the
King's Mountain, the astonished strangers cast their eyes down upon
^eir new and beautiful country. Whereyer Alboni passed he
ahowed his veneration for the church, and sought, on every ooca-
Bicn, the affection of the people. By the conquest of Pavia, at the
confluence of the Ticino and the Po, he founded his dominion in
Upper Italy, which, to the present day, has been called Lombardy,
from the Lionffobardi, and he made it the chief city of those districts.
In Lower Italy, also, this nation conquered beauUful tracts of land,
' »nd founded the prinoipaUty Benevento, which comprises the greatest
portion of the present tcingdom of Naples. But Rome and Ravenna
i^^Qiained in we hands of the Greets, who gained the Franks to
tlieir side by- presents, in order that they might, by their means, pre-
vent the Longobardi from taking possession of the whole of Italy,
and consolidate it into one powerful and strong kingdom. And, un-
fortunately for the country, in this object wey succeeded. From
^t period to this day, Italy has remained disunited, and has endured
^« aeyere fate of a mvided country, internally rent. Strangers have,
irom time immemorial, contested for its possession, and its ground
Aas been debited with streams of native and foreign blood.
U.l^ Longobardi cultivated their newly-acquired country so ad-
iniiably, that the melanchol}^ traces of former devastation became
^ly IssB discernible. The king also procured his supplies from the
• pnxluoe of his possessions; and from one farm to another he was re-
gular in his visits of inspection; hying, in fact, with all the flimpUcity
^ft palziarch, combined with the dignity of a great military leader,
^dr free-men, as among the ancient Romans, kboured of their
^2 Digitized by Google
100 CHANGES IN THE CUSTOMS AND INSTITUTIONS.
own accord to turn the desert and waste tracts into arable land, thua
distinguishing themselves from other German nations. Agriculture
flouriSied particularly around monasteries, whose chronicles, says a
great German writer, contain the less dazzling but more satisfactory
history, of the way in which they almost overcame, or, at least,
assisted Nature, and how cheerful gardens and smiling fields covered
the ruins of ancient Italy.
The majority of Grerman nations, at the time of the great migra-
tion, had come into new countries wholly different from their for-
mer settlements, and there found inhabitants of a different race, with
other languages, manners, and laws. They, consequently, could not
themselves continue to exist stationary in their new country upon the
same footing that they had been used to in their former homes ; and it
is important that we should place before our view, in its broad outline,
the great difference presented between the tribes which had wandered
forth as conquerors, and those which had remained behind adhering
to their ancient simple customs.
The German conquerors found in Gaul, Spain, Italy, and Eng-
land, inhabitants consisting of Romans and natives mixed. They
left them, it is true, after they had appropriated to themselves a por-
tion of their possessions, in their dwelling-places, but generally as an
ignoble and degenerate race. By the laws of the Franks, the fine
for killing a Roman or a Gaul was only the half, and in some cases
but one fourth, of what it was for a free Frank. Afterwards, not-
withstanding their original separation and distinctive character, it
could not well be otherwise but that the Germans by degrees became
mixed with the natives, and that many of the latter, who were su-
perior to the Germans in knowledge, as well as in cunning and re-
finement, speedily obtained, under weak kings, distinguished offices,
and now ruled their former lords. They even obtained, as services
were paid only with land, grants of possession as feudal tenures, and
became thereby partakers m the feudal rights. Romans and Gauls
were seen to rank among the counts, dukes, and grand stewards, and
thence arose, although perhaps but slowly, a mixture of nations, and
accordingly of manners, languages, and forms of ideas.
The ancient vigorous nature of those Germans who came into
warm and luxurious countries, became enervated by effeminacy and
sensuality. Thus the Vandals in Africa, and the Ostro-Goths in
Italy, in the course of twenty years after their arrival, had become so
much transformed and degenerated, that they submitted to enemies
who previously could scarcely bear their powerful glance. The
tribes, however, which remained in Germany, continued as firm and
vigorous as ever; and if afterwards, they became by degrees, more
mud, like their climate, their forests were nevertheless cleared so
gradually, that the change in the people took place without too
rapid, and thereby injurious a transition.
But the greatest change that happened to the migrated German
branches, was in reference to their language. For, as in the con-
quered countries, the Roman or Latin language was chiefly spoken.
THE LANGUAGE— THE CeN8TITUTK)N. 101
and aa this yrss at that time much more culliyBted than the Gennan,
it oould not he supplanted hj the latter; but there arose a mixture
of both^ whereby they became changed, and the indigenous Ian*
gnage of the country before the Roman period, often formed a third
component of this medley. Consequently in France, Spain, For-
tujgad, Italy, and England, a language is spoken formed by a mixture
with the Koman, which may perhaps fall more gently upon the ear
than the German, which yet retains much of its former roughness
£rozn the ancient forests ; whilst, however, the former tongue is neither
80 energetic, so hearty, and honest, nor so rich in peculiar words. The
German language remains ever fresh and florid, and is open to con-
tannal improvement in beauty and richness. It is a language en-
tirely original, the roots of which ramify into the aboriginal founda^
tions of German national idiosyncrasy, and draws its nourishment
bom. the rich fountain of life with which nature has endowed the
nation; it may be compared to the living plant in a fruitful soil, and
the labour bestowed upon it, is as that of the gardener who watches
and carefully attends to the development of the favourite tree. But
the language formed by a composition of many others, is but the
wotIl of man, like the artificial web which the hand of man pre-
pares firom the plants of the field. It is true this may be beautifully
and richly worked ; but it is then and for all times finished, and
possesses no further internal power of life and growth.
The constitution of the conquering German nations necessarily
became also essentially changed. At home, in their original cx>ndi-
tion, the power of royalty in peace was but insignificant. The
dders or counts, as the appointed judges in every ^u or district,
regulated the usual affairs, adjudged disputes according to custom,
and upon more important and general affairs the national assembly
was convened. But in war the power of the leader surpassed every
thing else, and justly so, as it then depended upon prompt decisions.
The king or prince was the unlimited lord, and the most faithful
of his suite or Gefolge ranked next to him. When such a war had
speedily passed away, the prince again retired into the insignificance
of a state of peace; but in the many years of the incursions, amidst
constant warmre, his power became nnnly established. The whole
nation became an army, and it accustomed itself to the obedience ne-
cessary in war. The institutions of peace lost much of their force, and
as in their incursive movements they had no country they could call
their own, their whole confidence and attachment were necessarily
concentrated in their leader, who led them to victory and jpillage,
and the forcible possession of a new country. He was the safeguard
and hope of the nation ; he stood to them in lieu of home and father-
land, and those who stood next to him, as his suite, were the most
prosperous.
To these latter, when conquest was completed, he apportioned
first their share of booty and of land, as in ancient times he had
given them only their horse, arms, and entertainment. But without
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
102. -, . *:.•:.'-:: Jthe -constitution.
.'•'. * '-* t .•'' '• - *• : , - '•'• . .'
doiibt he took to lumself t]ie most desirable and connderaUe share^
and particularly the lands of the conquered or slain pxinces; his
power being thus founds by his possessions and stionff adher»its.
The Qoths, the Bur^ndians, and the Lon^bardi, who came sis
migrating nations, with their wives and children, must certainly
have exacted from the conquered a consideiable portion of theb poe^
sessions. The Ostro-Godis in Italy demanded one-third of the land^
whilst the Westro-Goths and Burgundians required from the Gauls bb
much as two-thirds. The Franks, on the contrary, made their con*
quests in excursions from home, not only as a nation, but as the
suite of their prince. Their numbers were not great, thence they
did not require to take from the Gktuls and Romans any portion o£
thdr land, although, aocording to their ideas of the ri^ts of con-
querors, they considered the whole as their property; and in many
cases, no doubt, they seized much of private property, so that the
chance of the Gauls became often much more ^tal, inasmuch as they
were more immediately exposed to the wild and arbitrary demand^
made.* But altogether, they still found in what the Romans had
jireviously possessed as natumid property^ a sufficiency of land; be-
sides, in those portions of Graul which they took from the Westro-
Goths, the majority of those land possessions fell to them which
the latter, upon the conquest j had appropriated to themselves; for
many of them were killed in the war, and many likewise quitted
the country and advanced into Spain, that they might not become
slaves to die Franks. The whole mass of the conquered state-
lands above mentioned (aocording to the Roman expression Jiscus\
formed now, after the king had received his chief portion, the
common property of the conquerors. It was thence, so long as they
held together as an army, that their support was furnished ; af-
terwards, when they began to domicile themselves among their
new subjects, and, accordmg to the original disposition of German
nations, desired to obtain ^itire possession, they received this
£rom the mass of fiscal lands, as a reward (benefieium) for the mili*
tary services rendered; and for which they remained obUgated to
affiard further military duty at the command of the king, holding,
however, possession of the land merely as a fief, or loan (Jehen),
during their lives.
From this commencement was developed the entire ctmsdtutiony
af^rwards so important and influential, and which was called the
feudal state. In the following centuries it obtained, by degrees, its
full perfection, particularly -v^en it extended itself backwards to
the ancient seats of the Franks, and the other German nations sub*
jected to them. The exertions to obtain fiefs, and procure appoint-
ment for the services connected therewith under the sovereign, be-
came increasingly predominant, for thereby was attained influence
and power; and to gain this many gave up their freedom. The
* ''Kec olhismTittixe oaram lis andebtt,** says Giegozyof Tdun.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
THE FEUDAL SYSTEM— THE LAWS. 103
iendatorieB took the name of li^ sabjects {Jtddts)y and people
(Imdeg) of the piince, or vaflsab Jvam)y idience teu»]£ is derivecL
Tbe fendal lord was called senior (whence seigneurs), or dominus.
The name antnutb (confidential) signified the^ liesfe subject,
kader of a troop, or arimanie of the escort or train, in which quality
be had to talce a particular oath of fidelity, and then stood trusie
immdca. Those nege subjects who stood in dose service to the
prinoe T^ere called administrators.
The great -vassals oould distribute from their own land fiefs to
other poorer individuals, who engaged in their service, and thus
became after, or ani^re vassals. Iney were obliged, with these their
fiddes to follow the keerbann of the prince, whilst the common fi^ee-
man, ivho had only an alodial or free inheritance (in contradistinc*
tion to /eudum*\ was only obliged to attend in great national wars,
and £or -whicb the heerbann, in the ancient German sense, was pro-
dumed. Nothwithstanding which, the feudatories soon began to
look down upon the freeman as upon one much their inferior, and to
ocmnder themselves on the other hand, as the nobility of the nation
— even when they were not descended from the original nobility of the
nation, for Crauls were likewise enabled to receive fiefe ; nay, abready,
vnder Clovis, these were elevated beyond the Franks in honours,
&r they more easily yielded obedience than the latter, and were
thus more agreeable to the king. The law also made a distinction
prejudicial to the free possessor. The liege subjects {in truste donti"
Med) had a higher amount of fine-money allowea them; it amounted
to three-fourths of that of the common fi^eeman; and even when the
liege Buhject was merely of Roman descent,the sum was higher than that
of the free Frank, it being 300 solidis, whilst that of the latter was 200.
The feods originally were not hereditary; the lord could with-
draw, and invest others with them; but in the course of time, and
particularly under weak governments, the vassals found means, in
one way or the other, to obtain hereditary possession, and make it
nearly independent; the royal power being thus again restricted,
by those whom it had previously elevated for its support. The ma-
jority of vassals were also powerful by their inherited property;
«nd who would deprive the powerful man or his son of his feod?
Property and feoos became mixed, because he who inherited the
ptoperty inherited also the feod.
The power of the kings was, therefore, not unlimited, and the
i^p^ent freedom not annihilated, inasmuch as the nation still parti-
cipated in the decision of important national affidrs. Regular assem-
bues were still held, and by the Franks at first, in March, afterwards
iHMier Pepin the Little, in May, whence the names of March and May
Vlttas. But ihe greatest diflference from ancient times was that these
Mjemblies consisted no longer of the majority of all the freemen, but
^Iricfly of feudatories, so that the nobility gave the decision.
* 0!bew«d/€wiM, however, does wyt preKnt itfdf before the second caottniy.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
104 THE FEUDAL SYSTEM— THE LAWS.
The laws of the Gennan nations of this age show that their state
was still very rude. The punishment of death was scarcely awarded,
to any crime except treason and infidelity. The Gennan regarded.
personal liberty so highly, that he would not yield to any other
the right to his life. Murder might be compounded for with money
or goods, and the compensation obtained by relatives, who, ac-
cording to the ancient right of the retribution of blood, could
have demanded the blood of the offender. Accordingly, the in-
jured family possessed the right of feud or hostility against the
other, until satisfaction was given. Expiation for the non-exercised
family revenge was, therefore, the original signification of the retri-
bution or fine-money. The punishment of death, however, would
not have withheld these passionate nations, who instantly grasped
the sword, and had but little fear of death, from the momentary sa«
tisfaction of revenge; the pecuniary penalty was, on the contrary,
very high for that period, and therefore more felt, and he who could
not pay it lost his freedom, and became the slave of the offended
party. Many poor freemen thus lost their liberty because their
possessions were esteemed of but little value, as for instance, an ox
by the Salic laws was worth two gold shillings, a cow but one, a stal-
lion six, and a mare three ; therefore, an opprobrious word cost a con-
siderable sum, for he who called another a liar was obliged to give
him six shillings or two oxen; he who called him knave or scoun-
drel as much as fifteen shillings. The extent of the punishment
certainly conduced to their frequentljr making arrangements, in order
that they might not, through the excitement of a passionate moment,
involve each other in deep misfortune. As each went armed and could
always defend himself, the murder of a man, according to the Alle-
mannic law, was only half as heavily punished as that of a woman,
who was defenceless. But theft was more abhorred than murder,
because a coward may also attack defenceless objects. According to
the Saxon law, he who had stolen a horse was punished with death»
but every murder, even that of a noble, money could buy off. The
highest fines Inflicted were, first, that of a Bavarian duke, of 960
shillings, and secondly, that of a bishop of 900 shillings. There
was no fine fixed for a king, for his person was considered sacred and
unassailable. With the Franks the nne-money of the royal AntrusHo^
if he was a Frank, was equal to that of a count, 600 shillings ; of the
freeman 200, and the Litus 100. For the Romans it was fixed at
half these amounts, in the same proportion: so that the Bamanus
conviva regis paid 300 shillings, the Romanus possessor 100, but the
Romanus tributarms instead of 50 paid only 45. Among ihe other
nations, according to their laws, there were many variations. Every
corporeal wound was very precisely fixed by a money rate; the mu-
tilation of the hand for instance cost 100 shillings, of a thumb 45; the
nose the same, the fore finger 35, and any of t£e others 15 shillings.
Judgment was held under the open firmament, in an enclosed
place, called Mallum (Malstatte, or Malberg), and before an elevated
Digitized by
Google
PASTIMES— CHRISTIANITY IN GERMANY. 105
shield. The judges chosen under the presidency of the count
were, in all cases, for freemen also freemen themselves, and called
in judicial language Ractdmburgiy or boni homines. These were
nominated \>j coimts, usually to the number of seven. In cases
where the Kachimburgi could not find judgment, the so-called
Ssgibarones who were appointed as especial coimcillors or magis-
trates, stepped in to dedae. The regular tribimal which met at cer-
tain fixed periods, was called roallum legitimum. It was attended
hj the entire population, and the whole community gave its de-
cision and not tlie judges (Rachimburgi), who merely found the
judpnent. In the especial or summoned tribunals, however, at
which only few assisted besides the counts and judges, the latter
decided at once; the others present did not act as a community, but
only attended as audience, and as such had nothing to say.
To arrive at the guilt or innocence of an accused person appeared
to the Grermans, with their acute feeling for the sacredness of justice,
to be one of the most indispensable duties. When, therefore, the
truth was not to be obtained by means of witnesses, they sought
higher aid, by having recourse to the so-called judgments of God.
The innocence of the accused party seemed confirmed if they re-
mained unharmed, upon being exposed to the dangers which, in the
ordinary course of things, are injurious; if, for instance, upon eroos-
iog the hand or foot to boiling water or a glowing iron, it remained
unmarked, or if in sii^le combat he conquered his opponent. They
had confidence that God would not allow innocence to fall, and no
doubt in the single combat, at least, the consciousness of innocence
would frequently give the victory.
Their chief pleasures were still the chace and war. The former
^y loved so much, and so highly prized all that pertained to it,
that the Alemanni estimated a stolen lime hound at twelve shillings,
while a horse could be compensated at six, and a cow only at one
shilling. A common trained hawk was valued at three, and one
that had taken a stork at six shillings.
The whole moral and civil condition of the German tribes, in the
centuries immediately^ after the great migration, was in certain re-
fpects worse than their ancient simple state, when they followed the
uumediate impulses of their nature. They were now on the transit from
the unconscious life of nature to a consequent progress in civilization,
ftnd this period of a nation is the worst, because the consciousness of
paoral dignity b^ns to awaken before the power of self-government
^ present to subdue the active impulses of passion.
The Goths, Burgundians, Longobardians, and Franks, had, as
Imw been related, much earlier adopted Christianity; in Grermany
proper it made its appearance a couple of centuries later. For al-
though the Allemanm, lliuringians, and Bavarians, were subject to
the Franks, the latter did not give themselves much trouble to dis-
"^ixunate the holy doctrines amongst them ; although, by such a boon,
they might have given them a compensation for the loss of liberty.
It appeared indeed as if they, who nad adopted Christianity in need
IOC CHBI8TIAKITT IK GERMAKT.
and in ibe tumult of iMttie, son^t and dedxed only to promulgate it
mththeswoid. OntheotherhandytkeapostleBwhoplantedihesemilcl
doctnnes among the Grennan fexests, came fitnn distant countries —
from England, ocotland^ and Ireland. The Angli and Saxons, who
bad landed there as headiens, were dowlj oonTCNrted to CSiristianity*,
not by force, but by instruction and oonTiction. And it, therefore,
strcick 80 deep a root in their minds, that speedily a multitude o£
inured and Christian men travelled from those coimtries as teachers
of the heathens. They bad not to expect either rich abbe^ or much
honour and reward among them, but, on the contraiy, ridicule, con-
tempt, want, and the most extreme danger.
ouch men were the holy Columban and Gallus, in the sixth oen-
tuiy; Eilian, Ebnmeran, Kupertus, and Willibrod, in the seventh
and eighth centuries; and, at last, the Englishman Winefred, who
afterwards received the honourable name of Boni&cius (the Benefi-
cent). He laboured from the year 716 to 755 with inexhaustible
courage for Christianity. In Franoonia, Thuringia, on the Rhine, and
among the Saxons and Friesi, his zeal planted the divine doctrines;
and whilst he introduced and established the Christian worship, so
humanizing to the manners, he collected the communities into villages,
and this laid a foundation for towns. For the strengthening of the
new &ith, he fixed bishoprics here and there, or regulated those al-
ready ex]sting,as in Salzburg, Passau, Frdsingen, Ratisbonne, Wurtz-
buig, Eichstadt, and Erfiirt; the celebrated abbey Fulda was founded
by ms follower Sturm, and at Ohrdruf he planted a school for fu-
ture teachers, who, according to the rule of their institution, not
only zealously propagated Christianity, but also the arts of agricul-
ture and horticulture.
In addition to all this, he did not hesitate, aldiou^h at great per^
sonal danger, to contend against the rude disposition of the people with
the force of his fidth. He overturned their altars, and cut down dieir
sacied trees, beneath which they sacrificed to their gods. One amon^
these, at Geissmar in Hessia, was particularly celebrated; but Boni«
£skce himself seized the axe and helped to hew it down. The sur-
rounding heathens firmly believed tnat the god who dwelt in the
tree would speedily come forth with fire, and consume the culprit
and all his companions. But the tree fell without the fire coming,
and with it droj^ed their former confidence in their sod.
But Bonifiu^e oom^ained even more of the bad Christian priests
ihemsdves, whom he found among the Franks, than of the savage*
ness of the heathens. They lived in all kinds of vice, and made no
conscience of sacrificing to the £dae gods, as well as to baptise howso-
ever was required fix>m them for the money ofiered for so doing. And
even the best among them took as much deHght in arms and the chace
as in &e duties of their spiritual office: '^ Religion has now been
TOOstrated fiill sixtv or seventv years," says he in an epistle to Pope
Zadiarias; '' and ihe Franks for more than eighty yeara have had
neitlier an assembly in council of thechurdi nor an archbiahop. The
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
ARCHBISHOP BONIFACB— DA<30BBRT. 107
Indiopiics axe in the hands chiefly of greed jkjmen or mminal ehnidx'*
men, who peroeive profit in nothing but temporalities." Thence one of
his chief cares was, that councils should be held by the Fianconiaa
deigj to restore ^ood morals and the ancient church discipline, and
Aat the <^ersj should participate in the assemblies of tne Mardi
plains (Martii Campi), that the weal of die church might also be
there taken into consideration; and towards this he accomplished
much, for ifrhich he made himself greatly distingui^ed.
In the year 746, Boni&ce was made archbidiop of Mentz, and 88
such he stood at the head of the East-Franoonian clergy, which he
accustomed to unconditicmal obedience towards the Roman bishop,
who no^w as pope stood incontestedly at the head of the western
church. Boniface, however, would not remain inactiye and pass his
later years in quiet, for the conversion of the heathens was now, as
formerly, still the labour and aim of his life; and at last his seal was
rewarded with the martyr's fate. Upon his return to the Friesi,
in order solemnly to consecrate some newly-baptized Christians, he
was fallen upon by a troop of barbarians, who expected to gain
booty from him. £[is servants seized their arms to repel the attack;
he, however, forbade l^m to shed blood, and was therefore at once
murdered with all his companions by the furious band.
The religious foundations, churches, and cloisters which Boniface
and others built in Germany, became not only the sparks whence
the light of reKgion and intellectual cultivation proceeded, but many
of them formed also the nucleus of new towns and villages which,
by d^rees, arose around them. Not only the bondsmen Duilt th^
huts close to them, but others also sought ^e protection of their
walk, and merchants and traders proceeded thither in the hopes of
making profit fix)m the multitude of strangers who flocked there for
the sake of worship. The name of the festival, Kirchmesse or
Churchwake, derived thence its origin.
The kingdom of the Franks was divided into two ^reat portions,
Neustria and Austrasia, or the Western and Eastern kmgdoms; and
ihe former was again frequently divided into several parts. In the
Western kingdom, the Roman manners and language maintained
the superiority; but in the East those of the Germans were p!?e-
d<»!iinant. Both nations were frequently at war and discontented
"with each other.
In the year 613, Clothaire II. once again united the two divisions
of the kingdom, but soon afterwards resigned that of Austrasia into
the hands of his son Dasobert, who, on the death of his father in
flie year 628, again combined the whole together. Under these two
governments, which may be included in the series as the most happy,
u\e kingdom became strengthened, and the internal relations, by the
exertions of Amolph, bishop of Metz, and the great chamberlam or
Tnme minister, Pepin of Landen (Grand&ther of Pepin of Heris-
tal), were greatly improved, and rendered more perfisct and settled.
The judicial system how assumed more of the Christian chaaraoterp
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
108 DAGOBERT— THE GRAND CHAMBERLAINa
for, aooording to the original pasan law, every act of murder, with,
the exception of that committea against the king, could be com-
pounded for with money and land, whereas now it was decreed that
each premeditated murder should be pimished with death. The
clergy likewise were placed upon a more elevated and distinct foot^
ing, and which, indeed, was extremely necessary and desirable, so
that Christianity might not again sink and fall into neglect la
order that the bishops should, as far as possible, consist of the most
worthy men, the ecclesiastics received, with the co-operation of the
people, the right of election (clerus cum populoV The jurisdiction
of the clergy was likewise, at the great synod oi Paris in 614, esta-
blished upon a more firm and secure basis; and at the grand con-
ferences, Its influence became more important, inasmuch as they ap-
peared tliere almost alone with the great vassals or higher officers of
the crown. The ancient assemblies of the people bad, under Clovis,
entirely ceased to exist.
Dagobert resided chiefly in Paris. We find that under him con-
tinual wars were carried on between the Franks and Slavi, which
produced against them a friendly leamie between the Franks and
Saxons. Dagobert released the Saxons irom their tribute of five hun-
dred cows.
After the death of Dagobert in 637, the decline of the Merovin-
gian dynasty commenced anew, and we find seven kings ruled like
puppets by guardians, acting as prime ministers or mayors of the
palace, thus producing the complete fall of the race. These mayors
got the entire sway of the kingdom. Originally, the major-domus
was only steward ; ne stood at the head of the royal house and of the
royal people ^Leudes), and was leader of the feudal retinue in war,
next to the kmg. The heerbann of free-men was not imder him.
But when the retinue obtained, by degrees, the precedence, and be-
came properly the statCi the heerbann fell into msuse, and the inde-
pendent freemen becoming reduced in number, the grand steward then
rose to be effectually the first officer of the kingdom, and under weak
kings was their ruler. When a war was to be conducted, the grand
steward placed himself at the head of the troop, and showed him-
self prepared for warlike feats; in peace also, he exercised the pri-
vilege of mercy, disposed of offices, distributed vacant sinecures, and
left to the king merely the honour of his name and that of the crown,
and the indulgence of his sensuality in the inner apartments of the
palace. It was only at the March assembly that the king appeared
personally amidst liis people. There he sat publicly upon the seat of
his ancestors, greeted his nobles, and was saluted in return by them;
he received the presents brought by the nation, and handed them over
to the grand chamberlain or steward standing beside the throne, distri-
buting, according to his reconmiendation, the vacant places, and con-
firming those he had already disposed of. He then mounted his chariot,
which, according to ancient custom, was drawn by four oxen, drove
to his palace, and remained there until the following March assembly.
Digitized by
Google
CHARLES HARTEL — THE ARABS. 109
Such was the condition of the great conqueror Clovis's de-
scendants, before two hundred years had passed since his death.
About the year 700, the grand steward over the whole kingdom of
the FrankSf Neustria, as well as Austrasia, was Pepin of Henstal
(near Li^ce) ; a very careful and prudent man, who restored order and
Cstice, held the old March assem olies regularly, and won so much the
ve and confidence of the people, by restoring in this manner their
lights against the encroacnments of the homes, that he was en-
abled to make the oiBce hereditair to his family. His son, Charles
Martel, who was grand steward alter him, saved the whole of Chris-
^nity at this moment from a ^reat impending danger.
A savage horde had arrived from the south, and had in a short time
traversed extensive tractswith fire and sword, and subjected all to iheir
dominion. No nation could set limits to them, their arm was irresisti-
ble, and struck their opponents hke lightning. These strangers were
the Arabs; they came from Asia, and they derived their great power
from the new rnith. For he whom they called their prophet, Ma-
homet, had annoimced to them much from the doctrines of Moses
and of our Saviour; besides which he promised to this people, who
were addicted to sensual pleasures beyond every thing, great re-
wards and an ever-during bliss in Paradise, if they fought zealously
for their new faith, and extended it over all countries. Mahomet
lived about the year 622. Thej had now rapidly conquered several
lands in Asia and Africa, and m less than a hundred years afler the
death of Mahomet, in the year 711, they had already crossed the
Straits of Gibraltar to Spain. Roderic, king of the West Goths,
who ruled in Spain, opposed them near Xeres de la Frontera; he
strove for his crown, for the freedom and religion of the West
Goths; long and severe was the battle. Roderic fought heroically,
until a treacherous count, who called the Arabs across the straits,
passed over to the enemy. The kin^ then fell, and with him the
flower of his army. The kingdom of the West Goths was subjected
to the Arabs, and they soon ruled from the sea to the Pyrenees, so
that only a very small spot to the north-west of Spain, in the moun-
tains of GraUicia, remained a free possession in the hands of the
Goths.
After the Arabs had conquered Spain, they cast their eyes upon
France, and, crossing the Pyrenees, fell upon that country. At the
same time they showed themselves below Constantinople with a large
army and a fleet: so that they embraced the whole of Europe from
east to west, determined upon conquering it and extinguishing Chris^
tianity. And had they obtained the victory on both sides they would
have advanced still farther, and the two great armies would have met
and united in Germany and have completed the work. But Pro-
vidence had determined otherwise. The city of Constantinople held
firm against the attack, with its strong walls and Greek fire, which
the inhabitants used against the ships of their enemy. But in France
they were opposed by the powerful hero Charles Martel, the son of
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
110 PEPIN THE LITTLE— END OF THE MEROVINGIANS.
Pepin; he was called Martel or the hammer, because bj his brarerjr
he struck his enemies down, as it were, like a hammer. With lxi3
Franks he crossed the rivw Loire to meet the enemy, and came upon,
them between the cities of Tours and Poitiers, where a wide ptaia
spread itself out. The battle here took place on a Saturday in October,
in the year 732. Close and impassable, and covered with an advanced
wall of shields, the Franks stood immoveable, and aaduzed their first
violent attack, for this was always the most furious. The Franks,
however, then suddenly broke forth, precipitated themselves upon the
Arabs, repulsed them, and it is said that more than 300,000 fell, to*
gether with theirjgenecal, Abderachman, slaughtered by the sworda
of the Franks. Tnose who remained fled towards southern France,
whence Charles soon drove them forth, and placed for ever a boundary
against them on this side. Charles, who, for this deed, was highly
honoured throughout all countries, died in the year 741.
His son was called Pepin the Little, or the Short; he was also
grand steward until 752, and ruled the kiiijsdom according to his
pleasure but with wisdom and justice, whilst king Childeric III.,
sat in his palace like a shadow, and took not the least care of his
government When Pepin saw the disposition of the Franks favour-
able to him, he caused an ass^nbly of them to take place in the
year 751, when it was determined to send an embassy to Rome,
with this question: ''Is he justly called king who has the royal
power in his hands, or he who merely bears the name?' To which
pope Zacharias replied, '' He must also be called king, who possesses
the royal power."
The holy Boniface had accustomed the Franks, in certain cases of
conscience, to apply to the pope for advice as their spiritual &ther,
and the papal reply is to be r^arded as ooimsel and opinion, as an
answer to such a question, but not as a deposal of kin^ Childeric, by
virtue of the power existing in the pope. Upon this, the Franks
assembled a^am at Soissons, and took the crown fiom Childerio, the
last of the Merovingians, cut off his long hair, the mark of honour
with the Frankish km^s, and had him removed to a cloister,
there to end his days; whilst Pepin, the son of Charles Martel, and
grandson of Pepin of Heristal, was in the year 752 solemnljr anointed
and crowned king of the Franks by the archbishop Boniface, 266
years after Clovis the Merovingian had, by his victory over Sya-
grius, upon this same field of Soissons, first founded the kingdom.
r^ Pepin by his courage and wisdom augmented the power of bis
nation. At this time, in 753, pope Stephen crossed the Alps (he
being the first pope who since the foundation of the church had
undertaken this journey) to demand the assistance of Pepin against
the Longobardian king Aistulph, who had conquered Ravenna,
and demanded tribute and submission from the pope. Pepin pro-
mised him aid, and retained him through the winter at his court in
Miinster. Here the pope repeated the anointment of the king, as
already performed by the holy Boni&cci anointing also his two son)i»
Digitized by
Google
PEPIK'S DEATH— THE CARLOYINGIANS. Ill
Cailoman and Charles (after he had himself lifted the latter, then
twelve years old, from the font), and then presented to the Franks
these members of the newlj-cieated dynasty as alone legitimate. In
the spring of the year 754 the kingadvanced against Italy, defeated
Aistulph at Snsa, re-conqnered Kavenna, with the surromidinff
country, which had previously belonged to the Greek emnerors, ana
presented it to the pope. Tms formed the beginxung of the papal
states.
Pepin died in 768» in the fifty-fourth vear of his age, and the
Franks mourned his death as mudi as if ne had sprung from the
ancient royal race. In stature he was short, but very strong. It is
related of Tiiin, that once, upon the occafdon of a combat of wild
beasts, aoxne one jested about nis £dze, upon which he stepped into
the arena, drew his sword, and with one blow struck off the head of
a lion: ** I am not tall," said he, *' but my arm is strong !"
His sons, Charles and Garloman, were elected kings by ihe nation
of the Fraoiks, in a solemn assembly, and regularly divided the
kingdom between them.
Digitized by
Google
112
THIRD PERIOD.
THS CAB0LINGIAN8 FROM CHASLEMAGHS TO HSNBT I.
768—919.
The ereQts of the rdgn of Charlenuigiie called forth the eoergy of the historical
'writers:
I. The annals and chronicles, of which mention has heen made preTiooslj, hecame
angmented, and proyed for diis period more and more important; whilst edncation,
so much promoted h^ Charlemagne, is therein displayed both in the language aod
treatment of the subject.
S. In reference to the history of Charlemagne, the works of Einhard or Eginhard
will always remain the most important, being written by a man who was in imme-
diate communication with that sorereign. His **Annales,'' from 741 — 829, treat
more particularly of this period than the continuation of the ** Annal Lanrissensesv"
before mentioned. The ** Vita Caroli Magni," after giving a brief account of the
wars of Chariemagne, describes especially every other particular connected with his
life and its erents; and must be read by all with pleasure. In addition to this we
possess also his letters.
S. Theganus, bishop of Treves, who died in 848, wrote the life of Louis the pious,
— ** Degesds Ludovici pii**— certainly not very impartially, and rather too briefly,
yet written with sincerity and exact information.
4. The ** Vita Hludo rid Pii auctore anonymo,** is much more complete, written
by a member of the emperor's household; this is rich in fiicts, and is expressed with
judgment.
5. Equally important is the poetical representation of a contemporary, Ermoldus
Nigellus, in his degiac poem, " in honorem Hludorici Caesaris.**
6. Nithard, grandson of the emperor, who died in 858, describes most completely
the disputes among the sons of Louis, in his ^ IV Libris de dissensionibus iUIonim
LudoTici Pii;" he shows himself to be deddedly on the side of Charles the Bald.
7. The ** Vita Sti- Anskarii,'* by Rimbert, Archbishop of Hamburg, written under
Louis the German, treats more espedaliy upon the North German relations.
8. £nhard*s and Rudolphus's ** Annals of Fulda," and their continuators, are, after
the condusion of Einhard, yery important in German history. In his work,
Budolphus giyes a yery interesting description of the Saxons; he is the only
writer who was acquainted with the writings of Tacitus, and finom the Utter's
Cfermania he has quoted seyeral chapters litorally. With respect to the western
moiety of the Frankish kingdom, the " Annales Bertiniani" (so called from the
Abbey St. Bertinbd Gent) of 822, giye the best information. The last moiety was
perhaps written by the celebrated Archbishop Hincmar of Rheims.
9. A monk of St. Gallen, Manachus SangaUensis, has described in two books *' de
Gestis Car. Magni," the hfe of the emperor in a peculiar fashion, according to
communications recdyed and popular legends, mostly without historical fidelity, but
still not without grace.
10. Abbo, a monk of St Germain, was present at the siege of Paris by the Nor-
mans in 885, and has described the eyents of that period in a poem, *' de bdlis Parii-
ads,** in a yery animated style.
II. The so-called PoSta &lxoC900), has rendered into yersewhat Einhards Annals
relate of the emperor, and has partly succeeded in his work, although he can neyer,
or but rardy be used as a reference.
12. The Chronides of the Abbot Begino, who died in 915, and which extend to the
year 907, are yery important for the latter period of the Carolingians.
13. The letters of the popes, soyerdgns, princes, &c., of this period are also yery
important, particularly tiiose whidi are contained in the Codex Carolinus; likewise
the letters and works of Alcuin, as also the letters of Serratus Lupus, Eginhard's
friend, and Hincmar, archbishop of Bheims.
14. Fmally, it is quite certain that the " Capitularia Begum Erancorum," the
laws of the realm, and general decrees of the kings, form a prindpal source of re-
ference for our Idstory. They were collected by Baluzius, and haye been recently
published by Pertz, in the third yohime of the ** Monumenta,"
Digitized by
Google
CHARLEMAGNE, OR CHARLES THE GREAT. 113
CHAPTER V,
768—814.
Charifmagpe^ 768 — 814 — The ttate in which Charlemagne found the Empire —
The East-Roman or Grecian Empire— England — The North of Europe — The
Spanish Peninsnlar— Italj — ^Austria and Hungary — Germanj — ^The Wars of
Charlemagne— The Saxons— The Longobardi — ^The Arabs — The Bayarians —
The £mp&e of Charlemagne— Charlemagne, Emperor of Rome, 800 — The Death
of Charlemagne, 814— His Portraiture.
It lias been the late of Cliarlemagiie, as well as the majority of
estraoidiiiaiy historical characteiSi to be subjected to the ordeal of
a very different, and irequently a veiy opposite criticism. By many
he has been classed with the noblest neroes and sages of the human
race, by some, however, he has been rejected as a blood-thirsty ty-
rant, wnose whole object and desire was war and destruction. It is
true that he led his armies from one end of his extensive empire to
the other in constant warlike expeditions, and subjected many nations
by force of arms to his dominion, thus giving Europe an entirely
dmerent form. The question therefore to be solved is, whether his-
tory shall bless or curse him for these extraordinary deeds.
A &\se judgment must necessarily be passed upon great men and
the great events of nations, by those who cannot transport themselves
from their own times back into those whereof the picture is to be drawn.
In periods when society id in a ferment, and Imrbarism and civilisa-
tion are in contest with each other; when from the existing compo*
nent parts something new and great is to germinate, towards which
the tranquil course of things, as handed down will not suffice —
Providence sends forth mighty individuals, who are destined to lead
a whole age many steps onward in its development, and, according
to the object which they are to accomplish, it furnishes them wita
adequate vigour of intellect and strength of will. But because such
chosen spirits do not follow the beaten track, and because, perhaps,
whilst their eye is fixed upon the distant mountain summit, many a
flower is crushed beneatn their feet, and they in the impatient
struggle, which in the short space of the life of one man is to deter-
mine the plan of the course of centuries, wound imconsciously many
a sacred right; the easy, indolent spirit of the lover of repose,
therefore, to which the sanctity of rights forms the foundation* stone
of life, is loud in execration against the vessel in which was compressed
such gigantic, mighty powers, and the judmnent thence pronounced
is frequently severe and unjust. But who snail censure the mountain
stream because it flows not like the meadowy brook, but drags forth
even stones and trees, bearing them onwards with it in its course? It
is true it tears forth by the roots the decayed and rotten stems, but
thereby the light of heaven is opened to cheer the progress of the
more yoimg and tender plants.
^ Digitized by Google
114 STATE OF THE EMPIRE — ^ENGLAND.
Let this, Kowever, by no means be considered as an apology for the
violence of tyrannical rulers, wbose actions'flow from an mipure source.
Man is a free agent, and presents himself as the ready instrument
of Providence in its great plans. The manner in which he executes
his office depends upon himself, and either justifies or condemns him.
It is not the great deeds he has performed, nor the thousands who
have bled in battle, whilst others in the intoxication of victory have
profanely worshipped him, that decide upon his merits or demerits,
but it is the obfet^ by which he was governed, and the purpose for
which he accomplished his extraordinary plans : whether he has been,
guided by great thoughts towards a worthy and noble end, or only
by his own pride, his ambitic»,'aBd vanitj^, or to speak figuratively,
whether in the mirror of his life the infinite creation and its worlds,
or only his own proud ima^e be reflected. This may be observed from
many signs, but it is especially to be recognised therein, viz., when he
has revered the dignity of humanity as a sacred object, even in its
details, or not observing or acknowledging it, but despising men, he
has merely used them as instruments to his purposes.
This should be our rule of judgment, in order that we may not
allow ourselves on the one side to bestow admiration upon mere
power without intrinsic goodness, nor on the other to prejudge un«
justly all those names which are inscribed in the volume, too fre*
quently perhaps in characters of blood and fire.
The work of a great man derives its proper light fix)m the condi*
tion of the world when he appeared upon the stage; it is therefore
necessary to take a short review of the state of Europe at the time
Charles attained the empire.
1. The East-Roman, or Greek empire, still existed; but only in the
strange mixture of old and new relations, of splendour and misery, of
presumption and weakness, as it had existed for a thousand years —
m the history of the world a riddle. For it is scarcely to be con-
ceived how the mere shadow of an ancient, great, and splendid state,
or as it were the gaudily ^decorated corpse of antiquity, as that empire
has been happily called, should have preserved itself so long without in-
ternal life. The change of rulers and the inconstancy of all conditions
were so great, that for an emperor of Constantinople no title was more
flattering than being styled, ** the imperial son oi a father bom in the
►urple robe" (porphyrogenitus porphyrogeniti). For the throne came
y turns to men wno had been bom amongthe dregsof society, and who
owed their elevation to some crime. To Charlemagne this distant
and extensive, but wealthy empire, could not be immediately either
an object of dread or ambition. He maintained friendship with the
Grreek emperors, and they mutually honoured each other with em-
bassies and presents, for it was desirable to the Greeks to be upon
good terms with him. ^* Retain the Frank for thy friend, but pre-
vent him from being thy neighbour," was an established proverb
among the Ghreeks.
2. England, at the commencement of Charlemagne's reign, was
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
f'
THE NORTH OF EUROPE — THE SPANISH PENINSULA. 115
etin divided among sereral Anglo-Saxon kings, and foimed a se-
duded woild of its own, without posseesing any influence upon the
natioiis of the continent. Charlemagne's name, however, was speed-
ily known and highly esteemed. One of his most confidential friends,
Alciiifi, was an Englishman, and by his means he often caused the
piinoes there to be written to, and persuaded them to be tmited and
lepeL the attacks of the valiant Danes. Even the Thanes, or petty
kmgs of Scotland, called him no otherwise than their lord.
3. The north of Europe was stiU but little known. It is true it
was the cradle of valiant men, who knew how to wield the iron of
their soil with a powerftd arm^ and who, after the rei^ of Charle-
magne, by their maritime expeditions gained themsdves a terrific
name tipon all the coasts of Europe. They were yet, however, with-
out importance to the Frankish empire. ISTevertheless, with his comr
prehensive mind, Charlemagne perceived the danger which threa-
tened from them. It is related that being once at a seaport, (it is
said at Narbonne,) some ships approached the coast but their crews
were not known. Charlemagne's quick eye detected them to be
Noiman pirates by their shape and rapid motions. They hastily re-
tired when l^ey heard that the great em|)eror was there. Afiier they
had disappeared he turned sorrowfully fiom the window, shed tears^
and at last said to those around him, *^ You would fain know, my
fiiends, why I wept? Not from fear, no! but it vexes me that,
dmin^ my hfe, they have ventured to this shore, and with grief
do I loresee, alas ! the mischief they will bring to my successors."
4. The Spanish Peninsula was subjected to the Arabians with the
exception ot some Westro-Gothic places among the mountains, but
their religious zeal had already cooled, and their power was tamed by
internal dissensions. Charlemagne's grandfather had deterred them
from the con(]uest of Europe, and they thought only of maintaining
th^ own existence in Spain. But Charlemagne could not behold
with indifference the enemies of the Christian name as his neighbours.
5. Italy was divided into three dominions, the Longobardian in
upper and a portion of lower Italy; the Grecian in lower Italy and
Sicily; and the Roman in middle Italy. Rome was in a mixed
state, for the power was divided between the Pope, the senate, and
the people, but the pope daily acquired more impcnrtance. The su-
perior protective dommion of the city had passed from the Greek
emperors to the kings of the Franks, for Pope Stephen, in the name
of me Roman senate and people, had, in the year 754, conv^ed the
dignity of a Roman Patrician to King Pepin and his sons, ^tween
the Romans and the Longobards there arose a bitter hatred and im-
plaeable enmity, which were the immediate cause of Charlemagne
mtdfering in the afl^rs of Italy. He had, indeed, endeavoured to
remove the ancient jealousy which prevailed between the Franks and
the Longobards by marrying the cbughter of King Desiderius, but
upon this occasion Pope Stephen wrote to him thus :^ What madness
in the most excellent son of a gre^ king to sully his noble Frankish
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
I2
116 AUSTRIA AND HUNGARY— THE AVARIANS, &C.
race by an alliance with tkat most faithless and most fulsome nation,
the Longobardi, who should not be named among the multitude
of nations, and from whom doubtlessly the race of lepeis had their
oriffin. What community of feeling lias light with darkness, or a
behever with an imbeliever." The Longobards richly returned this
hatred of the Romans; one of their bishops says of tnem: ** Under
the name of a Roman we comprehend all that is mean, cowardly,
avaricious, and lying, nay, even all vices combined." C!harlemagne's
imion with the roy^ house of the Longobards was not durable, for
two years afterwards he sent back the daughter of King Desiderius;
whether it arose from the ill-will of the pope to this marriage, or
whether other unknown reasons urged him we cannot say, but we
shall speedily see that greater causes arose for the enmity between
them.
6. To the south-east of Charles's possessions in Austria andHunffary,,
dwelt the Avari, a Mongolian nation from Asia, which had long
warred with and plundered the provinces of the eastern empire, but
now quietly but anxiously yarded the treasures amassed during two
centuries. These lay heaped up in nine particular places, surrounded
by walls and ditches, and which were called circles, appearing to
mvite, as it were, every one to retake them from their possessors,
who themselves did not know how to enjoy them.
7. The remaining portion of the eastern German borders was oc-
cupied b^ the different branches of the Slavonians and Vandals,
rude nations of a less noble, natural disposition than the Germans.
In Germany they possessed Holstein, Mecklenburg, Brandenburg,
Pomerania, a portion of Saxony, the Lausitz, Silesia, Bohemia, and
Moravia. In Holstein were the Wagrians; in Mecklenburg, the
Obotriti; in a portion of Brandenburg, the Wilzen; in another part
the Hevellers and Ukems; the Pomeranians in the province which
has received their name — collective branches of the Vandals. In
the district of Meissen, the Sclavonian Sorbi; in Lausitz, the Lau-
sitzers; in Bohemia, the Ezechi; and the Moravians in Moravia.
8. In Germany itself Charlemagne found greater tranauillity. The
Septs, who had been subjected to the Fnmks, the Allemanni, Ba-
varians, and Thuringians had by degrees accustomed themselves to
the foreign dominion, which was not only not oppressive, but had
even left them their manners, laws, and peculiar customs. But with
the exception of the Bavarians, they were no longer ruled according
to ancient custom by their own dukes, but according to the Frankish
institutions, by counts without hereditary power in distinct districts.
Thence they wanted a central point of union, and the ancient love
of independence survived most firmly among the Bavarians alone.
The bishops in all these provinces were very much attached to the
Carlovingian d jrnasty.
But on the borders of his empire, in the north of Germany, dwelt
neighbours who offered the first object for the trial of his strength,
namely, the Saxons, unconquered and free, fixed in their boundaries
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
THE SAXONS — THE WARS OF CHARLEMAGNE. 117
from the Grerman Ocean to Thuringia, and from the Elbe to the
Ticini^ of the Rhine. Whilst among the Franks, the old German
institutions had been much altered, and the warriors in the Gefolge
or suite of the king, had assumed the order of nobility, and occupied
the place of the frcemen, the Saxons still lived in the ancient man-
ners of their ancestors, without a common chieftain, each Grau or
district under its own head, and only during war, under a self-elected
leader. It was a community of freemen in free dwellings. The in-
terior of tbeir country was defended by forests and morasses^ and
itrong places for the defence of the boundaries were erected on the
Lippe, Ruhr, Weser, Dimel, and Elbe. In their groves of a
thousand years' growth, they still sacrificed to the gods of their
Others, whilst the other German tribes had all adopted Christianity;
Bay, they were even accused of still celebrating human sacrifices. The
franks considered themselves so superior to them by reason of their
Christianity, as well as the general superiority of their cultivation,
that their historians can scarcely deprecate sufficiently the rudeness
uid wildneas of the Saxons. But they were not so much dangerous
83 burdensome neighbours of the Franks, because, according to the
Muaent German practice, they did not wish to make conquests, but
merely roved in predatory incursions into neighbouring countries.
But a well-guarded frontier would have been a sufficient protection
against them as well as against the Slavonians and Avan, and we
see from this sketched description, that Charles might have re-
Dwined, like the Merovingians, in quiet possession of his inheritance
^thout conductinff such great external wars. The Frankish em-
Ke extended in self-sufficient strength, from the Pyrenees to the
wer Rhine, and from the English Channel to the Ens, in Austria,
and had nothing to fear from any of its neighbours.
But a mind satisfied with mere tranqml possession was not ac-
corded to Charles; its internal power was used to vent itself in new
fonns for this was the law implanted in his nature. The condition of
the world demanded great creative powers in order not to remain for
J^ituries longer waste and confused. We dare not censure Charles
^^cauae he foUowed this impulse of his nature, but the way in which
?e followed it and modelled his new creation, gives the measure of
JTidgment against him. Were high and noble thoughts his guide,
and was his own genius great, or was it petty, and directed to vain
*™gs? Upon that the history of his life must decide.
^er Charles (who ascended the throne in his twenty-sixth year)
*pd his brother Carloman had reigned together some years, the latter
oied in 77 1. The nobles of Carloman's possessions desired his brother
*or their king also, and cast out the two sons of Carloman from suc-
^^on to the throne, with whom the widow fled, and took refuge at
"le court of Desiderius, king of the Longobardi. Thus was Charles
^^ ruler of the Franks. Upon this he assembled at Worms an im-
penal diet in 772, where he represented to the assembly the re-
puted offences of the Saxons and the merit of their conversion to
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
118 THE SAXONS— ITALY— THE LONGOBARDUNS.
Chrisdanity; upon whicli the nation declared war agauist the Saxons
— the first and iongeit war that Charles was engaged in — (or it con-
tinued with sevenJ interruptions to the year 803, consequently for
thirty-two years. During this time Cluurles firequently conquered
the Saxons in open field, and forced them to conclude peace, but;
when he again quitted their country, and was obliged to withdraw to
ihe farther end of his empire, they broke the peace, rebelled against;
the obnoxious dominion, chased away the Frankish garrisons, and
made incursions into the country of the Franks, until Charles agaiiL
app^red and forced them anew to submission.
The first irruption made in their country, in the year 772, was
successful and short. He proceeded from Worms, through Hessia to
the Weser, and Dimel. Efe conquered the burg of Eresberg (the pre-
sent Statberg,in the bishopric of Paderbom), the Saxon place of re*
treat not &r from the Weser, in a rude neighbourhood, and upon a
precipitous height; and destroyed the celebrated Irminsul (or statue
of Irmin), an object regarded with the most sacred veneration by
the Saxons, but of which we do not precisely know whether it was
an ima^e of a god, or perhaps a monument of Arminius, thus revered
with divine honours. The Saxons concluded peace upon the banks
of the Weser, and ^ve twelve chiefs as hostages.
Charles was rejoiced at having so speedily concluded an advan-
S;eou8 peace, for already other afiairs called him into Italy. De*
erius, who by the reception of the widow of Carloman had al-
ready shown himself as an enemy, required of the new pope, Adrian^
that he should anoint the sons of Carloman as kings of tne Franks ;
and upon Adrian's refusal, he threatened him with war. The pope
demanded aid from Charles, who at once advanced, crossed the
Alps, marched round the passes, of which the Longobardi had
taken |)ossession, and encamped before Pavia in the year 774.
Desiderius purposed defending his metropolis until sickness and
want should force the Franks to retire. But Charles was not of a
disposition to be so soon fatigued; he let his army lie six months be-
fore Pavia, went himself to the Easter festival at Rome, which he
for the first time witnessed, and there confirmed the deed of eift
made by his father. He then returaed to Pavia, which soon yielded
to him, received Desiderius as a prisoner, and sent him, after shaving
his head for the cowl, to the monastery at Corvey in France, where,
after a short time, he died. Charles now called himself king of the
Lombards, and caused himself to be crowned at Monza.
As the Saxons had in the meantime recommenced war, he on
his return, and after he had held a diet at Diiren, made in 775, a
new incursion into their country, conquered Sigberg, restored the
Eresbe:^ destroyed by the Saxons, pressed onwards over the Weser
to the Oker, there receiving hostages from the Eastphalians, and on
his return, near Buckeburg (Buchi), obtaining also those of the An-
gravarians. But as, in the meantime, the Longobardian, Duke Rot-
gaud, of Frioul, to whom, as vassal of the empire, he had entrusted the
Digitized by
Google
THE ARABS— THE SAXONS. 119
lof the Alps, decided uposiiakiiigadTaiitage of the moment, and
rebelled, Charles was already a^ain in Italy (776), and punished the
■eoedors before they thought him even appiued of their plans. This
time, also, he was about to advance to Kome, when a message ar-
nved with intdligence that the Saxons had again reyolted, had retaken
^esbeig, and laid sie^e to Sigsberff . He speedily returned back
into Grermany, forced his way through all their forest-defiences as &r
as Lipproring, when the Saxons agam yielded, and many vowed to
WoQEme GhrisdaDS, and offered themselves to be baptised. He built a
finrtrefls on the lippe, perhaps wheie Li{q)68tadt at present stands.
In llie following year (777), he was already enabled to hold a
diet at Paderbom, in the country of the Saxons, where the majority
of the nation swore fidelity. Their boldest leader, however, Wit-
tekind (Saxon, Widukind), had fled to the Danish king, Sigfried.
It was at this diet that the ambassadors of the Arabian governors
of Saraeossa and Huesca, in Spain, appeared before Chiurles, and
entreated his assistance against the King, Abderam. He consi-
dered it worthy of his di^ty not to allow those who placed them-
■elves under his protection to entreat in vain; besides, these unbe-
fievexs, who had pressed onwards into Europe, were his most hated
enemies. Accordingly he advanced in the following ]^ear (778),
into Spain; the petty Christian princes in the mountains of Na-
varre, who had maintained themselves independent of the Moors,
here joined him; he conquered Pampeluna, Saragossa, Barcelona, and
Girona; and the country as far as tne Ebro swore allegiance to him.
Henceforward it form^ part of his empire, imder the name of
the Spanish marches or hmits, and was a land of protection for
the Christians remaining in Spain.
Upon his return, however, with his army, winding itself, as it
18 poetically described, like a long braaen serpent among the rough
rocks of the Pyrenees, and through the obscure forests and narrow
paths, the rear-guard became separated from the main body, and in
an ambuscade Md by the mountaineers, fell into the ravines of Ron-
oesvaUes. The Franks could not fight in their heavy armour, and
they fell with their leader Rutland, me Count de la Manche. This
18 the celebrated knight, Roland, who later, as well as his king —
Charles, is so much sung in the legends and heroic lays of Europe.
Meanwhile the Saxons, according to custom, when the king was
at a distance, had again seized arms. Under Wittekind they fell
upon tiie country of the Franks, and devastated it with fire and
sword as far as Deuz, opposite Cologne. This, like the earlier revolts
of the Saxons, was not so much a war of the nation and of the heads
of families, but of individual leaders with their suite or Gefolge, who
did not consider themselves bound by the treaties. Charles returned,
drove the enemy fiar back into their country, and in 780 constructed
ferinesses on the Elbe to fix a strong rein upon them. And now
thiittrug himp^^f qiiitA secured in that quarter, he made a journey in
TSltoKome to cause his sons Pepin and Louis to be anointed by the
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
120 THE SAXONS — THEIR OVERTHROW AND SUBJECTION.
Pope, the former King of Italy, the ktter King of Acquitaine (Soatli
France).
The Saxons in the interim had maintained themselTes perfectly
quiet, but the remembrance of their ancient freedom would not quite
die within them, and Christianity, which had been brought to them
with the sword by their hated neighbours, gained no power over
their hearts. It appeared insupportable to them that a man should not
himself revenge a contumely, and that a hero should not have a par-
ticular heaven. The impost of tithes which they were obUged topay
to the church, appeared also excessively oppressive to them. As W it-
tekind had, therefore, now returned and placed himself at their head,
they thought the present was the best moment for them to shake off
the yoke, and, the same as formerly, when their nation fell upon Varus
in the Teutoburger forest, they now surrounded the Frankish leaders
Geilo and Adalgis, upon Mount Suntel, on the Weser, just as they
were about to march against the predatory Serbians dwelling on the
Saale, and destroyed them as well as the greatest portion of their army.
This deed inflamed the wrath of the king (who was already ex-
cessively irritated at their repeated rebellion) to the degree, that
he broke into the country, desolated it far and wide, and caused
4500 imprisoned Saxons to be beheaded near Verden on the Aller,
as a terrible example to the rest, and as a sacrifice for his army de-
stroyed— as it appeared to him, by treachery; a stain in his history
which cannot be justified, but may partly be excused by the rasn
and turbulent manners of those times, and the excited passions of the
king. As a consequence of this severe act, Charles, m 783, beheld
the whole nation of the Saxons, imder Wittekind and Alboin, rise
simultaneously in such furious rage and madness as had never
before heea evinced. Two severe battles were fought near Thiet-
melle, now Detmold, and on the river Hase in Osnaburg; the first
was undecided, but the second so unfortunate for the Saxons, that
Charles advanced as far as the Elbe, and in this and the next year,
when with his wife and children he passed the winter campaign at
Eresburg, he proffrcMively strengthened his power in their country.
Wittekind and Alboin then saw that heaven had decided the fate of
their nation, and that a longer resistance would completely annihi-
late it. They promised submission to the powerful king, and took an
oath to go themselves to France, and be there baptised ; and they kept
their word. In the year 785 they came to Attigny, and Charles him-
self was spNonsor to the Saxon diike^ Wittekind, and his wife Gera.
From this time henceforward Saxony became more tranquil, and sub-
mitted to the Frankish institutions as well as to those of Christianity.
Charles, for the purpose of strengthening this doctrine among them,
likewise founded, by degrees, several bishoprics and religious foun-
dations, which continued to spread Ught around, viz. : in Osnaburg, in
783; Verden, in 786; Bremen, in 788; Paderbom, in 795; Halber-
stadt ; Elze (which was removed in 822 to Hildesheim), and Munster,
in 806. Yet the seeds of disquiet were not quite destroyed; small dis-
Digitized by
Google
THE BAVARIANS— THE LONGOBARDIANS— THE AVARIANS, 121
putes still frequently arose, and we shall shortly come to one of
greater import.
Charles's next dispute was with Duke Tassilo of Bavaria, of the an-
dent race of the Agitolfingi. Tassilo had still old offences to answer
for, inasmuch as he had never supplied Pepin or Charles with troops,
and he was now charged with havmg incited the Avari of Hungary
to ¥rar with the king. His consort Luitberga, a daughter of the
Longobardian king, Desiderius, may have enacted her part likewise in
these designs. Tassilo was condemned to death by the assembled no-
bles at the diet of Ligelheim, 778, but pardoned by Charles; and
by his own wish, together with his son Theodore, banished to a mo-
nastery. Bavaria became now, like the other Frankish countries,
ruled by royal counts or governors, and the bishopric of Salzburg
was raised to an archbishopric over the whole of Bavaria.
In the year 787, Arechis, the Longobardian Duke of Benevento
in Lower Italy, also yielded allegiance to the king as his superior
feudal lord. He ruled that beautiful country as far as Naples and
Brindisi. He made it a condition, however, that he himselt should
not come to Germany and appear before Charles, which was granted.
The duke received the amoassadors of the kin^ at Salerno; his
army surrounded the palace, young nobles with the falcon on their
gauntlet, formed rows upon the grand steps leading up to the Burg,
whilst the hall was filled with the provosts of cities, and their coun-
cil in state dresses, &c. The duke, seated upon the gorgeous, golden
chair of state, stood up, and swore to be faithful to the king, to
maintain peace, and to perform feudal service to the extent of a
league beyond the frontiers of Benevento.
After this, Charles formed the resolution to pimish the Avari in
Austria and Hungary for their earlier predatory expeditions. Ac-
cordingly, he marched asainst them in the year 791 ; the Franks
advanced on the south side of the Danube; the Saxons, with the
Friesi, who were both obUged to yield feudal service, advanced upon
its northern bank; and upon the river itself a flotilla conveyed an-
other portion of the army. Their appearance alone drove the Avari
away lull of tenor; they left to the enemy the immense booty of
their treasures, and Charles subjected the country to his dominion as
far as the river Raab.
In the following years, he merely sent detached forces against
tiiem. His nudn anny remained, meanwhile, in South Germany, and
worked at a canal to form the jxmction of the Altmiihl with the Red-
nitz rivers, between the Maine and the Danube, which, had it been com-
pleted, would have united the North Sea, by means of the Rhine, with
the Danube to the Black Sea; an important work, replete with rich
commercial prospects. Levantine merchandize would thus have
found a direct course from their repository at Constantinople to the
very heart of Charles's states. But unfavourable weather, and the dif-
ficulties of the ground, but chiefly the want of skill in his workmen,
who Imew not how to drain the water fix)m the places that were dug,
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
122 ' THE FRESIANS— THE MURGRAVIATES— THE SAXONS.
nor to secaie the banks of the canal from falling in, rendered the
-work nugatory-* Charles, therefore, abandoned the undertakmg; but
the honour of completing this great plan, originating with him, has
been handed down and conferred in our days upon another sovereign
of the German race. And the cause why he did not now again at-
tack the Avari, and thus open to himself the road to Gonstantinopley
was produced by a fresh rebellion of the Saxons, who, not liking long
warlike expeditions, but only short-excursions, found the hard march*
ing feudal service in such distant parts particularly trying. They re-
ffisted it and mutinied, and induced the Friesl to do the same. The
king was, therefore, obliged to make several incursions into their
country, in the course of which, in 797, he advanced as far as the
ocean between the mouths of the Elbe and Weser. Meantime, ihe
war against the Avari was continued successfully by his generals,
and then by his son Pepin, to the year 796 ; the seat of their Chagan
or chief, the main circle of their land, with all its treasures were con-
quered, and the country thus wrested from them was taken possession
of by fresh inhabitants, conveyed from other German states, but chiefljr
from Bavaria. Charles distributed the immense booty amongst his
army, by which means the quantity of noble metals became sud-
denly very much increased in the Frankish country.
The object of Charles in this expedition against the Avari, as well
as in those a^inst the Sclavonian nations, was chiefly to secure the
eastern frontiers of the kingdom. Thence arose a long Hne of fron-
tier provinces, from the Adriatic Sea to the Elbe, along the ancient
boundaries of the Liongobardi, Bavarians, Swabians, Franks, Thu-
lingians, and Saxons. To these were appointed margraves, who
bore the title of marchio (dux limitis]), and who had their seats ori^-
nally fixed in the most strongly fortified burgs of the ancient dis-
tricts. The inhabitants of these frontier provinces, through wars
and repeated revolts, became gradually destroyed, and were replaced
by German colonists, for whose protection the burgs were usefully
aaapted, as well as for bringing either into subjection or alhance the
neighbouring Slavonic princes. Several of these princes entered,
sul»equently, the ranks of the princes of the empire; for Charles's
plans and regulations in these countries operated late in after years
with beneficial efiect.
The disputes with the Saxons continued until the ninth century;
but the strength of these people became more and more weakened,
and especially after Charles, forced, by their obstinate resistance, to
adopt such extreme measures, transplcuited some thousands of them
from their native land into other parts of his kingdom. Thus they
were gradually reduced to a state of peace, even without any for-
mal treaty bem^ concluded — ^the peace of Sek in 803, as hitherto
accepted, not bemg admissible as a proof of treaty — and Charles was
enabled to commence upon his plans and arrangements in Saxony.
He nrooeeded at once to strengthen Christianity amongst them more
finnly, whilst, however, he granted them greater independence than
Digitized by
Google
THEIR UNION WITH THE FRANKS— RESULTS OF THE WARS. 123
]ie liad to the ATlemanni and Bavaiiana. They retained their an-
eient privileges, and were chiefly governed by native counts, who
weze. It is true, chosen by Charles, and were placed under the im-
perial envoys. This, therefore, may rather be called a union of the
Saxcm nation with that of the Franks, as Einhard himself terms it,
than a sabjection; and, indeed, they well merited, by the petse-
vezing consistency with which they conducted it, so honourable a
conclnsion to their long struggle for freedom. But, on the other hand,
Charles's perseverance is also to be admired, for although he had the
advantage of numbers and great superiority in the art of war on his
ode, still the Saxons had the benefit of their country, and the forests
and morasses as formerly in their battles with the Komans.
Charles, to confirm tranquillity for ever among them, transplanted
about 10,000 of the most violent from the Elbe and the coasts of the
North Sea into the country of the Franks, as cultivators of the im-
perial farms; and fix)m that transplantation, no doubt, is derived the
names of Sachsenhausen near Frankfort, as well as Sachsenheim
and Sachsenflur, in Franconia. The places left thus void on the
Elbe he save over to his allies the Vandal Obotriti, in Mecklen-
burg, and the Yagrian Sclavi, fix>m whom this part of Holstein has
received and preserved the name of Vagria.
If we cast back our glance upon these first thirty years of the
lei^ of Charles thus filled with wars, we must admire the great ra-
pidity with which he marched from Saxony to Italy, from there back
to the Weser, and then back again twice the same road: then into
Spain along the Ebro, and back to the Elbe, proceeding on to Hun-
gary, to the Raab, and again returning* into his own country; and
wherever he arrived, his presence immediately deciding the contest.
Herein we have at once the true character of a hero ; this boldness and
rapidity of thought, resolution, and action ; this impression of innate
personal greatness, which nothing could resist, and which greatness
nobody has sought to deny. But still more than all this, it was not ab-
solutely thelove of war and conquest, and the honourof his name, which
inspire him to drive his armies on so breathlessly through the countries
of Europe, but his plans were regulated by one grand creative idea
for whion he considered himself called upon to make these sacrifices.
What already the great Ostro-Gothic king, Theodoric, had in con-
templation, prospective, as it were, of future times, but which it was not
allowed him to accompUsh, viz., the union of the Christian Ger^
manic nations into one empire, Charlemagne executed ; not certainly
in Theodoric's manner, by the gentle force of persuasion and convic-
tion, for by that means the end was not to be attained, but accord-
ing to the custom of his nation and of lus a^e, by the terror of arms.
Yet, he cannot be charged with having capncioudy aou^t war more
nrgratly than was necessary for the attainment of his object.
The central pointof this great Germanic empire was to be the bean-
tifiil country of the Rhine, and Ingelheim near Mentz, was, therefore,
madetheroyalseat,butwhich wasafterwardstransferredto Aix-larCha*
Digitized by
Google
124 CHARLEMAGNE AT AIX-LA-CHAPELLE— POPE LEO III.
pelle and Nimwegen. No doubt he might have found richer and
more attractive spots in Italy and France, to induce him to fix his
residence there, but his constant mind was more attached to his an-
cient fatherland than to the most beautiful countries of the earth.
He was no Frankish king as it has frequently been wished to repre-
sent him ; but he belonged to the Austrasian Franks, which is the
country of the Rhine, and where the Franks had their chief inter-
course with the Germans still remaining there, and thus continuing
most pure and unmixed. This country he intended should form the
main and central seat of his empire, and the noble stream of his
fatherland, as it were, its great vital artery, which should unite all
its diiferent sections. This is indicated by the canal by means of
which he purposed connecting the Rhine and the Danube.
But if tlie Lower Rhine and Aix-la-Chapelle were to form the
centre and scat of his empire, it becomes eviaent that his chief con-
test must be with the Saxons, who were here too close and unquiet
neighbours of his residence for him to tolerate. He necessarily, there-
fore, extended the limits of his empire farther to the north and north-
east. But his war with the Saxons had a still different but equally
serious obiect; it being essentially a religious war, for the honour
and diffusion of the Christian faith. Charles was eminently a cham-
{ion of the church, and therein a type of the chivalric middle ages,
t is true the mild doctrines of Clmstianity should not be diffused
by fire and the sword; and Charles sufliciently experienced how httle
durable was the conversion when at his command hundreds at the
same moment stepped into a river and had water poured over them
in sign of baptism; but in this he followed less his own wishes than
the character of his nation, which had itself been converted suddenly
and during the external excitement of the tumult of battle. To
him, however, belongs the fame and glory that he also knew and ho-
noured the right mode of igniting the ught of faith. For besides
this, he founded monasteries, churches, and bishoprics in Saxony, and
that these doctrines might be more fully developed and propagated,
he caused also all the young Saxons, received as hostages, to be as-
siduously instructed with others, that they might, as teachers, en-
lighten their nation. And so perfectly did he succeed in his plans,
that this same Saxon nation, which had hitherto so obstinately re-
sisted Christianity, was speedily fiUed with the greatest zeal for it,
and made in every respect a flourishing progress.
The confidential and beloved friend of tne king. Pope Adrian,
died in 795. Charles mourned for him as for a father, and caused an
inscription to be placed over his tomb which contains the expression of
his veneration. His successor, Pope Leo lU., was misused m a revolt
of the Romans, and sought protection from Charles, who received him
in solemn state at Paderbom,* whither the pope came in 799, amidst
an almost incredible concourse of venerating people, when he gave
* Pope Leo consecrated at Paderbom, amongst other objects, the altar of St Ste-
phen, which is Btiil to be found in the vault under the choir of the oathedraL
Digitized by
Google
CHARLEMAGNE AT ROME — CROWNED EMPEROR OF ROMK 125
liiin Ids promise to go himself to Rome to punish the evil-doers; and
which promise he fulfilled in the year 800. At the Christmas fes-
tival of that same year, Charles was present at the service in St.
Peter's church at Rome. On this great occasion individuals from
almost every nation of the west, were collected together in the me-
tropolis of the Christian church, and an innumerable concourse of
people fiUed the temple. After high mass, when Charles knelt at
the altar, Pope Leo Drought forth an imperial crown and placed it
upon his head, when the whole assembled multitude exclaimed:
^* Charles Augustus, crowned by the Almighty, the great and peace-
bringing emperor of the Romans. Hail, all haal, and victoiy r At
the same time the pope knelt down before him.*
Thus in 324, the year after Romulus Aumistulus had lost the Ro-
man imperial dignity, it was a^ain renewed, by Charlema^e, who,
as a patrician, was already chief protector of Rome. He himself
attributed so much importance to the imperial coronation, that all his
subjects, from twelve years of age upwards, were obhged to renew
their oath of allegiance. His power was now extended over Italy,
France, Catalonia, the Balearic islands, and on the other side as rar
* Eginhard, the biographer and friend of Charles, says indeed — and we may pre-
sume as receiYed direct from the mouth of the emperor himself— that the latter had,
at first, adopted the title, Augustas Imperator, with very great reluctance, and that
he assured him he would not even have entered the walls of the church on that grand
day of festival, had he foreseen the Intention of the pope. Nevertheless, it is scarcely
to'be concdTed that a proceeding so graye and highly important could have been
arranged without the Imowledge and concurrence of Charles, who, indeed, in all his
actions nerer allowed himself to be led by others. Besides, it is already evident,
frt)m what is shown by other good testimonies (Annul Lauris. ham), that the renewal
of the imperial dignity had been discussed and resolved upon, for Alcuin himself
knew of it beforehand, he having given to one of his pupils a bible and a letter, both
of which he was deputed to present to the emperor at the Christmas festival in
Bome, and in which letter the learned master wished the mighty sovereign aU happi-
ness ad splendorem imperialis potentia. But what struck Charles, no doubt, with
sudden surprise and momentary vexation was, that the pope should merely have
pretemted to km the imperial craum, and that it had not been left to him, the sovereign,
to place it upon his own head himself, or to command it to be done by the pope (as
his bishop), as was the custom with the Greek emperors, who were crowned by their
patriarchs; ^ence, there is little doubt, arose the expressions attributed to him by
£^hard. This, indeed, is clearly shown subsequently, when, st Aix-la-Chapelle,
he ordered Louis to place the crown upon his own head. Charles always considered
himself as chief ruler over Rome, styled the Romans in his decrees as his subjects,
and included Rome in his will amongst the chief cities of his empire. The popes
sgain, on their part, placed his own name, as well as those of his successors, on their
coins, and included them in their bulls. In his letters, Charles henceforth calls him-
letf: *'Carolns serenissimus augustus a Deo coronatus magnus pacificus imperator
Bomanum gubemans imperium, qui et per misericordiam Dei rex Francorum et
Langobardomm.*' To him it was important to hold dominion over those other na-
tions which had not devolved upon him by hereditary right, by some other means
than the mere sway of conquest, and he well knew that among the German tribes
tbe title of Roman emperor always connected itself with the idea of supreme govern-
ment. Besides, to the emperor all were equally bound to yield allegiance — counts,
bishops, freemen, and servitors; whilst in obedienoe to the king, the fr-eemen varied
materially fi^nn the vassal, and the bishop from the layman. It likewise established
his position towards tho clergy, for the pope became now the first bishop of the em-
pire, and Akuin says distmctly (cap. IL), that the imperial power is higher than any
other, even that of the pope.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
126 STATE OF THE EMPIRE— CHARLEMAGNE'S SON.
as the north sea, the Elbe, the Bohemian forest, the Raab, and the
mountains of Croatia, thus even over the greatest portion of the an-
cient Roman empire in Europe.
By this solemn act, Charles s grand undertaking was completed, ac-
oordmg to its outwardform. All me Christian nations of German origin ,
exceptmg England, were united in one large body, and Charles, as
their temporal chief, was crowned under the ancient and, by God'a
guidance renewed title cf Roman emperor. As such, he was the chief
protector of the church — ^by the Franconian synod he was styled the
regent of true religion — as well as the guardian of justice and peace
in Europe; and under his powerful protection, the recently planted
germ ot fresh life and new moral cultiyation could safely develope
itself, without being trampled upon by the destructiye contention of
nations. Accordingly, this was the great idm and purpose of the
Roman imperial dignity, as renewed by the Germans, and as The-
odoric had contempkted, which Charles alone, however, was enabled,
by his power, to call into existence — an object which has ever con-
tinued to be fostered in the heart of eveiy noble and magnanimous
emperor succeeding to the throne of the Germanic empire.
C/harles's empire was therefore not what it has been endeavoured
by a new name to call — ^a universal monarchy ; not one empire wherein
all the nations and countries within his reach were subject to his, the
individual's will, and by one law, custom, and language, united
into one uniform, circumscribed whole. Such was not Charles's
wish. He honoured the peculiarities of nations, left them their
laws, which were based upon their ancient customs and modes of
living ; he left them their manners and their language, which a nation
could not be deprived of without inflicting the most grievous woimd.
He was even so widely distant from the idea of an empire strongly
and despotically ruled by the will of one individual, that during his
Ufe, in the year 806, at Dietenhofen, he divided his countries be-
tween his three sons, so that Pepin should take Italy, Louis,
Aquitine, and Charles the remainder, consisting chiefly of German
coimtries. They and their successors were bound to consider them-
selves as the members of one race, and under the superior guidance of
the emperor for the time being, or the head of the family, hold fra-
ternally together, and accustom their nations to a similar unity.
His soul was full of such good and noble thoughts, that Europe
would soon have flourished upon the basis he thus laid, had but a
portion of his spirit fallen to the share of his descendants.
But Charles partially foresaw with his own eyes the destruction of
his plans. Botn of his most promising sons died shortly after each
other, even before their father, and Louis, the weakest, alone re-
mained. The eldest, Charles, had made several successftd cam-
paigns apiinst the Serbians beyond the Elbe. The father hoped
every thmg from this son, but unhappily these hopes were frus-
trated.
As Charles now felt his own end approaching more and more
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
LOCIS CROWNED KING OF THE FRANKS. 127
near, he sent for his son Louia to come to him in the year 813 to
Aix-la-Chapelle, and there cm a Sunday, when in the cathedral to-
gether, he reminded him of all the dutiea of a good monarch and
he tbeaoL caused Louis to place the golden crown (which lay upon
the altar) ujxm his head, and thus crowned, his venerable fi^ther
pseeented him to the assembljr as the future king of all the
Franks. By this act Charka wished to show that his ocown waa
independent of the pjapal chair, and the Franks were greatly pleased
with this determination evinced by their prince at l£e close of his
career.
The venerable emperor, however, remained still active; he conti-
Bued to hold imperial diets and church convocations, and regulated
all other affidrs of the state.
In January of the year 814 he was attacked by a fever, which
was followed by pleurisy. Charles, who up to his latter days had
never been ill, and was always an enemy to medicine, wished to
cure himself by his usual remedy of &stm^, but his body had now
become too weak. About five o'clock on me morning of the eighth
day of his illness (the 28th of January), he felt the approach of death,
and energetically raising his right hand, marked upon his forehead^
bosom, and even to the leet, the sign of the cross. He then stretched
forth his arms once more, folded them over his bosom, closed his eyes,
and murmuiing softly and in broken tones, ''Lord, into thy hands do
I commit my soul,'' he breathed his last sigh in the seventy-second
year of his age, and the forty-sixth of his reign. On. the very dav
of his deadi l£e body of the deceased emperor was solemnly deanse^
laid out, and anointed, and conveyed amidst the sorrow and mourn-
ing of the whole nation, to the vault of the church built by himself.
He was there clothed in all the imperial robes, with a golden gospel
spread out on his knees, a piece oi the original holy cross upon nis
head, and a pilgrim's golden scrip around ms loins, and placed thus
in an upright position upon a marble chair; when, filling the vault
with firanuncense, spices, balsam, and many costly articles, they
closed and sealed it up.
So much veneration for the emperor existed throughout all his
dominions, and so much were all eyes directed upon him, that
every thing, which during the last few years of his existence, had
happened to him either wonderful or extraordinary, was considered
as prophetic of his death. His biographer, Eginhard, mentions
many such phenomena. During the three years preceding his death,
there were nequent eclipses of the sun and moon; the arcade of
columns, which Charles had caused to be erected between the min-
ster and the imperial palace, sank by a sudden revolution of nature,
upon Ascension Day, into the earth, and was destroyed to its ver^
foundation. Besides which the Rhine bridge, near Mentz, which
in the course of ten yearshe had built of wood with great ingenuity
and art, so that it was rendered fit to last for ages, was entirely
destroyed by fire in the short space of three hours. He himself in
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
128 PORTRAITURE OF CHARLEMAGNE.
his last campaign against Gt)dfi:ey, king of the Danes, upon marck-
ing forth one day before sunrise, beheld a fiery meteor fall suddenly
from heaven, passing from the right to the left, through the clear
air. At this moment his horse plunged, and falling to the earth,
overthew him so violently that tne cksp of his mantle broke, his
sword-belt was torn asunder, so that he was lifted from the ground
by his alarmed attendants without a mantle and without his sword.
To which may be added a variety of other signs, equally alarming
in their indication, but in which the great emperor was too wise to
place any faith.
In order that we may completely comprehend the extraordinary
man whose history thus calls forth our admiration, we necessarily desire
to be acquainted with his outward form, wherein the mighty spirit
was encased. We are anxious to know how the eye reflected the
internal sentiments; whether the brow and countenance depicted
dignity and repose, or whether they expressed the animated, im«
petuous emotions of the mind; and finally, whether the elevation
and power of the spirit were equally dispkyed throughout the en-
tire corporeal form. Eginhard, the friend of Charlemagne, and
whom the latter had brought up in his palace as his adopted son,
has drawn up for us a beautiful and affectionate description of his
noble fosterfather:
" In person," he says, " the emperor was robust and strong, and
of great height, for he measured seven of his own feet * His head
was round, his eyes large and animated; his nose somewhat exceeded
moderate proportions; nis grey hair was beautiful to behold, and his
countenance joyous and cheerful, whence his figure derived peculiar
dignity and charm. He had a firm step, and a perfect manly bearing.
He practised riding and hunting incessantly, according to the cus-
tomary habits of his nation, for scarcely a people existed upon earth
that could rival the Franks in these arts. Besides this, he was such
a skilful swimmer, that none could justly be said to surpass him.
*' He enjoyed constant good health, with the exception of the
last four years of his life, when he was frequendy attacked by
fever, which at last occasioned him to limp slightly on one foot.
During these attacks, he continued nevertheless to follow his own
counsel, rather than the advice of his doctors, with whom, in feet,
he was sorely vexed, for they prohibited him from eating roasted
meat, which ne himself considered the most wholesome of all food.
'* He was exceedingly temperate in both eating and drinking,
but especially so in the fatter, for intoxication was his abhorrence,
in any person, and particularly in his own palace. His daily meal
consisted of four dishes only, exclusive of the roasted joint, which
his yagers or squires brought upon the spit, and which he preferred
and relished before every other dish. During his meals he listened
* A staff or lanoe of iron has been preserved, which is said to gire the exact
height of Charlemagne, and according to which he m^aanred ax feet three inches
bj the Rhenish measuiement ^^^^^^^ ^^ GoOglc
PORTRAITUW: OF CHARLEMAGNE. 129
with great pleasure to the lays of his minstrels on the lute, or to a
reader, the subjects sune: or read being always the histories and
events of heroic men. He also took much delight in the books
of St. Augustine, particularly in those on the divme government of
God.
" In summer it was his custom after dinner, to enjoy a little fruit,
and to drink once; then to undress himself as at mght, and thus
repose for three or four hours. His nights were very restless, not
merely by his awaking up several times, but likewise by his getting
up from his couch and walking about. During his toilet, not only
were his friends admitted, but likewise, if his Count Palatine had
to present to him any appeal, which could not be decided without
his opinion and determination thereupon, he forthwith caused the
disputants to be brought before him, and then investigated the affair
and gave judgment at once.
" His dress consisted of the national costume, and was but little
different from. that of the common people. He wore, next his skin,
a linen shirt, over which a garment with a silken cord, and long
hose. His feet were enclosed in laced shoes, and in winter, for the
protection of his shoulders and chest, he wore a waistcoat of otter
skin. As upper garment, he wore a mantle, and had always his
sword girded on, the haft and defence of which were of gold and
silver; and at times he wore a sword inlaid with jewels, but only
on particular festivals, or when he gave audience to foreign ambas-
sadors. His raiment likewise, on these occasions, was of golden cloth,
and he wore a crown adorned with ffold and precious stones. Fo-
Tdgn dress, even the most beautiful, he disliked and despised, and
would never clothe himself in such; except wheli at Rome, where,
firstly at the express wish of Pope Adrian, and secondly, at the re-
quest of Leo, his successor, he wore a dress with a long train, and a
broad mantle, with shoes made according to the Roman fashion.
" Charles possessed a style of rich and flowing eloquence, and
whatever he wished, was expressed by him in the most clear and
concise manner. He did not content himself with his mother tongue
alone, but applied himself industriously to the acquirement of the
clasncal ana foreign languages generally. Of the former, he was so
perfectly master of the Latm, that he spoke it equally as well as his
i^tive tongue ; and the Grreek, although he did not speak it, he
^nevertheless, perfectly well imderstood, and was so proficient in it,
^t he coula himself have become its teacher. He practised the
Bopetior arts very zealously, and was extremely Uberal in the
Wours and rewards he conferred upon their professors. In leam-
"^ grammar, he had the attendance of the venerable deacon, Peter
ofRsa; and in other sciences, his instructor was Albin, with the
suniaine of Alcuin, who was a native of Britain, but of Saxon origin ;
a very learned man, and Charles devoted much labour and tune
^ acquiring from him a knowledge of astronomy. He also endea-
Digitized by
Google
130 PORTRAirCTRE OF CHABLEMAGNE.
Totcred to attain the art of imtm^, and iras erea aocuatomed to
liave his tablets under liis pillow m bed, so that when he had a
leisure moment he might practise his hand in the imitation of
letters. In this, however, owing to his commencing it at ao late a
period, he made but little progress.
" The minster at Aix-k-Chapdle, which is of extreme beautj, is a
monument of his Iotc for the arts, as also of his great piety, and
which he caused after he had it built, to be ornamented with gdd
and silver, together with windows, lattices, and gates of soUd brass.
He had all the pillars and marble stones used for its constructbn^
brought from Rome and Ravenna, as he could not obtain them in
any other quarter.* His piety displayed itself in the support of the
poor, and in gifts and donations which he sent to distant lands across
the sea, and wherever he heard Christians to be in want; and thence
it was that he sought the friendship of princes ruling in those dis-
tant countries, in order that some portion of nourislmient might be
dispensed to the Christians living under their dominion. It was thus
he maintained a cordial friendsnip vrith Aaron, the J^ins of the
Persians (Haroun al Raschid, Cahph of Bagdad), who n^ed over
nearly the whole of the east, with the exception of -India. Wlien,
therefore, Charles sent his envojrs vrith ricn offerings to the holy
tomb of our Lord and Saviour, uiey were not cmly very kindly re»
ceiTed by Aaron, but, on their return, he sent with them his own
ambassador to accompany them to the court of Charles, and who^
conveyed from him the choicest of the shawls, spices, and other costlj
rarities of the east, as presents to the emperor, to whom be it men-
tioned, he had already, in proof of their good understanding, sent
some few years previously, the only dejdiant he then had in ms pos-
session."
From another source we learn that this elephant, which was called
Abulabaz, or the destroyer, by its monstrous and unexampled size»
amazed the whole world, and was Charles's especial fiivourite ; and that
amon^ the presents sent with it there was a eoslly tent, toother with
a clock made of brass with astonishing skill and ingenuity. Thislatter
contained a hand or indicator moved round, duEing twdve hours, by
the power of water, together with an equal quantity of brass bam
which, when the hours were completed, dropped into a braas cup
£ laced beneath, by their fallindicatuig the hour, upon which mounted
nights, frilly armed, according to the number of hours, gall<^)ed
forth from twelve windows — a work assuxedly of great and extract*
dinary ingenuity for that period. Charles, on his part, made presenita
in return to the Persian nder, of Spanish horaes, mules, and freaiaa
mantles, which in the east were very rare and expenaiTe, and finally,
* The cbmch of the Tivgin Ifny and the imperial piiaoe axe^ as fhr at ire know;
the fint eiteiinye bailcUnga foooded by a German prince. C!harieB*t structorea
axe based npon the Roman ftyle of NorUi Italy and South France, whence he pro-
cured Ub aichitects. The pieJace in Aixrla-ChapeOe has; with iA» ezoeptioa of a
&w lemaining itoues, entirely disappeared, but St Mary's church itiU ezistB.
Digitized by
Google
PORTRAITURE OF CHARLEMAGNE. ISI
adcled to these a nmnber of dogs for kuating the lion and tig^r,
THisiffpaiSBed for swiftness and ferocity.
We hare previously mentioned his friendly connexion with the
emperor in Constantinople, and his amicable re&tions with the princes
of Ki^land and Scotland, by whom he was highly esteemea ; and
lihiis the impression of his personal greatness was reflected throughout
Ae age in which he liTed, as well m the descriptions ffiven by those
who were about him, as also in the veneration of distant nations*
H]» own grandson, Nithard, who has described the disputes of the
aoBB of Louis the Kous, says of him with great justice: '* Charles,
jisdy called by aU nations the great emperor; a man who by tnse
wisdom and virtue rises so high above the human race of his own
age, that whilst he appears to all equally awe-striking and amiable,
18 at the same time universally acknowledged to be wonderful and
adniiable."
la the subsequent generations, still filled with veneration towards
him, his figure became so eradiated bj tradition and fiction, that its
ortions appear gigantically magnified. Thus, for instance, in a
' of Low Germany he is described as follows : " The Emperor
rles was a handsome, tall, strong man, with powerful arms and
1^: his face w^ a span and a half long, and his beard a foot in
length. His eyes, to those at whom he attentively looked, appeared
so hiight and searching, that the effect therefi?om was to strike with
atwe and terror; whilst his strenglli was so mighty, that with one
hand he could raise a fiiUy-armed man above his head,"
Anoth^ ancient chromcle says of his expedition a^inst Desi-
derius: '^When the Lon^bardian king from his castle in Pkvia
observed the entire body of the Franlddi army in fuU march against
him, Ids eye searched everywhere among the ranks to find the
long. At lenglii the majestic monarch appeared to view, mounted
on his war-horse (which both in durability and colour resembled
iron Itself), with a brazen helmet on his head, his entire lofty figure
encased in iron armour, and a shining breast-plate spread over his
chest. Li his \eh hand he held his heavy iron spear, and his right
grasped his massive sword ; and when at this moment Nosker, a noble^
exiled by Charles, and who was standing near the King of the Lon-
gobardiaais, pointed to him, and said, ^behold, O kin^, there is he
whom thou hast sought,' Desiderius almost fell to the ground in
wonder and dread, faintly exclaiming, 'Away, away! Let us
descend and bury ourselves in the earth from the wrathful counte-
nsnee of that terrible and mighty foe !"^
As a testimony that the admiration excited by true fatness ex*
tends &r beyond the present and immediately sncceeoing periods,
and maintains its estimation in all susceptible and glowing minds,
even to- the latest a^es, we will here quote the opinion of a modem
writo* upon the 3iaracter of the great Charles: " The whole ap'
* IC. Surem: " AMiandhmg fiber Kaxi der Grosse."
K 2 Digitized by CiOOgle
132 PORTRAITURE OF CHARLEMAGNE.
pearance and bearing of the emperor evince the true and original
model of his energetic age — full of manly, yet cheerful virtue. Com-
bined v?ith the exuberance of power, which remodelled an entire
world, were united mildness and placidity, and with all his dignity
and elevation, we find consorted, simplicity, purity of mind, and a
profound and noble fire of feeling. The mixture of serenity and
childlike mildness in his deportment was the mystery whereby he
filled all at the same time with veneration and love; retaining in.
faithful adherence to him even those who had been severely provoked,
so exquisitely shown by the act of the noble Frank, Isenbart, who,
although deprived by Charles of all honours and possessions, be-
came, nevertheless, the unexpected but sole saviour of his life whea
threatened with great danger. There lay in the fire of his piercing
eye so much power, that a punishing glance prostrated the object, so
that to him might be applied the words of scripture : ' The king when,
he sits upon the throne of his majesty, chases by a dance of his coun-
tenance every evil thing;' whilst in the thunder of nis voice there was
such force, that it struck to the earth whomsoever he addressed in an-
ger. On the other hand, again, we find that his countenance reflected
such unutterable pleasure and gladness, and his voice was so har-
monious and of such delightful clearness, that a writer styles him
the joyful king of the Germans, assuring us that he was always so
full ojf grace and gentleness, that he who came before his presence in
sorrowtul mood, was by a mere look and a few words so completely
changed, that he departed joyful and happy. In his coimtenance
was reflected the full expression of a tranquil and clear mind, and in
all these outlines of his character he is the perfect ideal of a true Grer-
man hero and prince, worthy to be called, what he really was, the
father and creator of the Germanic age, which he brought upon the
stage of history, after it had attained ripeness and perfection in the
womb of humanity. It was not merely in his works and external
creations that he founded the Germanic age, but its greatness and
simplicity, its heroism in war and friendship in peace, were ingrafted
in his profound soul entire !"
We have already spoken of his friendship with Pope Adrian,
founded on mutual esteem, and his paternal devotion to Einhard.
But to none was he attached so affectionately as to Angilbert, or
Engelbert, a yoimg man of noble family, who was his constant com-
panion in all his traveb and campaigns, and to whom he confided
his most important affidrs. Engelbert was an excellent poet, and
for some time appointed prime minister in Italy; he then became
Charles's private secretary, and likewise married his daughter
Bertha, from which mamage descended the before-named histo-
rian, Nithard. Charles was a reverential son to his mother Ber-
trande, a faithful brother to his only sister Gisla, and of his consorts
he chiefly loved the second, Hildegarde, who bore him his three sons,
besides three daughters. He cau^ his children to have the best
education, and he even dedicated much of his own time to them
Digitized by
Google
PORTRAITURE OF CHARLEMAGNE. 133
with paternal watchfulness. His sons learnt not only all chLvalric
accomplishments, but studied also the sciences. The daughters were
taught to work in wool, sewing, and spinning, according to the
prevalent simple German custom. He never took his meals without
his children; they accompanied him in all his traveb, his sons riding
beade him, and his daughters following him. His heart was so at-
tached to these, that he could never prevail upon himself to part
with ihem. He superintended his domestic economy most care-
fiiUy. To him even, the legislator of an extensive empire^ it did
not ajppear too trifling to overlook with prudent care his estates
and farms, so that an^ father of a fSunily might have learnt from
him how to regulate his household affidrs. oome of his laws are
still extant, and therein we find especially indicated, how many of
every description of domestic animals, and how many peacocks and
pheasants shall be reared and maintained for ornament on his farms;
as likewise how wine and beer were to be prepared, and how the
cultivation of bees, fisheries, orchards, and plantations, was to be
pursued.
" If Charles's general greatness impresses us with reverence and
admiration,^' so says the modem historian of his life, ''this partici-
pation in the infenor concerns of life, not smothered by higher cares,
Drings him more closely in connexion with us; this especial care of
the aomestic hearth, so peculiar to the genuine German, wherein he
has grown up as the plant in the earth which bears and nourishes it,
whilst his active power strives outwards into the world of deeds and
works, and his bold mind soars towards heaven, as the plant shoots its
blossom forth towards the sun.^' And in truth, Charles's mind was
directed towards the light of truth ; he was animated with the love of
the glorious and the beautiful, and planted both wherever he was able,
and by all the means in his power.* He had formed with the wise
Englishman, Alcmn, and other learned men a scientific society, and he
maintained with them a regular correspondence, which was rendered
more free and intellectual, inasmuch as a happy idea from Alcuin ena-
bled it to be conducted without any interrerence with personal rela-
tions. The communications were not made in the ordinary names of
the members, but in those of adoption, in which Charles himself bore
the name of King David, his friend Engelbert that of Homer, Alcuin
that of Horace, hginhard that of Bezaleel, and the rest, other equally
select names, whence the cheerful disposition of this imion, breaking
the restrictive chains of ordinary life, sufficiently displays itself. Its
immediate purpose, besides the cultivation of both the ancient lan-
guages, may possibly have been to reanimate and draw forth from its
obscurity the ancient German language and its poetry. Charles himself
* As regards the lieneflts produced by Charles's zeal for education and science, we
find ahready that in the years 650 to 770, there were in Germany and France some
twenty-six writers, whilst in the years 770 to 850, there were already in Charles's
kingdom more than one hundred.
Digitized by
Google
134 POETEAITURE OF CQARL£MAGN£.
«ttlier flketohed, or caused to be fiketohed, a Germaa mmsoBi^ gave
to the manthB and the eeasonfi Grerman names, and oollected tibe abo^
xiginal songs, wherein were recited the noble deeds and the wars of
jmcient beroes (as formerly Ljcurgus and Pisistratus oollected tbe
BOfiigs of Homer). But there k Bot a more affecting trait of bis owa.
love for the sciences extant than that alxeadj related, when in es:—
Ixeme age be endeavoured carefully to accustom his once powerful
band, uniich bad been used only to wield the sword, to the practice o£
twiiting, and that even during the sleepless hours of the night. And
bow far he esteemed educated and scienti&c men is proved, besides the
ixistanoes already cited, by bis example shown towards the LongobardiaxL
historian, Paul Diaconus. He was private secretary to King Deside-
tins, and after the latter was conquered, the former participated in the
subsequent revolt of the Lombards, upon which he was sentenoed t»
have bis bands chopped off. Charles, however, interfered and said^
^^ If these bands are chopped off who will, like him, be able to writs
Its such charming histories?" and accordingly be pardoned himu
The learned Alcuin, already mentioned — in possessing whom at bis
court Charles feh moise pride than in having a kingdom — had been
pEevioufily provost of the ba^h school of York in England, where
ahnost au the learned men of that period bad received their educa-
tion and had imbibed their meal for the sciences, and vwhich contained
one of the few then (existkog libraries of the west of Europe. Ibl
793 he was induced by the repeated entreaties of the king to go over
to France, where he foimded the celebrated school of Tours. Gharlep
esteemed him so much that be called him his beloved instoructor m
GhriBt, and presented him as his friend to the grand imperial diet
and church convocation at Frankfort. And Alcuin proved himflelf
worthy of this honour, for when all, from fear or doubt, were silenl^
be alone candidly told the king the truth. The correspondence of
Charles with Aicuin is worthy of high estimation, and of which,
happily, we still possess a conaideiable portion. Charles, on his part,
there expresses the greatest respect and friendship for Alcuin, and
the latter is full of true affection, nay, at times, of inspirsdon to-
wards his king and fidend. Charles's wife aaid his soids and daughfeera,
areceived instruction from Alcuin, and he was styled by them ul their
master and father, he, on his part, calling them his sons and daugfatera.
Combined with his anxiety for the affairs of the church, Qiarliet
likewise, with proper foresight and penetration, felt deep interest for
the instruction of the people; thence, wherever it was possible, he
foimded schools and investigated their progress with great solidtade
himself. It is related that he once entered the school which was
eBtabhshed at his own court, and examined the studies of the boys.
The skilful he placed on his right and the unskilful on his left,
and then it was found that the latter consisted chiefly of tbe sons of
noble families. Charles then turned to the industrious class, praised
them much, and assured them of his particular regard; the others h&
admonished and scolded severely, threatening them, notwithstanding
Digitized by
Google
POBTRAITUB£ OF CHARLEMAGNE. 135
diear noble desoent, to reduce them to the lowest rank in the Bchool
xmleflB tfa^j speedily zepaiied, by zealous industry, the negligence
fAlOWXL.
The stody of the Latin tongue was especially promoted by Charles
£cn: the sake of the church; but, at the same time, he acknowledged
tiiie vahie of the Greek language, as he proved by founding in O^ia-
]mb^ a Greek school. In a royal decree adcfressed to all monas*
tezies, in which he exhorts them to apply themselves to the sciences,
he says expressly, that he has been led to make this exhortation, be-
eaose theb communications are written in such bad Latin. Another
important result arising from the scientific labours of Charles and his
£sends, was the estabhshment of Ubraries in the chief schools. Al-
cnin laid the foundation of such a one in the school at Tours, by send-
ing Bcholais to York for the purpose of making copies from the books
there, and thus '^ transplanting the flowers of Bntain to Francoaxia.''
This example was soon followed, the desire to possess books awoke,
the office of extracting from writings now became a favourite oocu-
pation and duty in the monasteries and schools, and indeed, we have
to thank this industry of the copyists for what has been preserved to
OS from ancient times.*
The sacied dignity of divine worship concerned him much ; he gave
himself particular trouble to introduce a good psalmody, and caused
&r that purpose organ players and singers to come fipm Italy; and
«t Soiasons and Metz he instituted singmg schools. Besides this, he
ordered a number of good sermcms by the Greek &thexs to be trans-
lated into the Frankish tongue, ana read to the people ;t and he
made a general reflation, that sermons should be preached in the
national language, for King Charles well knew that civil order re-
posed upon riie religious and moral dignity of the people, and with-
out which it can have no solid basis. He considered church and
state not as separated from, or inimical to each other, but conceived
that they both had one great aim, that of the ennoblement and per-
fection of mankind. He, therefore, in his extensive empire, linked
both these institudons still more closely together.
Even under the earher Frankish kings, the clergy formed an es-
* AJcain took especial pains to fonn and establish dasses far t)ie improyement
and po&ction of writing. In Tours, Fnlda, and Treyes, particular and distinct
balls were appropriated for transcribers, provided with inscriptions, which impressed
upon the mind the important duties of a writer. In fact, the art of writing in booka
and aacieDt documents appears, under Charles, to have undergone a change, com-
jifetel^ sodden, in improvement. For, to the unsightly Merovingian style of italic
character previously in use — even to the first years of Charles's reign — ^we find suc-
ceeding, as it were, with one spring, a fine and legible form of round hand, called
the Caraiiiigian minuakel, or neat^ reduced writing. This style became the legiti-
mate aooioe whence we derived aU our present forms, both in writing and printing,
in German as well as Latin. In the coinB of the year 774, we likewise find displayed
an improvement equally striking, thus showing that, even in mmor oljects, the
^Rst Charles operated efficaciously.
f He directed Paiilus Diaoonus to prepare extracts from the fathers, in the form
<tf a collection of homilies throughout the year. This collection, from the usual
qpemng cf the pieces, ^ post iUa,'* received, subsequently, the name postffle.
Digitized by
Google
136 PORTRAITURE OF CHARLEMAGNE.
sential portion of the constitution of the kingdom. The bishops,
as well as the dukes, participated in state affairs, and had a seat and
voice in the national assembly. Charles made this a fixed principle,
and this raised the clerical body to rank as one of the orders of the
state. The constitution had already now formed two of its chief
orders, that of the clergy and nobility ; the civil order, as the third
component, did not yet exist; later centuries brought it to perfection,
and thereby completed the constitution of the state. But it was im-
portant for that period, that the feudal nobility, which had already
become too powerful, should receive a counterbalance in the clerical
order, which must necessarily become the preservation of Christian,
cultivation throughout Europe, and thereby unite Europe into one
great whole. Besides, Charles felt himself sufficiently powerful to
fear no misuse of such spiritual influence in his realms. Although he
increased the possessions and the consideration of the clergy, he yet
maintained his imperial power so much above them, that his quick
eye was everywhere feared, so much so, that one of his historians
calls him the bishop of bishops.
We frequently find in his decrees reproaches made against the
clergy, when they commenced exceeding the limits of their power,
and many of his laws generally allude to an ameliorated state of dis-
cipline amongst the ecclesiastical body, to a restraint being put to
their worldhness, and commanding them to perform the duties of their
office with zeal and activity. In fact, he may be regarded as the true
reformer of the cler^, especially when we refer to the condition of
that body under the Merovingians. Of the tithes which were to be
paid to the church, he appointed for the bishops one fourth, for the
inferior clergy one fourth, for the poor one fourth, and for the church it-
self one fourth, especially towards the building of fresh edifices. And
as these taxes were altogether hateful alike both to the Franks and
Saxons, he at once set the example himself, of subscribing to them,
by having them levied equally upon the royal estates. They were
rendered less obnoxious and more moderate likewise by his subse-
quent decrees, that all church offices, such as baptisms, communions,
and burials, should be performed gratuitously.
With respect to the administration of the state, Charles dispensed
with the power of the grand dukes as governors of entire provinces, and
divided the latter into smaller districts, causing them to be ruled by
counts, whose chief occupation was the superintendence of the judi-
cial office; but the dignity of count was not hereditary. The dukes,
whom he himself appointed, were merely his lieutenant-generals in
war and leaders of the arri^re ban of a province. Besides which he
des|>atched, as often as he thought it necessary, royal envoys (missi
regii) into the provinces, who mspected their condition, and exa-
mined how they were governed, and were obhged to draw up writ-
ten reports thereof. These envoys consisted generally of a bishop
and a count, as the proceedings of the spiritual as well as temporal
adminifgfators were to be examined at the same time. The district
Digitized by
Google
PORTRAITURE OF CHARLEMAGNE. 137
of a Missus -was called Missaticum. When any person believed
ie had experienced an avoidance in law from the count, he could
appeal to me Missus; and again from this there was an appeal to the
Comes paJatU. The appointment of the judges in the courts was re-
moved from the power of the counts by Charles, and transferred to
the Misstis,
He expressly and earnestly exhorted all his officials, and par-
ticularly the judges, to the ftilfilment of their duties, as in fact the
grand endeavour, shown throughout his entire government, had for
Its object the improvement of the administration of justice, and es-
pecially the protection of the poorer classes and the common free peo-
ple, against the pressure of the higher ranks. It seemed as if in the lat-
ter period of his reign he had more and more perceived the danger
wi& which the common freedom of his subjects was threatened by the
feudal system. All administration of justice, however, was in vain.
He was forced himself to attend in person, twice in the year, national
assembUes or diets, the one in spring, called the May field (^Campus
Madms) in which the king, with his estates, gave the decisions; the
other in autumn, composed of the most distinguished of his nobles and
confidential friends, with whom he regulated the most urgent mat-
ters, and prepared those affairs to be setUed at the ensuing May meet-
ing. The regulations made at these diets, particularly those passed in
the Spring meetings, which, after their division into chapters, became
known nnder the name of capitulars^ produced for the entire king-
dom a great combining power.
The envoys, each in tneir division, called together the communi-
ties four times every year, who, besides attending to their own
matters, had to approve and confirm the resolutions passed at the
grand assemblies, if they concerned the interests of the people: so
nttle power had the king and his nobles to affect or alter their rights.
Thus by means of all these institutions Charles, who was still greater
as a legislator than a warrior, was enabled to keep in order without
garrisons and a standing army, all the people subjected to obedience,
as well as his whole extensive empire, although composed of such a
variety of nations. He himself remained within the boxmdaries of
the constitution, honoured the laws, listened willingly to the voice
of his people, and showed in every thing, but especiaU}^ in this, his
noble genius and magnanimity, and the dignified superiority of his
nature.
Digitized by
Google
138 LOUIS THE PiaUS- DIVISION OF HIS EMPIRE.
CHAPTER VI.
814—918.
Louis the Pious, 814-840— Division of the Empire among his Sons, Louis, Lothaire,
and Charles the Bald, 843— The German Sovereigns of the Race of the Carlo-
Tingians, 848 -911 — ^Louis, or Ludwig, the Gennan — Charles the Pat — Amalf —
Xoois the Child— The later and conchiding Period of the Carolingiann ■Conrad. X.
of Eranconia, 911-918.
After the raee of the Oarolingians had produoed <5onaecutively
foiar great jnea — a rare occurreuce in history — its energy seemed to
l)ecome exhausted. Louis the Pious did not resemble ms ancestors.
However, his personal appearance was by no means insignificant, for
he is descariibea as well made, with a prepossessing countenance, of a
Strong frame, and so well practised in archery and the wielding of
!the lance, that none about him equalled him. But he was weak in
mind and will, and his by-name, ** the Pious," implies not only that
jhe was religious, but principally that he was so easy temjjereo, that
it required much to displease mm. A ruler of this description was
not adapted to hold in union liie vast empire of his father; neverthe-
less, the chief misfortunes of his wlxole me arose rsolely &Gm his own
eons.
He had three sons by the first marnage, Lothaire, Pq)in, and
Louis; and he very early drvided his empire between these three, re-
taining for himself nothing but the tide of emperor. He, however,
«oon afterwards espoused as second consort, Judith, of the family of
(the Guelfs, who boore to him his fourth son, Charles, and was a proud,
jonbitious woman, who would willingly have transferred all to her
<awn child. Upon her persuasion Louis was induced to take a portiaBL
of .the countries from his other sons, and give it to Charles. Where-
upon open war arose between the emperor and his children, who
took their father twice prisoner. The last time it occurred was near Col-
mar, in Alsace, and because most of the nobles of Louis's suite, who
had sworn aUegiance to him, passed over to his sons, the place has re-
tained the name of Liigenfeld, or the Field of Lies. The good-natured
Louis, turning to those who remained stUl with him, said, ^' Groye,al80,
to my sons ; I will not allow that even a single individual lose, on my ac^
^count, life or hmb." They wept and departed, and Louis fell again imto
the hands of his sons. Lothaire, who was the worst among than, had
him conveyed to a cloister at Soissons in France, and urged him so
incessantly, until he at last resolved to do public penance in the
chapel. Lothaire's object in this was, that his father might thereby
be made incompetent to take arms, for it was ordained by the
canon law, that any one who had done penance was rendered inca-
pable of bearing arms, and the Franks could not endure among them
• a king without a sword.
The pious Louis, who was easily persuaded that his own sins were
the cause of all his misfortunes, absolutely allowed himself to be
conducted into the chapel of the monastery, and after he had been
HIS ILL-T&EATMENT— HIS DEATH. 1S9
divested of luB oword and milkaiy acooutiemeKta, he wtm clothed im
A flack of penance, and was farced to read a mper aloud, wkereon
his 8Qii and lus aceomplioes had infloribed all nis sins, thus: *' That
he bad unworthily filled his office, fxequenthr ofiended God, vexed
the church, was a perjurer, the originatar of diasensians and turhu-
lenoee, and, at last, had even wished to make war upon his sons." And
whilst he made this canfession, the der^, conaiBting of the Arch-
bishop Ebho, of Rheims, whom Loius himself had raised £ram
A servitor to an archfaishop, and with him thirty hishope, epread out
their hands over him, and chanted penitential psalms; Lothaire
himself sitting dose by upon a throne, and feasting his eyes upon the
degradation of his £itner, who was immediately afterwards led away
in the garment of repentance, and immured within a solitary oelf,
where he was left to remain, without any consolation.
This misuaage of the emperor emnged his son, Lotus of Bavaria,
who was afterwards called Ludwi^ the German, and who was the best
of the boos; he conferred with his brother Pepin, and they foioed
XfOthaire to .emancipate their father, who was lormaUy absolved by
ihe bishopsy and received from their hands his sword and acoouJae-
ments backagaio.
But his misfortunes had not made him wiser, for, on the contraiy:,
he allowed himself to he immediately persuaded by Judith to preter
his son GhaaJes before the rest, and to give him his most beauti-
ful coimtries, causing him to be crowned King of Neustiia. He
treated his best son, Louis, the worst, who oonsequenctly, in his irri*
tation, seized arms against his father, and the old king could nowhere
£nd a tranquil spot lor his dealh-bed; for, as he was proceeding to
Worms, to hold a diet doere against his son, and was iust pasmng
over the Rhine, near Meortz, he suddenly fdt his quickly-approach-
ing end. He remained upon an island of the BJbine, near Ingelheim,
caused a tent to be there pitched for him, and sank down upon his
death-bed. He pardoned iiis son before his death, in these words:
^' As he cannot come to me to otEex satiafaction, I acquit myself thus
towards him, and take God and all of you to witness, that I forgive
him every thing. But it will be your office to remind him, that
ahhough I have so often pardoned him, he must not foi^et that he
has brought the grey hairs of his &ther to the grave in bitter grief.'*
Thus died, in the year 840, !King Louis, who was of a kind dis-
position, but whose life was one continued scene of trouble and
affliddan, because he knew not how to govern his own house,
tnniffili less hiB emmre.
The most celebrated acts of his life .condst in the foundation of two
religions institutions; viz., the monastery of Corvey, and the arch-
bi^opiic of Hamburg. The first originated from the cloister of the
same name, at Amiens in France. It was hither that Gharlemi^ne
caused many of the imprisoned Saxons to be brought, that they
might be instructed in the Christian reHgion, and become thereby
tbe £atiaie teachers of thdr fellow-countiymen in the same doc-
Innea. Louis the Pious caused a religious colony of these JSaxonSite
140 LOTH AIRE, LOUIS, AND CHARLES THE BALD.
settle in their natiTe country, on the Weser, and he commenced
building the new monastery as early as the year 815. It was com-
pleted in 822, and the abbey was enriched with many crown endow-
ments. It speedily became the best school for education in that countrr-
Louis founded the archbishopric of Hamburg in 832, principally
for the conversion of the heathens of the north. The first bishop was
Ansgar, from the abbey of CJorvcy, one of the most zealous propa-
gators of the Christian religion, and who had aheady taught the
doctrine in Denmark and Sweden. But Hamburg, unfortunately^
was destroyed by the Romans, in 845, on which account the arcn-
bishopric was transferred to Bremen.
The brothers, who had not hesitated to take up arms against
their own father, coidd much less remain united among themselves.
In particular, Lothaire assumed, as emperor, great privileges over
his brothers. Louis and Charles, Pepin being already dead, conse-
quently armed themselves against him ; and as he would not agree
to a treaty of peace, a battle was fought in 841, near Fontenay, in
France. It was very sanguinary; forty thousand, according to
others a himdred thousand, men were left on the field. Lothaire
was conquered, and his great pretensions were thus dissipated, and
in consequence, in the course of two years, an important treaty took
place, which divided the great Franlash empire, and separated Ger-
many for ever from France. This is callea the treaty of Verdun,
concluded on the 11th of August, 843.
1. Louis received Germany as &r as the Rhine; and across the
Shine, Mentz, Spires, and W orms, for the sake of the culture of the
vine (propter vim copiam), as it is said in the original record. Thus
were united all the countries wherein a pure German race, unmixed
with the Romans, had remained, and the Germans may consider
the treaty of Verdun as a ^reat national benefit. For had that
cotmtry remained tmited with France, and had the king made
Paris, perhaps, the metropolis, or even changed about in the chief
cities of that country, it is probable that, in the course of time, a
ruinous mixture of the German and French languages, manners, modes
of life, and idiosyncracies of the two nations would have taken place.
2. Lothaire retained the imperial dignity and Italy, and acquired
besides, a long narrow strip of land between Germany and France,
from the Alps as far as tne Netherlands, namely, the country of
Valais and Vaud in Switzerland, the south-east of France, as far as
the Rhone; and on the left bank of the Rhine, Alsace, and the
districts of the Moselle, Meuse, and Scheldt. This long and narrow
strip between the two other brothers was probably apportioned to
the emperor that he might be near them both, and that according to
the wisn of the father and grandfather, the imperial control mi^ht
tend to preserve the unity of the whole. It Hkewise seemed that
Italy and the ancient city of Rome, as well as ancient Austrasia,
namely, the Rhenish districts, which Charlemagne had selected for
his residence, with his capital, Aix-la-Chapelle, were not separable
from the imperial dignity. But although Lothaire received beautiful
LOUIS, OR LUDWIG, THE GERMAN — THE NORMAN PIRATES. 141
and productive provinces, yet his portion was the weakest, for his empire
on this side of tne Alps had no natural frontiers, either in mountains
or in a distinct natioiml race. The inhabitants of his countries on the
Rhone and down the Rhine were composed of very different tribes;
thenoe as there was no natural necessity for this division of coun-
tries, it was merely produced by human caprice, consequently, there
was no durability in it. On the contrary, it became the source of great
misfortune. After the Emperor Lothaire, pursued as it were by the
spirit of his injured &ther, against whom he nad chiefly offended, had
laid down the sceptre and retired into a convent, where he died in 862,
his three sons took up arms in contest for the land, and divided it
among themselves; but neither of them transmitted it to his descend-
ants. The countries of Burgundy, Alsace, and the province of Lor-
raine proper, which Lothaire II. had received, and which had from
him received its name was, after his early death, divided by his two
uncles, Louis the German, and the French king, Charles; so that
the land to the east of the Meuse, with the cities of Utrecht, Aix-la-
Chapelle, Liege, Metz, Treves, Cologne, Strasburg, Basle, &c., fell
to Germany. But this division did not terminate the dispute for the
Lorraine inheritance, for it has remained through every century
a bone of contention between the Germans and the French, and many
sanguinary wars have taken place in consequence.
3. Charles the Bald, received lastly, the western division of tiie
whole Frankish kingdom, and which has continued to preserve its
tide.
Louis theGerman(840 — 876), who was an energetic prince, of lofty
stature and noble figure, with a fiery eje and a penetrating mind, and
who also possessed an active disposition for education and science
(which tlie schools of eloquence that he foimded at Frankfort and
Ratisbonne have proved), had constantiy to contend for the tranquillity
of his realm; for the Slavonian tribes made incursions on the eastern
frontiers, and the Normans on the north and north-west. These bold
sailors, of ancient German origin, wild as their sea and its northern
coasts, coming from the Norwegian, Swedish, and Danish waters,
appeared with the rapidity of the wind, at the mouths of tiie rivers,
and frequently advanced deep into the country. They ascended the
Seine as far as Paris, flew along tiie Graronne to Toulouse, and sailed
up the Rhine to Cologne and Bonn. And it was not the banks merely
of these rivers which suffered from their devastations, but they knew
also how to convey their vesseb many tiiousand paces across the
country into other rivers, so that no place afforded security Against
them. So ffreat was tiie terror of their name, tiiat the mere report
of their commg drove to flight all before them. Their numbers were
generally small, for a fleet of the small ships of that period could not
convey laxge armies; but their courage, as well as their strength of
body and their weapons, testified to their true northern origin; whilst
in wielding tiie powerful spear, no race equalled them. A few ships,
manned witii valiant men, formed frequently tiie equipment of their
rojal princes ; and as in ancient Germany, a noble leader with his coif^
1M3 LOUIS THE FAT— HIS WEAKNESS— ARNULP.
Ittxiy, in bold esnxisioiie, aequired honotiT and booty, aaid with Mis
suite, ev«n contested for ike poeBeflnon of a whole eoiintiy; so, on
the other hand, the Bquadron of the bold searhero, maimed witli
wudike and pillage-seeking adventcnera, was the source of his riches,
forming often the moving basis u^a which he erected his krng'--
dom. It was thus they rounded siinilar kingdoms in Normandy-,
France, Sicily, and in Russia. Louis the German succeeded in.
protecting his kingdom against them, and against the Slavonians,
but not so his son, Louis the Fat (876 — 8B7), who, afW the death
of his brothers, Carloman and Louis, by the intervention of particu-
lar ciicomstances, again united for a short time the three portions o£
Ihe Fraokisii empire, in Italy, Germany, and France. In France,
there was a minor king, Charles the Simple, six years of age, for
whom he was to have protected the country against the Normans;
but not possesnng the qualifications necessary, this he was not able
to do, and thence he was forced twice to purchase peace from them
at the price of many pounds of gold: the first time when they had
adyanoed upon the Meuse as fitr as HaslofF, and the second time*
when, with 700 vessels, they had ascended the Seine as fiir as Paris-
itsd^ and closely besieged that dty. Such cowardly conduct, and
tlie weakness of his whole government, broudit him into contempt,
and was the cause which {m)duced his formal deposition, in a great
and nwdonal assembly held at Tribur in tibie year 887. To his great
good fortune, he died the following year.
In Germany he was succeeded (887 — 899) by Amulf, a son of
his brother Carloman, consequently a grandson of Louis the Ger-
man, a valiant and worthy king. He beat the Normans at Louvain,
in the Netherlands, where they had erected a fortified camp, which
victory made him very c^brated, for those Normans formed the-
most valiant race of the north, and had never previously been knownr
to fly before an enemy.*
Arnulf now marched also into Italy to bring that disunited coun-
try— ^where many pretenders contested for supremacy — again under
German dominion. He advanced, in 896, as far as Rome; but his-
army had been so much weakened by sickness and foul weatber^
that he dared not attempt to attack the strong walls of the dty, and
was about to turn back. Upon this, the Romans hooted and in-
sulted the Gennans so grossly, that, without awaiting the word of
* About this time, in the Bouth-eaatem frontiers of Grennany, a SLavonic fnno^
Zwentibolt, had established a considerable dominion in Moraria. In order to gain
his friendship, Anmlf gave him the yacant Duchy of Bohemia as a fle^ and ehose*
him as godfather to his son, whom he named after him. But the Mocsa?ian prineo
became mmdy* and strore for independence; and Amulf soon saw himself entaoglad
in a severe war against him. In order, theiefhre, to gain allies, he had leoourae to
the Magyars, w^ rose against Zwmtibrit, and, fldling upon Moravia, completely
overthrew his dominion, and established themselves there instead, iHiHst the bte
ruler withdrew, and sought reftige in a monastery. Amulf; in order to extend the
power of his house, now took advantage of some f^Tourable circumstances presented
in Lonradae, m order to piociixe for his son, Zwenlibolt, the duchy of that ommtiy.
In this he ■noaeedcd, after several enoounters with the nobility; sad la 895 his mn
took the title of king, but he held it but for a short time, being soon afterwards kiUed
m a battle against his vassals, immediately after the death of his &ther.
LOUIS THE CHCLD^THE END Of THE CAROUSGIANS. I4S
eammaiid, tiiey tamed back, adrsnoedy and, atonniag ike gartes,
filled the ditches, mounted the wallB, and carried the citj. The
Roman people were obliged to swear fidelitj to him. Bot they
knew not how to observe the oaih thej took; and as they had not
been able to oTerconie the powerfiil Germans by open force, they had
leeonrae to poison ; thence Amulf was, most probably , secretly dru^^d
by them, tor he returned ill to Gennany, and diea, after a longsLck*
nesB, in the year 8^, much too early £or his kingdom, and mourned
hy all Cremums; for he was yet young, and Gennany never moser
than at that moment recpaired his pow^ul arm.
A new savage tribe, m ferocity equal to the ancient Hunns, had
now fixed themselves in Hungary, and extended their incursions ta>
Germany. They were properly odled Madschari or Magyars, and
belongea to the Calmuc race o{ the Asiatic wanderers, but they weie
called Hunns (also Hungarian, after the countiy they henceforward:
occupied), because it was then customary to call all those tribes Huzmv
who were savage and terrible to behold, and who came from die
east. They also, like the former Hunns, lived always on horse-badr,,
and suddenly appeared where they were not awaited. They unex-
pectedly attacked, aai as suddenly fled, and in flying they alwaysediot
their arrows backward?, and turned quickly round when all was con-
sidered safe. They shot their arrows from bows, formed of bone^
-wiik so much force and precision, that it was scarcely possible to
avoid them; but they were igncxrant of the art of fighting at close
quarters, or of besi^mg cities. They were small in stature, ngly in
countenance, with deep sunken eyes, of barbaric manners, and witk
a coane and discordant language; so that an ancient writer who*
Kved at that period, says: ^ We must be astonished that Diviiae Pro-
vidence should have given so delightful a country to be inhabited
— not by such men, but by such moastess in human shape !''
These terrific enemies desolated in an unheard-of manner the
German countries, during the period wh^i Amulf 's son, Louis the
Child, who was still a minor, was called King of Grermany £rom the
year 899'-911. These were probably the most miserable years that
Germany had ever witnessed. With almost every year these HuBr-
garians suddenly precipitated tiiemselves in masses upon one or
other of the provinces, desolated it with fire and sword, and drove'
flioasands of the inhabitants back with them as slaves, whilst the
Germans, valiant as they were, knew not the mode of conductzng-
sQch a war, and could not defend themselves; besides which, thOT
possessed as yet no waBed towns wherein they might have shet
tered their wives and children. Bavaria was first attacked by
them, and made a prey to their devastations, and all llie court and
noUes cut to pieces^ The foUowiag years tike same happened U>
Saxony and Tmiringia, and the two concluding years xraaconia
and Suabia wese in tnm devastated. The words of Solomon may
be applied to lihese horrors of Germany: ''Woe to the eooBtry
whose kmg is a child." But, fbctaaalely fer the salvation of hia owm
aod other coonttieff, this dbold now died eady in the^year SIL. j
144 END OF THE CAROLINGIANS — GERMANY.
After the race of the Carolingians, which had commenced witlx
80 much lustre, became extinct in Germany, it still existed a short;
time longer, although but weak, and witnout any power or autho-
rity in France; it soon, however, disappeared there also — like a tor-
rent which at first springs forth majestically, and dashes down all
before it, but at last dividing itself into various isolated arms, its
power becomes reduced, and gradually absorbed by the sand.
Meanwhile in Germany much had become changed that proved of
great importance to futurity. Charles the Great, as we have seen,
made the royal power superior to all other; he did away with the
great dukes' reigning over entire provinces, and substituted royal
officials, with smaller circuits of government; and had his successors
followed his example in this, the Sjrstem might have been established
in Germany, as it was in France and other countries — ^namely, that
but one loid should rule with imlimited power throughout tlie
whole empire, and no prince besides. But fate ordered it other-
wise, and caused many rulers to spring up among us, which has
given an impulse to the development and cultivation of die German
mind, and nas been only then Tiot dangerous to the country with,
respect to its exterior relations, when all who called themselves Ger-
mans held together in love and unity, and in that disposition con-
stituted a firm and soUd German empire.
The foundation of this polygarchy, or division of dominions, may-
be traced chieflj to the times subseq^uent to the treaty of Verdun.
On almost all sides formidable enemies threatened the frontiers: the
Hungarians, the Slavonians, the Yenedians, and the Normans. The
kings themselves were unfortunately too weak, and unable, like
Charlemagne, to fly with assistance from one end of the realm to
the other. They were therefore obliged to permit and authorize
the German tribes, for the defence of the frontiers, to choose
powerful chiefs raised among themselves, who continued to remain
at the head of their troops, and led them against the enemy. The
efforts made to establish a fresh foundation for the ducal power, be-
comes more and more visible in the last moiety of the ninth century
and very soon we find the royal Missi or Margraves, together with
other proprietors of land, and influential men, raising themselves to
the ducal dignity.
It lies in the nature of things, that the development of these rela-
tions could not be eveirwhere the same. We find oflen the go-
vernor of a province still called in the old records Graf {Cames\
because he already possessed more of the ducal power than in
another province was commanded by him who was ordinarily styled
Dux. All research made into this subject is extremely difficult,
and opinions thereupon are even yet not united. Thus much is
certain, that if we consider and acknowledge in general those
fovemors as owners of the ducal power, who posseted an over-
alancing influence in their provinces, and who represented the
kin^ himself in war, and in the highest courts of jurisdiction, we
find that, at the end of the ninth and commencement of the tenth
THE DUCAL POWER — SAXONY, THURINGIA, &C. 145
century, th^ again appear, and gradually became dukes of Saxony,
Hiuiingia, Fianconia, mvana, owabia, and Lorraine.
In Saxony, the Ludolphic race, as it appears, acquired at a very
early date a power which we may call ducal. Eckbert, related to the
house of C3harlemagne, was placed by the latter at the head of all
the Saxons between the Rhine and Vistula, as count and chief
of the heerbann; his son Ludolph held also this rank, and pos-
sessed, in effect, already ducal newer. His son Bruno, and, after
ins death, in 880, Otho, the father of King Henry, must be con-
sidered in every sense as dukes. Saxony became, by degrees, the
most powerful and extensive duchy, for it embraced, at the time of
its greatest development, the coimtry from the Lower Rhine to the
Oder, and from the North Sea and me Eider to the Fichtel moun-
tains and the Wetterau.
Thuringia had, it is true, counts also, who at times were called
herzoge (duces limitis Sorabici); but their power, owing to the fre-
quent changes occurring among the owners, did not completely
£>nn itself into a ducal power. Burchard, whom we find mentioned
as duke, fell in 908, against the Hungarians; his power was trans-
ferred to Otho of Saxony, who already possessed a province giving
him the title of count (Graugrafschaft) m the northern part of Thu-
xingia. King Henry retained Thuringia united with his duchy.
in Franconia, which besides the ancient Frankish land on the
Lower Rhine, comprised likewise Hessia and the countries of the
Central Rhine, the title of duke could not otherwise appear then
much later, because the countrjr, as long as the kings continued of
tke Frankish family, was considered kings' land; still the administra-
tion of the country was performed by powerful counts, and two
families, the Babenbergenans in the eastern, and the Conradinians
at Worms, in the western part, divided the power, until they broke
out into a deadly dispute and fight, in which the former were com-
pletely defeated. Count Conrad, soon afterwards King Conrad I.,
became, therefore, potentisaimus comes in Franconia, and possessed
in reality ducal power. Widukind styles him likewise Duke of the
Franks, although he, as well as his brother Eberhard, is called by
others also comes. It cannot, however, be doubted but that imder
Henry L Eberhard possessed the ducal dignity.
In Bavaria, Luitpold, who had to defend the eastern frontiers
against the Slavonians and Hungarians, is styled dux in a diploma
of King Louis, of the year 901, and his son Amulf calls himself duke
in the year 908.
In S wabia, where the defence of the frontiers was not so necessary,
the ducal dignity appears to have connected itself gradually with the
power of the royal missus, and to have developed itself later. Bur-
chard, however, imder Conrad I. appears nevertheless as Duke of
Swabia.
In Lorraine finally, it became more easy to the nobles of the land
L
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
146 THE DUKES HEREDITARY— THE FAUST-RECHT.
by means of its doubtful and critical positioii between France and
(xermanjin the later Carolingian period, to Tnaintain a state at
greater independence, and we thus find upon record abeady in the
year 901 a Duke Kebehart, and later, under King Henry, the Duke
Gisilbrecht.
The dukes were not^ it is true, regarded as lords of ihdr people
and lands, but as ministers and representatiyes of their king, in whose
name they regulated in peace the afi^rs of justice and order, and
in war led the army of their race to battle. But soon becoming
large landed proprietors, and being no longer imder the surveil-
lance of royal envoys, the dukes took advantage of the weakness
of the kin^, and by degrees arrogated to themselves an increase of
power, ana brought the lesser vassals under their dominion; nay,
they even gradually made their di^ty, granted to them only as
imperial crown officers, hereditary m their families, as well as the
revenues of the crown lands, which they had only received as the
salary for their service.
Like the great dukes, the inferior imperial officers, the counts^
margraves, and others, established themselves more and more firmly
in their dignities, and the estates attached thereto. The spiritual
lords, archbishops, bishops, and abbots, were, like the temporal lords^
members and vassals of the empire, and like them augmented their
secular power and possessions; and all these became by degrees
from the mere deputies of royal authority, independent princes of
the German nation.
Besides this, in some individuals, the love of fi^eedom and per*
sonal independence began already, as early as this period, to de^-
nerate often into licence. He who thought himself offended by
another, and conceived he possessed sufficient strength to revenge
himself, did not seek the establishment of his rights in the usual
way, namely, through the judges of the land^ but with arms and the
strength of the fist. Thence that period wherein the appeal to the
fist was so generally adopted, was called the period odiiefaust-rechtj
the fist or club law. It commenced, already, under the later Carolin*
gians, but it was long afterwards that it reached its highest extent.
The evilbecame necessarily great, for the manners of the nation were
still rude. Arms and the chace remained their fayourite occupations,
and the sword and the falcon were the greatest treasures of the Ger-
man. He could calmly see all taken from him, says an author, but
if his sword and falcon came into any danger, he would not hesitate
to save them even with a false oath. The hunting fStes were superb,
and were included among the highest festivities oflife. Ladies, &om
gorgeously ornamented tents, bdield the destruction of the game. In
the evening they feasted imder tents in the forest, and the company,
with their suites, returned amidst the music of the hunting horns.
For the sake of the chace, the kings and nobles preferred remaining
at their country seats, and on this account for a long time, despised
dwelling in cities.
Digitized by
Google
^lUSIG AND SINGING— NEGLECT OF THE LANGUAGE. 147
During the later period of the Carolingians, besides the wars
-within and beyond tne land, which they so much desolated, what
Tras matlj to be deplored was, that the germs of cultivation which
Chailemagney in his exertions for science, had planted in his schools
for instruction, became again almost entirely destroyed. No period in
the whole history of Glermany is darker, more superstitious and igno-
rant, than that of Louis the German, to the end of the Carolingian dy«
zuiety , and a short time beyond it— despite of the Germans being, from
time immemorial, so susceptible of cultivation, and by their serious
application and profound meditation so well adapted for the acquire-
ment of art and science. An example of this is to be found even in
that dark age. In the days of Pepm and Charlemagne the first or-
gans were brought to Germany from Greece, and Charles took everv
pains to introduce the Latin psalmody and church music among his
subjects. At first he had butlittle success ; at least an Italian of that
time complains that their natural rudeness was their great obstruc-
tion: " Great in body like mountains," says he, " their voice rolls
forth like thunder, and cannot be modulated into gentler tones; and
when their barbaric throats endeavour gently to produce the soft tran-
sitions and flexibilities of the music, the hard tones pour forth their vo-^
lume in a rattling sound, Uke a coach rolling over the stones, so that the
feelings of the hearer, which should be gently moved, are, on the
contrary, completely startled and terrified." Thus was pronoimced
originally a cnticism upon their disposition and qualification for har-
mony. And yet by industry and exercise they advanced so far in a
short time, tliat Pope John VIII., who lived about the year 870,
besought Anthony, bishop of Freisingen, to send him a good organ
from Germany, and with it a person who was equally well able to
play upon as to make it.
in this century a pupil of Rhabanus Maurus, the monk Otfned of
Weiflsenburg, gave a very remarkable example of his love for his
mother*tongue, by translating the gospel into German verse, in
order that the people might be enabled to read it. Charlemagne
had, indeed, commenced to improve and cultivate the German lan-
guage, but after him no one thought further about it. Otfried now
zealously endeavoured to make it a written language, although it
was very diiScult to express by letters its hard and strange sounds.
He strongly and justly contended against those who, indifferent to-
wards their native-tongue, preferred learning, with excessive labour,
and usin^ the languages of the Latins and Greeks. *' They call the
Grerman knguage," he says, " boorish, and vet do not endeavour by
their writings or study to make it more perfect. They carefully avoid
writing badly in Latin and Greek, and yet do not care for doing so
in their own language; they are ashamed to offend against good
taste by even a letter in those languages, but in their own tongue it
happens with every word. Truly a singular fact this, that such great
and learned men do all this for the honour of Ibreign languages, and
yet cannot even write their own !"
L 2
Digitized by
Google
148 DECREASE OF FREEMEN— THEIR DEGRADATION.
The condition of the common freemen was the saddest of all in
these times, and they, consequently, decreased so much that they
scarcely fonned a distinct order in the nation. Much earlier,
already when the feudal system gradually developed itself, and ele-
vated the vassals above all those who cultivated their own inherit-
ance, their numbers had decreased considerably, but the worst time
came after Charlemagne.
Charles knew well that the strength of a nation consists in the great
preponderance of freemen, and that it is upon their courage and
their animated love for their country that must depend the general
weal and its security from all danger; he therefore ap{>lied great care
and vigilance to the restoration oi the arri^reban, which had also by
the influence of the feudal system fallen into disuse. In this, how-
ever, he attained his aim but partially, because his wars, far from
being real national wars, for the defence of the country, were only
conquering excursions in distant coimtries. These were very op-
pressive to the common man, who, from the day that the army
stepped upon the land of the enemy, was obliged to provide himself,
at his own expense, for three months with provisions, as well as with
clothes and arms. Many, therefore,' endeavoured to avoid the duties
of this servile military service. They gave themselves up both in
body and possessions to the service or guardianship of the church,
or to the patronage of a noble, either as arriere or under vassals, be-
cause, as such, they were not bound to yield so much service as to
the king in the arriere ban, or even as bondmen, and as such no
longer belonging to the class of freemen. They were called the
Lidi (Leute, people) of the seigneur, and remained, it is true, the
possessors of their own inheritance, which they themselves cultivated,
but they were subject to pay tax, and were held in soccage, and
could neither quit the land nor sell it; but with their children and
descendants they were bound to the soil, and were the property of
their lord. This was severe; but they were at the same time ex-
empted from doing any mihtary service in distant expeditions; for,
as bondsmen, they were not considered worthy of bearing arms, but
remained all their lives in tranquillity with their families. At the
most they were only obligated, imder the most urgent circumstances,
to repair to a short distance, within the immediate vicinity of their ter-
ritory, there to fight, on foot, with stick or club ; the lance and sword
being forbidden to them. Had they rightly considered that men
who are not allowed to bear arms, also speedily lose both courage
and power, and if they are not absolutely called slaves, soon adopt
slavish sentiments, they would, no doubt, much rather have remained
poor and oppressed, but still freemen and warriors; but, alas I in ne-
cessity the nearest and most immediate aid appears the best to him
who suffers, and the eye loses the power of perceiving the distant
consequences.
Besides the oppressive service of the arriere ban, which brought
many freemen into slavery, there were other causes which contribu-
ted to decrease their numbers, among which may be classed the ter-
STATE OF THE COUNTRY — OTHO THE ILLUSTRIOUS. 149
zific incursions of the Avari, the Normans, the Slavonians, and
Hungarians, in which thousands of them were killed or carried off
as staves; and later, the disorders and oppressions o{ the faust-recht^oi
dub-law, which likewise obliged manjr of the poor freemen to give
themselves up to the service of some neighbouring powerful noble, to
secure themselves from the robberies of those who made a trade of
pillage. Besides, in those times of disorder, when laying up maga-
snes of provisions was not thought of, countries were often visited
with desolating &mine and pestilence; in such necessities many free-
men, that they might not die of starvation, gave themselves up, with
their children and property, to nobles or spiritual foundations for
bread. And, lastly, many became servitors to cloisters and eccle-
siastical establishments; and from piety, or for the salvation of their
souls, they gave their dl to the altar of God. For the church already,
at this period, possessed and maintained the privileges, by which an
individual might give to it his whole possessions, and thus entirely
pass by the just inheritors. Thence, from all these causes, it happeaea
that, at the end of this period, not only the ancient pride ana cou-
lage, but also the majority of the freemen — accordingly the inde-
pendence of the Germans — had disappeared, and scarcely any but
noblemen and their feudatories remained, thus threatening the coun-
try with the sad prospect of decay and ruin. But whenever neces-
sity has been great, God has always sent to the German nation unex-
pected aid and support. Accordingly, at this moment, it was precisely
the devastation spread everywhere by the Hungarians which laid
the foundation for the renewed elevation of the common freemen to
a civic state, and re-established later the condition of the peasant.
Af^r the death of Louis the Child, the principal German branches
assembled, and looked about them for the most worthy among their
Irinces to be their king. The election fell upon Otho the Illustrious,
>uke of Saxony and Thurin^, who was related, on the maternal
side, to the Carolingians, and dj the power of his house, as well as
by a^e and wisdom, was held m great esteem by all. On the pa-
ternal side, he descended from Count Eckbert, whom Charlemagne
had placed in Saxony against the Normans, in 810. Otho, however,
le&sed the crown, because the cares of the empire were too great
for his age, and advised rather that Conrad, the Duke of the Franks
(according to some writers, he was only a coimt), be made king.
For this act, Otho merits the greater praise, as Conrad was truly
worthy to rule as king, and the race of the Franks still continued
the most esteemed among the German nations; for hitherto it was
from that race that the king had commanded over the whole of Ger-
many. Otho, therefore, wisely considered it better that the rule
of the empire should remain with them, and, in so doing, entirely
dismissed irom his mind the enmity which always had, and still par-
tially existed between the Saxons and the Franks.
Conrad was accordingly elected king on the 8th of November,
Digitized by
Google
160 HENRY OF SAXONY— EBERHARD — CONRAD'S DEATH.
911, at Pforzlielm. He is described as being a man of great merit,
both at borne and abroad ; valiant and prudent, kind and Hberal. His
first care was to elevate, from its sunken state, the royal authoritjr,
forupon it depended the order of the whole empire. But the confusion
was too great, and Conrad's rei^ too short, to render his e£Ports com-
pletely successful. The Lothnngians, or Lorrainers, who only, since
the time of Louis the German, had belonged to Germany, were not
contented with his election, and separated tnemselves, nor could Con-
rad bring them back a^n to the empire. After the death of Otho
the Illustrious, he had to contend with his son, Henry of Saxony;
for, misguided by the advice of Hatto, Archbishop of Mentz, he
wi^ed to deprive Henry of some great fiefi which he owned, besides
his dukedom of Saxony, in order that no prince of the empire
should be too powerful; probably these were the northern districts of
Thurineia, which Otho had already possessed; but Henry was va-
liantly defended by his Saxons. He completely defeated the king's
brother, Eberhard, who had advanced against him with an army,
near Eresburg (now Stadberg) so that he retained the fiefs in the
subsequent treaty, which terminated the war; naj, he even appears
to have conquered also the southern portion of Thuringia, and to
have maintained the ducal dignity over the whole of Thuringia.
Conrad confirmed Count Bturkhard in Swabia, afler some contest,
as Duke of the AUemanni. Amulf of Bavaria, however, who also
revolted, and so far forgot himself as to call in the Hungarians to
his assistance, was condemned to death by the princes of the empire
as a traitor to the country, and was obliged to take refuge among
the Hungarians.
Thus, by energetic measures and timely concessions, the general
tranquillity and imperial dignity were re-established, and the unit^
of Germany maintamed. But Conrad well fdit how difficult the task
was for him, and that the power of the Frankish dukes alone was not
sufficient to curb the over-powerful nobles. It also required greater
strength to protect the empire against the Slavonians and Hunga-
rians, who still repeated, without ceasing, their incursions. At tne
same time, perhaps, he did not perceive in his brother, Eberhard,
who pretended to possess the greatest claim to the crown, the proper
qualities of a king; whilst, on the other hand, his earlier ana now
conciliated opponent, Henry of Saxony, was, in all respects, irre*
proachable, endowed with ffieat energy of mind and body, and, by
Lis power and influence, ranJ^ed at the nead of all the German princes.
When, therefore, Conrad lay sick of a woimd at Limburg, on the
Lahn, which he had received in his last expedition against the
Hungarians, and felt death approaching, he thought of the example
whic^ Otho the Illustrious had given at his election, and forgettm^
all jealousy, and with his thoughts directed only for the weal of his
country, he called his brother, Eberhard, to his bedside, and thus
addre^ed him: << We command, it is true, great means, my dear
Digitized by
Google
HENRT OF SAXONT. 151
Eberhaicl; we can collect great armies, and know how to lead them.
We are not wanting in fortified cities and defences, nor in any of
the attributes of royal dignity. Yet greater power, influence, and
wisdom^ dwell with Henry, and upon him alone depends the welfare
of the empire. Take, therefore, these jewels, this lance and sword,
together with the chain and crown of the ancient kings, and carry
diem to Henry the Saxon. Be at peace with him, that you may
hare him for your constant strong alnr. Annoimce to him that Con-
rad, on his death-bed, has chosen and recommended him as king, in
preference to all the other princes." He died in December, 918.
Eberhard did what his brother had commanded, and was the first
who did fealty to King Henry. A kingdom wherein such senti-
ments were found, might truly and without danger, remain electoral
Digitized by
Google
152
FOURTH PERIOD.
FROM HEMRT I. TO RUDOLPHU8 OF HAP8BURO.
919—1273.
The tenth century is bv no means rich in historical works:
1. The clironide of Hegino, already mentioned in the preceding epoch, was con*
tinned by another writer as far as the year 967, abridged, but mostly careful and
exact, and altogether well written.
2. Luitprand of Pavia, private secretary to King Beranger II. of Italy, afterwards
in the service of King Otho L, and finally Bishop of Cremona, wrote the history o£
his time not without spirit, and, especially in his history of Italy, very instructive,
although partial and enthusiastic. His style is far-fetched and bombastic, showing
much of the courtier, and a great love for anecdote and illustration in his narrative.
This history goes from c. 886 — 948, and a supplement from 961 — 964. He wrote
also, in another distinct work, an account of his emlMissy to the court of the Em-
peror Nicephorus.
3. Horoswitha, a nun of Gandersheim, wrote a poem, '* De Gestis Ottonimi Pa-
negyris," from 919 — 964; as the title indicates, a poem in praise of Otho the Great,
accordingly not always faithful to truth, and, of course, partial or one-sided; never-
theless, not without some proportionate merit here and there. She treats upon the
later years rather fugitively.
4. Widukind, usually called Wittekind, a monk of Corvey, who died about the
year 1000, wrote a history of the Saxons (Rerum Saxinocarum, Hbri iii) as far as
973. As the first historian of his time, he presents his record of the events in a
form equally agreeable and happy, devoted to the house of Saxony, but still with a
desire after truth ; and the second part of his work is of invaluable merit The first
portion is, in part, based upon the legends and traditions of the people.
5. Amongst the chronicles on the history of Grermany, especially the relations of
the Lotharingians, Flodoard of ^eims is particularly important, who wrote a his*
tory from 919 to 966.
6. Richer, a monk of St. Remy, near Rheims, studied medicine,'and was a pupil of
the celebrated Gesbert; and encouraged by his master to write history, he com-
red, in the years 995 to 998, his " Historiarum, libros iv.," from 888 — ^995, which
dedicated to Gesbert. His history is, for France, partial, and he often adapts the
events to the advantage of that country. Nevertheless, amidst the dearth of his-
torical source in his time, he is certainly of great value. His narrative is based upon
a close study of the ancients. The middle ages being only taken up by Ekkehard,
Richer was quite lost sight of, until Pertz discovered in Bamberg the only autho-
graphic document still existing by him, which has been published in the *' Monu-
menta."
7. Detached and extremely interesting communications are given to us in the
biographies of Bruno, Archbishop of Cologne, the brother of Otho I.; of Udalrich,
Bishop of Augsburg; and other ecclesiastics of that time.
In the eleventh century, we find more important and a greater number of historians,
who, in their descriptions, distinguish themselves especially:
1. The life of Queen Matilda, written by command of King Henry K, by an un-
known author, between the years 1002 and 1014; agreeably written, and not unim-
portant as regards the history of Henry I.
2. Ditmar, or Thietmar, Bishop of Merseburg, who died in 1018, wrote a history
of the German kings from 876 — 1018. His narrative is confused, his language ob-
scure, being neither pure nor agreeable, and his description in the first books not
impartial Nevertheless, he is of great importance to us, rich in information of the
most varied nature, and forms our principle source for the history oi Otho IIL and
Henry II. He was a friend and relation of the Saxon emperors.
3. Besides the last-mentioned writer, we find the best detuled and correct infor-
Digitized by
Google
H£NRT I.— RUDOLPHUS OF HAP8BURG, 919—1273. 153
matioa retpeciing the end of the tenth and oommencement of the eleTenth century
in the ** Annales Qnedlinburgensia," to 10S5.
4. The life of Henry IL by Adelbold, Bishop of Utrecht, is incomplete, and nearly
all borrowed from Ditmar, but well written. The ** V it»" of both the Bishopa of
Hildeahcim, Beraward and Grodeluurd, are, as regards the history of Saxony, of great
consequence; the Meinwercs of Paderbom merit being mentioned likewise.
5. Wippo, chaplain to the Emperor Ck)nrad IL, whose life he has written in a pom-
pons style, " Vita Ck)nradi SaUo." He was a man of ecience and lett^s, and of a
lemaikable mind.
6. Hermannus Contractus (the lame), of the fiunily of the Counts of Yehringen,
and a ISenedictine monk of Beichenau, who died in 1054. He wrote a chronicle
from 1000 — 1054, continued to 1100 by Berthold and Bemold, of Constance.
7. Adam of Bremen (bom at Meissen, and canon and rector of the college of Bre«
men), who died in 1076. He wrote a good ecclesiastical histoiy of the Korth, from
the middle of the eighth century to 1076; important for the history of North Qer-
many, especially of the time of Henry IV.
8. Bruno of Conrey (de Belle Saxonico), a passionate adversary of Henry IV., and
who exaggerates and disfigures much; yet he is important and indispensable for the
kistory of the war.
9. Lambert of Aschaifenburg, a monk of Hersfeld, wrote a chronicle from the
earlier times to 1077. A work of great genius, full of spirit^ well written, and an
important source for the period in which he Uved; he is especially the best historian
of the middle ages.
10. Marianus Scotus, who died in 1086; a monk of Fulda and Mentz, who wrote
a chronicle to 1083, which was continued by Dodechin to 1200.
11. Sigbert,amonkof Gemblours (Sigeb. GemblacensisX who died in 1112, wrote
a chronicle; learned, written with great industry, and rich in information, but which
is nerertbeless confused and not altogether authentic His work has been continued
by sereral writers, and in the subsequent middle ages much resorted to.
12. Ekkehardus Uraugiensis wrote a chronicle ta 1126, likewise yery learned,
carefully written, of great value in the particular history of his own times, and more
impartial than most of the historians of that pmod. who all wrote for or against the
emperors and popes. There are several continuations of this work, of which the
most known is that by the Abbot of Ursperg (Chron. Ursperg^ to 1229.
13. The letters of the popes and other distinguished men, collected by an ecclesi-
astic, Ulrich of Bamberg, in the twelfth century, are extremely valuable.
14. It is likewise very interesting, in order to catch the spirit of those times when
the dispute between Henry and Gregory excited the pens of various distinguished
men, to write in defence of both those parties, to know the various controversial
productions which appeared on this subject, wi^ the different opinions therein con-
tained. The partisans of the pope had their central point in the monasteries
of St. Blaise, Schaffhausen, and Hirschau ; whilst, however, many learned and esti-
mable men, of irreproachable character, wrote against the pope and in favour of the
emperor. We cannot here give the names of these opposite writers, but their cha-
racter will be found fully drawn in Stenzel's excellent work on the history of Ger-
many under the Frankish emperors.*
^ 15. The Biography of Benno, Bishop of Osnaburg, a friend of Henry IV. by
Korbert, Abbot of the Convent of Iburg, which was built by Benno, contains im-
portant information.
16. The historians of the Crusades are more especially numerous ; the importance
of the subject, the universal interest taken ther^n, the peculiar nature of the expe-
dition in a foreign country and at such a distance, together with the surprising and
wonderfnl deeds performed, excited many, and particularly those who were present,
to give their records of the scenes witnessed, for the perusal of those left behind at
the time and their successors. The majority of the chronicles have been collected
by Bongars, under the title: '* Gesta Dei per Francos, Hanoviae 1611, fol."
In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the impetus given by the Crusades pro-
duced its influence, and operated beneficially upon the historians. They became
more particular in t^e selection and arrangement of the subject-matter, thus showing
a c(»mnencement in the art of historical writing. Amongst the most distinguished
writers are:
1. Otho^ Bishop of Freisingen, who died in 1158, son of the Margrave Leopold of
* Geschichte Deutschlands unter den Friinkischen Kaisem. 1827-1828.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
154 H£NRT L— RUDOLPHUS OF HAP8BURG, 919—1273.
Anrtria, a pfailoiapher, of independent feding, and toXk dt eloquence. He wrote a nni*
Tenal faistory to the year 1152, well continiied as &r as 1209, bj Otho of Sainte
Sbiae ; and the life of the Emperor Frederic I. to 1156, which waa continued as far
as 1160 byBadewich, Canon of Freisingen; both works equally interesting and,
feaned, and written with inteUigenoe and discernment.
2. The History of Frederic I reoelTes important elucidations from the Chronicles
ef Yincenz of Prague, 1140—1167; the mstory of Lodi 1153—1178, by Otho and
Acerbus Morena; the History of Bomuald, Archbishop of Salerno, to 1168; the
Poem of Giinther : ligurinus and the book of the so-called Sire Baul of Milan: ** de
Bebns gestis Frederic! in Italia."
3. The Chronicle of the Slavi, by Helmold, an ecclesiastic of Lubeck, to 1170, and
by Arnold to 1209; important for the history of Henry the lion and the house of
the Guelphs.
4. Valuable information is given upon the same subject by Gerhard, Provost oeT
Btederbuch, in his Chronicles cf the Monastery, and by the Monk of Weingarten in
his book ** de Guelfis,'* and his Chronicles.
5. The so-called ** Annalista Saxo" and*' Chrooagraphus Saxo^" mostly compila-
tions, but the former for the eleventh and the latter for the twelfth oenturieB, in the
detail, are both very interesting.
Nearly all the bishoprics, cJiurclies, and monasteries of Germany, now received
tiieir appointed historians, who we find touch more or less upon general matten, and
are often more important than the universal chronicles selected for general circula-
tioo. Such are for instance:
6. Albert Ton Stade, whose dmmide goes as &r as 1256, and is continued by a
stranger to 1324 — also a compilation.
7. Gotfiied vonVitertw to 1186; the monk Alberich, Job. Titoduranus, &c.
8. A collectkm of letters by cdebrated men of that period is very important,
especially those of Bope Innocent HL and Petrus de Tinea, ChanoeUor of the Em-
peror Frederic IL, and who died in 1249.
9. The most complete collection of letters to and from the popes, of the transac-
tions of their ambassadors and other similar documents, has been preserved in the
archives of the Vatican in Rome, which, as maybe easily conceived, are of the highest
importance for the history of this period, but it is extremely difficult to gain access
to them. A great part of them, however, has been transcribed in Home by Pertz,
and already the commencement of thehr publication has been made in the fourth
volume of the " Monumenta Germaniae Historica."
10. A work of very great importance for the history of the Emperor Frederic IL,
is the History of England, by Matthieu-Paxis, who, together with the events of the
Engtish nation from 1 066 — 1259, treats also occasionally upon the affairs of the other
nations of Europe. So likewise various Italian historians, of whom we need only
here refer espedally to Bichard de Saint Germano and Kioolas de Jamsilla (both
in the CoUection of Muratori).
11. All the great writers who form the source of history have been brought toge-
iher in the great Collections of Ihicheene, Bouquet (for France), Muratori (for Italy),
Schard, Beuber, Urstisius, Pistorius, Freher, Goldast, Schilter, Meibom, Leibnitz,
Ekkard, &c., (for Germany).
I» 12. EquaUy important as were for the history of the jirecedlng epoch the coOeetion
of the ancient laws of the Franks and the nations subjected to them, are likewise for
the history of the Middle Ages redthough much abridged J the collections of the later
laws, known under the names of uie SachBengpiegd or Mirror of Saxony, the Schwabtn-
Spiegel or Mirror of Swabia, and Kauerrechtf or the Imperial Law.
Digitized by
Google
HENRT I.— PRODUCES INTERNAL TRANQUILLITY. 165
CHAPTER VIL
919^1024.
Baay L, 919-936— Bis Waz»— The Hnngariaiu— The SlaTooiaiuH- New Institu-
tioDft— CKho L, 936-973— The Hungarians— Battle of the Lechfeld— The Western
Irngsre renewed 962— Greece— Otho IL, 973-983— Italy— Otho ILL, 983-1003—
His BeHgiouB Derotion — Bia Partiality for Boman and Grecian Manners and
Costoins— Heoxy IL, 1008-1024— Italy— PaTiar-Bamberg— His Death, 1024—
£ndaf the Sazon Dynasty.
Thb accounts we possess respectmg the electdon of Heniy vaij
mnch, and axe liere and there yeiy erroneous. If we follow — as ur
hit just — the statements of the most ancient writers, Widukind and
Ktmar, we shall find that the princes and elders of the Franks,
gelding to the counsel of Conrad their kin^, ffiven on his death-bed,
asKmhled together at the summons of their duke, Eberhard, at Fritz-
kr, in the beginningof the year 919, and there, in the presence of
ibe two nations, the Franks and the Saxons, elected Henry for their
ttrereign. The whole assembly with uplifted hands proclsamed and
tthited with loud shouts their chosen king. Thus the choice was
i&ore properly made by the nobles of Franconia, whilst the Saxona
iiatorally accepted the election made of their own duke. As yet, how-
ler, it could not be known what measures might be adopted by the
other nations, and we shall soon learn in what way Henry speedily
l>i0Qffht the Swabians and Bavarians to acknowledge his sovereignty.
Subsequent authorities relate that the envoys despatched to ofier
^ crown to Henry, met him on his estates of die Hartz Moun*
W8, amon^ his Moons, occupied in catching birds, whence
le derived the byname of the Fowler. It is possible that this tra-
oition may have been preserved among the people, still the aforesaid
^^er wnters make no mention of it, whilst it is only in the middle
of the eleventh century that we for the first time meet in the chro"
^'^^ and other historical works, with this byname Henricus auceps.
Henry's reign becan, it is true, with some internal agitations, but
"^ese were soon quelled, for the anxious wish both of Otho the Ulustri-
^and King Conrad became now fulfilled, and the Franks and the
^^08 lived accordingly in harmony together. Duke Burkhard of
^^ia, and Duke Amulf of Bavaria, who had returned from the
flungariana, refiised him homage; but he speedily brought them by
™ power of his arms and the gentler force of peaceful and friendly
I^r^oaaion, back to their duty. Tlius, from the year 921, the whole
^Germany obeyed Henry, and no internal war disturbed the peace
^hia empire, although it was only afler several batdes that he con-
JJieted Lorraine, wnich had still wavered between France and
vetznany. Soon afterwards he strengthened his union with that
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
156 THE HUNGARIANS AND SLAVONIANS.
country by giving liis daughter Grerberga in marriage to its duke,
Giselbert, and during seven centuries tnat beautiful land remained
united with Grermany.
Henry could now occupy himself with his foreign enemies, the
Slavonians and Hungarians. The latter thought they could still
continue their old system of destruction in the German countries,
but they now found an opponent who arrested their progress. At
first, indeed, Henry was obliged to peld to their furious attacks (in
924), and they advanced into the very heart of Saxony. He was,
however, fortunate enough, in a sally he made from the fortified
Castle of Werle, or Werlaon,* to capture one of their most distin-
guished princes ; for his ransom and Henry's promise of a tribute the
Hungarians concluded a truce for nine years, and engaged during
that time not to attack Grermany. They probably purposed after
that to make doubly good the lost time, but Heniy profited so well
by those nine years that when they did return they found a very
different coimtry to contend with.
He now commenced suppressing with much severity and justice in-
ternal turbulence and depredation, so that the greater zeal might be
excited against foreign enemies. For under the reign of the last
Garolingians, as we have already seen, the spirit for war and rapine
was cherished everywhere, even amongst the nobles. Henry pur-
sued and punished these robbers wherever they were taken; but
he pardoiied those in whom he found the better spirit to exist, and
gave them arms and land on the eastern frontiers of the empire, in
order that they might thus have a fidr opportunity for the exercise
of their passion for war against his enemies. Merseburg, which
served as one of the quarters for such a troop, thus became a sort of
bulwark or protecting wall against the Slavonians, until Henry
himself advanced farther into me country of that nation.
He then exercised his German soldiers, who until then only knew
howtocontend on foot, in the art of fighting on horseback, so that they
might be better enabled to resist the hordes of moimted Hungarians;
ana as the Germans were always willing to learn, and were likewise
skilful in the acquirement of the art of arms generally, they were
speedily made perfect in the cavalry evolutions. He practised them
to attack in close ranks ; to await the first arrow of the enemy, and to
receive it on the shield, and then suddenly to dash upon them before
they had time to discharge the second. Combined with this reform in
the cavalry exercise, he likewise introduced a more strict discipline ;
the eldest brother in every family, as it appears, was forced to do
dutv as a horse soldier, and all capable of bearing arms were obliged
at the general summons (according to the ancient law, which he re-
newed) to join the ranks.
• The position of Werle (called by Widukind, Werlaon) has been varioualy dU-
cuBsed; endeavours having been made to trace it in Westphalia, Brunswick, Hildes-
heim, and other districts ; but most probably it wa« in the palatinAte of the same name^
oear Goslar, aa appears in the ** Mirror of the Saxons."
Digitized by
Google
NEW TOWNS AND FORTIFICATIONS. 157
Finally, as he well saw that the enemy could still do much mis-
chief, even if they were put to flight — ^for, hke a flash of lightning they
appealed now h^re, now there, pillaging and murdering and then
Tanished before they could be overt^en — he in this interval, con-
verted with great industry a number of unemployed buildings into
fortified castles, placed at certain distances from each other, so that the
inhabitants of the surrounding country, upon the first intelligence of
the enemy's approach, might take refuge there with their property.
The Hungarians knew nothing of besieging cities, and if they made
but little booty in their incursions they did not very soon appear
again. Heniy s hereditary lands — as in fact generally the north of
Germany— were very poor in those larger settlements which might
be compared with towns; in those parts the custom of Uving in iso-
lated localities was preserved later tnan elsewhere. Accordingly, as
Widukind relates, aU were busily occupied, day and night, with the
construction of these burghs, and every one without distinction of
lank or other claims to independence, was forced to join in this
^rand work. Henry built these fortified castles and cities chiefly
in his hereditary lands, Saxony and Thuringia, and among others
Goslar, Duderstadt, Nordhausen, Quedlinburg, Merseburg, and
Sleissen are named. But that he might also have inhabitants and
garrisons in these places he ordered, that of all the men who were
bound to do service in war, every ninth man should dwell in the city,
and these were obliged to occupy themselves with the building of
houses, which might serve as places of refuge, upon the attacks of the
enemy, and the others were bound to supply them yearly with the
third portion of their produce, in order that they might have where-
with to live, and preserve the rest for all in time of danger.
When Henry had passed some years in making these preparations
he resolved to exercise his warriors, by subduing the neighbours of
the (jermans in the east and north, who although not so dangerous as
the Hungarians, were still not less disposed to be hostile.
He attacked and beat the Slavonians (the Hevellers on the Havel)
in the Marches of Brandenburg, and conquered their city Brennaburg
(Brandenburg), which he b^eged in the most severe winter, so
severe that his army encamped on the ice of the river Havel. He then
subjected the Daleminziens or Dalmatians, who inhabited the banks
of the Elbe, from Meissen to Bohemia. He also undertook an expe-
dition against the Bohemians, besieged Duke Wenzeslaus in Prague^
the capital, and forced him to 3aela obedience. From this time the
kings of Grermany have continued to demand fealty from the dukes
of Bohemia.
These events took place in all probability in the years 928 and
929. But in this latter year a Slavonic race, the Kedarians, en-
couraged no doubt by the absence of the king when on his Bohe-
mian expedition^ united with their neighbouring tribes, and sud-
denly revolted, and it was necessary to summon together all the
Saxons^ in one entire mass, to advance against them. The king's
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
158 THE WLARGRAVIATES— THE HUNGARIANS.
generals laid aege to the town of Lukini (Lenzen), near ihe Elbe.
A great army of the Slavonians advanced to its relief and a j?rand
battle was fought^ in which they ware completely annihilated,
Widukind states iheir loss at 200,000; even if this number is
exaggerated, it is quite certain that this victory of the Saxons pro-
duced the lasting subjection of the Slavonians.
No doubt it was in order to guarantee these new con<]^uests against
the Slavonians, that Henry extended the already existmg defences
on the Slavonian fix>ntiers, and thence were formed gradually the
Margraviate of Nordsachsen (the present Altmark), and the JMs.r-
graviate Meissen, on the Elbe, where he founded the same-named
city and fortification. Credit may not be given to him, it is true, for
the complete establishment of both these margraviates, because that
occurs in the time of the Ottomans; nevertheless they owe to him
their foundation. Neither is it proved that in order to promul-
fate Christianity among the Slavonians, he had already founded
ishoprics, the turbulence of the times may have prevented him during
the rest of his reign from doing so; but his son Otho completed
afterwards what his father projected, by introducing ecclesiastical
institutions there.
Meantime the nine years' truce with the Hungarians having ex-
pired, they sent an embassy to Germany to demand the ancient tri«
Bute which that country had disgracefully been obliged to pay
them. But Henry, to show them the contempt in which the Ger-
mans now held them^ delivered to the ambassaaors this time^ in the
form of a tribute, a man^ dog, deprived of its tail and ears, that
bein^ a very ancient symbol of the most utter contempt. At this
the Hungarians were roused into fury, and prepared themselves
to take bitter revenge for it; but King Henry now addressed his
people thus:
'^ You know from what dangers our formerly-desolated kingdom
is now free, for it was torn to pieces by internal dissensions, and
external wars. But now, by the protection of God, by our efforts, and
hj your valour, one enemy, the Slavonians, being brought to subjec-
tion, nothing remains for us but to raise ourselves just as uni-
tedly, and in one mass against the common enemy, the savage Avari
(thus he styled the Himgarians). Hitherto we have been obliged
to give up all our possessions to enrich them, and now to satisfy them
further we must plunder our churches, for we have nothing else to give
them. Choose now yourselves; will vou admit that I shall take
away what is appointed for the service of God to purchase our
peace from the enemies of that Gt)d, or will you, as it Deseems Ger-
mans, firmly confide that He will save us, who in truth is our Lord
and Saviour?' On this the people raised their hands and voices to
heaven, and swore to fight.
The Hungarians now advanced in two strong divisions. The first
attacked Thuringia and devastated the country, to the "Weser dis-
tricts, as far as it was not defended by its fortified towns. But an
Digitized by
Google
BATTLE OF MERSEBURG — ^THE HUNGARIANS DEFEATED. 159
flimy, foimed of the Saxons and Thuiin^ians, attacked this di^i-
sion, defeated it, destroyed its leaders, and pursuing it through the
whole of Thuiingia, annihilated it completely.
The other division of the Hun^trians which had remained sta-
tionary in the eastern districts, received the tidings of the overthrow
of then brethren at the moment they were la;pig si^ to the seat
of Henry's sister, married to Wido of Thuringia. Wnat place this
was, we have mifortunatelj not been able to learn. Some have
thought it to be Merseburg, which liutprand names as the enemyVi
place of encampment, others again pronounce it to be Wittenberg.
Hie king, as W idukind relates, encamped near Eiade, the situation
of which it is equally impossible to determine. Still it is extremely
probable that the battle took place in the vidniiy of the Saale, not
£ir from Merseburg, in the Hassgau.
Hie enemy abandoned their camp, and according to their custom,
lighted large fires as a signal to all the rest of their troops, dispersed
around in plundering, to collect together. The followmg morning
Semj advanced wiu his army, and exhorted his troops in the most
glowing language on that day to take ample revenge tat the wrongs
of theb country and their relations and fhends slain, or carried off as
slayes. Thus he marched through the ranks of his warriors, bearing
in his hand the holy lance,* preceded by the banner of the army
waving before him, which was consecrated as the angel's banner,
it being decorated with the figure of the archangel Michael. Thence
the German warriors felt within them the full confidence of victory,
and awaited the signal for battle with impatience. The king, how*
ever, who already perceived by the motions of the enemy that they
would not msJke a stand, sent forward a portion of the Thuringian
militia, or Landwehr, with a few lightly-armed horsemen, in order
that the enemy might pursue these almost unarmed troops, and then
be seduced onwards to attack his main body. And this took place; but
they so speedily turned their backs upon viewing the well-armed
nmks of the Germans, that it scarcely became a regular battle.
They were pursued, and the greater part were either hewn down or
taken prisoners; the camp of the enemy, with all the treasures
stolen, was captured, and what to the feeUngs was most of all af-
fectii^ and delightful was, that the prisoners whom the Hunga-
rians had already forced along as slaves, now saw themselves so provi-
dentially fireedirom bondage. Henry then fell down on his knees,
together with his whole army, and thanked God for the victory
gamed. The tribute which he had hitherto been forced to pay over
to the enemy he now devoted to the service of the church, as well as
* This holy lance was handed to Henry by Rnddlphiu of Burgundy, as a pre-
sent : it was ftimished with a cross, formed of nails, with which, as was belieTed, the
hands and feet of our Saviour had been fixed when crucified. King Heniy and his
successors held this sacred weapon in high yeneration, and always used it on im-
portant occasions.
Digitized by
Google
160 THE DANES— THEIR SUBJECTION.
to charitable gifts -v^hich he made to the poor; and the king himselT,
eays Widnldnd, was henceforward called by his inspired warriors,
"The father of his country," their "sovereign lord," and their
^'emperor;" whilst the fame of his great virtue and valour extended,
over the whole country.
This action took place in the year 933, in the neighbourhood o£
Merseburg, and was what was usually styled the M erseburger engage-
ment or the battle of the Hassgau. In remembrance of the event, Henry^
as is related hj Liutprand, had a painting of the battle drawn in the
dining hall of his palace in Merseburg, which represented the tri-
umphant scene with nearly all the truth and animation of life itself.
The year 934 presented to King Henry another opportunity by
which to gain great glory, by an expedition against the Danes,
who were ravaging and laying waste the coasts of Friesland and
Saxony. He mcuched into their own country, at the head of his
armr, forced their kinff, Gorm (usually sumamed the old), to con-
clude a peace, established at Silesia, on the frontiers of the empire,
a fortified barrier, and founded there a margraviate, wherein he left
a colony of Saxons. He also succeeded in converting one of the
members of the royal fitmilj — ^probably Knud, the son of Grorm,
but, according to others, his second son, Harold — ^to Christianity.
Thus was re-established bv Henrv I. the Margraviate Schlei and
Trenne, which had previously served as a bulwark tor theimperial fron-
tiers, and which the Danes liad again possessed and destroyed. This
good prince therefore had now the happiness to behold, when on the
eve of his glorious life, these enemies of the north who, during; an entire
century, had spread terror throughout the countries of Europe, retire
before him, and, confining then^ves within the limits of tneir own
territory, acknowledge his power.*
At home, in his own domestic circle, King Henry exercised the
virtues and duties of an excellent husband and a good father. His
Sueen, tiie pious and ^ntie Matilda, was the model of wives;
>r, possessing great influence over the king, she availed her-
self thereof, wherever it was possible, to obtain his grace and
pardon for tiie guilty; and his kind and noble heart was always
sadly pained when the stem command of public justice forced him to
refuse her appeals for mercy. By her he had five children^ Otho,
Gerber^, Haduin, and subsequentiy Henry and Bruno. By his
first wife, Hathberga (who, having originall]^ been destined for a
convent, was never looked upon as his lawful wife, and soon left him)
he had a son, called Tancmar, but who was not acknowledged as a
legitimate child.
He gave Otho, his eldest son and successor, in marriage to Edge-
iha, daughter of Edward, King of England; and by that act, set tno
first example which the kings of the Saxon dynasty followed so fre-
* This piece of land, between Schlei and Eider, remained thenceforward united
with Grermany for nearly a centuiT', until the emperor, Conrad IL, resigned it to King
Knud.
Digitized by
Google
DEATH OF HENRT L — ^HIS NEW INSTITUTIONa 161
quently afterwards, of seeking to unite themselves with all the other
lojal nouses of Europe. Tnis fonns a distinguished feature in this
noble lace.
Towards the end of his life, according to Widukind, after having
so gloriously succeeded in his devoted object, of producing for his
country peace internally, and from all other nations respect exter-
nally, Heniy had it in contemplation to proceed to Italy, in order
to re-unite that country with the empire of Germany. Whether or
not this statement rests upon any good foundation, is not known; but
the execution of this desi^, if redly intended, was suddenly inter-
rupted by nckneas, he being attacked with a fit of apoplexy whilst
staying at Bothfeld, in the autunm of 935, from which he suffered
a long and severe illness. When he did recover sufficiently, he felt
the necessity of at once attending to the means of securing the tran-
Qinllity of nis empire, and he accordingly convoked an assembly of
tke nobles at Erfurt He had long perceived in his eldest son
Otho, all that energy and greatness of mmd so suitable and necessary
for a soverei^; but the mother was more in favour of Henry, the
second son, oecause he was more mild than his passionate brother;
besides which, she held him to possess a greater right to the succession
of the crown, because he was the first-bom son after his father had
been invested with the imperial dignity. The will of the fether, how-
ever, determined all the nobles to recognise Otho as successor.
More easy now in his mind, Henryvleft Erfurt and proceeded to
Memleben. There he experienced a second attack of apoplexy,
and, after having taken an affecting, but resigned farewell of ms
amiable wife, he died on Sunday the 2nd of July, in the year 936,
at the age of sixty, in the presence of his sons and different princes
of the empire. His remains were buried in the church of St. Peter,
before the altar, in Quedlinburg, the city he had himself founded.
Henry had reigned only eighteen years, and yet during that time
he had not only raised the empire irom a fallen state, but had ele-
vated it to the highest degjree of power and command. He was
strong and mighty against his enemies, and towards his friends and
subjects, kind, just, and mild. He is represented as having been of
a handsome, chivalric form, skilful and bold as a himter, and so
adroit in all the exercises of the body and warlike arms, that he was
the terror of his adversaries. He was extremely bland and affable
in his manner, but still preserved so well his dignity that he kept
every one within the bounds of respect.
Henry may, with justice, be styled one of the greatest of all Ger-
man prmces; for that which proves the greatness of a king is not so
much the actions by which he astonishes the world, but the works he
leaves behind him, and which bear in themselves the living germ of
a new epoch.
Unfortimately, the most ancient and authentic writers in reference
to King Henry are very imperfect and unsatisfactory, so much so,
that it is impossible to place entire confidence in the subsequent state-
M Digitized by Google
162 FOUNDATION OF CITIES — THE JEWS.
xnents. Still it is already mncli -when we &ad at least, that all the
writers of the middle ages agree in looking upon him as the insti-
tutor of chivalry and the ennobling reformer of the nobility, as wdl
as being the founder of cities and citizenship, and, with one word, of
all the noble institutions which became developed afler him. This tes-
timony proves that his works have had the greatest influence, and,
accormngly, that his memory, as it has been, should continue to be
honoured, among mankind. But even if we retain only what is
clearly proved in history, enough will remain to establish his daims
to glory and honour.
Henry became a still greater benefactor to Germany by founding,
in the construction of cities, new mimicipalities. For although the im-
mediate object of these strong places was to protect the country against
the pillaging hordes of the Hungarians, it was one only secondary, izi-
asmuch as they were far more important as the cradle of a new con-
dition of life. The order of common fireemen towards the end of
the Carolingian period was, as already stated, very much reduced or
nearly extinct. The German people were upon the high road of be-
coming, like those other nations where there are but two classes, lords
and slaves; two conditions between which that pride and energr
given by freedom are never recovered. Already the country itself
was chiefly cultivated by mere mercenaries, and industrial employ-
ments as well as trade were almost entirely in the hands of the Jewsr.
The nobles considered these occupations beneath their dignity; nay,
they were very often dependant on the Jews, who had accumidated
immense riches, because m their necessity they were forced to borrow
money from them. As early as in the last period of the Roman
empire the laws had already commenced to favour the Israelites, and
by Honorius among others, they were entirely freed from all miUtary
service. Their chief dwelling places were the cities on the Rhine
and the Danube, which originated in the time of the Romans, (Co-
logne, Coblentz, Treves, Mentz, Worms, Spire, Strasburg, Basle,
Constance, Augsburg, Ratisbonne, Passau, &c.), and in these cities
they lived in such great numbers, that they prevented all competi-
tion and obstructed all increase of trade and mdustry.
But King Henry now built, as we have seen, a number of cities
in Saxony and Thuringia, and placed in them inhabitants &om the
country, to serve not merely, as has been supposed, during the time
of war, but as constant dweUmg places; he also found means to over-
come the ancient repugnance telt by the Saxons to living in towns.
He promised to those who dwelt in them the security of justice; and
it is not improbable that each town received its own count, who, in
time of war was the leader, and in peace was the immediate judge
and president, although in gradation he may have ranked under the
count of the gau or district in which the town lay.
Afterwards he ordered, as is expressly stated by Widukind, that
all councils, assemblies, and festivals of the inhabitants of the neigh-
boming districts, should be held and celebrated in the cities; and
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
TRADE AND MAIOJFACTDRES — ^PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. 163
lhat all trade-faiiB in their turn, followed and joined in these regular
ticns, and that industry and traffic found in the cities their central
poabnt of union, is to be infeired as a natural and important result.
whatever had been formerly executed in isolated dwellings, by the
fionily or serjb, soon became, under the new order of things, worked
and mushed in quantities, and in a superior style, by the artizans and
medianics of the cities. And as the master and his men, in turns,
prepared only one, to each allotted part of the work, wherein each was
skilled and had been exercised from youth upwards, such a division
of labour proved, as it always must, the foundation of all civilization
among the people ; and thence Henry was again the founder of indus-
try, moral cultivation, and the development of the civil order of life.
And with the same motives that had caused him to give to chivalij
a nobler aim and a more illustrious title for the exercise of arms, so
did Henry now seek to introduce the practice of arms for the inha-
bitants of the cities, so that they mi^ht be skilled in the defence of
their walls, and thus become a defensive and honourable body of the
state. By this he succeeded in attracting inhabitants for his fortified
places, in such great numbens, that as these, in their original state,
soon became too narrow to hold them, the new comers, as they ar-
lived, built themselves houses around the fortified place, so that ano-
ther city, as it were, was speedily completed, which was subsequently
surrounded with strong walls, likewise as a defence against the at-
tacks of the enemy.
By what, however, has just been said, it is not meant to convey
that these institutions of King Henry had at once changed the
whole course of existing customs and manners in Northern Ger-
many, and substituted an extensive and independent order of civil
institutions; on the contrary, owing to the ever-repugnant feelings of
the Saxons against a confined life in towns, as is shewn in subsequent
times, this new order of things progressed but slowly. Tet he had
laid ihe foundation, the commencement was made, he ^ve it an
impetus, and more could not be demanded from him. His merit
lies therein, that he perceived and acknowledged the necessary re-
forms required by the march of events, and he promoted their pro-
gress; but it was the course of human development which was
to ocHnbine and complete, in an extended form, what was merely
b^an by him. This course, however, is not measured by years, but
1^ centuries, and thus we shall find, that it is only in the subsequent
period of ihe middle a^ that the result of the great Henry^s noble
designs are made manifest in the flourishing state of the existence of
the cities.
Already, before the death of Henry, the princes had j^romised
Um to recognise his son Otho as his successor to the empire;^ and
this recognition was now confirmed in a great assembly at Aiz-la^
CbtLV^, where Otho was solemnly crowned. Two of the great
archoishops on the Rhine ccmtended for the honour of the corona-
tion. He of Cologne claimed it from Aix-la-Chapelle being in his
Google
k2
Digitized by
164 OTHO I.— HIS ENERGY AND BOLDNESS.
diocese; and the other, of Treves, becaiise his archbishopric was
the most ancient. HowevcT, it was at last concluded that neither
of them, but that Hildebert, Archbishop of Mentz, should perform
Ae ceremony. Griselbrecht, Duke of Lorraine, in whose duchy Aix-
la-Chapelle lay, was charged, as high chamberlain, with the office
of providing for the lodging and entertainment of the strangers,
of whom a vast number attended. Eberhard, Duke of Franconia,
as high steward, supplied the tables and the viands; Duke Herman
of Swabia, acted as hi^h seneschal, and Amulf, Duke of Bavaria,
as high-marshal, provided for the horses and the camp.
When the people were assembled in the grand cathedral of Aix-
la-Chapelle, the archbishop led the young king forward by the
hand, and spoke thus to the multitude: " Behold, I here present to
you the king, Otho, elected by God, proposed by King Henry, and
nominated b}r all the princes f If this choice be acceptable to you,
you will signify it by raising your right hand towards heaven !"
The whole multitude then neld up their hands and hailed the new
king with loud and joyful acclamations. The archbishop then stepped
with him to the altar, whereon the imperial insi^a lay — the sword
and belt, the imperial mantle, the armlets and the staff, together
with the sceptre and the crown. The sword he handed to liim with
these words: **Take this sword, destined to repulse all the enemies
of Christ, and to confirm, with most lasting power, the peace of all
Christians;" and he handed to his majesty the other articles, with
a similar address. He then placed the crown upon his head and
led him to the throne, which was erected between two marble
columns, where Otho continued to sit until the solemn ceremony
was concluded. All eyes were turned with astonishment to the young
king, whose countenance filled every one with veneration. His
lofty, princely form, his broad manly chest, his large sparkling
eyes, and beautiful flaxen hair, which flowed down to nis shoulders
in long locks — ^all seemed to announce him as being bom to rule.
The days of festival and ceremony having ended, Otho commenced
his new reign with vigorous power, and it was speedily shewn that
outward appearances had not deceived.
But Otho did not gain over the hearts of men that same mild
power which Henry nis father had obtained. He has often been
called a lion from his proud and terrific look and manner, and be-
cause like the lion he cast all enemies down before him, whenever
and however numerous in force they appeared against him, whether
at home or abroad. He was a great and powerful monarch, and was
soon considered the first prince m Christendom. He had placed upon
his head the imperial crown of Charlemagne, and even rendered the
Germanic empire and its name so celebrated amongst all nations, that
none could venture to claim comparison with it. Such powerful re-
sults cannot be accomplished by a man of ordinary mind, and who
lives only for tranquillity and peace, but by him alone, to whom like
Otho, the fame of his nation stands ever before his eyes as an elevated
glory-beaming image, and if even the haughtiness of his soul raised
INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS — HENRT OF BAVARIA. 165
Biany enemies against him, and even if in his wrath with which his
maniy breast was often excited, he acted with harshness towards his
adrersaries, still in his noble dignity of mind, he may be compared
witli the lion, inasmuch as he pitied and spared many times those
weaker enemies who besought nis mercy and pardon. Anger and
severity indeed never carried him beyond the limits of justice, for
with him the law ever maintained its mfiuence and authority.
Our country, which before these two great kings, Henry and Otho,
was rapidly approaching its own ruin, l^in^ rent by internal anarchy
and surrounded extemsdly by enemies who m their contempt, accord-
ing to their caprice, laid it desolate wherever they could, now rose
again suddenly, and became as it were a new-bom empire. Not only
were the enemies struck to the ground, but even new countries were
acquired, and all other nations which had previously mocked, now
bent low before us. In the time of peace, when no danger threatens,
and justice and order hold predominance everywhere, a nation may
rejoice in a king who sits upon the throne of lus fathers, intent upon
continuing that state of peace; but when the world is violently agi-
tated, and personal freedom and independence are in danger, or
when a nation has become completely enervated by a long peace,
and is thus rendered indifferent to honour and glory, then a king is
required bold and proud as King Otho the First. His royal patriotic
&llier had commenced the work, and he, the son, felt himself in
possession of the power to perform its completion.
It is true that at the commencement of his reign many princes rose
against him, as for instance: theFranks under Elberhard, and theLoth-
rmgians or Lorrainers under Giselbrecht, who still could not forget
that a Saxon possessed the royal dimity; Tankmar, his step-brother,
and even his own younger brother HenrVt the mother's favourite, who
considered he had a greater right to the crown than Otho, because
he was bom when his father was already a king, whilst Otho, on
the contrary, was bom whilst he was a duke. But the Franks and
Lothringians were reduced by arms to tranquillity, after the Dukes
Eberhard and Giselbrecht were both slain ; Tankmar was also killed in
the contest; and Henry, who had been allied with them, repaired to
Frankfurt, and at the Christmas festival, in 942, during mass in the
night, cast himself at the feet of his brother, and received full pardon,
although he had three times risen against him, and had even joined
in a conspiracy to take his Ufe. Nay, in 945, he was presented by
Otho with the vacant duchy of Bavaria, and thenceforward they re-
mained trae friends until their death.
The king now tumed his attention towards his external enemies.
Witii his north-eastem neighbours, the Slavonians, he had long and
sanguinary wars, but he made them tributary as far as the Oder,
and in onier to confirm Christianity among them, he erected the
Bishoprics of Haselberg:, Brandenberg, and Meissen, and subjected
them later to the Archbishopric of Magdeburg, which he had estab-
lished in the year 968. TheDukesof Bohemiaand Poland were obliged
to acknowledge his authority, and by the foundation of the^i^wDno
166 THE DANES— ITALY— BURGUNDY.
of Posen he fsought to extend the mild doctrines of Chrifltiamt7 to
those distant countries. He drove back the Danes, who had
shcMTtlj before desolated the Mamaviate of Sleswig, founded by his
father, as far as the point of Jut^md, and an arm of the sea on this
coast derived from him the name of the Otho-Sound, because he
fixed his lance there in the ground, as a token of hisaziivaL Harold
caused himsdfas well as his consort Grunelda and his son Sveno to
be baptised, and bishc^rics were erected in Sleswig, Ripen, and
Aarhaus. Otho felt within himself that he was appointed to per-
form the part of a Christian German king, the same as Charles the
Great; he spread Christianity around with a national feeling for its
coltivation, by planting in the conquered countries German colonies.
Meanwhile, m Italy, circumstances had occurred which attracted
the eyes of Otho to that country, lon^g as he did to perform great
deeds there. Ever since the extincticm of the Carohngian branch
numerous pretenders to its dominion had started up, scatteriDjg dia*
order and destruction throughout that beautiful land, in addition to
-Vfdiich bands of plundering strangers had either taken up their
quarters or made continual mcursions throughout the country. Here
and there the Saracens were foimd regularly housed amongst the
rocks of the seacoast, whilst the hordes of the Hungarians or Mag-
yars, frequently overrun the rich and fertile plains of Upper Italy, m
the south of Italy, the dominion of the Ginsek emperors still main-
tained itself, and extended almost to Rome, and whose mercenaries^
consisting of many nations, were a scourge to the land.
In Upper Italy, the native princes at one moment, and the kings
of Burgundy in ihe next, took possession of the rdns of govern-
ment, and to a certain extent assumed the imperial title. Lothaiie^
the last king of the Burgundian race, died in the year 950, and the
Margrave, Beren^ of Ivrea, took forcible possession of the authority.
In order to fix himself more securely in the government, he tried
to force the young and beautiful widow of Lothaire, the Princess
Adelaide, to marry his son Adelbert. But this she steadily and
firmly refused, and was imprisoned by the kin^; but with the assist-
ance of an ecclesiastic she escaped, and took refuge at the court
of Adelhard, Bishop of Reggio. This event save occasion for
Otho to interfere with his influence, in order to acg ust this sad state
of confusion in that part of Italy, and especially as he was appealed
to by many nobles of that land, as also by the persecuted Adelaide
herself. Accordingly in 951 he crossed the Alps with a well-ap-
pointed army, besieged and took possession of Pavia, and as his first
wife Edigatna had died in the year 946, he concluded by pving
his hand to the beautiful Adelaide^ whom he had thus so cnival-
xously delivered from her base persecutor. In the course of the
following year he became reconciled with Berengar at Augsburg,
and gave him Lombardy as a fief under German dominion. Y erona
and Aquisl^a however he yielded to Henry of Bavaria.
These events however produced shortly aflerwards great disputes
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
INTERNAL REVOLTS — THE HUNGARIANS. 167
m Germany. Otho was affedionatdij attached to his queen, Ade-
laide and DJB brother Heniy of Bayaiia, and they both acquired
great influ^koe with him. Ludolf, Otho's son by his former mar-
liage, felt himself, perhaps not nnjustlj, to be neglected, said was
a&aid he would be excluded from succession to the throne by the
diildrai his fid^her might have by Adelaide He was joined by
Otho's son-in-law, Conrad, Duke of Lorraine, Frederic, Archbishop
of Mentz, the Palatine Ainulf of BaTaria, and several other nobles,
indoced e8|>ecially, as it would seem, by hatred to Henry of Bavana,
iriiose deceitful character had embittered them gainst him. It was
only with the greatest trouble and difficulty that Otho was enabled in
thecouiBe of tbs years 953 and 954, to suppress the revolt. lObstinate
and seveie battles were fought in Saxony, Lorraine, Franconia, and
Bavaiia; and it was in vain that Otho besieged his adversaries in
Meatz, as well as afterwards in Ratisbonne. Even the Hungarians
leaewed their destructive attacks, and were supported in them by
^ revolotionary forces; they punraed their incursions through Bar
Taiia, Franconia, Lorraine, a part of France, and finally returned
^ugh Burgundy and Italy. But it was just these very devasta-
tions committed by this arch-enemy of the empire which at last put
an end to the revolutionary war. Punished by their conscience,
Conrad and the Archbishop of Mentz returned to their allegiance
aad humbled themselves before the king, by whom they were par-
doned and received again into favour, and although in his obstinacy
Lndolf for a time continued the contest, he nevertheless in the end,
after the Palatine Amulf had been killed before Ratisbonne, Ukewise
yielded submission to his father, whose kindled wrath had been
softened down by the intercession of the princes. Ludolf and Conrad,
However, were not granted the restoration of their lost dukedoms,
^ of Lorraine being given to Otho's faithful brother Bruno, who
Ittd likewise been already appointed to the Archbishopric of Cologne,
whilst BuTchard, Henry of Bavaria's son-in-law, was raised to the
iWkedom of Swabia.
Thus internal peace was happily restored, when in the year 955,
. Hungarians m still greater force, again invaded Bavaria, and
^^ged Augsburg. Uaalrich, the bishop of that city, defended it
H^cally, until the king advanced to its assistance and encamped
along the river Lech. l£s army was divided into eight battalions,
^ which the first three consisted of Bavarians; the fourth of the
flanks under Conrad ; the fifth of the elite troops of warriors, selected
fipm the entire army, at the head of which noble division Otho
feiself commanded; the sixth and seventh were composed of the
SwabiaoB, and the eighth consisted of a thousand picked Bohemian
^}^*Bemen in chaige of the military stores and baggage, as from this
*de no attack was anticipated. Scarcely had the Hungarians, how-
ler, caught a glimpse of the army, when, with their usual rapi-
Jty, they spread out their innumerable hordes of cavalry, swam across
*« lech, and attacked the camp behind the army; throwing the
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
168 BATTLE OF LECHFELD — THE SLAVONIANS.
Bohemians and the Swabians Into such disorder that the baggage
became lost. The valiant Conrad, however, with his Franks, nas-
tened to their assistance and restored order. The decisive battle was
fixed to takeplace on the following day, it being the day of St.
Lawrence. The whole army prepared itself for the contest by
prayer; the king received the holy sacrament, and he and the entire
army swore to remain true to each other unto death. Otho then
raised the holy lance, the banner of the angel which had led to vic-
tory at Merseburg, waving also now in iront; the king himself
Sve the siraal for attack, and was the first to fall upon the enemy,
e himself, with his chosen troop, and Conrad, who felt anxious
to recover by splendid deeds the good name he had lost in his rebel-
lion, decided tne battle. Thus a great and glorious victory was
gained; the enemy's troops completely defeated^ and put to flight,
nearly all being destroyed or made prisoners, and three of their
leaders hung up like chiefs of robbers. Their own writer, Keza,
assures us that out of both their large armies, consisting of 60,000
men, only seven stragglers returned — ^with their ears shorn.
But the victory of the Germans was dearly purchased. Many
brave leaders fell; and the heroic Conrad, who, during the great
heat, had loosened his armour to cool himself a little, was mortally
wounded in the neck by a stray arrow, and died — ^thus repaying
with his blood the debt he owed to his country. The Hunganans,
however, after the battle, did not venture to appear a^n m Ger-
many; and the whole of that beautiful country along the Danube,
the subsequent margraviate of Austria, was torn from them, and by
degrees repopidated with Germans, so that eventually it flourished
gloriously.
Otho gained, in the same year, a victory not less important over
the Slavonians, who, in conjimction with numerous discontented
Saxons, renewed their attacks constantly. The Margrave Gero, one
of the most important men under the reign of Otho I., and who had
for many years continued to protect the eastern frontiers against the
Slavonians, now, together with the valiant Hermann Bilbur^, op-
posed them with great vigoui: and success, imtil the king himself
was enabled to advance to their aid ; and in a battle fought on the
16th of October, and which has been compared with that of Augs-
burg, he completely conquered them. The brave Hermann Bilburg
was subsequently created a duke of Saxony by Otho, although, as
it appears, without having attained the government of the entire
country, and the full power of the other dukes.
Meanwhile, Berengar, the ungrateful King of Italy, to whom
Otho had shown great kindness, again rebelled a^inst him, and
cruelly persecuted all who held with the King of Germany; and
in their trouble they entreated assistance from Otho. lie first
sent his son, Ludolf, with an army across the Alps; its force was
indeed but small, but the valiant son of Otho preyed the traitor
BO closely, that he must have been destroyed, if Ludolf had not sud-
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
ITALY— THE WESTERN EMPIRE RENEWED. 169^
denlj died in the bloom of youth, and, as it is supposed, by poison,
in the year 957. Some few years elapsed, when m the year 961,
King Otho liimself, invited by the pope, John XII., the Archbishop
of Milan, and others, accompanied by Adelaide, his queen, marched
himself a second time into Italy, after he had caused his son, Otho,
yet an infant, to be elected ana crowned king. Berengar concealed
himself among his castles, whilst his son Adelbert took refuge in
Corsica ; but Otho proceeded direct to Rome, During his progress
towards the capital, the gates of every town were thrown open be-
fore the mighty King of the Germans, and everywhere the inha-
bitants were struck with amazement and admiration, when they
beheld the powerful and lofty figures of the northern strangers.
Otho considered it worthy of his own glory, as well as of the
dignity of the German nation, to replace upon his head, on the
2nd of February, 962, the Roman imperial crown, which Charle-
magne had transferred to the Germans, therebj testifying to the
whole world, that strength and power were ¥^th that people, and
that their monarch was the first of all Christian rulers. It was
under his protection and support, that the church and its spiritual
head, the pope, were to exercise their influence over the people;
and in him, the emperor, every enemy of order and justice would
find a stem and implacable judge. Thus had, likewise, Charles the
Great founded anew the imperial dignity, and thus it was renewed
by Otho I. It is true, the condition of Europe had changed since
ObarWs time; then almost all the Christian nations were imder his
dominion; whilst there were various independent kings who were
not subject to him, the German kin^. Yet not one of them all
could compare himself with him; the imperial crown had ever been
justly r^arded as belonging to the Germans, and the ancestors of
Otho had none of them given up their claim to it. Otho was espe-
cially the protector of the Christian faith towards the north and
east; he ruled in Burgundy; his authority was the ruling one in
France, where his brother, Bruno, of Lorraine, acted as arbitrator and
jud^e, and as which he was acknowledged by all; and now, having
subjected Italy, to him alone belonged the dignity of Emperor of
the Western Christendom.
Many have spoken ^gainst the renewal of the empire, and have
partacularly censured King Otho, that he cast this great burden
upon Germany. The union of the two countries was the source of the
greatest misfortune to Germany, which sacrificed so many men for
3ie foreign ally, whilst at home it was itself entirely neglected by
its own hereditary rulers. But what God had prepared as a ereat
transition in the fate of a nation, and what a number of excellent
inen in former times acknowledged as necessary and good, cannot be
i<ejected by the judgment of later descendants. It has been the
same with the papacy; many have expended their gall against it, as
having only contributed to the diffusion of darkness, superstition,
^ spiritual slavery. But those who thus express themselves, mix
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
170 THE EMPERORS AND THE POPES— THE CHURCH.
in ihdr censure all ages, and are unable to transport tliemselves
into those wherein the imperial throne and the papal chair were
necessary links in the great chain of historical development.
It is not difficult for the unprejudiced and candid nund to perceive
the grand idea which servea as the foundation of both. In those
limes when rude force exercised its dominicm, the emperor, with
the scales of justice in his hand, presided as judge between Chris-
tian nations, and exerted himself for the peace of the world exter-
nally; whilst, on his part, the pope mdded the empire of internal
peace, piety, and virtue. As the condition of life was yet rude, and
civil institutions still so imperfect, that the state could not of itself
imdertake to superintend mental cultivation; therefore, the church
and schools, the clergy and teachers, necessarily stood under the
Bupranacjr of the head of the church, whose care it was that the
truth and gentleness of the divine word should illumine all Chris-
tian nations, and imite them into one empire of faith.
Widi respect to the danger which might threaten — ^viz. : that, in
die first place, the one of these two powers might bring under its
dominion the body by means of the sword, and thence require what
was unjust; and that, in the second place, the other would so bind
the conscience, that it might force it not to put faith in truth itself,
but merely in the word as given — a sufficient protection was pro*
vided, in either case, inasmuch as the said jpower, both of the em-
peror and the pope, was less an external than an internal power,
founded solely upon the veneration of nations. Such an authority
can never be lastmgly misused without destroying itself.
It is true that not all emperors have truly seized the idea of their
dignity, or else, perhaps, such great obstructions stood in their way
that tney could not execute it; and thus, also, the popes not having
always retained themselves within the limits of those rights whicn
were accorded to them alone in the dominion of the church, both
powers, which should have worked in unity together, and the one
nave made the other perfect, have, in their enmity, at last destroyed
each other. But — and this is the chief point — the grand idea itself
must above all things be well distinguished from its execution. The
more glorious it is, the ^ater is its contradiction to the fallibility of
human nature, and the low bias of many ages; and the ill-success of
its accomplishment cannot detract from its own dignity or fxom the
greatness of those who have c(»itended for it.
With respect to the sacrifice of men in the Italian expedition, it
depends upon the question, whether the object to be obtained was
great and important or not. If it was so, the sacrifice must not be
taken into consideration, if batitle and war may be allowed for a high
and necessary purpose. And the emperors who with noble-minded
dispositions and intentions, made this sacrifice for the idea of an
empire, and the honour of their naticm, are not, therefore, to be
blamed.
The noble pride, however, felt by the Germans in the thought, that
Digitized by
Google
OTHO'S RIGHTS AS PROTECTOR OF THE CHURCH. 171
tbejand their rulers should be the central point of Christiaiiiiy; the
conviction of their strength, made manifest by the daring courage of
the small forces, composed of their countrymen, in venturing across
die Alps, and who, when reaching their destination, by the superiority
of their nature gave laws to a numerous and populous nation; these
lecoUections of the ancient glory of our nation, still existing in ns
the later descendants — all this is the reward for the sacrifice made.
Other advantages, becoming more and more immediately manifest,
arising from the union of Grermany with Italy, will be shown in the
course of our history. We only mention in advance the great influence
which the example of the free Italian cities, and, in particular, the
flourishing state of commerce there, had upon the rise and successful
progress of German towns, an advantage the importance of which
cannot be too highly estimated.
Otho speedily exercised his right of protect(»:ship over the church,
and his office of superior Christian ruler, against the same pope who
had crowned him. John XII. had recalled from Corsica the son of
Berengar, for the purpose of placing him in opposition against the em-
peror ; and, in addition to this was charged by the Roman people, and
the clergy, with the most serious critnes. John sprang from a very cor-
rupt race, and had become pope as early as in his eighteenth year.
Otbo hereupon convoked a council, consisting of forty bishops and
seventeen cardinals, and as John, upon the emperor's citation, refused
to appear before these assembled fathers, he was deposed from his dig-
nity, and Leo VIII. chosen instead. The Roman people, as well as the
deigy, now swore to dect no pope in future without tiie consent of
the emperor. The popes from tnis time again called the emperor their
lord, and in acknowledgment of his supremacy, placed his name upon
their coins, and marked the years of his reign upon their bulls.
But the Romans soon forgot their oath, drove away Pope Leo^
and recalled the deposed John, afler whose death, which speedily
followed, they elected another pope, Benedict, in opposition. Thie
patience of the]emperor was now exhausted, and he exercised a heavy
Punishment upon the peijured Romans. He returned again with
^s army, laid waste the country around Rome, surrounded and be-
Ei^ed the city, and forced the inhabitants to surrender and open the
g&tes, and to give up the pope, Benedict, into his hands. He then
<x>nvoked a lar^ assembly of the bishops and clergy, and in their
pi€sence Benemct was divested of his insignia, and at once banished,
'''hilst Leo was replaced upon the throne
Meantime Berengar, with his wife, Willa, had been taken pri-
soners by the emperor's generals, and were conveyed to Bamberg,
where after their imprisonment they shortly died. The emperor
^8^, after he had thus estabtidbed his dominion, returned in the
"^ginning of the year, 965, to Germany, and celebrated at Cologne,
"^th his beloved brother, Bruno, his mother, his son Otho, and
^hews, together with a numerous assemblage of the nobles of his
Digitized by
Google
172 OTHO'S EMBASSY TO GREECE — THE GREEK EMPEROR.
empire, the joyful event of liis return among them after a long and
trymg time of absence.
But already in the following year, 966, his nresence was again re-
quired in Italy through the disturbances causea by Adelbert, the son
of Berengar, and the revolt of the Romans against their pope. His
appearance, however, once more produced order and peace; and he
was now enabled to turn his attention to Lower Italy, where the em-
peror of Grreece still had his governor, and then to Sicily, whence
the Saracens threatened entire Italy. It was now Otho*s wuh to form
an aUiance with the family of the Greek emperor, in order, thereby,
to open a prospect for his own house upon Lower Italy, as well as to
become enabled to ward off more effectually the inroads of the un-
believers.
He sent for his son Otho from Germany, and had him crowned
as future emperor by the pope, and then despatched an embassy to
Constantinople, for the purpose of demaniung Theophania, the
daughter of the emperor, in marriage for his son. Connected with
this embassy Luitprand, whom Otho had made Bishop of Cremona,
relates a smgular circumstance, althou^, from his natred of the
Gbeeks, with evident exaggeration : " VVe arrived here," he says,
'* in June, and were immediately supplied with a guard of honour,
80 that we could not go anywhere without an escort. On the second
day of our arrival we proceeded on horseback to the audience.
The Emperor Nicephorus is a short, stout man, so brown that, in a
forest, he would strike us with terror. He said, * he lamented that
our lord and ruler had shown the daring boldness to assume and ap-
propriate Rome to himself^ and to destroy two such honourable men
as ^rengar and Adelbert, and then to carry fire and sword even into
Ghredan countries : ' he added ' that he knew we had counselled our
lord to it.' We replied: ' Our lord, the emperor, has deUvered Rome
from tyranny and sinners, which he has come from the end of the
earth into Italy to accomplish, whilst others have remained indolently
sleeping upon their thrones, and deemed such great confusion and
anarchybeneath their dignity to notice. Besides which, 'we added, 'we
have amongst us those brave and loyal knights, who are always ready
and prepared to maintain, by single combat at arms, the justice and
virtue of our master. Yet we have come here with views and
intentions of peace, and for the purpose of demanding the Princess
Theophania in marriage for Otho, our prince, and eldest son of our
lord and emperor.* To which ihe emperor observed: *It is now
time to go to the procession. We will attend to this matter at a more
convenient moment.' The grand procession, wherein the king ap-
peared, attired in a long mantle, escorted by soldiers or city volun-
teers, without halberts, passed along slowly amidst the acclamations
of the people.
*^ When at table, he wished to censure our mode of warfare, saying
our arms were much too heavy, whilst the Germans appeared to be
only valiant when they were drunk; and that the true Komans were
Digitized by
Google
0THO*S son's marriage WITH A GRECIAN PRINCESS. 173
onlj now to be found in Constantinople. Wlien he said this, he made
a Eign to me with his hand that I should be silent. At another time
he spoke of the affairs of the church, and asked, mockingly, whether
any council had ever been convoked in Saxony? I replied, ' that
where there was most sickness, there was most need of the greatest
nmnber of doctors; that all heresies had originated with the Greeks,
and therefore church councils were more necessary to be held
amongst them. Nevertheless I knew of one council bemg assembled
in Saxony, where it had been pronounced that it was more glorious
to fidbtt with the sword in hand than with the pen.'
''The emperor is surrounded with flatterers and sycophants; the
whole catj floats in sensuali^, and even on holy da^i^ of festival
there are plays performed. Their power reposes not in their own
strength, but is dependent upon the mercenary forces of Amalfi, and
upon Venetian and Russian sailors. I believe firmly that four hun-
dred Germans in open field would put the whole Grreek army com-
pletely to flight."
Nicephorus would not consent to the marriage, and Otho, as
emperor, now sought to extend his dominion over the whole of
Lower Italy, which was divided amongst the Greeks, Saracens, and
native princes. The history of these expeditions is not clearly given ;
but altogether it appears the imperial arms were victorious, although
it was not possible to gain any durable advantage in that difiicult
country. In December, 969, the Emperor Nicephorus was mur-
dered in a revolt, when his successor very wilungly formed an
alliance with the Emperor of Germany. The Princess Theophania
was crowned in Rome in the year 972, hj the Pope, John iOU.,
and united to the young prince, Otho. The emperor himself now
returned to Germany, after an absence of six years, in order that he
might enjoy some little peace at the close of a life so rich in striking
events.
The great influence which Otho had acquired throughout the en-
tire western world, was satisfactorily proved to the German nation
during the last few months of his life. Having gone to Quedlin-
burg to visit the grave of his mother, Matilda, he was there waited
upon by the rulers of the Poles and Bohemians, the chiefs Mjesko and
Boleslas, in order to receive his opinion and judgment in their affairs ;
and these were immediately followed by the ambassadors of the Ro-
mans, Beneventanians, Greeks, Bulgarians, Slavonians, Danes, and
Hungarians, and the whole completed by an embassy from the Sa-
racens in Africa, which arrived snortly afterwards at Merseburg.
Just at this time, however, he was very much affected by the
death of his faithful friend, Herman, Duke of Saxony, who died
in Quedlinburg on the 27th of March, 973. Grieved at the loss of
tliat good man, says Widukind, he wandered solitary and dejected
amongst the graves of those he had held so dear. Alas, how many
of these had already preceded him in their departure from this life,
Digitized by
Google
174 OTHO'S DEATH— OTHO H.
reminding him of Im own past career, so troubled, so eventful, but
yet in many respects so glorious !
Wben on the 6th of May he arrived at his castle in Memleben^
where his £either had died, he felt himself extremely weak. Never-
theless he attended service in the chapel on the following momin^,
£ve his usual alms to the poor, and then reposed again. At mid-
y he again appeared, and at the appelated time he took his meal
8t dinner with cneerfulness and enjoyment, upon which he attended
the evening service. It was then he suddenly felt overcome with a
burning fever, and he was assisted to a chair by the princes in attend*
ance. But his head sunk; he felt his approaching end, and indicat-
ing his .wishes by signs, he was immeoiately assisted in the solemn
service of the holy communion. Just after he had received it, and
when the holy ceremony was over, as Widukind states, he ended
his mortal career, and without a sigh, tranquilly breathed his last, on
the 7th of May, 973, aged sixty-one years, and in the thirty-eighth
of his reign.
His body was conveyed to Magdeburg, his favourite city, and
bein^ deposited in a marble coffin, was placed as he had wished, on
the aide of his beloved Ed^tha, in the cnurch of St. Maurice.
Otho n., who, in the eighteenth year of his age, now succeeded
to the throne, very soon had reason to find that the task which.
had thus early devolved upon his shoulders, of maintaining, in all
its supremacv, the powerful empire of his father, extending, as it
did, from the boundaries of the Danish coimtry to nearly the ex-
tensive points of Lower Italy, was not a little arduous and difficult.
For in the north and east, the Danes and Slavonians continued still
unwilling subjects or neighbours; in the west, the French lulera
were jealous rivals; in the south of Italy, the Greeks and Arabs
were anxiouslv watching for an opportumty to extend their power;
whilst, in the interior of Germany itself, many parties stood in a
condition of direct hostility towards each other.
In this critical position, the necessary strength and energy of body
were certainly not wanting in the young monarch, as was sufficiently
shown by his figure, which, although rather short, was, nevertheless,
strong and firmly knit together, whilst his healthy constitution was
indicated by the florid, ruddy hue of his cheeks, and which, in fact,
procured for him the by-name of Otho the Florid, or Red. But
wisdom and forethought were not as yet at his command; and it
was for him a misfortune that, even asa child, he had been designated as
the soverei^; for he thus became proud and violent, extreme and
unequal in his conduct; whilst mildness and severity were with him
in constant interchange, and his liberality at times bordered upon
extravagance itself. Had time, however, enabled him to moderate
these strong passions of youth, and thus, by the experience of in-
creased yeais, have rip^iied and brought to perfection his nobler
qualities, he might then have been included in the list of the most
Digitized by
Google
HAKOU) OF DENMARK— LORRAINE— PARIS. 175
jdstmgoished rcQen of our country. But fate ordained otherwise;
and he was struck down, in the bloom of manhood, at ^e age of
twenty-eight years.
The very fest years of his reign were ak^dy ftdly occupied with
the di£ferent disputes and dissensions in the empire, but more
especially with that produced by his cousin Henry, the second
Duke of Bavaria or the Turbuk^t, who had revolted against the
joung emperor, but who, however, was taken prisoner, and deprived
of his duchy; as likewise by the rising of Harold of Denmark against
Otho, who was forced to march against him, and comjdetely sub-
dued him.
Soon afterwards, France made an attanpt to acquire the Lorraine
dominion, which, by the division of Verdun, was fixed in the centre
between Germany and France, but had now become muted with
Germany. The king, Lothaire, secretly collected his army, and
whilst Otho, completely unprepared, was holding a court cm the
occamon of the feast of St. John, in 978, in the andent in^-
terial palatinate at Aix-la-Chapelle, he suddenly advanc^, and,
J forced marches, without even announcing hostilities, hastened
on to that city, in order to take the emperor prisoner. Forta-
iiately, Otho received intelligence of the enemy's approach in time
to eoable him to c[uit the phce on the day beiore nis arrival. Lo-
thaire took possession of Aix-la-Chapelle, and plundered it, whilst
at the same time he commanded the eagle, erected in the grand
square of Charles the Great, to be turned towards the west, in mm
that Lorraine now belonged to France. But Otho forthwith held a
diet of the piinces and noUes at Dortmund, represented to them,
with the most impressive eloquence, the fidtMessness of the French
king, and summoned them to march against the presumptuous enemy.
They all imanimously promised their assistance, forgetting every in-
ternal dispute, for it now ccmcemed the hcmour of the country.
Accordingly, an the 1st of October, 978, a considerable army
marched into France, and without meeting with much (^position,
advanced, by Rheims and Soissons, as far as Paris. Here, on the
right bank of the Seine, around the Montmartre, the Germans en-
camped, and their moimted troops scoured the whole of the country
around, committing devastation everywhere. The city itself was
ganiaoned by the duke, Hugo Capet; dbte Seine divided the two
annies, but the French did not venture out to give battle. Otho,
however, could not succeed in taking the cit^, which was strongly
fortified; and as winter now advanced — ^it bemg the end of Novem-
her— and sickness very generally prevailed amongst the troops, he
commenced a retreat. This expeoition was one of the first uzider-
taken by the Germans against nris; the treacherous attack of the
French king was now punished, nor did he venture to make an-
other. Li the treaty of peace subsequently conchided, Loradne
^M secured to Geimany for ever.
Ift llie year 980, Otho set out cm his first ezpeditkm to Italy,
Digitized by
Google
176 ITALY — THE GREEKS AND ARABS — OTHO'S DEFEAT.
fix)m which, however, as it turned out, he was never to return. He
was in hopes of being able to conquer the possessions in Lower Italy,
which the Greek emperors still maintained, and to which Otho, by
his mandate with Theophania, laid claim The Grreeks, however,
called to their aid the Arabs, both of Africa and Sicily. At first,
Otho gained some advantages, and, after a siege of nearly two
months, he made himself master of Salerno. He then took Bari
and Taranto, in Apulia, and pressed forward, in the snring of 982,
to the mountains of Calabria. He beat the combinea army of the
Greeks and Arabs, first at Rossano, where they had waited for
him in a strong position, and then overthrowing them at Cotema,
pursued them as far as Squillace, where another decisive battle was
fought on the 13th of July, 982. The imperial troops rushed
with the greatest impetuosity upon the ranks of the Greeks,
who held out bravely until mid-day, when they fell back upon
Squillace. The successful troops, abandoning themselves now
too eagerly to their elated hopes of victoiy and pillage, felt so
secure, that they laid aside their arms, and marched leisurely and
confidently alons the banks of the river Corace. But here they
were suddenly fallen upon by an ambuscade of the Arabs, hitherto
concealed behind the rocks, and were speedily surrounded on every
dde by iimumerable hordes of these swift warriors. The scattered
troops were completely overpowered, and either cut to pieces or
made prisoners Dy the enemy; and only a very small number of
that army, but a short time before so triumphant, were enabled to
save themselves. The emperor himself, as it were, by a miracle,
escaped by plunging into the sea, moimted as he was on his trusty
steed, and swimming towards a Greek vessel. The crew received
him on board, not knowing the high rank of the imperial fugitive,
yet hoping to receive a handsome ransom from him as a distin-
guished knight, for which they held him to be. By means of a
slave on board, who had recognised, but not betrayed nim, he saved
himself a second time, near Rossano, by sprin^g from this ship,
and swimming on shore; and, after Mfely reaching land, he entered
that city, and there joined his queen.
In this disastrous scene, many German and Italian princes and no-
bles perished, amongst whom were Udo, Duke of Franconia, the
Margraves Berthold and Giinther, Henry, Bishop of Augsburg (who
had ukewise fought in the ranks), together with numerous others;
and all the conquered portions of the coimtry in Lower Italy fell
again into the hands of the enemy.
Full of sorrow and vexation, the emperor proceeded to Upper
Italy, in order to collect another army. He held a ^rand assembly
in Verona, consisting of both German and Italian princes and no-
bles, and his mother, together with his queen and infant son, Otho,
then only three years old, were likewise present; he succeeded in
having the latter at once elected by all the princes as his successor.
It was, at the same time, determined that the child should be taken
Digitized by
Google
DEATH OP OTHO II. — OTHOIIL — HENRY THB TURBULENT. 177
back to Gennaiij, under the charge of Willigis, Archbishop of
Mentz, and be crowned on the following Christaias (983), in the
ancient imperial city of Aix-la-Chapelle.
The emperor, himself, however, after he had regulated the affidrs
of Upper Italy, repaired to Rome. There he arranged to have hia
chancellor, Peter of Pavia, elected as pope (John XIV.); and this
was his last public act. Overwhelmed with the important plans he
nourished in his heart for his next campai^ in Lower Italy, as well
as with the excitement produced upon his impatient and nervous
mind, by the sad reverses of the previous year, and the multifarious
cares of his government, he was, m a few aa^s, attacked by a raginff
fever, of which he died, in the presence of his queen, the pope, and
several of his faithful adherents, on the 7th of December, 983, in
the 28th year of his age. He was buried in the church of St Peter,
in Rome. The news of his death reached Aix-la-Chapelle the day
afler the coronation of his infant son had been celebrated in the as-
sembly of all the princes.
The very tender age of the new sovereign, Otho HI., would have
been a great misfortune for Germany, had not his mother. Queen
Theophania, a woman of extraordinary genius, been enabled to under-
take, during his minority, the direction and control of the affairs of
the imperial government with adequate spirit and energy, and if,
likewise, amons the greater portion of the German princes there had
not existed a fiuthful adherence towards the imperial house, and a
general desire for peace and order. For immediately after the death
of Otho II., Henry, the deposed Duke of Bavaria, mei having been
set at liberty by Poppo, Bishop of Utrecht, into whose custody he
had been given, came forward again wiih his pretensions, and
even demanded, as nearest relation, to have the sole guardianship
of the young kin^. The Archbishop of Cologne, Worin, under
whose protection tne infant had been placed, actually delivered him
np to Henry, who held him under his control during a whole year.
The queen-mother, Theophania, who, according to her deceased hus-
band*s wiU, was to have the guardianship of tne child, was still in
Italy; and when she returned, Henry had already so strengthened
his party, that he contemplated taking possession of the government
himself. He had lost no time in forming a league with those no-
bles who were devoted to his interests, and had already agreed with
ihem under what conditions they should give their assistance and
support towards raising him to the throne. At the same time, the
French king, Lothaire, availing himself of the disunion in Germany,
had again stretched out his hand to grasp the Lorraine country, and
had got possession of the important town and fortress of Verdun.
The Slavonians on the northern and eastern frontiers who, during
the years that Otho II. was in Italy, had, by their united strength,
almost entirely shaken off the German dominion, re-established pa-
ganism, and made many successful depredatory incursions in the
various German possessions, now, together with the Dukes of Poland
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
178 ATTEMPTED REVOLT— HENRY'S SURRENDER.
and Bohemia on their part, promised the rebel, Heoiy of Bavaria,
their assistance in his revolutionary plans. Thus the condition of
the Germanic empire had at this moment become extremely critical.
But the alliance of Henry with the barbarians only served to bring
back to their proper recollection all those nobles of Saxony and
Thuringia who nad hitherto formed the majority of the renegade's
partisans, and they turned from him and joined the ranks of the
ultimate party, headed by the Dukes Conrad of Swabia^ Bernard
of Saxony, ana the newly created Duke of Bavaria (recently elected
by Otho n.), Henry the younger, of the house of Babenberg ;
the whole of whom, with Willigis,* Archbishop of Mentz, had still
maintained their fidelity towards the young monarch and his royal
mother. In Lorraine, also, a party rose up to defend the cause of
Otho, the heart and soul of which was the distinguished ecclesiastic,
Gerbert, the most learned man of his time ; possessing a knowled^
of all the sciences, but, more especially, so profoimdly read m
natural philosophy, that he was regarded as a magician. At the same
time he possessed ^eat powers of mind, with the necessary ener-
getic ana penetrating capacity for action in all political matters;
and in his office of tutor to the young emperor, to which he was
appointed subsequently, he continued to assist him with his valuable
counsel imtil his death.
Thence, by means of this combined operation on the part of all
his faithful friends and stanch adherents of the imperial house,
Henry the Turbulent, was forced, at a grand diet held at Rora,*
in the month of Jime, 984, to surrender into the hands of the
queen-mother and grandmother, who were both present, the infant
emperor. In the same year, also, the desired union of peace and
friendship between Henry and the guardians was completely re-
stored and firmly estabUsned at the diet of Worms ; Henry and
his friends swearing fealty to the sovereign, and which he continued
to hold sacred from that day ; nay, through leading subsequently, a
life of peace, piety, and charity, he earnea for himself the by-name
of the peaceful, mstead of the turbulent Henry. In the follow-
ing year he received again his long wished-for duchy of Bava-
ria, in return for resigning which, Henry the younger, was indem-
nified with the Duchy of Garintlua, wmch had bea)me again sepa-
rated from Bavaria, together with the Yeronian marches. Other
nobles were bound to the new eovemment by presents and gifls of
land. The margraviates, erected to oppose the Slavonians and Hun-
ffarians, were fortified anew, and supplied with faithful guards; the
Dukes Micialas of Poland and Boleslaa of Bohemia returned to
their alliance, and thus, by wisdom, prudence, and firmness, both
the empresses restored once more the order and tranquillity of the
German empire internally, and again promoted and established its in-
fluential claims for respect externally.
* The exact site of tbis place cannot he tnoedL
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
ITALY— OTHO III. CROWNED AT ROME. 179
In the year 987, after the death of Lothaire, France likewise
concluded a treaty of peace, and his son and successor, Louis V.,
surrendered to Germany the bishopric of Verdun. He was the
last of the race of the Carlovingians on the throne of France; and,
after his deaths in the same year, the house of the Capetingians
followed in the person of Hugo Capet, his successor.
In Rome, aner the Empress Theophania had returned to G-er-
many, great disturbances broke out, and the patrician Crescentius,
especiaUy, exercised the greatest tyranny in the city. The empress,
however, having beheld Germany tranquillised, and the dominion
of her son established, returned in 988 to Rome, and with her
innate power and wisdom, caused the authority of Crescentius to
be checked and restricted within its proper limits. Unhappily, this
distinguished woman died too soon for the times ^e lived in, her
death taking place already in the year 991, at Nimwegen.
The education of the young emperor, now eleven years old,
henceforward devolved more especially upon Bemward, of Hildes-
heim, a most excellent, and, for his time, a very learned man, into
whose hands Queen Theophania had already confided her son. He
treated the boy with mildness, but at the same time with firmness,
and gained his entire good-will and confidence. Bemward's position
became one of yery great and decided importance, in connexion with
the relations of the goverxunent subsequently, rarticularly after he
was appointed in the year 993, Bishop of Hildesheim; tor in the
northern frontiers of uie empire there was continually fresh cause,
even from year to year, for contention with the Slavonians or Nor-
mans, either by warding off their attacks at home, or in order to
punish them, by sending expeditions into their own land.
When the youthful monarch had attained his sixteenth year, his
grandmother, Queen Adelaide, expressed a desire to behold the
head of her grandson decorated likewise with the imperial crown.
Accordingly, m February, 996, he commenced his first Roman ex-
pedition, and all the nations of the Germans, Saxons, Franks, Bava-
rians, Swabians, and Lorrainians, yielded on this occasion military
service, and joined in the ranks of the multitudinous train. He waa
crowned emperor on Ascension-day, the 21st of May in that year,
by Grregory V., the first pope of German origin who had, as yet,
presided on the papal dudr, and who exerted himself with great
perseverance to Drin^ into order the confused state of the Roman
relations. The patrician, Crescentius, was pardoned for the turbu-
lent proceedings he had hitherto pursued; but scarcely had the
emperor returned to Germany, when the ungrateftil Roman again
revolted, and banished Pope Gregory from the capital. Otho was
forced, therefore, to march an army into Italy a second time in
the year 997, and conducting the pope back again to Rome, he
besieged Crescentius, in the fortress of Engelsburg, which he took
by storm, and the traitor was forthwith beheaded on the battlements
of the burg, in yiew of the whole army and people. ^ t
° 1!^ 2 jitizedbyCiOOgle
180 OTHO'S RELIGIOUS DEVOTION AND PENANCE.
Pope Gregory died in the year 999, and Otho caused his
esteemed instructor and councillor, Gerbert, to be elected to the papal
chair, who adopted the title of Sylvester II.
Otho, who always felt a great preference for Rome and Italy
generally, would fain have wished to remain longer there, but he
was not able to bear the enervating effects of tnat hot climate.
Altogether, he did not enjoy the strongest constitution, and his
health was not always in the best condition; besides which, durinep
the period between youth and manhood, he evinced a very marked
expression of sadness and melancholy, and which often exercised
upon his mind such an influence, that, completely overcome, he re-
sorted to the most severe self-inflicted punishments and penalties.
Thus he now made a pilmmage to Monte Gargano, in Apulia, and
sojourned for a considerable time in the monastery of St. Michael,
imdergoing the most severe exercise of expiatory penance. Thence
he visited the holy abbot, Nilus, near Garta, wno, with his monks,
lived there in wretched cells, and in the most secluded state of strict
devotion and humility. Here, likewise, Otho joined in the exercise of
prayer, and severe and rigid repentance. Afterwards, we again find
nim following the same course of extreme self-punishment in Ra-
venna, for whole days together; and at one time he is said to have
passed whole weeks with the hermits in the caves around, fiisting and
praying.
It was these Italian monks, and especially Nilus the holy, a
venerable man, ninety years of age, who had succeeded in pro-
ducing within tiie prince this melancholy view of life, and filled nim
with such continual desires to indulge in gloomy fits of abstinence
and penitential sacrifices. He was particularly intimate with Adal-
bert, the apostle of the Prussians, who, after the period of the first
Roman campaign, had become his constant companion, not quitting
the imperial apartments either by night or day, and who, partly by the
wish of Otho, proceeded to the north, in order to preach the holy
gospel to the pagan Prussians, where he died a martyr's death, in the
year 999. When the religious emperor returned, in the followinff
year, to Germany, he was urged, by his afiection towards this friend,
to visit his grave in Gnesen. As soon as he came in view of the
town, he dismoimted from his steed, and continued the rest of his
pilgrimage to the sacred spot barefooted. Deeply aflfected, he poured
foi% his devotions over the tomb of his much-lamented friend, and
in recollection of the scene, he raised the bishopric of Gnesen, on the
spot, into an archbishopric, placing under its authority the bishoprics
of Breslaw, Cracovie and Colberg, promoting Adalbert's brother,
Gaudentius, to the sacred office.
Combined with the emotions origiiiating in Christian humility
and worldly sacrifice, we find, however, likewise excited within Otho s
soul, (which appears to have been subjected to sensations of the most
varied nature,) a high aspiring desire and aim, and, especially, an
elevated idea of the supremacy of the imperial digni^. As the son
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
HIS PARTIALITY FOR ITALY AND ITALIANS. 181
of a Roman-Gennanic emperor and the erandaon of a Greek em-
peror; already chosen as reigning king from the first moment of
self-conscionsnefls, and, likewise, almost immediately afterwards de-
corated with the imperial crown; educated by the most learned and
accomplished men ot his time — a Gerbert, a Bemward, a Meinwerk,
(of Paderbom), and by the Calabrian Grreek, John of Placentia-^
he held himself in high respect, and far beyond the Germans, who, in
his opinion, were still uncouth and savage. He tried to persuade them
to lay aside their Saxon barbarism, and exhorted ihem to imitate and
adopt the more refined and elegant manners of the Greeks, and he
even introduced the customs and usages of the latter, amongst the rest,
which he himself adopted, that of dining alone from a table more ele-
vated than the others, and to arrange the different places of honour ac-
cording to rank and distinction. His tutor, Gerbert, had himself
formed a high idea of the imperial dignity, which he had taken
great pains to instil in the youthful mmd of his pupil. " Thou
art our Caesar, Imperator, and Augustus," he wrote to him, ** and
descended £rom the noblest blood of the Greeks ; thou art superior to
them all in power and dominion,'* &c. Otho had indeed contemplated
the restoration of the Roman empire, in its entire dominion, and no
doubt he would have carried his intentions into effect, by making
Rome the central point and the imperial seat of government, had he
only been able to endure the climate.
He regarded the founder of the Germanic-Roman empire, the
great Charles, as his model, and when, in the year 1000, he visited
Aix-Ia-Chapelle, he felt a desire to elevate his mind by tfie contem-
plation of his ancestor's earthly remains. Accordingly he caused the
vault to be imclosed, and descended its steps, accompanied by two
bishops. He found the embalmed body still in the position it was
placed, sitting in the golden chair, covered with the imperial robes,
together with the sceptre and shield. Otho bent his knee in prayer,
then took the golden cross from the breast of the emperor, and
placed it upon his own. After which, before leaving, he had
the bodv covered with fresh raiment, and then again solemnly closed
the vault.*
Otho's strong predeliction for Italy drew him once more into that
country. Rome and the Romans appeared to him in all the splen-
dour of their ancient dominion of the world; but they ill-returned
the preference he showed for them. Whilst he was sojourning in
Rome in the spring of the year 1001, the Romans revolted against
him because he had exercised his lenity towards the Tiburtinians,
who, as in ancient times, still remained their hated enemies; they
kept him a dose prisoner in his own palace during three days, so
that he could obtain neither food nor drink. Then it was that the
emperor experienced that German fidelity and rude virtue were still
better than the smooth but slippery words and more accomplished
* The emperor, Frederick L, caused the vault to he unclosed again in the ^ear 1 165
and had the hod^ deposited in a superb tomb.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
182 HIS DEATH— HENRY II. OB THE HOLY — ^HIS PIETY.
manners of His favourite Italians. Bemward, the Bishop of Hildes-
heim, placed himself, with the sacred royal lance, under the portico
of the palace, and, as his biographer states, thundered against it most
dreadfully; and thus, through the bishop's resolution and the aid of
his faithud adherents, the emperor was at length rescued from the •
Romans. Nevertheless, he looked over their bad conduct, and peace
was resumed for a short time longer, but they soon agam broke out
against him. He then prepared at once to punish this false and
treacherous people; but his spirits were now broken, and he weak-
ened and reduced his body still more by nocturnal watchings and
praying, often fasting, too, tne entire week, with the single exceptioi]^
of the Thursday. He was attacked by a severe and inflammatory dis-
ease, (according to Dietmar, the small-pox,) and died on the 23d of
January, 1002, at Patemo, in the twenty-second year of his age»
The body was placed under the charge and protection of the few
German princes and nobles who had accompamed the emperor, and
they lost no time in conveying it away from that hateful country into
their native land. In the course of its march, however, the funeral
procession was frequently attacked by the Italians, who were eager
to get possession of. the corpse, and it was only by the imited efforts
of the orave and valiant band of noble warriors that formed its escort,
that the enemy was successfully repulsed, and that, at length, afler
great difficulty, it arrived safely at its destination in Aix-k-Chapelle.
Thus all the male descendants of Otho the Great, his two sons,
Ludolf and Otho II., and his two grandsons, Otho HI. and Otho^
the son of Ludolf, died in Italy in £e bloom of their youth; whilst
of the imperial Saxon family, the great-grandson of Henry I., Duke
Henry of Bavaria, alone remained. The Germans were not at all
inclined towards the Bavarian race; but Henry, who had, by means
of his generous gifts, already enlisted the clergy on his ade, and had,
likewise, in his possession the crown jewels and insignia,, succeeded
by degrees in gaining over one by one the individual German states^
so that, without a general electoral assembly taking place, each trans-
ferred to him the royal authority with the sacred lance.
Henry II. has received the title of saint from his strict and pious
life, as also from his liberality towards the clergy, already men-
tioned. The latter had acquired extensive possessions unaer the
Saxon emperors, who were all very generous towards them, and
thence many of the leading members became powerful princes of the
empire. Like Charlemagne, the kings saw with pleasure their increase
of power, in order that they might use it as a counterpoise to that of the
temporal lords, and at this period too, the spiritual power held chiefly
with the kings. Otho I. had already began to unite the lordships
with the bishoprics, and Henry II. transferred to many churches two,
even three lordships, and to that of Gandersheim he even made over
seven. The partiality and attachment shown by the emperor to-
wards the clergy was, no doubt, taken advantage of by many; still
among that body there were likewise at this period many men wha
Digitized by
Google
BISHOP BERNWARB- PAVIA — ^HENRT CROWNED. 183
were perfectly sensible of the peculiar dignity of their calling, and
asealously sought the spiritual welfare of their commiinity, as well as
the juro^reas of the human mind in the arts and sciences, and all true
cultivation; of which the tenth centuiy, eq>ecially, presents ns with
several illustrious instances. Bishop Bemward, of Hildefiheim, who^
in the urgent danger of the emperor, Otho HI., in Rome, displayed
80 much resolution, was a man of great intellectual mind, and
nouiished the most profound feeling for all that was good and beau-
lafuL During his many voyages, chiefly in Italy, he took young
peisona with nim for the purpose of exerdsing their taste in the ob-
servation of works of art, and m their imitation. He caused the pave-
ments and churches to be decorated with mosaic embellishment, and
oosthrvessels of a beautiful form to be cast in metal, with whichhe
was mmished by the mines of gold and silver in the Hartz, discovered
under the Emperor Otho I. Thus did Bemward nobly exert him-
self for his diocese, and the school of Hildesheim was one of the
most celebrated of that period.
When in Italy, the Emperor Henry received a second by-name
— that of Huffeholz or the lame. For fresh disturbances hav-
ing arisen there after the death of Otho HI., and the Italians hav-
ing made a margrave, Ardovine, their king, Henry, in order to
restore order, advanced thither in the year 1004, put Ardovine to
flight, and caused himself to be crowned, with the iron crown, at
Pavia. Out of regard for the city, and in order to show his con-
fidence towards the citizens, he retained merely a small body-^uard,
and caused the rest of the army to remain outside the dty m the
camp. The capricious and inconstant disposition of the Italians im-
mediatelv became manifested. They rose in revolt, stormed the
palace of the emperor, and threatened his life. It was then, in q>rinff-
mg from a winoow, that he lamed his foot. His companions, al-
though but few, fought like valiant men, and successfully resbted
the attacks of the enemy until the Germans beyond the city, hearing
the tumult within, stormed the walls, and afW severe fighting, broke
through, paved their way to the palace and saved the king. The balde
still continued most furiously in the streets and houses, whence the in-
habitants hurled forth stones and other missiles upon the troops, who
set fire to the whole city, and which destruction continued until the
king put a stop to the fury of his soldiers, and saved the rest of the
inhabitants. It was in this battle that the queen's brother, Giselbert, a
valiant youth, being killed by the Lombards, a biave knight, Wolfram,
his companion in arms, rushed upon the enemy, struck one of them
such a powerful blow with his sword that, passing through the hel-
met, it separated his head and neck down to the shoulders; and
having thus revenged the death of his noble fidend, he returned, un-
wounded, back to his comrades.
This conduct of the Pavians produced great disgust upon the
opeo-hewried and honest feelings of the king, and as nothing could
Digitized by
Google
184 BAMBERG CONSECRATED— HENRT'S DEATH.
induce him to remain longer in Italy, he returned to Grermanj as
speedily as possible.
Here, also, many disturbances arose during his reign, for the em*
peror, who, with his good and pious qualities, was much too weak to
hold the reins of his government, could not possibly maintain his
authority. In particuhr the neighbouring Pohsh duke, Boleslas, an
ambitious, turbulent man, who had conquered and partially retained
Bohemia and Silesia, gave him much trouble, ror these coun-
tries, howeyer, the usurper swore allegiance to the German emperor,
but beyond this he maintained himself independently, and made
himself feared on the other side even by the Russians and the Greek
emperor.
Henry yiaited Italy a second time in 1013, and re-established the
pope, Benedict VIIL, in the papal chair; he swore to protect him
faithfully, and was by him crowned emperor. Returmng to Ger-
many, he was especially occupied with foimdin^ the bishopric of
Bamberg, his favourite seat, which he richly endowed, and had de-
termined it shoiild serve as a monument of his own piety as well as
of that of his empress, Cunegunde. In the year 1020 he was much
gratified by a journey which Pope Benedict made to Germany, who
visited him in Bamberg, and consecrated his holy foundation.
The object of the pope's presence in Germany was more especially
to induce the emperor to undertake another expedition to Italy, in
order to prevent the Greeks, who threatened Rome from Lower
ItaW, from attacking and taking possession of that capital.
And Henrvi who at once perceived the danger to which the church
of Southern Italy was exposed of being robbed by the Greeks of its
central point of operation, marched rorth, for the third time, in
the year 1021, for that country, drove the Greeks easily back to
the most extreme points of their possessions in Lower Italy, con-
quered Benevento, Salerno, and Naples, and was everywhere greeted
and hailed as king. But as he never liked to remain long m that
country he returned to Germany in 1022, and devoted lumself to
the exercise of devotional and peaceful works.
Henry died in the year 1024, aged fifty-two, at his fortress, Grrone,
in the Leingau (near Gotdngen), which had often been the seat of
the Saxon emperors. His body was conveyed to Bamberg and there
interred. Subse(]^uently, 122 years after his death, he was added to
the calendar of saints by Pope Eugene III. With him the house of
Saxony became extinct, whicn, like that of the Cdrlovingians, had com-
menced powerftiUy but ended weakly. Germany now required once
again a vigorous and great-minded ruler, in order to save it from in-
t^al dissolution, as well as to preserve it from losing its dignity
among the other nations; for, during the minority of Otho IH. and
under Henry H., the imperial vassak had committed many usurpa-
tions based upon the imperial prerogatives. The sons of the nobles,
endowed witn imperial feods, retained them as if by right of inhe-
Digitized by
Google
THE FRANCONIAN HOUSE. 185
litanoe, and maay disputes were settled only bj an appeal to the
sword without any r^fard being paid to the emperor's supreme judi*
cial power. These wars devastated in particular the south of Grer-
many.
Meanwhile the Christian countries wherein, together with the do-
minion of the church, a regard for the imperial cugnity was dissemi-
nated, were now become considerably increased in nimiber. Towards
the year 1000 Christianity became still more deeply rooted in Hun-
gary, Poland, Russia, Norway, Sweden, and Denmark.
CHAPTER Vm.
THB 8AUC OB FRANCONIAN HOUSE, 1024—1125 TO LOT^AIBX THE BAXON — 1137.
ABsemblage of the Ducal States— The Election— Conrad H, 10S4-lOS9~Be-etta-
blishes Internal Peace — ^Italj — Canute, Kmg of England and Denmark— Burgondj
•^Ernest, Dnke of SwaUa— The Fautt-Becht— Conrad's Death, 1039— Henrj
m, 1039-1056— The Popes-Henry't seal for the Church— His Death, 1056-^
HemylV., 1056-1106— His Minority— Tl)e Archbishops— Albert of Bremen—
Henrj and the Saxons— Their Hostility- Henry's Berenge— Pope Gregory
Vn.— His Ambition— The Bight of Investiture— Buptnre with the Emperor—
Heniy excommunicated— The Emperor a Fugitire— Hie riTal Emperors and Popes
— ^Rudolphus of Swabia and Pope Clement m.— Henry's Death, 1106— Henry V.
1106-1125— Bome— Pope Pascal IL— The Investiture Contest— Sanguinary Bat-
tle—Henry crowned Emperor— His Death, 1125— The First Crusade, 1096-1099-<r
liothairetfae Saxon, 1125-1137.
The Germanic states, each under its duke, assembled for the elec*
tion of a new emperor, upon the vast plains along both banks of the
Rhine, between Mentz and Worms, near Oppenheim. There were
eight dukes; Conrad the Younger, who exercised the ducal power in
Franconia in the name of the king — Franconia bein^ still regarded
as the king's country — ^Frederick of Upper Lorrame, Grozelo of
Lower Lorraine, Bernard of Saxony (of Herman Billung's race),
Henry of Bavaria, Adalbert of Carinthia (the new duchy, separated
under Otho H. from Bavaria, and which contained the passes into
Italjr), young Ernest of Swabia, and Othelric or Ulric, of Bo-
hemia. The Saxons, the eastern Franks, the Bavarians, and Swa-
bians, together with the Bohemians, encamped themselves on this
aide of the Rhine; the Rhenish Franks, and those of Lower and
Upper Lorraine on the other side. Thus a splendid and numerous
assembly or diet of electors was here reflected in the waves of the
great German stream.
The voices, after long deliberation, inclined in favour of the
Fiankishrace, from which twoConrads, surpassingall the rest in virtue
and consideration, presented themselves — Count Uonrad the Elder or
the Salian, and Conrad the Younger, the duke. They were kinsmen,
beiDg sons of two brothers, and descended from Conrad the Wise, the
husband of the daughter of Otho I., who feU in the battle with the
Digitized by
Google
186 CONRAD 11.— INTERNAL PEACE— ITALY.
HunganaiiB on the Lech; both weie worthy of their ancestors, and
upon the female side related to the Saxon imperial brancL The
choice balanced bel^ween them; the elder Conrad then advanced to
the side of the younger one, and thus addressed him : '' Do not let
ufl allow our Mendship and interest to be disturbed by the contest.
If we diq>ute together the princes may elect a third, and posterity
will then say we were both imworthy of the crown. Methmks that
whether the election fall upon either you or me, we shaU still both
be honoured — I in you and you in me. If the crown be awarded
to you, I will be the first to do homage to you; vow, therefore, my
friend and brother to do the same by me." To this the younger
prince agreed, and forthwith made the vow likewise.
When the election commenced, and the archbishop, Aribo of
Mentz, was first to give his vote, he named Conrad the Elder; the
archbishops and bishops followed. Among the temporal princes, the
Duke of the Franks was the first in rotation, and the younger Con-
rad arose, and with a loud voice gave his vote to his cousin, Conrad
the Elder, who seized him by the hand, and placed him beside him.
The remaining princes followed on the same dde, and the people
shouted their applause. Frederic of Lorraine and the Archbishop
of Cologne alone were discontented, and quitted the assembly; but
when they beheld the unanimity of all the others, and that the
younger Conrad had at once acceded to the choice made, they be-
came reconciled, and returning, rendered homage with the rest of
theprinces.
Tne new king was now conducted to Mentz, to be there solemnly
anointed and crowned. On the road to the church, the prooession
was Btooped by the number of petitioners, who prayed for jus-
tice. Tjie bishops became impatient, but Conrad listened tranquilly
to their prayers and said: ^' To exercise justice, whether it be con-
venient to me or not, is my first duty." These words were heard
with joy by all around; thence great hopes were formed of the new
king, and Conrad did not disappoint them. He commenced his reign
by visiting all parts of Germany; he practised justice, restored order,
and showed so much strict judgment, combined with mercy, that
all united in one opinion, that no king since Charlemagne had so
well merited to occuoy his seat upon the imperial throne. Robbers
he punished so severely, that now there was more general security than
had been known for a lon^ period, whilst commerce flourished once
again. He secured for himself and his race the voice of {tie people,
by promoting the development of the municipal institutions by every
possible means.
Thus did he govern his kingdom internally. In his foreign
relations, he laboured equally for the dignity and greatness of Ger-
many. Shortly after the commencement of his reign, he advanced
into Italy, where in Milan he was crowned king of Italy, and subse-
quently m Rome, emperor. The festival was rendered more august
by the presence of two Idngs, Budolphus of Burgundy, and the great
Digitized by VjOOQ iC
CANUTE OF ENGLAND AND DENMARK — ^EBNEST. 187
Caaute, King of England and Denmark. With the latter, Conrad
formed a strict friendship; he united his son, Henry, with his
daughter, Kimihilda, and regulated also with him the limits be-
tween Germany and Denmark, so that the river Eider, between
Holstein and oilesia, became the boundary of both countries. He
thus gave up, it is'true, the margraviate of Silesia ; but the country was
difficult to defend, and Conrad was th^ gainer in other respecta.
Henry H. had already concluded an hereditary alliance with xionf
Budolphus of Burgundy, so that after his death Buimmdy should faU
to Germany. Conrad renewed the treaty, and after the death of
Kudolphus he took actual possession of that country, although a
portion of the Burgundians had called forward Count Odo, of
Champagne, whom, however, Conrad drove back, and was forthwith
recognised as king. This kingdom comprised the beautiful districts of
the south-east oi France, which were afterwards called Provence,
Daupheny, Franche Comte, and I^yons, together with Savoy, and a
portion of Switzerland, thus placing Germanjr, by means of the im*
Srtant sea^ports of Marseilles and Toulon, in connexion with the
editerranean: an important acquisition, which, however, after^
wards, in the times of weaker emperors, became neglected, and fell
into the hands of the French.
Conrad, however, was forced to experience, that this very ac(^ui-»
dtion of Burgundy became a subject of dissension in his own family,
and thence a source of vexation to himself. His step-son, Ernest,
Duke of Swabia (the son of his queen, GHiseUa, by her former bus*
band Herman, Duke of Swabia), considered he possessed the first
right to the crown of Burgundy, because his mother was the niece
of Rudol{)hus, King of Burgundy. Dissatisfied with Conrad's
conduct, in getting this temtory annexed to the German em*
pire, he deserted him in the Italian campaign, excited dissen*
sion against him in Germany, and was in hopes, by the aid of
his friends, to invade and conquer Burgundy. Conrad, however,
hastened back, disappointed him in his efforts, and as Ernest could
not succeed in gaining over the Swabian vas^Ja to his purpose, he
was forced to surrender at discretion, and his step-father sent him a
prisoner to the strong castle of Giebichenstein, in Thuringia. Afler
an imprisQument of three years, he set him at liberty, and offered
to restore him to his duchy, if he would deUver up to him his
friend and principal accomplice, Count Werner, of Kyburg. This,
however, Ernest hesitated and finally refused to do, and he was accord-
ingly deposed ; and at a diet of the princes and nobles of the em->
?ire, he was banished the country, together with all his partisans,
le fled for refuge to his cousin. Count Odo, of Champagne, ao-
companied by Count Werner, and a few faithful friends; but soon
afterwards returned, whilst his father was on an expedition a^inst
the Hungarians, concealed himself amongst the caverns of the Black
Forest, and once more endeavoured to ^n adherents in Swabia.
But the Bishop of Constance, as administrator of the duchy for
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
188 DEATH OF ERNEST — CONRAD's DEATH.
Gisella's second son, Herman (yet a minor^, to whom Conrad had
transferred it, sent Count Mangold, of Yehnngen, against him, when
both armies met (1030), and fought a severe battle, imtil both
Ernest and Werner, together with Mangold, were killed. The ad-
ventures of Duke Ernest became the subject of many heroic lays
and legends; and the most wonderful deeds performed by his army
were connected with his name, and eventually, collect^ together
by later poets, formed one entire work. Meantime, the campaign
undertaken by the emperor a^inst the Hungarians, provea tii-
tunphant, and he obliged Stephen, their king, to sign a favourable
treaty of peace. He forced, also, to their former obedience the
Slavonian and Yandalian tribes, who were still seated on the Oder,
and northwards on the Elbe; and Hamburg, which they had de-
stroyed, raised itself by degrees from its ruins.
The emperor was also a zealous promoter of the institution
whereby the church sought to set some limits to the rude force of
the faust-recfU — namely, that of the Peace of God. From Wednes-
day evening at sunset until sunrise on Monday morning, all feuds
were to cease, no sword be raised, and universal security protect the
a£&irs of life. He who should transgress against the peace of God
(treuga or treva dei), was to be punished with the neaviest ban.
Odilo, of Clumy, is named as the originator of this institution, and
the clergy of Burgundy and the low countries, where the most san-
guinary feuds prevailed, with the consent of Conrad, first united
themselves, in the year 1033, for this purpose.
Conrad returned sickly from his second expedition into Italy,
wherein disease reduced his army; and his own step-son, Herman
of Swabia, and Eimihilda, the young consort of his son Henry, the
daughter of the Danish kW, both died there. He himself never
thoroughly recovered, and med at Utrecht, in 1039. His biogra-
pher, Wippo, thus speaks of him : — '* I should expose myself to the
charge of nattery, were I to relate how generous, how steadfast, how
undaunted, how severe towards the bad, how good towards the
virtuous, how firm against the enemy, and how unwearied and urgent
in affairs he was, when the welfare of the empire demanded it."
His consort, Gisella, one of the most noble of German women,
and who loved him most tenderly, refused every consolation, and
mourned her husband in the convent of Kaufungen, near Cassel, imtil
her death. The corpse of the emperor was brought to Spires, and
deposited in the noble cathedral which he himself had founded.
Thisemperor had evidently formed the idea, and which maybe called
the fundamental idea of the whole Salic imperial race — ^namely, to
raise the imperial power of Germany to the most imlimited extent, to
restrict the dominion of the princes within narrow ^bounds, and, in
order to complete this, he endeavoured to ^n, by every favour, the
assistance of the inferior vassals, who had almost become slaves to
them. To this tended an important law (constitutio de feudis),
which Conrad made in the year 1037, on his second expedition to
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
HENRY III.— THE HUNGARIANS— ITALY— THE POPES. 189
Il^Jy, for that country, and wliich was soon afterwards transferred
to Germany, namely — that feudal estates, which had belonged to
the father, should not be taken capriciously from the sons, but
only in criminal cases, decided by tribunals composed of their
oo-Tassals. Thereby he prepared for the lesser vassals the full right
of ]>ropeTty; so that from them there must necessarily have arisen a
distinct, free order, for the support of the emperor agamst the gieater
Tassals. These, on the contrary, and particularly the dukes, he
sought to bring back to their old condition of mere imperial func-
tionaries; and even gave the duchies of Swabia, Bavaria, and Fran-
Gonia, to his son Heniy, who seemed fully adapted to carry still
£ulher his ^reat and extensive plan. Had success attended it, 6er-»
many would have become earlier what France became later, an undi-
Tidea, powerful empire. But the Salic race was stayed in its mid*
career, partly by its own fault, and partly by the rapid rising
of the papal chair, whose authority deveiopea itself with astonishing
energy, and whose victory over his grandson, Heniy IV., the power-
fid C:)nrad certainly had not anticipated.
Conrad's son, Henry, or the black, whom the Germans had
chosen during his father's life, was twenty-two years of age; but the
hopes formea of him were great, and they proved not unfounded.
Like his father, he was of a high mind and a determined will, obsti-
nate and firm, and at the same time eloquent and well-informed, for
theprudent Gisella had early induced him tocultivatehis mind asmuch
as possible by reading, although at that time books were very scarce.
No emperor since Charlemagne maintained more vigorously the im-
perial oignity in Italy, Germany, and the neighbouring lands, or
ruled more powerfuUy within the limits of his extensive empire.
What served to increase his gieat fame was, that he so humbled the
wild Hungarians, who a hundred years before were the terror of
Germany, that the Hungarian nobiuty, after a lost battle, took the
oath of allegiance to him in the city of Stuhlweissen, in the year
1044, and that Peter, their king, re-established by Henry, received
the country as a feud from him, by means of a golden lance. It is
true this was no durable subjection; still the act of itself is suf-
ficiently glorious for Henry, whilst thereby he gained a portion of
Hungry, from Kahlenburg to Leitha, which he unitea with the
marches of Austria.
The king then, in 1046, turned his attention towards Italy, to
settle the great disorders existing there. There three popes held their
sway at once: Benedict IX., Sylvester III., and Gregory IV.
Henry, in order to be wholly impartial, convoked a council at
Sutri. Here they were all three deposed, as irregularly elected;
and then, in Rome, at the desire of the collective clergy and no-
bility, Henry, who, foUowinj^ the example of Charlemagne, had
received the di^ty of patrician for himself and successors, made
a German,. Smdger, Bishop of Bamberg, pope, who took the
name of Clement II.; and at the Christmas festival, 1046, he
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
190 THE GERMAN POPES— LEO. IX.
crowned Henry emperor. Subsequently, Henry gave tlie Romans
three successive popes, for they were obliged to promise him, as
they had done to Otho, to acknowledge no pope without the impe-
rial sanction.
After these, the papal chair was filled by two more Grerman
popes, and these six ponti6 from Germany: Clement H., Dama-
sus n., Leo IX., Victor H., Stephan IX., and Nicholas II., who
succeeded each other in very quick, but uninterrupted rotation,
laboured with one concurring mind for the good of the church, and
raised it a^ain from the ruinous state into wmch it had been thrown,
through dissension in Rome itself, the immoral conduct practised by
many of the clergy, and the purchase of spiritual offices for money.
Thius they paved tibie way for theplans of that spiritual dominion of the
world, which Hildebrand or Pope Grregory VII., afterwards suc-
ceeded in executing. In our subsequent history of this celebrated
pope, we shall allude further to this question. Here, however, we
must at once say, for the honour of these German pontifs, that by
their efforts, iimuenced by a noble and firm mind, and true zeai,
towards promoting the purity and dignity of the church, they must
be classed as the precursors in the reforms eventually introduced.
Leo IX. (formerly Bruno, Bishop of Toul, and a relation of the
Emperor Henry III.), was especially to be esteemed as a man of the
most elevated moral virtue and true nobleness of mind. His hu-
mility was so great, that after he was elected pope, he lefl his
bishopric of Toul for Rome on foot, and with the pilgrim's staff in
hand, he journeyed all the distance thus lowly, accompanied by Hil-
debrand, then chaplain to the deposed pope, Ghregory VI., in whom
Leo had already recognised a man of extraordinary genius.
His zeal for the purification of the church urged him forthwith
to operate a^nst the prevailing system of Simonism, or the pur-
chasing of spiritual offices with money, and the immoral life lea by
the clergy. He presided at three councils which were convoked for
this purpose, in itome, Rheims, and Mentz; and he succeeded in
bringing to bear, within a year, the most important reforms. He
then travelled from the one cotmtry of Christendom to the other,
wherever his presence was most necessary, in order to promote and
establish personally the purification of the church. He died in the
year 1054, too soon for the great work he had in hand; but his
successors continued to complete what he had commenced according
to his grand plan.
Meantime, in Germany, Henry ruled as a wise and powerful sove-
reign. He abandoned, certainly, to other princes, the duchies which
he nimself formerly possessed, but only to such as were rulers of
very limited power, and who received, it is true, the name but not the
ancient prerogative of duke, as viz. : Bavaria to Heniy of the house
of Luxemburg, and, after him, to Conrad, of the Palatinate ; Garinthia
to Guelf, son of Ghielf, the Swabian count ; Swabia itself to Otho,
Count Palatine, on the Rhine. In Swabia, the Gndfic house was
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
henry's personal courage— his death. 191
veiypowerftil, and would therefore willingly have posseesed the ducl^;
but it was precisely for that reason, that Henij placed Count Ghielf
in Carinthia, in order that the duke might not possess ^eat hereditary
lands in the country. Thus he acted as he pleased with the imperial
dignities, whilst he fayoured the inheritance of the smaller fie&.
Upper Lorraine passed through him to Count Albert, of Longwy,
an ancestor of the present Austrian house.
It was about this time that Henry gaye a striking proof of his
personal courage, for at an interview which took place between him
and King Henry of France, near Mentz, in the year 1056, a dispute
arose between them, and the latter king charged him with a breach
of his word. As it beseemed, Hemr replied only by casting. his
gauntlet down before the kin^, who, however, during the following
night, retired within his frontiers. Nothing could be more pleasing
to the Germans than this chivalrous bearing of their emperor.
Henry now returned to Saxony, where his favourite seat Groslar
by, in the Hartz, and which he raised to a considerable city. We
must not wonder that a king of the Prankish race should fix his
seat in Saxony, considering that he did so on account of its rich mines,
which existed close to this said Goslar, in the Hartz. Mines, in
those limes, were the exclusive property of the emperor. In Goslar,
Henry built a fortress^ a palace, churches, and rammrts round the
town, and he obliged the Saxons of the surrounoing country to
render excessive service. This increased the ill-will they felt at
seeinff an imperial fortress thus suddenly created in their country;
and although under so severe and powerful an enemy, they could
not give utterance to their thoughts, it nevertheless produced the
more bitter fruits for his son. Henry died suddenly, in the year
1056, at Bothfeld, near Blankenburg, at the foot of the Hartz (whi-
ther he had cone to hunt), in the prime of Ufe, bein^ only thir^-
seven years old, and in the midst of great plans which he formed for
the future.
This emperor was strictly and bimtedly pious, notwithstanding
his strong mind and stenmess of wilt. He never placed his crown
wpon his head without having previously confessed, and received
from his confessor permission to wear it. He likewise subjected
Unself to the expiatory penalties and punishments of the church,
•ad often submitted his body to be scourged by his priests. Thus
the rode and barbarous manners of those tmies held in no contempt
<^orporeal chastisement — as practised among them to curb the vio-
lence of pasnon — even when infiieted upon the body by the suf-
ferer's own lash.
Henry HI. may, nevertheless, be named amongst those emperors
who have proved the cultivation of their own mind, by their loye for
t^ sciences, by their predilection in favour of distinguished men, and
^7 theb promotion of intdlectual perfection generally. Ev^ since
^e had received tiiepoem addressed to him in Latin ij Wippo (the
i^i^^pher of his &ther), in whidhi he encouraged hua to l»ye the
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
192 EDUCATION PROMOTED BT HENRT IIL
cliildren of the secular nobles educated in the sciences, he con-
tinued to evince the greatest interest in the erection of schools.
Those of Li^ge, Lobbes, Gemblours, Fulda, Paderbom, St. Grallen,
Reichenau, &c., flourished especially under his reign; and it was
in the two last-mentioned schools that Herman le Contracte, one of
the most learned men of that time, received his education. This
extraordinary philosopher was, from his childhood, such a cripple,
that he could only be conveyed from one place to another in a
portable chair. He wrote a^ with the greatest difficulty, and
stammered so painfully to hear, that his pupils required a long time
before they could understand him; whilst, however, he was so ad-
mired and soii^ht afber by them, that they flocked to him in multi-
tudes from all parts. His chronicles belong to the most distin-
guished historical sources, including the first division of the 11 th
century.
The sciences and the arts under Henry HI. progressed to an extent
by no means unimportant; and if much became neglected under the
long and turbulent reign of his successor, Henry lY ., still the foun-
dation was then laid for that glorious development which is presented
to us in the after-times, under the reign of the Hohenstaufens.
The princes had already recognised the succession of Henry's
son immediately on his birth. Unfortunately for the empire,
upon the death of his &ther the young king was only a child six
years old.
His education and the government of the realm were at first in
the hands of his excellent mother Agnes, who, however, was not in
a condition to retain the nobles of the empire in dependance, and
thus complete the father's work. She sought rather by &vouring
some of them to acquire support for her government, and therefore
Sve Swabia, and at the same time the dominion of Burgundy, to
mnt Rudolphus of Rheinfelden, and Bavaria to Otho of Nordheim^
confirming the grant with a dangerous clause, viz., that these dig-
nities should remain hereditary in their houses. Henry, Bishop of
Augsburg possessed especially her confidence, but this speedily caused
envy and jealousy. At the head of the discontented stood the Arch*
bishop Hanno of Cologne, an ambitious and prudent, but austere
and severe man. In order to gain possesion of the young king, and
thereby of the government, he went at Easter in 1062 to Kaiserwerth
on the Rhine, where at that moment the court of the empress was as-
sembled, and after the dinner he persuaded the boy to go and view a
particularly beautiM vessel, recently built He had scarcely, how-
ever, got onboard,when the sailors, atasignal given by thearchbishop,
loosened her moorings, and rowed to the middle of the Rhine, which so
much terrified the youth, that he suddenly jumped into the river, and-
would certainly have been drowned had not Count Elckbert of Bruns-
wick sprang after him and saved him at the hazard of his life. He was
cheered up, and many fair promises being held out to him, he was thus
decoyed away and taken to Cologne. Hismotherwasmuchakrmedand
Digitized by
Google
HENRT IV.— HIS MINORITY. 193
ffrieved, and when she perceiyed that the German princes had no
Umger confidence in her, she determined to conclude her life in quiet
retirement, and went to Rome.
Hie Axchbiahop Hanno, in order that it mi^ht not appear as if he
wanted to retain the highest power in his own hands, made an order
that the young king should awell by turns in the different countriea
of Germany, and that the bishop, in whose diocese he dwelt, should
for the time being, have the protectorship and the chief government
of the kingdom. His chief object, however, was to set me mind of
the prince under his own control, but in this he comd not succeed.
HiB character and manner were not such as to gain the heart of the
vouth, for he was severe, haughty, and authoritative, and as it is r^
kted of him, that he even applied the scourge with severity to his
fiither, the powerful Henry the Black, it may likewise be presumed
that he often treated the vouth very roughly. Among the remaining
bishops there was one who was a very oUfEerent man, as ambitious as
Hanno, but subtle and flatterins, and who gained the youth by grant-
ing all his wishes : this was the Archbishop Adalbert of Bremen. This
ambitious man wished to unite the whole of the north of Germany into
one great ecclesiastical dominion, and to place himself at its head as a
second pope. In fact he was abeady invested almost with the authority
and di^iity of a patriarch of the north; for by his zealous efforts to pro-
pagate Chrisdamty there, many bishoprics had been founded in the
Slavonic countries, such as Ratzeburg and Mecklenburg, as well as
several churches in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden. He hated the
temporal princes, because they stood m the way of these objects and
in order to suppress them he wished to raise the imperial power to
imlimited despotism. Hanno of Cologne and his confederates stood
in the most decided opposition to him in this view, for they endea-
voured to raise the digmty of the princes upon the ruins of the empire ;
and thus both parties, without any reserve, went passionately to ex-
tremes. Whilst Hanno was on a journey to Rome, where he re-
mained some time, Adalbert obtained entire possession of the young
prince. Nothing worse could have happened to the youth than to
be subject to the influence of two such different men, and to this
change of treatment so entirely opposite ; for after having been treated
with the greatest severity, he was now allowed to sink by too great
lenity and indulgence into dissipation and sensuality.
Henry was distinguished for ^reat mental as well as physical
qualities; he was endowed with daring and ardent courage, quickness
of resolve, and a chivalric mind which might have been directed to
the most noble objects. But now his active and fiery nature became
transformed into a revengeful and furious disposition, and his elevated
mind d^enerated into selfish pride and donunation. Besides which,
he loved sensual pleasures, and thence became often idle and care-
less. A good thought and a praiseworthy, honourable action in him
changed speedily to an opposite chatacter^ because throughout his
whole life he was wanting in a fixed leading principle whereon to
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
194 THE ARCHBISHOPS— THE SAXONS.
base liis actions. That steady calm repose and moderation, ever
immutable, l^nd which constitute the highest majesty of kings, were
by him unattainable and never possessed; and thus are reflected in
his whole existence the dissimilar and CTen contradictory sentiments
and principles of those by whom he was educated.
It was strongly evinced and verified as a great truth in Henry IV.,
that according to our disposition and inward bein^, so is our fate.
If the former be fixed and firm, our life as surel;^ takes a fixed direc-
tion. But Henry's life was as unequal as his mind : the variation of
^ood fortune wim misfortune, elevation with abasement, and haugh-
tmess with humiliation — such were the transitions of his life, even
imto the moment of his death.
Adalbert had transplanted from his own soul to that of his pupil
two feeling of the deepest aversion — the first was directed against
all the pnnces generally, and the second against those of Saxony,
and especially the ducal house of Bilking, and the whole Saxon
people, with whom he had previously had man^ disputes relative to
nis Archbishc^ric of Bremen. He therefore impressed upon the
mind of the young king, that as the princes, but chiefly those of
Saxony, were striving for independence, he should reduce them by
times to obedience and crush them. These principles embittered and
destroyed the tranquillity of the king's whole life, for although the
ambitious archbishop, after he had declared the king to be of age at
Worms in 1065, was, by means of the princes, removed firom Henry in
the following year, his ward never forgot liis instructions, and when,
inl069, Adalbert again visited the court of the young monarch, he used
all his former influence to strengthen and confirm nimin this hatred.
The Saxons speedily perceived the king's purpose of maldnff their
country immediately dependent on the crown; for he dwelt diiefly
at Goslar, and commenced building in the nftoimtains of the Hartz
and in Thuringia a multitude of fortresses, and manned them vrith
garrisons, to enable them to curb the natives more easily. The same
Benno (afterwards Bishop of Osnaburg) who, imder Henry HI., upon
the building of Goslar itself bad already forced the Saxons into service,
now superintended these buildings. The chief of these fortresses was
that of Hartzburg, near Ooslar, Henry's favourite place, but an eye-8(»re
to the Saxpns. Murmurs passed around, and the people complained
that the freedom they enjoyed from their ancestors was about to be
destroyed. It was also related, that whilst one day surveying the
country around from a mountain in Saxony, the Inn^ exclaimed:
*^ Saxony is indeed a beautiful country, but those who inhaUt it are
miserable serfs."
There were two other causes which increased the discontent. Henrjr,
as a child, had already been betrothed by his father to Bertha, the
daughter of the Margrave of Susa, in Italy, and he had afterwards
married her. Now, however, he wished to oe divorced from her, and
as for this purpose he required the assistance of the q>iritual princes,
he accordingly sought to conciliate before all others the finendship
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
THEIR HOSTILITY— HEN RY'S INJUSTICE TOWARDS THEM. 1 94
ofSigfiried,AichbisliopofMentz. Butas his pasnonfl always diare Mm
bfinmj on to the object he was so anzicms to erasp, so fikewise the
ihenowemploTedtoattamitwereeqnallTbacL Hecommanded
and forced the Thunngians to pay to the aichbishop the tithe of thdr
goodswhichhehadformerljclaimed,aiid they had retused. Thusbehad
luyw made the Thunngians doubly his enemies. Meantime^ however,
owing to the opposition shown on the part of the pope, he was not
^Torced from the q iieen ; and sabdufid, 6£K)rdy afierwurdfi^ by her ^^
and dignified cooanct, hi0 heart once more turned towards her, and
die &ithfully continued to share with him his good and bad fortune.
Bemdes this, Henir treated the Saxon Count, Otho of Nordheimf
to wlKxm his mocher bad given the Duchy of Bavaria, so badly, that
all the nobles, but chiefly those of Saxony, were highly exasperated.
This Doke Otho was a friend of the Archbishop of Cologne, and
mieht pirobaUy thereby have become obnoxiousto the king, orthelatter
peraape turned die hatred he had imbibed from Adalbert i^ainst all
die nobles^ more particularly against Otho, upon whose arm the Sax<»
people chiefly depended* And when at this moment an accuser
appeared, muned Egino (probably employed for that purpose), and
chaiged the duke with having tned to |)er8nade him to assassinate
the king,and Otho refused to do battle with him because he was not
of tlie same rank, and bore besides a bad character, Henry, by an
unjust sentence, deposed him forthwidi from his dudiy of Bavaria^
and destroyed with fire and sword all his hereditary lands in Saxony.
He gave lus duchy of Bavaria (in 1070) to Guelf the Young (I V.)
the son of the Italian Margmve AzzOy and the founder of the junior
Guelfic house, the elder house having become extinct by the death
of Duke Guelf of Carinthia in 1055.
But in Otko of Nordheim he had now aroused for his whole life
time a most valiant and inveteiate enemy. He joined Count Magnus
of Saxony, son of Duke Ordulf, a noUe youth, bold and valiant in
arms, and united himself with Urn ; but pressed by the royal forces,
they were obliged to yield themselves both prisona^s to Henry before
they had hardly prepared themselves for battle. After the lapse of
a year Henry set Otho at liberty, but he retained Magnus in prison
in the Hartzburg, because he refused at his command to renounce his
nehts to his fiither's duehy, and although Otho nobly offered to
take his friend's place in prison, he refused to Usten to him. Thence
arose the natural conclusion, that it was the king's intention to take
possession of the duchy of Saxony himself, and leave the young prince
to die in captivity.
These circumstances were the origin of thai deep and violent
enmily between Henry and the Saxons, and which fnre^ed the
most bitter and melancholy reverses for the king, and incited both
parties to acts of the most implacable hatred and revenge.
The Saxons, with Otho of i^orheim at their head, conduded with
each other a close alliance. All the Saxon and Thuringian nobles,
temporal and spiritual, belonged to it, and among otbos, Burkhard,
O 2 Digitized by Google
196 THE SAXONS OVERPOWER HIM— HENRY A FUGITIVE.
Bishop of Halberatadt, who was a nephew of the Archbishop of Co*
logne, and had imbibed from the latter his hatred against the imperial
misrule and ascendancy. This was still the time when the clergy mem-
selves went into battle and frequently fought at the head of their war-
like hosts.
Quite unexpectedly, and whilst Henry was at Goslar, in the year
1073, a deputation from the Saxons came to him and demanded of
him as follows: '^ That he should destroy his fortresses in their
bountry; set Magnus, the heir of their Saxon duchy free from his
imprisonment; not always remain in Saxony; honour the ancient
constitution of the country; and in imperial affairs not ffiye ear to
bad advisers, but take counsel of the states. If he woiud perform
these conditions," they added, '* no nation in Germany would be
found more &ithful and devoted to him than that of the Saxons."
Henry, however, dismissed the deputation with contempt. The
Saxons accordingly, now brought into speedy effect and immediate
execution the threatened consequences, and advanced towards Ooslar
with 60,000 men. Henry fled with his treasures to the strong fortress
of Hartzburg, and as the enemy speedily followed him,hetook to flight
and sought refuge amidst great oanger in the Hartz mountains. He
was obhged, for three days, to wander without food or drink, and
with but few companions, under the guidance of a yager, imagining
in every whisper of the wind passing along the tops of the firs, to
hear the steps of his pursuers. At la^ he reached Eschwege, on the
river Werra. From thence he went to the Rhine, towards Tribur,
and sent messengers thro^hout the whole empire, summoning all to
arms against the Saxons. But the Saxons wisely profited by the inter-
yal, destroyed fortress afler fortress, and took possession of the strong
castle of Luneburg with its whole garrison ; and which lucky circum*
stance they tookaavantageof to free their duke, Magnus, for the j now
demanded his freedom of the emperor under the toreat, that, if not
granted, they would hang up the whole garrison of Lunebur^ as rob-
bers. Henry was obliged therefore, however unwillingly, to yield and
set Magnus at liberty, together with seventy other nobles and knights.
The monarch's humiliation, however, did not end here, for he was
now likewise deserted by the princes of Southern Germany, and
even the Archbishop of Mentz, on whose account he had xnade so
many enemies, lefl nim. A circumstance also occurred at this mo-
ment which formed a parallel case with that of Egino and Otho of
Nordheim, only that here the kiug was made out to be the assassin.
Reginger, a kmght and former favourite of Henry, came now for-
ward and made public that '' the king had employed him to murder
the Dukes Rudoiphus of Swabia and Berthold of Carinthia." This
statement might possibly have been a mere mancsuvre of the enemy, in
order to prejudice public opinion against Henry, similar to that wnich
he had nimself previously emploj^ed against Otho of Nordheim.
But it was equally successful, K>r it was even proposed to elect a
new Idngy and the ungrateful Archbishop Si^ri^ convoked the
princes fcr that purpose to hold a diet at Mentz. y Google
HIS REVENGE— DEFEATS THE SAXONS. 197
In tliis emergencTfr, when all liis friends had deserted him, the citi*
zens of Wonxis alone remained faithful to the king. They opened their
gates to him against tiie -w^ of their archbishop, offered hitn men
and arms, and by thdr generous attachment and fidelity again r&«
stored his despondent mind, and as far as their means admitted the^
^rholly supported him, no one else attempting to assist him. At this
perioa, certain cities in Germany already b^n to have a Toioe in
the imperial diets, and they became the chief support of imperial
authority against the princes; thence we see how much, by industry
and activity, they must have increased since the time of Henry I.,
hoOoL in the number and in the wealth of their inhabitants. But
the iaithfiil people of Worms could not defend him against the
entire power of all the accumulated evils which now hung over his
Iiead. He was obUged, in order not to lose his crown, to make hard
terms of peace with the Saxons in 1074, and to deliver up to them
all liis fortresses, even his beloved Hartzburg. After contemplating
it with sorrow and regret for the last time, as, in the midst of the
Saxons he rode to Goslar, he once more, and even most earnestly
entreated them to grant its preservation, but the proud fortress was
doomed to fall, and in its destruction hatred raged so furiously, that
the embittered populace, without even the knowledge or consent of
the princes, plundered and burnt both its church and altar, tore open
the mijperial tombs, and desecrated the remains of Henry's brotner
and infant son.
But the Saxons very soon experienced that the most dangerous
enemy to good fortune is the arrogance of our own heart; and one of
^oee singular changes of fortune which distinguished Henry's en-»
tire rdgn now suddenly displayed itself. He had well learnt by this
time, that men must be differendy treated to the fashion Adalbert had
taught him, and that in order to conquer a people, something more
is necessary than building isolated fortresses in their country. Ac-
cordingly he now besan to address the German princes in a very
opposite manner to wbat he had hitherto done; he sought to gain
them individually, especially as their assemblies were in general pre-
judicially opposed to nim, and for this purpose he employed a differ-
ent but more suitably-adapted means with each of them separately.
To all of them he complained bitterly of the shamefiil and revolting
destruction of Hartzburg, and as soon as the public voice became more
favourable towards him, he issued a general summons against the
Saxons. This time obedience immediately followed, and a strong
anny was speedily collected boA of knights and vaswils, from all
parts of the kingdom, even from Bohemia and Lorraine, an army
such as had not been seen for a long time, whilst the Saxons
who had only hastily assembled a few troops, and by the artifices
of the king biad become disunited among themselves, were severely
beaten, in 1075, near Hohenburg, not far from Lancensalza, on the
liver Unstrut. Henry pursued the fiigitives as far as Magdeburg and
Halberstadt, and desolated their country with fire and sword. His
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
198 POPE GREGORY VII. — PREFORMS THE CHURCH.
vengeance was terrific, like all hia imgoTemaUe passions. But in the
following year, the other princes, who would not suffer the pocnr people
to be entirely destroyed, stepped between as mediators. Henry granted
the Saxons a peace after their nobles had humbly knelt to him before
all the army; Dut instead of effecting a complete reconciliation by a
fiill pardon, he, contcaiy to ihe promise he gave through his am-
bassadors, retained many of the Saxon nobles as prisoners, and made
over their fiefs to his vassab. The most dangerous of all their
princes, however, Otho of Nordheim, he aliowed to return to his
estates, and even appointed him administrator orer Saxony. He
Cffosed all the destroyed fortresses, including Hartzburg, to be rebuilt,
erected additional ones, and had them garrisoned by ms own troops,
who, as befi>re, oppressed the land by arrogance and extortion; thus
the seeds of future revolt were again planted in this quarter, vHiiist
fcom an opposite direction an enemy presented himself, far more
powerful, and who fought against him with very different weapons
to those of the Saxons.
Hildebrand (afterwards Ghnegory Y H.) was die son c^ a carpenter
at Saone, an Italian city. He entered the clerical state, and as he
possessed extraordinary mental powers he wsa taken by Pope Leo
IV., in the reign of Heniy III., fi:om the monastery of Clugny to
Rome, and there made sub-deacon of the Roman church, and after-
wards chancellor; henceforward he alone directed the government of
the popes, and became the soul of the pontifical court. His object wrs
to raise the pope above all the princes and kings of the earth, and
this aim be pursued during his whole life with so much prudence,
constancy, power, and ^eatness of mind, that he must be placed
among the most extraordinary men in the history of his times. W hen
he fiist appeared great misuses had crept in among the higher and lower
clergy; the majority purchased their holy offices with gold, whereby
imworthy men could attain to high and important places. Immo-
laiity, dissipation, and vices of every kind were not rare among
them, and as they were the slaves c^ their own sins, so also by their
love for temporal possessions thej attached themselves to temporal
princes, who rewarded them with their possessions. Hildebrand
therefore resolved, in^ired as he was for the freedom of the church
and the morality of the clerical order, to lay the axe to the root of
these evils.
His first endeavours were very justly directed against the purchase
of spiritual offices with gold, which was called the crime of simony (in
reference to the history of Simon the magician, related in the Acts
of the Apostles, viii., 18-24) and was considered a sin against the Holy
Ghost. It is shown with what moral power and superiority of mind
he knew how to influ^ice men, in the example of an archbishop of
Franoe, who was diarged with this crime, but had cunningly gained
over the informers by gold. Hildebrand, so says the origmal docu-
ment, sat as representative of the pope in judgment upon the affidr.
The archbi^op then stepped boldly into the assembly and said.
Digitized by
Google
TH£ RIGHT OF INVESTITURE— GBEGORY AND HENRY. 199
^ Wheie are they who charge me? Let him step forth who will con-
demn me r The oribed oomplainants were silent. Hildebrand then
toined himself to him and said: '' Dost thou believe that the Holy
Ghost with Father and Son are one Beine?" To which the oiher
rqJied: ^ I believe it." He now c(Hnmanded him to repeat: '^ Ho-
nour the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost/' and whust the arch*'
bishop was pronouncing the words, he looked at him with such a
picTcmg, penetrating glance, that the conscience of the convicted
dmyman was so struck with his guilt, that he was tumble to add
" xne Holy Ghost,'' although he several times tried it. This was
eon&dered a divine judgment. The archbishop fell at his judge's
feet» acknowle<^ed his crime, and confessed himself unworthy to
hold the priestly office; after which confession he was enabled to
r^eat those words with a distinct voice. This circumstance worked
80 powerfully upon the minds of the people, that twenty-seven other
churchmen and several bishops, as yet unaccused, laid down their
offices, because they had acqmred them with gold.
In order, therefore, that the clei^ should now be made entirely
free from the temporal power, it became essential that the head of
the church should no longer be named by the emperor, but be ap-
fomied by a free election. This had been differently settled at the
time that Henry IH. caused the promise to be made to him, that the
Bomans should acknowledge no pope without the imperial sanction,
and under this emperor Hildebrand probably would not have carried
his object But he now took advantage of the moment while the
new emperor was still a child, and succeeded in the year 1059, under
Pope Nicholas U., in having a kw made, that every pope should be
chosen by the cardinals, but with the clause that tne sanction or
confirmation of the emperor should be added, as it was onl^ in sub*
aeqoent limes that endeavours were made even to abolish this decree^
and to put a false construction upon the law of Pope Nicholas.
When Hildebrand as chancellor had, by this and other regula*
tions, prepared every thing for his great object, he was himself
elected pope in the year 1073, and caUed himself Gregory VH., in
order thus to declare the deposition of Gregory VI. by Henry lU.
SB invalid. The Emperor Henry IV., who now ruled the empire
himself, sent his faithful adherent. Count Eberhard, to Rome, to de-
mand of the Romans why they had dared without the imperial
permission to elect a pope. Gregory, who did not wish at this mo-
ment to commence the dispute with the emperor, excused himself by
the plea that the people had forced him to receive the papal dignity,
bat that he had not allowed himself to be ordained beiore he had
received the sanction of the emperor and of the German princes.
With this excuse Henry was contented, and the pope was confirmed.
Henry thus showed, tliat in the bhndness of his fury against the
Saxons, he had not at all perceived that all this time the degxadation
of all temporal dominion, and the elevation of a spiritual empire, was
BOW being gradually prepared in Rome.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
200 GBEGOBY AKD THE INVESTITURE.
Grregory now stepped forth with new and very severe laws against
simony, and against the marriiuge of priests. He desired, like the
earlier popes and fathers, that the priests of the church should conse-
crate themselves wholly to the divine service, restrain themselves from
all sensualitT) and not even chain themselves to the love of the earth's
possessions by the marriage tie. It is true that in Italy, as well as
m France and Germany, this prohibition found at first great oppo-
sition among the clergy, for many of them, particularly among the
lower clergy, were alr^dy marriea, but Gregory found m the people
themselves the support necessaiy for the execution of his law. The
populace, excited against the married priests, forced them, partly
through the severest misusage, to separate themselves from their
wives, but it lasted a full century before the celibacy of the clergy
was fully established. The attainment of this object was of the greatest
importance to Gregory for the completion of his extensive plans;
for if the cler^ tlm>u^hout all Christian countries were no longer
bound by their domestic cares and anxiety for their children, and
were made independent of the temporal lords, the pope would thereby
gain so many thousand more zealous servants, who would listen only
to his command, and contribute to fix firmly the dominion of the
church over aU temporal power. But in oroer to possess such ser-
vants they must be rendered stilljmore independent, and not receive,
even in any shape, their temporal possessions from the hands of
princes as a fief; for the same as the lay vassals received a banner as
a mark of their services, so also the grand ecclesiastical dignitaries
received &om the princes as a similar sign, a ring and a shepherd's
crook, which thus formed the investiture. Gregory, therefore, pro-
hibited the clergy firom receiving this said symbol of investiture from
the hands of me nobles; and he insisted that for their elevation
they were to be beholden to the papal chair alone, and only to the
pope were they to swear the oath of obedience. According to this
prmciple, the pontiff necessarily became sovereign lord of one-third
of all the property in the Catholic countries.
Such then is the commencement of the long and violent dispute of
investiture, and especially of the contest between the emperor and
the pope, tiie state and tne church, and which by degrees weakened
and destroyed both. We have already noticed previousljr that the
peaceful co-operation of both the papal and imperial dignity might
have formed a solid basis for the happiness of the people; but now
tiie epoch commenced when both these powers strove singly to rise
more elevated than the other. For if, on the one hand, the pope
wished to reign not only in spiritual but also in temporal affairs over
all princes and kings, and was anxious to take away as well as to
provide crowns, so, on the other hand, the emperor would not admit
m just and reasonable cases the authority of the pope, but insisted
he could rule with the edge of tiie sword even over invisible and
spiritual affidrs and the conscience of man. Thus the two powen»
which in concord together might have made the world happy, de-
Digitized by
Google
GREGORY'S SUMMONS AND THREAT TO HENRT. 2C1
ifeFoyed each other, and after a contest of a century and a half, and
after imutteiable confusion and dissension in Germany and Italy,
the imperial dignity lost its ancient splendour and its intiinsic power,.
"whilst the head of the church became externally dependent upon a
£>reign power. In this schism great men stood opposed to each
otfaery wno might ha^e exercised their energy and powers much more
beneficially for society; but this very contest necessarily entered inta
the great plan of the history of the world, and it prepared those de-
Telopments which otherwise would not have followed.
Pope Gregory continued to advance stUl further in his principles.
Not satisfied with having separated the church with all its endow-^
meats wholly from temporal dominion, he also now solemnl;^ dedaied
that emj>eror8, kings, and princes, toother with all their power,
were subject to the pope. These principles are especially e^^ressed
in his own letters: ''The world," he says in one of them, ''isguidedby
two lights : by the sun, the larger, and the moon, the lesser Ught. Thus
the apostohc power represents the sun, and the royal power the moon ;
for as the latter has its li^ht from the former, so only do emperors,,
longs, and princes, receive their authority through the pope, be*
cause he receives his authority through God. Therefore, the power
of the Roman chair is greater than the power of the throne, and ik&
king is accordingly subject to the pope, and bound in obedience to
him. If the apostles in heaven can bind and loosen, so may they
also upon earth give and take, according to merit, empires, kingdoms,
principalities, duchies, and every other kind of possession. And if
they be appointed as sovereign judges over spiritual, thev must like-
wise be so, and far more in proportion over temporal affidrs, and if,,
finally, they have the right to command an^ls who are most assur-
edly placed above the most powerful monardis, how much more may
they not give judgment over the poor slaves of those angels, Be-
ffldes, the pope is the successor oi the apostles, and their represen-
tative upon the chair of St. Peter; he is the vicar of Christ, and
consequently i>laced over all."
These prmciples Gr^ry resolved to exercise ff enerally , and first of
all upon the emperor himself, as the head of the Kings and princes, in
order thereby to prove his power before the whole world. At the same
time, Henry, Uvmg as he did in continual dissension with his sub-
jects, had less real power than any other king, whilst his name
being greater, the victory over mm must consequently become
more glorious, and from the passionate character of this prince ia
all his proceedings, the pope soon found it easy to fiimish a pretexts
Complaints against the emperor came to Rome from every quarter,
whilst the Saxons, likewise, bitterly complained because he still kept
many of their princes prisoners. Grregory accordingly caused it to
be signified to the emperor, '^ That at the ensuing fast he must ap«
pear before the synod at Rome, to answer for the ciimes laid to his
eharge; otherwise, it was now made known to him, that he would be
cast out from the bosom of the church by the apostohc ban."
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
202 HENRY DEPOSES GREGORY — ^HENRY'S EXCOMMUNICATION.
Henij was moTe indignant than terrified at these words, for the
invisible power of the papal ban of excommunication had hitherto
been Etde proved. He assembled the Grerman bishops at Worms,
in the year 1076, and there with equal precipitation and impatience he
cansea to be pronounced at once against the pope the same sentence
of deposition with which the latter had threatened him. He then
wrote him a letter of the following contents:
'' Henry, king, not by force, but by the sacred ordination of God,
to Hildebrand — ^not the pope, but thefsilse monk:
^* This greeting hast thou merited by the confusion thou hast spread
throughout all classesof the church. Thou hast trampled under thy feet
the mmisters of the holy church, as slaves who know not what their
lord does; and by that desecration hast thou won favour from the lips
of the common herd of people. We have long suffered this because
we were desirous to maintam the honour of the Roman chair. But
thou hast mistaken our forbearance for fear, and hast become embold*
ened to raise thvself above the royal power, bestowed upon us by God
himself, and threatened to take it from us, as if we had received
our dominion from thee. Thou hast raised thyself upon the steps
which are called cunning and deception , and which are accursed. Thou
hast gained favour by gold, won power by fitvour, and by that pjower
tfaou hast gained the chair of peace, from whence thou liast banished
peace itself by armins the inferior against the superior. St. Peter,
the true pope himsdf, says: 'Fear (rod and honour the king!'
but as thou dost not fear Grod, thou dost not honour me, his envoy.
Descend, therefore, thou that liest under a curse of excommunica*
tion by our and all bishops' judgment, descend ! Quit the apostolic
seat thou hast usurped I And then shall the chair of St. Peter be as-
cended by one who does not conceal, under the divine word, his arro-
gance. I, Henry, by God's grace, king, and all oiu: bishops, say to
thee, *• descend, descend ! ' "
Upon this the pope held a council also, and not only pronounced
the sentence of excommunication against Henry, but ne deposed
him in the following words: '^ In the name of the Almighty God,
I forbid to King Henry, the son of the Emperor Henry, who, with
haughtiness unheard of, has arisen against the church, the govern-
ment of the German and Italian empire, and absolve all Christians
from the oath which they have made or will make to him, and for-
bid that any one serve him as king. And occupying ^y office,
holy Peter, I bind him with the bands of a curse, that all nations
may learn that thou art the rock whereon the Son of God founded
his church."
When, at the Easter festival of the year 1016, Henry received,
at Utrecht, the news of his excommunication, he immediately
pronounced, on his part, thzoiiffh the violent bishop, William of
Utrecht, an anathema against Gregory; and the bishops of Lom-
bardy, the enemies of the pope, renewed this anathema in a coun-
Digitized by
Google
THE EMPEROR A FCGITIVE — ^ARRIVES IN ITALY. 20S
cal assemUed at Pavia, under thepiesideiicy of Wibert, Azchbialiop
of RaTensa.
The impreasion made by tbeae unlieard of eyentB was varied, ao-
coirdmg to the disposition and feelings of the people. The Saxons
re]oiora, for their cause was now the cause of the church, and henoe-
fixrward their usual shout of war was '^ Holy Pet^ I " whilst, through-
out llie empire generally there was a division of parties; everywhere the
cry was, ^' the pope for ever! "or,*' the emperor for ever I" This was,
indeed, a time of bitter contrition, and hatred reigned throughout the
whole oountty. Had the king been a good, iri^roachable man, pos-
gRfwing the greatness of soul which can bind ana rule the hearts, the
power of the mexe word would not have overcome him, for it was only
fiom public o|»nion that this word received its force. But he hwl
now numerous and bitter enemies, and his arxoganoe aft» conquering
the Saxons had served to increase their number. Besides the Saxons,
faia conduct had likewise made Kudolphus, Duke of Swabia, ex-
tremely hostile towards him, whilst the pope's l^tes exercised all
their influence upon the minds of the people. Tnence it happened
that the mqority of Ghenuan princes assembled together at Tribur,
en the Rhine, in order to elect a new emperor. Henry hastened to
Oroenheim, in the vicinity, and at length, after many entreaties
and vows of reform, he obtained fix)m tnem an extension of one
year's delay; and it was decided that, in the meantime, the pope
diodld be requested to come to Augsburg, and himself doeelyinves*
tigate the amir; but if Henry, at idb end of the yoai:, was not freed
mm excommunication, they resolved to proceed immediately to s
fiesh election.
In this desperate state Henry ibrmed quite an unexpected resoln*
ikm. In the anxiety he experienoed lest, in the diet at Augsburg:,
where his enemies ccmstituted the majority of the members, nothing
&vourable towards him should be determined upon, he set off him*
self, notwithstanding he possessed no means, and was obliged almost
to b^forhis support(whiistlikewisethe prizhcesstilloccupied thepasses
between ItalyanaGermany ), and resolved to cross the Alps, accompanied
only by his consort and one faithful companion. He passed through
Savoy, where he was furnished by his mother-in-law, the Mar^vine
of Susa, with a few more attendants, and as it was winter, and indeed
80 severe a winter that the Rhine, £rom Martinmas until the first of
April, was completely frozen, the journey over the mountains covered
with snow and ice was, consequently, attended with immeasur-
able difBculties and danger, and the empress, wrapped up in an ox-
hide, was obliged to be ^den down the precipitous paths of Mount
Cenisbythe^uidesof the country, hired K)r the purpose. He arrived
at last m Italy, and his presence, to his astonishment, was hailed
with joy; for the report had already spread " that the emperor was
coming to humiliate the haughty pope by the power of the sword."
In Upper Italy a strong halzed had long been cherished against Ore*
giiry; the temporal lords were indignant at his recent regulationsi
Digitized by
Google
204 THE EMPEROR AND THE POPE AT CANOSSA.
and among the clergy there were many whom his laws against dmony
and the maniaffe of priests had made his enemies. Eksides, many
Italians, even uie Archbishops of Milan and Ravenna, had shared
in the sentence of axcommunication. Had Henry, therefore, not
been too much dejected and disheartened by what he had experi-
enced in Germany, he mi^t speedily have acquired a numerous train
of adherents in Itely , to oner opposition to Ids mighty enemy, but he
now had conciliation alone in view; the pope too, was at this moment
on his journey to (Germany, to meet the diet at Augsburg, and there
to sit in judgment upon the king. Upon hearing, however, of Henry's
sudden arrival in Italy, and not Knowing as yet whether he was to ex-
pect good or bad from him, he deviatai £rom his direct route, and
proceeded to the strong castle of Canossa, there to gain an asylum
with the Countess Matilda, the daughter and heiress of the rich
Margrave BomfSsu^, of Tuscany, and who was a zealous friend of the
papal chair; having even, at this moment, privately made over to it
all her inheritance.
Matilda was the most powerful and influenlial princess in Italy,
and reigned as queen throughout Tuscany and Lombaidy , whilst she
was likewise equally distinguished for ner mental attamments and
firmness of spirit, as well as for her piety and virtue. She contested
with all her power, during a period of thirty years, for the elevation
of the pontincal cludr, having embraced this idea with all the strength
of her natural character, ana to which she was still more influenced
by the new severe regulations adopted by Gre^ry VH., which so
perfectly agreed withlier own austere ana rigid prmciples of virtue.
She was married to Gozelo, Duke of Lower tiorrame, but they
lived separated from each other, owing to their opinions being so
completely different; for whilst in Italy, where she ruled over the
extensive possessions of her father and mother, she herself was busily
occupied in the support of Gr^ory, her husband was doing all he
could in aid of the emperor.
Henry now turned himself therefore to the Princess Matilda, in
order to get her to speak to the pope in his favour. The latter, at
first, would by no means hear of a reconciliation, but referred all to
the decision of the diet; at last, however, upon much entreaty, he
yielded permission that Henry, in the garb of a penitent, covered
with a shirt of hair, and with naked feet, might be received in the
castle. As the emperor advanced within the outer gate it was im-
mediately closed, so that his escort was obliged to remain outside the
fortress, and he himself was now alone in the outer court, where,
in January, lO??, in the midst of a severe and rigorous winter, he
was obliged to remain three whole days barefooted and shivering
with the cold. All in the castle were moved. Ghregory himseu
writes in a letter, ^^ That every one present had severely censured him,
and said that his conductmore resembled tyrannical ferocity than apos*
tolic severity." The Countess Matilda, whilst vainly pleading for him,
was afiectea even to burning tears of pity and grief, and Henry, inhiq
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
H£NRY RESUMES HOSTILITIES — RUD0LPHU8 OF SWABIA. 205
distress, at length only prayed that he miffht at least be allowed to go
out again. On the fourth of theee dreadful days, the pope eyentuaJSy
admitted him before him and absolved him from excommunication;
but Henry was still forced to subscribe to the most severe conditions.
He vrss obliged to promise to present himself at the day and place
the pope should appoint, in order to hear whether he might remain
king or not, and, meanwhile, he was to abstain from all exercise of
the royal attributes and monarchal power.
With shame and anger in his heart, Henry now withdrew, and as
soon as the Italians and his old friends still under excommunication
perceived the dis^sition he now evinced towards the pope, they as-
sembled around mm, and he remained during the winter in Italy.
His penetrating eye now perceived, during this his first visit to
Italy, that the power of the pope was nowhere so weak as just in
that very country of dissension and venal egotism, and that who-
ever only imderstood the art of creating adherents by money, pro-
mises, and cunning, would very soon succeed in collecting together
a considerable party to aid him against the court.of Bome. j&e il-
lusory awe he nad hitherto felt for the papal power now vanished;
his former courage revived, and from this moment he commenced
with the sword, as well as the pen, a war which \g sustained, during
thirty years, with the greatest skill and determination, and in whi(£
he very ohea experienced the most decisive success.
The Gierman princes, however, were still his enemies, and avail-
ing themselves of his absence, held a diet at Foisheim in March,
1077, and elected Rudolphus Duke of Swabia as rival emperor. Ger-
many became now again divided by violent dissension; for Henry
also commanded a strong party, chidiy among the cities and those of
the clersy , who were discontented with Ghregory's church laws. He
returned now to Germany; war commenced, and for three years
devastated many of the most beautiful countries of Germany.
Rudolphus was obliged to retire from Swabia, and marched to
Saxony, the Saxon people and the valiant Otho of Nordheim being
his warm supporters. Henry gave the duchy of Swabia, together
with his daughter, Agnes, to the bold and ambitious Count Fre-
deric of Buren, who now removed his seat from the village of
Buren, at the foot of the high Staufen, and fixed it upon the pin-
nacle of that mountain, where he built the Castle Hohenstaufen.
Thus was laid the foundation of the greatness of this house, al-
though, at the same lime, it was a cause of enmity between the
Hohenstaufens and the other noble houses in the vicinity, who
envied the good fortune of this new race, and thought they had
much greater right to the duchy of Swabia. The Hohenstaufens,
however, remained henceforward faithful friends to the Salic-Im-
perial house.
Gregory acted with duplicity in this war between the two empe-
rors ; and it appeared as it he rejoiced in the destruction of Germany,
and in the enervation of the temporal power by its own acts, for
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
i06 THE KIVAL EMPERORS AND POPES— DEATH OF RUDOLPHUS.
instead of mipjiordiig the Saxons and their king, Rudolphus, ^nth^'aD
tbe power of his authority, in order that thej might speedily ^in the
yictorj, he recognised neither of the emperors, but only contmned to
pomise them l£at he would come to Grermany and be himself the
judge between them. " Nothing, however, took placse," sajs Bruno^
the nistorian of this war, ^* except that the pope's l^ates aniyed
and waited on both parties in each camp, promising at one moment
to the Saxons, and m the next to Henry, the favour of the pope;
whilst at the same time they conveyed away from both armiee as
much gold as they oould obtain — aecording to Roman custom.*'
The Scucons complained severely of this equivocal conduct of the
pojpe, and they wrote to him amongst the rest as follows: *' All our
misfortunes would never have arisen, or at least have been but trivial,
if upon having commenced your journey, you had turned neither to
the right n<yt to the left. Inrough obedience to our shepherd we
are exposed to the rapacity of the wolf, and if we are abandoned
now by that shepherd, we shall be more unfortunate and miserable
than all odier pecHple." This bold and reproachful address, however^
did not please the pope; he returned no reply to it, nor did it
produce more detemunation in his conduct than the subsequent
de^rate battle fought between the two armies at Mehichstadt, in
Thuringia, in the year 1078; and it was only after Rudolphus had
gained superior advantage in a second battle near MuhHuiusen in
lOSO, that he declared for him, and even sent him the crown,* at
the same time again excommunicating Henry. The latter, on the
other hand, assembled a council at Brixen, again deposed the pope^
and caused to be elected as pontiff against him the excommunicated
Archbishop Wibert of Ravenna, or Clement HI. Thus there were
now two emiperors and two popes. The victory, however, this time
inclined on. Henry's side.
Meantime, in 1060, he suffered a severe loss in a tMrd battle, on
the Elster, in Saxony, not far from Gera, through the valour of Otho
of Notdheim, who there displayed the genius of a truly great leader,
but, unfortunately, Rudolphus himself was fatally wounded in the
battle and died. His right liand was hewn off, and Godfrey, Duke
of Lower Lorraine, (Godefroy of Bouillon, the conqueror of the
holy tomb,) as related in some records, thrust the spear of the
imperial banner into his stomach. According to a later account, when
his hand was shown to him, King Rudolphus is said to have remarked:
"Behold, that is the hand with which I swore fidelity to King
Henry T His &11 was considered as a judgment of God, and Henry's
adherents increased in proportion ; so that he was now enabled to un-
dertake an expedition into Italy in order to make war upon his most
violent opp<Hient. He marched, therefore, with his army and
came before Rome, which he besieged three times, in three suc-
cessive years, and reduced Pope Gregory to such extremity that he
* This crown bore the following inicription:— " Petra, dedit Petro, Petrus diadema
Digitized by
Google
BEVOLT OF henry's SONS.— DEATH OF HENBV IT, 287
was obUged to shut himself up In the castle of St. Amtdo, where he
was besieged by the Romans themseWes; neyertheleaB, Giegojj's^ixit
was too great, and his will too inflexible, to humiliate himself, and
follow the example of Henij at Ganossa. The emperor offered him re*>
conciliation if he would crown him, but he replied firmly : *^ He could
only communicate with him when he had giyen satisfactioiDL to Grod
and the church." Henry was obliged, th^efore, with his conaortiy
to be crowned by the rival pope, Clement^ at Easter, 1084, after which
be retired from Italy. Pope Gregory, however, was still besi^ed by
the Romans, in the castle of St. Angeb, until he was freedby his friena,
Robert Guiscard, Duke c£ Normandy, who ruled in iJower Italy.
The latter subjected the city to plunder, and then took with him toe
old and obstinate pope (who, even in misfortune, would not renounce
any of his views and pretensions) to Lower Italy, where he died the
foUowing year at Salerno. His party chose Victor to succeed him;
but he possessed neitber the genius nor the force cf Gregory, for
even Clement maintained the position he held, and continued to en*
joy the chief authority in Rome.
Favourable and tranquil times now seemed to dawn upon the Em-
peror Henry. The successor of Rudolphus of Swabia, Herman <£
jLuxembourg, whom the princes had elevated to be his seccmd oppo-
nent, could not main tain himself against him, and spontaneously laid
down the dignity. A second, Egbert of Thuringia, died by assassi-
nation, and the Saxons, after Otho of Nordheim was dead, and the
irreconcilable bishop, Burkhard, of Halberstadt^ had been killed by his
own people, (after he had tried, for the fourteenth time, to excite them
to revolt,) wearied with constant war, voluntarily submitted them-
selves to the emperor — now made milder by the many painful triab
he had undergone. But fate had reserved for him visitaticms still
more sev^ie. For he was obliged to behold revolt against him, even
in the last ^ears of his life, his eldest son, Conrad, and after his death
in 1 101, his second son, Henry, was gained over by the papal party*
Both the successors of Gr^oiy, Urban U. and Pascal It., renewed
the papal ban against Henry the father, and his son, now declared
that he could hold no community with an excommunicated person.
Nay, even when Henry, confiding in the apparent reconciliation
with his son, was about to attend the great diet of princes at Mentz,
the latter caused him^ by cunning and treachery, to be disarmed,
deprived him of the imperial insignia, by means of the Archbishops
of Mentz and Cologne, and placed him a prisoner at Ingelheim^
where he forced him formally to abdicate the throne.
Henry, however, found an opportunity to escape fix>m prison, and»
full of grief and trouble, he went to his friend, Otbert, the Bishc^
of Liege. The latter, and Henry, Duke of Lorraine, assembled an
army for him, and beat back the d^nerated son when crossing
the Meuae in pursuit of his father. But the Emperor died imme^
diately afterwards at li^ge, oppressed at length by a turbulent and
vexatioas career, in the year 1106. The otumber of battles be had
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
208 HENRT v.— THE INVESTITUaE — HENRT IN ROME.
fought during his life — being no less than siztj-fiye — sufficiently
prove its agitated and anxious character.
The BiflQop of Li^e buried the emperor as beseemed; but to
such length cud hatred go, that his body was a^ain exhumed, con-
veyed to Spires, and there, for five years, it remamed in a stone cof-
fin above tne earth, in an isolated, imconsecrated chapel, until at last,
in the year 1111, Pope Pascal absolved him from excommunica-
tion. He was then interred with greater magnificence than any other
emperor before him.
In the first years of the reign of Henry V., the ducal race of the
Billimgens, in Saxony, became extinct; and he bestowed the duke-
dom upon Lothaire, Count of S]upplingenburg.
Henry V., although he had previously revolted against his father,
nowacted according to his principles; and indefianceof the Fi^PaI laws,
he still continued to impart the investiture with ring and staff; a right,
which, as he declared to the pope, his ancestors since Charles the
Great, had legitimately exercised for three centuries, under sixty-
tiiree popes; and as eany as the year 1100, he marched widk a large
army of 30,000 horse-soldiers, b^des in&ntry and servitors, for Italy,
in order to be crowned with the imperial crown, and in caseof neces-
sity, to maintain his rights with the sword. He was a much more dan-
gerous enemy than his fiither, for, besides his physical force, he knew
likewise how to avail himself of cunning and hypocrisy. Pope Pascal
n. made a proposition to him, which would have ended the dispute for
ever couldit have been executed. Hecaused the emperor to be apprised
that — *^ As he founded his claims to the investiture only upon the
donations which the emperors had presented to the church : the cities,
duchies, coimties, coins, toUs, fimns, and castles, he might take
them all back asain; the church would only retain the presents of
private individuab, and the tithes and sacrifices. For," said he, ^' it is
commanded by the divine law, as well as by the law of the church,
that the clergy shall not occupy themselves with temporal matters,
nay, not even appear at court, except for the purpose of saving an
oppressed person. But among you, however, in Germany, the
bishops ana abbots are so mixed up with worldly affairs, that the
servants of the altar have become the servants of the court."
The pope might have been serious when making this proportion,
for he was extremely strict in his principles, and tkought, perhaps,
m this manner to remedy the degeneration of the clergy, and to
bring them back to theb original simple condition. But Henry's
penetrating mind foresaw well that the cler^ themselves, particu-
larly those who, by their possessions, were raised to the rank of im-
perial princes, would never consenttomakesuch a restitution; therefore
ne promised to dispense with the investiture, if the pope would com-
mand the bishops to give back to him, the emperor, all those posses-
ffions which they had received from Charlemagne and his successors.
He then advanced to Rome, and the solemn treaty upon this affair
was to be ratified between him and the pope in a large assembly of the
Digitized by
Google
POPE PASCAL II. — SANGUINART BATTLE. 209
bishops, in the church of St. Peter, and then the coronation of the
emperor was to be celebrated. But when the above condition be-
came the subject of discussion, the most animated and violent oppo-
sition arose between the Germian and Italian bishops, and a long and
angry contest ensued. At length one of the German knights pre-
sent exclaimed: " Why do you all continue thus wrangling? Let it
suffice for you to know that our lord, the emperor, is resohred to be
crowned as formerly were Charlemagne, Louis, and the other em-
perors !" The pope replied once more — " That he could not perform
the ceremony before lung Henry had solemnly sworn to discontinue
the right of investiture." Henry then, by the counsel of his chan-
cellor, Adalbert, and Burchard, Bishop of Mlinster, summoned his
guards, and caused the pope, as well as the cardinals, to be made pri*
soners. The Romans, enraged and furious at this violent proceeding,
on the following day attacked the Germans, who were encamped
around the church of St. Peter. The king speedily mounted his
steed and boldly, but rashly, rushing into uie midst of the enemy,
pierced five Romans with his own limce, but was himself wounded
and thrown from his horse. He was rescued by Coimt Otho, of
Milan, who hastily assisted him to mount his own horse, which he
Sve up to the king, but for which service he was cut to pieces by the
>mans. A murderous combat was continued throughout the whole
day, until at length towards the evening the emperor cheered on his
troops to make a final charge, the result of which was that the Ro-
mans were completely put to flight, and were driven partiy into the
Tiber, and partly across the bridges back into the city. Tne church
of St. Peter, together with all that portion of the city remained in the
hands of the Germans, but which the emperor abandoned, together
with all his prisoners, in order to scour the country aroimd in the most
dreadful manner. The Romans, now reduced to extreme necessityy
urgently entreated the pope to conclude a treaty of peace with the
emperor. He had now been a prisoner sixty-one days ; and at length
yielded to their prayers. He, accordingly, agreed that the emperor
should retain the investiture with ring and staff, and promised, at the
same time, that he would never excommunicate him on account of
this proceeding. The treaty was signed by fourteen cardinals, and
in the emperor's name by fourteen princes, and Henry himself was,
on the 13th of April, 1111, solemnly crowned emperor by Pascal.
But scarcely were the Germans out of Rome when the whole
clergy severely censured the pope, and persuaded him to assemble a
council and excommunicate the agreement made between the king
and him, as having been extorted by violence; for, according to the
promise made by the pope* they durst not pronounce the ban against
the emperor himself. The dispute thus commenced anew, and con-
tinued, also, under the following popes, Gelasius II. and Calixtus H.,
ten years longer. As long as Pascal lived, the emperor was not
himself visited with the general excommunication of the church;
but the legates and many of the heads of the church excommunicated
^ Digitized by Google
J 10 HENRY AND ADALBERT— THE INVESTITURE DISPUTE.
him in their dioceses, and thereby gave occasion to fresh divisioiis
and dissensions in Geimany; and a great portion of the imperial
princes accordingly re&sed obedience to the emperor and his law^.
Arbitraiy feuds, robbeiy, devastation, and muraer took the upper
hand, the most &ithf ul allies of the emperor were his relations o£
the race of Hohenstaufen, and he raised their house accordingly still
higher. When Frederick, the first duke to whom his &ther had
given the duchy of Swabia, died, he transferred it to his eldest son,
Frederick, and, shortly afterwards, he gave the duchy of Franconia
to his second son, Conrad.
His own sister Agnes, the widow of Duke Frederick, he married to
the Marjgrave, Leopold of Austria, of the house of Babenberg, the
£ither of that Leopold who was afi^erwards Duke of Bavaria, and
who also established on the place where Windobona then stood, the
foundation of the present city of Vienna. Thus in the south of
Grermany the emperor gainea the superiority, but in the north, on
the contrary, he could acquire no lasting power. Here the Arch-
bishop Adalbert of Mentz, who had been elevated by him (and who
was previously his own chancellor, and had advised him to imprison
the pope, Pascal, but had now become his uncompromising enemy),
workea most strenuously against him, and excited one prince after
the other to oppose him. Saxony, as in his Other's time, became
now the centre of opposition to him likewise. The emperor ad«
vanced in the year 1115 with an army into Saxony, but in a battle,
not far from Eisleben, he was enturely defeat^ by the Saxon
princes. An expedition, which he soon afterwards made to Italy,
gave him for a short time the superiority in Rome, but brought
upon him in 1118 the general excommumcation of the new pope,
Gelasius, which his successor GaJixtus U. confirmed. The chief
object of dispute was still the right of investiture. Finally, in the
year 1122, both parties, tared of the long dispute, concluded a solemn
treaty at the diet of Worms, where both yielded to each other.
The emperor permitted the firee choice of bishops, and ^ave up the
investiture witn the ring and staff, as signs of spiritual jurisdiction,
but for which concession, on the other hand, the election was to take
place in the presence of the king, or of his plenipotentiary, and he
was to decide in doubtful cases, or in any disagreement of the electors,
and lastly confer fie& of temporal possessions with his sceptre. The
spiritual consecration of this bishop elect was to take place in Ger-
many after the investiture with the sceptre; but in Italy it was to
precede it.
After the records were publicly read, the legate of the pope gave
the emperor the kiss of peace, and afterwards the communion. The
joy espressed bjr the peacefuUy-minded members of the assembly
U]^n this reconciliation was great; all separated as the records say,
with infinite pleasure.
The emperor reigned but a few years longer — ^in peace, it is true,
with the cnurch, but not without constant dissensions in the Ger-
man empire. Ajnidst plans for strengthening the imperial power,
DEATH OF HENRY V. — ^PILGRIMAGES TO PALESTINE. 211
in Older to oppose more firmly those disorders, he died suddenly at
Utreclit in 1125, in the forty-fourth year of his age. He died
childless, and with him the SaUan house became extinct. Most of
his hereditary possessions came to his nephews, the Dukes Fre«
dezick and (Jonxad of Hohenstaufen.
Henry did not acquire the love of his contemporaries; he was des-
potic, severe, and often cruel. On the other hand, however, it is not
to be denied that he possessed many ^reat qualities: activity, bold^^
nesB, perseverance in misfortune, and a noble-minded disposition.
The maintenance of the imperial dig^nity against every enemy ap*
peared to be with him the chief olj^ect of his life. He was en-
tombed at Spires in the grave of his ancestors.
Meantime, whilst the two emperois, Henry IV. and V., were en-
gaged in such warm and serious disputes with the ^pe, more than a
hundred thousand Christians, summoned by the voice of the church,
and excited by their own immediate enthusiasm, assembled together,
and abandoned their countiy in order to recover and secure from the
power of the infidels the tomb of the Saviour in that holy land,
wherein his divine footsteps remained imprinted.
Already, fix>m the earliest ages, it had been a pious custom to make
pilgrimages to the holy land, to pray at its sacred places, and to
bawe in the waters of the Jordan, wnich had been consecrated by
the baptism of our Lord. Gonstantine the Great, the first Roman
emperor who embraced Christianity, as well as his mother, Helena,
issued orders for the purification and adonmient of these holy places
in Palestine, and the restoration of the sacred tomb at the foot of
Mount Golgotha; and they erected over the tomb, at enormous out-
lay, a loft^ dome, supported by beautiM pillars, with an adjoining
oratory, nchhr adorned. Eastward of the sepulchre Constantine buiU
a larger and still more magnificent temple. He celebrated the
thirtieth anniversary of his reign by the consecration of this temple,
on which occasion he was hiinself present; and the pious Helena,
although in extreme old age, made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land
at the same time, and built two churches, one at Bethlehem on the
spot where our Saviour was bom, and the other on the top of the
Mount of Olives.
After this, pilgrimages to the Holy Land became more and more
firequent; and even in the seventh century, when the land was under
the dominion of the Arabs, the pilgrims were not obstructed or dis-
turbed in their devotions. For the Arabs rejoiced in the advantage
they derived from the visits of so many stran^rs, and took equal
care not to molest either the Patriarch of Jerusalem, or the Christian
community. But when the Turks, a savage and barbarous people,
seized upon the country in the year 1073, complaint after complaint
reached Europe of the cruel treatment heaped upon the pious pU-
mms, and of the shamefiil profanation committed by the infidels on
ike consecrated spots.
In the year 1094, a hermit, named Peter of Amiens, appeared
Google
p2
Digitized by
212 PETER THE HERMIT — GREAT ASSEMBLY OF CRUSADERS.
before Pope Urban 11. on his return from a pilgrimage to Palestine,
-with a letter of petition from the Patriarch of Jerusalem, and gave a
most affecting description of the unheard-of suflferings expenenced
by the Christians resident there, as well as by the pilgrims who
repaired thither. The pope praised and encouraged his zeal, and
sent him with letters of recommendation to all the princes in the
various Christian countries, in order to arouse the minds of the
I)eople, and to prepare them for a ^eat eiroedition. The enthu-
siastic language of the hermit, togetner with the fire which still
shone from ms deep-sunk eye, and his wasted, meagre form, on
which was imprinted the sufferings he had endur^, made the
deepest impression, and excited, wherever he went, equal enthusiasm
among all classes, from the highest to the lowest. After this, in the
year 1095, the pope convoked a great council of the church, at
Fiacenza, in Italy, and another at Clermotit, in France, at which
were present foiurteen archbishops, two hundred and twenty-five
bishops, and four hundred abbots, besides numerous princes, nobles,
and ^iffhts. And when Peter the Hermit and the pope advanced
before them, and with words of overpowering fire and energy ap-
pealed to and called upon this assembly to come forward in deli-
verance of the sacred tomb, a thousand voices shouted aloud: '* It
is the will of God ! It is the will of God I" When the pope and
the hermit had concluded their eloquent appeal, Ademar, Bishop of
Puy, was the first to press forward, ana throwing himself at the
feet of the pontiff, begged from his holiness permission to proceed to
the holy war. Many of the clerOT and laity followed his example,
and as a sign of their devotion to the pipus undertaking, thejr sewed
a red cross on their right shoulder. The final day of meeting for
the great expedition was now fixed to take place on the 15th of
August, 1096.
Accordingly, innumerable multitudes assembled, including war-
riors from Italy, France, Lorraine, Flanders, and particularly from
Normandy, where the same love for distant and aaventurous expe-
ditions, that had ever distinguished their heroic ancestors, was now
evinced by the present natives. Not only the knights and nobles,
but the whole people were set in motion, for as also in France the
labouring classes experienced the severest oppression, many of these
joined the expedition; because, according to the pope's decree, free-
dom was attamed by dedication to the holy cross. Germany, which
was then at variance with the pope, and agitated by internal dis-
cord, was least affected by this first movement. With the com-
mencement of the spring, reter the Hermit set out at the head of a
crowd of people, — whose impatience would not allow them to await
the appointea time— in company with their commander, a knight
named Walter the Pennyless; but their anny was deficient in oraer
and discipline, and especially in a supply of proper weapons. Befoie
it reached Asia, the greater part, on account of the robberies com-
mitted, were cut offby the Bu^ariians and Hungarians, and those who,
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
THE FIRST GRAND CRUSADE— GODEFROY OF BOUILLON. 213
under the guidance of Peter and Walter, reached and landed on the
first TurkiSi tetritory, were so badly received and cut up by the
Turks, that very few escaped; and Peter was forced to return home
with the remnant in a very melandioly plight. A second and still
inder horde commenced its labours for the cross of Christ, by slaying
the Jews in the cities on the Rhine; in Mentz alone nine himdrea
were in this way put to death. In this was evinced the universal
hatred of the people towards the Jews, who, by their usurious prac-
tices, and the immense wealth gained thereby, brought down upon
thcdr heads this full measure of vengeance. This party, and several
other troops of crusaders, however, only reached Hungary.
So nnpropitious a commencement might easily have crushed all
incliiiations for further attempts, had not these first adventurers,
in great part, consisted of the lowest class of the people, and had
not their leaders been deficient in prudence^ expenence, and noble
zeal and energy. Accordingly, at the appointed time, in the middle
of summer, a grand army, weu-appointed and disciplined, and burn-
ing with enthusiastic courage, was assembled, and on the 15th of
August, 1096, set out for its destination. No kin^ was present as
lea&r of the assembled forces; but, among the pnnces and nobles,
Godfrey, Duke of Lower Lorraine, called, from his ancestral seat,
Godefroy of Botdllon, stood proudly forward, conspicuous in every
heroic virtue; having oflen fought in the armies of Henry IV. Hfe
was appointed the lesuier of a body of 90,000 men, and directed his
course through Hungary and the dominions of the Greek emperor,
whilst other princes proceeded through Italy to Constantinople. He
conducted his army, with the most admirable order, through coun-
tries where so many of the crusaders had ah-eady perished, and
having joined the other princes, entered the Turkish territories in
the spring of 1097. The united forces of the crusaders consisted of
300,000 men, and with the women, children, and servants, made up
a body of half a million. Unfortimately, however, they already found
in the tribe of the Sedjoucidians, who first opposed their progress,
an enemy equally cunning and active, whilst they met with stdll
pieater and more serious obstacles, iu the deserts where the Turks
had destroyed every thing which might have procured them some
sustenance, and through which they had to pass from Asia Minor
to Palestine. Hunger and disease carried on every day numbers
of men and horses; even the bravest began to waver, and had it
not been for the active genius and heroic firmness displayed by the
biave God&ey, this expedition would perhaps have experienced the
same imfortunate result as those that preceded it.
At length, in May, 1099, the wearied feet of the remaininff portion
of the army which had escaped so many dangers, trod the cnerished
soil of that hallowed land, and on the 6th of July, they beheld
fiom ihe top of a mountain near Emmaus, the object of their
ardent hopes and desires — Jerusalem ! One universal shout of joy
filled the air, vibrating in undying echoes firom hill to hill, wmlst
Digitized by
Google
214 JERUSALEM CONQUERED — ELECTION OF EMPEROR.
tears of rapture burst from every eye. Their noble leader could
scarcely prevent them from rushing forwards at once, in their wild
enthusiasm, to storm the walls of the holy city. But Godfrey soon.
reived that the conquest of the place was not easy, and could not
effected in a moment, especially as the gamson was muck
stronger in numbers than the crusaders, of whom out of 300,000^
only 40,000 men were now left. At length every preparation being
maae, and warlike machines with storming-ladders provided in spite
of every existing difficulty — ^for the country arouna was deficient in
wood— 4he first general assault was made on the 14th of July; but
as the besieged defended themselves with the greatest bravery, this
first attempt failed. On the following da^, however, the Christians
renewed the attack, and Godfrey was one of the first that mounted
the enemy's ramparts. His sword opened a path for the rest; the
walls were soon gained on all sides, the gates forced open, and the
whole army rushed into the city. A dreadful scene of massacre now
commenced; in their first fury the victors put all to the sword, and
but few of the inhabitants escaped. When, however, reason at length
resumed its sway, the warriors, wiping the blood from their swords,
returned them to their scabbards, and men proceeded bareheaded and
barefooted, to prostrate themselves before the holy places; and the
same dtj whicix just before had resounded in every part with the
wild shrieks of the slaughtered, was now filled with prayers and
hymns to the honour and glory of God.
The election of a sovereign for the new kingdom of Jerusalem,
became now an object of consideration, and Godefroy of Bouillon
appeared to all as the most worthy to rule; but he refused to
wear a crown of jewels on the spot where the Saviour of the world
had bled beneath one of thorns, and would only take the title of
" Defender of the Holy Sepulchre." As he died, however, in the
following year, his brother Baldwin assumed at once the title of
iing.
Of the other crusades, which subsequently took place for the
maintenance of the Christian dominion in Palestine, and in which
the German emperors also took part, our history will speak here-
after.
After the extinction of the Franks, a moment had again arrived
when the German princes, if they were desirous of becoming inde-
pendent and sovereim rulers, were not obliged to place a new em-
peror above themselves; but such a thougnt was foreign to their
minds, and they preferred paving homage to one, whom they had
exalted to the highest step of honour, rather than behold Germany
divided into numerous petty kingdoms.
Accordingly in 1125 the Grerman tribes again encamped on the
banks of the Rhine, in the vicinity of Mentz, and ten princes selected
ttom each of the four principal families, viz: Saxony, Franconia, Ba-
varia, and Swabia, assembled in Mentz for the first election. Three
princes only were proposed: Duke Frederick of Swabia, (the mighty
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
LOTHAIRE II. — 1125-1137 — THE GHIBELINS AND GDELFS. 216
and courageous Hohenstaufen,) Lothaire of Saxony, and Leopold of
Austria. The two latter on their knees, and almost in tears, en-
treated that they might be spared the infliction of such a heavy
burden, whilst Frederick, in his proud mind, ambitiously thought
that the crown could be destined for none other but himself; and
such feeling of pretension indeed was too visibly expressed in his coun-
tenance. Adalbert, the Archbishop of Mentz, however, who was himself
not well inclined towards the Hohenstaufens, put to all three the ques*
tion : " Whether each was willing and ready to yield and swear alle-
giance to him that should be elected ?' The two former immediately
answered in the affirmative; but Frederick hesitated and lef); the aa-
eembly, under the excuse that he must take council of his friends.
The princes were all indignant at this conduct, and the archbishop
persuaded them at length to make choice of Lothaire of Saxony,
although against his own will.
But hoetihties soon broke out between the two powerful Hohen-
staufen dukes, Frederick of Swabia and Conrad of Franconia, and
during i^early the entire reign of the new king, the beautiful lands of
Swabia, Franconia, and Alsace, were kid waste and destroyed, until
at last both the dukes found themselves compelled to bow before the
imperial authority. In this dispute the Emperor Lothaire, in order
to strengthen his party, had recourse to means which produced agita-
tion and dissension, and continued to do so for more than a hundred
years afterwards. He gave his only dau^ter Gertrude in marriage to
Henry the Proud, the powerful Duke of^avaria, (of the Gruelfs,) and
gave him, besides Bavaria, the duchy of Saxony Kkewise. This is the
first instance of two dukedoms being governed by one ^rson. Nay,
with the acqidescence of the pope, and imder the condition that after
Henry's death they were to become the property of the Roman church,
he even invested him with the valuable hereditary possessions of
Matilda in Italy, as a fief, so that the duke's authority extended from
the Elbe to fcr beyond the Alps, being much more ^werftil than
even that of the emperor himself; for besides his patrimonial lands
in Swabia and Bavaria, he had Ukewise inherited from his mother
the moiety of the great ancestral possessions in Saxony, and in addi-
tion to all this his consort now brought him the entire lands of Sup-
plinburg, Nordheim, and old Brunswick. Thus the foundation for the
wibsequent jealousy so destructive to Germany and Italy, between the
Gnelfi and Hohenstaufens — ^the latter (styled by the Italians Ohibel-
^,) according to their casde, VeibHng on the Rems, being called
VeibKngers — was laid at tins period, and the faction-names of
the Guelfs and Ghibelins henceforward continued for centuries
afterwards to resound from Mount Etna and Vesuvius to the coasts
of the North and East Sea. Lothaire's reign became so shaken
J*id troubled, pardy hy the dispute of the Hohenstaufens and partly
by the Itahan campaigns, that but very few, if any of the great
hopes he had at first excited by his chivalric, wise, and pious cha-
^^'cter, were Iwought into effect
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
216 DEATH OF LOTHAIRE II, — CONRAD III.
During his second and rather successful campaign in Italy, in the
year 1137, Lothaire was suddenly seized with illness, and died oix
his return, in the village of Breitenwang, between the rivers Inn and
Lech, in the wildest part of the Tyrolese mountains. His body-
was conveyed to, and interred in the monasteiy of Konigslutter, irt
Saxony, foimded by himself.
However much the two princely houses of the Ghielfs and
Ghibelins may, from this time, have continued .to attract and com-
mand attention, there was still a third, which, under this rei^n, ex*
cited not less interest. Lothaire had given the Margraviate of rf orth*
Saxony, which then comprised the present Altmark, to Albert the
Bear, of the house of Anhalt, one of the most distinguished princes
of his time. He conquered from the Vandals the middle marches,
as well as those on the Uker and Prignitz, together with the town
of Brandenburg; and finally, in order to excite in these countries the
desired industry, he procured firom Flanders a great number of agri-
cultural labourers. He may likewise be regaroed as the founder of
the Brandenburg territory; and it was also under his rule that, about
the middle of the twelfth century, the name of Berlin appeared for
the first time, which place, therefore, dates its ori^n from the
same period that Leopold of Austria laid the foundation of Vienna.
CHAPTER IX.
THE SWABIAN OB HOHENSTAUFEN HOUSE, 1138 — 1254.
Conrad HI., 1138-1152— The Gaelftand Ghibeliiu—Weiiuberg— The Faithful
Wives— Conrad's Crusade — Disastrous Results— His Death, 1152 — ^Frederick I. or
Barharossa, 1152-1190— His noble Character and distinguished Qualities— Ex-
tends his Dominions — The Cities of Lombardy and Milan— Pavia— Pope Adrian
rv.— The Emperor^s Homage — Otho of Wittelsbach- Dispute between the Pope
and the Emperor— Milan taken and razed— The Confederation of the Lombar-
dian Towns— The Battle of lignano— Frederick defeated— Pope Alexander and
Frederick— Yenioe— Henry the Lion of Brunswick— His Rise and Fall — Becon«
dilation and Peace— Lombardj— Frederick's Crusade and Death in Palestine, 1 190.
The election even this time did not &11 upon him who considered
he had the greatest right to the crown, namely, the son-in-law of
Lothaire, the powerM Henry (the Proud) of Bavaria and Sazonj,
although he had possession of the jewds of the crown; for the
princes, repulsed by his pride, elected on the 22d of February,
1138, the Hohenstaufen duke, Conrad of Franconia, whom mis-
fortunehad madewise, and to whomhis elder brother, Frederick, who
contested with Lothaire for the crown, willingly gave up now the
precedence. Henry the Proud would not bend before the new em-
peror, whereupon he was declared an outiaw, his two duchies taken
from him, and Bavaria given to the margrave, Leopold of Austria,
the half-brother of the Emperor Conrad by the maternal side, and
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
THE GUELFS AND GHIBELINS— WEINSBERG. 217
Saxony to Albert the Beax, of Brandenburg. Henry died almost
iznznematelj afterwards, and left a son ten years of age, who be-
came afterwards so celebrated under the title of Henry uie Lion, to
whom Albert, at the desire of the emperor, formally resigned
the duchy of Saxony, which he had not oeen able to conquer (so
£dthful did the Saxons remain attached to the Gruelfic house); and
in return he was allowed to possess his hereditary estates in that
coimtrv as a princely mar^yiate, independent of the duchy.
In Bavaria also. Count Guelf, of Altorf, the brother of Henry the
Proud, still contended against ihe house of Austria, and not unsuc-
cessfully. But when, in the year 1 140, he ventured to march against
the emperor, near Weinsberg, he was vanquished in the battle. It
was in this action that the names ^' Guelis and Ghibelins" were first
heard as party names, for the battle-cry of the troops on one side
was, " Stiike for the Guelfs," and of those on the other, " Strike for
the Ghibelins." After the battle, the long besieged city of Weinsberg
was obliged to yield. The emperor, irritated at its long resistance,
had resolved to destroy it with fire and sword. He, however, per-
mitted the females of the city previously to retire, and to carry with
them iheir dearest jewels. And behold, when the day dawned, and
the ^tes were opened, the women advanced in long rows, and the
mamed bore eacn upon her back her husband, and the others each
their dearest relative. This affecting scene so moved the emperor,
that he not only spared the men, but also the whole city.*
The Emneror Conrad was now about to proceed to Italy, to re-
confirm ana establish there the imperial dignity, when intelligence
arrived in Europe that the unbelievers threatened the Holy Land,
and had already conquered and destroyed the fortified city of E^essa,
a firontier fortress ; upon which, Pope Eugene HI. sent letters of exhor-
tation to all the European kings ana princes^ that they might assist the
Christians in the east; andapiou8andzealousman,theholyAbbotBer'-
nardof Clairvaux, inFrance, journeyed throughoutEuroDe, preaching
so powerfully, that many thousands took the cross. Ana when he ad-
dressed LomsYH. of France, themultitude of those who took the cross
was so great, that St. Bernard (he being afterwards canonised), was
obliged to cut up his own clothes to make crosses of them, and both the
kingandhisconsortEleanor resolved upon theexpedition. StBemard
now turned his attention to Germany, and tried to stimulate the Em-
peror Conrad, who long refused, and avoided the abbot, by proceeding
firom Frankfort to Spires, in order that he might take into consideration
how much still remained to be put in order in his own empire. But
St.Bemard would notquit him; he followed him to Spires, and there it
was that Conrad, in the middle of the abbot's address, suddenly arose,
and, with tearful eyes, exclaimed, *' I acknowledge, holy fiither, the
great goodness that Grod has shown me, and will no longer refuse, but
am ready to serve him ; for I feel urged to this expedition by Himself"
* This drcninttance is recorded by a contemporary of that period in the chronicle
oCStPttitaleonif.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
218 CONRAD IN PALESTINE — ^HIS DEATH — FREDERICK I.
St Bernard immediatelj decorated liim -with the croes, and presented
Lim with the holy banner lyinff upon the altar. Frederick, Conrad's
nephew, who became afterwards the first emperor of that name, and
even the old Duke Gnelf, who had become reconciled with the em-
peror, both took the cross likewise, and a great armj was assembled,
which numbered 70,000 warriors alone. But in all human enterprises,
a splendid commencement will not always secure a successful issue,
and so, in this great expedition, nothing but misfortune followed.
In the year 1147, whilst the army was encamped near Constanti-
nople, on the banks of a river, in order to refiresh themselves from the
iatigues of the march, and to celebrate the festival of the birth of St.
Mary, the waters so swelled in the night by a sudden rain, that the
whole camp became overflowed, and sreat numbers of men and horses
were drowned. And a^ain, when the army was transported across
the straits to Asia, treadierous guides led it into places which the
Turks had previously devastated; the i>rovisions they carried with
them were soon consumed, and the cities which tne expedition
passed closed their gates against them. Many then entreated those
upon the walls for bread, and showed their gold, whidi the people
first let down ropes to possess themselves o^ giving in return only
as much as they pleased, frequently nothing at aU, or only a little
meal mixed with lime. Many thousands, consequently, died of
Jiunger and disease, and still more were destroyed by the cimeters
of tne Turkish horsemen, who allowed the Germans no repose,
either by night or day, never forming for a regular engagement
with them, which the harassed troops so heartily desired. Tnus, afler
a thousand dangers, Conrad arrived in the Holy Land with only
the tenth part of his army. He entered Jerasalem and visited the
holy spot of the cross, where he paid his worship; but these were
the whole firuits of this crusade. The siege of Damascus was unsuc-
cessful, and the French army was equally unfortunate. Conrad re-
turned after an absence of two years, and died shortly afterwards,
in the year 1152, at Bamberg. He was a valiant, high-minded, and
noble-hearted man, and was universally esteemed. He recommended
as his successor, not his own young son, Frederick, whose age would
not as yet allow him to rule the nation, but his valiant nephew,
Frederick Barbarossa, Duke of Swabia, who had made the crusade
with him, and who was unanimously dected at Frankfort.
Frederick I. was one of the most powerful of all the German
emperors; high-minded^ valiant,with a will firm as iron, and of
a stem, energetic character. His very form displayed his lof^
mind. His figure was manly and powerful; his limbs well formed and
strong, auburn locks covered his high forehead, and beneath them
sparldedhis sharp and piercing eyes. Hischin, according to the an-
cient custom, was coveted with his beard, which being of a bright yel-
low, he thence derived his surname of Barbarossa. A youth&l rud-
diness of complexion andnatural affability gave to hiscountenance that
cheerful expression which attracts all hearts; but his firm, proud step^
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
HIS NOBLE QUALITIES— HENRT THE LION. 219
and the whole bearing of his presence, displayed the piince bom to
rule and command.
Ahready, even as a youth, he had performed deeds which an-
nounced the great man; besides which, he belonged to the Ghibe-
lizis on the paternal, and to the Gnelfs on the maternal side. It
was hoped that he would cause the rivalship of both houses to be
forgotten; and, indeed, one of his first acts m Germany was in &•
vour of the Guelfic house. For, in the year 1154, he re-granted
the duchy of Bavaiia to Henry the lion, the son of Henry the
Proud, so that the duke again possessed Saxony and Bavaria in con-»
junction, by which means he b^»me the most powerful prince in Ger-
many. The Maigrave Henry, caUed Jasomirgoth, of Austria, who,
after his brother Leopold's death, had become Duke of Bavaria, re-
fused, indeed, to give up the country; but in 1156, Frederick in-
duced him to renoun<ie it, and compensated him by ^vin^ him the
old Bavarian Mar^viate of Austria, and by making it independent
of Bavaria, and raising it to a duchy, he presented him with great
lights and privileges. The duchy was to be hereditary, not onlv
in the male, but also in the female line, and the duke was to rank
yriih the first imperial nobles.* He was only required to be invested
in his own land, and to participate in the expeditions against the
Hungarians, whilst, without his sanction, no foreign laws were avail*
able in Austria, &c. The reconciliation of the first princely houses
in Germanv caused universal satis&ction; and Frederick depended
now more nrmly than ever upon the assistance of the friend of his
youth, Henry me Lion, for the execution of his enteiprises. In the
other affairs of the empire also; the new emperor exerted himself
with vigour; he destroyed the castles of the freebooter-knights,
whom he condemned to death; and proved himself to be, by all his
acts, a protector of general order, and of the rights of the German peo-
ple. A contemporary historian says, therefore, of him : '' It appeared
as if he gave to heaven and earth a new and more peaceful form."
The countries bordering upon Germany also presented him with
an opportunity to give to the imperial name additional lustre. In
his first diet, at Merseburg, in 1152, he decided the dispute of the
two Danish princes, Sven and Knud, reflpectang the kingdom of
Denmark. Knud received S^ealand; but oven the crown, which
Frederick himself placed upon his head ,and for which the Danish
king swore allegiance to him. This also King Boleslaus, of Poland,
was obliged to renew, and whom the emperor forced thereto by an
eflfedive campaign in Sile&a. He gave to Duke Wladislas, of Bo*
hernia, on accoimt of his fidthfiil adherence in this Polish campaign,
the title of kin^ , such titles the emperor alone beinff able to impart
Sing Geisa, of Hungary, renewed his allegiance, andmlfilled hisduties
as vassal in Frederick's second Italian expedition. And finally, in
* '^ He shall rank equal with the ancient ArcUdMcibus^ atanda reoorded'in the ori*
^ statute. Thenoe, ftom this expression, originated the snhseqnent title of Axcfa«
of Aostim. This wBsflxvtadqpfted by IMterickni. in the year 145a.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
220 EXTENDS HISDOMINION— ITALY— LOMBARDY— MILAN.
BuTffundy, which had become almost estranged from the Germanic
empire, Frederick re-established his influence by his own mar-
riage with B^trice, the heiress of High Burgunay, whereby his
house acquired, at the same time, this poiiion of me kingdom of
Burgundy. AJl the Burgundian nobles did homage to the em-
peror, and thus the ancient imperial dignity acquired additional
eplendour under the powerftd monarch who now ruled in Germany.
It was only in Itely, the ancient seat of the dominion of the
world, that the authority of the emperor had declined; and Frede-
rick was not able to restore it entirely, even by the most glo-
rious battles. The large towns in this country, since the weak
government of Henry IV., had become overbearing, and submitted
with great repugnance to the obedience due towards their superior
feudal sovereign; above all the rest, the opulent city of Milan, the
capital of Lombardy, was the most arrogant and independent. Milan,
since the commencement of the 12th century, had, by die vigour and
energy of its inhabitants, made such rapid progress, that one mi^ht
almost have believed that ancient Rome had transplanted its spirit
thither. It subjected, by degrees, several of the neighbouring cities,
especially Lodi and Como ; and, at the same time, anected to treat the
commands of the emperor with such contempt, that an imperial
edict which Frederick issued in the year 1153, had even its seal torn
off, and was trampled under foot. Upon this, the emperor, in
1154, crossed the Alps, and, according to the ancient custom of the
Longobardian kings, held his first great diet in the Roncalian plains,
on the banks of the river Po; and now that complaints firom many
other places were urged against the oppression of this proud city,
which even refused to meet or reply to them, his an^er became ex-
cited, and he resolved to punish it severely. He did not venture
this time, to beside it, as he was not prepared for such an important
undertaking; but he destroyed several of its adjacent castles and
forts, and conquered its allied cities, Asti and Tortona.
At Pavia he caused himself to be crowned King of Lombardy,
and then rapidly advanced towards Rome. Here dissension existed
between the pope and the people, who, in a revolutionary tumult,
and under the guidance of a bold monk, Arnold of Brescia, wished
to restore the ancient Roman republic. Neither of the parties knew
in whose favour the emperor advanced. Pope Adrian IV. fled to
a well-fortified castle called Castellana, but soon returned to the
German camp, the emperor having promised him safety. Upon his
arrival, Adrian (who had originally wandered from England, his
native country, as a beggar boy,, and had eventually raised him-
self to the papacy), expected that Frederick would hold his stir-
rup, as his predecessors had always done; as, however, he did
not do it, the cardinals accompanying the pope fled hastily back
to Castellana, for they re^rded this omission as a bad omen of the
imperial sentiments. Adrian, however, descended from his mule,
and placed himself upon the seat prepared for him; and now Frede-
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
ADRIAN IV. AND FREDERICK — OTHO OF WITTELSBACH. 221
Tick cast himself before Urn, and kissed his feet. The pope now
acqiiired fresh courage, and charged the emperor with the omission
of the accustomed mark of deference; and the latter, who sought his
glory in greater things, willindy yielded in this trifling affair, upon his
{ninces assuring him that the Emperor Lothaire had shown a similar
sign of respect to Pope Innocent II. The ceremony of dismoimting
was consequently repeated on the following day, when the emperor met
the pope and held his stirrup— thus it is related by the records of
Rome, (xerman writers, on the contrary — ^namely, Otho of Freis-
Exngen, and Helmold, inform us that tne emperor, upon the first
descending of the pope, had held the stirrup, but, from oversight, had
seized the left insteEia of the right, and that the pope, in consequence,
had refused him the kiss of peace. Upon the excuse of the emperor,
that he had erred through ignorance, as he had not applied much
attention to stirrup-holding, the pope replied : *^ If the emperor
neglects trifles from ignorance, how will he show attention in im-
portant aflairs ?' The emperor, however, at the entreaty of the
princes, yielded, and they both embraced each other as friends.
After this, Frederick went to Rome, and was crowned emperor
in St. Peter*s church, on the 18th of June, 1155. Meantime, a
dispute ensued with iJie Romans, who would yield neither to the
pope or the emperor; the force of arms, however, soon reduced
them to tranquillity.
In spite of these continual contests, however, with the perfidious
and treacherous Italians, Frederick returned at length to Germany.
But disputes speedily arose between him and the pope himself, who,
confiding in the assistance of the Norman king, William of Naples and
Sicily, wrote to the emperor a letter full of reproaches, and his
l^ate. Cardinal Roland (afterwards Pope Alexander III.), uttered
even in the assembly of the German princes, the arrogant words:
" From whom, then, has the emperor the empire, if not from the
pope?" Tlie irritated Count Psoatine, Otho of Wittelsbach, whose
office it was to bear the naked sword before the emperor, upon hear-
ing this raised the weapon, and was about to sunder the legate's head,
for he considered the honour of the German princes deeply wounded
by this language. Frederick, however, withheld him u:om this des*
perate act of indignation ; but he commanded the ambassador to return
early on the following morning to Rome, The German bishops, in
repty to the reproaches of the pope* stated, that they had given them*
selves every possible trouble to mediate, but that the emperor had re-
plied to them, firmly and gravely, thus : " There are two regulations,
according to which our empire must be ruled — ^the laws of the em-
perors, and the good customs of our forefathers; these limits we will
not, nor can we transgress. To our father, the pope, we will wil-
lingly pay all the homage we owe him; but our imperial crown
is mdependent, and we ascribe its possession to divme goodness
only." They ihen earnestly entreated the holy father no longer to
excite the anger of their lord the emperor.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
THE MILANESE SUBJECTED — ^THET REVOLT AGAIN.
' The dispute between the emperor and the pope, after a short
reconciliation, was, nevertheless, resomed, and lasted until the death,
of Adrian, in 1159. Thenceforward, affidis became still more en*
tangled, for the imperial party chose Victor m., and the opposite
party Alexander III., the same who, as cardinal l^ate, had uttoied
such bold words in the imperial assembly. Each pope exoommimi-
cated the other, and sought to strengthen each otner's party by all
possible means.
The Emperor Frederick, as early as the year 1158, had already
prepared another more powerful expedition against Italy; the Mi-
lanese having in the preceding year, reduced to ashes the city of Lodi,
which had yielded aile^ianoe to the emperor. All the princes of Ger-
many, as well as the kin^ of Hungary and the newly-elected King of
Bohemia, performed feu<£d service ; by which means such an army was
collected as no emperor had previoimv led into Italy: consisting of
100,000 infimtay and 15,000 cavalry. They broke up their camp, near
Augsburg at Whitsuntide, and crossed the Alps. Almost all the dties
of iNorthem Italy were humbled at the view of such a powerful force,
and allied themselves with the emperor ; but the rebeUiousdty of Mlaa
was declared outlawed, and, after a short aege, was obliged to sub-
mit to the irritated ruler. The Milanese appeared now before him,
in humble supplication, forming a procession unusual to the Grermans.
First came both ecclesiastics and laymen barefooted, and dressed in
tattered garments, the former holding up crosses in the air; then fol-
lowed the consuls and patricians with swords hanging from their necks,
and the restwith cords round theirthroats; and thus humbly they fell at
the feet of the emperor. As he therefore only desired their submission,
he pardoned them, sajring : ^^ You must now acknowledge that it is
easier to conquer by obemence than with arms." Upon which, he
caused them to swear allegiance, and to promise that they would not
interrupt the freedom of the smaller cities ; and taking with him three
hundred hostages, he placed the imperial eagle upon the spire of the
cathedral.
But their humility was only feigned, and the effect of necessity;
lasting only so long as the power of the emperor terrified them.
For when, according to the impeiial prerogative, he wished, in the
following year, to appoint the civil ftmctdonaries, ^e citizens attacked
Haynald, his chancellor, the count palatine, Otho, and the other
ambassadors, with so much fury that they could scarcely save their
lives. Upon being summoned, and an explanation demanded, they
pleaded nothing but empty excuses; and at the second and third
summons they did not appear at all. Upon which the emperor renewed
the imperial edict of outlawry against Milan, and vowed, in his
wrath, never to replace the crown upon his head until he had de-
stroyed the arrogant city.
^ The war recommenced with all the bitter exasperation of that pe-
riod. The Milanese sought even their salvation — such at least was
the universal charge — ^in the assassination of the powerfrd emperor
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
FREDERICK'S LIFE ATTEMPTED— MILAN RAZED. 223
who thus menaced them. It is quite certain that a man of gigantic
strength suddenlyattacked the emperorwhilst performing his morning
devotions in a l>eautiful and solitary spot upon the Ada, and strove
to throw him into the river. In tne struggle both fell to the earth,
and, upon the call of the emperor, his attendants rushed forward,
and the assassin was himself cast into the stream. Shortly afler this
an old mis-shapen, squinting man glided into the camp with poisoned
wares, the veiy touch of which was said to be mortal. The emperor
bein^ fortunately already warned, caused him to be seized and exe-
cuted. His army, meanwhile, had become much strengthened, and
with it he first bcsdeged, in 1160, the city of Cremona, which was
in alliance with MOan, and had obstinately refused submission ; the
inhabitants defended themselves for seven months with unexampled
obstinacy, when they were at length obliged to yield. The city was
razed to the ground, and the inhabitants were obliged to wander to
other places.
It was only after a three years' sie^, and after much blood had
been spilt on both sides, that Fredenck overcame the strong city
of Milan. His patience was exhausted; the pardon he had once
granted having only made the rash citizens more arrogant, he re-
solved therefore^ by a severe punishment, to destroy their spirit of
reastance. During three day^, the 1st, 3d, and 6th of March,
the consuls and chief men of ike city, in increasing numbers, ad-
vanced to the imperial camp before lK)di, and on the third day, the
whole people with them; they divided themsdves into a hundred
sections, and repeated thrice before that city, which had been so
despised and ill-treated by them, the whole spectacle of their humili-
ation; with crosses, swords, and ropes hanging about the neck, and
barefooted. More than a hundred banners of tne city were, upon the
third day, laid down before the imperial throne, and. lastly, their chief
banner, the Gabogium,* was drawn forward. Its lony frame or
tree, with its iron leaves, was bowed down before the emperor as a sign
of the deepest humiliation; the princes and bishops, seated near him,
sprang up, in dread of being HUed by the weighty mass, but Frederick
remainea unmoved and tore the ftinge of the banner down. The whole
of the people then cast themselves to the ground, with loud wailings,
and inmlored mercy. The consuls and grandees of the city, and even
the nobles of the emperor's suite, all supplicated his paraon for the
capital, but the emperor remained inexorable, and desired his chan-
ceUor, Baynald, to read the law, whereby the city surrendered itself
atdiscredon. He then said: '^According to that law you have all me-
rited d«ith, but I will grant you your Hves. As regards the fitte of the
dty itself, I will so order it, that mftiture you shaU be prevented from
* Upon a car •trengthened with iron, a mandye iron tree with iron leares was
flied; a large croBsadonied the top of the tree, iBfh»t of which was represented the
holr Amhmitti, Milan's tntelaiy saint. Tlie toolour of the car was red, and the
eight oxen which drew it, were also ooTered with red dmpety. Before it was
drawn away, high mass was oetefarated on the oar; the idiole hehig an imitation of
theazkof thelmdites. C^r^nin]^^
Digitized by VjOO^IC
224 THE LOMBARDIAN CONFEDERATION.
committiDg similar crimefl therein." Upon whicli he retired to Pavia,
to decide upon the fate of Milan in a large assembly of Grerman and
Italian bishops, lords, and deputies from the various other cities.
The sentence was, *' that Milan should be levelled with the ground,
and the inhabitants remove, within eight days, to four of their vil-
lages, two miles from each other, where they should live under the
surveilknce of the imperial functionaries." The city of Milan in its
prosperity and arrogance, had so deeply injured many other cities:
Cosmo, Lodi, Cremona, Pavia, Veirelh, Novarra, and owers, that they
all beg^, 1^ aa especial favour, that they might diemselves puU
down me walls of the proud capital; so that, by the impulse of tneir
hatred and revenge, they accomplished within six days what hired
workmen would scared v have executed in so many months: for, al*
though the houses and cnurches were not pulled down, as later exagge-
ratedrecords report, yet, the powerful walls and forts of the city were
destroyed, the ditches filled up, and this once wealthy and splendid
city, after the expulsion of the moaning inhabitants, became one dread«
ful scene of waste and desolation.* The emperor then, at asplendid ban-
quet at Pavia, in the Easter festival, replaced his crown upon his head.
But Frederick was doomed to show to the world, by nis example,
that a change of fortune must ever produce its influence upon the
most powerml monarchs, and that no force can check it but wisdom
and moderation. The punishment of the city of Milan had been
too severe, and if this may even be excused perhaps by the rude-
ness and strong passions of that period, still Fredenck erred in not
having treated that and the other cities of the north of Italy with
mildness, and according to the laws of justice.
His deputies severely oppressed the country, and although, per-
haps, without his concurrence, yet he did not sufficiently attend to
the complaints which were made to him. At the same time he con-
tinued the contest with the still-increasing party of Pope Alexander,
and acted wrong in not taking advantage of the death of his own
Pope, Victor Ui., to reconcile himself with the former, instead of con-
firming the election of another rival pope, Pascal III. Frederick did
not consider that his opponents, by their united inspiration, the one
for civil freedom and the other for their church-party, derived uncon-
Suerable power. The cities of Lombardy allied themselves still more
losely together, and even those which had previously been the enemies
of the Milanese became disinclined towards the emperor ; for, now that
their former oppressors were cast to the ground, they compassionated
them. But the most dangerous enemy of the emperor was the bold and
sagacious Pope Alexander, who had succeeded, after a two years' exile
in France, to gain over the Romans to his side ; and had now returned
U> his metropolis. Consequently^ Frederick, afiier he had collected a
new army, and had settled the most urgent affairs in Northern Italy,
* During this deraftation of MxIad, many relics were remoTed from the deserted
chmrches. Among the rest, the Archbishop Raynald oonyeyed the bones of the tliree
kings with great solemnity across the Alps to the city of Cologne, and the King of
Bohemia carxied with him the candlesticks of the temple of Jenisalemu^^T^
THE IMPERIAL ARMY— MILAN RESTORED. 225
znarchedt in 1167| ix) Rome. The Romans were speedily beaten out
of the field, and the city itself besieged. It was especially around
the churches that the severest conflict took place, for they were de-
fended like fortresses; and it was in the heat of combat that the
Germans, having cast torches into the church of St. Mary, situated
close to St. Peter's, the flames reached the latter edifice, which, in
the general confiision, was taken possession of by the Swabian duke,
Piederick. Pope Alexander, seemg that the Romans commenced
murmuring at his obstinacy, fled secretly from the city, in the dress
of a pil^m. He was seen on the third day near a fountain, not far
£rom Circello, whence he escaped to Benevento.
Frederick, however, together with his consort, was crowned by
his pope, Pascal, on the first of August, 1167, in the metropolitan
church of Christendom. But, imme^ately afterwards, an epidemic
disease broke out among the Germans, of so terrific a nature that a
great portion of the army and a multitude of the nobles and chief men
were carried off. It was on a Wednesday, in August, that it first ap-
peared; the heat had long been excessive and overpowering; on the
morning of that day the sim was bright, after which rain suddenly fell,
and a glowing heat succeeded; whence the vapour raised caused the
sickness. Men died so suddenly, that often those who were perfectly
well in the morning fell dead on the same day while walking in the
street, and many, whilst even burying the dead, fell suddenly with
them into the grave. The Archbishop Raynald, of Cologne, the
emperor's able chancellor, four bishops, and eight dukes, and
among these the emperor's cousin, Frederick of Kothenberg, and
Guelf; the younger; besides many thousands of noble counts and
lords who were numbered amon^ the dead. The people everywhere
exclaimed, *' that this was a judgment of God for bummg St.
Peter's Church ! " The emperor was obliged to retire to Pavia, and,
in the following spring, he was forced, with only a few companions,
to leave Italy like a fugitive, secretly and disgmsed.
The cities, however, now raised their heads. They had already, in
that very year, 1167, and almost under the very eyes of the emperor,
whilst he lay before Rome, concluded a formal alliance with each
other; they even ventured to re-conduct the Milanese back to their
ancient city. The ditches, walls, and towers were speedily restored,
and every one laboured to re-construct his habitation. For the
capital had been so large and strong that, in its destruction, por-
tions of the walls, most of the houses, and almost all the churches
had remained standing. Thus, as Athens once, afler its destruc-
tion by the Persians, so, also, Milan now raised itself by the aid of
the other cities, more extensive and powerful than heiore. After
this was done, the Lombard confederation built a new city, as an im-
pregnable fortress against the emperor, in a beautiful and fertile spot
surrounded by three rivers and deep marshes, and called it, in
defiance of the emperor, and in honour of their pope, Alexandria,
In the space of a year this city became inhabited, and garrisoned by
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
226 ALEXANDRIA — ^BESIEGED BT FREDERICK.
15,000 warriors. The most powerful cities participated in the Lom-
bard confederation: Venice, Milan, Verona, Vicenza, Padna, Fer-
rara, Brescia, Cremona, Placenza, Parma, Modena, Bologna, &c.
Frederick, meanwhile, was not inactive in Grermanj; he remained
there stationary, nearly seven years; established more firmly the im*
penal dignity with all the strengthof his high mind; regulated and ad-
justed internal disturbances, ana, in particular, the great dis^te in the
north of Germany between Henry the Lion and his adversanes — ^upon
which subject we shall enlarge as we proceed — ^and at the same tune
augmented the power of his house by various just and legitimate acqui-
sitions for his five sons, still very yoxmg. Henry, the ddest, although
only 15 years of age, was elected King of the Romans; Frederick
received the duchy of Swabia and the lands of Ghielf, the elder, who
had bequeathed them, after the death of his only son, to the em-
gsror, an example followed by many other counts and nobles in
wabia. Conrad, the third son, inherited the lands of the Duke of
Rothenberg, who died childless. To the fourth son, Otho, Frede-
rick gave the vice-regency of Burgundy and Aries; and to the young-
est, Phillip, who stiU lay in the cradle, he presented several confis-
cated crown possessions and clerical feods. Thus the race of the
Hohenstaufens stood firmly rooted like a vigorous and richly-branched
tree of majestic oak.
But now Frederick again directed his attention to that still revolu-
tionary country, Italy. The German princes were now, it is true,
less easily induced to proceed to that intractable unhealthy climate,
but, by his persuasive eloquence and unwearied activity, he at length
succeeded in again coUectmg an army, and appeared, in the autumn
of 1174, for the fifth time, in that land. He b^eged the new
city of Alexandria, which had been built and fortifiea in order to
check his course; and he was forced to remain seven months before
it, during which his army suffered greatly in the winter fix)m sick-
ness and fatigue, in their camp, pitched upon marshy ground.
Meanwhile the Lombard cities had collected an army to relieve the
besieged, and which advanced at Easter, in 1175, fully prepared and
equipped. The emperor resolved upon making a last attack gainst
the place, and caused it to be stormed on the Thursday before Easter.
The Germans, by means of a subterraneous passage, succeeded in
advancing into the very heart of the city, as far as the middle of the
market place. Nevertheless the valiant garrison did not lose coura^,
and, to their great good fortune, this subterraneous passage fell m.
Those of their enemy, who had thus entered the city, were over-
powered, and the rest who were storming from without were beaten
back. The emperor was therefore obliged to raise the siege, and to
seek so hastily a different position, that he was forced to set fire to
his own encampment.
It was then agreed, that a meeting of the belligerent parties
should take place at Pavia, in order to conclude a treaty. The cardi-
nal of Ostia, who appeared in the name of the pope, would not
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
THE BATIXE OF LIGKAKO— FREDERICK DEFEATED. 227
greet the emperor on account of the ezconunnnication, but he oTinced
to him his regret, whilst he expressed his admiration of Frederick's
great qualities. Both sides were, however, but little inclined to
yield in an J portion of their demands. Whattended much to increase
the courage of the Lombards was, that precisely at this moment,
Henry the Lion refused the emperor that assistance, upon which
Frederick had so much relied. The treaties were, consequently,
Iroken off, and the Lombards, taking advantage of this &vourable
momenty advanced, under the protection of the grand and sacred
banner of St. Ambrose, against the emperor, and fought the deci-
ave battle of Lignano, on the 29th of May, 1176. Their force was
far superior in numbers, and occupied a &vourable poaiticm; whilst
€ia one flide they were flanked by a ditch which made all flight im-
possiUe. When they saw that tiie emperor had accepted their chat-
len^e, and now advanced against them, they immediately formed '
their line of battle. The Carocium ol tiie Milanese, was placed in
their centre, surrounded by 300 youths who had sworn to defend it
in life unto death, besides a body of 900 picked cavalry, styled the
phalanx of death, who had, singly and collectively, likewise taken tiie
oath of imolation. The battle commenced, and one of the Lombard
wings beginning very soon to waver, the order of the Milanese ranks
became confused. The emperor pressed directly upon the centre, to
gain the Carocium, and, as now its band of defenders likewise fair
tered, the courage of the Germans increased, and at len^ they con-
quered the sacred banner, and tore down aU its decorations, mt at
uiis moment the death-squadron recovered themselves, and again re-
tumed to the charge. Mortally wounded, the emperor s standard-
bearer now sank at his side, and the imperial banner with him; but
the brave Frederick, equipped in his splendid suit of armour, still
fought on at the head of his warriors. Suddenly, however, he was
seen to fall &om his diarger, and vanish &om the view of the army.
Terror and confusion now seized upon all, and Frederick's troops suf-
ferred an entire overthrow; he himself escaped with a* few faithM
fiiends in the wild tumult, and under the protection of the night.
Almost aU the citizens of Gomo, his allies, embittered by hatred and
reven^ against the Milanese on account of their ancient wars, fell
a sacrifice and were lef); dead upon the field. For two whole days
the emperor was mourned as slain, and even his consort put on a
widoVs robes; when, to the imexpected joy of aU, he again ap-
peared in Pavia.
After this the Emperor wished and proposed a peace; when tiie
Pope, Alexander, said in reply: ** That nothing was more desirable
to nim than to obtain peace m>m the greatest hero of Christendom;
he entreated only, that the Lombards might participate in it, and
he himself would proceed to that country." The two great opponents
had now learnt mutually to esteem each other, and Frederick having
expressed a wish for an interview witii the pope, the latter proceeded at
once to Venice. His journey thitiier resembled a triumphal rapcessioni
Q 2 Digitized by "Google
228 POPE ALEXANDER AND FREDERICK— VENICE.
for he was treated as the saviour of liberty, and as the father of the
Italian free-states. Frederick also came there in July, 1177, and,
according to an ancient historian: '' It pleased God so to guide his
heart that he suddenly subjected the lion-like pride of his mind, and
he became mild and gentle as a lamb, so that nc cast himself at the
feet of the pope, who awaited him at the entrance of the church
of St. Mark, and kissed them ; and the pope, with tears, raised him
from the ground, and gave him the kiss of peace, at which the
Germans exclaimed: 'Lord God we praise thee I' The emperor
then took the pope by the hand and led him into the church, where
he bestowed upon mm his benediction. On the following day,
however, at the express desire of the emperor, the pope celebrated
high mass, and Frederick, after he had himself, like an inferior of
the church, humbly cleared the way for the pope through the crowd,
took his place amidst the train of the German archbishops and
bishops, and devoutly assisted in the holy ceremony."
Thus, in those days, did mild, reUgious feelings moderate the
severe and stem disposition of the emperor, without at all affecting
the majesty of his presence, for his humility was voluntary, and
thence acquired for him general esteem ; whilst at the same time his
conduct was sincere, and consequently his reconciliation with the
pope was complete and lasting. But with the Lombards, as all the
articles of the treaty could not be immediately settled, a truce of six
-years was concluded. All rights and customs were to be investi-
gated; the demands of both sides equally weighed; and the relations
of the Italian cities with the emperor ana empire arranged afresh : all
which demanded time.
In 1 178 the emperor proceeded to Aries, where he was crowned king
of Burg^dy , and thence returned to Germany, where another import-
ant affair awaited his presence. Whilst on the one hand the house of
Hohenstaufen possessed at this period, in the person of its emperor, a
powerful and high-minded chief, the house ot Gxielf enjo)red, on the
other, an equal advantage in Henry the Lion, Duke of Bavaria and Sax-
ony. For, whilst Freaerick, in the south, conducted his great wars
against the Italian cities, Henry increased his power in the north by a
successful war against the Vandals. Henry resembled the friend of his
youth, Frederick, in valour, firmness, and chivalric sentiments. His
outward appearance was also distinguished, and his powerful figure,
strengthened by every corporeal exercise, displayed tne bold courage
of his mind. Yet, whilst 1 rederick, in his hair and complexion, bore
the true impress of genuine German origin, Henry, on his part,
presented in liis whole appearance the evidence of his connexion
with the southern race of the Guelfs; his complexion being darker,
his hair and beard black, and his eyes the same colour. His name
soon became terrible in the northern districts. He conquered a great
portion of Holstein and Mecklenburg, as far as Pomerania, and
populated the country, as Albert the Bear had done previously in
.the marches, with peasants from Brabant, Flandeira^ and Germany.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
HENRY TnK LION OF BRUNSWICK— HIS RISE AND FALL. 229
He founded bishoprics and schools ; distributed throughout these coun-
tries criminal courts and judges ; transformed forests and, marshes into
fruitful fields; and, whilst he increased his own power, he became the
promoter cf civilization in the north of Germany. Lubeck, foimded in
1140, and made the sec of a bishop, soon developed itself and flourished
lobly ; and Hamburg, previously destroyed by the Vandals, was again
restored. Thus his extensive possessions extended from the shores of
the Baltic and the North Sea, as far as the Danube in the southern
mountains, and were more considerable than the absolute dominions of
Ae emperor; whilst, finally, he founded, in 11 57, Munich, in Bavaria.
Tie object of Henry was to unite his two duchies under one entire
political government, and thus to restrict throughout his territories
as much as possible, the rights of the nobles, both temporal and spi-
lituaL At the same time, in so doing he laid himself open to tne
leproacb of injustice; as, for instance, in the case of Count Adol-
phus m., of Holstein. This nobleman had laboured greatlv to ad-
vance tbe prosperity of his country, and having, amongst the rest,
established some valuable salt works at Oldcsloe, Henry now de-
stroyed them by causing firesh water from neighbouring springs to
flow into them, because nis own salt works at Luneburg were, as he
thought, injured by the existence of those of Count Adolphus.
The jealousy ol the neighbouring German princes having now
become excited against him, ho, as a warning to them, caused a large
Hon, cast in bronze, to be placed before lus castle in Brunswick.
They understood what by this sign he meant to indicate, but although
they trembled individually, they nevertheless tried once more to put
a stop to his rapid progress by a great alliance, in which were in-
dud^: the Archbishops of Cologne, Bremen, and Magdeburg; the
Bishops of Hildesheim, and Lubeck, the Landgrave of Thuringia,
and the Margrave of Brandenburg, with several counts and knights.
But Henry, sudden as the royal animal whose title he had chosen,
broke loose, re-conquered Bremen, devastated Thuringia and the
ardibishopric of Magdeburg with fire and sword, drove away Con-
rad, bishop of Lubeck, and thus overcame and crushed his enemies
completely. Such was the state of afiairs in Germany when the
Emperor Frederick returned from Italy, in 1 168 ; his presence, how-
ever, restored tranquillity once more, and both parties were obliged
to surrender to each other their conquests.
The noble Guelf, to whom repose was hateful, made now, in 1172,
8 plgrimage to the Holy Land, but, upon his return, disputes were
renewed, and he this time drew upon himself, in the person of the
emperor, a fiir more powerful opj>onent. The latter, who had bcjen
hitherto his constant mend, and, in a series of years, had shown him
nodiing but kindness, considered he might with justice calculate
especially upon him when, after raising the siege of Alexandria, in the
year 1175, he collected all his forces together, in order to come to a
decisive and final engagement with the Lombards. But it was just
in that critical moment that Henry, to whom these distant expedi*
Digitized by
Google
230 henry's ingratitude — ^FREDERICK'S REVENGE.
tions were liiglily objectionable, and who preferred remaining at home
with his army, for the purpoee of increasing his own power, rsfused hia
aaostanoe. He plead^ his age, although n^ was only forty-six years
cdd, and thus younger than me emperor hixoself ; pretending that too
many necessary affiurs required his presence in his own coimtry.
Frederick hoped, however, in an interview with him, to persuade him
to change his mind, and invited him to the frontiers of Italy; the
duke came, and the two rulers met at Chiavenna, on the Laiae of
Como. The emperor reminded his fiiend of their alliance, their
dose relationship, of his honour, and feudal duty as prince; but
Henry remained inflexible. The emperor then arose in great a^ta-
tion, embraced the duke's knees, and entreated him still more
earnestly — so important was his asastance to him at this moment.
Henry was moved, and endeavoured to raise the emptor, but did
not waver in his determination. The empress then joined them, and
said to her husband : ^' Pray rise, my dear friend, God wiU help you if,
on some future day, you do but punish this arrogance I" The emp^<»:
arose, but the duke retired; and it was to his absoice that Frederick
might chiefly impute his subsequent bad success atLignano. He could
not for^t tnis event, and upon his return to Germany, after the peace
of Vemce, in 1178, and &esh complaints resounded fiom all sides
a^ainstthe duke,he cited him to appear at a dietat Worms. Heniy
did not however attend. He was summoned a second time to Magde-
burg; even there he did not smpear; and, ashe equally neglected a third
and a fourth summons, at G^lar and Wurzburg, me emperor sat in
judgment upon him, in the year 1180, and the princes confirmed his
deposal &om all his dignities and fiefs, as his punishment Fre-
d^ck then declared him outlawed, and divided his fiefs among other
princes. The duchy of Saxony, to which he left but the shMow of
preceding greatness — ^for he had himself already felt the danger re-
sulting from too extensive duchies — ^he awarded to the second son of
Albert the Bear, Bernard of Anhalt. The duchy in the western
districts, as far as the dioceses of Cologne and Paderbom, comprising
limburg, Amsberg, West^^lia, Paderbom, and a portion of Ra-
vensberg, he gave to the Archbishop of Cologne, who, however,
only succeeded in holding possession of a portion of these countries.
The Bishops of Magdeburg, Hildesheim, Pa<krbc»m, Br^nen, Ver-
den, and Minden, took advantage of this opportunity to make them-
selves not onlyindependent of the duch}r, but also to increase their
possessions. The duchy of Bavaria, which was also somewhat de-
creased, was given to the valiant Count Palatine, Otho of Wit-
telsbach, the mthful companion of the emperor, llie cities of Lii-
beck and Batbbon became free imperial cities, and in Pomerania,
which was now united with the empire, Frederick created the bro-
thers, Casimir and Bogislaus, dukes.
After the emperor had pa^ed judgment upon Heniy his enemies
forthwith took up arms, to possess themselves of their portion of the
booty; but the old lion st^ defended himself valiantly. They could
Digitized by
Google
HENRT KXTT.ED TO ENGLAND— LOMB A ROT— PLACE. 231
aocomj)liah nothing against him, and were lepeatedly beaten, until
Frederick himselfadvanoed with an army. Their reverence for the im-
perial name, and their natural repugnance to be allied with an outlaw,
disarmed tbe duke's friends; he was obliged to quit his patrimonial
estates, and was forced to see Brunswick, his capital, invested, one
of his chief castles, Bardewick, taken ; and finally, when the powerful
dty of Liibeck yielded to the emptor, he found himself left com-
pletely without any protection, even behind the Elbe. Driven, at
Jasty to extremities, he cast himself at the feet of the emperor, at
ihe diet of Erfurt, held in the year 1181. The humiliation of his
<M friend and companion in arms, whose proud soul was now broken,
drew even tears of sympathy from the mighty Frederick, and he par-
doned him. He counselled him, however, in order that, with time,
the hatred of his enemies might become moderated, to absent him-
self for three vears from Grermany, and to remain, during that inter-
val with his mther-in-law, Henry IL, King of England; meanwhile
his hereditary lands, Brunswick and Liinebur^, remained in his pos-
session. Thus it was that, as it were by a smgular reverse of late,
the duke dwelt as an exile for some time in the country where his
descendants were subsequently to ascend a brilliant throne; for it was
there that his consort, MatildBi, gave birth to the same William who
was afterwards the chief branch of the house of Hanover which has
placed the British kiags upon the throne.
This great example of imperial superiority in Germany may pos-
sibly have worked upon the minds of the ItaUaus; and as, m the
following year, 1183, the truoe of six years with the Lombards
ceased, and the emperor, besides, showed himself a merciful ruler,
they evinced a more satined disposition, and the peace of Kosnitz
was accordingly signed with them, which henceiorward stood as
fundamental law between the ^peror and upper Italy. The em-
peror himself obtained great privileges: he had the right to appoint
his own counts, as the burgomasters chosen by the citizens, and to
renew their dignity every five years ; he exercised the supreme judicial
power, whilst he derived, besides, several imposts, particularly the
subsidies for his army in the Italian campaigns; and all the citizens,
from the a^e of 15 to 70, swore all^iance to him. Under these
conditions the citizens, on their part, received the right of municipal
freedom within their walls; were permitted to Hve according to their
own manners and customs, and were even privileged to make such
new regulations as they deemed just, and the confederation of their
dties, already existing, was now confirmed.
Thus Frederick was enabled, now and for the last time, (in 1184)
to proceed to Italy in a state of peace, and, as he advanced, he was
rendered more and more happy in witnessing the tranquillity and
contentment that reigned throughout the land, whilst all around him
was in a fever of joy and delight The Lombards received him as
if no enmity had ever existed between them. He caused the iron
crown of iiik Lombards to be placed on the head of his son Henry,
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
232 FREDERICK'S GRAND CRUSADE— HIS SUCCESSES.
and gave him away in marriaffe, -with great pomp and festivity, at
Milan, in 1186, (which city had especially begged from the em-
peror that honour) to Constanza, the last heiress of Naples and
Sicily of the royal Norman race, and which alliance gave the house
of Hohenstaufen new and high expectations; for, being already
in possession of Northern Italy, if it acquired in addition, Lower
Italy, the whole peninsula would necessarily soon become subject
to its dominion, and its subjection would accordingly lead to that of
the whole of Germany. Such were the projects formed by the old
yet youthfully-sanguine emperor, who was far from anticipating that
by this last, and apparently splendid achievement of his glorious
career the seeds were sown for the fall and ruin of his house.
It appeared now as if £ate, after having subjected the emperor to
all its storms, had determined to prepare for him, in his venerable
age, the glory of a noble death in a sacred cause; for, at this mo-
ment, intelligence arrived suddenly in Europe that Jerusalem, after
the imfortunate battle of Hittin, or Tibenad, in 1187, was ^ain
torn from the Christians by Saladin, the Sultan of Egypt. Pope
Urban III. died of grief at this news, and his successors, Gregory
Vin. and Clement III. addressed urgent letters to the European
princes, summoning them to rise and march forthwith to the debver-
ance of the Holy City; consequently, all the knights-templars and the
knights of St. John, dispersed throughout Europe, were the first to
embark; the Italians assembled together under the Archbishops of
Bavenna and Pisa; the Normans furnished all their forces; a fleet of
fifty vessels from Denmark and Friesland, and thirty-seven from
Flanders set sail, headed by their great leaders : Richard Cceur-de-lion,
Kinffof England, Philip Augustus, of France, and the Emperor Frede-
rick Barbarossa, together with all the neighbouring kings and princes
came likewise forward with their whole power for the sacred cause.
Our venerable hero, Frederick Barbarossa, advanced, in the Mayof
the year 1 189, at the head of 150,000 well armed combatants. The
Greeks, who seemed disposed to practise similar treachery towards
him as they had against Conrad III., he punished severely, and dis-
mantled their cities. The Sultan Kilidish Arslan, of Cogni, or Ico-
nium, in Asia Minor, who had offered him his friendship, and after-
wards betrayed him, he attacked and put to flight, taking possession
of his metropolis. Thus, in all these battles Frederick, even as an old
man, distinguished himself beyond all the rest by his heroic vigour
and magnanimity, and he succeeded in leading his army through
every da^^er as far as the frontiers of Syria, but here ended the
term of his noble course. When, on the lOih of Jime, 1190, the
army resumed its march from Sileucia, and traversed the river
Cymius, or Seleph, the bold and venturesome old warrior, to whom
the passage over the bridge was much too slow, dashed at once with
his war-horse into the river, in order thus to overtake more speedily
his son Frederick, who led the van. But the rapid course of the
stream overpowered and bore him away, and when at length, assist-
Digitized by
Google
DEATH OF FREDERICK L — PALESTINE. 233
anoe could be rendered him, the veteran was found abeady dead.
The grief and lamentations of his son, of the princes, and of the whole
army were indescribable. Fate nevertheless had by this means saved
him from experiencing subsequently, bitterpain and mortification, and
his noble soul was not doomed to sufier by the unfortunate termina-
tion of so great an enterprise. For the German army, after his
death, was almost entirely destroyed by sickness before the city of
Antioch; and the emperor's second son Frederick, Duke of Swabia,
died at the siege of Acre, or Ptolemais, and Jerusalem was never re-
conquered.*
The grief which the Emperor Frederick's death excited through-
out the west of Europe, is testified by a French writer of that
period, who, according to his peculiar style, thus speaks of it:
" News so deadly piercmg, even to the very marrow and bone, has
wounded me so mortally, that all hope and desire of life have passed
from me. For I have heard that that immoveable pillar of the em-
pire, Grermany's tower of strength and its very foundation, and that
morning star which surpassed all other stars insplendour, Frederick
the migiity, has ended nis life in the east. Thus no longer exists
that strong lion, whose majestic countenance and powerful arm
frightened savage animals from devastation, subjected rebels, and
maae robbers hve in peace and order." And the degree to which
tile imperial dignity in general was raised by him, is expressed in
the words of his chancellor, Raynald, at a diet at Besancon, where
he said, ** Germany possesses an emperor, but the rest ot Europe —
only petty kings.
* This riege is one of the most remarkable and sanguinary on record. Both the
Kings of England and France were present, and took their share in the dangers.
The dty was eventually taken, after a long and yigorous resistance; but the sword
and disease bad combined to reduce the army of the Crusaders to such a degree^
that it was in vain to contemplate any fresh enterprise. Seyeral archbishops and
patriarchs, twelve bishops, forty dukes and counts, five hundred of the principal no-
^ity* together with a great number of knights, and an innumerable host of inferior
oflloers and soldiers, became a sacrifice. Philip Augustus returned speedily to
^EVanoe; but Richiurd of England remained, and continuing on the war with the
greatest activity, acquired the reputation of beiug the most valiant knight oi
bis time; whilst Saladin likewise proved himself a brave and shrewd adversary.
Bichard, however, was recalled to Europe, through the dangers which threatened his
own kingdom. He concluded a peace with the sultan, and gave up to him Jerusa-
lem; and thus nothing more remained in the hands of the Christians than a narrow
strip of land along the coast from Jaifa to Acre.
Digitized by
Google
234 HENRY VI. — RICHARD C(EUR-DE-LION.
CHAPTER X.
TROM T 190 TO THE INTEBBBONniH, 1273.
HeniT VI, 1190-1197^Hi8 Meroenary and Cruel Character— Richard L of England
— ^IB SeijEed and Imprisoned b j Henry— Naples and Sicil j— The Grandees— Thdr
Barbarons Treatment bj the Emperor— Hk Death, 1197 — The Riral Sovereigns
—Phillip of Swahia, 1197-1206, and Otho IV., 1197-1215— Their Death— Fre-
derick n., 1215-1250— His Noble Qualities— Loye for the Arts and Sciences— His
Sarcastic Poetry — ^Preference for Italy — ^Disputes inth the Popes— Is ezoonunu-
nicated— His drnsade to the Holy Land— Crowned King of Jerusalem— Marries
a Princess of; England — Italy — ^Pope Gregory IX.— Frederick denounced and de-
poted— Dissensions in Germany— The Riyal Kings— Death of Frederick IL, 1250
— ^His Extraordinary Genius and Talents — His Zeal for Science and Education-^
A G^oe at the East and North-Eastem Farts of Germany— Fngress in dvili-
sation— William of Holland, 1247-1256— Conrad IV., 1250-1254— Their Deaths—
The Intenregnum, 1256-1273 — ^Progress of the Germanic Constitution.
Frederick's eldest eon, Heniy, who, duiin^ his father's life
was named his suooessor, and in whose absence he had been invested
with the government of the empire, was not diflsimilar to his &ther
in the power of his mind, in chivaliic bearing, and in grand ideas
and plans, but his disposition was extremely partial and severe, often
crael, and in order to execute great ambitious projects he betrayed
feelings of a very meroenary nature. This was duplayed in an oc-
currence which 1^ not done him much honour. King Richard Goeurw
de-Lion, of England, when in Palestine, had at the siege of Akkon,
or Acre (of which we have already spoken) a dispute with Duke
Leopold of Austria; inasmuch as the Germans, aner the city was
taken, being encamped in one of its quarters, Duke Leopold caused
the German banner to be raised accordingly upon a tower, similar
to the Kings of England and France. But the proud Richard of
England caused it to be torn down, and it was trampled in the mud
by the English. This was an affront to the whole Gennan army, and
oertainly deserved immediate and severe punishment. But the revenge
which the duke and the emperor Henry took afterwards upon the king
was of the most treacherous and ignoble character. Richard, namely,
upon his return &om Palestine m 1192, was cast by a storm upon
the Italian coast, near Aauileja, and wished to continue his route
through Germany; but, although he had disguised himself as a pil-
grim,ne was recognised in Vienna by his expensive style of living,
and by the imprudence of his servant. He was seized and deliver^
up to Duke Leopold, who had previously returned, and by whom he
was surrendered to the Emperor Henry. The noble chivalric Kine
of England, and brother-in-law of Henry the Lion, was now detained
at Trifels, in close confinement, above a year, until he was formally
brought before the assembly of German princes at Hagenau, as a
crimmal, and had defended hunself ; nor was he liberated and allowed
to return to his kingdom until the English had paid a ransom of a
million of dollars — ^&r that period an immense sum. Inthusproceed-
Digitized by
Google
NAPLES AND SICILY— D£ATH OF HENRY VL 235
ing against Richard, Heniy had, it is true, acted in conformity with
the ancient right of the imperial dignitj, according to whidi the
emperor was authorised to ate before him all the kings of Christ-
endom, and sit in judgment over them. But the manner in which he
acted in this case was degrading, and unworthy of any ruling power.
The emperor concluded with Henry tlie Lion, who after his return
fiom England had produced fresh wars, a perman^it treaty of peace,
and by the marriage which took place between the duke's son, Henry
the Slender, and Agnes, princess palatine, and niece of Frederick I.,
the reconciliation of these two distinguished houses was confirmed.
The principal aim now of the Emperor Henry, beyond every thing
else, was to secure to his house Naples and Sicily, the inheritance
of his consort Constanza; but the avarice and crud^ with which he
acted in his endeavours to gain his object soon inmsposed and ren*
dered the feelings of his new subjects more and more adverse towards
him, and increased their hatred against the Gr^mans. Eor he not
only conveyed away the gold and silver, together with all the costly
ornaments of the ancient Norman kings, to such an extent that one
hundred and sixty animals were loaded therewith, and proceeded with
them to the castle of Trifels on the Rhine, but hecaused the eyes of the
grandees who had rebelled to be put out, and as an insult to uieir mis-
mituikda, and in mockery of tibieb efforts to get possession of the throne
and wear the crown, he placed th^n upon seats of red-hot iron, and lis-
tened upon their heads crowns formed equally of burning iron. The
rest of their accomplices were, it is true, so much terrified thereby,
that they vowed allegiance; but this submission did not ccnne £rom
their hearts, and Henry's successors paid severely for his cruelties.
He meditated the most important plans, wmch, had they been
accomplished, would have given to the whole empire a completely
differ^it form. Among the rest, he offered to the German princes to
xeoder their fiefs hereditaiy, promised to roiounce all imperial dainui
to the property left by bishops and the rest of the clergy; in return
for which, however, he desired the imperial throne to be made likewise
hereditary in his family* He even promised to unite Naples and Sicily
whollywith the empire. Many princes voluntarily agreed to these pro-
positions, which appeared advantageous to them ; some of the greater
ones, however, refused, and as the pope likewise withheld his consent,
Henry was obliged to diefer the execution of his great projects toa more
convenient time. Affiiirs now called him agaon to Sicily, and there
he died suddenly in 1197, in the 33d year of his age, and at the
moment when he oontemi^ated the conquest of the Greek empire, by
which to ^pare and secure a successful issue to the crusades.* ^
HissonErederick was but just eight years old, and the two parties in
Germany, the Hohenstaufens and Vie Guelfs, became again so strongly
divided, that the one side chose as emperor Phillip, Henry's brother,
• Heoi/B tomb, at Palermo, was opened after nearly 600 yean, and the body
fend weU preserred. InthefestaxeBof 1lie£uie,ilieezpre0donorimperiotupride
a«d deipotic onielly fr«n stitt to be xeoogDiMd.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
236 THE RIVAL EMPERORS— THEIR DEATHS — FREDERICK II.
and the other Otho, the second son of Henry the Lion, a prince distin-
guished for his strength and valour, and thus Germany had again two
sovereigns at once.
Through this unfortunate division of parties the empire became for
the space of more than ten years the scene of devastation, robbery, and
znuraer, and both princes, who were equally endowed with good quali-
ties, could do nothing for the country; on the contrary, in the endea-
vours made by each to gain over the pope to himself, they jielded to
the subtle Innocent III., under whom the papacy attained its highest
gradeof power, many of their privileges. Otho IV. even acknowledged
the pope s claim of authority to bestow the empire as he might appomt,
and called himself in his letters to the pope a Roman king by the
grace of God and the pope. For which concession, and because he
was a Guelf, Innocent protected him with all his power, and when
Phillip in 1208 was assassinated at Bamberg by Otho of Wittelsbach,
(a nej)hew of him to whom Frederick I. had ffiven the duchy of
Bavaria) in revenge because he would not give him bis daughter in
marriage as he hadpromised, Otho IV. was universally acknowledged
as emperor, and solemnly crowned at Rome. His friendship with
the pope, however, did not last long, for Otho saw that he had gone
too far in his submission, and ought not to sacrifice for his private
interest all the privileges of the empire. The pontiff, therefore, op-
posed to him as king, the youthful Frederick, the son of Henry Vl.,
who had meanwhile grown up in Sicily, and whose guardian ne be-
came after the death of his mother Constanza. Frederick soon gained
adherents, and was crowned at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1215, and Otho
lived henceforward deserted and inactive on his patrimonial lands
until he died in 1218.
The Emperor Frederick II., the grandson of Frederick I., by his he-
roism, firmness of will, and boldness of spirit, and combining with this
majesty of character both mildness and grace, was worthy of his noble
family, so that the impression of his personal greatness remained long
after his demise. In addition to which, he was a friend of art and
science, and was himself a poet: sentiment, anioiation, and euphony
breathing in all his works. His bold and searching glance dwelt
especially upon the follies of his age, and he frequently lashed them
With bitter ridicule, whilst, on the contrary, he saw in every one,
whence or of whatsoever fitith he might be, merely the man, and
honoured him as such if he found him so worthy.
And yet this emperor executed but little that was great; his best
powers were consumed in the renewed contest between the imperial
and papal authority which never had more ruinous consequences
than under his reign, and Germany in particular found but little
reason to rejoice in its sovereign, for his views even beyond all the
other Hohenstaufens, were directed to Italy. Bj birth and educa^
tion more an Italian than a German, he was particularly attached to
his beautiful inheritance of the Two Sicilies, and in Germany, thus
neglected, the irresponsible dominion of the vassals took still deeper
Digitized by
Google
DISPUTE WITH THE POPES— PALESTINE. 237
root, whilst, on the other hand, in France the royal power, by with-
drawing considerable fiefs, commenced preparing its victory over the
feudal system.
There were also three grand causes which served to excite the popes
against Frederick. In the first place, they could not endure that,
besides northern Italy, he should possess Sicily and Naples, and was
thus enabled to press upon their state from two sides; secondly, they
were indignant because he would not yield to them, unconditionally,
the great privileges which the weak Otho lY. had ceded to them;
but, thirdly, what most excited their anger was, that, in the heat of
their dispute, he frequently turned the sharpness of his sarcasm
against them, and endeavoured to make them both ridiculous and
contemptible.
The commencement of the schism, however, arose from a par*
ticular circumstance. Frederick, at his coronation, in Aix-la-Cha-
SeUe, had spontaneously en^a^ed to undertake a crusade for the
eliverance of Jerusalem, and this promise he renewed when he was
crowned emperor at Rome, in 1220. But he now found in hia
Italian inheritance, as well as in the opposition shown by the Lom*
bard cities, which, after the death of Frederick I., had again become
arrogant, so much to do that he was continually obliged to require
from the pope renewed delays. The peaceful and just Honorius III.
granted them to him; and there existed between him and the em-
peror a firiendly feeling, and even a mutual feeling of respect. But
with the passionate Gregory IX., the old dispute between the spi-
ritual ana temporal power soon again broke forth, and Gregory
strongly urged the crusade. In the year 1227, Frederick actually sailed
with a fleet, but returned after a few days, under the pretext of ill-
ness, and the whole expedition ending m nothing, Ghregory became
irritated, and without listening to or admitting even the emperor's
excuses, excommimicated him, for he maintained his sickness was a
fiction. To contradict these charges by facts, the emperor actually
went the ensuing year to Palestine. But upon this the pope cen-
sured him, even more strongly than before, declaring any one,
under excommunication, to be an unfit instrument for the service of
God. And in order that Frederick might accompUsh nothing great
in the holy land, he sent thither commands, that neither the clergy
there, nor the orders of knighthood, should have community with
him : nay, he himself even caused his troops to make an incursion
into Frederick's Italian lands, and conquered a portion of Apulia.
But Frederick, in the meantime, speedilv brought the war in Pales-
tine to a successful termination. The Sultan of Egypt, at Kameel,
partly through the great fame which the imperial sovereignty enjoyed
in the east, and part^&om personal esteem for Frederick(but weakened
principally by family dissensions), concluded with him a truce for
ten years, and gave up Jerusalem, Bethlehem, and Nazareth. The
emperor then entered the holy city, and visited the grave, but the
patriarchs of Jerusalem and the priests, obedient to the commands
of the pope, would celebrate no religious service in his presence.
238 FREDERICK'S MARRIAGE WITH ISABELLA OF ENGLAND.
Notwithstanding which, he performed his devotions, and in the pre-
Bence of his nobles, crowned himself with the crown of the kings of
Jerusalem; a right he had acquired by his marriage with lolontha,
the daughter ofKing John, of Jerusalem;* after which he returned
quickly to Italy. His presence speedily repaired all that was lost,
and the pope saw himself obliged, in 1230, to conclude a peace and
remove the ban.
A tranquil moment seemed now to present itself in Frederick's
life, but fate attacked him from ajiother side. His own son, Henry,
whom he had left in Germany, as imperial viceroy, rebelled against
him, exdted, probably, by ambition and evil counsellors. After
fift;een years absence, Frederick returned to Germany, and with a
bleeding heart he was obliged to overpower his own son by force,
take him prisoner, and place him in confinement in Apulia, where,
seven years afterwards, he died.
Upon this occasion, Frederick also held, in 1235, a grand diet at
Mentz, where 64 princes, and about 12,000 nobles and knights
were present. Here written laws were made relative to the peace
of the country, and other regulations adopted, which showed the em-
pire the prudence of its emperor. Before the diet assembled, he cele-
brated, at Worms, his espousal with his second consort, the English
princess, Isabella. The unperial bride was received upon the fron-
tiers by a splendid suite of nobles and knights; in all the cities
through which she passed, the clergy met her, accompanied by
choirs of sacred music, and the cheerful peals of the church-bells ; and
in Cologne, the streets of which were superbly decorated, she was
received by ten thousand citizens on horseback, in rich clothing and
arms. Carriages with organs, in the form of ships, their wheels and
horses concealed by purple coverings, caused an harmonious music to
resound, and throughout the whole night choirs of maidens sere-
naded beneath the windows of the emperor's bride. At the
marriage in Worms, four kings, eleven dnkes, and thirty counts and
margraves were present. Frederick made the most costly presents
to the English ambassador; and, among the rest, he sent nch gifts
of curiosities from the east to the King of England, as well as l£ree
leopards, the leopards being included m the English coat of arms.
From these peaceftd occupations, Frederick was obliged to turn, in
the following year, to more serious afi&irs in Italy, where the Lombard
cities more especially claimed his presence, thej having renewed their
ancient alliance amongst themselves and reftismg to yield to him the
obedience he required as emperor. With the assistance of his valiant
leader, the knight Ezzelin de Romano, he conquered several of the
allied .'cities, and so beat the Milanese in 1237, at Cortenuova,
that they would willingly have humbled themselves, if he had
granted only moderate conditions. But, unwarned by the example
of his grandfather, he required them to submit at discretion: whilst
* The Kings d ^agka and Sicily inherited the title of King of Jerosalem from
Frederick.
Digitized by
Google
THE POPES— FREDERICK— DENOUNCED AND DEPOSED. 239
the citizeiis, lemembeiin^ eazfier times, prefeired dying under their
shields, laiher, they said^ than by the zope, famine, or fire, and
from this period commenced in reality the misfortanes of Frederick's
life. According to the statement nuide by one of our writers, ^^ he
lost the favour of many men by his implacable severi^.'* His old
enemy also, Gregory IjL, rose up again against him, joined hence-
forth the confederation of the cities, and excozmnnnicated him a
second time. Indeed, theenmity of both parties went so fiur, and de-
generated so much into personal animosity, that the pope comparing
the emperor, in a letter to the other princes, '^ to that Apocalyptie
monster rising fix)m the sea, which was mil of blasphemous names, and
in colour chequered like a leopard," Frederick immediately replied
with another passage firom Scripture: ^'Another red horse arose
from the sea, and he who sat thereon took peace irom the earth, so
that the living dbould kiU eadi other."
But in that i^ there existed one great anthoritjr which operated
powerfully on the ade of the pope, and feught against Frederick —
this was the power of public apmkm. The pope now cast upon the
emperor the heayy charge that he was a despiser of rdigion and of the
holy church, and was incUned to the infidelity of the Saracens (the
fact that Frederick had employed, in the war with the Lombardians,
10,000 Saracens, appeared to justify this charge), and althoudh the
emperor several times, both Terbally and in writing, solemnly de-
clared that he was a true Christian, and as such wished to live and
die: naj, although he was formally examined in religion by several
bishops, and carded a testimony of his orthodoxy to be pubUshed,
this accusation of the pope still found belief amongst most men. In
addition to which, Frederick's rash and capricious wit had too often
thoughtlessly attacked saered subjects; whilst his life also was not
pure and blameless, but stained with the excesses of seneuality. Ac-
cordingly he sank more and more in general estimation, and it was
this that embittered the latter period of his life, and at length en-
tirely consumed him with vexation.
Grregory IX., who died in 1241, nearly one hundred years old,
was succeeded by Innocent IV., who was a still more violent enemy
of the emperor than even Gregory had been. As Frederick stiU
continued to be powerful in Italy ,.and threatened him even in Rome
itself, the pope retired to Grenoa, and from thence to Lyons, in
France. Thare he renewed, in 1245, in a larse council, the ban
against the emperor, although the latter offered nimself in peace and
friendship, and was willing to remove aUpoints of complaint, whilst,
in addition to all this, his ambassador, Thaddeus of Suessa, pleaded
most powerfully for his lord. Indeed, the pope went so frur as so-
l^nnly to pronounce the deposal of the emperor from all his states
and dignities. When the bull of excommunication was circulated
in Germany, many of the spiritual princes took advantage of the
exditemait produced thereby, and elected, in 1246, at Wiirzburg,
ihe landgrave, Heniy Baspe, of Thuiingia, as rival emperor. The
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
240 THE RIVAL KINGS— ANARCHY— DEATH OF FREDERICK II.
latter, however, could gain no absolute authority, and died the fol-
lowing year. As Frederick, however, still remained in Italy, en-
tangled in constant wars, the ecclesiastical princes elected another
sovereign, Count William of Holland, a youth twenty years of age,
who, in order that he might become the head of the order of
knighthood, was forthwith solemnly promoted iBrom his inferior rank
of squire to that of a knight. The greatest confusion now existed
in Germany, as well as in Italy. ** After the Emperor Frederick
was excommunicated," says an ancient historian, '* the robbers con-
gratulated themselves, and rejoiced at the opportunities for pillage
now presented to them. The ploughshares were transformed into
sworos, and the scythes into lances. Every one supplied himself
with steel and flint, in order to be able to produce fixe and spread
incendiarism instantly."
In Italy, the war continued uninterruptedly and without any deci-
sive result, especially with the Lombardian cities. The imperial arms
were often successful, but the spirit of the emperor was bowed down,
and at last his good fortime occasionally deserted him. In the year
1249, his own son, Ensdus, whom hehad made King of Sicily, and of
all his sons the most chivalric and handsome, was taken prisoner by
the Bolognese in an unsuccessftd combat near Fossalta. Tne irritated
citizens reftised all offers of ransom for the emperor's son, and con-
demned him to perpetual imprisonment, in which he continued for
two-and-twenty years, and survived all the sons and grandsons of
Frederick, who perished every one by poison, the sword, and the axe
of the executioner.
Exclusive of the bitter grief caused by his son's misfortune, the
emperor, in his last years, was afflicted with the additional pain and
mortification at finding his long-tried friend and chancellor, Petnis
de Vincis, to whom he had confided the most important affairs of
his empire, charged with the crime of attempting to take the life of
his master by poison. Matthieu of Paris, at least, relates as certain,
that the physician de Vincis handed to the emperor a poisonous
beverage as a medicine, but which the latter, naving had his sus-
picions excited, did not drink. The chancellor was thrown into
prison, and deprived of his eyesight, where he committed suicide by
dashing his head against the wall. Whether de Vincis was guilty,
or whether appearances were alone against him which he comd not
remove, is not to be decided, owing to the insufficiency of the infor-
mation handed down to us. The emperor, however, did not long
survive this painful event; he died in 1250, in the arms of his son,
Manfred, at the castle of Fiorentino or Firenzuolo, in the fifty-sixth
year of his age.
If after contemplating the stormy phases which convulsed this em-
peror's life, we turn our observation to his noble qualities, his acute and
sensitive feehng for all that was beautiful and grand, and, above all, to
what he did for science and enlightenment generally in Naples, his
hereditary land, we feel penetrated with profoxmd regret when we
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
FREDERICK'S EXTRAORDINARY GENIUS AND TALENTS. 241
find that all this, like a transdtoTy apparition, |)assed away without
any lasting trace; but more especially are we pained to witness how
he neglected to reign with affection and devotion over his German
subjects. Since Charlemagne and Alfred of England, no potentate
had existed who loved and promoted civilization, in its broadest
sense, so much as Frederick II. At his court the same as at that
of Charlemagne, were assembled the noblest and most intellectual
minds of that age; through them he caused a multitude of Grreek
works, and in particular tnose of Aristotle, to be translated fix>m
the Arabic into Latin. He collected, for that period, a very consider^
able Hbrary , partly by researches made in his own states, partly during
his stay in oyria, and through his alliance with the Arab princes.
Besides, he did not retain these treasures jealously and covetously
for himself, but imparted them to others; as, for mstance, he pre-
sented the works of Aristotle to the University of Bolo^a, although
that city was inimically disposed towards him, to which he added
the following address : *' Science must go hand in hand with govern-
ment, legislation, and the pursuits of war, because these, otherwise
subjected to the allurements of the world and to ignorance, either
sink into indolence, or else, if imchecked, stray beyond dl sanc-
tioned limits. Wherefore, from youth upwards, we have sought
and loved science, whereby the soul of man becomes enlightened
and strengthened, and without which his life is deprived of Si regu-
lation and innate freedom. Now that the noble possession of science
is not diminished by being imparted, but, on the contrary, grows
thereby still more mdtful, we accordingly will not conceal the pro-
duce of much exertion, but will only consider our own possessions
as truly delightful when we shall have imparted so great a benefit
to others. But none have a greater right to them than those great
men, who, firom the original ancient and rich sources, have derived
new streams, and thereby supply the thirsty with a sweet and healthy
refireshment. Wherefore, receive these works as a present from your
friend, the emperor," &c.
A splendid monument of his noble mind and genius is presented in
his code of laws for his hereditary kingdom of Naples and Sidly, and
which he caused to be composed chiefly by Peter de Vinos. Ac^
cording to the plan of a truly great legislator, he was not influenced
by the idea of creating something entirely new, but he built upon
the basis of what already eidsted, adapted whatsoever to him ap-
peared good and necessary for his main object, and so formed a
work wmch gave him as ruler the necessary power to establish a
firm foundation for the welfare of his people. Unfortunately, the
convulsions of his later reign and the following periods, never al-
lowed this grand work to develope its results entirely.
Frederick himself possessed a knowledge imusual, and acquired
by few men of his time. He understood Greek, Latin, Italian,
French, German, and Arabic. Amongst the sciences, he loved
chiefly natiunal history, and proved himself a master in that science
^ Digitized by Google
243 HIS ZEAL FOR SCIENCE AND EDUCATION.
by a work he composed upon the art of hawldng; for it not only
displays the most perfect and thorough investigation in the mode of
life, nourishment, diseases, and the whole nature of those birdsi but
dwells also upon their construction generally, both internally and ex*
tcomally. This desire after a fundamental knowledge in natondacieiioe
had the happiest influence, especially upon the medical scienoea«
Physicians were obliged to study anatomy before every thing dse;
they were referred to the enthusiastic apphcation of Hippocrates and
Galen, and not allowed to practice their profession until they had
reeeived from the board of faculty at Salerno or Naples, a satisfactofiy
and honourable certificate; besides which, they were obliged to pass
an examination before the imperial chamber, termed of a committee
of competent members in the science.
The emperor founded the University of Naples in 1224, and he
considerably improved and enlarged the medical school at Salerno.
At both places siso, through his zeal, were formed the first collections
of art, miidh, tmfortunately, in the tumults of the following ages,
were eventually destroyed.*
Of Frederick II. it is related, as was already stated of Cheile-
msj^e, that the eastern princes emulated each other in sending him
artistical works as signs of friendship. Amongst the rest, the Sul«
taQ of £gypt presented him with an extraordinary tent. The sun
and moon revolved, moved hj invisible agents, and showed the
hours of the day and night in just and exact relation.
At the court of the emperor, there were often contests in science
and art, and victorious wreaths bestowed, in which scenes Frederick
shone as a poet, and invented and practised many difficult measures
of verse. His chief judffe, Peter de Vincis, tne composer of the
code of laws, wrote also the first sonnet extant in Italian. Minds,
in fact, developed themselves, and were in full action in the vicinity
and presence of the great emperor, and there they commanded full
scope for all their powers.
His own personal merit was so distinguished and universally re*
eognised, ihat he was enabled to collect around him the most cele-
brated men of the age without feeling any jealousy towards them«-**
always a proof of true greatness. His most violent enemies even
could not withhold from mm their admiration of his great qualities.
His exterior was also both commanding and prepossessing. Like
his grand&ther he was fair^ but not so tall, although well and tstronAy
formed, and very skilfttl in all warlike and corporeal exercises; Bia
forehead, nose, and mouth bore the impression of that delicate and
yet firm character which w^s admire in the works of the Greeks, and
* On the bridge across the Viiltuniai, in Capua, was trected a statue of tbeJSai*
peror Frederick IL» with sereral others, and it continiied there in a rerj good state
of preserration until the most recent wars of modem times, when it became a prqr
to the terastation committed. The head of the emperor on this states^ lioweT«r«
has been copied and engraved upon a ring; and it is afkr that> that the cxoitttfll
portrait of Frederick has been drawn in the History of the Uohenstaufens, by IL
r. de Baumer.
Digitized by
Google
EAST AKS KORTfi-EASTERM OERMAKT-— THE MONGOLS. 248
lUD&e after th«m; and his eye generally exproMod the moat serene
cbeerfuhien, but on important and aerions oocaaona it indicated
gnivitj and aeyeri^. Ijiua, in genenl, the happy conjunction of
Tnildnfifla with aeriouaneai waa, thronghout hia life, the diatinffuiahing
fratnre of thia emperor. Hia deam produced great conmnon in '
Italy, and atill greater dissenaion in Germany. In the latter country
two emperora again stood oppoaed to eadi other, throne against
throne: the Hohenataufen party acknowledging and upholding C!on«
rad, Frederick's son, in opposition to William of Holland, the former
haTing already, during ins father's life, been elected King of the
Romans.
But before we relate the history of these two rival empeiprs, it
win be useful and interesting to cast our glance at the countries in
llie east and north-eastern parts of Germany.
Ekurope was about this time threatened by a terrible enemy from the
east, equally as dreadful as the Hunns were in earlier times. This
enemy consisted of the Mongolians, who ever since the year 1206,
under Dachinges-Ehan, had continued to ravage Asia, and led by
him had advanced as far as Moravia and Silesia. In the year 1241
they gained a great battle near Lie^tz over the Silesians, under the
command of Henir 11. of Liegmtz, who himself fell chivalrously
fighting at the head of his troops; but by the valour with which he
dispated the victory with the enemy, he destroyed the desire they
had previously indulged in of penetrating farther westward, as they
now turned towards Hungry. Thus, by his own death, Henry the
Pious, saved Europe; and indeed, upon the same spot (Wahlstadt)
where, on the 26tn of Au^st, 1813, the action called the battle of
Kat2badi wad so victoriously fought.
In this emergency Frederick well felt what his duly was as first
Christian prince, and very urgently pressed the other kmgs for their
immediate assistance against the common enemy; but at this mo-
ment the general disorder was too great, and his appeal for aid re-
mained without any effect. As regards Silesia and Hungary the
incursion of the Mongolians produced this result, that many German
peasants migrated to the deserted and depopulated districts, and
nenceforwara Lower Silesia became, indeed, more a German than
Slavonic country. Other neighbouring countries also were about this
period occupied and populated by the Germans, consisting of the coasts
of the Baltic, Prussia, Livonia, Esthland, andCourland. As early as at
the end of the twelftii century, Meinhardt, a canon of the monastery
of Legeberg, built a church at Exkalle, (in the vicinity of the pre-
sent Riga,) where, shortly afterwards, Pope Clement III. founded a
bishopric, and from this central point the diffusion of Christianity
extended in that district. But temporal force soon mixed itself in
these spiritual and peaceful exertions; the resistance of the heathen
Livonians induced Pope Celestin III. to cause a crusade to be preached
against them, and speedily a multitude of men from the north of
(^miany stormed towards these parts. A spiritual order of knight-
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
244 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATI0N~MI6RATI0N&
Hood was formed iinder the name of the knights of the swoid, and
with the Chiifltiazi doctrines the dominion of this order was by de-
grees extended over Livonia, Esthland, and Courland. The na-
tives who remained after the sanguinary battles of this exterminating
war were reduced to oppressive ^very, which was for the first time
moderated in our own age by the Emperor Alexander.
In Prussia also the sword established at the same time with Chris-
tianity the German dominion and superiority. About the year 1208
a monk of the monastery of Kolwitz, in Pomerania, of the name of
Christian, crossed the Vistula, and preached Christianity to the heath-
en Prussians. But when the pope made him a bishop, and wished to
estabUsh a formal hierarchal government, they rose in contest against
him, in which the knights of the sword, together with Duke Henry
the Bearded of Breslau, and many warriors of the neighbouring lands,
immediately marched forth and gave warlike aid to the new oishop.
But little was accomplished until the latter, upon the advice of Duke
Henry, summoned to his assistance the knights of the Teutonic Order,
which had originated in an institution of North Germany. Accord-
ingly, in the year 1229, their first grand master, Herman Salza, with
not more than twenty-eight knights and one hundred squires and at-
tendants, advanced to Prussia; he proceeded in his work cautiously
by establishing fortified places, among which Thorn, on the Vistula,
serving, as it were, for the entrance gate of the country, was the first;
and Culm, Marienwerder, £lbing, Braunsberg, and others speedily
followed. The dominion of the Teutonic order was spread even in
Livonia, as the knights of the sword, after a severe defeat by the Li-
vonians, in 1273, were received in it; and in 1255, upon the advice
of Ottocar of Bohemia, who had made a crusade against the Prussians,
in which Rudolphus of Hapsburg joined, the present metropolis of the
country was founded, and in honour of him was called Konigsberg.
The cities around, by their favourable situation for commerce, soon
flourished again, and the peasants found themselves in a happier situa-
tion than their Livonian neighbours, for their services and imposts
were rendered more moderate, and absolute slavery was only expe-
rienced by a few individuals as a punishment for their defection.
When we add to this the various emigrationswhich had conunenced
already much earlier, populating the Vandal countries as well as Bran-
denburg, Mecklenburg, and Pomerania, and take into consideration
the many flourishing cities which were built there by German citizens,
we may be inclined to style the twelfth and thirteenth centuries as
the epoch of the migration of Germans towards the north-east, the
same as that of the fourth and fifth centuries after Christ is called the
period of migration towards the west and south. Indeed, if we
reckon the hundreds of thousands which Germany at the same
period sent with the crusades to the east, together with those sent
with the Hohenstaufen emperors to Italy, we must really feel asto-
nished at the population wmch that vast country produced, and assur-
edly cannot join with many other historians in calling a period pre-
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
CONRAD IV. AND WILLIAM OF HOLLAND. 245
senlaiig like this so much viTOur and activity of life an epoch of
absolute misery, slavitude, and desolation.
Had the Emperor Frederick rightly known the strength of Ger-
many, and had he understood how to avail himself of the means
to render it still more powerful by union, the whole of the east and
north of Europe might then have become annexed to that country.
But his eyes were turned exclusively upon Italy, and there he
fruitlessly sacrificed all his strength.
Gonraa, meanwhile, was likewise more occupied with his patrimonial
inheritance than with Grermany. Hewent as earlyas 1251 to Italy, and
left his consort in the former country who gave birth the following year
to the unfortunate Conradin. Conrad, under the excommunication of
the pope, like his father, conquered Naples, it is true, but made the in-
habitants his most implacable enemies, by placing a bridle upon the
horse, which stood as an emblem ofthedtyupon the market-place. He
died shortly after, in 12«^4, and said a few moments before his death :
" Unhappy being that I am, why did my parents brinff me into this
world only to expose me to so much misfortune ! The church, which
should have shown both me and my father a maternal heart, has be-
come much rather our step-mother; and this empire which flourished
before the birth of Christ is now fiiding away and approaching its
destruction !" And in this he prophesied too truly with respect to
his own race, for he was the last king of the Hohenstaufens. Fre-
derick n. had, it is true, left behind him a second son (Henry) by his
mairiage with Isabella, and a third (Manfred) by Blanca, his Italian
consort, and two grandsons, the sons of his unfortunate eldest son
Henry; but they ful died in the flower of their age, and about the
same time: so that at the death of Conrad lY., there only remained
of the whole fiimily of the Hohenstaufens, his son, the unfortunate
Conradin, and his brother Manfred. We shall very shortly learn the
fate of these two princes.
King William also Uved but a few years after Conrad, and in so little
esteem, ihat a common citizen of Utrecht cast a stone at him, and a
nobleman plundered his consort upon the highway. When in the
winter of tne year 1256 he advanced against tne Friesi, and crossed
the ice near Medenblick, it broke under him, and he remained
with his heavy war-horse sticking in the morass, where the Friesi
killed him, although he offered a large sum for his Ufe.
After lu^ death the confused state of affairs in Germany became
greater than ever.
Upon the demise of Conrad lY., and William of Holland, no
Grerman prince would accept the imperial crown, except, perhaps,
Ottocar, King of Bohemia, but who, however, was not liked.
Most of them preferred rather to occupy themselves in ruling over,
and extending their own hereditary lands, than to take upon them-
selves the heavy charge of restoring order and peace in those coun-
tries of Germany now become almost again savage, and thus renounce
thdr own selfiah interests^ in order to consecrate all their powers to
Digitized by VjOOQIC
246 CONRADIN OF 8WABU~CHARLE8 OF ANJOU.
the common good. The spiritual electon now conoeiTed the va*
worthy and degrading idea of electing a forei^er for emperor*
Still they were by no means unammous in their choice ; the one party
elected an Englishman, Richard, EatI of Cornwall, the brother of King
Heniy HI.; uie other chose a Spaniard, Alphonso, King of Castilei
who, on account of his knowledge in astronomy, was called the Sage,
but who nevertheless was not wise enough to Imow how to rule even
his own country. Both had offered the imperial princes considerable
sums of money, and Richard, as some relatei came with tfaui^»two
carriages to Qermany, each drawn by eight horses, together with an
immense tun filled with sterlings, an English coin of that period*
He possesBed extensive tin mines in Cornwall, then almost the only
mines in the world, whence he acquired immense riches. With such
arms as these, he speedily conqueied many hearts, and was solemnly
crowned at Aox-la-Chapdle, in 1257, after which he returned to Eng*
land again, accompanied by several Gemians of high rank. In £ng«
land, however, the home of national pride, he was not treated oiber-
wise than any other English prince or nobleman; and this so mock
vexed the Grermans who were with him, that they returned to their
country discontented. After that, Richard visited Germany at thzee
diffeimt times, but on each occasion only for a short space* Alphonso,
however, never came to that country at alL During this period,
therefore, disorder and violence nec^sarily increased from day to
day, so that the petty princes, counts, knights, and the cities them«
selves, lived in constant anarchy and warfare with each other, to an
extent, that those who desired justice and tranquillity, wished most
heartily for an emperor who might become their protection and
shield.
Conradin of Swabia, the son of the Emperor Conrad IV*, the last
descendant of the Hohenstaufen race, fell at this moment a victim
to the most cruel fate. He was styled Conradin by the Italians, be*
cause he ended his career at so early an a^. After his iSither's
death, he had been brought up in Bavana, and afterwards in
Swabia, where he still retained some small ixiheritance; whilst his
unde Manfred, as regent, and subsequently as king, administered
his hereditary estates in Naples and Siciljr. The popes, however,
who still remained the irreconcileable enemies of the Hohenstaufen
house, sought to despoil him of these posieasions; and as they
could not effect this by their own power, it was determined by Cle-
ment lY . to bring another king in opposition to the hated Manfi?ed*
He applied, therefore, to Charles, Duke of Anjou, who marched fordi
in 1266 ; he was accompanied by a numerous suite of French knisrhts,
who were ever happy to avail themselves of any exoedition vmich
promised them rich booty. King Manfied, who had unfortunately
tost, in a storm, the whole of his fleet, with which he had set sail
in order to prevent the French from landing, was defeated in an
action at Benevento, on the 26th of February, 1266, principally
through treachery, and piefegedsacrificing himself byanlui:Qie death.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
CONEADIK SXBCUTED— END OF THE HOHENSTAUFENS. HI
twAa thaii to endure an iffnomiaious life in pnBon; he ihrarefore
xuibed into ihe midst of Sie enemy's ranks, and sank mortally
^rounded.^ His bhildren, however, were seized by the conquerort
and remained in captiTity during the rest of their hves.
^ When the youtmiil Conradin now became old^, and bethought
bim of the lands which belonged to him, whereof one city alone
was richer than his German posaeasions altogether, the bold dispo-
eitifm of his ancestors awoke within bim, and he resolved to dnve
the robbers fiom his inheritance. In 1268, therefore, he went forth,
seoompanied by the faithful friend of his youth, Prince Frederick of
Baden and many £uthful knights who followed him firom Germany,
^ In Italy the numerous adherents of the Ghibelin party imme-
distely flocked to him; the fiomans in defiance of their pope, Cle*
ment, who had called for the aid of the French, led him in triumph
into their dty, and he soon stood opposed to the enemy with a strong
army near iWliacozzo in Lower Italy. In battle, also, ibrtune at
first fiivonred nim; the enemy was put to flight, but, unfortunately,
in the pursuit his own army got into disorder, and in their eagerness
Sat booty fell too soon upon the enemy's camp, for at that moment
the French reserve returned and rushed upon the plunderers. The
latter were wholly defeated, and Conradin, with his friend Frederick,
after they had long fought most bravely, were forced to fly towards
the sea. They had already got on board a ship at Astura, and were
just setting sail for Pisa, wh^ they were overtaken, made prisoners,
and led before Charles of Anjou. And such was the insolence, per<-
fidy, and cruelty of the tyrant, that he treated Conradin as a rebel
against himself the legitimate and true kinff, and caused both the
princes, at the age of sixteen, to be beheaded pitbGcly in the market
pkoe of Naples on the 28th of October, 1266.*
With the unfortunate Conradin ended the powerful house of the
Hohenstaufens, and that was produced by means of the same pos*
sessions hj which Frederick I. thought to elevate it to the hignest
dmee of'^splendour and glory. But the Swabian patrimony now
US into so many divisions, that eventually no territory throughout
Germany was divided into so many ownerships as Swabia. As the
duchy was never restored, the whole of its states henceforwaitL
formed a part of the immediate possessions of the empire. Not only
the bishops, counts, and superior firee lords, but also the inferior
ranks of w nobility, the cities, monasteries, and even the peasantry,
which had been previously the vassals and subjects of the duke, be-
came now emancipated; but they had not these rights and privile^
tadividnally , like the larger imperial lordships, but <mly as an entue
combined body of the Swabian states, which tiiey enjoyed as members
* OlwiiiiAirtiiMlt Conndln, befora bia ezecatkn, tmiflfened sfl fail fi^tOg to
KaaAed's dansihter, Constansa; and UusprinoeM became afterwards the arenger of
the Hohenstaufens. For, as the wife of Peter of Arragon, she fitvoured the homUe
conspiracy known under the name of the Sicilian Vespers, in ^b^ jresr ItSS, by
wiydi Cbailas of Asjoa loat his nsorped kingdom of Sicily,
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
248 PROGRESS OF THE GERMANIC CONSTITUTION.
thereof. The emperor derived from them important revenues, and the
administration of these imperial possessions was transferred to senes-
chals; so that instead of the ancient Swabian dukes there were only
now the imperial bailiwicks: Helvetia or Switzerland, Alsace, and
Swabia, which were divided into cantons. These arrangements were
adopted under the rei^ of the succeeding emperor, Rudolphus.
The fate of the duchy of Swabia leads us naturally to consider the
circumstances which produced, especially in the interior of Germany,
the dismemberment and aboUtion of the ancient national duchies.
The basis for this important event was laid, as we have already seen,
at the time of the d^osition of Henry the Lion, in the year 1180.
Although the plan and the limits of this general history of the em-
pire wifi not permit us to trace more in detail all those princely
nouses which have arisen from the ruins of these ancient ducnies, we
may give at least a general outline of the changes as they occurred:
1. The duchy of Saxony had already become separated from the
important margraviate of Brandenburg, which was transferred to
Henry the Bear, who received therewith all the prerogatives of a
duke in time of war, together with the rights of an elector, in his
quality of arch-chamberlain. His son Bernard re-united subsequently,
it is true, the duchy with the margraviate, and was created a duke;
but his territory was of very Uttle importance, and was, besides,
divided into two portions between the two families of lauenburg
and Wittenberg, both of which disputed with each other for a lon^
time for the possession of the office of grand marshal, and which
question was not settled until the reign of Charles lY., who de-
cided in favour of the Wittenberg house.
The ducal authority of the Archbishop of Cologne in the western
part of Saxony likewise could not recover its former elevation. The
nobles in his jurisdiction made themselves gradually independent,
after the example presented to them, especially by the spiritual
princes of the ancient duchy. Besides which, the Archbishop of
Bremen came into possession of the lordship of Stade, in the terri-
tory of Detmarsh; the peasants took upon themselves the principal
authority in that country; the Count of Oldenbui^ refused to re-
main united with the duchy, and the important city of Lubeck was
raised to the dignity of an imperial free city by Frederick II. ; whilst
at the celebrated diet of Mentz, in 1235, the emperor having con-
ferred upon the Giielfic house new power and authority, by re-
storing to the infant duke, Otho, tne duchies of Brunswick and
Liineburg, that powerful &mily likewise refused to recognise longer
any rights claimed by the house of Saxe-Anhalt. Thuringia had
already long since separated itself &om the duchy, and had possessed
its own particular counts from the time that the house of Saxony
became imperial: we speak here of the north and southern parts of
Thuringia, which became united under the valiant margrave, Eccard
of Meissen. Under the Hohenstaufens, the margraviate was re-
placed by a landgraviate. The landgraves resided at Eisenach and
Digitized by VjOOQIC
PROGRESS OF THE GERMANIC CONSTITUTION. 249
in the castle of Wartburg. Their possessions extended, by means of
certain allodial acquisitions, over Hesse and the towns of Munden,
Cassel, Marburg, &c., as far even as the banks of the Rhine; such
•was the power commanded by Louis IV., landgrave of Thuringia,
the husband of Elizabeth the Holj, at the commencement of the
thirteenth century. With Henry Raspe, who died childless, in
1247, the mascuhne branch of the house of Thuringia became ex-
tinct The female line contested together for the inheritance, and
two of the descendants carried on a war against each otlier during a
period of seven years. At length, in 1264, the fief of Thuringia
"^as conferred upon Otho the Illustrious, of Meissen; but the aUo-
dial possessions, and especially the Hessian territory, fell to Henry,
the son of Sophia, of Brabant. The aforesaid Henry of Meissen
was the founder of the present Saxon house, and Hemry of Hesse
that of the house of the landffrave of Hesse.
In the north of Germany uie counts of Holstein possessed claims
to immediate imperial lordships: Mecklenburg, which belonged to
the counts of Schwerin on the one part, and to the Obotrite princes
on the other, had become an immediate fief of the empire, the same
as the Duchy of Pomerania.
2. The Duchy of Bavaria, when it passed firom the house of the
6ael& to that of Wittelsbach, possessed nothing more than the
mere name of the ancient duchy. Carinthia, Austria, and Styria,
had already since the year 1156, under the Saxon emperors, been
separated nrom Bavaria.
Otho of Wittelsbach governed his duchy with much greater
vigour certainly than Bernard of Saxony; but the bishops, neverthe-
less, withdrew from his sovereignty ; Ratisbon became an imperial city ;
and in the south of Bavaria the Count of Andechs, in his quality of
heir to the house of the Counts of Dachau, came in possession of
the title of Duke of Merau, (which this house had assumed from a
track of land on the coasts of Dalmatia), which title he extended
to the whole of his possesions in Franconia, and made it the
basis for claiming his independence. In 1248, however, the house
of Andechs became extinct, whence the greater portion of its posses^
dons passed over to a house of Swabia (the Hohenzoller branch),
the burgraves of Nuremberg, and laid the foundation for the
duchies of Anspach and Baireuth.
Meantime the house of Wittelsbach, besides the acquisition of
the duchy of Bavaria, came into poseession of another territory
extremely important: the county-palatine of the Rhine, which it
received in 1227, by the marriage of Otho the Illustrious, with the
hereditary countess palatine of the house of Gruelf. But the power of
this house became considerably diminished by its dismemberment,
after the dealh of Louis the Severe, in 1292, whose eldest son, Ru-
dolphus, received the ^^latinate, and his second son, Louis, sue-
ceeded to the duchy. The count palatine of the Rhine possessed
the title of arch-carver or steward, and consequently he commanded
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
250 PBOCUUB80 OP THE OEBMANIC COMSTniTTIOir.
the fint Toice in the deetonl college of the tennKoal oiinoes. B««
Taria contested with Bohemia for the office of iioo cup* Deaier* which
Henry the Lion, or his &tber, who pooMesed two duchioiy had been
fotcea to abandon, and which it subseauentljr loat lor ever.
Those arch or grand offices fell graaually into the hands of ihoat
who possessed the right of election, after the original institutioii,
which called together the principal heads of the people throughout
the empire to tuce part in the meetings, bad become altered. At
the election of Otno I., there were present five of the principal
nations: the Lorrainers, the Franks, tne Swabians, the Bavarians,
and the Saxons. When Otho of Saxony was elected, the dukes of
the other four nations divided among themselves the offices of arch*
chamberlain, arch-carver or steward, arch-cupbearer, and arch-mar*
ahal. At the subsequent election of Otho III., however^ the disiri*
bution of the offices had already become changed.
At the election of Conrad 11. there appeared seven nations, because
Lorraine was then divided in two portions, and Caiinthia had likewise
recently joined the rest. But at tne election of Lothaire, the Saxcms,
the Lorrainers, and Carinthians, no lonjjer attended, as the former
had detached themselves from ihe empire, and the latter remained
but a short time allied with the other chief nations. In earlier
times the dukes did not possess this exclusive and positive ri^ht of
election. All the princes, even the populsce itself, took part m the
dioice of the soveieign; but subeeauently in proportion as the else*
tion assumed a more determined form, the elective right became
more and more connected with the arch-offioes, and was even tzans-
ferred altogether with those dignities to other princes.
Thus Conrad ID. indemnified the margrave, Albert the Bear, for the
loss of the duchy of Saxony, by giving up in his favour the office of
arch-chamberlain, which he held as a Uohenstaufen; whilst, on the
other hand, the Hohenstaufens received the dignity of arch*oazver or
steward, when the remains of the duchy of Franconia passed over to
their house. This office was then attached to the palatinate of the
Rhine; and as, in ancient times, the Duke of Franoonia held the
first rank among the temporal princes, so now, among the latter, the
count palatine commanded the first voice.
We have already found that the office of grand cup-bearer was
transferred from the (juelfs to the house of Bohemia; but with
respect to that of grand marshal, it always remained with the Saxons.
The right of Bohemia to a voice in the elections was a subject of
long contest, inasmuch as the Germans would not admit the right of
election to a Slavonic prince; and it was on this account that, at the
period in question, the college of princes only possessed six votes:
three ecclesiastical, consistmg of those of the .Ajfchbishops of Ments,
Treves, and Coloene, who, protected by the influence of the pope,
were thus enabled to raise themselves to the highest rank in the em-
pire; and three temporal votes, those of the Dukes of Saxony, Bran-
denburg, and of the Palatinate.
Digitized by VjOOQ iC
PROOBB88 OF THE GBEMAKIC CONSTITUTION* 961
3. In Smbia, we lutre seen that, at the fall of the Hohenataufeofi
all their lights disappeared; their rich possessions had, in the later
period, been wasted or given away; and Conradin, at the time of
his expedition to Italy, made over his remaining possessions to the
house of Bavaria, We therefore naturallj inquire who then, from
that time, really ranked as the most important and influential family
in Swabia? In answer to this, we find that the Counts of Wiirtem-
berg stood at the head of all the rest of the nobility, and who had
ah^^ chosen Stuttgard as their place of residence. Afler them,
the nch Counts of Baden, scions of the Hohenstaufen race, ac*
quired firom the house of Zahringen the territory of Breiseaui
which was the commencement of the re]jB;n of the house of Baaen.
Another portion of the Zahringen inhentanoe, in Switzerland, fell
to the Counts of Kyburg, and afWr them to the Counts of HapSi-
burg, who owed to this circumstance their subsequent importance.
Of the Counts of HohenzoUem, the Burgraves of Nuremberg, we
have BDoken previously.
4. m Franoonia, the duchy had ahready become extinct when the
raoosHicm of the Salic house terminated. It had been divided
equally between the ecclesiastical and temporal nobles; for the Ho*
henstaufens, who were called dukes of Franconia, possessed nothing
of the authority of the ancient dukes; enjoying merely, as they
were the most powerful lords of Franconia, and proprietors of the
county-palatinate, a small portion of the ducal influence, and which
was recognised by a few of those counts and knights who were de-
pendent on them as finidatories. At the end of this priod, besides
the powerful counts palatine of the Rhine, we find m the ancient
land of Franconia the landgraves of Hesse, who possessed a portion
thereof, the Counts of Nassau, the Bishop of WUrzbur^, &c.
Tihe general title of count palatme gradually vanished m Qermapj^
leaving it only in the hands of the coimt palatine of the Bhiney
whilst, on the other hand, the title of bui^rave now came into use^
find took rank immediately after that of the king.
5. Finidly, with respect to Lorraine, it became divided into two
portions: Upper Lorraine &Ilin^ to the Counts of Alsape, and Lower
Lorraine to tne Counts of Lovain. They, however^ did not possess
the whole of Lorraine, and for this reason they were likewise styled
^^<Nmt8 of Brabant. Several other counts— of Holland, Zealand,
I*riesland, Juliers, Cleves, Guelder, Luxemburg, &c., ranked them*
^Ives as immediate imperial feudatories.
All the princes bc^an now to consider themselves as feudatories,
not only of -the country of which they merel;^ had the administra^
^) but likewise of their hereditary lands, wmch they governed in
^^ own name. Vassalage now received another meamng; it was
^ longer for their possessions, but their dignities, that the princes
now held themselves bound to pay homage by the investiture ; and
M they had already raised themselves to the height of territorial
power and sovereignty throughout their coimtry— although they did
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
252 PROGRESS OF THE GERMANIC CONSTITUTION.
not take to themselves the title — all the sovereign princes in the
land became feudatories.
We will now proceed to give a sketch of the entire states exist-
ing in the empire, although we cannot pretend to present an exact
detail thereof, on account of the confusion so prevalent in some of
the dependencies.
Germany included, at this period, six archbishoprics; that of
Mentz fthe most considerable and extensive) havmg under its
jurisdiction fourteen bishoprics, viz. : Worms, Spires, Strasbu^, Con-
stance, Cour, Augsburg, Eichstadt, WUrtzburg, Olmlitz, Prague,
Halberstadt, Hildesheim, Paderbom, and Verden; that of Colore
with five bishoprics: Li^ge, Utrecht, Munster, Osnaburg, and Min-
den; that of Treves with three bishoprics: Mentz, Toul, and Ver-
dun; that of Magdeburg with five bisnoprics: Brandenburg, Havel-
berg, Naumburg, Merseburg, and Meissen; that of Bremen with
thr^ bishoprics: Oldenburg (afterwards Liibeck), Mecklenburg
(afterwards Schwerin), and Ratzbuig; and, finally, that of Salz-
burg with five bishoprics: Ratisbon, rassau, Freisingen, Brixen, and
Gudc. Besides which are to be added: Bamberg, whidi stood im-
mediately under the pope, and Oambrai under the Archbishop of
Rheims. Altogether, therefore, thj^ amounted to six archbisnop-
rics and thirty-seven bishoprics. There existed, besides, seventy
prelates, abbots and abbesses, and three reli^ous orders, thus forming,
m the whole, more than a hundred ecclesiastical states.
The temporal estates were, viz. : four electors (if we include Bo-
hemia), consisting of one king, one duke, one count palatine, and
one margrave; six grand dukes: Bavaria, Austria, Carinthia, Bruns-
wick, Lorraine, and Brabant-Limburg; about thirty counts with
the title of prince, amongst whom some had also the title of duke,
others of margrave, landgrave, and burgrave; about sixty imperial
cities, of whom some, however, did not enjoy entirely the privileges
of the imperial municipalities. Thus, altogether, these formed about
a hundred temporal states; and, finally, both classes embraced more
than two hundred members of the empire, spiritual and temporal.
Meantime, the dominion of the empire had, in certain respects,
diminished in extent of government towards the end of the inter-
regnum, inasmuch as it no longer held under its sway either Den-
mark, Hungary, or Poland ; whilst Burgundy and Liombardy had
both withdrawn themselves from the imperial rule, Prussia alone
having joined in alliance.
» We will now avail ourselves of this short interval, and cursorily
review the chief features presented in the Middle Ages, which imme-
diately succeed this period of the interregnum; for every thing that
has been said, whether favourable or un&vourable upon the cha-
racter of this barbarous and yet glorious epoch, is especially appro-
priate at the present moment.
Digitized by
Google
THE MIDDLE AGES; 253
CHAPTER XL
THS VOfDLR AGES,
Chimlzy— The CitSet— The Peftsantry— The Arts and Seienoet— The Ciecgy and
Eodeaiastical InsUtutiona — The MonasterieB and CooTenta-^The Fanst-Becht^
The Administration of Justice— The Vehm-Qeiicht or Secret Trihonal.
The period of the Middle Ages has also been called the period of
GhiTalry, and it was knighthood indeed which chiefly gave to it its
great and peculiar lustre. , By the diffusion of the feudal system
over the whole of Germany, as has already been shown, the nobility
became the influential portion of the empire, to the extent that, be-
yond the cities, few common fireemen were to be found. War was
conducted principally by the nobles and their vassals. The former
fought only on horsebacK, were equipped in heavy iron armour, and
were so exercised in the exercise of arms from youth upwards, that
they could not only bear them with ease, but were enabled to use them
fieely and ppwermlly. A man thus encased in armour and arms, on
horseback, was infinitely superior to the common warriors, who
served on foot, and who were badly armed, and thence an army was
speedily counted solely by the multitude of its knights. In order to
maintam these privileges, the education of the nobility was neces-
sarOy entirely warlike. An ancient writer says — " The boys bom
in Germany, in their quality as pages, prefer learning to ride rather
than to read; their horses may run and gallop as they please, still
they remain immoveably fixed in the saddle. They carry after their
lords their long lances; and inured to cold and heat, they are not to
be £Eitigued by any toilsome exercise. The bearing of arms is as
easy to the Germans as carrying their own limbs, and it is sur-
prising, and almost incredible, how skilful they are in governing
their horses, usinff their bows and arrows, and wielding the lance,
shield, and sword."
By their exclusive attention to the improvement of their corporeal
strength, whilst the intellectual occupations which, in later centuries,
began to be treated as the chief portion of education, were then en-
tirely imknown, this generation must have sank into a state of com-
plete barbarism, had not the happy nature and noble capacities of
the German races, and the development of the grand institutions of
chivalry, have produced a preponderating power by their beneficial
effects. But in order to comprehend tiie details, it is necessary we
should know more exactly the institutions of the middle affes.
These various grades of condition and rank were particularly dis-.
tinguished by the changes introduced in military service from the time
of Henry I.; for from that period the cavaby department especially
underwent such reforms that, in the course of a short time, it came
exclusively into the hands of the nobility and their own vassals, to
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
354 THE MIDDLS AOfifl.
the extent tliat tlie lionotir of this warlike arm of the service be-
longed to them alone. It was made to form two divisions or classes,
the &mpcr;/mai, or available freemen (always free), and tbeifittel-
freieuy or mediate freemen. The former, who, in ancient times, con-
sisted merely of the nobility, and were called ingenui in the codes of
law, were the immediate nobilitjr, whieh, after the dismemberment
of die early dudiies, retained theb independence of every prince^
and were only subjected to the empire. Of this class, the hiffh clergy
formed part, with this exception, however, that the nobility ac-
quired by birth what the former received by their office.
The second class was composed of memate freemen; firstly, of
those freemen who were origmally bound by their possessions to
do service as cavaliers, but who could not dis^gage themselves itom
^e authority of the princes, and were forced to follow them to the
wars; and secondly, of those who were employed by the higher
nobiUty of the empire, and who served as cavaliers imder Sieir
orders with the title of milites tninores. These mediate freemen very
soon advanced their claims to titles of nobility, especially after Con-
rad II. had been the means of raising them to higher importance and
consideration by making the lowest fiefi heroditaty. Thus was
created by degrees a higher and lower class of nobility.
But for both these trades it was strictly necessary that the descent
of families should be from parents of equal rank; and in case of un-
equal unions, the children were forced to remain in the inferior con-
dition of the one or the other parent.
The king, however, always retained the right of power to elevate
anysubject from this lower grade to the rank of a noblemap.
Thence the nobility formed two distinct classes from the moment
that the art of war became wholly based upon its cavaliy service;
and it was in this sense that knighthood already existed under the
Saxon and Salian emperors. But it was not until the twelfth cen-
tury that it formed itself into one especial institution, which served
as a connecting link between the higher and lesser nobility, inas-
much as it thus brought into union by military and religious rows,
and under especial discipline, mSitaris ordo^ both the Semper-fi^ie
and Mittel-fieie. The Crusades had the most important influence and
shed the greatest lustre upon chivalry, for it was in the sacred service
of Gbd and the Saviour that the swords of the knights obtained for
them the greatest glory on earth. The goal which was to be at-
tained lay far distant from home, and in other climes; the ima^'na-
tion became more enthusiastically excited, and the descriptions given
by such as had returned from those eastern countries were perfectly
adapted to heighten and render still more vivid the glowing colours
of the picture their heated fancy had alr^y formed. Thence this
period was inspired by such darin? and fanatic enthusiasm, that no
enterprise was deemed too difficuK to undertake, and such heroic
deeds were actually achieved, that in modem times they have been
regarded abnoet in the light of fabulous creation^ ot the mind.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
CHIVALRT. 255
Hum i^gious orden of knighthood, which owed their ori^ ex-
dumvely to the Cruaadei, served eepeaally to attach the wamors to
the cause of Christianity by a sacred and solemn yow. The first of
these was the order of the Templar-Knights, which originally <nily
consstedof a small body of French cavahers, for the purpose of pro-
tecting the pilgrims on their journey to the Holy Land; &ey took
the time religious vows: obedience, poverty, and chastity, adding a
fourth, which was altogether milit^, vis.: to protect travellers,
siratoi pttbUcas ctutodire, Baldwin U., Ejng of Jerusalem, granted
them as quartert a portion of his palace, next to the temple of Solo-
mon; and it is from this circumstance that they adopted the title
of Templars. Two yeats afterwards originated the order of the
Knights of the Hospital, who devoted themselves to the chai^ of
the fflck pilgrims, subsequently adopting the name of St. tK>hn,
hem their tutelary saint, John the Baptist; their vows were exclu-
atvely religious. To these followed shortly after the order of the
Teutonic knighls.
These examples operated with a yerjr great effect upon the con-
tinent; and as the entire spirit of the times produced a closer union
between individuals of equal habits and condition, the result was
that chivalry in the middle of the twelfth century became more and
mcce extended and formed one grand body of aluance, to which ac-
cess could only be obtained after passing through certain ordeals in
which the religious vows of chastity and poverty were, however, ex-
empted, but religious consecration was retained.
Thus the entire education of the nobility connected itself with
the sole object of attaining knighthood by passing through all its
Various gradations. As soon as the boy had esca]^ from its ma-
ternal guide, he was transferred to the charge of some esteemed
kniffht and friend, whom he served as page; and, subsequently, after
he had become versed in arms, and received his sword, he at-
tended him as his esquire (famulus, armi^r^, regarding him as the
model of his future life. He accompanied his lorn at aU hours, and
in every occupation. In the pleasures of the chace, the festival, the
tournament, and military jousts, as well as in the dangers of the
battle. His first duty was the most faithful attachment to and vi-
gilant care of his lord; and if, in the heat of the battle, he had de-
mided him with sword and slueld, and had saved his life, he thence
acquired the highest degree of fame that could be earned by a young
nobleman. Thus fidelity was the first virtue which, by hourly and
daily ex^rdse, became so deeply impressed upon the memoij of the
youth, that it grew up in mdissoiuble connexion with his mind.
Ahex several years of honourable service as a scjuiie, the youth (gene-
rally in his twenty^first year) was made a knight, and received into
mihtary companicmship under the consecration of religion. Solemn
occasions: grand festivals, coronation days, and such scenes, were
diligently sought for the purpose, and frequently many were dubbed
knights at the same time, fasting and prayer preceded, and after
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
260 THE MIDDLE AGES.
the youth had partaken of the sacrament he received from the
han^ of a knight, or noble ladj, the spurs, breast-plate, and
fauntlets. He then knelt down, and one of the knights (often
owever, the reigning king or prince) gave him, with a naked
sword, three gentle blows across the Sioulder, upon which he
vowed, with a solemn oath, to faithfully fulfil all the duties of an
honourable knight, to speak the truth, to defend the laws, and to
draw his sword for the aefence of religion, of widows and orphans,
and of persecuted innocence, but, above all, against every unbeliever ;
finally he received the helmet, shield, lance, and sword. Thus, in
the most inspired hour of the youth's early career, the practice of
manly virtues: truth, justice, and religion was again, by a solemn
oath, elevated to become the inviolable law of his whole life. Honour
stood before the eyes of the youthful knight like a brilliant star— an
emblem to which he was to remain faithful to his last breath — as the
noble object of, and, at the same time the reward for the due ob-
servance of the oath he took. So highly was this solemn consecra-
tion of the noble warrior esteemed, that Count William of Holland,
as we have already seen in his history, was necessarily made a knight
before his coronation.
The prerogative of the knight was to belong henceforward to a
select body of his equals, whicn none could join but by the especial
reception he himself^ had experienced, and to be enabled to confer
knighthood himself; as also to take his share in the tournaments,
which in the twelfth century were introduced from France into
Germany. These had the most important influence on the educa-
tion of the nobility ; for as none coidd take part in them whose
honour had suffered the least stain, and the whole imagination of
the boy and youth was from earliest infancy devoted to the fflory
and high reputation these contests bonferred, chivalry thenceforth
became the school of honour and morality, as well as of eveiy
other heroic virtue. Thence this period presents us with the most
complete and undeniable evidence of the principle; that in order to
disseminate a love for virtue in a generation, it is not enough to try
to promote it by instruction, but it is likewise necessary to en-
•cours^e and give an impulse to the practice thereof by the irresist-
ible force of example.
Such is the light in which the design and object of chivalry must
present itself before us in the most flourishing period of its existence;
ibr although a system may not be carried out so completely as to
^render it possible to say, tmit it is in every respect perfect, and, conse-
quently, although in the most happy times of chivalry, much bar-
barism and imcouth violence too otten appeared, still it cannot be
denied that it laid the foimdation for that elevation of thought which
•eventually, in a moral point of view, exercised its influence upon the
'Community at lar^e.
The noble institution of chivalry was, in fact, of the highest im-
portance in its results to the whole of the Christian nations, inas-
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
THE CITIES. 257
much as eveii when the imperial dignity lost its powerful influence,
and the authority of the church began to totter on its base, the prin-
ciples of honour and rectitude, together with the irresistible force
commanded by the manly, chivalric word, in all cases of need and
succour, operated so beneflcially upon all classes, that this grand
and illustrious foundation of knighthood served as a tower of strength,
impregnable against all subsequent attacks attempted by uncivilised
and barbarous assailants.
Whilst the aristocracy of the German nation thus vigorously
cultivated itself, and wore the sword equally for the honour of
^eir faith and defence of their country, the citizens in the towns
laboured with industry and activity for their commercial pros-
perity. The German cities during this period daily increased in
population and riches, and the source of all was commerce, for
which also the crusades operated very advantageously. The spirit
for great undertakings ana speculations was aroused, the costly wares
of southern countries were brought more frequently and in greater
abundance to Europe. The Italian maritime cities, particularly
Venice, Genoa, and Pisa, introduced the merchandise of the east,
and then it was conveyed the same as the produce of Italy itself
along the ancient commercial roads, through the passes of the Alps
to Germany, there extending its transit upon the high roads and
rivers, and what was not consumed in the country itself was carried
stiU further towards the territories bordering upon the North Sea
and the Baltic. All that was brought to the nortnem countries from
across the oc6an was forwarded through Germany, and by means of
this extensive commercial agency, to which was added the produce
of native German industry, the ancient cities of the empire pro-
gressed and flourished in all their wealth and prosperity. Augsburg,
Strasburg, Ratisbon, Nuremberg, Bamberg, Worms, Spires, and
Mentz, in the south of Geirmany; in the north, Cologne, Erfurt,
Brunswick, Luneburg, Hamburg, Bremen, and Liibeck, and many
others proudly raised and extended their walls and towers, and an
increasing and active, but equally industrious population, animated
their streets. Their riches soon gave them the means to purchase
their freedom and independence trom the princes who held them in
dominion, for as in those ancient times, when but few or no regular
imposts were levied, the privileges of those princes and lords were not
so productive as now, no large sum was required to obtain this eman-
cipation. The cities then acknowledged the emj^ror alone as their
superior feudal lord, and thence were called free imperial cities.
This progress, however, was only made by degrees, and was not
everywhere attended with the same favourable results. The first
step was made in the tenth century, when Henry I. encouraged the
foundation and extension of cities, and improved their mtemal con-
dition in eastern Germany, and when afterwards the episcopal cities
in the south and western parts of the countr]^, according to the
ancient Roman* cities, were raised to a state of immunity, and the
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
s
258 TH£ MIDDLE AGES.
authorilj of tli6 oount was subetituted by that of tke episoopal in^
tendant, or adooaOuB coMoe. Afiter their example, a number of
other citieB reoeiyed also imperial goYemors, ana -were thus freed
from the jurisdidaon of the count.
Subsequentlj the cities advanced still further, and sought to elevate
themselyes from their state of immunity, in order to become theb o^
govemoiB; for the intendants, replacing the counts in their quality
as judges, selected their assessors &om the municipal council, who^
previous to ihe twelfth century, were called €we$^ in its more dis-
tinguished acceptation, and later, in imitation of the Lombardiaa
cities, they were, styled oonsuks or councillors; and tibeir president,
proconsul or tnoffi&ter cansohunf burgomaster. Those families
amongst whom the councillors were usually chosen, formed a civic
or urban nobility^ and were called patrician families. As thia eoun-
cil was entrusted with the administration of the commercial property
and the magisterial authoritj of the dly , it is easy to conceive what
increasing influence it must have had at its command, and how it must
have extended its power in the administration of affidrs beyond,
as well as within the city, and the burffomaster, consequmtly,
in the course of time, lef); Htde or nothing for the intendant to per-
form. In &ct, this lattar ftmctionary in the end had reaaoa to con-
gratulate himself if he was only allowed to retain the administration
<^ justice; and, even then^ means were not wanting on the part of
the council to arrogate tlua department to themselves when they
found it favourable tot their object to do so.
But the authority did not rest exclusively in the hands of the
council; the various guilds and trade associations had also their share
in the government. Their influence derived strength from the
increasing activity among the industrial and working classes, and
consequent prosperity in trade; and thence their claims to a portion
of power they enjoyed were based upon the interest they took and
shared individually and among themselves in the municipal institu-
tions. The extent to which they gradually succeeded in establishing
their united dominion is made evident by their generally triumphant
contests with the patrician families in many of the cities.
If commerce and gain had alone been the objects of the inhabit-
ants of the cities, they would soon have become sulnect to all those
evils which necessarily arise when the mind of man becomes wholly
occupied and absorbed in his mercenary pursuits; the citizens would
have been rendered timid and coward^, and would have sacrificed
both their liberty and pride in their eflorts after worldly possessions.
But in those times, when the Faustrecht or club-law existed in all
its violence, they found opposed to them the entire nobility of the
empire : princes, counts, and knights, as well as bishops and abbots^
who, jealous of the riches of the cities, closely observed their deeds
and acts, and waited only for an opportunity to overturn and de-
stroy thdue freedom.
It the cities, therefore, desired to submit no longer to these power-
Digitized by CjjOOQIC
THE CITIXS. 959
ful enemies^ thejr faimcl they most neoesBBiily bear anns tkemselreSy
and preflerre niTiolate ia tkeir breasts that manly cooiage which is
the stueld of fire^om. In an ancient chronicle we find the follow-
ing account of the Nuranbezff patricians: ^^ The furniture of their
honses ccMisists chiefly of gold and silTcr, but amidst all that meets
the eye nothing is more cons|Hcnou8 than their swords, armour, bat-
tle axes, and horses, which they particularly diq>lay as the chief
signs q£ thdbr nobility and the ancient rank of their families. But
the simple citiien also keeps his arms ready and in good order in hia
house, so that on the first movement he may appear fully equipped
immediately at the apoointed place of assembly. The whole of the
internal regulations ot the citrfr had war in view; the citizens were
divided into companies accordmg to their trade and dwelling-place;
and when the city was in danger each of the different bodies assem-
bled in its appointed quarter, and under its particular banner, and
thus all mardbed forth together, and fought united in battle. This was
a beantifid union, firndy bound by warBke and peacefiil occupations,
and the rivalry and emulation evinced by all in valour have frequently
obtained the victory fi>r cities in time of danger. The citizens coI»
kctively did not lose their time in a love for petty things and trifles,
nor in the effeminacy of a sedentary life in the close rooms of their
houses, but they were both in body and soul good men and true, as
well as independent. And, notwithstanding their riches, notwith-
standing their extraordinary expenditure upon CTeat festivals, which
honour demanded in those more ancient and better times, dieir
daily ordinary life was very ample and temperate, and not sophis-
ticated by artificial wants. Thence their bodies remained strong,
and their prosperity lasting; for the source and guarantee of prospe-
rity do not so much ccmsist in rich acquisitions as in that moderation
which knows how to preserve them. . " That the Germans are rich,"
says MachiaveUi, in lus treatise, Biiratti delta Alamaana^ '^ arises
&om their lining as if they were poor. It suffices for them to have
a superfluity in oread and meat, and a room, whither they may re-
treat firom the cold. Thus little or no money quits their coimtry ; on
the contrary &r more comes into the land m payment for the wares
they manufacture themselves. The power of Germany is based upon
its cities; they aie the nerves of the provinces, for in them there
exists both weidth and good order."
At this glorious period of the municipal institutions, many Gennan
cities united together for the protection of their freedom, their inde-
pendance, and their commerce genendly. Thus, in theyearl254, seventy
citaes in iJie south of Germany formed the Rhenish league, for o&
ience and d^nce, and powerfully opposed themselves to the en-
croachments and pretentioBS of the nobility. Afterwards arose the
S¥rabian dties'-uzuon, which was also very numerous and strong.
But the most powerful confoderation among all was that of the
Hanse towns. .^Llready early in the middle ages, the trading cities
of Gcecmany had formed alliances in the large commercial towns of
^ ^ Digitized by Google
260 THE MIDDLE AGES.
Other countries, and there established warehouses and factories.
These Victories bore the name of Hanse, probably from the word
Hansa, which signifies trade imposts (confounded subsequently with
the Italian word Ansaria\ and as several such houses were united
in foreign cities, there consequently arose a general Hanse, which
was termed German Hanse. Very early we find in London, Ger-
man Hanses from Cologne, Hamburg, Lubeck, Bremen, and other
cities^ and, perhaps, their union was a chief cause for the establishment
of the whole alliance. In the history of its formation also it is im-
portant to notice the league which in 1241 the cities of Lubeck and
Hamburg concluded together, and which is commonly but incorrectly
consider^ as the first commencement of the whole confederation.
It was agreed that both cities should prepare ships and supply troops
to protect from all robbery the highway between the Trave and the
Elbe, and the rivers themselves, down which both sent their merchan-
dise to the sea. Several northern cities soon joined this alliance ; about
the year 1300 it numbered already sixty cities from the Lower Rhine
as far as Prussia and Livonia ; later it included as many as a himdred,
and in the middle of the fourteenth century we find the name Hansa
universally distributed. In Grermany there belonged to it, besides
Lubeck and Hamburg: Bremen, Stade, Kiel, Wismar, Rostock,
Stralsund, Greifswalde, Stettin, Colberg, Stargard, Salzwedel^
Magdeburg, Brunswick, Hildesheim, Hwiover, Liineburg, Osna-
burg, Miinster, C5oesfeld, Dortmund, Soest, Wesel, Duisburg, Co-
logne, and many others besides; and out of Germany : Thorn, Dant-
zig, Konigsberg, Riga, Reval, Narva, Whisby, Stockholm, &c.
They wholly monopoUsed the trade in the Baltic, and chiefly that
in the Nortn Sea, and had four grand depots : at Novogorod in Rus-
sia, Bergen in Norway, Bruges in Flanders, and in London.
The establishment of these emporia called forth the greatest pos-
sible development in trade, and produced the most glorious results
in commercial intercourse. From the northern regions they shipped
timber for building vessels, flax, hemp, tar, furs, and smoked and
dried fish, the consumption of which was extremely great on account
of the rigorous observance of the periods for fasting practised by the
catholics ; and they maintained the herring fishery exclusively in
their own hands. From England they procured raw wool and
cloths, which they had dyed and prepared m Germany. Bruges at
this epoch was one of the most important of the commercial cities,
and formed a depot for the merchandise of Asia, Italy, and Western
Europe, which the Hanseatic towns conveyed thence to the north,
of Europe: spices of every sort, silks, gold and silver wares, fruit,.
&c. This traj£c exercised, likewise, the most happy influence upon
the sale of the produce of Germany: linen, cloth, metal wares, com,
flower, beer, Rhenish wine, and woad, (so much sought for before
the introduction of indigo, and much planted in G^many,) and
many other articles which, by means of the Hanse found a market in
foreign countries. It is, therefore, not surprising that when uniting
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
THE CITIES— THE PEASANTRY. 261
its strengtli the confederation was richer and more powerfiil than the
northern ^gdoms. It vrsis enabled to collect together whole fleets
and armies whenever it chose, even if only a portion of the cities
united, and its friendship was universallv sougnt. It forced King
Philip IV. of France to forbid the Engfish aff traffic on his coast,
aad obliged England to purchase peace for 10,000/. sterling. It
conquer^, in 1369, even Copenhagen and Helsengoer, command-
ing the mouth of the Sound, and offered the kingdom of Denmark
for sale; to such an extent did it hold the northern kingdoms gene-
rally in its dependence, and the city of Liibeck might well be proud
of being the head of such an alliance. It was divided into four
classes: 1. The Wendish, of which Liibeck was particidarlv the
head ; 2. The Westphalian, with Cologne at its head ^Cologne
emulated Liibeck for precedency; it earned on an extensive com-
merce bjr sea, and founded m London a celebrated German
fkctory; its maritime commerce, however, fell when Dortrecht
received its oppressive staple-right) ; 3. The Saxon, of which Bruns-
wick was the head; and 4. The Prussian and Livonian, with Dant-
zig at the head.
Maxiy records testify how extensive and populous the cities were
precise^ at a time when violence through the Faustrecht ra^ed
most wildly. In the fourteenth century, for instance, Aix-la-Cna-
pelle had 19,826 men who could bear arms, and Strasburg 20,000
more; Nuremberg 52,000 citizens; and increased annually by 4000
male bom children. Upon a revolt of the citizens of Lubeck, the
council alone armed 5000 merchants and their servants. And be-
sides these and other large places Germany was covered with a mul-
titude of towns of middung size, which likewise flourished in trade
and population, but which now retain only the shadow of their
former importance; as, for instance, the many imperial cities in
Swabia.
-.tineas Sylvius, (afterward Pius 11.,^ in the fifteenth century, speaks
with great admiration of the riches of ine German cities, although even
then their splendour began to sink: " The kings of Scotlana might
envy,"he]says, "the state of the meaner citizens of Nuremberg. Where
is there a tavern among you where you do not drink out of silver?
What married woman, 1 will not say of rank, but the wife of merely
a simple citizen, do we not find decorated with gold? What shall 1
say ot the neckchains of the men, and the bridles of the horses, which
are made of the j)urest gold, and of the spurs and scabbards, which
are covered with jewels?'
The source of such especial riches in precious metals, possessed
by Germany, originated not only in the commerce, but also in the
recently discovert mines of the country. Li the year 1477, for
instance, when Duke Albert of Saxony, dined in the mine of
Schneeberg, in the Hartz mountains, the viands were laid out upon
a solid block of silver, whence afterwards 400 quintals of silver
were produced.
The flourishing state and increasing power of the German cities
S6S TH£ MIDDLE AGE$.
-was alflo a cbief motiTe for ibe peasantij to reooTer their freedom;
for the inhabkaBte also of the nizal districts who, under the op|n«8»
aooL of sLaveryv were obliged to cultivate their own land, as serfet
£>r a master, at the view ^ the flouiiahing free cities were aroused,
to the love of liberty and indq)eiidenoe, and whai this desire is once
properly ze-awokein an enslaved people, it rests no more untilit has
cast its oppressive and degrading burden from its shoulders. Not
that the gradual rise of the rural population is to be attributed to one
source only, but, on the oontraiy, as in this case, it must be a con*
fjequence cf the collective working of many causes, which here ear-
Her, there later, supplied an individual, a uunily, or awholecommu'^
nzty with fineedom and possessicm of the soil. In this view also thd
crusades now produced the most important and beneficial results.
Bj command of the pope, every serf who took 1^ cross to pro*
ceed into theHdj Land was obliged to be made free by his lord, and
thousands of &em proceeded diither and became free accordingly.
In other cases the loid, previous to eetting out upon the crusade^
animated by pious eeal, gave his Bei& thdr freedom at onoe, or per^
hap he did not return at all; and if he had no heirs, many of his
feudal aervitocs, in theconsequettt dispute for ilie inheritance, faithful
until then, now made themselves free. This method of disfScandiiae-
ment was the more eaaly put into efieet when they belonged to a
soble, and if they dwelt near large cities. For th^ put themselves
under the protection of the latter, and contimied to live within their
walls or remained upon their own inheritance, and were called then,
Pfahlbiirger or suburban citizens, and in case their lord sought to
force them to return to his service, it became the affair of the power>
ful city itself^ and evea of the entire leame to which it belonged.
It 16 not to be denied, that under audi circumstanoes many cities
in their municipal arrogance were unjust towards their noble ndigh-
bours, inasmuch as they, withouthaving one justifying cause, recdved
andharbomred their subjects in opposition to him; but what in<nted
them chiefly to do this was the recoiiecticMi of the injustice which these
lords or their predecessors had done to them, — ^for injustice provokes
injustice— or they were perhaps at open variance with them, and they
thoi^httheywerejustifiedin injuring them in everyway. Whennow
the nobles saw themselves in danger of thus losing all their subjects,
one after the other, if they persisted in retaining them in their service
by force, they preferred emancipating them themselves, under certain
conditions, for l^hter services and a fixed yearly impost Finally,
many from a kmdliness of disposition, and influenced by the ^
Ughtenment of the period, may possibly have seen ik^Jt it was more
honourable as well as more lucrative, to cause their land to be cul-
tivated by free labourers, who in the fediag that they were toil-
ing for themselves and their descendants, now devoted all their
powers of mind and body to that occupation which form^ly as elaves
they were forced to be driven to perform.
It was in this maimer, particularly at the period of whidi we now
speak, that by a hundred di&rent causesi a.bf^(l!Pi laid in Ger-
THE PEASANTRY— THE ARTS AND SCIENCES. 263
manj for the esteUishment of the important cfaun of oommon fiee
peuaAtiyy which by degrees became the fundamental strength of
the mare modeni states of Europe
When man is raised to a certain degree of prosperityin whicbhis
mand is no koger absorbed in aoquirmg the more immediate and
pceaBing means to satisfy the necessary cares and wants of life, be
then applies and devotes tbe powers of his genius towards producing
die beautiful and grand — ^to that, the creation of which must sbed
o*er his whole life and memory, an enduring balo of glory and bo<*
noor — and accordingly all those gifts of intellectaal greatness are
promoted by their cultivation and enjoy the free independent action
they demand. Thence the cities with their increasing riches neces*
SBzuj became the cradle of German art and science; to which the
excitement of the imagination, and the impulse which the crusades
produced in all minds, contributed not a little. Ideas both novel
and of vast and eztiaordinarv character spread over the world, ele*>
vated the powers of the mind beyond the ordinary condition of life,
and filled it with images which it found itself excited to represent and
embody in beautiful productions of art. If we had no other evidence
of die splendour of the middle ages than that displayed in the works
of art of all lands which that period has handed down to us, we
should even then have ample proof wherewith to refute those opi-
nions which, without any mooificadon, pronounce that epoch to
have been dark, barbarous and miserable. A period of ignorance
and calamity could not have produced such sublime works as the
minsteis of Strasbuig, Vienna, and Ulm, together with the cathe*
deals of Cologne, ]i£gdeburg, Spires, Freiburg, and so many other
churches in l£e cities of Germanv and the Low Countries. For
art flourishes solely in the light of nreedom and in the genial warmth
of siosperity and human happiness.
We have here taken our examples £rom architecture, because there
is scarcely any other art which uke this so peculiarly ezpreases the
genuine Grerman genius. What we call gothic arcnitecture, — and
whidi would be baiter expressed with the general name of the na-
ti<m, Teutonic axcfaitecture— is a comlnnation of the greatest bold-
ness and sublimity^ of idea, produced by religious inspiration and deep
natural feeling, wi^ the most admirable industry and perfection in
the ezecotion of the detail. In the contemplation of those wonderful
structures, our heart swells and the breast expands with reverential
awe and emotion; we beccxne completely lost, and forget ourselvee
in the presence of so much grandeur, whilst we feel as we con^
tinue gazing as if with those bold ideas our mind was conveyed
iq>warajB towards heaven, leaving its earthly infirmities behind it —
such is precisely the expression which characterises the trulj suIk
lime and grand in all the creations of nature, as also m the-
works of man. And when the ejre, afW it has recovered firom
this first and overpowering impression of the whole, contemplates
the detail, it observes that there is scarcely a solitary stone through^
out the gigantic edifice which is introduced in itff TmAjeMe^
^ " Digitized by VjOOQ IC
264 THE MIDDLE AGES.
but eacli beais some artistical labour whicli makes it share in
the embellishment of the whole. Thus, it might be almost said
that, as in the works of the wide creation itself, there is not a blade
of grass but possesses its own peculiar beautj and ornament, and
this blade with its millions of semblant companions combined with
the trees, rocks, and lakes present a rich and magnificent picture
of nature — ^so, likewise these works of German industir and art,
faithful in the detail, and sublime in the idea of the whole, are in
this union of both, objects surpassed by no other nation. We will
only remark of the Imnster of Strasburg, that it has the loftiest
tower in Europe, being 594 feet high. Bishop Werner began to
lay the foundation of the church in 1015, but it was not completed
until 1275. After which the eminent architect, Erwin of otein-
bach, sketched the plan of the tower in 1277 ; this was begun and
completed in 1439 oy John Hulz, of Cologne, so that 424 years
were consumed in the entire construction. Of the Cathedral of Co-
logne, which in its design, commenced by Archbishop Conrad, of
Eiochstedt, in 1248, is still more noble, not even the church itself,
not to name its tower, has been completed although its construction
has lasted 250 years. But we shall not wonder at this when we con-
sider the thousands of images which are carved in the stone.*
It tends to the eternal fame of our nation and of those times that
the industry, patience, and outlay of capital so necessary for the con-
struction of such works were not spared, while later generations have
but too often wasted their powers upon undertakings which have left
no trace behind.
In order to comprehend the origin and, especially, the successftd
execution of those miracles of architecture, according to one great
plan, we must remark that it was not individual architects, who,
with sometimes good, sometimes bad workmen, as in our times,
undertook such works, but they were accomplished by an association
of masons, distributed over the whole of Germany, and, indeed,
over the whole of Europe, who were bound together by religion,
honour, and discipHne. Even among the Romans there were build-
ing societies of great extent, the remaining members of which re-
tired to the monasteries, and there occupied themselves chiefly
with the construction of churches, and created the more sublime
style of Christian architecture. Regular but temporal builders were
also received into the society, and \nien, in the eleventh century, the
vigour of the monachal system began to slumber in the indolence and
satiety of acquired riches, these temporal builders obtained by de-
uces the superiority, and eventually formed the grand associations
by means of which those wonderful works were executed. They
possessed and followed mysterious signs and customs, by which the
members of the body forming the class of the more sublime archi-
tecture were distinguished from the more simple artizans. Every
* It is, however, gratifying to observe as one among the many existing signs of the
progress made in our time in the fine arts, that the completion of this noUe edifice
has been recently determined and commenced upon. ^ I
Digitized by LjOOQ iC
THE ARTS AND SCIENCES — ARCHITECTURE — PAINTING. 265
flocietj had its protectmg patron, from whom it was named, and
wherever a grand undertatdng was to be executed they aU came
fix>m their various districts and assembled on the spot, so that their
art, like a common possession, was beneficially distributed through-
out most Christian countries. These important societies received
£nom the reigning emperor and princes letters of license, and even
their own exclusive judicial courts, at which the chief architect pre-
sided as judge. Close to the spot on which was to be erected the
large building they were engaged upon, and which edifice perhaps
took centuries to construct, a wooden house or Hiitte, was generally
built, neatly adorned inside, in which the said chief architect, with the
sword of justice in his hand, sat under a canopy and pronounced judg-
ment. This hiitte or court house, in Strasburg, aerived a peculiar
importance during the period of the construction of the minster.
It was soon regarded as the most distinguished amongst all in Ger-
many ; its institutions were imitated, and the other court houses
frequently derived counsel and decision from it.*
But the noble principle of these associations ended with the de-
cline of the general spirit of the middle ages. The great architec-
tural undertakings ceased; the energies of men were divided in all
directions. War monopolised so entirely the resources of states, that
for great monuments of art but little more could be done, as will be
more particularly developed as we proceed in the course of our his-
tory.
Fainting was also zealously practised for the decoration of churches
and other holy places, and our old cities are full of splendid speci-
mens of this art. Grennan art in its entire character is grave, cnaste,
and moral, abounding with depth of thought and expression, like
the nation itself In the figures of the holy apostles and saints, as
well as of pious men and women generally, who are represented in
devout contemplation and prayer, we find expressed the profound
sublimity of thought and sentmient which would be vainly sought
ibr in the works of art produced by any other nation, although they
may, and do possess a superiority m miish, richness of colour, and
sHulilly-deceptive representation. In their pictures, also, the Ger-
mans display that untiring industry which does not consider it too
trifling to carefully represent, with truth and fideUty, the smallest
and most minute decorations of the walls, furniture, or garments.
It is true that painting attained its culminating point much later, and
the names of the most celebrated Grerman and Flemish painters, who
worked in the same spirit, belong to the fifteenth and sixteenth cen-
turies; although in earlier times, and by masters whose names are
unknown, splendid pictures of subjects taken from sacred history
* After Strasburg came, in 1681, imder the donunion of France, all connexion be-
tween this principal Hutte and the others of Germany gradually ceased to exist; and
the consequent disputes which arose between these latter on the subject of each
other's claims to superiority were erentually put an end to in 1731 by an imperial
decree, by which all distinctions of priTUi^ between these associations and the com-
mon class of architects were abolished.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
SM THE MTODLE AGES.
were executed for the chuickes. Tlie most odebtaied of the kter
artists were John Van Ejck, of Bruges^ who died in 1441, and who
is considered as the inyentor of oil painting; his countrymen, Hans
(John) Hemling, Mattin Schon of Cuknbach, in Franoonia, Mi*
chael Wohlgemuth <^ Nuremberg, but aboTO all others Albert
Diirer, who was bom in 1471 and died in 1521, and whose works
are characterised by vigorous feeling and profound seriousness of ex-
pression; and, finally, Lucas Cranach, wno was bom in 1470, and
died in 1553.
Aa a third art in the list of the middle ages, poetry was one which
particularly flourished in the time of the Swabian emperors. This
deriyed its vigour from the inspiration of the whole period of the
cmsades and was in high estimation among the higher and lower
classes. The celebrated siugeis who knew how to elevate the hearts
of men by their songs of the great deeds of ancient heroes, or by
their tender lays of kment — ^here and there, however, refreshed by
encouraging and energetic strains-— were hos^tably welcomed at
every festival, and richly rewarded, proceeded from the courts of
emperors, princes, and counts, to flourishing cities, throughout the
whole of Germany. Sometimes a contest of art was instituted, simikr
to those wherein the knights disputed f<Mr the prise of arms, and, be«
fore an assembly of selected ana competent judges, songs resounded
of the most in^Hiing and admirable nature. &>me of the most oe^
lebrated poets and troubadours of this period are Henry of Vildedc,
about 1170, Wolfram of Eschenbach, Hartman of the Aue, Heniy
of Ofterdingen, Godfrey of Stcasburg, Walter of the Yogelweide, and
Conrad of Wurzburg. But also emperors, princes, and noble kc^hts
themselves practised poetry. All the Hohenstaufens from Frederidc L
have left us poems, besides Mar^ve Otho with the Arrow, of Biaa<-
denburg, Duke Henrv of Bresiaw, Henry of Meissen, Duke John
of Bra^nt, Count Bodolph of Neuenbuig, Kraft of Tosgenbui^, and
many others. One of the greatest and most ^lendia collections of
German poems is that of the Niebehmgen or Legends of Chivalry,
which alwough not originally composed in this period, still at that
time was collected together and formed into one entire work ; a poem
as sublime and grand as it is sweet and touching, and may be jusdy
compared with the Homeric lays themselves. The HeUenbuch^ or
great book of heroes, which is derived from the Swabian period,
Ekewise C(»itains the most beautifulpoems; and, about the year 1300,
a counsellor of Ziirich, Riidger otManesse, collected the mietrical
lays of one hundred and forty Minmeswaers^ or troubadours.
In the sciaioes, the period of the midme ages cannot, probably, be
compared with those of later times, however superior, on the
other hand, it may* rank in the fine arts, inasmuch as the sciences
aie a fruit of senous reflection and of long experience, and one
age can build upon the foundation laid by a preceding one; whilst
art, on the contrary, is more a fiiee blossom oT nature, and a work of
happy inspuation, being not so much the result of i^ep research as
it IS of the impressions aroused by an excited epoch. The sciences,
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
TTIE ARTS AND Sa«7C£S--POETRY AND LITERATURE. 267
however^ were not decided, but, on the ccoitEaiY, zealously promoted
by the Hohenstaufen emperors. When Otho, Bishop of Freisingen,
handed to the Emperor Frederick I. his Chronidos, the emperor
said : ^* I reoeive with extreme pleasuie the Chicmicles which you nave
compiled so wisely in such good order, and which, hitherto obscured
and concealed, you have brought to light and harmonised; and I
rejoioe always, when freed £rom the labcmrs of war, to read them, for
I guide myself to excellence by the splendid deeds of the emperors."
We have already seen in the hie of tne Emperor Frederick il. how
much he estimated science. And although herdn his care was di<^
rected chiefly to his Italian states and universities, yet we must take
into consideiation its subsequent reaction upon Geimany ; for all that
we trace proves that Germany itself was occupied in the most active
development- of science and art. No period of the middle ages can
in this r^pect be compared with that of the Hofaenstaufens. The
mind of Frederick 11., without doubt, worked both powerfully and
effectually among us for the promotion of this object.
Science, at this period, was chiefly confined to the ecdeaastical
body, the members of which, by theu: state of independence, were
called to be its true preservers. It has been customary to consider
monasteries as the seat of indolence and ignorance, hypocrisy and
seDsuali^, and, in fact, of many other vices. But this is an unjust
rion, confounding the thing itself with its abuse; and what, in
course of years, by the change of all thincs, was forced to pass
away, has been at the same time, wholly misunderstood in its earlier
and more active form. In times when rude force held its sway in
the world, and eveiy one who could not defend himself was obl^ed
to succumb, or was cast to the ground, the cloisters were places ofre-
fiige and retreat for thousands of men, who found therem, not only
desirable asylums for security and repose, but also that necessarr
leisure for the calm and contemplative occupations of the mind, which
flilently and progressively produced the sciences. Without ihe mo-
nasteries, we should have possessed but little of the treasures of
ancient literature, which they chiefly preserved for us; indeed, but
tor them we should know almost nodiang of our earlier records, and
possess, but a very meager and brief history of the events of former
times. Before the invention of printing, it was so difficult and
laborious to multiply copies of works, that without the leissnre and
the industry of the monks in cloisters, who, with astonishing and
admirable patience, transcribed entire works in elaborate chaxao-
ters, and with illuminated letters, almost all traces would have been
lost of the primitive and middle ages. Besides which, the authors of
nearly all the histcnical works were clergymen. Their names have
been mentioned at the commencement of this period, and when we
read their productions, we must be filled with equal esteem and ad-
miration for the ecclesiastics of the middle ages.
The warlike spirit of that epoch, however, had an important
effect upon the manners of the clergy. Christum, the Archbishop
of Ment^ who was frequently at the £ad of the armies of Frederick I.,
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
268 THE MIDDLE AGES.
in his expeditions to Italy, and conducted the very obstinate siege of
Ancona, in 1174, was as valiant a warrior as he was a zealous priest
and skilful statesman. He could speak six languages: the German,
Latin, French, Brabant, Greek, and Italian. Wnen^ as a clergy-
man, he stood before the altar, he was the true representative of the
minister of peace, in fiill priestly dignity; but when, again, he was
mounted on his warHke steed, he displayed an equally commanding
and elevated mien as a leader of the church militant. Under his
sacerdotal robe he wore a coat of iron armour, upon his head a splen-
did helmet of ^old, and in his hand a massive three-edged, club. It
is related of him, that in the different battles in whida he fought,
he killed nine enemies with his own hand. •
The monasteries, of the importance of which for the middle ages
we have already spoken, ment here still closer observation. They
owe their first origin to that pious spirit which prizes, by far, the
heavenlyabove all earthly possessions ; and which by severe self-denial,
repentance, and mortification, in all sensual gratifications, seeks to
make itself worthy of the blessings of a purer life. At first, minds
thus tutored sought to fly from the tumult of the world, and retired
into solitary and isolated places; and when several thus disposed
were collected together, they united themselves into brotherhoods,
with the resolution of practising, in a body, similar penance and
mortification. Thus those holy men, Antonius and Pachonius,
founded in this manner, in the middle of the fourth century, in the
deserts of Upper Egypt, the first monasteries. By degrees, their
example was ioUowed m several places ; and also in Europe monas-
teries were founded, after the holy Athanasius brought the first
monks from Egypt into Rome.
In the commencement of the sixth century (515), St. Benedict,
of Nursia, gave, by the rule he formed for his monastery at Monte
Cassino, and which was everywhere followed, an entire new form to
monastic life ; and this monastery, seated upon a high moimtain in
the most beautiful part of Lower Italy, may be considered as the
model of all the others in western Christendom. It has existed and
operated during a space of thirteen hundred years, and above thirty
popes, and a great number of cardinals, bishops, and ecclesiastics of the
highest rank, have sprung from the order of Benedictines. Every-
where now arose monasteries ; partly because active monks settled them-
selves in previously uncultivated districts, made them arable, and thus
acquired a right to the land around; partly because emperors, kings,
and princes, the high clergy, and noble families, as a pleasing work to
God, built abbeys, and endowed them with the ground upon which
they were erected. Monasteries also arose in cities and villages, and cities
formed and settled themselves around monasteries. The enthusiastic
zeal excited in ancient times for amonastic life,and the donations which
these institutions received are incredible ; the monastery of Ebersberg,
in Austria, alone received as many as two hundred and twenty-eight
such gifts. It was thought that no better use could be made of earthly
possessions, than to give them to a monastery; and the monks had,
THE CLERGT— MONASTERIES, &c. 269
1)e8ide8y at ack beds, opportunities enough to foster and maintain thia
opinion. Economical management, and cheap and advantageous
purchases made at a convenient time, auraiented these possessions,
and especially so at the period of the crusades. The nobles who were
not able to command the necessary means for the expeditions to those
distant countries, sold their estates, or borrowed money upon them;
and if they did not return, or could not pay back what they had
borrowed, the property remained in the hands of the monastery.
Subsequently too, m the time of violence or the Faustrecht, many
freemen gave themselves up, together with their possessions, into
the hands of the monasteries, to enjoy their protection. And
£naUy» the monasteries received from the pope, in the thirteenth cen-
tury, the privilege to retain for their own possession, the bequeathed
property of the deceased relatives of the brethren — ^a productive
source of wealth; whilst, likewise, it was made into a law, that,
neither nuns nor monks could ever bequeath any thing to a third
party, but were forced to leave their whole inheritance to the monas-
tery they belonged to. The cloisters even bestowed upon many,
lich persons the title of monk, in order to inherit their property,
and permitted them afterwards to live beyond the monastery, the
same as before. If we consider all tiiis, it is very easy to compre-
hend how the convents, by degrees, acquired such large, and some
even immense riches. The example produced stimulation, and
their number increased incredibly. St. Bernard, of Clairvaux, who
lived at the period of the secona grand crusade, founded alone one
hundred and sixty, and some cities contained even several hundred
monasteries.
The mrgency displayed by applicants to be received in them
was extraordinary; many sought admission from a true spontaneous
impulse of the soul, many in order to find the means of hvin^, and,
lastly, many were persuaded and forced into them by their relatives.
It is true, in order to remedy and prevent this latter abuse, the
canon law forbid expressly that any one should be forced to take
the vow, either by imprisonment or any other measure of compulsion;
besides which, it was ordained that a year's noviciate should always
precede taking tiie habit; and, finally, that no male should take the
vow of monk before his fourteenth year, nor any female before her
twelfth year; but this age was evidently too early, for many cer-
tainly took the vow without knowine what they were doing.
Many orders fixed, also, a more advanced age.
The occupation of the lay brothers, according to the rule of St.
Benedict, consisted in agricultural labour, the sciences, instruction of
youth, transcribing of books, attendance on tiie dck, and the exercise
of prayer and religious worship. Their mode of Ufe was very severe,
their dress very ample, whilst their food was restricted to merely the
most necessary diet, and frequent fasting was strictiy enjomed.
Later orders, which took that rule as their foundation, but increased
its severity, imposed upon their members the most rigid penances,
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
270 THE MIDDZ.E AGES.
iadtiding corporeal eastigatioa. The order of the CarthosiaiiSy
which was fouaded by a Uerman, St. Bruno, previously a cancel at
BheimSt in an inhospitable and desert valley near Grenoble, was
considered the most severe. Their raiment coajsisted not only of a
rough hair skin worn n^ct the flesh, as in many of the other
Orders, but the rule commanded expressly that it should be a prickly
one; and they were forbidden any covering for the head or the
use of shoes and stockings. They &8ted three times in the week,
and during the ei^ht holy weeks the^ took nothing but bread and
water^ whflst fat of all kinds, butter, cal^ &c,f were wholly prohibited.
The religious exercises were not interrupted either by night or day,
and solitude and melancholy silence increased the ngidness of this
mode of li&. And yet who could believe that notwilostanding this
severity of the order, it numbered, two hundred jrears after its ori^,
no less than two hundred and eleven monasteries and nunneries?
Such examples may serve us as a proof that the spirit of monastic life,
fiur firom being in contradiction with the manners, was much rather a
necessary feature of that age. Their subsequent degeneration into
worldly views, and the whole changed spirit of the period, must not
cause the judfpnent of history to err in its consideration of the origin
of these institutions.
The head of the monastery to whom a blind and unconditional
obedience beloa&ged, was the abbot; under him stood next the prior^
then the deacon, the butler, the steward, the cantor, &q. In the
convents there were under the abbess similar female dignities.
But every convent of nuns had a prior for religious worship, for
preaching, confession, &c., because these functions could not be
transferred to women. Laybrothers were also found in imonasteries,
who, without havini? taken the entire vow of monks, attended to the
external business of the monastery, in order that the others might
not be obliged to quit the cloister or enclosed space of the monastery.
The monasteries, according to the ancient order of church govern-
ment, stood originally under the jurisdiction of the archbishops and
bishops of the diocess, and the abbots were consecrated by them ; they
gave permission for the foundation of those institutions, authorised do-
nations, the purchase and sale of land, &c. But ambition and a deare
for greater independence became excited by degrees in the cloisters;
they soon wished to be dependent only upon the popes, and the latter
were not unwilling to increase in this manner their immediate and ex-
tended influence. The same as with the cities in Germany dnd Italy,
who sought to make themselves free &om the domination of princes,
and would only be subject to the emperor, so it wa» with the cloisteni
with respect to the bishops and the pope. With the temporal cler^
also, the patrons and curators, the monasteries by degrees stood m
direct opposition. Originally they had nothing to do with the cure
of souls. Shortly, however, many individuals turned to the monastery
to confess, to have children christened, &c. The clergy complained
of it and several popes prohibited these incursions upon the oiocess.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
THE CLS>-^-KONAJSTE&IES, &C. 271
Bat in the course of time the monks, by the &your of the bishops,
and subsequentlj of the popes, gained in this respect also greater
freedom, and exercised the clencal duties in a far more extended
cirele around them.
A third great extension of their power originated in the circum-
atence, that from the tenth centurjrtheprevioudy solitary standin^moi-
nasteries became gradually united into mrge societies or congregations,
belongingto the diffier^it principal orders. Intheyear910,aroBethatof
Clun^Tyirom the monastery of that name in Burgundy, founded by St.
Odo ; in 101 8, that of the Camaldulensians, by Romuald ; in 10B6, that of
the Carthusians; in 1098, that of the Cistercians; in 1 122, that of the
F^montratensians, &c. These orders receiyed from the chief mo«
nastery one common central and superior direction. All monasteries
sent their deputies to the chief assemUy held in this head cloister,
and here their common affiurs \fere dehberated upon and arranged,
sikI resolutions fixed. The abbot of this head cloister, to whom
the remaining abbots vowed obedience, was charged with the exe*
cation of these r^ulations, inspected the cloisters, regulated them,
and thus exercised episcopal rights and priyileges.
These congr^ations were in reality yery powerful associations, and
infused into the monastic Ufe fresh vigour and strength. In the be*
ginning of the twelfdi century, consequently two hundred years aflec
its foundation^ th^e were 2000 other monasteries subject to the
parent monastery of Cluny. Its abbot received all the privileges of a
biddop, and placed in all the dependant monasteries pnors only from
his own monks; and he hims^ was elected by them. In Climy
itself there Hved four hundred and sixty monks, and yet not one was
obliged to remove from his own cell, nor was any chamber aj^inted
&at public use, required to be cleared when, in 1245, Pope Inno-
cent IV., with several cardinals and bishops, the King of France
trith his mother, sister, and brother, the Emperor of Constantinople,
the sons of the Hngs of Castile and Arragon, all with their suites were
entertained as guests in this splendid and spacious monasten^. The
order of Premontratensians lounded by St. Norbert of Xante, at
Premontre near Laon in France, numbered, ^ghty years afler its
origin, twenty-four provincial or district directors, one thousand alK
bots, three hundred friars, and five himdred convents of nuns.
Norbert was afterwards Archbishop of Magdeburg, and introduced
his rule into the monasteries of Magdeburg, Havelberg, Branden-
burg, &c., and the order spread to Bohemia and Silesia.
In opposition and as a contrast to these rich orders, which by
their very wealth had developed the germ of degeneration and indo«
lence, there was established at the commencement of the thirteenth
century the order of beggar-monks, whose first law was to acquire
no fixed property beyond their monastic walls, and to seek th^r
support by receiving small gifi». Thus, they could never be troubled
with a desire after temporal possesions m their practice of self-
denial, poverty, and mortification — ^three essential virtues in thia
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
272 THE MIDDLE AGES.
new order. Francis of Assissi, an Italian, founded, in 1210, the
order of the Franciscans, and Dominique Guzman, a Spaniard^ that
of the Dominicans^ in 12 15, and it was to this Guzman that the
pope afterwards transferred in particular the inquisition. In 1 238 , the
CJarmelites who had previou^ had their original seat upon Mount
Carmel, in the east, came to Europe, and about this time under Pope
Ghregory IX., they assumed the rule of St. Augustine, and foimded
the order of the Au^ustines. AU these orders speedily, and at once,
spread themselves, but it was only in the following centuries that
their activity came into full operation.
In tliis manner the whole empire of the church had divided
itself into two portions; on the one side the whole of the monastic
clergy, and upon the other the secular clergy. It is true they
were both united in their several grades, under their superior and
supreme head, the pope; but this division of the churcn was not
beneficial. Envy, jealousy, and many vexatious disputes were
thereby produced. The closer inspection of the bishops might have
kept tne monasteries in a better state of discipline and order. St.
Bernard of Clairvaux, who belonged to the order of the Cistercians,
the only order which recognised the jurisdiction of the bishops,
writes upon this subject thus: " The pope can by virtue of his
power vnthdraw the bishop from the jurisdiction of the archbishop,
and the abbot from that of the bishop, but it ought not to taJke
place, for the bishops would thereby only become more arrogant,
and the monks less restrainable. AU superiority, all fear, would be re-
moved, and the whole structure of the nierarchy, which in wise order
ascends to the pope, would be imdermined. Beneath their humble
demeanour and expressions are concealed the haughty dispositions of
the abbots; they plunder the church in order to free themselves from
the superiority of the bishops, and they purchase their independence
so that they may escape from that ol>emence which should be their
richest ornament. Thence this desire of each to rank next to and
as immediately as possible after the pope, dissolves the entire bonds
of the hierarchy."
It has been shown how in the course of time these institutions which
had grown from, and were adapted to the necessities of the age, and
which, retained in proper limits, might afterwards, bjb at first, have con-
tinued to fulfil their object, degenerated from the moment that their
temporal exertions entirely outweighed their intellectual efforts, their
multiplicity having thus become ten, nay a hundred times too great.
For a proportionate number of men of really inspired minds, who, dis-
gusted with the world, desired the retirement oil a monastic life, could
not possibly be found to inhabit the cloisters thus numerously distri-
buted. Tnence thousands against their wills, or urged by base mo-
tives, had adopted the cowl, to which they were now forever bound,
and this majority thus introduced the germ of ruin into every institu-
tion they entered. Complaints of the degeneration of the monks, of
their continued life of sensuality, dissipation, and other vices, became
Digitized by
Google
THE CLERGY— MONASTERIES, &C.— THE FAUST-RECHT. 273
more and more frequent. The ancient reverence wluch had hitherto
surrounded and hovered over these places of repose and jjious medita-
tion, now gradually disappeared. The inhabitants of cities, who, for-
merly by presents and grants, had contributed to build and endow the
cloisters within their walls, became now their enemies, when they be-
held them stretch their arms too widely around them, and when among
other rights, they found them arrogate to themselves that of a free-
dom from all civil impost, not only for themselves but likewise for their
labourers and mechanics. Between the princes and nobles on one side,
and the monasteries on the other, there arose jealousy, contention, and
unjust reprisals. In order to protect themselves against external power,
as well as to exercise their rights of freedom, which alone depended
on the empire, the monasteries were obliged to procure and establish
an authorised governor and protector (^Schutz or Kast-vogt) selected
chiefly from among the powerful nobihty of the neighbourhood, and
for wliich service they paid him a considerable tax. But between
the Vogt and the monastery disputes often arose, and thus many a
monastery was severely oppressed by the Vogt, its own chosen de-
fender. The contest often lorced itself within the very walls of the mo-
nastery itself. The monks rebelled against their superiors, misused and
drovethem away ; the lay brothers revolted against the whole monastic
brotherhood, and consequently violence and murderous scenes of blood
desecrated those walls originally consecrated to peace. Such is the
&te of every human institution as soon as it steps beyond the true
limits assigned to it for the legitimate attainment of its appointed
object.
Nevertheless, we must hero observe, that this sad degeneration in
the monastic life occurred less in the age of the Hohenstaufens than
in the following centuries, when it becomes evident that all the insti-
tutions of the middle ages inclined, and in fact were hastening
towards their fall and ruin.
It remains now for us in this description of the middle ages to
speak of that which is made its greatest objection, the misuse of
power to obtain justice, or even without the least justice, to offend.
Upon this accoimt these times are called those of the Faustrecht
(fist or club law), because the fist so generally decided instead of the
word, and force had all the validity of law. Every prince had his
fortified castle, every knight 'his strong tower, frequently upon an
inaccessible rock, and every city its protecting walls; and confiding in
these places of retreat, every one mocked the demands of the otner,
often when he was wrong, until he was obliged to yield to force, or
was himself destroyed. Little attention was paid to the sentence of
judges, and, j&equently, even the emperor's word was not heeded,
and thus it was mat while the empire enjoyed profoimd peace with
its neighbours, internally the most violent contests, small and great,
raged in difierent places at once, so that in what they called the
most ordinary state of these fatal times of anarchy in Germany,
thousands of individuals perished by the sword annually. Such a con-
T
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
274 THE MIDDLE AGESw
dition appears fearftil to us, and we cannot comparehend Iiow men
could, in such a state, be easy and cheerful as if in perfect security.
For it would seem that only those who were yiolentlj and rapaciouai j
inclined held dominion, wmbt peaceful, tranquil men must haye liyed
in constant fear and dread ox destructioiL So serere a judgment*
however, would again be based upon a miscon^ieption of the spirit
of that age, whilst closer observation will only serve to soften and
mellow down the harsh and hideous colours of this sad picture.
The noble lived amidst his warlike arms and was always ready
at a moment's notice to resist force by force whenever he wasattacked ;
and in so doing, he did not consider himself verging at all beyond his
ordinary sphere; it often, indeed, afforded him pleasure to be thus
occasionally aroused from a temporary state of lethargy. It was a
realising proof of that ^lory he was bound to sustain, and as it was
for honour's sake that me very best fiiends broke a lance together—^
often in serious contest — ^in the tournaments, so likewise in the most
violent feuds honour was constantly the ^ding star. They did not
oppose each other in battle with tne animosity and absolute hatred
excited in enemies of later times, for v^ frec[uently their encounter
was only a more serious joust at arms, in which the opponents mear
sured their strength witn each other for life and death. It was an
ordeal of God, an open and energetic mode of deciding the quarrel
which reason and argument could no longer terminate, and this de-
cision was regarded as that of justice and good right.
We have already seen that besides this, the cities excited by these
continual wars of the Fehde or Fatistrecht, between the princes and
nobility, were aroused to a full development of their powers, and that,
together with industrial activity, both manly virtue and the feeling
of civil honour had become firmly united, and more and more ener-
getically brought into action. When, therefore, the citizen was at
home, within the walls of his own city, he lived in perfect security and
full of confidence in the courage of his feUow-citizens ; and when he was
travelling he protected and defended himself with his own arms,
assisted by his numerous suite, with which, whenever possible, he
took care to provide himsel£
The peasant was forced to suffer most in these feuds, and his condi-
tion was sadly deplorable during this period. The battle was most
Senerally fought upon his CTound, and thus his plantations became
estroyed, whilst he himself was defenceless and without arms, not
having even the right to bear them; being held unworthy of such
honour unless he was wholly or at least naif fi:eed. But, again,
in many cases he found a protection in the point of honour
established in chivalry, which did not permit an injury or offence
bein^ offered to a defenceless man< whilst he likewise derived
considerable compensation from the security he possessed in being,
with his sons, exempt from military service. Besides which,
the evils of war were less in extent, and left much fewer and less
disastrous traces behind than in our days; fi)£ what are all those
Digitized by
Google
THE FAU8T-RECHT— JURISPRUDENCE. 275
minor mischances of the battle-field compared with the misery so
inexpressible and incalculable which a single war in the present time
disseminates!
We shonld also err very much if we thought that in this period
of the Faustrecht the law had no effect, that no judges were
appointed, or tribunals held, and that all was left to arbitrary
will. On the contrary, the Fehde-rechty in its peculiar sense,
was connected with the dispensation of justice and the infliction of
punishment conformably with the spirit of the age. But to perceive
and comprehend this better, we must refer back to the primitive ju-
dicial system of the Germans, and prosecute its entire development
in the middle ages.
The German ludicial system like every other, the object of which is
to furnish a civil community with order and well being, was based upon
the principle that peace should reign between all its members. Thus,
whcfloevCT had broKen the peace by murder, fire, robbery, &c., (so did
nature interpret and decree to the Germans — who desired not only jus-
tice but speedy justice,) it was not necessary to cite the criminal before
a tribunal, but the offended party was at liberty to prosecute retalia-
tion until the former made compensation, either by money or other-
wise. Thence this ancient and original right of the freed man served
to found the collective feudal system. The individual who had com-
mitted the crime might be himself attacked on the same day and
immediately after it occurred; but subsequently, when the feudal
code became better regulated a previous announcement of three days
•was necessary. When, however, the offender offered reparation of
honour and right, that is to say a just restitution, there was then
no longer cause to seek justice oy force of arms.
In 3ie earlier periods of German antiquity when all justice pro-
ceeded dbrectly firom, and rested in the grand and mighty union of
all the fireed men, there existed no other law but the common law
practised by the count together with the community of his Grau or
district, the Ceatgrcme or centenary, and the Decanus or tything man,
at the head of the communities of their jurisdiction. Every judge held
regularly, and at certain neriods of the year, his Echte Ding, or court
of session. Every defenaant was compelled to appear, the complaints
were made, the judge required the verdict of the community, and
what these decided by their foreman, who was caUed on for that
purpose by the judge, the latter declared as sentence. The commu-
nity consequendy tounded the law which became absolute for all
similar cases subsequently, and every freeman took a part in its le-
gislation. Charlemagne nrst introduced the Schoffen, whose office it
was to attend at every court held, in order to refer to ancient pre-
cedents. If the condemned refused to submit to the sentence, the
judge himself, together with the whole judicial community, were
obliged to see the sentence executed. Thus the whole system was
based upon the equalised strength of the individuals, and the firm
union of the oouective conmiunity. Charlemagne by his power
t2
f^
Digitized by
Google
276 THE MIDDLE AGES.
knew how to maintain order, and prevent each from takmj^ the lawin
his own hands. Under his reign no private or distinct feud was heard
of. But Louis the Pious, with ms sons, soon afterwards gave already an
example of violence, and under the later Carlovingians the count lost
all his judicial authority, and with it, likewise, vanished more and
more the power of the communities; for, on the one hand, the
clergy, the monasteries, and the high nobility, with their vassals,
began to assume to themselves particular privileges which removed
them from the ordinary jurisdiction of the communities, and, at the
same time, exempted them from the duty of making the disobedient
attend to the sentence pronounced thereby; and, on the other, the
necessary general equality of the community was destroyed by the
preponderating authority acquired by the pnnces, coimts, and lords.
A superior power — that of a duke — ^became then requisite in order
to restore the vigour of the courts. Ever since the first emperors of
tfie House of iSaxony, Henry and Otho, had created diikes and
raised them to their proper position, the judicial courts became also
re-strengthened and improved; inasmuch as they by their summons
issued to all their officials in the districts they ruled, and by the aid
of their own vassals were enabled to command the necessary re-
spect being shown to their authority. The first Salic emperors strove,
it is true, to weaken and overthrow the ducal authority in order to
procure a more immediate influence for the imperial power, but it was
exactly in the powerful authority invested in these emperors that
justice and order found their support. But the long and unfortunate
reign of Henry IV., who was continually at war with the Saxons^
as well as with his rivals to the imperial throne, and finally with his
own sons, was the cause of the abandonment of justice once more
and of its becoming a prey to violence.
Not but that the majonty of the Hohenstaufens possessed dignity
and personal authority enough to re-establish order, but all their ener-
gies being directed towards Italy, the inclination so general in Ger-
many for the Faustrecht could therefore be put into practice more
easily, especially as the power of the dukes, by the jealousy of the em-
perors, and of FredericK I. in particular, was now destroyed. The
emperors, indeed, now sought to place themselves more immediately
at tlie head of the judicial power, and by maintaining its dispensation
themselves^ endeavoured to cause its authority to be respected by
their princes and counts. For this purpose Frederick I. established
the Landfriede, or peace of the country, which was re-established
by Frederick II., in 1235; but the confusion in the rights and pos-
sessions of the princes being already too great, the individual princes
and nobles opposed each other in constant feuds. Tliose wars had
acquired even a more regular form by the ordinance of Frederick I.
wmch decreed that the declaration of war should be announced three
days previously, and thus each knight was enabled to find greater op-
portunity to secure himself against the judicial power of his superior.
After this law, opposition to justice, and private feuds which.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
THE FAUST-BECHT — JURISPRUDENCE. 277
in earlier times, owing to the vigour and strength of the institu-
tions, existed only as exceptions, became now of regular and estab-
lished occurrence. The baneful spirit of disorder took the upper
hand at the period of the Interregnum, and spread its domimon
everywhere around, whilst the noble chivalric feeling of honour and
virtue which was still maintained under the Hohenstaufens, gra-
dually disappeared, and rude and brutal violence became more and
more intolerant and oppressive.
Several of the emperors, whom the next division of our history
v?ill name, endeavoured to remove and overcome these evils. Ru-
dolphus or Rodolph of Hapsburg, renewed, in several diets, the law
for the Landfrieden (or peace of the country), and strove to strengthen
it by the association of several districts, as, for instance: Westphalia,
liower Saxony; Thuringia, Hessia, Bavaria, and Swabia. This was,
in reality, a new mode of giving strength to justice, after it was
found that the authority of the courts, tlie dukes, and even that of
the emperors had successively lost all power. But in a country
which was divided into so many petty dominions, these unions only
fostered too easily a party spirit, and consequently led to much in-
justice. The temporal nobles and knights, especially in the south-
west of Germany, took advantage thereof, to oppose and make war
against aU those powerful cities, which had also concluded alliances to-
gether. To which followed very speedily, continued dissensions and
disputes upon the subject of the election of the emperors, and claims
to inheritance in seveiral countries: in Liineburg, Hessia, the Tyrol,
&c.; during which the nobility received greater weight, and could
arrogate to themselves the right of justice. The Emperor Wences-
las and his successors endeavoured to unite all these various asso-
ciations into one grand alliance of a Reischsfriede (or peace of the em-
pire), and thus restore a superior authority, but in vain. It was not
until towards the fifteenth century, when the nobility were obliged,
by degrees, to yield to the power of the territorial princes, and when,
especially, the vigour of chivalry was broken by the development of
a new epoch, that, at length, a solid and durable foundation was laid
for the dominion of justice, by the Emperor Maximilian's fixed law
of the JReichsfriede, which secured the public peace for ever.
We will now trace the prominent features of the forms of judicial
proceedings, and of the laws in the middle ages. Originally, the
superior court of jurisdiction was held only in the particular county
which, in the name of the king, or under the Koniffsbann, exercised
high judicial authority over real property and life. In the cent-
giaviates fwhich were called, in Lower Saxony and in Westphalia,
Gofferichte), there was only a petty court of justice, to which the
nobles (Semperfreien) were not subject; for, throuffhout the whole of
the middle ages, we find maintained the rule: that every one, to
whatsoever class he belonged, could be adjudged only by his equals;
fio that the general grand principle of the administration of justice
by the communities, from the highest to the lowest, continued to
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
278 THE MIDDLE AGES.
form the basis of all judicial proceedings throughout Grermany.
The emperor could pass no sentence which the princes and nobles had
not approved; and in the class of peasants, even in the courts of
laWy among feudatories and vassals, no lord and no superior au-
thority could adjudge capriciously and arbitrarily, inasmuch as it
-was necessary to have the approbation of the community. Justice,
dieiefore, remained the living property of the people, and its code was
formed by custom and descent, from among themselves. Written laws,
indeed, were held in dread and suspicion, for then the {)roceedings
would have fallen into the hands of those learned in jurisprudence.
T^e church alone was ruled by written laws, and almost in evenr
thing by the Roman code. Wherever solitary written laws were found,
such as privileges, jprinciples of jurisprudence and rights, for ddee
or particular distncts, they were of such trifling import in their
incomplete state that, &r from being so constituted as to form sources
of right and fountains of justice, they only served as testimonies to
prove that the true law Kved exclusively in the people.
The first collection of German laws was formed by a Saxon noble-
man, Epke or Eike von Repgow, between 1215 — 18, and which
is known under the name ol Sachsenspiegel or Saxon Mirror. It
was a mere private labour; but as the collection was more complete
than the hitherto so-called laws, it came by degrees into general
practice, particularly in the fourteenth and fifteenth c^ituries. The
compiler was totally ignorant of the Roman code, and did not therefore
adapt his composition to it, either in form or matter; but those
who revised it subsequently, introduced much of the Roman canon
law. Among the compilations, we must include the Sckwaben-
sjpiegel or Swabian Mirror, and the Kaiserrecht or Imperial Code,
tne latter of which, in particular, contains the feudal system.
The Roman law was evidently introduced by the clergy int({
Germany, and was adopted in the ecclesiasdcal courts. It was only
in the fifteenth century that the municipal courts commenced re-
ferring to it. The re-awakened taste for the study of Roman an-
tiquity, in general, brought with it also a desire to investigate and
make researches into the Roman law-books, particularly in the
universities; and they commenced, in doubtful cases, to procure
opinions and legal aecisions, as well from the doctors of the uni-
versities as from the superior courts. The influence which the gra-
dual introduction of tne Roman law had upon the public a&irs of
Germany, will become more and more evident as we proceed in the
course of our history.
Before we conclude our description of the state of judicial affairs
in the middle ages, we will contemplate one of its most remarkable
institutions, namely, that of the Vehm or Femgerichty (secret execu-
tive tribunal), which formed itself in Westphalia, and which gives
us a profound view of the spirit of that period. But for the saxe of
connection, we must previously enta: upon and anticipate the limits
of the immediate succeeding period.
Digitized by
Google
THE VEHM-GERICHT OB SECRET TRIBUNAL. S79
Id Wetiphalia the jinisdiction of the ptinoen and nobleB was wKoIh^
founded upon the Gogerickte or Centgraviates. The ancient tiibiinaiy
however, of the Graf or count had also maintained itself, although
much diminished in authority, as the supreme and royal court.
The high nobility and the £unilies comprismg the original free land
proprietors, who had continued free from fie& and had never be-
come the Yassals of the dominant lords, could alone be chosen as
Seh^en or ministers in this court; they being called on that ac^
count FreUchqffen\ or free ministers and judges, and the court was
styled a fi^e court or tribunal.
A^aui, as the rights of the free tribunals were attached to the
primitive rights of the ancient jurisdiction of the counties, so also
those of the Stuhlherr were connected with the Freistuhb or free
courts; for the term Stuhlherr was applied to every prince, noble,
and knight, who as judicial lord possessed a jurisdiction which did
not dep^id upon the emperor. The Stuhlherr was appointed to watch
espedally that justioe was done. For this purpose ne created a Frei'
ffraf or free count, who was invested with authority by the emperors,
or dukes, and, afrerthe fall of Henry theLion,he wasappnnted by
the Archbishop of Cologne, as inheritor of the Duchy of Westphalia.
The free count stood in the same affinity to the Stuhlherr as the
judge or judicial lord; the Freischdffen, however, were not servants
of tJoe judge, but they represented the andent community or jury,
and the £^ ooimt was only the president or foreman who main*
tained order in the assembly. All the Friesch5ffen present pos-
sessed the right to participate in pronoundng judgment; a less
number than seven members could not form a court, and if there
were too many to enable all to take an immediate part in the pro-
ceedings, the remainder formed the audience, of whom, in the later
and more splendid periods of this tribunal, there were assembled
hundreds and even thousands. Besides this, every friee count had
his clerks who were called Fnmbotenj and were appointed to serve
him especiall]^', taking no share in the decisions of tne court
The superior Freistuhl or tribunal was at Dortmund, that city
being a free city of the empire, and acknowledging no Stuhlherr
or judicial lord, owing, perhaps, to the antiquit^ and celebrity of
its tribunal, as well as the aboriginal privileges it had acquired in
the time of Charlemagne. In Dortmund all the free counts assembled
every year to meet a general chapter, where they founded fVeiS"
tkimcTj or principles of law, examined the judgments of the free
courts, and confirmed or put them aride when an appeal was entered.
As these tribunak drew their origin from those of the ancient
county courts, it will be readily perceived that they exercised a
jurisdiction over ordinary legal disputes which we call civil actions, as
also over penal cases, which pre-suppose a crime. But this last division
of theb office, at that time so important, became still more so in the
course of time, in order to enable them to exercise their whole power,
Digitized by
Google
280 THE MIDDLE AGES.
in suppressing as much as possible the savage spirit existing so univer-
sally and amongst all classes, to commit the most serious crimes
against life, honour, and property. And as they adjudged in the
name of the emperor, andby the law of life and death, they thought
that in all criminal affairs they could extend their jurisdiction beyond
the limits of "Westphalia, more especially as not another tribunal
existed throughout the empire so authorised, from which to obtain
justice against criminals, in fact, such influence did this tribimal
command, that at length no cases of contention, nor even purely civil
disputes arose which could not be brought before them for decision,
if the defendant refused to do justice and honour to the plaintiff;
for thence the crime became one absolutely confirmed against the
sanctity of the law.
. Thus in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the power of the
Freigerichte extended over all parts of Germany, as far as Prussia
and Livonia; whilst all complaints, even from the most distant districts,
were obliged to be brought before a Westphalian superior tribunal,
and it was upon WestphaUan ground (styled in the judicial language
the red earth) that the cited person was forced to appear. Beyond
Westphalia no such Freistuhl could exist, and when the Emperor
Wcnceslas endeavoured to introduce one into Bohemia, the free
counts declared that any one participating in such a Freistuhl
incurred the penalty of death. Thus onginally it was Westphalians
alone, and of these only the ancient free bom ISchdffen or Stu/djreien
that could be constituted judges in the tribunal; but in the thirteenth
century it was the custom to receive also other free, irreproachable,
and honourable men as Schoffen^ and when the court itself extended
its jurisdiction beyond the boundaries of Westphalia, every free
German could become a Freischoffe, and princes, counts, knights,
and citizens, strove to attain the honour of participating in the pri-
vileges of Freischbffen. A Freischoffe could be cited only before a
Freigericht or free tribunal, and great weight was laid upon his
word and oath. But they were very careful and strict in their
election of a Freischoffe; he was obliged to prove that he was free
bom, of a good family, not suspected of any misdeeds, and was in
the enjoyment of all his rights, and finally two Freischbffen were
obliged to become his security. The reception could take place only
in Westphalia. Even the emperor himself could make Freischoffen
only upon the so-called red earth, in this superior court. They had
among them a very ancient, secret sign and peculiar greeting, whereby
they recognised each other; whence, or perhaps from their knowledge
of the laws, they were called the initiated, and in order to make any
one knowing or wise implied receiving him among the Schbffen of
the superior tribunal; even emperors were subjected to this reception,
for in the year 1429 the Emperor Sigismund was solemnly received
among the initiated, at the Freistuhl of Dortmund. We may consider
these courts of justice in Westphalia at this brilliant moment of their
Digitized by
Google
THE VEHM-GERICHT OR SECRET TRIBUNAL. 281
existence, when almost all the princes, nobles, and knights, became
Freischofien, as an absolute and important association, which in all
its ramifications spread over the whole of Germany, and which at a
time when all the other courts had lost their power, acted as a sub- .
stitute, and constituted a barrier against the rude and brutal force of
crime. A solemn oath held all the members united, and not even
in the confessional were they suffered to reveal a secret of the Vehm
tribiinal; neither were the clergy themselves admitted into it.
Originally the non-initiated were not taken at once before the
secret tribunal, but before the ancient tribunal of the community or
ju^ court (the JSchte IHng\ but that was formed by the same indi-
viduals ; the forms only were less severe, and likewise there every,
one could be present. But if the cited individual did not appear, he
was then taken before the closed or secret court, so called oecause
only those initiated could be present, and any non-initiated one
venturing to introduce himself was immediately hanged. The term
secret here therefore impUes closed ooMii^ and does not indicate those
terrible mysteries which dared not be exhibited before the light of
day.
It is equally as fabulous that these tribunals were held at night in
woods, caverns, and subterranean vaults, although in later times,
when this court had become degenerated, it may have occurred in
isolated cases. But the place of meeting was the ancient palace
court of the grafs or counts, generally upon a mountain or hill,
whence the eye could command a view of the entire country
around, under the shade of lime trees, and by the light of the sun.
The free graf or count ascended and presided on the seat of
justice; before him lay the sword, the symbol of supreme justice,
at the same time representing in the form of its handle the cross
of Christ, and the next to it the Wyd or cord as a sign of
right over life and death. The count then opened and closed
the court, that is, he called the Schiiffen around nira and assigned
to them their places. They were obliged to appear bareheaded and
without arms or armour. Upon the judges* declaration that the court
was opened, peace was commanded for the first, second, and third
time. From that moment the deepest silence reigned throuffhout
the assembly, no one ventured to argue or converse, for by so doing
he transgressed against the solemn decreed peace of the tribunal. The
cited person, who was also obliged to appear without arms, stepped
forward, accompanied by his two sureties or bail, if he had any. The
complaint made against him was stated to him by the judge, and if
he swore upon the cross of die sword, the legal oath of purification,
he was free: " He shall then take t^KreuzpfenniffjOT farthing piece,"
says an ancient work on jurisprudence, *' throw it at the feet of the
court, turn round and go his way. Whoever attacks or touches him,
has then, which all freemen know, broken the king's peace.*' Such
was the ancient proceeding with the genuine Freisch5ffen, who en-
joyed particular privileges, and who were presumed to have a strict
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
282 THE MIDDLE AGE&
love for troth and honour. In later times that simple straight^
forward way seems to have become cpite changed, for we read in
other ancient codes that the plaintiff was entitled to oppose and
destroy the Yalidilr of the purifying oath of the defendant by three
witnesses, which, however, the latter could again oppose with six;
if the accuser appeared with fourteen, the defendant could swear
himself fiee with twenty-one, which was the highest testimony. If
the defendant acknowledged the crime, or if the plaintiff convicted
him by oath and witnesses, the Schoffen then gave judgment If
the criminal received sentence of death he was executed immediately
and hanged on the next tiee; the minor punishments were exile
and fine.
But if the defendant did not appear upon the third citation, and
could produce no satisfactorv cause of absence within a stipulated
period, he was considered as having confessed his crime, or as one
despising justice and peace, and, therefore, having placed himself
bevond me pale of either, the sentence of the Vehm^ much was equi-
valent to condemnation, was pronounced against him; and thence
these courts received the name of Vehmgerichte.
The sentence pronounced by the court was dreadful: *' As now
N. has been cited, prosecuted, and adjudged before me, and who
on account of his misdeeds, I smnmoned before me, and who
who is so hardened in evil, that he will obey neither honour nor
justice, and despises the highest tribunal of the holy empire, I
verfemej or denoimce him here, by all the royal power and force, as
js but just, and as is commanded by the Eonigsbann, or royal
ban. I deprive him, as outcast ana emelled, of all the peace,
justice, and freedom he has ever enjoyed once he was baptised;
and I deprive him, henceforward, of the enjoyment of the four
elements, which Grod made and ^ave as a consolation to man, and
denounce him as without right, without law, without peace, without
honour, without security; I declare him condemned and lost, so
that any man may act towards him as with any other baniehed
criminal. And he shall henceforward be considered unworthy, and
shall enjoy neither law nor justice, nor have either freedom in,
or guidance to any castles or cities, excepting consecrated places.
And I herewith curse his flesh and his blood; and may his body
never receive burial, but may it be borne away by the wind, and
may the ravens, and crows, and wild birds of prey consume and de-
stroy him. And I adjudge his neck to the rope, and his body to
be devoured by the birds and beasts of the air, sea, and land ; but
his soul I commend to our dear Lord God, if He will receive it."
According to some customs, after he had cast forth the rope beyond
the walls of me court, the coimt was obHged to pronounce these words
three times, and every time to spit on the earth with the collective
Schoffen, as was the usage when any one was actually executed.
The name of the condemned criminal was then inserted in the
book of blood, and the count then concluded the sentence as foU
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
THE VEHM-GEEICHT OK SECRET TRIBUNAL. 283
lows: ^< I conunand all kings, princes, lords, knights, and squipes^
all free counts, and all free, trae Schbfien, and all those who belong
to the holy empire, that ihej shall help with all their power to
fulfil this sentence upon this banished criminal, as is but just to the
secret tribunal of the holj empire. And nothing shall cause them
to withhold from so doing, neither love nor affection, relationship,
fiiendship, nor any thing whatever in this world."
The banished man was now in the condition of the criminal con-
denmed to death, over whom execution lowered. Whosoever re-
ceived or even warned him, was also taken before the tribimal of
the free count. The assisting members of thfe court were bound by
a terrible oath, and by a heavy sentence of death, to conceal the
judgment which had been passed against any one; that is to say, to
make it known to nobody but one ioitiatea; and even if the con-
demned man was a brother or fiither, the member durst not warn
him thereof. Besides which, each initiated one to whom the sen-
tence was authentically conveyed, was bound to help to put it in
execution. Generally, a letter of outlawry was given to the
plaintiff, with the seal of the free count and seven Schoffen, that he
might pursue the guilty party; the oath of three Frei8ch5ffen suf-
ficed to confirm the sentence. Wherever the Verfemte, or banished
man was found, whether in a house, in the open street, the high road,
or in the forest, he was handed at the next tree or post, if the ser-
vants of the secret court could obtain possession of him. As a sign
that he was put to death in execution of the holy Vehm, and was not
mxcrdered by robbers, they left him all that he bore about him, and
stuck a knife in the ground dose beside him. Besides this, the
Schoffen of this secret court possessed the privilege of hanpn^ with-
out a trial every criminal taken in the fact, if, fiuthful to the laws of
honour, they took nothing from him which they found about him,
and left behmd the sign ofthe Vehm.
We are astonished when we contemplate this terrific and mighty
power ofthe Schoffen alliance, and can at the same time easily com-
prehend how the most extraordinary traditions of this Vehmgericht^
or secret tribunal, based upon their nocturnal assemblies, their
mysterious customs, their imtiation and course of justice, together
with theb condemnation and execution of the criminal, have been
preserved in the mouths of the people, for even the plain histoiioal
descriptions thereof are sufficiently striking. An association of se-
veral thousand men spread throughout the whole of Grermany,.from
the highest to the lowest classes (for we find examples of common
freemen, mechanics, and citizens, being clothed with the dignity of
a free count, and that even princes and knights did not disdain to
assist as Schoffen under their presidency), such a society whose
members recognised each other by secret signs and by a solemn oath
were bound to support each other, who adjudged and punished in
the name of the emperor and the empire, who reached the criminal
Digitized by
Google
S84 THE MIDDLE AGEa
even after an elapse of years, and in whatever comer lie might seek re-
fuge, and finally who were not subjected to give any account for what
they did if only the terrific knife was present as evidence : what power,
we repeat, did not this alliance command against the evil-minded, and
what a powerful support and guarantee might it not have been for
the peace and justice of the empire? The prince or knight who easily-
escaped the judgment of the imperial court, and from behind his
fortified walls defied even the emperor himself, trembled when in the
silence of the night he heard the voices of the Freischoffen at the
gate of his castle, and when the free count summoned him to appear
at the ancient malplatz or plain, under the lime tree, or on the bank
of a rivulet upon that dreaded soil, the Westphalian or red ground*
And that the power of these free counts was not exaggerated by th6
mere imagination, excited by terror, nor in reality by any means in-
significant, is proved by a hundred undeniable examples, supj>orted
by records and testimonies, diat numerous princes, counts, knights,
and wealthy citizens were seized by these Schoffen of the secret
tribimal, and in execution of its sentence, perished by their hands.
Such power placed in human hands witnout the protecting check
of publicity and responsibility could not long exist Avithout misuse.
In the great development and extension of the association, it could
not be avoided, but that unworthy individuals should be received as
members who used the power confided to them for the sole satisfac-
tion of their revengeful and baser passions. At tlie end of the
fifteenth century many complaints arose in several parts of the empire,
and particularly on the part of the clergy, against these free courts ; and
we find that the whole spirit of modern times began to work against
them far more than these cliarges upon isolated events. The power of the
lords of the soil had now become increased and confirmed; they could
not endure that their subjects should be judged by a strange, although
originally imperial tribunal. Thence arose alliances of princes, nobles,
knights, and cities, against the Westphalian courts, and when the
law for the lasting peace of the land, the new imperial chamber of
justice, and a new criminal court were introduced, the study of law
and jurisprudence became substituted for a knowledge of the ancient
customs; and when crimes against the peace of the knd and against
obedience to the authorities ceased, then did the power of the secret
♦ We must add here, that the summoDs was eicecuted by two Schoffen who were
the bearers of the free count's letter. If they did not succeed in finding the accused,
because he was living either in a city or a fortress, where they could not safely enter,
they were authorised to execute the summons in the night. They stuck the letter,
enclosing a farthing piece, in the panel of the gate of the castle, and cut off three
chips from the same gate, which they handed to the free count as a testimony that
they had delivered the summons, having, when leaving the gate, cried out to the
sentinel on the walls that they had deposited there a letter for his lord. If the
accused was a man without any regular place of residence, and if he could not be
met with, he was summoned at four different cross-roads, where at each point, the
east, west, north, and south, they attached a summons, enclosing in each the royair
petty coin.
Digitized by
Google
THE VEHM-GERICHT OR SECRET TRIBUNAL. 285
tribunal evaporate of itself without anjr formal abrogation, so that it
is equall J difficult to trace the last as it is to fix the first year of its
existence.*
* In the sixteenth century, the aMociation contended for its rights and privileges^
and the struggle stiU continued in the serenteenth century, although much weakened
and the scene confined to Westphalia. In the eighteenth century there were left
only a few traces, the ruins of the past; its recollections and its signs, however, stiU
continiie to exist amongst the peasants of certain provinces in Westphalia. At
Gehmen in Miinster the secret tribunal was only extinguished entirely by the
French legislation in 181 1 ; and even to the present day, some of the free peasants
who have taken the oath of the Schofi*en, meet annually at a particiUar spot
aroiind the Freutuhl, and it has been impossible to extract from them the secret
oath. The principal signs are indicated by the letters S. S. G. G. which signify stock
fstick), stein (stone), gras (grass), grein (tears); but we cannot trace the mysterioua
meaning these words convey in connexion with the Vehmgericht
Digitized by
Google
286
FIFTH PERIOD.
ntm muDOLFHtrs i. of hapsbitbo to chables r.
1273—1520.
The sources of the history of this period are again still more scanty than in that
of the Hohenstaufens, consisting chiefly of specif chronicles rather than of general
historical -works, constituting one entire and continuous representation of events,
added to which they are all, or for the greater jtortion, written in the Latin tongue.
The first we haye to mention axe those works of general history which appear in
the form of chronicles or annals, and which present hut a meagre portion of German
history. The most important are:
1. Hermann, a monk of Attaich, known xmder the name of Henricus Sterv; Chro-
nicle 1147—1300.
2. AnnaJes Colmarienses, 1211 — 1803; in the collection of Urstisius.
3. Matthias of Neuenhurg; Chronicle as far as 1353, continued hy Alhert of Stras-
burg ( Albertus Argentinensis) to 1378; in Urstisius.
4. JohnVitododuranus; Chronicle 1215—1348; in Eccard.
5. Gobelinus Persona, deacon of Birkefeld; Beyiewof the World (Cosmodromium^,
to 1418; in Meebom.
6. Dieterich Engelhusen; Chronicle to the year 1420; in Leibnitz and Menken.
7. Andreas, a presbyterian of Ratisbon; Cluronicle to 1442; in Eccard.
8. Werner Bolewink of Laer, a carthusian monk in Cobgne; Chronicle to 1476,
continued by Hans Lindner to 1514; in Fistorius.
9. Hermann Eomer, Domin, in Lubeck; Chronicle to 1435; m Eccard.
10. Hartmann Schedel, a doctor in Nuremberg; Chronicle to 1492; printed sepa-
rately.
11. John Nauklerus, professor in Tubingen; Uniyersal History, to 1500; printed
separately.
12. John of Trittenheim (Joannes Trithemius), from the yicinity of Treres,
Abbot of Sponheim and Wurzburg, who died in 1516: his works are very important
and haye been edited by Freher. The most valuable among them is the Chronicle of
the Monastery of Hrrschau in Wurtemberg (published at St. Gallen iu 1630: Chro-
nic. Hirsaugiense) 830 — 1514; in which the historian has interwoven Hie whole hia-
tory of Grermany.
13. Albert Kranz, canon in Hamburg, who died in 1517, wrote the history of
Northern Germany, in three parts: Metropolis, Saxonia,etVandalia; a learned man,
and, for his time, an independent thinker.
As especial and entire works on Germany may be mentioned:
14. The State letters of the Emperor Budolphus L; edited by (Herbert, 1772, and
Bodmann, 1806.
15. The Biography, &c., of the Emperors Budolphus L and Albert L, written by
Gottfried, of Ensningen, by desire of Magnus Engelhard, a citizen of Strasburg.
16. Albert Mussatus, professor in Padua, and who died in 1330, wrote De Gestis
Henrici VH. Imp., and History of Italy, after the death of Henry VIL
17. Caroli lY., (>>mmentariu8 de vita sua ad Alios. «
18. JSAieaa Sylvius Piocolomini, subsequently Pope Pius H, and who died in the
year 1464, produced:
a. The history of his own times from 1405-63, which he caused to be written by
his own private secretary, J. Gobelin, of Bonn.
Digitized by
Google
RUDOLPH0S I. OF HAP3BURG.— CHARLES V. 1273—1520. 287
b. The histoiy of the eodesiagtical council of Basle, written by himself; as also
c The histoiy of the Emperor Frederick HI., and,
d. Various minor works, amongst which the Descriptio de Ritu, Situ, Moribus et
Conditione Germaniae, and nnmerons letters, all of which have been collected and
repeatedly printed.
19. Pertz's Scripta rerom Aostriac. contains many valuable sources for tbe history
Off the Austrian emperors.
20. J. Joach. MiiUer has collected t^ie most important transactions of the diets of
the Germanic empire, espedally of those under Frederick ILL and Maximilian L,
published in Jena 1709, and subsequently.
In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries we find historical workis in the German
language become more frequent :
21. Ofetocar of Homegk wrote a Chronicle in riiyme, which contains the entire
epoch oi the Xntenegnnm and the history of the Emperors Budolphus, Adolphus,
ABiert, and Henry TIL, as far as 1909; a work which although not strictly historical,
is nerertheless worthy to be rellsned to as a faortory of those times. It is reprinted
m Fiertz's History of Austria.
22. Jacob of Konigshoven, an ecclesiastic in Strasbmrg, who died in 1420, wrote a
Chronicle of Alsace and Strasburg in the Swabian disdect, which, was edited by
Schilter, and published with his notes in 1698.
23. Eberhard Windeck, of Mentz, private secretary to the ]&nperar Sfigisnmiid,
wrote a Biography of that monarch; in Menken.
24. J. Rothe, domin. in Eisenach, wrote a Chronicle of Thuringia,in the low Saxon
dialect, as far as 1434; continued by an anonymous writer to 1440.
25. The Limpnrgian Chronicle firom 1336-89, which contains much, espedally of
the history of manners, customs, &c., and has been aeveral times reprinted.
26. Conrad Bothe, chronicler of the Saxons to 1489, in the low German dialect;
In Leibnitz.
27. Diebold SchilUng^ about 1480, history of the wan of Burgundy; very wdl
written.
28. Melchior Pfinzing (of Nuremberg, bom in 1481, Snperial Councillor, and sub-
sequently FroYost in Mentz) sang tite history of the Emperor Maximilian I. under
an adopted title: '* Geuertichkeiten und GeKhiditen des loblichen strdtbaien Helds
und Ritters Tewrdanks." Nuremberg 1517, and subsequently often reprinted.
29. Marcus Tn^auerwein, priYate aecretary to the Emperor Maximilian L, has
presented us tikewise with a description of that monarch's great deeds in his work:
der Weiskunig, 1514; and for which the emperor himself fbmished much of the
materials.
30. Bilibald Pirkheimer (of Eichstadt, bom 1470, Councillor in Nuremberg, and
subsequently Impoial Councillor, died in 1530) wrote his: Hist. beUi HdYetici, and
Currus triumph(Uis, honcnri Max. L iuYcntus; together with many other works.
31. Finally, we must mention two works by Sebastian Franks (bom 1500, died
1545), the Zeitbuch 1531,and Teutsche Chronik 1538.
Digitized by
Google
^88 RUDOLPHUS I. — HIS GOOD AND NOBLE CHARACTER.
CHAPTER XII.
EMFEROBS OF DIFFERENT HOUSES.
1273—1347.
Budolphus I. of Hapsbiirg, 1273-91— Adolphus I. of Nassau, 1292-98— Albert L of
Austria, 1298-1308 — Switzeriand — Confeideration of the Swiss — Gessler — William
Tell— Henry VII. of Luxemburg:, 1308-13— Frederick of Austria, 1314-30 and
Lewis of Bayaria, 1314-47— Switzerland— The little of Morgarten, 1315 — ^The
Battle of Miihldorf, 1322— The First Electoral Alliance, 1338— Death of Lewis^
1347.
The state of commotion in Germany continued to grow daily
more violent; and when, in 1272, Richard of England died, and
Alphonso took not the least interest in the German Empire, the
princes at length, in the year 1273, held an imperial diet at Frank-
fort, in order to choose an emperor who should meet the views of
every one. It was necessary that he should be great and wise, in
order that he might restore the imperial dignity; but at the same
time not powerful, lest the princes should have reason of appre-
hension for the security of their own power. To unite both requi-
sites was a difficult matter; however, good fortune determined the
election to the advantage of the country. In Switzerland lived
Count Rudolphus of Hapsburg, whose territories and subjects were
not very extensive or numerous, but who by his valour, pru-
dence, and integrity, liad obtained the respect of the higher or-
ders, and of the people generally. He had been formerly tne com-
panion and friend of the Emperor Frederick II., who in the year
1218, had personally stood goafather to liim, and in one of his cam-
paigns in Italy, possibly after the glorious battle at Cortenuova, had
conferred upon nim the order of knighthood. During the tur-
bulent time of the Interregnum, he lived on his family estates, and
defended, to the utmost of nis power, all who required his assistance
against the oppression and injustice of the rapacious knights. He
was for a long time the protector and governor of the cities of
Zurich and Strasburg, and of the towns situated at the foot of the
Alps of St. Gotthard. In his manners he displayed the natural sim-
plicity and frankness of a good and noble man; and in a letter ad'
dressed to the pope, the Archbishop of Cologne, when speaking of
him, says : "He reveres the church, he is a lover of justice, a man of
prudent counsels and piety, beloved of God and man, possessing an
agreeable form and countenance, and which although of a stem
expression, still when he speaks is invested with an air of afia-
bihty which inspires confidence; he possesses besides, a hardy con-
stitution, and in his wars against the faithless he has always been
successful."
Digitized by
Google
THE CORONATION — THE CROSS vice THE SCEPTRE. 289
He was more especially held in liigh esteem by Wemer, Arch-
bisliop of Mentz, for when on one occasion this prelate took a jour-
ney to Rome for the purpose of receiving his archbishop's robe,
deeming the passage through the mountains of Switzerland unsafe,
he besought Count Rudolpnus to escort him from Strasburg to the
Alps and back. This Rudolphus did with all the chivalric faith of a
true knight. During the journey, the archbishop became gradually
acquainted with his great and rare virtues, and when he was about
to leave his noble defender, he said, that he only wished to live long
enough to be able in some degree to reward him for his services ; and
this opportunity had now arrived. He so urgently recommended
CSount Kudolphus of Hapsburg for the imperial dignity, that the Ger-
man princes elected him at once to the throne of the empire.
Rudolphus, who little e»pected such an elevation, was at that
moment engaged in war with the city of Basle, in order to reinstate
in that city, that portion of the nobility who called themselves the
" Stemers," and who had been expelled by the other party, the
** Psitfcichers." It was at midnight that the Burggrave of ISfurem-
berg, Frederick of Hohenzollem, Rudolphus's brother-in-law, ar-
riv^ at the camp, and brought the unexpected intelligence. Ru-
dolphus, at first, ^d not believe it; but when the marshal of the
empire, Henry of Pappenheim, arrived, he sent the Burggrave into
the city, with an offer of peace to the citizens, he bein^ now, as he
said, the more power&l party. They accepted it with gladness,
and were the first to congratulate him upon his elevation. He then
went to Frankfort, and thence to Aix-la-Chapelle, where he was
publicly crowned. After the coronation, the princes present, ac-
cording to the ancient custom, rendered homage to the new emperor
for their estates. It so happened, that there was no sceptre at hand,
probably because, owin^ to the many foreign emperors, and the
consequent changes in the government, the state jewels were dis-
persed; great concern was, therefore, manifested, as to what the
emperor could possibly use for performing the ceremony of enfeoff-
ment. Rudolphus thereupon removed the difficulty, and snatching
up a crucifix, he employee! that instead of the sceptre: '* For," said
he, " a symbol by which the world was redeemed, may well supply
theplace of a sceptre ;" lan^ua^e which pleased all present.
Tne new emperor began his reign with great rigour but at the same
time with such patemalbenevolence, that the meanest of his subjects
experienced the good results therefrom: his new dignity effecting
no change in the greatness and firmness of his character; and even in
his outward appearance he remained as simple and unostentatious
as before. So tittle did he regard external display and magnificent
apparel, that he did not hesitate, especially in nis great expeditions,
to wear, equally with his companions in arms, an inferior cloak, and
even with his own hands to repair his own doublet. Once only we
find, by his accounts, that he bestowed a large sum of money upon
U
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
290 RUDOLPHUS I. AND OTTOCAR OF BOHEMIA.
dress for himself, his consort, and childrai, which occoired on the
occasion of his first interview with the pope.
In order that he might at once heal and eradicate the disorders
of the kingdom, he sent the following commmiication to all the
▼assals and loyal subjects of his realm: ^* I now intend, by the
blessing of Grod, to re-establish peace throughout this country so
long distracted, and to take under my protection against further
tyranny all those who have hitherto groaned under oppresnon; to
promote which object I confide in the efficient co-operation of my
estates/'
He suited the action to the word, and travelled throughout the
countries of Franconia, Swabia, and the borders of the Khine, and
wherever he met with a peace-breaker who would not conform to
order, he punished him with all the severity of the law. This was
the case especially with regard to the more petir^ robbers and dis-
turbers; but Rudolphus clearly perceived, that if the imperial dig-
nity was to be clothed with its original and proper importance, the
great princes must likewise be compelled to perform their duties,
and pay him due homage. King Ottocar of Bohemia, however,
would hear nothing of any such subjection to the emperor; he was
a much more powerful prince than the Count of Hapsburg, pos-
sessing in addition to Bohemia, also the AtLstrian estates, whidi after
the extincticm of the ducal house of Babenberg, he had obtained
partly by inheritance and partly by money and force of arms, and
he by no means felt bound to yield. Moreover, the Austrian estates
complained bitterly of his tyranny and oppressioiL Rudolphus,
therefore, commenced by summoning Ottocar to appear at the im-
perial diet of Nuremberg, in 1274^ there to take the usual oath
of allegiance. But the King came neither then nor to a second
diet at Wurzburg; and to a third held at Augsburg in the year
1275, he only sent Bernard, Bishop of Seckau, as his representa-
tive, who was, however, so daring as to begin a Latin speech in the
presence of the assembled princes, in which he endeavoured to prove
that the Emperor Rudolphus's election was not le^timate. Rudol-
phus however interrupted him, saying : ** My lord bishop, if you have
any affairs to settle with my clergy, speak by all means in lAtin, but
if you have to say ought touching me or the privileges of my empire,
speak as is the custom, in the language of the country," and the
Srinces, when they understood that he intended to impeach Ru-
olphus's election to the empire, could scarcely refrain from turning
him out; but the bishop saved them the trouble by departing of his
own accord, and he hastened away from Nuremberg.
The ban of the empire was now pronounced against the rebellious
Ottocar; but he|!was so insolent, and faithless, that he ordered the
heralds, who had brought to him the declaration of the ban, to be
tied up at the gates of Prague. He, however, soon suflferied the
punishment due to him. Rudolphus, in the year 1276, suddenly
made an attack upon Austria, and subdued the coimtry as £str as
Digitized by
Google
RUDOLPHUS'S GREY DOUBUST — OTTOCAR'S HUMILIATION. 291
Vieima, which he besieged. Ottocar encamped on the opposite side
of the Danube, thinking himself secured bj the width of the river;
but Rudolphus, to the astonishment of all, so (juickly thiew a bridge
acroBB, in order to attack and capture the king m his stronghold, that
the latter, being greatly alarmed, immediately offered peace. He was
obliged to resign Austria, Styria, Carinthia, and Camiola. And for
the ratification of peace a marriage was contracted between the Bohe-
mian crown prince, Wenzedas, and one of the six daughters of Ru-
dolphus, and another between a son of the emperor and a Bohemian
princess. Ottocar then came to Rudolphus, m his encampment, to
obtain the feoffinent of his estates. This scene did not pass without
the humiliation and shame of the proud kin^. He had hoped by
the splendour of his royal retinue to eclipse me unostentatious em*
peror, but Rudolphus availed himself of this very circumstance in
order to humble lum: ^' The king of Bohemia has often laughed
at my grey doublet," said he, *^ but to-day m]r grey doublet shall
lauffh at hun." Accordingly, arrayed in his plson and simple attire, '
and seated upon the imperial throne, he received the king, who,
glittering in gold and purple, was now obliged, in the presence of
all the bishops and princes, to humbly suppUcate on his knees for
pardon, and to do homage for his kingdom of Bohemia and Moravia.
Hereupon the princes of the empire, as usual after a terminated
campaign, returned home; but Rudolphus, who by no means trusted
the proud Irii^, remsdned in Austria with his faithfiil Alsatian and
Swabian knights, who continued attached to him from the time when,
under his orders as count of Hapsburg, they fought with him in so
many battles. And, in reality, very shortly afterwards Ottocar re-
commenced hostilities, thinking that Rudolphus had now no com-
petent farces with him. But the emperor with his small but valiant
Iband boldly marched against his adversary, and maintained a most
sanguinary battle, on ue 26th of August 1278, at Marchfeld, on
the other ride of the Danube. The victory was long doubtfiil, and
Rudolphus himself was in ffreat danger, for amongst the Bohemian
knights, several had agreed and sworn to attack and destroy him.
One of them, Henry of Fullenstein, sprang upon him with his
couched lance, but the emperor avoided the stroke, and dexterously
thrusting the point of his own spear through the aperture of his an-
tagonist's helmet, he pierced his nead and he fell dead from his horse*
At the same moment, however, a gigantic Thuringian knight, who
also belonged to the conspirators, stabbed the horse of Rudolphus,
which fell to the ground, and its royal rider with di£5.culty pro-
tected himself witn his diield from being trampled under ioot,
until one of his own knights brought him another horse. Being
tffain mounted, and his genial, Beraiold Eappler, bringing up now
the rear-guard, he once more dashed against tne enemy, who could
no longer resist the attack, but was completely put to flight. Never-
theless, although deserted by his army, Ottocar, as Rudolphus himr
self testifies, fought bravely to the burt; until, with his horse, he was
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
u
292 INTERNAL TRANQUILLITY— RUDOLPHUS AND ITALY.
etruck to the earth and killed by a knight of Styria, whom he
had formerly much injured and oppressed. When peace was re-
stored, the marriage between the two royal houses was celebrated,
and Bohemia was governed in trust for the children of Ottocar by
the margrave of Brandenburg.
Rudolphus, however, with the consent of the German princes,
transferred Austria, as imperial fief to his own house; it was in fact,
a country reconquered by his arms for the German empire, and one
of the electoral princes in a letter he wrote in approbation of this
arrangement said: '^ That it was only just that Kudolphus should
convey over to his children, if he thought fit, that principality whicL
he had reconquered for the empire with so much sacrifice of his own
blood." Accordingly, at an imperial diet, held in Augsburg m
1282, the emperor took solemn possession thereof, and in the pre*
sence of all the princes and nobles of the empire, he gave to his
sons Albert and Rudolphus, the countries of Austria, Styria, Car-
niola and Vienna; but Carinthia he gave to Meinhard, Count of
Tyrol, whose daughter his son Albert had married. Thus the
Emperor Rudolphus became the founder of the powerful house of
Austria.
These affairs being settled, he was again, although far advanced in
years, zealously engaged in seeking to promote the tranquillity of
the empire. He required the counts, nobles, and cities of the
several countries throughout the empire to take an oath to pre-
serve the public peace for the term of five years; and knowinff
well that all who nourish evil intentions are never sufficiently bound
by their word, he himself journeyed through all the provinces, and
routing the freebooter knights from their castles and strongholds,
completely destroyed them. Thus, on one expedition to Thurin-
gia, he razed sixty-six such places, and executed twenty-nine of
tnese brigand nobles; amongst those of the most troublesome
princes whom he pimished was Count Eberhard of Wurtemberg, and
whose motto was: *' The Friend of God and enemy of the world;"
him he besieged in his own city of Stuttgard, and forced him to
yield and to raze with his own hands the walls of that, his actual
place of residence. On the other hand, he suffered other persons of
rank to build fortresses for their defence against the freebooters, as
in the case of the Bishop of Paderbom, who in 1290 was permitted
to build two castles upon his domain.
Thence the Emperor Rudolphus was so fully employed in Germany,
that he never seriously contemplated going to Italy in order to be
crowned king. He was also accustomed to say that ''Italy re-
sembled a lion's den, in which it was true many traces might be
found of those emperors who had entered it, but very few, if any of
those who had quitted it" Nay, so little did he follow out the
plans of former kings with regard to Italy, that in a negotiation
with the pope, Gregory X., he ceded all the imperial right of in-
terference within the domain of the church as in the present day.
Digitized by
Google
DEATH OF RDDOLPHUS I.— ADOLPHUS OF NASSAU. 293
Thence^he could congratukte himself in beholding that destructive
cause of incitement Temoved which impelled the emperors to make
their expeditions into Italy.
Towards the latter end of his reign, Rudolphus was anxious, at an
imperial diet, held at Frankfort in 1291, to have his own son Albert
recognised by the princes as Emperor of Germany; but the nobles,
jealous and tired of the government of Rudolphus, which had
^ilready become too vigorous and firm for them — ^in as much as it pre-
-ventea them from following their own selfish interests — ^thinking that
-Germany would ceaso to be an elective kingdom if the son were
4dlowed to succeed his father, refused their consent to the propo-
£al. Displeased with this in^titude Rudolphus took his departure
in disgust, and proceeded to Basle.
He had now attained a mreat age, and suffered much firom in-
firmity and disease; so much so that during the last year of his life
his pnysicians had only prolonged his existence by artificial means.
One day, whilst he was sitting at the chess-board, they announced to
him the near approadi of his death. "Well then," he said, " let us
away, my fiiends, to Spires, to the tomb of the kings !" Accord-
ingly he was carefully conveyed to the travelling equipa^, and
with his train set off and journeyed along the Rhme; he md not,
however, reach Spires, but died on the road, at Germersheim, on
4he 30th of September, 1291, aged seventy-four.
His memory was so universalfy revered throughout Germany, that
for a long time after his death it was common to say : '^ No, no, that
is not acting with the honesty of Rudolphus!" He was a warrior
from his boyhood, and one of his dearest wishes as a youth was
that he might have the command of a German army of 40,000 in-
fantry and 4000 cavalry, for with such a force, he said, he would
have inarched against, and fiiced the whole world.
Several of the princes were notunfiivourable to Albert of Austria,
the son of Rudolpnus, but Archbishop Gerhard of Mentz understood
^80 to arrange matters that his own cousin, Count Adolphus of Nassau,
was chosen emperor. Adolphus was indeed a brave and valiant
Imight, and possessed many amiable qualities, but for such a station
he had neither sufficient tact, nor adequate power and influence. He
held only the moiety of the territory of Nassau, and his property was
so insignificant that he could not even cover the expenses attending
the coronation ; and when he tried to extricate himself from this diffi-
culty by imposing a tax upon the Jews in Frankfort, he was opposed
by the mayor of that city; Archbishop Gerhard, therefore, was
obliged to mortage his ecclesiastical estates in his favour.
As emperor, he sought to follow in the footsteps of Rudolphus, by
maintaining the peace of the land, and at the same time endeavour-
ing to aggrandise his 6wn house; but it was impossible for him to
succeed in either of these objects, and in the latter especially he
employed such means as produced disaffection and disgust in the
Digitized by
Google
294 DEATH OF ADOLPHUS— ALBERT I. OF AUSTRIA
public mind. In tlie fint plaoe, in order to obtain monejr, he pro-
xnised King Edward I. of England his aid in troops against Phillip
of France, in return for a considerable sum. lliis aid, however,
although the money was paid, was not required, as the war between
the two kings was suspended for that time. The money, however,
Adolphus devoted nevertheless to the purchase of fbesh lands. Just
at this period a profligate Margrave, Albert the Base, held his sway
in Thuringia, and abandoned his amiable and virtuous wife Mar-
met, the daughter of the Emperor Frederick 11., in order to many
Cuniffunde of Isenburg. The unhappy mother, when obliged to
take leave of her chiMren, in the anguish of separation, bit the
cheek of her son Frederick, who from this circumstance is styled in
history '' Frederick with the bitten cheek." This unnatural and
truly base father sold the hereditaiy estates of his two sons by the
first marriage, to the Emperor Adolphus, and presented the money
to Albert, the son of Cunigunde. Subsequently, however, Frede-
rick and Dietzmann, the two sons of Margaret, having come to
manhood, fought bravely for their inheritance, their people having
remained faithful to them ; so that the emperor found himself obHged
to wage an unrighteous war against them — ^he whose primary dut^ it
was to maintain with all his power and influence right and justice
towards alL The brothers, however, regained a portion of their lands.
Such unworthy proceedings had brought down upon Adolphus
the hatred of Germany; besiaes this, the fickle-minded Archbisnop,
Oerhard of Mentz, was also dissatisfied with him, because he found
that he was deceived in the hopes he had cherished of making him
subservient to his own interests. At his suggestion, therefore, a new
diet of all the princes and nobles was held, and Adolphus was there
deposed: inasmuch as he had desolated the churches, received nay
from a prince (the King of England) inferior to himself, and had like-
wise diminished the empire instead of extending it, and finally had
not promoted and maintained the peace of the country. Albert of
Austria was therefore chosen to replace him. This was the first
instance in which the electoral princes, without the instigation of the
Pope, dethroned an emperor of their own accord. The two rival
sovereigns appealed to arms, marched against each other, and met at
Worms, where, in 1298, they fought the decisive battle. Adolphus
was completely overthrown, and fell in the contest mortally wounded
— as some say, by the hand of Albert himself.
This Albert was by no means of a kind, friendly disposition like
his father; on the contrary, he was a severe, austere, and despotic
ruler; besides, even in his external appearance he was disfigured by
the loss of an eye. It is true his severity towards the Archbishop
of Mentz was just, for the emperor not being disposed to consult
his will in every thing, the archbishop had xbenacingly said: ''That
he had yet more emperors in his pocket;" and actually adopted
means for the election of another. But Albert very soon brought
Digitized by
Google
SWITZERLAND— ALBERT'S ASSASSINATION. 295
him to reason, and obliged him to sue for mercj. In other matteis,
however, his actions were not always guided by justice. His aim
was to biing under his subjection sevcand other countries, in which
he ^ordy succeeded; and ms eyes were now turned towards Thu-
zin^, Bohemia, and Holland, when all his enterprizes were suddenly
annihilated by death. In the spring of the year, 1308, he went to
his hereditary estates on the borders of Switzerland, in order to re-
establish peace amongst the insurgent Swiss, and to levy great forces
to enable him to cany on the contemplated war against Bohemia.
He had with him also his young nephew, John of Swabia, the son
of his brother Rudolphus, from whom, although he was now out of
his minority, he withneld the share he inherit^ of the Hapsburg es-
tates. In vain did the ambitious youth repeatedly beg for his patri-
mony; the kin^ always refused. Finding, therefore, all his just de-
mands in vain, he, with four knights, who also nourished a secret ha-
tred aeainst Albert, determined at length to assassinate him. On the
1st of May, 1308, and in the tenth year of his reign, the emperor set
out from Stein near Baden through Axgau, in omer to return to the
camp at Reinfeld, where his court was assembled, ^^^hey came
through -the deep yalleys to the ferry across the Reuss at Windisch.
Here the conspirators pressed forward with the yiew of entering the
same boat ¥dth the emperor; and thus, haying separated him from his
attendants, they crossed the stream together. Haying reached the
shore, they re-mounted their steeds and proceeded for some distance,
through the yast cornfields, at ihe base of the hills, on the highest
of which towered the mighty castle of Hapsburg, when suddenly
rushing upon the emperor, Duke John of Swabia buried^ his lance
in his necK, loudly exclaiming: " Such is the reward of injustice !"
At the same time Rudolphus of Balm, stabbed him with his da^^r,
and Walter of Esehenbach, divided his head with his sword. The kmg
sunk to the earth powerless and bathed in his blood. A poor woman,
who had witnessed the deed, hurried to the spot, and in her arms the
Emperor Albert breathed his last. The conspirators decamped and
separated from each other immediately after the tragedy; and, tor-
mented by their guilty consciences, neyer afterwards met or saw
each other again. One of them, Rudolphus, of Wart, was taken and
broken upon the wheel on the spot where the deed of blood was
committed; the others, as well as the duke himself, ended their days
in obscurity and misery.
It was during the year in which King Albert was murdered, that
the foundation of the Swiss confederacy was laid. The history of
this yigorous, industrious, and freedom-loving people, who inhabit
many creater and smaller tracts of country at the foot of, and amidst the
lofty dhains of mountains which run between Germany, France, and
Italy, belongs also to the history of Germany; for the origin of the
Swiss nation is entirely German, and it is only on the borders of this
country and France that liie French language is spoken. The chief
dties in the districts towards Swabia, Berne, Zurich, Freiburg, So-
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
296 GESSLER — THE SWISS CONFEDERATION.
leure, &c., were originally, and continued for a long period to be im-
perial free cities; and the Waldstadte, or forest towns, Schwyz, Uri,
and Unterwald, were likewise under the immediate protection of the
empire. Their form of government was very ancient, and seemed,
as it were, £resh from the hand of nature. The same as among the
ancient Germans, the whole community of free-men exercised, under
their Landammann or president, the greatest power; and the strength
of their constitution lay entirely in the combined will of the people.
The Emperor of Germany, however, as they belonged to the em-
pire, had amongst them his Vogts or intendants, who attended to
the collection of taxes, the coinage and stamping of money, and
matters by no means burdensome.
Albert, who was anxious to extend the power of his house, pro-
posed that they should renounce their connexion with the imperial
state, and place themselves under the protection of his powerful
house, possessing as it did such extensive patrimonial possessions in
their immediate vicinity, which meant, in other words, that, in-
stead of remaining longer Germans, they should become Haps-
burgians, or Austrians. They, however, regarding his acts with
a suspicious eye, refused to agree to his proposal; upon which the
emperor, in his turn, renounced them, permitting, and even encou-
raging the intendants to oppress and levy upon the people severe
and cruelly unjust exactions. He treated these comparatively httle
known and obscure mountaineers with derision and contempt. He
appointed as his representatives two Vogts: Hermann Gessler, of
Bruneck, a haughty, overbearing nobleman, who possessed, near the
town of Altorf, in Uri, a castle or strong fortress, in which he used
to force the inhabitants of the neighbourhood to obedience; and
Beringer of Landenberg, who dwdt at the castle of Samen^ in
Unterwald ; to those Albert added several other officers, who per-
formed the fimctions of unter-vogts or sub-intendants.
But three patriotic and noble-minded Swiss, who felt and deeply
participated in the misery endured by their native land, whilst de-
prived of its ancient freedom, united together in order to overthrow
and crush the tvrannical power of these imperial Vogts.
The names of these fearless and magnanimous men were : Werner
Stauffiicher, of Schwyz, Walter Furst of Attinghausen in Uri,
and Arnold of Mdchthal in Unterwald. They knew well that
their hardy countrymen, bold and undismayed in tne defence of their
rights, would readily take part with them. Arnold of Melchthal
especially, however, had grievous cause for resentment, inas-
much as the intendant, Landenberg, for some very trifling cir-
cumstance, had most unjustly taken from him a team of fine oxen,
and when his father complained of it, Landenberg's officer replied,
contemptuously: '* If peasants wish to eat bread, let them draw the
plough themselves." Arnold, incensed at the shameful act itself,
as well as indignant at the fellow's insolence, broke the servant's
arm with the stick he held in his hand, and knowing but too well
Digitized by
Google
WILLIAM TELL— DEATH OF GESSLER. 297
the cruel character of the Vogt, took flight and secreted himself.
The tyrant, unable to find him, ordered the eyes of his venerable
father to be plucked out — an instance of savage cruelty but too fre-
quently presented at that time in this oppressed country.
These three patriots now uniting together, met regularly during
the silent hour of night at Biitli, a small meadow in a lonely place,
between high rocks on the banks of the Lake of Lucerne. At the
same time they were busily engaged in enlistinff their friends into
the noble cause, and on the night of the Wednesday before Martin-
mas, in the year 1307, each brought with him to this place ten
fellow-patriots, men of upright, resolute mind. When these thirty-
three good and true men were assembled at the Rutli, filled with
the recollection of their former liberty, and united together by the
perils of the times in the closest bonds of friendship, the three leaders
lifted up their hands to heaven, and swore in the name of the Su-
preme Being, that they would manfully combine in defence of their
common liberty. The other thirty members following the example
of their chief, and raising their hands to heaven with equsl ardour and
enthusiasm, pronounced the same oath. The execution of their plan,
however, was reserved for the first day of the ensuing new year ;
and separating now, they each returned to their cottages, where in
the mean time they preserved the most strict silence, and put up
their cattle for the wmter.
Meanwhile, the Vogt or Governor, Hermann Gressler, was shot by
William Tell, a citizen of Uri, and a native of Burglen, son-in-law of
Walter Furst. How that fi:ee and brave man refrised, at the command
of the cruel Vogt, to do homage to a hat, the symbol of his tyranny,
how he was obliged to shoot an apple from the top of his son's head,
and how he escaped from the threatened incarceration by leaping
out of a boat in the midst of a heavy storm, on the Lake of Lucerne,
and finally of his shooting Gessler at Kiissnacht — all this is well-
known, and having continued to form the theme of universal praise,
has been celebrated by the poet and painter, both in ancient and
modem times, down to the present moment. And although this
event took place before the liour destined to liberate the country,
and without the interference of the oppressed people, it nevertheless
strengthened the courage of the confederates, and was hailed as the
harbinger of their emancipation by all the sturdy natives of that
noble and majestic country.
Early in the morning of the first day of the year 1308, when
Landenberg, the Vogt, was proceeding from the castle to attend mass
at Samen, he was met by twenty men of Unterwald with calves,
goats, sheep, fowls and hares, which, according to the custom of the
mountaineeis, they brought for his acceptance as a new year's gift.
The Vogt, pleased with Sieir present, desired the men to convey the
animals mto the court of the castle. As soon, however, as these
twenty patriots had entered within the gates, one of them blew a
horn, at which signal each of them drew K)rth a steel blade concealed
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
298 HENRY VII. OF LUXEMBURG — ^HIS DEATH.
beneath his doublet, and fixed it upon the end of his stick, whilst
thirty more of their comrades luahed down the hill through the wood
of Erleuy and joining them in the castle, they all took possession of the
Elace, and nmde the whole garrison prisoners. Landenberg, who
aving heard the tumult, had fled irom Samen, across the fields,
towards Alpnach, was pursued and taken; but as the confederates
had agreed to shed no blood, they having first made him swear to
quit Switzerland for ever, and never return to it, allowed him to
depart and seek refuge at ihe court of his emperor.
JBy similar stratagems to that employed in the taking of the
castle of Samen, many others were captured and demolished, and
the various imperial Vogts, with their dependantSi sent beyond the
borders; so that messengers arrived from eveiy quarter at the Lake
of Lucerne, with the good news of success. On the following
Sunday, the 7th of January, *the Swiss met together, and again
pledged themselves to the ancient oath of confederacy. The next
and most immediate danger which threatened them was from Kin^
Albert, who was resolved to avenge himself upon them for their
conduct. From this* however, they were in a tew months rescued
by the arm of Duke John, of Swabia, and his confederates. Never-
theless, the^ had sdU to sustain some dreadful struggles for their
newly-acQuired fireedom.
Aner the death of Albert I. the German princes remained true to
their piinciple, not to choose several emperors from the same house
in succession, and therefore as chivalric virtues in their estimation
surpassed all other, thej elected Count Henry of Luxemburg, who
was known to be a valiant, manlj hero and xnight. His reien in
Germany was too short to permit him to do much for its welfare;
nevertheless, brief as it was, he showed by his conduct that he pos-
sessed sufficient courage and nobleness of mind to render himself
worthy of the ancient imperial crown. He likewise made an exoe-
dition to Italy,* whither no emperor had gone since Conrad I V . ;
and there he testified his noble and chivalric principles by efiecting
a reconciliation between the (juelfs and the Ghibelins, thus agaia
uniting together, under the ascendancy of the government, those
whose minds had been distracted with natred and discord; but the
violence of the parties soon again broke forth, and Henr^ himself
sunk, probably ttieir sacrifice. After being crowned at Kome, he
died suddenly in the midst of their contention, in an expedition
against Robert, King of Naples, at Buonconventi, near Sienna, on
the 24th of August, 1313, as was thought by poison.
He ac(|uired for his house the kingdom of Bohemia, and by this
means laid the foundation of its greatness. Li Bohemia, Ottocar's
grand daughter Elizabeth was left as the last survivor of the ancient
royal race. In a spirit of hatred to the Hapsburgian house, which,
* Dante was among the first to do homage to him on his arrival, and presented him
with a letter and a I^tin disconrse upon the imperial dominion, in which he, as a
Ghibeliii, highly extoUed it, aod invited Henzy to make a Tigorous use of his power.
Digitized by
Google
FREDERICK OF AUSTRIA AND LEWIS OF BAVARIA.
after this princess, possessed the next claim upon Bohemia, the no-
bility gave this heiress in marriage to John,the son of the emperor, and
-with her the house of Luxemburg obtained the royal crown of Bo-
hemia, to which was afterwards added also the imperial crown.
In ihe new election of emperor the piinces were far from being
unanimous; the one party, with the Archbishop of Mentz at their
head, choae Lewis oi Upper Bavaria; the other, led by the Arch-
bishop of Cologne, selected Duke Frederick of Austria, sumamed
the handsome, because of his fine and noble form. Lewis was
crowned at Aix-la-Chapelle and Frederick at Bonn, with the real
insignia of the empire. Thence a new war broke out in Germany;
everywhere there was violent opposition. The greatest number of
towns, especially those in Swabia, were for Lewis, and, as might be
expected, the Swiss people also; on the other hand, the nobility were
chiefly for Frederick of Austria. Moreover, Frederick had a power-
Ad auy in the person of his brother, Duke Leopold, who was a
brave knight and a good general. This prince resolved in the first place
to avenge the honour of the Austrian house upon the Swiss people, and
be forthwith advanced into their country, accompanied by a numer-
ous retinue of knijQ:hts. He threatened to trample these boors under
bis feet, and provided himself with an abundant supply of ropes for
ike execution of their rebellious chiefs; for he had no idea of the
astonishing feats which an oppressed people are capable of perform-
ing in the cause of their freedom, however unskilled in the ordinary
tactics of war.
The duke divided his army into two divisions, and advanced
firom Aegeri to Morgarten, towards the mountains of Schwyz.
The heavy cavalry, consisting of knights clad in complete iron ar-
mour, the pride and flower of the army, formed the van guard, for
the blown heroism of the duke had attracted the whole of the
ancient nobilily of Hapsburg, Lenzburg, and Kvburg, to join his
ranks, together with the Vogt of Landenber^, ana the xnale branches
of Geadi^B family, all burning to revenge his death.
But the confederates when 3iey received the news that'the enemy
was approaching, did not in the least waver in their courage and
heroism, but prepared at once for battle. On that same night four
hundred men from Uri landed at Brunnen, in Schwyz, and a few
hours afterwards they were joined by three hundred men firom Un-
terwald; they then all marched across the fields, and joined the
main body m Schwyz. There they were gladly welcomed by a
venerable patriot, Ruaolphus Redin, of Biberegg, so aged and in&m
that he could scarcely totter, yet so skilled and prudent in war, that
the people, as he now drew up their plan of attack, gladly listened
to his sage advice, which thev scrupulously followed: "Our grand
aim, my sons, must be," said ne, " as we are so inferior in numbers,
to prevent the duke horn gaining any advantage by his superior
force." He then showed them how they must occupy the heights
of Morgarten and the Sattel mountain, in order to surprise the
Digitized by
Google
300 SWITZERLAND— THE BATTLE OF MORGARTEN.
duke's army in the narrow pass, and falling upon its flank, thti0
divide and ciit it off.
The small but united band of patriots, after they had knelt down,
and implored the help of God, according to ancient custom, went
forth to the number of thirteen hundred, and gained the summit of
the Sattel mountain, near the Einsiedeln boundary. Here they
were joined by an unexpected body of fifty men, who on account of
some dispute had been banished from Schwyz, but who on being
made acquainted with the danger that threatened their country,
forgot their quarrel, and repaired to Morgarten, resolved to sacrifice
their Uves for their native land.
On the 16th of November, 1315, the host of well-accbutred
horsemen commenced the ascent of the mountains under the ruddy
rays of a morning's sun, in the reflection of which their forest of
glittering spears and lances extended as far as the eye could reach.
Tlie van now entered the pass, and the avenue, which was hedged
in with mountains and water, soon became filled with the close
ranks of the cavalry. At this moment the aforesaid fifty exiled
Schwyzers, shouting aloud, rolled down from the heights of Mor-
garten hugh fragments of rock in quick succession on the enemy. When
the 1300 Swiss who were posted on the summit of the Sattel moun-
tain, beheld the confusion now produced among the ranks of the
horsemen in the pass beneath (near the Lake of Aegeri), they quickly
descended, and in a firm, united body made an overwhelming at-
tack upon the enemy's flank, committing everywhere the most
sanguinary execution with their iron-pointed clubs and halberts.
Many of the nobles and knights, the flower of the Austrian no-
bility, fell, two of the Gesslers were slain, and Landenberg was
pierced to death. Duke Leopold himself narrowly escaped from
the vengeance of those hardy mountaineers, previously held by him
in such contempt, but now become his victorious pursuers, and was
with difficulty saved by a peasant acquainted with the roads, who
conducted him through narrow bye passes as far as Winterthur,
where he at length safely arrived in tne greatest dejection and fa-
tigue of mind and body.
Thus the whole Austrian army, in spite of all its chivalric bravery
and superior discipline, was completely annihilated by a small body
of peasantry, who, however, although simple and rude by nature and
condition, aroused at length from their former state of slavery and
oppression, became at once ennobled by their innate love of liberty
and patriotism ; so that already within the short space of an hour and a
half, by their united courage and tact, they succeeded in trampling upon
their haughty and tyrannic foe, and obtaining over him a glorious
triumph. After this happy day the confederates renewed their
ancient bond of amity, whose basis, was that all should be ready in
defence of one, and one in defence of all; and the Emperor Lewis in
several letters confirmed the liberty of the Swiss.
In Germany, however, the war between Frederick of Austria and
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
THE BATTLE OF MUHLDORF— FREDERICK A PRISONER. 301
Lewis of Bavaria still continued with undiminished fierceness. Many
provinces were desolated with fire and sword, until at length in the
year 1322, a decisive action was fought at Miihldorf in Bavaria.
Frederick very indiscreetly allowed hunself to be drawn into that
battle, without awaiting the arrival of his brother Leopold, who was
advancing to the spot with assistance. The battle commenced at
sunrise, and lasted ten hours. Frederick himself fought bravely at
the head of his body guard, equipped in a splendid suit of gold
armour, and bearing aloft upon his helmet, ghttering in the sun's
rays, the imperial eagle; whilst Lewis, on the contrary, did not appear
at all on the field of oattle. At noon Lewis's brave and experienced
general, Seyfried Schweppermann of Nuremberg, ordered nis army
to wheel round, and thus the Austrians had the sun, dust, and wind
full in their iace, whilst at the same time, as directed by Schwepper-
mann, the Burggrave of Nuremberg fell upon them from behind with
five hundred cavalry. This body, for the purpose of deceiving the
enemy, carried Austrian colours and banners, so that Frederick and
those with him were so deceived that they felt assured Duke Leopold
had at that critical moment arrived with his desired aid. Wnen,
however, they discovered their mistake, they were speedily thrown
into disorder and put to flight, and Frederick, whose horse was
stabbed, was, with his brother Henry, taken prisoner. When he was
presented by the Burggrave of Nuremberg to Lewis, he was received
by the latter with the words: " My cousm, we are glad to see you."
Frederick, however, made no reply, but with his eyes fixed upon the
ground remained completely silent. He was conveyed to the strong
iortress of Traussnitz, m the Upper Palatinate.* Lewis was now the
sole ruler of Germany, but Frederick's brother Leopold, and other
Erinces, would not recognise him, but still carried on war against
im; whilst in addition to this. Pope John XXH. excommmucated
him for having taken part with tne Duke of Milan, against him.
Lewis determined, therefore, in this emergency, to efie<;t a reconci-
liation between himself and the house of Austria. Accordingly he
went in 1325 to Frederick, who was still imprisoned in the castle of
Traussnitz, and concluded a treaty with him, in which Frederick
renounced all claim to the empire, and agreed to some other severe
conditions, after which he was set at liberty, having, however,
through his imprisonment become so much clianged in his appear-
ance, that his relations scarcely recognised him, whilst his wife
Elizabeth of Arragon had, durmg this interval of two years and a
half, so incessantly wept tears of gnef and lamentation on nis account,
that she had become totally blind. Frederick on his part employed
** It 18 related that the yictorions anny, after the battle, were without any prori-
tioDS, haying merely a small supply of eggs, which, on being distributed among them^
left but one for each man. The JBmperor Lewis on hearing this, ezdaimed : ** WeU,
gire to ereiy soldier his egg, but to the braye Schweppermann glye two!" as a proof
that to him alone was due the honoor of the Tictory.
Digitized by
Google
302 FREDERICK AND LEWIS— EXAMPLE OF FRIENDSHIP.
eyerymeasis to cany into effect the stipuktions of the tie8^;henuide
his abdication known throughout the empire by public aocuments,
and exhorted every one to submit to Lewis. Neither the pope nor
Leopold however felt themselves bound by the contract, but, on the
contrary, proceeded in every possible way to show iheir hostility to
Lewis. The two princes then gave an example of fidelity and friend*
ship, which redounds to their honour. Frederick maintained his
friendship with Lewis, paying no regard either to the representations
of his brother, nor to those of the pope, who even offered to release
him from the obli^tions of his oatn to Lewis, the latter being ex-
communicated; wmlst Lewis, appreciating this magnanimity ot cha-
racter in Frederick, and remembering weir mutual firiendshin in
early life, they having grown up together, resolved formally to snare
the empire of Germany with him. Frederick came to him at
Munich, and Lewis offered, as he was just on the point of making an
expedition on behalf of his son Lewis in Brandenburg against the
Poles, to entrust the defence of his own country against Leopold to
his hands. That expedition, however, was not made, and the two
kings on the5th of September, 1325, at Munich, entered publicly into
an Sliance: ** They would both conjointly bear the title of a Iloman
king, call and regard themselves as brothers, and in their despatches
and other documents their signatures and seals should be affixed alter-
nately. They would grant enfeoffments in their joint capacity, and
would both together as one person preside over and govern the
Roman empire, over which they had been appointed and set apart."
The two friends pledged themselves anew, ate at one table, and lived
affectionately together, as thev had done in their childhood.
Pope John, who knew nothing of the Grerman character, and who
considered such good iaith unprecedented, wrote to King Charles of
France, to whom it might appear equally novel: *' This incredible
example of friendship and coimdence was confided to me on the best
authority, in a communication from Germany."
Frederick, however, did not lon^ continue to take a part in the
^vemment; for, greatly depressed by his many sufferings, he re-
tired into solitude, and spent the remainder of his life in quiet
meditation, at the castle of Guttenstein, where he died in the year
1330, his amiable and afflicted consort having preceded him a snort
time before.
The house of Austria, as well as the pope, remained still inimical
to Lewis of Bavaria, and did all in their power to oppose him; so
that his whole reign presented one scene of confusion and anarchy,
and this emperor, whose kind and noble, although less powerml
mind, would in happier times have rendered him an excellent ruler,
was not able, in the rage of such distraction, to direct the helm. It
is difficult to say what deffree of blame attaches to him, or how
much was owin^ to the perplexity of his situation; but his measures
appear to have been often mdeterminate. At one time he adopted
Digitized by
Google
THE FIRST ELECTORAL ALLIANCE. 303
file language of entreaty, at another lie emploved the means of re-
sistance; now, he united with the Kuig of Bohemia, then with the
King of England, and at last even wim the King of France; and,
in order to get rid of the anathema, he sent to the pope more than
seven amba^adors; but all was in vain. For the popes resided no
longer at Rome, having for a conmderable time neld their seat at
Avignon in France; they were theiefore in subjection to the kings
of France, who, not being upon good terms with Germany, were
rejoiced at the disunion which there prevailed, and prevented a re-
conciliation taking place between the pope and the emperor, as Pope
Benedict XII. himself privately acknowledged, witn tears in his
eyes, to the Grerman prmces. Jh like manner, Kinff John of Bo-
liemia, when he had secured himself against Austria, showed himself
hostile to the house of Bavaria, whose ^wing greatness he sought
to oppose as much as possible. This darmg and adventurous prince,
who was incessantly traversing Europe an horseback, like a courier,
used his influence m throwing the torch of discord into Italy, pro-
ducing there ike most sad disBensions» whilst he likewise succeeded in
confirming both the pope and the King of France still more stzongly
in their hatred against the Emperor Lewis.
In the year 1388 the German electoral princes, in order to pre-
serve the security of the empire, held a diet at Reuse, on the Hhme,
and made there the iamous treaty known by the name of the first
Sectoral alliance. In this they solemnly dedaied that as the holy
Roman empire had been, and still continued to be attacked in its
honour, burdened and oppressed in its rights and possessions, they
would unite to defend it, and oourt^eously support it with all their
strength and power against every aggressor. Besides which, this
protest was solemnly approved by all the other estates in an imperial
diet, when it was declaied: *^ That the imperial dignity and power
were immediately derived from and depended upon God, and that
as a matter of right and ancient custom, the moment an individual
was elected emperor, that moment he must, by reason of his election,
be regarded as a true king and Roman emperor, without any need
of confirmation by the papal see." This imperial decision was made
known to the pope in a special communication, and from this mo-
ment commenced the strong opposition made against the papal see.
Had Lewis now possessed sufficient firmness of character to have
availed himself of this declaration made by the diet, and thereupon
have based his power; if, above all, he had understood how to con-
fide in the fidehty and constancy of all his subjects, as did in ancient
times his imperial predecessors, he might still, notwithstanding all
the hostility of foreigners, have enjoyed a prosperous reign. ^ But as
he was deficient in Siat greatness of soul, so necessary to bring into
happy realisation the great objects in view, the princes became more
and more inimical towards him, so that, at a diet held at Reuse in
1344, they again brought heavy complaints against him, and cen-
Digitized by
Google
304 LEWIS DEPOSED— HIS DEATH, 1347.
sured his mal-administratioii of the affairs of the empire. This ill-
will, however, of the princes towards the emperor originated chiefly
in the jealousy with which they regarded the gradual aggrandise-
ment of his house. For by his marriage with the daughter of the
Count of Henne^u, Holland, Zealand, and Friesland, he had ac-
quired a title to aU these countries, inasmuch as there was no male heir ;
and, again, when the line of male descendants to the territory of An-
halt-Brandenburg became extinct, he made over, in 1323, to his son,
Lewis, the Brandenburg possessions, and afterwards ^ave this same
son in marriage to Margaret, of Maultasch, the heiress of Tyrol.
By this last acquisition he made the house of Austria still more hos-
tile towards hmi, whilst in the two previous cases he brought down
upon him the enmity of the Luxemburg-Bohemian house, and that
of the King of France.
The opponents of Lewis, especially Pope Clement VI., carried
iheir animosity at length to such an extent that a number of the
princes, at an assembly held in the year 1346, chose as German em-
Sror, Charles, the son of John, King of Bohemia, who was also
argrave of Moravia; a prince who was brought up at the French
court, his father having a great predilection for France. This em-
peror, however, proved to be no blessing to Grermany. When after
being proclaimed at Reuse, he mounted the so-called imperial throne
erected there, in order to present himself before the people for the
first time, and whilst the Vtvat Rex resoimdedon every side, the im-
perial banner, which had been elevated on the bank of the Rhine,
fell into its waters, and, in spite of every exertion made to save it,
sunk to the bottom — an event which was regarded by all as an evil
omen. Neither did he enjoy any popularity whilst Lewis lived ; the
latter, however, in the following year, 1347, died of apoplexy whilst
himting a bear. The spot where he fell from his horse, in the vici-
nity of Fiirstenfeld, near Munich, is still called the Kaiserwiese or
emperor^s meadow, in recollection of the event. Lewis was the last
emperor excommunicated by the popes.
Digitized by
Google
CHARLES IV.— HIS CALAMITOUS REIGN. 305
CHAPTER Xm.
EMFESOBB OF BIFFERENT HOUSES.
1347—1437.
Charies IV. 1347-1378— Wenceslas, 1378-1400— Switzerland— The Battle of Sem-
pacb, 1386— Leopold of AuBtriar— Arnold of Winkelried— His Heroism and Self-
Berotion— Wenoeslas deposed- Rupert of the Palatinate, 1400-1410— Sigismond
1410-1437 — Grand CouBcil of Constance — John Huss and the Hnssite Wars —
Death of Sigismond, 1437.
At this time there were in Germany three powerful houses,
which, if they had been united, could easily have subdued all the
others; but they were so far from acting in concert together, that
they, on the contrarT-, opposed each other. These were the house
of Luxemburg, which possessed in addition to Bohemia and Mo-
layia, also part of Silesia and Lusatia; that of Bavaria, which had
acquired Brandenburg, Holland, and the Tyrol; and that of Austria,
which, besides its hereditary estates, possessed likewise much of the
Swabian territory.
The house of Bavaria could not forget that Charles lY. had
been the enemy of Lewis; accordingly in conjunction with the
Archbishop of Mentz and other princes, it sought to procure and
establish a rival king in opposition, and at length, after Kin^ Ed-
ward of England, and the Margrave Frederick of Meissen, had rejected
the crown, it found in the person of Count Giinther of Schwarzburg
a brave, powerful, and upright man, who accepted it, as he declared,
solely for the welfare of the empire, and who would have been a very
important rival to Charles, if he had not suddenly fallen sick, and soon
after died — as he himself thought of poison. Charles, therefore,
now reigned alone and for a lengthened period. Much was ex-
pected irom him as he was cunning and stdlftil in his enterprises,
and was likewise master of many languages. Nevertheless, how-
ever well he succeeded in promoting the mterests of his hereditary
lands by various useful regulations, sull he was, as it were, but a step-
father of the German empire, and his heart was not devoted to it.
The last existing remains of the imperial estates, which in some
degree still contributed to preserve the dignity of the empire, were
sold by him similar to the unworthy head of a family, who turns his
real property into money, in order that he may tne more readily
enjoy it.
Ills reign presented a series of many great calamities, which
certainly could not be imputed to him, and were in fact beyond his
control. Abeady at its commencement, Germany, like many
other countries of Europe, was visited with the most terrible dis-
asters. The same as in the summer of 1338, ten years previously, in-
^ Digitized by Google
306 DREADFUL VISITATIONS— THE PLAGUE, &C. — ^THE JEWS.
numerable hosts of locusts had flocked from the east, and covered a part
of Europe so dreadfully, that they completely obscured the light of
the sun, and Hungary, Poland, Austria, and other places, became en-
tirely desolated, and famine raged amongst mankind, so likewise in
the year 1348, a succession of even still greater affictions followed. On
the 17 th of January in this year the sun was echpsed, and on the 25 th
a great earthquake was felt over nearly the whole of Europe. Cities
and villages were overwhelmed, and buried their inhabitants under
their ruins. The shocks during this year were several times re*
peated, and in the following one, a great plague, which was brought
into Italy by the ships tramng in the east, ra^ed throughout tnat
country, and soon extended its desolation over tne whole of France
and Germany. History presents no parallel to the terrible scenes of
misery presented in tms epoch. In the large cities the dead were
numbered by hundreds of thousands, and in many cases the sur-
vivors scarcely amoimted to a tenth part of the previously exist-
ing population. Thousands of families became wholly extinct, whole
streets uninhabited and laid waste, and no Hving being, nor even
domestic animal was to be ibimd: nay some travellers who were
going from Italy to Bohemia, found whole cities and villages
without a single living inhabitant of any sort.
These calamities had the effect of awakening to reflection many
who were previously sunk in sin ; for the age which preceded this had
been extremely corrupt. In this state of despair, penances of every
description were again put into force, and especially the use of the
scourge, was again put in requisition. Hundreds and even thou-
sands went in procession from city to city, and practised their flagel-
lations in the market-places, walking with their backs bare, singing,
and at the same time nog^ng themselves and each other with knotty
thorny whips. The leaders of the procession were often obliged
themselves even to check by stem command the rage with which
the infatuated penitents lacerated their flesh. Even children were
infected with a passion for these inflictions, and took part in these
scenes. As these proceedings were found to be the result of mere
fanaticism and maoness, accompanied by extravagances of every
description, the pope at last interdicted them on pain of excom-
munication; but it was only with difficulty that they could be sup-
pressed.
Meantime, as if that epoch was to be one distinguished alone for
its wild disorders and excesses, the former persecution of the Jews
was also renewed. Among the people the opinion had become more
and more prevalent that the Jews had been the originators of the
late great plague, by poisoning the springs and rivers, for the pur-
pose of exterminating the whole of Chnstendom. The ancient
animosity was revived, and became more and more embittered; the
authorities were unable to restrain the fury of the people, and
throughout Switzerland, in all the cities along the Rhine, and gene-
rally tnroughout Germany, the massacre of the Jews was so dread*
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
THE GOLDEN BULL--<:;HARLE8'S AGGRANDISEfifENT. 307
All, that many of them in their despair destroyed themselves in their
own houses. The mildest treatment they received was that of having
their property^confiscated, and being banished the country. The
princes, and especially the pope and bishops, at last interested them*
aelves in behalf of uiis persecuted people, and saved those few as
yet left untouched. History, however, leaves unmentioned whether
the Emperor Charles contributed his share towards the general
good during this time of distress.
The most important work effected by him for Germany was
published in an imperial edict called the Golden Bull (thus called
from the seal of gold affixed to it), the institution of a fundamental
law of the empire, enacted in the year 1356, which determined and
regulated the rights and privileges of the seven electors, the mode
of precedence' in electing the emperor in the diet of Frankfort, and
at the coronation at AiX'la-Chapelle, and some other regulations;
among the rest it was decreed that after a proclamation made three
days previously, the right of warfare should be declared and enforced.
But it was not by such regulations affecting the external and
lees essential objects, that the dignity of the empire could be
restored; on the contrary, division, jealousy, and selfishness were
excited more than ever by the advantages which he secured e^-
cially to the electoral houses; so that from the time of the Golden
Bull may be dated the dissolution of the imperial dominion, rather
than its re-establishment. The seven electoral princes who had
already, for nearly an entire century, exercised the right of votings
inducled the Archbishops of Mentz, Treves, and Cologne, together
with the King of Bohemia, the Duke of Saxe-Wittenberg, the
MarCTave of Brandenburg, and the Count Palatine of the Rhine.
Charles laboured with abiHiy and extraordinary success for the ag-
grandisement of his own house. By his first consort, Anna, Princess
Palatine, he secured to his house the upper pa]atinate, and by his
second wife, Anna, of Schweidnitz and Jauer, ne again tmnsferred to
it the possession of the entire south-west line of the beautiful territory
in Silesia, along the borders of Bohemia; whilst already his father
John and himself subsequently, having both gradually succeeded,
partly by fraud and partly by force, in subjecting all the other princes
of Silesia to the dominion of Bohemia, he, b}r a royal decree in 1355,
united the whole of Silesia and Lower Lusatia to Bohemia. In like
manner he became possessed of the Maigraviate of Brandenburg from
the house of Bavana, by which it had been only shortly before ac-
quired under the Emperor Lewis; for, availing himself of their weak-
ness and total want of energy, he induced the Margraves Lewis the
Roman, and Otho, to conclude a treaty; according to the terms of
which, passing over their cousins of the house of Bavaria, the mar-
graviate should be transferred to the house of Luxemburg in the
event of both margraves dying without any heir. Soon after Lewis
died, and the imbecile Otho made over, even during his life, in 1373,
the government of his own countiy into the hands of the emperor,
shortly after which, in 1379, the former died, despised and forgotten.
X 2
308 CHARLES IN ROME— PETRARCA — CHARLES'S DEATH.
Thus Charles, solely bent upon the aggrandisement of his house,
united Brandenburg to the kingdom of Bohemia, and by this means,
quite contrary to all the institutions of Germany, he made one
German electorate dependant upon another. Henceforth likewise,
he took as warm and paternal an interest in the newly acquired
country as he did in his own hereditary estates; ruling over a range
of beautiful tracts of country, extending from the confines of Austria,
near the Danube, to Pomerania. Nevertheless, Charles, as so often
happens to the selfish, was all this time working for strangers. His
son Siglsmund already mortgaged the Mar^viate of Brandenburg^
to the family of Hohenzollem, and by that laid the foundation for the
greatness of that house ; whilst the greater part of his other lands
fell to the house of Austria, which was destined to rise still
higher, after having been so much injured by him. At this time
also that house obtained a great increase of territory in the county
of Tyrol, where the Bavarian lineage, introduced by the Emperor
Lewis, had become extinct, and the house of Wittelsbach approached
its end.
Charles proceeded also to Italy, but not as it became the successor
of the great emperors, who had by their bravery obtained the so-
vereignty of that country; for he was obliged, in order that the pope
might confirm his election to the Germanic empire, to submit to the
disgraceful stipulation, that when he came to Rome in order to be
crowned, he would only remain one day in that city, and quitting
it before night, forthwith retire from the pope's territories. Ac-
cordingly he made his entry into Rome on Easter day, 1355, was
crowned, and under the pretence of going out to hunt, left the city
on the same day and hastened out of the country. The Romans,
not knowing the cause, were not a little astonished at his abrupt de-
parture, and Petrarca, the celebrated poet, who by his animated
letters had called upon him to reassume the ancient glorious imperial
sway, now wrote to him: ** What would his ancestors, the ancient
German emperors, have said, if they had met him on the Alps re-
treating so ignobly?"
Towards the close of his life, his great fondness for France in-
duced him to visit that country once more; and, immediately after
his return to Germany, he died in the year 1378.
Charles IV. had already induced the princes to nominate as em-
peror after his death his son Wenceslas. But actuated in like man-
ner, as his father had been, by that egotism and avarice, which ever
aimed at his own interest, the son, altnough naturally endowed with
good qualities, but without energy and wholly given up to sensual gra-
tification, especially to drinking and the chase, acnieved nothing
important either for Grermany or even for his own hereditary lands.
The times were, at this moment, in a state of dreadful anarchy.
The imperial government had lost all its dignity. Reli^on was at
its lowest ebb, and Christendom was divided into parties; instead
of one, there were two popes, one at Rome the other at Avignon;
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
XVENCMLAS— THE SWISS AND OTHER CONFEDERATIONS. 309
both thundered forth against each other their bans of excommuni-
cation ; and in their wrath, each anathematized whole communities
and countries that happened to adhere to his opponent. Long and
vainly did the most upright and judicious men of the day raise
their voices against the destructive vices of their time, which were
spreading far and wide, and all urged a general assembly of the
Christian council; but Wenceslas, whose business it was as empe-
ror to convoke such an assembly, had neither the will nor energy of
mind sufficient to enforce it.
Under his reign there arose throughout Germany an increasing
number of confederations among individual members of the empire
for mutual protection; which was a proof of the prostration of the
supreme power, and served still more to weaken and destroy it. The
most powerful of these associations was that of Swabia, which con-
sisted of thirty-four, and afterwards, even of forty-one cities, including
likewise several princes. On the other hand, various similar so-
cieties, formed of the nobles, were not less flourishing, when, as
a matter of course, contests and battles upon a large as well as small
scale were the order of the day. The Swabian towns followed the
example of the Swiss confederacy, which became more and more ex-
tensive, including even in its alliance several of the chief towns of
Switzerland: Berne Zurich, Soleure, and Zug, and abeady adopted
the name of confederates. Thence, as in times of discord and
hatred, no class keeps within the bounds of moderation, or ad-
heres to justice, it is to be presumed that the complaints made by
the princes and nobiUty, viz.: that the towns had unlawfully de-
prived them of the services of such of their people as were bound
to serve them, by affording them protection and granting them
the privileges of citizens, were in many cases reasonable and
well founded. In consequence, therefore, of these grievances, a
new war broke out between the nobility of Austria and the
Swiss.
Duke Leopold of Austria, in heroism and arrogance equal to the
Leopold who fouffht at Morgarten, was incensed against the Swiss,
because in their ^ance they had included several towns and vil-
lages which were subject to him, as for instance : Entlibuch, Sem-
pach, Meyenberg and Reichensee. There was certainly good foun-
dation for complaint, but Austria likewise was not free from blame;
for these places had been severely oppressed by its avaricious and
inhuman agents; whilst the duke, contrary to the stipulations made,
had imposed taxes on the frontiers of the Swiss, which checked
their commercial intercourse. Duke Leopold vowed he would chas-
tise the whole of the inhabitants, the originators, and promoters of,
as he styled it, unrighteous and unlawful warfare, and swore to
destroy their offensive aUiance. The hatred towards the free peasan-
try and citizens became so generally violent among the nobility, that
within a few days no less that one hundred and sixty-seven of the
nobles, both spiritual andsecular, joinedin denunciations of war, breath-
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
310 DUKE LEOPOLD OF AUSTRIA — THE BATTLE OF SEMPACH.
ing utter destructioii against the confederates. Tlie letters of war were
brought to the assembled confederacy by twenty distinct expresses,
that their terror might be perpetually renewed. On the evening of
the day of St. John the Baptist, a messenger from the court of
Wurtemberg arrived with fifteen declarations of war; these letters
were scarcely read when the messenger of John Ulric of Pfirt, and
of eight other nobles arrived with letters to the same purpose, and he
had scarcely finished when the letters of the lords of xhum and of
all the nobles of Schaffhausen came to hand. Finally, on the fol-
lowing day eight more messengers arrived with forty-three such
declarations ot war.
The confederates had no other aid to look or hope for but that of their
own faithful imion and persevering courage ; undismayed, however^
they awaited the commencement of the contest with indescribable
impatience. The cry of war and the din of hostile preparation, re*
sounded throughout the country, and already four days previously all
the population capable of beanng arms, were equipped and readj.
The term of the armistice having expired, the war between the
federal peasantry and their nobles now burst forth, and within a
week or two many a strong castle — so long the terror of the fron-
tiers-^was levelled and razed to the ground by the brave confederates.
Duke Leopold now with a numerous force, including many dis-
tinguished knights and auxiliaries from aU his states, marched from
Baden through Aargau by Sursee for Sempach, in order to
punish, as he said, with the rod of iron its citizens for their in-
flexible adherence to the confederates. But on his arrival there he
found the confederates already collected on the heights, prepared and
burning with impatience to receive him. Unwilling to await the ar-
rival ofnis foot soldiers, and afraid lest the cavalry might be thrown
into confusion in a mountain engagement, he commanded all the
nobles, knights, and the entire body of horsemen to dismount to the
number of several thousands, and joining their ranks as closely as
possible, like an impenetrable wall of iron, he ordered them to rush
forwards and charge the confederates spear in hand. When the
Baron of Hasenburg, a veteran warrior, perceived this order of
battle, and contrasted it with the position c<Hnmanded by the Swiss,
he at once tried to dissuade the proud duke and his nobles from
adopting this plan of attack, adding as he cautioned them, that
pride never served any good purpose, "that they had better
wait until the infantry mardied up." They, however, only derided
him,''and cried aloud, " Der Hasenburg hat ein Hasenherz !"• (Lite-
rally, " Hasenburg has a hare's-heart.") Some of his nobles having
represented to the duke how necessary it was that he should re-
strain his ardour, whilst they tried to persuade him to keep in the
• A play upon the baron's name, ffatentmrg^ hare's-^ronghold, literally inter-
preted; Hase, hare; Burg, fort, or stronghold; and Herz, heart. Hasniktrz, hare't-
heart, or heart of a hare.
Digitized by
Google
ARNOLD OF WINK£LRI£I>— H£ROISM AND SELF-DEVOTION. 311
rear of the army, he ozdj smiled a reply; but when they continued
to urge him to adopt their suggestions, he exclaimed impatiently:
'* What ! shall Leopold be a mere looker-on and calmly behold his
knights die around him in hi^ own cause ? Never 1 here on my
native soil with you, I will conquer or perish for my people !'' Say-
ing which, he placed himself at the head of his troops.
Ab long as the enemy remained on Horseback, it appeared too
dangerous to the confederates to descend and stand the charge of
such a body of cavalry on level ground; but when they b^eld
ibem ^t their saddles, and form in ranks as foot-soldiers, the
mountaineers forthwith abandoned their elevated position, and
Hiarched down into the plain below. Their numbers were: 400
men from Lucerne, 900 from the Waldstadten, and about 100 from
Glaris, Zug, Entlibuch, and Rotenburg. Some were armed with
short weapons, others carried halberds, with which their forefathers
bad fought in the pass at Morgarten; and some again, instead of a
shield, had only a small board bound to their left arm.
This small, but firm and united body of brave men, now fell u|>on
tbeir knees and prayed to God, according to their custom, whilst
the nobles on the opposite side buckled on their helmets, and the
duke then created several knights. It was then the season of har-
vest, when the sun shone with frdl power, and the day was ex-
tremely sultry. The confederates now precipitated themselves with
great impetuosily upon the impregnable phalanx of shields; but not
a man yielded to the shock. The Swiss fell one after another; and
the company of Lucemers, especially, fought with impatient and en-
thusiastic rage, seeldng to maxe a road between the iorest of spears,
but in vain. Numbers lay bleeding around, and their force began to
waver. The enemy then moved his extended body of men round in
the form of a hal^moon, thinking to endrde the few courageous
Swiss. But the scene of this dreadful moment of approaching de-
struction to the confederates, was imexpectedly changed, by a brave
knight, Arnold of Winkekied, in Unterwald, who sudd^y, in a
voice of thunder, exclaimed to his comrades: ''I will open a pas-
sage to freedom, faithful and beloved confederates! Protect only
my wife and children I" And with these words, rushing from his
ranks he threw himself upon the enemy, and seized with both arms
as many of the enemy's spears as he was able, buried them in his body,
and sank dead to the ground, whilst the confederates rushed forwards
through the breach, over the body of their heroic and self-devoted
compatriot. The Austrians gave way; and, in endeavouring to
stop the breach, became, in their confusion, so crowded, that many
of them died in their armour, unwounded, but suffocated and over-
whelmed with heat and terror. Meantime, the chief banner of
Austria was sinking for the third time to the ground, when
Ulric, a knight of Aarburg, seized it, bore it aloft, and defended
it, until, after a desperate struggle, he was mortally wounded, crying
out with his last breath: ^* Save Austria, rescue!*^ At this mo-
Digitized by
Google
312 DUKE LEOPOLD'S DEATH— THE SWISS TRIUMPHANT.
ment, Duke Leopold, pusting tlirougli the crowd, received the
banner from his dying hand; it once again appeared aloft, covered
with blood, waving m the hand of the duke. But he was now
surrounded by the Swiss, who pressing close upon him, he ex-
claimed, as he saw all his brave warriors falling around him:
** Since, then, so many nobles and knights have ended their days in
my cause, thus let me also honourably follow them !" and, vanisning
from the sight of his few remaining adherents, he plunged, in the
madness of grief and despair, amidst the hostile ranks, seeking his
death. In the pressure of the crowd he fell to the earth; and whilst
he was strugghng in his heavy armour to raise himself upon his
feet, he was discovered by a citizen of Schwyz, to whom Iieopold,
quite helpless, called out, " I am the Prince of Austria !" The
man, however, either did not hear or believe him, or, perhaps,
thinking that, in war, all distinctions cease, forthwith killed him.
The body of the duke was found by a knight, Martin Malterer,
who bore the banner of Freiburg in Breisgau; he stood petrified,
and the banner fell from his hand. He threw himself upon the
body of the prince, in order that it might not be trampled upon
by friends and enemies, and in this situation he awaited and re-
ceived his own death.
The Austrian troops, in a state of utter dismay and terror, now gave
the signal for retreat, and all the cavaliers flew to regain their horses.
But they were too late; their attendants had already mounted them,
and saved themselves by flight. All therefore that remained for
them now, oppressed with their ponderous armour, rendered still
more intolerable by the scorching rays of the sun, and exhausted
with thirst and fatigue, was to avenge their prince, and sell their
lives at as dear a rate as possible. Thus, there perished altogether
six hundred and fifty-six counts, barons, and knights, together with
thousands of their vassals.
Such was the issue of the great battle of Sempach, fought on the
9th of July, 1386; by this victory, and another at Nafels, the con-
federates of Switzerlfimd so weakened the power of Austria, that in
the year 1389, by the mediation of the imperial cities on the Lake of
Constance, a seven years' peace was agreeii to, by which means the
Swiss preserved all thev had acquired, whilst Austria retained only
its chief possessions in Aargau and Thurgau.
In the cities of Germany the passion for war was again awakened
by the successes of the Swiss. The ancient hostility between the
nobles and citizens was resumed, particularly in Swabia, on the
Rhine, and in the Wetteraw. But these cities did not command
the favourable passes of the mountains, neither were the citizens
equal to the peasants of Switzerland. They were beaten in several
contests, among others by Count Eberhard, of Wurtemberg, between
Weil and Dbffingen, also by the Count Palatine Rupert, near Worms.
In 1389 tranquillity was in some degree restored by the peace pro-
claimed at Eger. This was a sad period of disaster for Bavaria,
Digitized by
Google
WENCESLAS DEPOSED— RUPERT OF THE PALATINATE. 313
Swabia, Franconia, and the whole of the Upper Rhine. It is re-
lated in the Chronicle of Konigshoven, that more persons were de-
stroyed at that time than had been for several centuries before.
Most of the coimtry people were obliged to remain throughout the
winter in the fortresses and cities. In many parts not a smjgle vil-
lage or house was to be found within ten miles of the cities and
strong castles: so much desolation had been produced by fire and
sword.
The Emperor Wenceslas had not sufficient ener^ and authority
to settle, by the imperial decision, the existing differences between
the nobility and the cities; besides which he came but seldom to
Germany, and after the year 1391, he only visited it at the end of
six years. The Bohemians, who were likewise dissatisfied with him,
owing to the cruel acts he had committed at various times, which to-
other with his other infirmities, made him only the more hated and
despised, imprisoned him in the Castle of Prague, where he remained
until he was liberated by his yoimger brother John. This was an
additional cause of his aownfal in Germany, and at length in the
year 1400, the princes proceeded to depose him. The charges
against him were: " that the holy Roman empire, the holy church,
and all Christendom, instead of finding in him comfort, protection,
and succour, had, on the contrary, been rent assunder, aoused and
shamefully abandoned by him; that all this had been repeatedly and
fearlessly represented to him, but he had neither restored peace to
the church, nor had he felt any concern at the many feuds and tu-
mults of the empire, so that no one knew where to seek redress, pro-
tection, and security. Since, therefore, all remonstrances had faued,
the princes could not do otherwise than conclude that he no longer
cared for the welfare of the empire, and thence they, the princes,
necessarily forbade him henceforward to have any share in the
government of the Germanic nation, and accordingly they deposed
him, the said Emperor Wenceslas, as negligent and unworthy."
On the following day they elected Rupert of the Palatinate, as em-
peror.
In the succeeding year, Wenceslas, who still held possession of
Bohemia, was again taken prisoner by his brother Sigismund, and
confined for nineteen months at Vienna.
Rupert, an active and brave man, endeavoured to re-establish the
imperial dignity; buttheexistingstateof disorder was already too great,
and his government of too short a duration to allow him to gain this
object. He was likewise unsuccessful in an expedition to Italy, and
he died, without having effected any thing of importance, in 1410.
The princes now elected Sigismund, the brother of Wenceslas, to
fill the imperial throne, and in certain respects, this emperor was
the most aistin^shed of the house of Luxemburg. His appear-
ance was majestic and graceful. He was tall and well-formed, and
his manly countenance, shaded by light brown ringlets, rendered
him one of the handsomest princes of his day. He possessed a lively
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
314 SIGISMUND L — GRAND COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE*
qviiit and an acute mind, and being master of ax languages, may
be conaideied altogether as a monarch of superior intellectual ac-
quirements. He had a degree of open honesty and true hearted-
ness in his disposition, which won the hearts of all; combined with
a ffenuine love for all that was good and meritorious. Nevertheless,
with all ^ese good qualities and brilliant endowments, his resolution
and power of action did not correspond in proportion. He was change-
able and imdecided, and wholly incapable of realising and maintaui-
ing the great designs he contemplated. Besides all this, however, he
was a bad economist, always squandering away what he possessed,
and consequently, perpetually in difficulties. Sigismund directed
his first attention to the great schism existing in tne church; there
being one pope in Italy, another in France, and a third in Spain,
whence each pronounced, the ban of excommunication against his
opponent, ana those who sided with him. Finally, in the year
1414, the celebrated council of the church was held at Constance,
and perhaps there never was a council more numerous and briUiant.
Besides the pope, there were present the patriarchs of Constanti-
nople, Gradx) and Antioch, twenty-two cardinals, twenty arch-
bisnops, ninetjr-two bishops, one himdred and twenty-four abbots,
one thousand eight hundred of the lower clergy, numerous doctors
of science and masters of arts; as likewise the graduates of the
universities of Paris, Orleans, Cologne, Vienna, and others ; about
one thousand six hundred princes, nobles, counts, and knights^
with their retinues ; so that altogether the number that attended
this grand council exceeded 100,000.
Of the three popes, the only one present was John XXIII., from
Rome, who had ccmvoked the assembly in the hope that his two
opponents would be deposed, and he himself confirmed. The
oouncil, however, notwithstanding the opposition of the Italians,
determined at once to dijroense with all three, that the evil might
be struck at the root, it was agreed that not only bishops and
abbots should have a vote, as had been hitherto the custom, but that
likewise doctors of divinity, as well as of the canon and civil law, toge-
ther with the princes and their ambassadors, and lastly, all the priests
present, should share in this privilege ; and that the votes should not
be given individually, as formerly, but according to the nation; so
that each of the four principsl nations: Germany, England,
France, and Italy, should have each one vote; (the Spaniards had
not yet arrived). For if the votes had been taken individually,
the Italians, whose number was by far the most considerable, would
have outvoted all the others. The Glermans, as is stated by a con-
temporary of that period, were distmguished on this important
occasion, for their determination, vehemence, and persevering
remonstrances in support of their claims ; the English for their
boldness and acuteness ; the French for their ostentation and self-
importance ; and the Italians for their finesse, stratagem, and par-
tiality.
Digitized by
Google
THE THREE POPES— DEPOSED BT THE COUNCIL. 315
But the English and the Gennans were united in their decision upon
tbe deposition of the popes, and the French soon afterwards joined
with them. John XXIII., being present, was the first to sign
the abdication; he tried to avoid it, but at length he yielded, and,
kneeling before the altar, publicly read his consent to abdicate.
The Emperor Sigismund and all present were filled with joy; the
emperor eyen rose and kissed the feet of the pope, and thanked
him in the name of the Christian world, for setting such a glo-
rious example of self-control. But John had only yielded in ajh-
pearance; for he had already conferred with his friend, Duke
X rederick, of Austria, and concerted with him the necessary mea-
sures for his flight. Accordingly, the duke made arrangements
for a grand tournament, which took place on the 20th of March,
1415; and, whilst the attention of all present was directed to the
festival, the pope hastened away, disguised as a postilion, to Schaff-
hausen, which still belonged to Austria. The duke followed him
Suickly afterwards; and, during the ni^ht, several hundreds of
talian and Austrian prelates likewise arrived. The pope hoped to
retain possession of his authority, even against the will of the
council. But the assembled fathers of the church from Germany,
England, and France, together with the Emperor Si^smund him-
self were too serious in their decision. The council, under the
presidency of the Emperor Sigismtmd, declared: '' That its power
being derived immediately from Christ, and being superior to the
pope, its decrees, without the authority of the ^pe, should re-unite
and reform the church.*^ The greatest seventy was shown to all
those who had taken their departure; Duke Frederick was excom-
municated by the council, and outlawed by the emperor; and
finally, at his command, the imperial troops under Burggrave Fre-
derick of Nuremberg, and the Swiss, seized the hereditary estates of
the duke, and deprived him of the chief portion of them. Aargau,
and the ancient castle of Hapsburg, were conquered by the Bernese.
About ten years after this, however, the emperor asain received the
duke into lus favour, and returned to him such of the lands as were
at the control of the empire; the Swiss, however, never restored the
territories they had gained, but retained possession of Aargau and
all the rest.
The pope, who had been deprived of the protection of the em-
Cr, was obliged to submit to the decrees of the council ; he was
ght back uom Freiburg in Breisgau, whither he had fled, to the
small town of Ratolfszell, near Constance, there to receive his final
sentence, as follows: '* That as he had publicly and criminally
availed himself of the privileges and estates of the Roman church,
and as he had moreover brougnt down scandal upon Christianity by
his immorality, he was thenceforth deposed from the papal chair.*'
John submitted to his sentence, was kept in custody until the year
1419 at the castle of Heidelberg, and then at Mannheim, where
Digitized by
Google
316 THE REFORMATION OF THE CHURCH— NEW POPE, MARTIN V.
he was liberated, and soon afterwards died as cardinal^bishop of
Frascati.
The second pope, Gregory XII., who was eighty-eight years of
age, and whose seat was in France, immediately declaxed his readiness
to resign his office, if the peace of the church required it ; and
accordingly he voluntarily resigned in that same year, 1415, and
was made cardinal-bishop of Porto.
But Benedict XIU. was not to be persuaded ; his seat was in
Spain. The Emj)eror Sigismund himself imdertook, at the request
of the council, a journey to Spain for the purpose of inducing the
old man to yield ; but he failed. King Ferdinand of Arragon,
however, who had hitherto adhered to mm, withdrew his protec-
tion, and now the council without further ceremony deposed him.
Tlience was accomplished the grand and principal design of the
ecclesiastical council, and thus terminated the ruinous schism of the
church, which had lasted during forty years ; and they were now
able to proceed to the election of a new pope. But the assembled
fathers had another important object in view, viz., the reformation
of the church itself. Complaints were made about many abuses
which had crept in : the immorality of the clergy, simony, and espe-
cially the increasing pretensions of the papal chair, had now become
excessive. These abuses the assembled heads of the church were
anxious in the name of their several countries to sweep away,
whilst at the same time th^y were ready to secure to the pope all due
respect, obedience, and also many just revenues from all countries.
The Germans, and at their head the emperor himself, were ex-
tremely anxious for a thorough reformation of the church. But the
Italians, who derived the greatest benefit from the large sums of
money which poured into Rome from the other countries, endeavoured
to frustrate their design, and thought the best course they could
adopt for that purpose would be to induce the council, in the first
Slace, to choose a pope who might afterwards, as he thought fit, un-
ertake the reform of the church. The Germans, on the contrary,
who perceived what was meant by this artful proposal, very justly
required that the new pope should be chosen afterwards, and that the
first condition of his election should be, that he would abide by and
confirm the new constitution of the church. Their reasons were
perfectly just and rightly founded; nevertheless, the Italians suc-
ceeded m winning over to their party the French and the Spaniards,
who had in the meantime arrived, and as the English had received
command from their king, to support the cardinals, the Germans
stood alone, and were of course at last obliged to yield.
The new pope was accordingly elected ; he was by birth an Italian,
Otho of Colonna, and took the name Martin V. He was an ex-
tremely clever man, and understood how to evade most ingeniously
almost all the regulations which the council had contemplated for the
curtailment of the papal power. The other powers now awakened from
their slumber, and the French, in particular, applied to the Emperor
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
THE UNIVERSITY OF PRAGUE— JOHN HUSS. 317
Sigismund to take up the matter. But lie answered them : " When
vre Germans desired the reformation to take place before the pope
was elected, you Frenchmen were not satisfied, but were determined
first to have a pope. Now you have one, as we have; go and require
firom him your reformation of the church."
The pope who knew well that in order to be conquered, enemies
must be first divided amongst themselves, began to negotiate with the
nations separately, since each nation had made its own proposals for
the reformation, and hence arose the particular concordates.
Thus the great object which the council had in view, viz. : to efifect
the reformation of the entire constitution and administration of the
church and its clergy, was in a ^eat measure defeated. How much
more happy would have been the results if the desired reform could
have been efiected. People consoled themselves with the expecta-
tion that henceforth every ten years general councils would be held;
but what is not done at the right time remains for ever undone —
the projected decennial councils were never held.
When Pope Martin had thus obtained all his wishes, he, on the 22nd
of April, 1418, closed the council, and on the 16th of May, clothed
in a golden papal robe, with a white mitre, rode out of the citv upon
a horse coverea with scarlet, imder a splendid canopy. Sigismimd
went before, leading the horse by the bridle, and three princes, who
walked on either side of and benind the horse, bore its covering.
Such was the termination of the great Council of Constance, whidhi
had continued nearly three years and a half
This coimcil also judged in another matter, and by its decision
produced the most important results.
The Emperor Charles IV. had founded the University of Prague,
and it was soon attended by students from all the neighbouring
countries. But Charles had granted to the (xermans especially
man^ and great privileges there, with which preference the Bo-
hemians became dissatisfied, and thence King Wenceslas was induced,
in the year 1409 (he being then still King of Bohemia), to deprive
the Germans of those privileges. Ebcasperated at this, thousands of
foreim students with their teachers abandoned Pra^e, and established
or enlarged other high schools; amongst others Leipzig, Ingolstadt,
and Cracow. John Huss, the most zedous and learned of the Bohe-
mian professors, was at this time rector of the university. He soon
embraced and promulgated principles at variance with those hitherto
held, being those maintained by the celebrated divine, John Wycliffe,
who lived about thirty years before Huss. He preached against the
corrupt state of the morab of the clergy, and maintained that it was
contrary to scripture that they should have temporal riches; he also
rdected all monastic orders, and in his zeal condemned them severely.
Tjxeae and similar doctrines were propounded by Huss; he also reso-
lutely opposedindulgences, and being accordingly charged with heresy,
he was ated to appear before the judicial chair of the pope at Rome.
Digitized by
Google
318 JOHN HUSS AT CONSTANCE— HIS TRIAL AND EXECUTION.
He did not obey the summons, and was excommunicated. But lie
had akeady eained a lar^e party of adherents, even the king, Wen-
ceslaa himself, had for a time taken him under his protection ; and in
Prague, as in other parts of Bohemia, great contention arose, ending
in scenes of bloodshed; among others who took a prominent share
therein was Jerome, a professor of theology in Prague, and a strong^
adherent and associate of Huss. Huss was now summoned before
the council at Constance, and this time he obeyed the call: the
Emperor Sigismund having at the request of his brother, Wenceslas,
furnished him with a safe conduct. But the emperor did not act in
this case as Charles V. in that of Luther at Worms did, a century
later; on the contrary, he sufiered himself to be persuaded that there
was no necessity for him to keep his imperial word, being told that
his word must not prejudice the interests of the CathoKc faith, and
interrupt the spiritoal judse in the performance of his functions;
also that he who opposed that faith forfeited every claim to protec-
tion. Sigismund accordingly suffered Huss to be arrested, and pro-
mised not to meddle with Uie affair at all.
They required Huss to recant all his doctrines on pain of being
oondemned to die at the stake as a heretic. He chose the latter,
and was, on the 6th of July, 1415, like his friend Jerome of Prague,
eleven months afterwards, publicly burnt at Constance. They both
died with a fortitude admired even by their enemies. Their ashes
were cast into the Rhine, in order that they might not serve as an
object of veneration for the Bohemians.
The news of these proceedings created great excitement and tu-
mult in Praffue, for the Bohemians attributed the execution of Huss
to the hatred of the Grermans, and became only the more attached
to his principles. They even went still further; fresh teachers
Subliahed new doctrines to those advanced by Huss, and a certain
acob of MiesB, in particular, who maintained that the sacrament
must be distributed m both forms, obtained many followers. The
partisans of this new doctrine met together upon a mountain, which
was afterwards called Mount Tabor, and whence they assumed the
name of Taborites. King Wenceslas did not venture to interfere
with these assemblies, for their members sometimes amounted to
as many as 40,000; and, as usually happens in similar cases, their
zeal increased in proportion to their growing numbers, and according
to the violence with which they were condemned as heretics by the •
pope and church. Shortly afterwards they went in solemn procession
through Prague, with the chalice carried before them, and Wen-
ceslas, who thought himself no longer safe, abandoned the city, and
died almost immediately after he had left, in 1419.
On one occasion, when the Hussites were marching through
Prague, and were just passing the senate-house, some one hav-
ing thrown a stone thence whicn struck one of their priests, they
ftinously stormed the house, and threw out of the window thirteen of
the senators, who were received by the enraged mob on their pikes,
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
THE HUSSITE WARS— DEATH OF SIGISMUND I., 1537. 319
and murdered: such was the sanguinary sisnal of the revolt.
Under the guidance of Ziska, who had acted as leader in the storxa-
ing of the senate-house, the multitude roamed about the countzy,
pillaging and destroying the monasteries, torturing the priests, and
kying waste the possessions of the Catholics.
Sigismund, who after the death of Wenceslas, had became the
legitimate King of Bohemia, demanded the assistance of the Ger-
man empire gainst the Hussites, and collected a considerable army.
He entered Bohemia in 1420, and besieged Prague; Ziska, how*
ever, repelled the attack bravely, and the long was obliged to con-
clude an armistice and quit the country. In 1427, the German
princes made another attack with four l)odies of troops; but their
dread of the Hussites — ^rendered by their religious enthusiasm almost
unconquerable — had become so ^reat, that the soldiers no sooner saw
them than they feU into confusion and retreated. Another army,
which was estimated at 100,000 men, and advanced upon them m
1431, met with the same fate; it was so completely beaten at Riesen-
berg, that 10,000 men were killed upon the spot, all the artillery
and baggage lost^ and Cardinal Julian himself with difficulty saved
his life; being minus his cardinal's hat, his insignia, and the papal
bull against the Hussites. The Hussites, on the other hand, made
attacks upon Meissen, Saxony, Brandenburg, Franconia, Bavaria^
and Austria, and their career of desolation became more and more
fearful. One of the dogmas held by the Taborites was, viz. : ** That
when all the cities of the earth should be burnt down and reduced
to the number of five, then would come the new kingdom of the
Lord; therefore, it was now the time of vengeance, and God was a
God of wrath."
At length, however, affairs changed for the better. Great en-
deavours were used to bring about an accommodation between the
church and the Hussites, and this was at length efiected at a coun-
cil held at Basle. The Hussites were allowed to partake of the sa-
crament in both kinds of form, yet on condition that the priests
should teach the people that Christ was perfect in each.
The greater part of the Bohemian people cheerfully entered into
this arrangement; but two parries, more exalted and fanatic, namely,
the Tabontes and the Waisen, under the direction of Procopius tne
Great and Procopius the Little, would hear nothing of moderation
or of any agreement. It came eventually to open war between
them and the moderate ones, when the latter gained a great victory,
in which the two leaders of the former perished, and the emperor
Sigismund succeeded at length in obtaining his recognition as King
of Bohemia; an event, however, accomplished only a few months be-
fore his death, which took place in 1437, he being sixty-nine years
of age: having reigned fifty-one years as King of Hungary, and
twenty-eight years as emperor of Germany.
This emperor, notwithstanding his numerous and wealthy posses-
sions, was oflen in the greatest pecuniary embarrassment, produced
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
320 DEATH OF SIGISMUND L, 1437.
chiefij by his frequent journeys, whicli were enormously expensive.
On this account he mortga^d, in 141 7, the territory of Branden-
burg (which, under Charles IV., had fallen to the house of Luxem-
burg), together with the elective franchise and the office of arch-
chamberlain, connected therewith, to the Burggrave of Nuremberg,
Frederick of Hohenzollern, for 4()0,000 gold florins, which sum the
latter had lent to him at various times. On the 8th of April, 1517,
the ceremony of enfeoffment was performed at Constance; by which
the house of Hohenzollern became pessessed of that country, and in-
cluded among the great electorates. By similar means, Freaerick the
Warlike, Margrave of Meissen and Landgrave of Thuringia, obtained
from the Emperor Sigismund, for 100,000 marks, the Saxon elec-
toral dignity, and the circle of Wittenberff , after that branch of the
house of Anhalt, which had possessed Saxony, Wittenberg, and
the electoral crown, had become extinct.
Digitized by
Google
ALBERT II. OF AUSTRIA, 1438— HIS DEATH, 1439. 321
CHAPTER XIV.
THS HOUSE OF AUSTBIiU
Albert n., 1438— 1439— His Death— Frederick m., 1440— 1493— The Coumal of
Basle, 1448— .apneas Sylvius— The Turks— Belgrade— Defeat of the Turks— The
Diets — ^The Emperor hesieged in VieniiA— His Resolution— His Brother, Duke
Alhert— The Covaat Palatine of the Rhine— His Hostility— Defeats the Imperial-
ists— ^Albert of Brandenburg, the AchlUes of Germany — ^Feuds of the Nobles and
Cities — Nuremberg — ^The NoUes Defeated — ^Austria and Burgundy— Charles the
Rash— His AmbitioD— Attacks the Swiss— Defeated at Murten— The Battle of
Nancy — ^His Death— Mary of Burgundy— Marries Maximilian of Austria— H^
Death — ^The Emperor Frederick a Fugitiye — ^His Return — Maximilian, Roman
King— The Laws— Their Improyement— Frederick's Obstinacy and Refusal —
Maximilian Appealed to— The Swabian League— Death of Frederick HX, 1493 —
Prussia— The Teutonic Eni^^ts — Their D^sline imd Fall— Prussia under Polish
Sway, 1466.
After the death of Sigismund, the piinces, in 1438, elected an
emperor from the house of Austria, which, with scarcely any inter-
mission, has ever since occupied the ancient throne of Germany*
Albert 11. of Austria, who, as son-in-law of the late Emperor Sigis-
mund, had become at the same time Kin^ of Hungary and B<me-
mia, was a well-meaning, distinguished pnnce, and would, without
doubt, hare proved of great benefit to the empire; but he died
aheady in the second year of his reign, after his return from an ex-
pedition against the Tibrks. Perhaps there never was a sovereign so
lamented by high and low, rich ana poor, as was Albert 11.
Li the year 1431, during the reign of Sigismund, a new council
was assembled at Basle, in order to carry on the work of reforming
the church as ahready commenced at Constance.
But this council soon became engaged in many perplexing contro-
versies with Pope Eugene IV,, whom they even deposed, and in-
stead of whom they aopointed Duke Felix of Savoy, under the title
of Pope Felix V. The principle that a general ecclesiastical con-
vocation was above the pope, and was the supjreme le^slative autho-
rity in the church, was most solemnly maintained at Basle, as it had
before been at Constance. The Germans, for a time, took no ^t
in the dispute; at length, however, under the Emperor Albert U.,
they formally adopted the chief decrees of the. council of Basle, at a
diet held at Mentz in the year 1439. From llie imperial states there
were present, the three spiritual electors in person, with the ambas-
sadors from the emperor and the remaining states; besides these came
ambassadors ixom the kings of France, Castile, Ara^on, and Por-
tugal, to advise with the Grermans upon the constitution of the
churdi. The Patriarch of Aquileja appeared as representative of the
council.
Amongst the resolutions ihen adopted were such as materially
^ Digitized by Google
322 FREDERICK III., 1440 — THE COUNCIL OF BASLE.
circumscribed the existing privileges of the pope. Instead of the
enormous sums of money which were annually paid by all the higher
clergy to Rome,* the pope was to receive a fixed income (provisio);
and tne German princes contributed, as voluntary aid, only tne eighdi
part of that which had hitherto been paid into the papal treasury on
a vacancy occurring amongst the clergy. In like manner, the pope
in future was not to make any clerical appointments beyond his own
territory, whilst the free elections were restored to the chapters. Fi-
nally, the council made regulations for the election of the pope, fixed
the number of cardinals, and determined the qualifications necessary.
The principle laid down was, that proportionally from every coun-
try in relation with Rome, the pope snould be surrounded by an
equal number of cardinals, who, being espedally acquainted with
ihe peculiarities of each nation, would he able to place the point in
debate in its proper light, ^^ in order that," as the council expresses
it, '' the cardinaJs may, in fisu^t, be, what their name imports, the
hinges {cardhies). upon which the doors of the church may rest and
move." At that time a great obstacle was already presented against
the establishment of peace between the people and the church, inas-
much as the cardinals, whose office it was to act as counsellors of the
pope in the direction of the Christian repubUc, were in the majority
chosen from among the Italians.
These and other decisions, calculated to 'give important privileges
and consideiable independence to the Grerman church, were, in a
great measure, annulled by Albert's cousin and successor, Duke
Frederick of Austria, who was elected by the princes after him in
the year 1440, as Frederick III., and by the Vienna Concordate
(formerly falsely called the Aschaffenbur^ Concordate,) with Pope
mcholas v., in the year 1448; whence the council of Basle broke
up in the same year, after it had been assembled seventeen years,
without having accomplished its original object. The anti-pope,
Felix v., voluntarily abdicated his office. The man who was chiefly
instrumental in giving this turn to the affairs of the church, was the
former secretary of the Emperor Frederick, ^neas Sylvius, of the
house of Piccolomini, in Sienna, one of the most distinguished men
of his day. He had himself been formerly the secretary of the
council of Basle, and the most zealous vindicator of the rights of
the councils; but if, when his ambition was flattered by the prospect
of a more splendid career in attaching himself to the papal chair,
he asserted its dignity against the danger which threatened it, he
showed himself well able to induce his emperor and several German
princes to favour the interests of the pope. He himself afterwards
became Pope Pius H., but soon after diea in 1462.
Frederick, the emperor, was a prince who meant well but, at the
same time, was of too quiet and easy a nature ; his long reign presents
* The Emperor Maximilian L maintained, even in subsequent times, tliat the
pope drew from the German empire an income exceeding a hundred-fold that re*
ceiTed by the emperor himflell
Digitized by
Google
THE TURKS — THE CRUSADE— THE TURKS OVERTHROWN. 323
but £ttle that was calculated to distinguish Geimanj or add to its
renown. From the east the empire was endangered by the approach
of an enemy — the Turks, against whom no precautionary measures
were adopted. They, on the 29th of May, 1453, conquered Constan-
tinople, and put an end to the Grecian dominion, after it had main-
tained its sway nearly 1000 years longer than that of the Romans had
endured in the west. They then made their way towards the Danube,
and very nearly succeeded also in taking Hungary. Frederick, as well
as the pope, tried to raise a crusade against them, but these enthu-
siastic times had gone by, and none would now take the cross.
That any measures were at all taken against the enemies of the
Christian name, was to be attributed solely to the pope, Calixtus III.,
who fitted out, at his own expense, a fleet of 16 gaiiots, and for that
purpose did not even spare the riches of his treasury ; whilst his legate,
Jolm Capistran, a man, who in appearance and glowing eloquence^
resembled Peter the Hermit, the preacher of the first crusade, suc-
ceeded in inspiring with holy zeal for the common cause of Chris-
tendom, at least some thousands of poor citizens, peasants, and
monks, and appeared with them in 1456, at that most critical mo-
ment, when the Sultan Mohammed H., with 160,000 men was be-
sieging the fortress of Belgrade. This fortress, once taken by the
enemy, Hungary must be lost, and the passage to Vienna opened
for hmi,as the young kin^, Wladislas of Hungary, as well as the Em-
peror Frederick and the German princes, were not prepared for war,
and instead of acting were deliberating. Then it was that Capis-
tran, with his forces very inadequately provided with pikes, flails,
and hayforks, which he had brought in boats, attacked the Turkish
fleet on the Danube, which surrounded Belgrade, and made his way
into the city. The Hungarian commander-in-chief, John Hunny-
ades Corvinus had also collected some forces, and with the crusaders
repelled the fiirious attacks of the Turks. However, he did not
venture to touch their well-intrenched camp, and even forbade
every attack upon it under pain of death ; but tlie ardent zeal of
the crusaders was not to be restrained, and Capistran, when he saw this,
placed himself at their head with a staff in one hand and a crucifix
m the other, and stormed three Turkish intrenchments one after the
other, whilst Hunnyades now coming up with the cavaby, fell upon
the rear of the enemy who was completely put to rout. Their in-
trenchments were, after a severe contest taken, together with all their
artillery and an immense booty, and Mahomet being wounded, fled
vrith such of his army as remained. Upwards of 20,000 Turks fell
in the battle, and the sultan's power was for many years crippled.
This deliverance Christendom owed to the enthusiastic courage and
the patriotic valour of a monk and a Hungarian nobleman, whilst
the kings and princes remained inactive or engaged in petty nego-
tiations. If this victory had been followed up by the union of vigor-
ous force, the Turkish power might, perhaps, have been wholly de-
stroyed ; but nothing was done, and even the two heroes who might
Y 2 Digitized by Google
524 HDNGARIA— BOHEMIA — THE DIETS.
have achieved something more^ died in the same year, 1456, ex-
hausted by their super-himian exertions.
The Hungarians, on the death of the son of the Emperor Albert
II., Wladisl^ Posthumus, in the year 1457, without leaving an heir
to die throne, chose Matthias, the son of JohnCorvinus, as kmg, being
resolved not to elect one from amongst the Austrian princes. The
Bohemians likewise selected a private nobleman for their king, George
Padriabrad, and thus the Austrian house found itself for a time re-
jected from holding possession of either of these countries. " Sin-
gular, is the hot" says ^neas Svlvius in his Bohemian history,
*^ that both those kingdoms should have become transferred &om
the most noble princely houses to those of common noblemen !"
In Germany, meantime, there existed numberless contests and
feuds, each party considered only his own personal quarrels, or pur-
sued his own private interest, and when a diet was resolved upon and
assembled for determining an expedition against the Turks, they
were for some months discussing now much money, and how manj
troop each was to contribute, intimately postponing the whole affair
until the next year. Generally, at the German diets, little was done
of any importance. The emperor and princes were seldom person-
ally present, but sent their ambassadors, whose chief concern was not
to forego any thing for the interests of their masters. Frequently
many of those were sent who were well versed in the Roman law,
which was now very extensively studied; these came with their
specious speeches, and already prepared with a hundred different
reasons, by which to prove that too great a portion of the burden of
the whole was laid upon the particular prince or imperial city they
represented. They were enj^^ed in discussing who should contribute
least towards the welfare ol Germany; and, therefore, nothing that
was great or noble could be accomplished. Then b^an, also, the un-
happy practice of no longer speaking intelligibly, bnefly, and pithily;
but communicating bv tedious writings and counter-statements. And
when it was thought tnat an affair was at length settled, perhaps an am-
bassador would nse and say, as an excuse for not concluding the busi-
ness, that he had no further instructions, and thus, until ms new in-
structions were received, a delay of many months might intervene.
Thence it happened, that from tiiat time, scarcely at any diet a single
valid, conclusive resolution was adopted; they werealways postooning
the business in hand for the decision of a fiiture assembly, and even
then another final meeting was adjudged necessary. How different,
and &r better was it, when the princes in former times were pre-
sent in person, and when more was done in one hour's cordial con-
ference than in after years in weeks and months. What, however,
had operated much to change the form of the diets was, that instead
of that equalised right enjoyed by those who formerly attended, there
was now introduc^ three gradations of form: that of the electors,
the princes, and the cities. By the Cfolden Bull, the first college
had acquired very important privil^es^ and was wholly separated
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
FREDERICK BESIEGED IN VIENNA— RELIEVED. 325
firom tbat of the princes and cities; whilst the latter, for a lon^
period, commanded only a vote in the council, but no co-determi-
nating voice.
The emperor could not give anjr weight to public measures;
scarcely could he maintain Lis dignity amon^ his own subjects.
The Austrian nobility were even bold enough to send challengeB
to their sovereign ; whilst the city of Vienna revolted, and his
brother Albert, taking pleasure in this disorder, was not backward
in adding to it. Things even went to such an extremity, that, in
1462, the Emperor Frederick, together with his consort and son,
TVfayimiHan, then four years of age, was besieged by his subjects in
his own castle of Vienna. A plebeian burgher, named Holzer, had
placed himself at the head of tne insurgents, and was made biirgo-
master, whilst Duke Albert came to Vienna personally to superm-
tend the aege of the castle, which was intrenched and bombaided.
The emperor, on this occasion, showed himself firm and resolute ;
he encouraged his small garrison of 400 men to make the bravest
resistance, and called aloud from the walls, ^' This spot will I defend
until it becomes my grave !"
The German princes, however, could not witness with indiffer-
ence such disgraceful treatment of their emperor, and they assembled
to liberate him. George Fadriabrad^ King of Bohemia, was the first
who hastened to the sj>ot with assistance, set the emperor at liberty,
and effected a reconciliation between him and his brother. The
emperor, however, was obliged to resign, to him, for eight years.
Lower Austria and Vienna. Albert died in the following year,
after he had inflicted the merited punishment upon the burgomaster
Holzer, who had endeavoured to oetray him to the emperor ; the
traitor was quartered alive.
In the Germanic empire, the voice of the emperor was as little
heeded, as in his hereditary lands. Frederick the Conqueror, Count
Palatine of the Rhine, who, by success of arms, had enlarged the
palatinate by one third, after Frederick had pronounced the ban of
the empire upon him, was suffered to build at his castle at Heidel-
berg, a strong tower, which he called his " Defiance to the empe-
ror. {Tmtz Kaiser,) This very Coimt Palatine ventured publicly
to take under his protection, Diether, Archbishop of Mentz, the
head of the party in Germany who sought to curtail the privileges
of the pontin, alter Pope Pius H. had deposed and excommunicated
him. xhe Emperor Frederick, on the contrary, wished to carry
into effect the sentence of the pope, and committed to the Mar-
Eve, Albert of Brandenburg, and Count Ulric of Wurtemberg, as
generals, the direction of the imperial war against the count
Slatine and his confederates ; the two generals, however, failed,
le army of the Wurtembergian chief was totally routed by the
count palatine, near the village of Seckenheim, and Ulric himself,
with the Margrave of Baden, taken* prisoner ; and in the same
year, the ally of the counts palatine, Duke Lewis of Bavaria, at-
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
326 ALBERT OF BRANDENBERG— CHARLES OF BURGUNDY.
tacked Albert of Brandenburg with equal success, not far from Gien-
Sin, in Swabia, and captured the imperial banner. The Archbishop
iether, however, subsequently submitted of his own accord to the
sentence of the pope, and resigned the archbishopric into the hands
of Adolphus of Nassau, who had been nominated by the pontiff.
Another memorable feud during the reign of Frederick, was that
of many princes and nobles, under the l^ership of the aforemen-
tioned Margrave Albert of Brandenburg, (who from his strength,
and prowess, was called the German Acmlles,) against the city oC
Nuremberg in Franconia.
Nuremberg was then one of the most flourishing and powerful
cities of entire Germany ; the ancient animosity between the free
citizens and knights broke out in the year 1449, into & gi^^t war.
Seventeen of the greatest princes of tne empire, the Electors of
Brandenburg and Mentz, William of Saxony, Otho of Bavaria, Al-
bert of Austria, &c., declared war against the city. On the other
hand, seventy-two imperial towns took part with Nuremberg, and
the Swiss also sent 800 men. This desolating war, which especially
affected the rural districts, wherein two himdred villages were burnt
to the ground — lasted eight years. Eight times were the nobility
victorious ; but in Marcn, 1456, the army of the margrave was
totaUv beaten near Pillerent; the victory being mainly gained by
the !S wiss ; and the margrave, who now saw that even princely power
availed not against the strong walls and opulence of the cities, gladly
made peace with Nuremberg.*
The feudal system ragea under Frederick's reign to such an
extent, that it was pursued even by the lower elates. Thus, in
1471, the shoeblacks in Leipsic sent a challenge to the university
of that place ; and the bakers of the Count Palatine Lewis, and
those of the Margrave of Baden defied several imperial cities in
Swabia.
The most important transaction in the reign of Frederick, was the
union which he formed with the house of Burgundy, and which laid
the foundation for the greatness of Austria.
Charles the Rash, Duke of Burgundy, was one of the richest and
most celebrated princes ofhis time. He governed the beautiful countries
which are situated at the mouths of the rivers Rhine and Scheldt, and
which are known by the common name of the Netherlands ; he also
held dominion over the territory and dukedom of Burgundy. This
prince might have rendered himself the most happy of all his royal
cotemporaries. But his proud, ambitious mina aimed at greater
things, even the imperial crown itself ; he was glad, therefore,
* This battle is celebrated in a poem, called ** The Battle of Nuremberg," written
by Hans Bosenplut, a heraldic painter of Nuremberg. The warlike, intreind spirit
of the free citizens is there yividlj expressed, and the description of the princes
taking to flight, does not want for point and ridicule. A Low-German poem of the
time commemorates the celebrated battle of Soest, in 1444, when Dietrich, the Arch-
bishop of Cologne, with 70,000 men, made an attack upon that city, but was at last
obliged to retreat in disgrace.
Digitized by
Google
HIS CONFERENCE WITH FREDERICK— MART OF BURGUNDY. 327
Trhen the Emperor Fiederick III. proposed to give his own son,
MaxiTnilian, in marriage to his only daughter, Mary, who afterwards
became the heiress of the beautiful lands of Burgundy. But when
lie perceived that the emperor did not intend to sacrifice to him the
succession to the empire, he demanded of him, at least, the royal
title ; jpreceding emperors having also made kings of the dukes of
Bohemia, as feodal-princes of the empire. For the purpose of
negotiating this matter, they agreed upon a conference at Treves,
in the year 1473. The rich duke appeared with more than impe*
rial splendour, and Frederick, who, through the disordered state of
his finances, was reduced almost to penury, met him in a very
poor and mean condition. This striking contrast in their appearance,
was, no doubt, mortifying to the emperor ; and he, especially, was
displeased with the proud, assuming oehaviour of the oiuke; for so
certain did the latter feel of obtaining the royal title, that he had
actually brought with him the jewels for his coronation, and had
made great preparations for the august festival. But how must he
have been shocked, when the emperor suddenly, without having
crowned, nay, without even having taken leave of him, took his
departure from Treves, under the cool pretext that his presence was
urgently required at Cologne, on account of the disagreement there
existing between the archbishop and his chapter. Full of indigna-
tion, and now by no means disposed for the projected marriage with
the house of Austria, the duke likewise left Treves immediately af-
terwards.
Nevertheless, this meeting was not attended without its important
eiFects. Charles had, on this occasion, become much prepossessed in
favour of the young, chivalrous son of the emperor, and on his return
he gave his daughter a description of Ids merits, in the most glow-
ing colours ; her heait was so captivated, that without having even
seen Maximilian, she, from this time, cherished a secret attachment
for him, and soon afterwards, in a letter she sent direct to the young
prince, she betrothed herself to him.
The dispute between Archbishop Rupert of Cologne, and his
chapter, had become so serious, thaE the latter now fixed its seat in
the city of Neuss, and openly opposed him. The archbishop sought
the assistance of Charles the Rash, and, he, gladly embracing the
opportunity, and no doubt already considering himself as Prince of
the Rhine, marched forth with an army of 60,000 men, and en-
camped before Neuss. The city, however, defended itself with the
Eatest heroism and glory; eleven months did the duke remain
ore it, during which he made fifty-six vain assaults, and lost
upwards of 15,000 men; and, at last, when the Emperor Frederick
approached with an imperial army to succour the city, and Charles
was unable to effect any thing by nine more assaults, which he made
in one day, he was obliged to conclude a treaty through the means
of the pope's legate, which, although unattended witli any advan-
tage, brought him nevertheless no disgrace. Neuss yielded to him, but
Digitized by
Google
328 CHARLES AND THE SWISS— BATTLE OF MURTEN.
only in appearance ; for he withdrew the same day he entered, and
resigned it into the hands of the legate of the pope, who was to hold
dominion over it until affairs were settled 1)etw6en the archbicAiop
and the chapter.
The restless duke soon afterwards attacked Ren^, Duke of Lor-
raine, whose country he wished to annex to his own. He conqnered
the chief cit j^ Nanc^, was there acknowledged, and wished now to
direct his arms agamst the Swiss, so that nis dominions mi^ht de-
scend from the sources of the Rhine to its mouth. In vain did the
Swiss represent to him that their entire country was not so valuable
as the trappuigs of his horses ; regardless of their remonstrances, he
invaded Switzerland and made so sure of a victory, that he ordered
the garrison of Gxanson, which he had taken, to be suspended oi^
the trees. The Swiss then advanced against him, and took heavy
vengeance for this act; for although his army was three times more
numerous than their own, they totally defeated it, and captured his
entire camp, filled as it was with implements of war and immense
treasures.* He fled from the field, accompanied by only five of hi»
remaining attendants. Enraged at this defeat, he equipped a new-
army of 60,000, and in the same year, 1476, he uuoched a second
time against them.
The armies met at Murten. Hans of Hallwyl, who led the con-
federates, ordered them, before the battle, to kneel dovm and offer
up their prayer, as their fathers had been accustomed to do ; and
wnikt they were praying, the dense clouds which had hitherto over-
hung the sky with blackness, now parted, and the sun cast its
bright genial beams on the suppliant multitude. This luminary
appeared to them at this awful hour as a messenger from Heaven, and
a sure pledge of victory, and in this assurance, rendered more strong
and intrepid in the cause, they fell so bravely upon the enemv that
he was put to the rout, and the field was covered with the bodies
of 20,000 Burgundians, which were collected and deposited in
the charnel-house of Murten, with the superscription, " This me-
morial has been left behind by the martial nost ot the mighty Duke
of Burgundy."
* In order to ihow the wealth of the proud duke, we will just tped:^ some of the
principal spoils made by the Swiss. In his tent, which on the oatode was hong
with armorial shields of gold and pearls, they found the golden throne upon which
he sat on solemn occasions; his ducal hat of jdlow yelvet, thickly studded with the
most precious jewels and pearls, the gold^ fleece, the order which his &tber had
instituted, the great seal of Burgundy, in gold, weighing a pound; together with the
golden chaplet of his father, having jewel drops, cabinets of relics, a valuable prayer-
book, && The dining-room was well stored with golden and silver goblets, dishes,
and plates, besides four hundred travelling tnmks, containing the most predoua
golden and silver embroidery, which the soldiers sold for a few penoe. The gold waa
distributed in hats. The largest of the duke's jewels, equal in size to the half of a
walnut and the value of whi(£ he estimated at the price of an entire province, was
picked up on the road by a Swiss, and sold by him for a florin. Pope Julius IL
purchased it afterwards of the citizens of Berne for 20,000 ducats, and it yet shines
as the chief lewel in the papal crown- A second jewel of the duke, which waa
taken, is in the Itaich crown, and a third is in the imperial treasury at Vienna.
Digitized by
Google
NANCY— CHARLES'S DEFEAT AND DEATH. 329
In the following year, 1477, on the 5th of January, a cold win*
ter's day, there was another aanstiinary battle at Nancy, in which
the warlike duke at last met with his death.
The united armies of Lorraine and Switzerland completely de*
feated his troops; and he himself, who, in the din of war, after fight-
ing bravely and honourably for his house, had been struck down, was
found, scarcely known, among the slain, late on the following day.
His death inspired the crafty French king, Lewis XI., with the hope
of acquiring new and more glorious countries ; he employed every
means to gain for his eldest son, Mary, the heiress of Burgundy;
but the people of the Netherlands held in bitter dislike every thin^
French ; and when the ambassadors from the Emperor Frederick
anived, and to the astonishment of every one, presented the auto-
graph ktter and ring, which the Princess Mary nad previously sent
to me Archduke Maximilian, the people were delighted, and Mary
declared onenly and freely: " Him have I fixed upon in my mind,
him will I have for my husband, and none other." Thereupon, Maxi-
milian went to the Netherlands and was united to Mary of Bur-
gundy. He soon found opportunity to prove to his new subjects
his valour and discretion in their wars against the French long ;
for the latter^ who regarded the young prince as an insignificant
adversary, and relied upon his ovm superior power, had by force of
arms made a conquest of various parts of Burgundy. Maximilian,
however, bravely made head against him, and defeated his avari-
cious enemy at (jhiinegast, in 1479, and would to a certainty have
reconquered from him every portion of the estates of Bur^ndy still
in his possession, but for tne sad loss he sustained in his beloved
Mary, who died in the year 1482, in consequence of a fisdl from
her horse whilst chasing herons. The zeal of the Netherlanders
then grew cold in the protracted war, and Maximilian was obliged
to leave his beautifiil inheritance in the hands of the French.
In these battles the Emperor Frederick could afiford his son no
assistance; he was hard pressed in his own hereditary lands, partly
by the Turks who made their way into Carinthia and Carniola, and
even to Salzburg; and partly by Matthias, King of Hungary, who^
in 1485, took possession of Vienna itself; and all regard for pub-
lic honour being now diminished, the Germanic empire could with
^reat difiSculty be induced to make any exertions on behalf of
Its emperor. The latter having made his escape, was compelled
to wander a ftigitive through his land, seeking a temporary asylum
in some of the convents and cities, where he was charitably fur-
nished with the necessities of life; nay, sometimes he was glad
to beg a lift on the high road from some peasant driving his team
of oxen. Nevertheless, even in this state of degradation, riis feeling
of dignity never forsook him ; by himself, and those few scattered
sympathising subjects by whom his soverei^ty was still acknow-
ledged, he was regarded as the source of justice and authority in his
extensive empire. This undauntedness of opinion and conviction
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
330 FREDERICK A FUGITIVE— MS RETURN,
now gradually operated in liis fetvour, and produced once more a union
of the princes of the empire, whilst he succeeded in effecting what
his great ancestor in all the fulness of his power had been unable
to accomplish; inasmuch, as in the year 1486, the whole of the as-
sembled princes, influenced especially by the representations of the
faithM and now venerable Albert, called the Achilles of Branden-
burg, elected Maximilian, the emperor's son, King of Rome.
Indeed, about this period a changed and improved spirit began to
show itseif in a remarkable degree in the minds of many throughout
the empire, so that the profound contemplator of coming events
might easily see the dawn of a new era. UniversaUy was it felt that
the time was come for the re-establishment of the imperial power on
stronger foundations. But as this power could alone no longer sub-
sist as a central point of dominion over the Christian world, it was
necessary to rest it upon the basis of a constitution, for which indeed
all the elements of a grand system of community were aheady at
hand, could they only be brought to bear in happy combination.
The diets were regarded as tne focus of jurisdiction and adminis-
tration; an imperial court of justice was already established; a re-
gister, by which every member of the empire was bound to give his
name for the general defence of the empire, had been established in
the war against the Hussites. Thus, if these institutions could only
be brought into thorough operation, good order, and the proper go-
vernment of the empire would be secured.
In order to promote this grand object great activity was shown,
especially towards the latter part of the reign of the Emperor Frede-
rick. In the year 1486, the decree of the Landfriede, or peace of
the country, was renewed, although still accompanied with certain
clauses which in many cases sanctioned self-defence or private war-
fare. In the year 1489, the forms of council at the diets were more
firmly regulated and fixed, according to the three colleges in rota-
tion, viz. : the electors, princes, and cities.
It was held desirable likewise, that to the imperial tribunal there
should be added another imperial chamber, furnished with the vi-
gorous power of the executive, in order to maintain the law of the
jAindfinede^ possessing equally with the emperor himself the right of
pronoimcing the imperial ban against all disturbers of the peace of
the country, with authority to adopt and remdate the necessary
measures for its execution. But on this point tne old emperor, who
clung to the ancient system, remained extremely obstinate, being de-
termined not to yield any portion of his own power and authority.
The colleges were therefore forced for the present to wait and be
satisfied with receiving from his son, Maximihan, the recently elected
King of Rome, the promise that he would use every exertion with
his father to bring into operation the proposed institution. It was
well known, of course, that he would not succeed in gaining the ob-
iect desired; but it was believed, that by this expression of feeling,
he himself would, when he came into power, feel bound to bring it
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
THE SWABIAN LEAGUE— DEATH OF FREDERICK III., 1493. 331
into effect. How he acted in this respect we shall find in the history
of his reign; all, at least, were satisfied in having only gained some-
thing.
It was at this period, likewise, that in another respect, a veiy
powerful alliance was formed, by which in the mimiciped territories
of Germany the preservation of peace would be materially promoted.
This was the Swabian league, which, in 1488, under the mediation
of the emperor, was effected with the more immediate object of
opposing tne violent and overbearing power of the Dukes of Ba-
varia, who had seized and held possession of Ratisbon, and by
whom several other imperial cities were now threatened. At first,
a considerable body of knights and many of the cities combined
together, under the direction of a select council of the confede-
rates, for common defence against every enemy, and for the preserva-
tion of the peace of the country. These were soon joined and
headed by the neighbouring prmces, especially Wurtember^ and
Brandenburg. Against this formidable body Albert of Munich
soon found he was unable to contend, and accordingly, he was forced
to give up Ratisbon, and, indeed, soon afterwards joined the league
himself.
These last years were the best in the whole life of the emperor, and
yielded to him in return for his many sufferings, that tranquilUty
which was so well merited by his faithful, generous disposition. Hfe
died on the 19th of August, 1493, B&er a rei^ of 54 years.
The emperor lived long enough to obtain, m the year 1490, the
restoration of his hereditary estates by the death of King Matthias,
by means of a compact made with Wladislas, his successor.
Frederick was tne last emperor who was in person invested with
the Roman imperial crown in Rome ; this took place on the 19th
of March, 1452.
During the reign of Frederick III., a neighbouring country,
which was conquered and peopled by the Germans, and which sub-
sequently became more closely united with the Grerman empire ; viz.,
Prussia, became subject to the sovereignty of Poland. How, during
the reien of Frederick 11., the kni^ts of the Teutonic order en-
tered Prussia, and there founded a government under which the
cities and country gloriously flourished, we have already seen.
This prosperity continued until the fifteenth century. The com-
mercial towns of Danzig, Thorn, and Elbing, obtained such great-
ness, that the first-mentioned town could (according to ^neas Syl-
vius) command a force of 50,000 men, and the chronicles also relate
of a peasant, who when, about the year 1400, he entertained the
grand-master of the order, Conrad of Jungingen, placed round the
table as seats, twelve tuns, of which eleven were completely, but
the twelfth only half filled with gold. He even offered them to the
grand-master as a present, who, however, ordered the twelfiih to be
quite filled, in order that it might be said, that in Prussia there ex-
isted a peasant who possessed twelve tuns filled with gold.
Digitized by
Google
332 PRUSSIA UNDER POLAND— MAXIMILIAN L, 1493.
But already, under this grand*master, the dominion of the order
began to ML into decaj. It had become too rich — ^luxoiy and vice
enervated the prowess of its members; injustice and oppression e0*
tranced the people from their rulers, and when now the rising power
of the Polish kmgs was directed against the order, they exhibited
a total relaxation of their ancient power. In a great battle at Tan*
nenbeig, in 1410, the knights were completely beaten by King Wla-
dislas Jagello. It is true they obtained moderate terms at the peace
of Thorn, in 1416; yet the old evils continued. Besides this there
were internal broils; the nobility and cities of the counti^r entered
into an alliance asainst the knights, and chose, in 1454, Gasimir m.
King of Poland lor their protector. After a war of twelve years,
at the second peace of Thorn in 1466, the order was obliged to re-
sign to Poland part of the country, together with Culm, Marien-
burg, Elbing, and other places; and to acknowledge for the portion
left to them the feodal right of the Polish crown. The country
had suffered indescribably from the desolating war; of twenty-one
thousand large villages, only three-thousand were left, and the order
had become reduced toamere shadow of its former greatness.
CHAPTER XV.
Mmmllian I., 1493— 1519— Hib Mental Aoqmrements and ChiTalric Chanusteiv—
His GoYemment— Italy— Charles VIQ. and Lewis YTT. of France— Switzerland
— The Venetian Kepublio— The Lea^foe of Cambray— Maximilian's Honourable
and Consistent Conduct— The Battle of the Spma— Union of Hungary and "Bo*
hernia — ^Intemal Administration of Affairs — ^Perpetual Peace of the Land — End
of the Faust-Becht — The Imperial Chamber and Aulic Council — Opposition of
the States— The Emperor Triumphant— State of the Country— The Nobles, Cities,
and Peasantry— Gotz of Berlichmgen, &c. — ^Death of the Ifimperor Maximilian,
1519— Events of his Beign, and End of the Middle Ages— Discovery and Use of
Gunpowder — ^Artillery and Fire-arms — ^Invention of Printing, 1457.
DuBiNG the preceding century Europe had become fully prepared
for CTeat changes, which, when they had once unfolded their results,
would produce a complete revolution in the condition of nations.
The invention of gunpowder had aheady begun so to alter the
science of war, that chivahy, which for centuries had predominated
throughout the middle ages, was now approaching its end. The art
of printing, in connection with the invention of paper, had created
a new memum for the communication of thought, by which, with
the rapidit)r of lightning, the human mind might be agitated from
one end of Europe to the other. The discovery of a new quarter of
the globe, and a sea passage to the East Lidies, altered entirely
the former course of commerce, and tranferred the great power
thereby gained to nations, which, amongst the rest, had hitherto been
but little mentioned or known. Finally, politiod economy as it now
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
HIS MENTAL ACQUIREMENTS AND CHIVALKIC CHARACTER. S33
arose, and came especially from France and Italy, assumed quite ano*
iher fonn — it made honour and good faith give way to interest; and
this was now the principle upon which states acted m their alliances,
80 that in the conduct of nations towards each other there aj>peared
to prevail a law different to that which is recognised by individuals.
During this period of fermentation, so fertile in invention, it may
be said of the Emperor Maximilian, that he stood forth amidst the new
fonns as a dignified image of olden time, ance in him again, and for
the last time, was personified chivalry in all its glory. As this in its
great features was equally elevated and amiable, so did Maximilian
unite .with bravery, dignity, and decision of character, the gentle-
ness of a child; and as the warm imagination of the middle ages
prompted to the most astonishing and unprecedented adventures, so
also in the exploits of Maximilian we find predominating valour, en-
thusiasm, ana sometimes temerity.
One of his most &vourite, because the most daring, pastimes was
that of hunting the chamois, and on these excursions ne often ran
into such hazard that his firiends trembled for his life ; in like man-
ner did he sport with danger in wrestling matches, where, with his
own hand he conquered the very lion itself, the same as on the field of
battle where many an antagonist was doomed to lie at his feet. At
the same time, the emperor, amidst his other avocations, found time
for the arts and sciences, and acquired knowledge to a degree which
would excite admiration, even from those whose whole life is directed
to such pursuits. He spoke nearly all the European lai^uages then in
vogue, and left behina him several works which he had written in
German. He acquired the art of forging armour, which he did with
his own hand ; was much attached to all that was learned and sci-
entific, and in conversation he was so intellectual, afibble, and kind,
that every one recognised in him the accomplished man. He was
never known to allow an oath or a blasphemous word to pass his
lips, whilst his noble mind and heart were constantly, even amidst
the most bitter insults, inclined towards mercy. His outward ap-
pearance was also in perfect keeping with the character here depicted,
being tail and musculEir, and of a truly royal carriage. In his youn^
years his flaxen hair flowed in ringlets down to his shoulders, nis
blue ejes expressed glowing ardour, mixed with kindness, and his
high forehe^ and aquiline nose, finished the expresdon of majesty
in ms- features. His natural fervour and vivacity of character Maxi-
milian derived fix>m his mother, Eleanor of Portugal, a princess en-
dowed with an amiable and noble disposition, but who oied unhap-
pily too soon, being scarcely thirty years of age. It must also be
said to the honour of his father, that he bestowed great care upon
the education of his son from childhood upwards, by providing for
him excellent masters, as well as by his own personal instructions.
Maximilian's first appearance in public life resembles the opening
of a romance of chivalrv. Love and honour called him forth, while
yet a youth, to the field, and he then already gave signs of his noble
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
334 DECLINE OF CHIVALRY.
and courageous disposition in a contest at onus which he maintained
in the most honourable manner, with the artful and more experienced
King of France, Lewis XI. But in the course of his career, all did
not succeed as this his first essay in hfe. The time was gone by, when
a bold chivahic venture brought with it the necessary successM re-
sults. Instead of, as in ancient times, rushing into an enemy's country,
accompanied by vassals, summoned at a moment's notice, and after
the termination of a short but glorious campaign, speedily return-
ing home, it was necessary now to keep up a mercenary army. It
was no longer the preponderance of spirit and individual strength,
which ensured success to great enterprises, but all was deoided
by the superior command of external resoiirces; and our valiant,
noble-minded emperor, who at an earlier epoch would have ^o*
vemed as gloriously as the most renowned and powerful of his
ancestors, now, for want of these advantages, stood far behind the
artftil, cold-calculating kings of France and Spain. He knew not,
as they did, the importance of such external resources, and espe-
cially money; he wasted large sums away without reflection, so
that whenever a critical and decisive moment arrived, these means
were wanting, and his troops for lack of pay were disbanded.*
These observations explain Maximilians life, and his incongruity
with the age in which he lived; nevertheless mindful, however, of
the ancient honour of the imperial dignity, he pursued the grand
object of maintaining, so £u: as he was able, justice, peace, and
order throughout Europe, and that, too, less by force of arms, than
by the dictates of wisdom and reason ; of protecting the church, and
finally, directing the united power of Christendom against the uni-
versa! enemy, me Turks. And truly did he succeed in adding
more influence to the imperial dignity than it had possessed for cen-
turies: he even contemj>lated the bold design of attaining the papal
crown, and thus, by tmiting in his own person the two chief dig-
nities of Christianity, promote the peace and welfere of the world.
This is no fiction, for it is proved by documents and the autograph
letters of the emperor, which show that in the year 1511 he Had
made serious preparations for his election as pope in the event of
the death of Pope Julius 11., who was then dangerously ill, but who
afterwards recovered. And if we duly consider the actual state of
the world at that time, the idea of the emperor was not so chime-
rical and impossible as it might at first appear; besides which, a
main difliculty that might have presented itself from the fact of liis
marriage, was obviated by the recent death of his second consort
Bianca. Maximilian, however, in this case, as in fact in almost all
the other acts of his life, did not duly estimate the extent of his
* While yet a boy, Maximilian once expressed this disposition, when his fiitber
presented him with a plate of fruit and a purse of money. Maximilian kept the
fruit, and gave the money away to his serrants, ** That boy will become a spend-
thrift!" sighed his father. But Maximilian replied: " I wish not to be a king over
money, bat over the people, and all those who possess mone^."
Digitized by
Google
ITALY— CHARLES VIIL AND LEWIS XII. OF FRANCE. 335
extemal lesouroes; the idea was too grand in contrast with the
limited means of accomplishment, and thus his enterprises generally
did not succeed, as the history of his life will now more parti-
cularly show.
The external operations of Maximilian were directed almost ex-
clusively to Italy. Here the French kings, whose power had ma-
terially increasea by the total expulsion of the English from the
French territory, as weU as by annexing to the crown the great fiefe
of Burgundy, JSrittany, Provence, and Anjou, persisted in their
efforts to withdraw that country^ broken up already by factions,
£x)m its allegiance to the emperor, and, as much as possible, to bring
it under French subjection.
Hence Charles Yin. sought out and produced the ancient claims
of the house of Anjou to the kingdom of Naples, where a collateral
lineage of the Arra^onian family reigned. W ith an army which he
had levied hastily he invaded Italy, and in 1495 speedily gained
possesion of Naples. This success was greatly owing to the use of
metal cannons, which, drawn by horses, followed the troops; those
hitherto used being only of heavy iron, employed merely m sieges.
As soon, however, as the Italians had somewhat recovered from
their first alarm they united together, friends and foes, gainst the
I*rench ; the emperor, the pope, and the King of Arra^on, Ferdinand
the Catholic, promised also their aid; so tnat the King of France
was forced to abandon his conouest as quickly as he had made it.
It was on this occasion that the Emperor Maximilian negotiated and
settled definitively the highly important marriage of his son Philip,
who already poss^sed the Netherlands, with Joanna, the daughter of
the Kinff of Spain. This son, Philip, had been bom to him by his
beloved Mary of Burgundy, and the issue of Philip's marriage with
Joanna of Spain, was the subsequent emperor, Charles V., who re-
united and held the half of Europe under his sway.
The French, however, would not allow themselves to be entirely
discomfited by the failure of their first attempt upon Italy. The
successor of Charles VIH., Lewis XH., resolved to conquer Milan,
to make up for the loss of Naples. He founded his claims upon
ancient &mily alliances with the house of Visconti, and made a
hostile attack upon the reigning duke, Louis Moroni. With the
aid of the Venetians, to whom he promised a portion of the booty,
he, in the year 1500, soon made a conquest of the entire duchy, and
the unfortunate duke was obliged, after ten years confinement, to
end his days in a dungeon in France. The long now directed his
attention again to Naples, united with Ferdinand of Arragon,^ and
both shared together that kingdom, to which neither had any right.
On this occasion, however, Lewis was forced to experience that one
artfiil man may be cheated by another more artfiil than himself, in-
asmuch as the Spanish king, by means of his general, Gonsalvo of
Cordova, soon expelled the French from Naples, and retained the
kingdom for himself.
llie emperor was wrong to allow foreign nations thus to run loose
336 MILAN— THE VENETIANS — LEAGUE OF CABIBRAY.
npon Italy; that xmhappy country, unable to maintain its indepen-
dence, ought at least, under imperial protection, to have been se-
cured against such arbitrary treatment. And, indeed, Maximilian
would gladly have asserted his ancient rights of sovereignty, but
unhappily he was not supported by the Grermanic empire, and his
power was too much restricted. He was compelled, therefore, to
allow King Lewis to bold possession of Milan, who, however, so &r
honoured tne imperial dignity as to consent to retain the duchy as a
fief of the empire.
Whilst the French established themselves in Italy, Maximilian
made another attempt — ^the last that was made — to brin^ the Swiss
once more under the dominion of the empire. The ancient hatred
of the nobiUty, especially in Swabia, became now a^n manifested
against the Swiss peasantry. This time it was called forth by an
insiCTificant quarrel of the Austrian government in Tyrol with ihe
confederates of the Grisons. The cmef cause, however, was, viz.,
ihat the Swiss had become the allies of the French kings, and gave
them assistance in their expeditions against Italy — ^an act regarded as
a breach of their obli^tions to the empire, they having always been
looked upon as included in the imperial alliance. But the war which
was waged against them, in 1499, was disgraceM to Germany. The
Swabian nobility were in several skirmishes severely beaten; a nu-
merous and wdl-appointed army, which Maximilian himself collected
in Cionstance, was, m consequence of the reluctance of the princes to
join in a battle amongst the dangerous mountains of Switzerland,
forced to turn back, retreating through the passes on the confines of
the country of Berne. The grand marshal of the emperor, Count
von Fiirstenberff , who was ordered to conduct the army of the princes
of the Rhine, through Alsace, by Basle, into Switzerland, was sur**
prised and overthrown by the Swiss at Domeck, with the loss of
3000 killed, and all his ammunition. They were obliged to make
peace and leave to the Swiss their independence, although the latter
did not as yet expressly dissolve their connection with the empire.
Soon afterwards, Basle and Schafhausen, which had hitherto re-
mained imperial cities, were included in the Swiss confederation.
Maximilian very soon again found employment in Italy. Here,
at this time no state was more flourishing than that of the Venetians.
By their extended commence they had acquired immense wealth, a
great ]^art of Upper Italy had by degrees become subject to them, and
uiey aimed at stul greater power.
lout their pride and insolence excited the hatred of their powerfiil
neighbours, who besides kid claim to various parts of their territories ;
the principal portion of what they possessed m Upper Italy, except-
ing their old country, having formerly belonged to the empire, and
other portions to the papal dominions; whilst in Lower Italy, they
had taken places to which Ferdinand the Catholic, as Ein^ of Naples,
laid just claims; and finally, France wished to obtain wose posses-
sions immediately bordering iipon Milan.
Hence arose, in 1508, the uimous league between Spain, Fzancei
MAXIMILIAN'S HONOCB AND CONSISTENCY. 337
the warlike Pope Julius 11., and the empeior, acainst the republic of
Venioe, known under the name of the league of Cambraj, threaten-
ing instantly to crush that £cee state, which although rich, was still in-
significant when compared with such great poweis opposed to it.
But as this is the first great league of the kind in the history of the
more modem states of Europe, it has also become the prefi^re of
most of those which have succeeded it, and seems as a sort of mirror
in which is reflected the instability of the political relations of thete
states, which bein^ grounded in selfishness and self-aggrandisement,
without having a ndd in the moral dignity of the people, again dis-
solved like an emp^ vapour, as soon as the cards of fortune were re-
shuffled, and thus became an object of derision for the whole of
Europe. For the artful republicans so well knew how to divide the
allies by dazaling before the eyes of each the tempting bait of self-
interest, that those who were firiends before became hostile to each
other, whilst they themselves retired unhurt firom their conflict with,
the most powerful princes.
Of the jEimperor Maximilian himself history records, that he was
most sincere in his dealing with his allies, and maintained the honour
of his word. Louis XTT. was the first to hasten to the scene of
action in the year 1509, and in a few weeks made a conquest of all
that the league had promised him as part of the booty; and when
Maximilian also amved, and with his troops took one place after
another, the Venetians begged fiK>m^him peace, ofiering to make over
to him all that they had ever taken firom the house of Austria or the
empire; thus an opportunity was presented by which he might have
made a very advantageous treaty with them. But he refiued; the
allies having solemnly agreed only to grant peace conjointly. The
others, however, did not act equsoly consdentious. Ferdiaand the
Catholic, as he was sure of his possessions in Lower Italy, took no
further part in the war, and Pope Julius 11. abandoned the league
altogether, out of hatred to the French, and joined the Venetians.
Ferdinand soon afterwards did the same, and the three allies called
their union the holy league. The French were now expelled from
Milan. Their policy then (juickly took a turn; the first calculation
having failed, they entered mto an alliance with their former ene-
mies, the Venetians; whilst, on the other hand, the Spaniards again
united with the emperor and with the King of England, Henry VIII.,
against both the others. Thus, in the course of a few years, iriend-
smp gave way to hostility, and the latter affain yielded to the
former; Spain, for instance, firom being first nostile, had become
allied with, but was now amn hostile to Venice; and throughout
the whole of this game treacnery appeared to pass for wisdom^ whilst
honour was treated as nothing.
The French, however, were not benefited by this new calculation ;
in the battle of Novarre, in 1513, they were driven completely out of
Italy, in which affidr ihe Swiss fought against them; and as they
were hard pressed also in their own countiy by the imperial and the
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
338 BATTLE OF THE SPURS— HCNGAKY AND BOHEMIA UNITED.
English troops^ who in the same year, under the personal command
of Maximilian, gained the battle of Gtiin^te (which on account of
the hastj retreat of the French was called the hattle of the spun),
Louis found it necessary to renounce for a time his claims to Milan.
MaTJmilian gave Milan as a fief of the empire to Maximilian Sforza,
the son of Louis Moro; but he did not possess it long.
When Louis XTT. died in the year 1515, he was succeeded to the
French throne by the jouthful, daiin^, and ambitious Fnncis L,
and in order that he mi^ht commence ms reign with some biilliant
act, he sallied forth, in me same year, with an army to Italy, and re*
captured Milan. The Swiss who came to the assistance of the city,
and incautiously attacked the enemy, were, after a severe engage-
ment, which lasted two days, completely defeated at Marignano.
This was the fiist ^reat batik in which they had lost the field.
The French artiUeryand the Geiman landers who served on
French pay, and were ever after considered the best in&ntry, gained
the victory. The emperor, indeed, made an expedition once a^ain
in the following year into Italy, and besieged Milan, but increasing
age and so many fiitile efforts made him dispoeed for peace; more-
over, his forces soon dwindled away for want ofpay. By a treaty
made at Brusseb in 1516, he resided to the King of France the
duchy of Milan, and, what was stiU more galling to his feeling, he
gave back to the detested republic of V emce the important aty of
Verona.
Thus was concluded, after a great variety of changes, the war of
Italy, in which the best exertions of the emperor hadi>een required.
This contesthad withheld him from pursuing that object so imnortant
to the empire, and for which his chivalric spint so naturally dis-
posed him, namely, in making war against theTurks, and if possible
banishing them m>m Europe. This wish he constantly cheridied,
and even eroressed most ardently but a few months before his death,
at his last diet held in Au^burg, in a proportion he made to tibe
states of the empire, to undertake an expedition against the Turks;
but the petty and selfish spirit of the day was not &vourable to such
an enterprise.
Amongst the other external arrangements of the emperor, one
most worthy of remark was the ratification of the reunion with
Hungary and Bohemia. Besides the grandson, who afterwards be*
came Emperor Charles V., he had of his son Philip, who was already
dead, and Joanna of Spain, another grandson, afterwards Ferdinand
I.; him he gave in I5I5 in marriage to the daughter of Wkdialas,
King of Hungary, and thereby laid the foundation for the direct
connexion of Hungary and Bohemia with the countries of Austria.
Already during the last few years of the reim of the Emperor
Frederick lU., as before mentioned, great efforts nad been maoe by
the states of the emjpire to establish public tran<}uillity, and to rend^
it secure by a l^[islative institution. Immediately after the com-
mencement of the reign of the new emperor these exertions were
Digitized by
Google
INTERNAL ADBCINI8TRATI0N OF AFFAIRS— LANDFRIEDE. 339
peiseyermgly continued. The most acdre and zealous promoter of this
ezandobject was Bertold, the Elector of Mentz, and G^untof Hanne-
beig, one of the most extraordinary men of his day. From the period
whoi, under Frederick III., in 1486, as first spiritual elector, he stood
at the head of the states of the empire down to the present moment,
he had continued to be the advocate and warm supporter of all the
operations tending to improre the institutions of the country; in-
de&tigable, free fiom aU pezsonal motive, and having the cause of
his country alone in mind and heart, he was continually at work
to promote its welfioe.
At the first diet held by the new emneror at Worms, in 1495, the
subject of the Zoiuf/Hsefe, or peace of we country, and the proposed
Kammergerichty or imperial chamber, were immediately taken into
discussion. The emperor, who likewise heartily desired that peace
diould at length reign throughout the empire, in order that its
starength xmght be more effectually brought to bear against the hostile
power of il^ance, zealously joined in me grand undertaking, and
thus was completed and brou^t into operation the institution for
the perpetual peace of the country — a work which gained for this
diet the sreatest praise and renown. And although this lAtndfriede
was still Bbaekled with certain restrictive clauses, and the feudal system
did not altogether cease its operations, still the new law possessed
this advantage, viz., that lepalfy club-law must henceforth entirely
terminate, and the authority of the law in its normal form take its
I^ace^ a system which, in the course of time, after it had come more
and more into operation, was universally adopted. When we con-
sider the incalculably important consequences which attended this
change of things amongst the middle and lower classes of the people,
we must assuredly acknowledge the year 1495 to be one of the most
momentary and striking in our history, whilst we must regard the
Einperor Maximilian as one of the greatest benefactors of the nation.
Still in respect to the more enlarged plan of the Elector Bertold
and the states, which embraced the strengthening of the imperial
government and the imnerial chamber, Maximilian did not so
easily yield his sanction; like his fisither, he was very reluctant to
give up any portion of the imperial ri^^hts, however incapable he
mi^t be, through his important affiors abroad, of fiilfiOing the
duties they imposed upon him. He was, however, at length ]^re-
vailed upon by the states to yield in the main to the genenu desire,
especially when he was reminded of the former promise he had
pwrtiallv made when tbey elected him King of Some in 1489, and
which he could not retract The imperial chamber was to be per-
manently established for the purpose of equitably deciding the dis-
imtes between the states of the empire, which had hitharto always
oeen settled by an appeal to arms, and what is still more important,
it was authorised to pronounce in the name of the emperor the im-
perial ban of exoommunioation against all who opposed it In its
entire oonstzuotion, likewise, it was nobnger to form merely an espe-
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
340 THE IMPERIAL CHAMBER AND AULIC COUNCIL.
cial imperial tribunal, bnt in reality a tribunal of the empire. The
emperor appointed only the president or chief judge; the ££ij
assessors were presented by the states, whilst the cities, likewise^
were allowed to nominate a few. The emperor opened the court
himself, and handed to Goimt EitelMed von Zollem the judicial
sceptre, as chief judge of the chamber. The first ooiurt was held
on the 3d of November, 1495, in Frankfort
The progress, however, made by this institution, was equally
slow with wat of the Landjriede ; the idea was good, and the plan
laid out with great wisdom; but in respect to the execution thereof,
many difficulties and insurmoimtable obstacles stepped in to prevent
a successful issue. Many would not attend to the decrees pronounced,
and die power of enforcing ihem was wanting, inasmuch as the em-
peror was occupied in foreign countries, and l^des which he felt but
little real desire to promote a tribunal rendered independent of his
own especial sway. Then followed the non-payment of the necea-
sary fees and salaries, as the contributions from the various members
of ue empire came in very irregularly or perhaps not at all; so that
the court o%^n sat and broke up without effecting any thing.
At last it became so neglected, that the emperor was himself forced
to reconstruct it, and supply the necessary nmds; and thus made it,
as in former times, whoUy dependent upon himself. The discontent
thence produced between the emperor and the states increased
more and more, until at length the JBlector of Mentz brought for-
ward twenty-two points of accusation against Maximilian, to which
the latter replied by twenty-three artides in opposition. A most
angry and bitter correspondence ensued between the emperor and
the elector; but the scale of balance on the side of the former be-
came only more and more on the ascent, and turned completely
against him.
But, as often happened in Maximilian's varied career, the scale
dropped once more in his favour. He contrived, although the
body of electors were inimical towards him, to enlist friends on his
side from amongst the temporal and spiritual princes. He filled up
various vacant bishoprics, with the co-operation of the then friendly
papal authority, with his friends. Amongst the temporal princes
were at that time many young, warlike loms, who all glowed with
military ardour imder his command; and the gay, chivalnc emneror,
continually engaged in some enterprise, perfect master in all nmitary
exercises, combining true genius with a generous and friendly dis-
position, knew well how to enchain them to him. We have already
seen how Duke Eric of Calenberg fought with so much glory in
the wars of Austria, and that the entire nouse of the Guelfs adhered
to that dynasty. So likewise did the Dukes of Saxony, Mecklenburg,
Pomerania, and Cleves; whilst the emperor gained Wurtemberg,
by granting the earl's claims, and conferring upon him the title of
duke. The Mar^ves of Brandenbui^ were secured by the faithful
adherence of their ancestor Albert, the German Achilles. Thus by
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
THE EMPEROR AND STATES— EMPEROR TRIUMPHANT. 341
Tewaids and promotions of Tarious kinds, the emperor, in order to
anient his party, availed himself of the remnant left of imperial
privileges. Indeed he had become in the year 1504 so strong, that
he was enabled to bring to a successful issue, and according to his own
wishes, a very important contest originating' in the inheritance of
George, Duke of Bavaria-Landshut. The Dukes of Bavaria, Mu-
nich, and the Palatine Rupert stood opposed to each other ; and
MaTnmilian himself laid claim to a portion of the lands, AsthePala-
tine refused most obstinately to submit to the decree pronoimced
by the imperial chamber, the emperor at once adjudged the ban of
excommunication aeainst him. With the aid of the luore-mentioned
allied princes, together with the Swabian league and his own imme-
diate adherents, he executed the sentence successfully; the palatine
was forced to submit, and Maximilian himself gained no inconsider-
able portion of the possessions.
His position in iudicial affidrs was rendered still more favourable
by the death of the leader of the electoral opposition party, Ber-
told of Mentz, who died in the year 1504. He was now enabled, in
the two following years, at the oiets held at Colome and Constance,
to bring into effect the preponderating power he possessed, inas-
much as he substituted the organic reflations of the emj)ire in ac-
cordance with his views for those whidn had previously existed and
had originated in the visionary project of realising a national unity.
It was not now simply a question of combining the regulation of
the empire with almost imperial power; but, also, of restoring the
imperial chamber according to the resolutions fixed at Worms; to-
gether with the establishment of a register by which the contributions
for the expenditure of the coimtry and the contingent of troops in
the wars of the empire were diviikd among the states according to
their power : these were the too important results of the diet of Con-
stance in 1507. Both continued in force during a period of three
centuries and, in spite of the independent territones, represented the
imity of the Germanic empire.
It was ailer the foundation of these happy internal regulations of
the empire, that Maximilian proceeded mto Italy, as before men-
tioned, on his great campaign against the Venetians; and his hopes
were so strong, that in the February of 1508, in Trieste, he assumed
the title of Koman king elect, without waiting to be crowned in
Rome. This act was of great importance to future times, Maxi-
milian's successors having afterwaros assumed the imperial title, im-
mediatelv after their coronation in Aix-la-ChapeUe; and during the
whole of the subsequent periods, only one emperor was crowned by
the pope.
At the diet held in Cologne, in 1512, the emperor introduced an
important proposition, touSiing the internal peace of the empire,
viz.: that the decisions of the imperial chamber should, by a defi-
nite authority, be enforced and carried into efiect in every rart of
the empire; without which they were of little or no avail. It was
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
342 DISTRIBUTION OF THE CIRCLES— STATE OF GOUNTRT.
pioposedy therefore, that the divinon of the drdee, which had
been hitherto brought into operation for the puipoee of returning
deputies to officiate in the imperial chamber, ahomd now be made
available in this case, and be rendered efficient aocordingl}r. At
first they consbted of six circles: Bavaria, Swabia, Franoonia, the
Rhine,* Westphalia, and Lower Saxony; now, howevor, it was re-
solved to add four more: the Lower Rhine, including the four elec-
torates; Upper Saxony, embracing its electorate and Brandenburg;
Austria; and Burgondy.
Each circle was to be regarded as one distinctly organised and
comprehensive body, and all matters of peace and war to be Boper^
intended by a military chief. Notwithstanding great contention
ensued between the emperor and the states upon this question^ a
resolution was passed, and accordingly a decree for its adoption was
agreed to by the states of the empire. Its execution, however, was
not brought into force immediately, for it was only after some
ten years had elapsed, that this division of circles was at length
effectually established.
Besides the foundation thus laid for these organic institutions,
which, if not emanating fix)m Maximilian alone, were at least pro-
duced with his co-operation, Germany has to thank him especially
for the introduction of an entire new system of discipline in the
army, which he remodelled completely, by dividing it into r^-
ments; and finally, it was by him that a system of posting was first
introduced.
We must not, however, deceive ourselves in the character of this
period, which is more especially distmguished in our history as a
S^riod of transition. Such epochs are marked by the most contra-
ctory phenomena, more especially, however, by a universal rup-
ture and fermentation of all relations, calling forth at every moment
the feeling that we are, as it were, standing upon undermined
ground, wnere are raging in all their unrestricted niry the elements
of new creations. As yet the seeds only were strewed, the fall
growth and froit of whidi were reserved for after-times.
At present on neither side was contentment to be found; the
mutual privileges and duties of the ruler and the states had be-
come more thim ever fluctoating. Innumerable representations
(nclamationen) were made against the assessments of the roister;
princes had been included wno were no longer in existence; many
states had been inscribed as immediate whi<£ had become mediate,
and were now claimed back again by the sovereign lord, especially
among cities. Thus, it was urged by the ambamdor of Denmark
and Holstein, that amongst others, a city (Hamburg) had been marked
as an iinperial cit^, but that, as it was situated in Holstein, it must
be reclaimed by 1m sovereign and restored, as part of his patrimo-
nial possessions, he being lord of the manor by natural snccessicm.
He, nowever, did not succeed in his claim, as tne imperial fiteedom
of the d^ was nevertheless acknowledged*
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
THS NOBLBS9 CITIES, AND PEAflANTBT. 343
The aiilic council of the imperial chamber^ "witk its decrees, met
irxth great oppoaitioii from aU sides. It roused, ^enerallj, a desire
fax independence, and which, in fact, broke forth m such a series of
crael and barbarous acts, that the commencement of the fifteenth cen*
tory again presented scenes of sanguinary contention in many parts
of the empure.
1. The princes resorted to open war in order to extend their ter-
ritorial dignity. The oountship of Hoya, amongst the rest, was, in
1511, invaded by Brunswick, Liineburg, Bremen, and Minden;
whilst the remaining body of free Fresians were, in 1514, also at-
tacked by Brunswick, Liineburg, Calenberg, Oldenburg, and Geor^,
Duke of Saxony; and in these, as in all other cases, the supenor
power triumphed.
2. The whole body of knights in every quarter feeling themselves,
as it were, penned in by the princes, formed a dose alliance and de-
clared open war. The depredations of the freebooter-knights, on the
high roads,^and their attacks upon the merchants and dealers to and
£rcm the &ir8, were aeain resumed, and continual scenes of robbery
and murder, by day and night, occurred thron^out the land. It was
about this time tliat the celebrated Gotz of loerlichingen, Franz of
Selbitz, but more especially the noted Franz of Sickingen, who was
enabled to collect and march whole armies against the princes, were
actively engaged in the cause they espoused.
3. The cities, althougb overrun and opjMtessed on every side, stall
retained their ancient strength to a certain extent; they now de-
fended themselves against the assaults of the knights wim the same
success as when formerly attacked by the princes; and woe to the
noblenaan or knight who once fell into their hands ! For no peti-
tion, either from his fiunily or fiiends, nor even the intercession or
remonstrances of any of the princes, were of any avail to save him
from the axe of the executioner. In tlie north, Lubeck especially
stood most prominentiy at tiie head of the Hanse Towns. Intneyear
1509 they attacked John, King of Denmark, captured all his snips
at Elsinore, returning home l<Mided with hootv. In the battie of
Bomholm a LUbeck vessel beat off three Danisn shi^ by which she
bad been grappled, and even made one of them a prize.
At the diets the cities still maintained a very important position*
Their commercial associations, by which they were enabled to trans-
act the most extensive business and embark in the most profitable
enterprises, produced for them such opulence, and with it its pre*
ponderating influence, that the jealousy and envy of the princes be-
caine more excited, until, at lei^th, they combined together in pro*
Oat several diets, held about this time, such resolutions as
, if not wholly destroy, at least reduce tiie great power they
possessed by taxation, and certainly there was great foundation for
these measures, inasmuch as the complaints made against the enor-
mous prices demanded by the merchants for the goods supplied be*
came more and more generaL
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
344 I'HE SHOE LEAGUE— POOR CONRAD LEAGUE.
Within the cities themselves the turbulent spirit of the times was
not less conspicuously shown. The municipal authorities became
seriously oppressed and overpowered by the communities and the
heads of the various guilds and societies — ^now conaderably aug-
mented in number and influence-^who would no longer submit
either to be c ovemed by a select and limited body of patricians or
be taxed at me high rate hitherto levied. The records of many of
these cities^ at the commencement of the sixteenth centuiy, are mied
with the most sanguinaiy scenes of discord and civil war.
4. But the state of the peasantry and the rural districts presented
at this period a far more melancholy and serious spectacle tiian that
of either of the classes mentioned. With them reigned universal
fermentation throughout the whole empire. The demands of the
territorial lord, as well as those of the lord of the manor, were in-
creased, because each sought to transfer the burdens of the empire
to the Moulders of the lower orders. On the other hand, the latter
had now learnt to know their strength in the use of arms, and soon
from amongst them issued the formidEible bodies of the Landsknechte^
or foot solmers. The example presented by the Swiss peasants, who
had now almost entirely tiirown off the yoke of the empire and made
themselves independent, produced its exciting effects among the Qer-
man peasantry, and more especially in Upper Germany.
Towards the end of tiie fifteenth century, in 1493, there was
formed in Alsace, near Selestadt, a secret union of discontented pea-
santry, who, in the depth of ni^ht, journeying alon^ almost impas-
sable roads amongst the mountams, assembled together in a retired
spot, and there, by a solemn vow, swore, under heavy tiireats to him
who proved a traitor, as foUows: — "That they would be taxed only
according to their ovm tree will and consent; tiiat the imposts should
be removed altogether, as likewise all spiritual jurisdiction; that no
ecclesiastic shouM receive a higher salary than &rty florins; that the
Jews should be put to death, and tiieir possessions divided equally
among the confederates," &c., &c. This confederacy, which adopted
the sign of the shoe (the shoe of tiie common (jerman peasant) upon
theb banner, extended its operations very considerably.
A similar union arose in Wurtemberj; in 1514, imder the name
of the Poor Conrad league. Both onginated in a hatred towards
the nobility and clergy, and which, in fact, appeared to be tiie prin-
ciple upon which they acted. It is true, the shoe-league was, by
force of arms, eventually destroyed in 1502, as was likewise the
Poor Conrad league soon after its formation ; but the seeds of revolt
were left behind, and at the diets tiie subject of a revolution among
the peasantry was often discussed witii some anxiety and dread. At
the oiet of Mentz, in 1517, in which several of tiie members advised,
on account of tiie disordered state of tiie empire, tiiat a summons
should be issued for every fiftietii man to take up arms in its defence,
the states would not venture to adopt a measure which must be so
generally felt as tyrannical: '^ The common peasant, abeady suffi-
Digitized by
Google
DEATH OF THE EMPEROR MAXIMUJAN I. 345
cienily sofiering from dearth and hunger, would, in his present difl*
content, only be stiU fiirther excited to the most desperate acts, and
thence the glimmering sparks of private indignation would burst
forth into one universal flame throughout 3ie whole country ."
Such was the opinion expressed by the states, and the general feel-
ing^ was in favour of rather quelling by mild means the turbulence
wiQch already began to agitate the empire. Nevertheless we shall
shortly read m the history of the Reformation, how, after the lapse
of another year, the destructive elements did break forth in all their
fury.
The emperor, however, was not doomed to witness or share in
these revolutions; the course of his career was nearly ended, and lus
powcan of mind and body, exercised in so many toilsome and, to a
certain extent, fruitless struggles, became now gradually exhausted
and consumed.
At the diet of Augsburg, in 1518, he used every endeavour to
prevail upon the states to ^ect, as King of Rome, nis son Charles^
already seated on the Spanidi throne ; lis anxious wish, however,
was not frilfilled, inasmuch as the pope, and a portion of the electoral
princes^ in their fear to bestow too great a power upon his son, hesi-
tated and reftised to yield to his wishes. Lidignant and mortified,
Maximilian quitted Augsburc and died on his journey at Wcls in
Upper Austria, on the 12th of January, 1519, in the 59th year of his
age, and was buried, according to his insh, beneath the altar-stone of
the church at Neustadt^ by the side of his beloved mother, Eleanora.
^ It is said, that he had for several years, carried about with him
his coffin. Thus, as in his earlier life^ when in all his vi^ur he had
often bid defiance to deaths so now in die latter years of his exist-
ence, did he hold fiuniliar council with it, and view its approach
with religious confidence and resignation.
We have already had occasion to consider in the preceding chap-
ters various important changes, for which Germany had been ripen-
ing during the last century. With MaTcimilian, as their last re-
pr^entative, the middle ages had passed away; a new period, of
which the germ had long been sown, now cradiudly developed itself
and became established. We will just guince at the signs which
characterised this new age, and at those great discoveries which con-
tributed chiefly in producing it.
Where and when gunpowder was first invented cannot be posi-
tively ascertained; it appears probable that the Chinese were very
early acquainted with it, and that it came from them to the Arabians,
and thence to Europe. But it was not as yet employed in war, and
could not therefore with strictness be called 6r«»-powder. It is not
found to have been used for that purpose ^lier than in 1350, and
the discovery of this application oi it is ascribed to a German monk,
Bertold Schwarz. He nad, it is said, pounded a mixture of salt-
petre, sulphur, and coals, in a mortar, when bv accident a spark
dropped mto it, the mass ignited, and forced with great violence the
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
846 DISCOVERT AMD USE OF GOKPOWDEB^ARTILLERV.
pesde into the air. Tliu aoddent led to tlie thought of zniksofc^^
mBtal moTtaiB for the pnrpon of wet, from wbiui stonei and haSk
miglit be thrown againat a hostile dtj^ and thus ms produced the
heayy artillery, wh£h about the year 1400 was pretty generally naed.
The first time we hear of its being pradaaed, isat the rattle of Greoy,
between the French and English, in 1346. The smaller fire-aim, get
arquebus, was invented somewhat later; this weapon, however, ia
mentioned in a record of 1381, when the city of Au^buig undertook
to seaid thirty men aimed with guns to the war which the cities then
waged against the nobility .*
Sy these newly discovered instruments of destruction the whole
system of war and miHtaiy tactics became ohan^. In ancient
tunes the hostile encounter was almost always mamtained man to
man, and hand to hand, with lance and sword, whence individual
force, dexterity, and prowess decided the victory. In case either one
of the armies did not at an early stage cowardly turn round and flee,
the battle was never decided liefore the field was strewed with the
bodies of the greater portion of the combatants. The contestswere
sanguinary and decisive. But since the new plan now adopted
was to fi^nt at a distance, and the individual no tonser had his an-
taffonist &oe to face — Cleaving it to chance to deciae whether his
ball should contribute towards the success of the action, or waste itself
in the air — and as the warrior had thus become more and more the
mere simple machine employed by the calculations of the general^
whose genius and judgment were now rendered sufficient to decide
the battle, accordingly by this new method of war the sjniit of
chivalry became gradually annihilated. The latter in fact was based
upon the greatest development of personal strength, which gave to
the individual such a superiori^, that a whole troop of ooiomon foot
soldiers were not able to resist the attack of the knight when, mounted
on his barbed steed, and armed at all points, ne dashed amon^
them; whilst now the most cowardly disposed man mklit with his
firelock bring down the bravest warrior at a distance. The nobili^
for a length of time continued to oppose and contend i^ainst the use
of this new arm of war, which they characterised as cushonoontble,
degrading, and perfidious to employ; but when it finally obtained
the superiority, the cavalier of the martial field of olden times was
forced to succumb and reaim his battle axe and lance.
This change, however, £d not come into operation all at once,
for long afW the invention of fire-arms, whilst those iriio bore them
formed but a small part of the army, and heavy cannon was only
employed in si^es, the mailed cavaliy continued to compose ibie
* Tliefle gnus, however, were merely Bimple tabes, which like the cannons were
ignited by a match. But as this was tedious and traabiesome, and impeded the
power of taking aim, German ingenuity difloovered, in 1651, at Kniembe^ thehii-
proved arquebna, in which the ipark was produced by a steel wheel bdng made to
strike hi its rerolntion the flint; and afterwards in Enmoe this hiTentioii was broodit
to the polKfekia of the ptesent annket.
Digitized by
Google
FIBE ABX8— END OF CHIVALBT— THB LANZKNECHTR 847
HUe of the troop, and the nobility sdU preserved and nmintftined
iheir militaij ducipline. The tounuunents still continued to fonn
their principal fesdvaky where the youth of the nobility learnt at an
early af(e to play -with danger; and all the prohibitions of the popes
and ecclesiastical councils issued against those who took part in them,
on account of the danger attending them — ^for thegr firequently ran
with pointed lances — and all the punishments which the church in*
flicted upon those who engaged therein, as viz., that none who died
in a tournament should receive Christian burial, were not sufficient
to eradicate the enthusiastic atta<dunent to these festivals. And
even down to the fifteenth century there was scarcely a single princely
&mily in Gtermanv which had not lost some of its members m these
essajrs at arms. Of Albert, Margraye of Brandenburg, the Grerman
Achilles, it is related that he had thus tilted at more than seventeen
tournaments with the pointed lance, and even the Emperor Maximi*
lian had entered the arena several times. Thus the historian of the
house of Austria, Fugger, relates, that at a diet of Worms, in 1495,
a French knight, Claudius Bane, appeared and challenged the
whole German nation to a trial of arms at single combat. The
Emperor MftTrimiliftTi on this occasion took upon himself the right
to nght for the honour of his people, and which he maintained
by eventually overoomiiui^ the foreign knight with the sword,
after their lances had left we combat undecided. Whilst this emperor
is properly so-odled the last of the chivabric emperon, and as the
period of his reign concludes the middle ages, we find in some of his'
contemporaries, such as Gdtz of Berlichingen, Franz of Sickingen,
and Ulrio of Hutten, the contest for the ancient splendour of weir
order against the mighty revolutions of time, again maintained—
until t&ir death. Even amongst the clergy of these chivakic
times the wadike disposition of knighthood is occasionally apparent.
When Frederick III. went forth against Charles the Rash, to deliver
Neuss, the valiant Bishop of Munster, Count Henry of Schwaizbuxg,
was the first to land an army, consutin^ of Westphalians, Nether-
landers, and Lower Saxons, and exhibitea a sreater degree of warlike
zeal than even was shown by the imperiaf general, the Margrave
Albert (or Achilles) of Brandenburg himself; nay, he even cherished
the hope of meeting the proud Duke of Burgundy in battle, and
engaging with him hand to hand in mortal combat. But as no
battle took place, a truce having been determined upon, duiinjg
which the Miinsterians had a hot engagement with the duke's Pi-
cardians, the bishop, who could obtain no satis&ction for the insult
offered to his army, challenged Duke Charles to fight a duel, but
which the Emperor Frederick prohibited. The army, however, ad-
judged that in this expedition it was not the Margrave of Branden-
burg, but the Bishop of Munster who had merited the titie of the
German Achilles.
Meantime the whole system of military tactics underwent the
most important changes. Instead of the ancient levies of the ban,
there were now introduced Lanzknechte, or mercenary iTOops. and
gitizedbyCiOOgle
348 BRUTAL CHARACTER OF THE I«ANZKNECHTE.
thus, with this change arose the entire distinction made between ihe
martialandthe civil oider. In fonnertimes the imperial vogt, or in-
tendent, who administered the judicial and civil amdrs of a district,
was, at the same time, the miUtaiy chief or commandant of the city
and buigh, and the leader in the field, as were all the counsellors
and officials of the princes. All the departments so administered
throughout the land harmonised and were conducted with equal
enerey in ever^ part. Now, however, they weie separated, and
war became a distmct mercenary profession.
But the worst part of this chanjge was, that when the princes
could not maintAiTi their mercenaries in times of peace, the latter
then, having neither the disposition nor ability to return to the
employments of civil Hfe, beoune a pest to society. The chronicle
of Sebastian Frank complains bitterly against this: ** The destruc-
tive landers," he says, *^ are a shameless race, and of use to nobody;
when they are not m pay or enrolled they run loose upon sode^,
demandii^ war and miseiy. An unchristian and lost set, whose em*
ployment is murder, rapine, incendiarism, gaming, drinking, blas-
pheming, wantonly makmff widows and orphans, yea, whose only de-
light is m the calamities of the people, feeding; upon the vitals of man-
kmd, and whether in or out olwar, tormentmg the peasantry. The
state of matters, alas ! is come to this, that as soon as a man becomes
a lander, and from the moment he has taken the oath, and places a
lance on his shoulder, henceforth to the end of his life he abandons
all other work. Formerly, when a prince carried on a war, he
fought with his own people; now, that these worthless fellows are
employed, each adversary strives to outdo the other in the number
of his soldiers and extent of his preparations for the war, so that it
now costs more before it is begun and these hirelings are eompped,
than formerly it cost to commence and finish it altogether. Were it
not for these mercenary troops, there would be much less war, and
although a prince might be forced to fight with but as many hun-
dreds as there are now thousands employed, he would still effect
more glorious results; for these rascals do all in their power to pro-
tract^ tne war, and sorry would they be, indeed, if tney beheld it
terminate and peace restored. Thus the country is exhausted to an
extent that there is scarcely a prince or peasant who has any more
money."
The same chronide makes honourable and clear distinction be-
tween these mercenary troops who served any body that would give
them pay, and those warriors who foueht only for their country.
*' Those subjects," he says, *^ who in ob^ence to their princes enlist
at their summons, and when the battle is over return to their work,
I do not call mercenary Lanzknedite, but brave and fidthful war-
riors." Meantime, however, these landers, whose insubordination
has called forth such complaints, were excellent soldiers in battle.
Armed with lances dghteen feet in length, and protected by a hel-
met and cuirass, they stood like a firm wall, and their presented
Digitized by
Google
INVENTION OF PRINTING^ 1457— FIRST BIBLE, 1462. 349
lanoes resembled an impassable forest, wbenoe their battle array was
called by the French the HerisBoUy or porcupine-phalanx. The
Emperor Maximilian gready improved their discipline. They
eclipsed even the glory acquired by the Swiss, and now completely
destroyed the superiority hitherto commanded by the cmvalnc
cavaliy, whose importance had already been dinunished by the
Husmte and Swiss infimtty.
Eqnally as important as the invention of gunpowder was for war,
was also the discovery of the art of printing for the objects of peace.
This also is the work of German ingenuity; not, however, originating
in accident, inasmuch as it was found out by a process of profound
study, and became perfected by degrees.
Tnere had been in use lox^ previously, after the manner of the
Etde figures which were carved in wood, and printed, a certain de-
scription of wooden boards, upon which were cut all the letters
necessary for the pa^ ofa book, there being as many such boards as
pa^ in the books m>m which impresrions were tal^, whence the
entire book was completed. Although this operation was much
more troublesome than copying, yet with these boards they were
enabled to print a book many nundred times, which repaid their
labour. Great improvements, however, could yet be xnade; and
thus thought John Ghittenberff. Bom in 1401, at Mentz, of an an-
cient noble &mily^ he, with all the powei^s of his mind, prosecuted
the idea of cuttmg out the letters smgly, of an equal size, on the
end of small wooden sticks; and after composing tnese into words,
taking therefirom an impression, when he again took tliem to pieces,
and used them for composing the next page. After many experi-
ments, he succeeded. He entered into partnership with his towns-
men, John Faust, and Peter Schoffer, of Uemsheim;* and this asso-
ciation enlarged tiie discovery by composing tiie letters of a mixture
of metals, inventing the press, and prepanng printers' ink. Thus
they were prepared to print. Their first attempt was the Bible;
but the real inventor, Guttenberg, did not enjoy that firuit of his
labours which he so richly deserved, inasmuch as Faust, the gold-
smitii, who had advanced him money, afiier he had spent his fortune
in making tiie necessary experiments, deprived him, by legal pro-
cess, of all his instruments and property, and excluded him nom tiie
concern. Thus tiie inventor of the most important and valuable art
of ancient and modem times, was obliged to spend the remainder of
his days dependent upon tiie bounty of tiie Elector of Mentz, and
died in 1468.
In tiie year 1457, the first book, the Latin Psalms, was completed
by Faust and his associates, and in 1462 the entire Bible. So great
a difference was even then perceptible between tiie price of such a
* The prenuHng opinion that Sch5ffer was a clergyman is inoonect. The name
of doricns, which he took, signifies also calligraphist, or <»e who devoted himself to
the oqpying of hooks.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
350 LINEN PAPER MADE IN 1318— ABIERICA— EAST INDIES.
work and the expense of transcribing^ that a Bible, which, when
tianscribed, cost uom 400 to 500 florins, was to be had for 30
florins. Aiid thus did these men lay the foundation for the im-
mense advantages subsequently derived hj this ^reat discovery, and
by which every degree of knowledge which raises the intellectual
cnaracter of man is no longer the peculiar privilege of the few, but
may become not only the possesssion of wiiole nations, but of the
entire world. Thence it is that the art of printing exerts a most
wonderful influence in the development of mankind. The law of
this development, as is most evident fiom the observation deduced
firom all history, down to the present day, is, that the cultivation and
intelligence of the hmnan mind progressively enlarges its boundaries,
and in its widening circle embraces an increasing number of our fel-
low-creatures. Although it may admit of dispute whether, upon
the whole, we are further advanced in the arts and sciences tnan
many nations of antiquity and the middle ages, the progress in the
more universal spread of knowledge can admit of no question, and
it is the noble art of printing, which, as the great lever, has effected
this glorious object.
Of great importance to the extraoidinaij results of the art o£
printing was also the previous discovery of Imen-paper. Formerly,
parchment was used, which, however, was too expensive and too
thick; then cotton-paper, which was not sufficientij durable. Paper
made of Hnen, whicn is also probably a Gennan discovery, fiist ap-
pears in a document of the year 1318, at £auffbeuren.
We close our general reflections upon the age just passed, with a
few words upon the results producea by the £scovery of America
and a sea passage to the East Indies.
The^ did not indeed originate in Germany, but the^ exerted a
great influence upon that country; not only by enlarging the em-
E'* the mind, which must be one result, but also more paxticu-
n producing a change in commerce. Until that time East
produce, of wluch Europe required annually a vast supply,
had been brought by various channels through Asia to the Meoiter-
raaean Sea, and thence taken especially by the maritime states of
Italy and conveyed further. The transit by land to the north was
made, as has been before stated, tiirough Gennany. But now that
the Portuguese, in 1498, had found a passage by sea round A&ica,
they were able, tcom the great profits of freightage, soon to monopo-
lise the whole East Indian trade; Venice and the other Italian mari-
time states declined, and Germany also very soon indirectiy felt the
effects. Its trade became depressed in proportion as that of Portu-
gal and Spain rose; and in consequence of this great reverse, the
Hanseatic League was dissolved, although theb commerce extended to
many other wares. The German cities were from the sixteenth
century no longer able to maintain their ancient elevation in wealth
and power, and thus also in this respect the way was paved for the
rising power of the princes.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
351
SIXTH PERIOD.
nOK <THAKT,H T. TO THB VBAGB Off WMTFEALIA.
1520—1648.
Amongst the M8L docnmeiitt rdating to thii period the " TnmaactkHii of the
Imperial Biete,** as preserred in the azcfalTeaof theTarioos indrndnal atatei, aire the
moat important, inaamnoh as the dieta nerer ezerciaed so much inflnenoe at any
peciod or our hiatoiy aa ftom the oommmcement of the fifteenth centuzy nnta the
war of thirty yeam Meantime, the newly diaoorered art of printing promoted es-
pedaUy the compoaition and drcidation of historical worka, and we find that, with
eveiy ten years, their number increased accordingly to a considenUe extent. At
the same tm^ the awakooed desire for scientific research and the taste Ibr the study
of andent authors became more and more gaieraUy difltased and appreciated.
Amongst the writers, who treat 190Q the general history of this period, are in-
dnded:
1. Pa«l JoTios, (bom at (>mio, 1482, died aa Bishop of Niioerie, 1562,) Historia
•Hi Temporis, ficom 1494 to 1546^
2. J. A. Thnames, or de Thoo, (bom in Paris, 1553, died 1617, as President of the
Flsriiament and chief Ubrarian to Heniy IV. ; irefy learned and esteemed,) wrote like-
wiae a Historia soi Temporis, 1543 to 1607.
3. John Genesins de Sepnlyeda, (a Spaniard, bom 1491, died 1572, historian of
Caiarlea V^) 0e rebus geatis Garoli V., Oolon. 1657.
4^ Amongst the l^panish historians maT be added: Petras Salazar, Pmdentiiii de
Sandoval, Al^iooao de Ultoa, and Antomns de Vera et Zonniga.
5. Amongst the Italiana: Loviis Doloe^ Qianbattista Adriani, and Giegoriui Leti.
Adrian! is especially important
6. Sereral separate and, in part, important writings, referring to the time of Charlea
Y^ in number about sixty-two^ have been collected together li^BunonSchard, in the
aeoond yofaime of his Script rer. GernL, and by Freher, in the third Yolmne of his
Script
For the Hbtoxy of the Befonnatiou we haine—
7. The writings of the reformers themselTes and of their partisans, wliich are of
the highest importance; containing, at the same tune^ much in explanation of the
political history of their time. The works of Luther, Mrianehthon, Zwinflft and Cal«
Tin need not be here especially enumerated. >
8. The works of Erasmus of Rotterdam, (bom in 1467, died in 1536,) psrtly in
accotdanoe with, partly against the sense of the BefoTmation, are likewise unportant;
9. The writings of Ulric of Hutten, (bom in 1480, died in 1528,) who come finrth
with glowing seal and acute mind in the cause of the new ideaa advanced.
10. JohnSleidanus, (bom, in 1506, at Sleida, died in 1556; professor of laws at
Stossborg, and historian of the league of Schnuilkald,) Commentarius de Statu Be-
ligioDis et Beipuhlicae Carolo V., Oaesare. An important work; continued by Lau«
dorp fipom 1555-64,
11. George SpaUttin, (bom in 1482, died in 1545, court chaplain and secretary to
the Elector Prederick the Wise, who to(^ a great share in the diet at Augsburg in
1580,) Annates Beformationis, berides his Lives of the yarions Popes of his times,
and some minor works, ooflected together in Menken's Script rer. derm.
12. Yeit Lewis of Senkwidorf, (bcwn in 1626, died in 1692; who, although not a
contemponffy, is, nevertheless, a source of good authority, inasmuch as hi his office
as minister of Saze-Gotha» he eoUected larg^v from the documente in the Archives
of Gotha,) Crommeat hist et Apologeticus id Lutfaenaiamo^ in reply to the Hist
Digitized by
Google
352 CHARLES Y. TO THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA, 1520—1648.
LatherBainni of the Jesuit Lewis Maambing^ (bom at Nancy in 1610, died in 1686,)
which merits ohsenration also.
13. The acts relating to the ffistoiy of the Befiyrmation were completed sobae-
qnently, at the commencement of the eighteenth oentory, from manuscripts pre-
serred in the archiyes, by J. J. MuUer, Valentin Loacher, C. T<fthmann, &&, &c.
The History of the Confession of Angsbmg is especially treated upon 1^—
14. David Chitrans, (bom in 1530, died hi 1600, professor at Wittenberg, Bostoek,
and Hehnstadt, who was commissioned by Mairifniiian XL to estaUiah a ^Um of dis-
dpliae for the Protestant chnrch in Anstria, and oontribnted towards the Formnla
Concordiae,) m his Hist Confess. Angustaiue. He wrote, likewise^ Lectures upon
Charles V., Ferdinand L, and 'M'*^'"™^^*"' TL
15. Ge<^ Cdlestm (senior comrt chaplain to the Elector of Brandenburg, died
1576) wrote Hist. Comitior. Angustse, 1530, oelebratoranL
Upon the War of Schmalkald:
16. Lonis d'Avila, a Spaniard, and general of Charles T., wrote his Comment de
Bello Germanioo a Carob V. gesto, S vols. Antwerp^ 1550. He writes Tetymoch
in&TOorofChaxiesy. On the otber hand*
17. Fred. Hartleder (bom in 1579, died in 1640, a privy comiciDor of Weimar,) in
his Transactions and Derebpment of the Causes of the War against the League of
Schmalkald, Frankfort 1617, and Gotha 1645, embraoea wamily the Protestant
cause. His work is based upon the documents contained in the archives of Weimar.
Upon the Council of Tlent:
18. Paul Sarpi (bom at Venice 155S, died in 16S6, a monk and oounciOor of that
city), Histonr of the Council of Trent, written in Italian, and published in London
in 1619 under the title of Petrus Snavis ; translated into German by Bambach,
Halle 1761.
19. In reply to Saipi, whose writing is too free, appeared another Hirtory of the
Council of Trent by the Jesuit Sfortia Pallavidni (bom at Borne in 1607, died hi
1667).
Biographies of celebrated men of that period:
20. Adami Beisneri Comm. de vitaet reb. gest Georgii et Casp. Fnmdsbergiormn.
Frankfort, 1568.
21. Joach. Cameraiius (bom in 1500, died in 1547, a IHend of Mdanchthon, and
professor of Tubingen and Leipsic) Vita Melanchthonis and ^ta Maoritii Electoris.
22. Gotz of Berlichingen (died m 1562), Memoirs by himself; edited by Pistorius,
Nuremberg 1731 ; and by Busching and Van der Hagen, 1813.
23. Sebast SchartUn of Burtenbach (General of the Cities in the war of Schmal-
kald), Memoirs l^ liiiwAlf-
Original sources fer the History of the Beigns of Ferdinand L and Maximilian H.
may be found in:
24. Script rer. Germ, by Schard; vols. 3 and 4.
In reference to the period continued beyond the reign of Ferdinand H., and especially
the Thirty Years' War:
25. F. C. Count Ehevenhuller (Imperial CoundUor and Grand Master of the
Court, died in 1650), Annales Ferdinandei, from 1578 to 1637.
26. N. Bellus, Amtirs of Germany in peace and war, under Matthias and Ferdi-
nand H, from 1617-40.
27. W. Lamomudn (a Jesuit and ConfiMSor of Ferdinand IL, died 1648), Vktutes
Ferdinandei; Vienna 1637.
28. P. R Burgus (of Genoa, and a witness of the deeds of Gustovus Addphus—
accordingly m lus favour), Comment de Bello Suedco, from 1618-32.
29. Eberh. Wassenberg (of Emmerich, Historian of Wladialas, Emg of Poland),
Florus Germanicus de Bello inter Ferd. H. et IIL, et eorum hostes ab ann. 1618-40
gesto; very zealous against the Protestants; as likewise,
30. The Italian Historians of the War of Thirty Tears; viz., J. Baoci, J. Damlani,
Galeazzo Gualdo, and others.
On the other hand, in fevour of the Protestant party, are:
31. P. von Chemnitz (Swedish councillor and historian, died 1678, who wrote the
SwediBh-German war, in nine parts, but of which only two were printed. The
others, preserved in the royal archives of Stockfadm, have, no doubt, been used by:
32. The celebrated Samuel Pu£fendorf (councillor and historian at Stockholm,
subsequently privy councillor, died in 1694), hi his work De rebus Suecicis sub
Gust. Adolpho usque ad abdteationem Christinae.
Digitized by
Google
CHARLES v. TO THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA, 1520—1648. 353
38. TobiaB Pfiumer (ConnciUor of Sftzany, bom in 1640), in liis Hist Pads Westph.
34. And, oommencing with the year 1617, the voluminous work, Theatrum Ea-
ropaenm, in 19 toIs., by Tarions anthors, and of very unequal, sometimes inferior,
merit.
Unally, in leferenoe to the lives of two other distmgmshed men of this period,
Bemhard, Doke of Weimar, and Wallenstein, Duke of Eriedland, we have:
35. The Achievements of fiemhard, Duke of Weimar, collected from the archives
hy£. 8. Cyprian. Gotha, 1729.
36. The Life of Wallenstem, by G. Gualda Lvon, 1643, and
37. The Original letters of Wallenstein, from the year 1627 to 1634, throwing a
new light upon his life and character. Edited by Tr, Forster; Berlm, 1828.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
354 STATE OF THE EMPUtE-^INTERKAL ANABCHT.
CHAPTER XVI.
State of the Empire— laterDal Anarchy— <?haileg Y. of Spaia, and Francis L of
France— Frederick the Wise, Elector of Saxonj— Charles V. elected Emperor oC
Germany — Ws Character — Jealousy and Discontent of the Spaniards — ^Try to
dissuade Charles from accepting the Imperial Crown — 'Sew Spam — ^Discovery of
Mezioo — ArriTal of Charles in Grermany — ^His Coronation, 1520 — Schism in the
Church — Causes which produced it — j^orance of the Clergy — ^Their Vices —
Murmurs and Discontent of the People — ^A Beformation in the Church uni-
yersally demanded — Scholastic Wisdom — Theology — ^Enlightenment of Sdenoe —
John Keuchlio.
The imperial throne, now vacant by the death of Maximilian,
required a successor. The general agitation throughout Europe^ as
well as the confusion prevalent in Germany itself, where the Faust-
recht appeared immediately after the death of the emperor to resume
its sway, demanded a monarch, endowed with energy and consequent
power, in order to maintain the necessary equilibrium between the
internal and external government. The war still continued between
Spain and France upon the subject of Italy, although neither of these
powers possessed the right of decision in the cause of a country which
knew not how to govern or even help itself, such decision being vested
in the hands of the emperor alone. In the east the Turks again threat-
ened to devastate the country; and Hungary, reduced Dymal-ad-
ministration as well as by the luxury and effeminacy of the people,
was no longer able to serve as a bulwark against this formidable
enemy; hence £rom this quarter likewise the emperor was called
upon to come forth as the protector of Europe. In Grermany itself,
and in the very heart of the empire, two grand contentions arose at
this moment and raged with all their ungovernable fury. Duke
Ulric of Wurtemberg, having cause to revenge himself upon the
free town of Reutlinsen for some offence, fell suddenly upon that
place, in the winter of 1519, and having made himself master of it,
he continued to hold it in possession as his own. The Swabian
lea^e, however, which had been established by the Emperor Maxi-
milian, in order to maintain the tranquillity of the land, finding the
duke paid no respect or attention to meir repeated summons to sur-
render the town, advanced at once against him, and by their superior
force not only regained possession of the place, but pursued the duke
throughout his own territories so closely that he was compelled to
quit them for safety.
In Lower Saxony a^ain another still more sanguinary struggle
raged, the so-called bishop's feud of Hildesheim. Two noblemen,
lords of Saldem, but vassals to John, Bishop of Hildesheim, pro-
claimed war against him, in which they were supported by the
Dukes of WoBenbiittd and Calenberg; whilst^ on nis side, the
Digitized by
Google
CHARLES v.— FRANCIS 1. OF FRANCE. 355
bishop found aflsistaxice from the Duke of Liineburg, and the Counts
of lippe, Hoya, and Diepholtz. On the 28th of January, 1519, both
parties met on the {Jain of Soltau in Liinebor^, and after a most
obstinate and sangtunaiT battle, the victory was sained by the bishop,
although severely purcnased, whilst on the o&er side the valiant
Duke of Calenberg with other nobles were taken prisoners, and four
thousand of their men were left dead on the field of battle. The
continued repetition of such scenes could not but produce the most
dangerous consequences, since, although ihe Landfiiede had happily
succeeded in putting an end to the feuds and robberies of the tesser
nobility and ficeebooter knights* it became more and more evident
that in order to prevent the princes from following in the same stepi,
and thus by force of arms seeking to add by conquest to their pos-
seBBMms^ it was rendered necessary to elect an. active and strong-
minded emperor, who should mamtiirn and protect the authority of
the laws.
Maximilian had, in the course of his reign, gained several voices
in iavour of has gruidson, Cihaiks, alreadj Emg of Spain; many
princes, however, still thought consideration requisite before they
eonld undertake to jdaoe the imperial power in the hands of a sove-
reign who already reigned over the half of Europe; for as inheritor
of ihe houses o£ opain and Austria, Charles possessed besides Spain
and the kingdom of Naples and Sicily, the beautiful Austrian pro*
vinces, and all the patrimonial territories of Burgundy in the Low
Countries. If to so mnch splendid power the additional lustre ac*
quired by the possession of the imperial crown were to be added, it
was to be feared — ^thus the princes thought — that his house might
become too powerful, and thence concdve the proud and ambitious
pixnect of invading and destroying the liberty of the Grerman princes,
and seek accordingly, to render the empire, without limitation, here-
ditary and independent.
From another aide a^ain, as his competitoT for the imperial crown,
came forth to oppose him ihe King of France, Francis I. The pope
was in favour of his election, at l^ist he app^ured to be so; in adoi-
tion to which this young sovereign had yarned a great reputation by
his first expedition to Italy, where, for his valiant and chivalric bear-
ing, emedally in the victorious battle of Marengo, he was extolled —
particularly by his own nation — to the very skies. The ambassadors
£rom France presented to the assembled princes at Franldbrt a docu-
ment laudatory of their royal master, in which they thus alluded to
the danger threatened by the incursions of the Turks: — '* He must
indeed be wanting in understaDding who at a time when the storm
has broken forth, dionld still hesitate to confide the steerage of the
vessel to the most skilful helmsman."
Nevertheless, in spite of the confidence with which the envovs
Sioke, the princes Mt the daaser of electing a French king to be
mperor oi Germaiiy ; and as me Elector of Sazonj, Frederick the
Wise, to whom th^ had offered the crown, declmed it with the
^^^ Digitized by Google
356 THE ELECTOR OF SAXONY— CHARACTER OF CHARLES V.
magnanimous observation in excuse — ** That the inferior power of
his house was not equal to contend with the difficulties of the times,"
adding even his recommendation to them to elect the youn^ Spanish
Ung instead, the princes after further consideration, remembered and
admitted, that at least he was a German prince, and the grandson of
their late revered Emperor Maximilian; they decided accordingly in
Us favour, and elected him to the imperial throne on the 28th of June,
1519. Before the election, however, his ambassadors were obliged
rby the princes to sign the following conditions, viz. : " That the M
emperor shall not make any alliance, nor carry on any war with a i
foreign nation, without the approbation of the princes, neither shall |
he introduce any foreign troops whatever into the empire; that he '
shall hold no diets beyond Gennany ; that all offices at the imperial i
court and throughout the empire shall be conferred upon native
Germans; that in all the a£&irs of the eminie no other languwe but
German or Latin shall be employed; that in conjunction wiui the
estates, he shall put an end to all the commercial leagues which, by
means of their capital,, have hitherto held so much sway, and main- '
tained so much mdependence; that he shall not pronounce the im*
perial ban against any state of die empire without urgent reasons nor
without a proper form of judgment; and, finally, that he shall come
to Germany as speedily as possible, and make that country his prin-
..^pal seat of residence. '^"'
These and other articles being sworn to by the ambassadors in the
name of their royal master, they proceeded at once to hasten his
arrival in the Germanic empire.
The youthful monarch had occupied the Spanish throne about
two years; but as yet he was unknown to the world. Hitherto the
majority hoped but little from him. The premature death of his
noble and chivalric &ther, Philip the Handsome, the insanity of his
mother, Joanna, his separation from his brother, Ferdinand, who
had been educated in Spain, whilst he himself had been brought up
entirely amongst strangers in the Netherlands— all these circum-
stances acted umavourably upon his mind, and produced that retiring
exclusive disposition which made him shrink from the world and
live in the privacy of his own mind. Added to this, it was but
slowly that he arrived at that clearsightedness and independence of
action which subsequently produced his greatness; it appeared in-
deed, as if he were to be gmded and ruled entirely by his councillors.
Those alone who conmianded a profound knowledge of human
nature were capable of observing and interpreting the movements by
which his soul was actuated. At a grand toiunament in Yalladolia,
the young kin^, who from his childhood was warmly attached to
chivalric exercises, entered the lists completely equipped, and ex-
changed a few courses at arms with his chief master of ^e horse.
He broke three lances with him, and each time the air was filled
with shouts of applause fix>mthe assembled multitude; for the youth,
who had not attamed his eighteenth year, and had always been oou«
Digitized by
Google
JEALOUSY OF THE SPANIARDS — ^HEXICO DISCOVERED. 357
sideied as weak, both in body and mind, and of easy persuasion, ap-
peared here in the most undaunted and noble character, and with all
the vigour of a knight, whilst on his shield he bore the motto:
** Nondum !" (not yet). Those who knew and understood the mean-
ing of the word, awaited with impatience the moment when he
would be enabled to come forth before the world uncontrolled and
independent.
That moment had now arrived. He was chosen emperor of Ger-
many, and it was for him now to decide promptly whether or not
he would abandon Spain in order to seize the reins of government in
his new empire. The important announcement appeared to produce
no change whatever in our young prince of twenty years: '' Our
king, who is now emperor," says an eye-witness, ^^ seems to regard
this, the greatest fortune that can happen to mortal, as nothing; his
greatness of mind and gravity of expression are so extraordmary,
that any one would suppose from his appearance, that he was play-
ing at football with the imiversal- globe." The resolution he was
cafled upon to adopt would have proved to any ordinary mind a
matter of extreme oifficultT^. Spain at that time was in a state of
great fermentation, and almost ready to burst into full flame; for
strong and influential parties stood opposed to each other face to
&ce : the royal authoiitjr, a powerful nobility, and proud and wealthy
cities. In Germany again he would find an agitated empire, in com-
plete anarchy, and above all, the grand contest which raged upon
the subject of reli^on, and to which all eyes were at present directed.
The Spaniards memselves were discontented at oeholding their
sovereign invested with ihe imperial dignity ; they feared they might
in consequence be reduced to the form of a secondary kingdom, sub-
ject to the rule of arbitrary governors. " What else had the em-
pire now become," they said, ^' but the mere shadow of an im-
mensely overgrown tree?" In such poor estimation was the ancient
and, formerly, so venerated imperial crown now held in foreign
countries.
The majority of his councillors advised and warned Charles not
to abandon his hereditary kingdom for the sake of a possession so
uncertain, and at least difficult to maintain; but his genius saw and
acknowledged that this very circumstance paved the way for bold
and indq)endent action; he found himself summoned as it were to a
career oi glory, and he followed his destiny without fear or hesita-
tion. It was at this time whilst he was on lis journey to Germany,
there to take possession of the crown oflered to him, that the im-
portant news arrived announcing the acquisition made in his name of
a second empire, that of Mexico, then just discovered in the new
world. A more common mind would have been overcome with ihe
weight of such great events; but ihe effect they produced upon the
yotmg and mighty emperor was only such as to accelerate the ma-
turing of his nund. lus care and solicitude were now claimed by
one entire moiety of the universe, and from that moment he showed
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
358 SCHISM IN THE CHURCH— ITS CAUSES.
in all liis actiona the character of a dear-mghted, truly eneigetic, and
oomprehenflivelj-minded ruler.
Charles landed in the Netherlands and continiied his joatney on
to Germany. He was crowned on the 22nd of October, 1 520, at Aix-
la-ChapeUe, with great pomp and magnificence, and he then appointed
the 17 ih of April of ihe following year as the day for holding the first
imperial diet at Worms. This met was one of we most brimant that
haa eyerbeen held ; it was attended by six electors and a numerous
body of spiritual and temporal princes. The most important traiis-
action that occurred on this occasion was the trial of Martin Luther.
The church had for centuries been subject to violent agita-
tion and disorder in every shape, and the recUess abandonment of
all external discipline had operated materially to diake the fidth of
numerous Christians, as well as to corrupt the morals of the people
generally. CSomplaints of the decline of the church, and the desire
K>r its general reform had long been growing loud and more urgent
in expression. There are none, let them belong to whatever doctrine
or sect they may, who, knowing the history of those times, will not
admit that these complaints were at that period too well founded.
They were raised in the name of entire nations, and proceeded more
especiaUy from the mouths of the fidthfid adherents of the ancient
church, as well as the venerable bishops themselves, together with
the most learned and profoundly-minded men of the church and
state.
At the time of the great schism, finom tibe year 1378 to 1414, when
several popes disputed the possession of the holy chair of St Peter, eacti
rival claimant excommumcated the other in turn, together with all
his partisans ; so that all the countries of Christendom found them-
selves subject to the ban of the church, either by the one pope or the
other, and all religious and pacific minds were at a loss to know where
in reality they should seek and find the true peace of God. Atsuch a
period, and under the influence of such violent and furious passions^
it was to be expected that that veneration hitherto felt for tne name
of the pope would be senribly weakened, and the invisible azkd sacred
bonds gradually loosened.
To tbis was added a state of ignorance which prevailed throoglioat
the spiritual body, or at least amonnt the majority of its memoeBS ;
for it was not possible for a few inmvidual men of learning to suc-
ceed in dissipating the darkness that overspread the mass. And as
darimeas of tne mind always brings with it its consequent vices, whadi
can alone be extirpated by divine light, a number of the clergy were
at that time clothed in sin, an abomination in the eyes of the good,
and a scandal to the people generally. In the 1503, aocordmoiy,
some time before the appearance of Luther in the field, oneof thennt
theologians of Germany represented this d^eneiated, fidlen state of
the church in strong terms :
'' The study of theology," he says ^' is despised amongst us, and the
gospel of Chnst, as well as the excellent wntings of the holy fatheis
Digitized by
Google
IGKOSANCE AND VICES OF THE CLERGY. 359
aie oompletelyiieglected ; fidth, piety, modeiatton, and all the other
virtaes, bo much praised and vidued by ev«i the pagans themselves,
tke woniexB of God's grace and the merits of Jesus, all these are
doctnnea upon which uie most profound alence is maintained by
them. And such people too, who understand nothing of either the-
ology or philosophy, are elevated to the highest dignities of the
dbmch, and become ihe guaidians of our souk I Thence the melau-
cboly decline of the Chiiafcian church, the hatred towards the clergy,
and the total absence of all ^ood and salutary instructicm ! The pro-
fligate life led by the ecclesiastics, shock the feelings of well-minded
parents, and prevent them frcnn allowing their sons to devote theb
Eves to that once hoi V servioe. They omit entirely all search intothe
Holy Sciiptnres, and they oomxpt their taste to such an extent, that
tfaejr no longer feel theb beauty and force ; they become lukewarm
and lazy in their duty, and are only too riad when the service is
SDeedily at an end, the chant and sermon hurriedly ccmduded, and
tneir presence no longer required I They discourse more gravely and
impressively with the mortal upon whom they may have a claim for
money, than with their divine master and creator. Instead of de-
voting their Insure time to study, they pass it in gambling, de-
banchery, and Ecentioaflness, without caring in the least, <x ruEiving
any consideration for the disgust their conduct everywhere produces.
How then is it possible that m this shameful state of things, the laity
can feel respect for them or religion itself ? The gospel tells us that
ibe path to Heaven is narrow and difficult, but they only strive to
mdke it broad and easy."
That this description is not too strongly coloured, is proved by a
hnndred other madoubted witnesses; and although the monks ao-
cosed the learned professor, who as we have just seen, reprimanded
them so severely, before ihe pope, Julius H., srill he had truth so
mndi on his side, that the papal commissioners themselves pronounced
in his fikvour. The pious Bishop of Augsburg, Christopher of
Stadion, in a synodal charge to his clergy, coincides exactly in all
iiheK oomphdnts, and reproaches them bitteily for their vices, which,
lie aays, could not fail to produce the most corrupt and destructive
effects upon the diurch ana die pubHc; and Hugo, Bishop of Con-
stance, althou^ inimical to ihe doctrine of Martin Lutner, com-
plains equally m the same strain, together with many others of the
chief memben of the Catbolk^ duizch of that time.
But how oould it be otherwise, when the investiture of the spi-
ixtoal offices was leeukted by the amount of purchase-money, with-
out any v^ard to uie qualineations and real duuncter of the indi-
TMhud chosen, and when, ashasalready been shown, only the smallest
portion of the clergy in reality possessed any knowledge of the w<»rd
of God. To such a d^^mded state indeed had the church become
reduced, that according to well authenticated evidence, we are assured
that oat of all the principal and leading membocs of the derical body
throughout the Swiss confederation, at the commencement of tlie
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
360 DISCONTENT OF THE PEOPLE— REFORMATION DEMANDED.
dxteenth centuzy, there were not ihiee who had ever read the BiUe;
and when the people of Valak received about this time a letter fifom
Zurich, in which was quoted a sentence fix)m the sacred volume,
only one man was to be foimd who knew the book, and ev^i what
he Icnew was by hearsay !
How deplorably ^reat and universal must have been the ignorance
existing at this penod through the negli^nce of the deigy, when
we find not only that men were unacc^uamted with the source itself
of religious devotion and Christian virtue, but that its very name
was scarcely known to them !
In Italy, and especially in Rome, this want of fidth and knowledge
in divine matters was still more strikingly evident and notorious.
Under the pontificate of the accomplished Leo X., fiK>m 1513 to
1521, the arts certainly flourished in the capitol to a remarkable
decree; but whilst these ripened forth from their rich and fertile
soil, they smothered the simple genns of the true religion of God.
The enjoyment of the senses was valued above every thin^ as the
greatest treasure; the belief placed in the existence of a higher in*
visible world, could not co-exist with such principles, and the calm
and silent piety of the heart became in the eyes of the world a sub-
ject of ridicule and contempt. The usages and forms of divine wor-
ship appeared to be retdned and practised in order to serve rather as
a check upon the mass of the people, whence they soon became re-
garded in the character of nurely external ceremonies.
In proof of this we will refer to the opinion expressed by the
Sious rope Adrian VI., in his letter addressed to his nuncio at the
iet held at Nuremberg, in 1522: " We know," says he, " that in
this holy see much corruption has continued to abound during many
years, great abuse in all ecclesiastical afibirs, as likewise in all that has
emanated from our chair, and in one word, a depravation in every
thing. Thence it is no wonder if the disease has transferred itself
from ihe head to the other members — ^from the pope to the priests;
therefore, we promise, as &r as lies in us, to devote all our attention
and care towards reforming first of all our chair, whence perhaps all
this evil has originated, in order that as the destruction has issued
thence to descend to the inferior grades, the cure and renewed en^
joyment of health may likewise find their source there."
The feeling of the necessity existing for a thorough reform in the
church, had long since become so generally acknomedged through-
out all ranks of society, that the Tower orders had continued, even
from the middle of the fourteenth century to ihe present time, to
nourish ihe false hope of the return of the Emperor Frederick 11.,
(then dead since more than a hundredyears,) assured that he would
come forth as the desired reformer. We have also observed what
urgent representations were made by the Germans, the English, and
French, when assembled at the councils of Constance and msle; and
in the year 1510, the diet at Au^burg raised once more its voice
against die state of the church, having drawn up and established ten
Digitized by
Google
PERVERTED SYSTEM OF DOCTRINE — SCHOLASTIC SYSTEM. 361
heavy dbaiges, in reply to the pretended and assumed rights of the
popes, and by whicn the schism of the church was abeady pro-
dauned: ^^ For if the causes for these complaints," said the diet,
*' are not removed or remedied, there is gooa reason to beHeve that
a general persecution against the priests must shortly arise, or, accord-
ing to the example ahc»dy set by the Bohemians, one universal aban-
donment of thelloman church will, perhaps, inevitably take place."
Thence we perceive that, at this time, the ancient, sacred edifice
of the hierarchy, which had existed during so many centuries, and
which, according to its fundamental object, was well and indis-
pensably calculated for the imity of the Ghiistian nations, was now
imdmninin^ itself, and produced, by its own means, its tottering
condition; masmuch as it had lost all respect and consideration
among the people, because its leading members, living in proud and
hauffhty security, paid no le^urd to ue spirit of the times.
However evident all we have just related must appear to the
minds of all men, we must, nevertheless, once more stnctly examine
the operating causes of the mighty change produced in the world,
, in order to perfectly comprehend it.
A Httle good-will and gradual amelioration would have sufficed to
satisfy and remove all the charges referred to— -inasmuch as they re-
lated chiefly to the external forms and administration of the church
-—had there only been, at the head of religion itself, a genius in
possession of clear-minded views, an active spirit, and energetic
powers. But such a leading genius was no longer to be found in
the clerical body; religion itaeff no longer maintaining its pure spirit.
Not only the ignorance of which we have before spoken, but a com-
pletely peroer&cf system prevailed in almost all the doctrines of reli-
gion, xhey set a great value upon a certain class of school wisdom,
which they styled scholastic science, and which, in ancient times,
had originated in the mixture of philosophic principles with the
doctrines of Christianity. The plain and simple truths of the Holy
Scriptures, so intelligible and dear, even to the mind of the most
ignorant and juvenile reader, were clothed in obscure and erudite
words, and these words were regarded as the principal object; they
soon proceeded to discuss their mterpretation, and of the disputants
he who carried on the contest in the most sharp and refined style of
language was held to be the most learned. Thence, as it often hap-
pens, that both spirit and truth become lost in the crowd of many
words, so likewise the gentle, simple, and beneficent light of Chris-
tian faiih vanished more and more &om the science whidi ihey called
their theology. With the fifteenth century, however, a new epoch
opened upon the sciences, and ihe human mind became increas-
ingly enhghtened ; the darkness in which it had hitherto been en-
veloped, now yidded before the divine light of knowled^. Before
its oveipowering rays, the scholastic sophism, with all its shallow
pretensions to its important interpretation of words, could no longer
TnaintBJn its ground; a few select and distinguished men of the £iy
Digitized by CjJ.OOQlC
S62 ENUCHTENMENT OF SCaENCB — JOBJS BEOCHLUr*
now came forth «id altecked it with the hreeuflable weapaue of :
8on and sarcasm, ezpoemg it to the worid in flUitBbaieiieaB. La die*
dples, howerer, on the other hand, whikt thus oven^ehned hj the
force of their adyeisaries, would not in their retreat endeavour to
redeon their character, by aeeidnff to find the neoeamy light even
in their own doctrine — ^which might have opented in uieir fiivour,
and have served as thetr only protecdon — but with bUnd seal and
defiance they sought to extinguish and destrojr at onoe the dawnine
rays which annoonced the coming of the glorious day-^a vain aira
&tile effort, which has, at all times, only been attended with disgrace-
fill defeat, and ever fallen powerless to the ground.
In Greimany this new light in the sdenoes was more especially
promulgated by John Beuchlin (horn at Pforzheim in the year
1455), one of the first and most distinguished men of Ipiaming that
our countr]^ ever produced, possessing the most erudite knowledge
of the La&i, to^^er with the Gteek. and Hebrew languages — a
man endowed with a mind bo vast and comprehensive, that it was
said of him, that in his mind was combined all the scfaolajnddp, all the
knowledge of the arts and sciences, together with all the leaming
then to he found in the Chrirtaan worl£ Many of the theologians
vented all their rancorous paaaons against him, although he uved
before the time of the Reformation, and aoccndingly took no share
in it. We must not, however, include all the leading members of
the dergy amongst those so plunged in darkness, for the beforennen*
tioned Christopher of Stadion, Bishop of Augsburg, did not think
it beneath his dignity to undertake a journey of seven days to Frei-
burg, in order there to become acquainted with the celebrated
Erasmus of Botterdam^ whilst John of Dalberg, Bish(» of Worras^
formed a library containing the works of the most distlnguiihed
writers, and was so attached to the sciences, that he beoEone a mem-
ber of the Rhenish society of learned men, founded by the poetConrad
Cdtes. Buttheniimberof these better-minded men was too limited
to cope with those whose Uind and fiiriousseal in their hatred to all
enlightenment, confounded together ihe ^ood with the bad, and pro-
duced accordingly, the destruction of their own empire.
Digitized by
Google
OUTBREAK OF THE REFORMATION, 1517. S63
CHAPTER XVn.
Outbreak of the Beformatioii,! 51 7— AtnueB in the Chuich—Letten of Indalgeiice^
Jfartin lAther tlie Befimaer^Hk Eiponre aid CondemiuitioQ of tiieie Pxo*
oeedingB— Is frnnmcmed to aj^ear in Borne— Withheld from going hy the Elector
of Saxony— The Pope'i Nnncio, Cardinal Cajetan and Luther at the Diet of
Angsbnrg, 1518— Beniaal of Lather to retract— Lutber's Appeed to the Pope Ibr
m fidr Hearing— Ooatroreniai IHacoMion between Lather and Dr. Eck— Lather
maintaina his Gioand— The Feme's Bull against Lather— The Be&nner bomi
tbelBnU with the Canon Law and Eck's Writings— Propagation of the New Doc-
trine— ^Luther addresses the People— Ulric of Hutten and Francis of ^ckingen —
Frederid: the Wise of Saxony and tiiB Ftinoes in FaTonr of Befiimt— Hie Grand
Diet At Wonns, 1521— Charles Y.— The Pope's Legate, Cardinal Alexander-
Luther's Appearance and Examination there — Solemn Refusal not to retract—
The Emperor's Dedazation — l^ither excommunicated and his Writmgs burnt —
CoDTeyed by the Elector of Saaony for fiafSety to the Castle of Wartbnrg— fiia
Translation of the New Testament — Tumults and Berolutions of the Peasantry
— Munzer the Fanatic— Battle of Frankenhausen — Munzer's Death — Tranquillity
restored.
We lia^e in the preceding chapter endeavoured to deT<dop the
canses which duiing seveial centuiieB hid prepared the way for the
flcfaism of the chnrch; bat that which more immediatelj hastened
its accomplishment was the abuse so unireisallj practised, in the
declaration and distribudon of indnlgences.
Hie agents of the papal court were authorised to ofEer letters of
the indulgence in everj country that reocMpiiaed the po{>e, by which
those who obtained them received frcan tJae church remission of tjie
punishment they had merited by their sins. Such letters of indul-
gence, however, were not of reoent origin, inasmuch as in the eaAy
ages of the chnrch when it punished public crime by severe and
public penitence, by exclusion {rem, divine wonliip, often for Aq
space of years, &c., there were many penitents, eq>ecially those
who distinguished ihemsdves by their seal in the practice of re-
pentance, whose term of trial was abridged by the oishc^, or the
puniflhment altogether remitted, and the performance of pious acts
of gifis or endowments substituted. At tne time of the crusades,
ibe pofies accorded to all who undertook to encounter the dan^;ers
and falij?ues of these e3q)editions, the remisaon fiom all the punuh-
ment of the churdi to whidi they would oAerwiee have been
oUised to submit Subsequently, vie same indulgence was granted
to ful those who, in Eeu of taking part in these holy wars per*
flonaQv, oontribated their aid in money instead. A&ex this nenod,
the object <^ these expiatory acknowledgments was extenoed to
other pious works, such as the building of churdies, schools, &a;
and whoi Europe was threatened by the Tuiks, the expeditions
against their annies jwesented numerous q>pQrtanities to tne popes
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
364 ABUSES IN THE CHURCH—LETTERS OF INDULGENCE.
to distribute their letters of indulgence. Veiy soon, however, the
behef that these letters of indulgence absolved the hearers firom sin
itself — an error quite in keeping with the coarse and depraved
state of feeling in those times — ^bc^ame more and more promulgated
amongst the people, and was supported generally bj the prelates
themselves; whilst, on the other nand, suspicions were increasingly
nourished and murmurs loudly expre^ed with respect to the em-
ployment of the sums professedly collected for the exclusive object
of works of piety. Thence, at length, both the princes and the
people imited their voices in complaint against the existing abuse
of mdulgences, and subsequently the council of Trent issued a
decree against the criminal agents of the church, ''who availed
themselves of the word of God in order to fill their own pockets
with lucre."
In order to draw firom these indulgences as much profit as pos-
sible, the sale thereof in entire provinces was let out to the highest
bidders or iarmers-general, and these again appointed several sub-
iarmers, who, for the sake of gain, committed the most shameful
abuses. To promote the sale of these letters of indulgence, they se-
lected men who, possessing eloquence and impudence, might suc-
ceed in exciting tne minds of the people and mduce them to pur-
chase them by wholesale; and truly, the shameless proceedings of
some of these men exceed all belief. They sold indulgences for the
most heavy crimes committed: for pillage of churches, perjury, and
murder; nay, the promise of indulgence could even be obtained
before the commission of the contemplated crime.
But additional evidence to prove the destructive influence with
which such an abuse of religion must operate upon the morality of
mankind, is superfluous. 'Suffice it, that ihe long nourished feeung
of discontent at length burst forth. Leo X. having, in the year 1516,
announced firesh indulgences in order to complete the building of
the church of St. Peter in Rome, commencea by his predecessor,
Julius II., it was ^nerally believed that an important share of the
money collected, viz., that contributed in Saxony and the countries
as fiir as the Baltic, was not to be devoted to the building of the
church of St. Peter, but was intended for the pope's sister. In ad*
dition to which, the clerical agents emplovea on this occasion, es-
pecially a certain Bernard Samson, and John Tetzel, the former in
Switzerland, and the latter in Saxony, excited by their shamefizl
conduct the greatest indignation.
It was at mis moment that Martin Luther, bom in 1483, at Eis*
leben in Thuringia, an Au^nstinian firiar, and professor of theology
in the Univerdty of Wittenberg, came forth and publicly condemned
these indulgences; and on the eve of All Saints day (ihe Slst of
October, 1517), in the church of the palace of Wittenberg, he read
ninety-five theses in which he bitterly mveighed against the traffic of
indulgences, and challenged all the most learned men of the day to
contest them with him in a public examination. Similar public as-
Digitized by
Google
MARTIN LUTHER— DIET OF AUQ8BUR6. 365
serdons on certain articles of faith were not of unusual occurrence,
but those expressed hj Luther were conveyed in a language so
bold, and in a spirit of such independence, that thej excited forth-
with the greatest sensation, and were raid throughout Germany
with the most eager curiosity and interest. Therein he maintainedf,
^' that the pof>e possessed no power to remit sins himself, but only to
pronounce their remission by Grod; that whatever power herein the
pope might possess was equally shared by every bishop and prelate;
that whoever sincerely repented of his sms, would receive remission
from punishment without the indulgences; that the treasures of the
Saviour and the church were so eaually distributed and shared in by
the faithful, that the pope could not impart to them any fresh
daim,' ' &c. At the same time he did not at all contemplate attack-
mg either the authority of the pope or that of the ancient church.
The doctrine, however, which he published upon the indulgences
could not but excite the most violent opposition on the part of Tet-
2el and his fiiends, especially the Domimcans, who for a long time
had been opposed to the orcler of the Augustinians; they denounced
him as a heretic, and they already threatened him with tiie sword
and burning pile.
Meantime in Rome itself the most strict silence was maintained^
although the disputes had now continued for nearly nine months.
The miole matter, however, was not the less known there, but the
pof>e perhaps redded it merely in the light of a monkish dispute;
besides which, m Rome they were totally unacquainted with Ger-
manjr. They conddered it to be still a half-savage country, its po-
pulation patient, accustomed to obedience, and slow in Arming a
resolution. But this ignorance and depreciation of our nation proved
£ital to the pontifical chair, and brought down likewise upon our-
selves the most disastrous consequences.
At length, in the month of August, 1518, LutiiCT was sum-
moned to appear at Rome, there to justify himself before the tribu-
nal of the Holy See. But the Elector of Saxony, as well as the
University of Wittenberg, which but recentiy founded, owed its
xapidly flourishing state entirely to Luther, would not suffer him to
make the dangerous journey. By their mediation he received per-
mission to adjust the a&ir in Germany, and with this object to
present himself at the end of October, 1518, before the pope's
nuncio. Cardinal Thomas de Vio of Graeta (usually known under
the name of Cajetan), at the diet of Augsburg. The latter, who as
a Dominican &iar, had already been an opponent of the theological
views and opinions of Lutiier, demanded from him a retraction of
his sentiments. Luther declared his willingness to make it, pro-
vided what he had advanced could be refuted by the Holy Scrip-
tures. The cardinal, however, who considered it beneath his dig-
nity to hold argument or dispute with a monk, abruptiy dismissed
him with the words : ** Retire hence, nor come again before us, imless
it be that thou wilt retract."
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
SM LUTHJfiR AND DR. ECK— LUTHER UNSHAKEN.
Lalker now ocMnpoeed and handed in to tbe nimcio a letter of
justification, in whiek he acknowledged he had acted too impe-
tuoufllj, and had not spoken of the pope with sufficient respect, pro-
mising henceforth to maintain complete silenoe, if on llieir side bis
opponents wexe subjected to the same restndnt towards him. Aa,
however, he reoeiyed no reply to this document, he held hincndf
bonxMl to address the pope personally, and with the aid of a notary,
in the {>ie8ence oi witnesses, drew up in Latin an appeal against tne
unjust judgment pronounced, requuing that a more fair and just
inquiiy and decision should tske V^fOd Mfore the pope himself; thm
psfper be caused to be aflSzed publicly on the gate of the catl^dial
cburch in Augsburg, and immediately afterwards quitted that city*
Hiis document proves, that Luther at that time had not yet formed
the resolution to sqwrate himsdf firom the Romish church ; but the
pressure of circumstances and the waimth q£ ccmtroveny with his
adversaries impelled him £rom <me step to the other.
A raofessorof theol(^atIngolstadt,inBavaria»Dr. JohnMsjer,
of Eclc, usually called Dr. Eck, one of the most zealous and talented
partisans of his church, a man of comprehensive scientific knowledfie,
the exercise of which he always had at command, and to which he
added an impoeinf figure and a powerful, penetiatang Tc^ce, chal-
lenffed Luther and another professor of Wittenberg, Andrew Garl-
stadt, in the jear 1519, to meet him at a public Sssertation upon
subjects of fiuth in Leipsic, which formed part of the territory of
George, Duke of Saxony. They both appeared there, accompanied
by a pupil of Reuchlin, Fhifip Melanchth<m, afterwards so celebrated,
and at that time professor of Grreek at Wittenberg ; the meetii^ was
likewise honoured with the presence of the Duke of Saxony himself.
The controveraal trial lasted Scooi the 27th of June to the 13th of
July, 1519; they discussed at great length the subjects of the prin-
cipal articles of uuth and the respect due to the pope; but as always
h^pens in all dispittes, when carried on with zealous spirit, words of
bitter andacrimomous import were exchanged between tne two parties,
whilst, however, it became more and more evident in the course of
the contest that Luther successfull]^ maintained his position, in not
only rejecting the in&llible authority of the pope, but likewise that
(^the councu^, until at length Eck exclaimea: ^^ Reverend fiither^ if
you^ihen reaUy do believe that a lawfully assembled council can err,
thai must I regard you as a gentile and publican."* Saying which he
* In thiB celebrated oontroyersy at Leipsic, which fonns a criticial pdnt in the
great deyelopment of the higtoiy of thoee tunes— Dnke Geofge of Saxxmj hima^
ngavding h as roch, he haring proposed that the decisioB of the dnfuate should be
tnnsferred to tbe oonsidefatioii of other nniyersitiea-^wo peasants* sons represented
the conflicting ideas that characterised the present and fatore times, and their
unity or still greater division ooold not but produce the most important axiseqnences.
Whilst Lather on the one haad waa the desceadant of a peasant tunSfy, liviag at
Hbe foot of the Thatingian Ibvest in Mbnma, Eck, on ^ other, was tiie son of
Midiael Mayer of Sck, a peasant, and afterwards mayor of that place, (similar to La-
ther's fkther, who became a coandllor of Mansfeid,^ whither he had wandered to work
in the mines— he, as younger son, not haying any pabnnoBial cbuni to the lhnii»
Digitized by
Google
THE POPS'S BULL BURNT— THE NEW DOCTRINE. 367
quitted the UB^nblj, and pxooeeded at once to Rome, and demanded
that the heretic should be vuited with the utmost ligour of the
apoatoHcpoiver.
Aoooramgl J he soon le-appeaied in Germany anned with a bull
fiom the pope, in which forty-one pro{)ositicxiis selected from
Luther^s wntbjgs, were designated as heredca!, whilst he himself,
unless he unUicly retracted them within sxtj days, was declared
under the ban of the diurch; and which the zealous agent endea-
Touzed to circulate throughout all the cities of Germany. But it
found admimion ajij in a very few places; the magistrates gene-
nJhr forbidding it to be made public, and where the document did
find a place upon the walls (^any town, it was immediately torn down
by the peopk^-«u(^ was the reroeot in which the pdndpl^ of the new
doctiiiie were already held. Luthernow proceeded without further
hesilatiou to perform an act which rent asunder for e^er the ties
whidi bound him to the ancient chuidu He conyoked by public
summons the whole of the membeis of the Universi^ of W itten-
bergy to meet on the 10th of December, 1520, before the Ekter
gate q£ the town, when all the students haTing erected a funeral
pie, one of the nuupstiates set fire to it, and Luther, amidst the
loud aockmations of the asBonbly, cast into the burning mass the
popish bull, together with the canon kw and Eek's writmgs.
It is impossible to describe the rapidity with which the new doc^
trine iqpread bant one end <^ Germany to the other, extending
eren far beyond the frontiers c£ the empire * Such celerity can-
not be conceived by those who form their calcuhtion br the scale of
sensuality; for it is only the -nvid flash communicated oy the light-
ning of the mind which ignites in milfions the inflammable mate-
rials already prefmied, that can produce sndbi nnghtf results.
When an aoe is npe for great changes, the signal alone is wanted
to rouse the rnvJe oommumty into action as if struck hy the wand
of magic; and he who has thus supplied that want, and proclaimed it
aloud, is appreciated bjr all as the ^reat author, although he has only
pronounced with his Toice that which has loz^ since existed in the liqp
of Ume and has becoine already matored within the souls of alL Mesoi-
tLme we harre seen in the preceding chapters, how the progress that
sdcDoe had already made, together with the great iuventions of the
pseceding century, moie especially the art of printmg, now the
kof at once communicating to thousands information that other-
* The ninety-ftre propoaitioDg of Lather against the mdnlgeikoei were distribated
tbroogliotit Germany within a fortnight, in the course oiSaai four to six weeks
tiiey wmkaowD by tiie whole of Eanipe, and the naiyerial ezdtement they nnnt
have prodneed may he easily coQoeiTed. In isae^Lnther^a writings were tnmdated
in the Netherlands into Spanish, and in 1521, a traTeller fbond and pnicbased tiiem
in Jemsalem. When Herr Ton M&titz, a distingmshed Saxon, traTeOed, m 1519, from
Ifealy to Witfeeoherg, depnlad hy the pope to prendl upon Lnther to make coa-
oeanon aad to promiae to maiiitaiii silenoe, he hioMelf ackaowiedged to the great
reformer that throughout his joun^ in Geimany he had foam on the avcnigB
three rokses to one in his fkyoor, sna at lids time Lufiher had only been two years
imathei
Digitized by
Google
368 LUTHER AND THE PEOPLE— THE MOBILITT.
wise had remaiiied limited to the possession of afew — ^perliaps locked
up within the walls of the monasteries — ^how, we say, all this com-
bmed to prepare the world for the coming changes we have already
seen. On the other hand again, this very rapidity shown in the pro-
pagation of the new doctrine is an irrefragable proof of the great fall
of the religious and moral spirit of that epoch. For attachment to
the customs, more especially to the iaith, of his fitthers is so powerfully
and deeply rooted in the heart of man that to separate himself from
this as long as he at all sincerely feels its inspiration, is contrary to
the laws of human nature ; it can only occur when that which should
constitute the most ardent and fervent feeling of the heart has become
cold and torpid, and reduced to a state of mere external display.
Many oiher causes e:d8ted amongst the citizens and people gene-
rally, which throughout the empire operated materially to hasten the
crisis. Up to the present moment the great majority of the common
free people had been completely neglected and despised ; nothing
had been done to raise them from their state of ignorance, and thus
all theb mental energy was left to perish in uninterrupted barbarism.
Luther now came amongst them as their great national teacher ;
promising them instruction, nay, making them his arbitrator in his
dispute. And this he undertook and performed in a language so ener-
getic and penetrating, that it struck upon the ears of the people in
tones hitherto unknown to them.
The external condition of the people likewise promoted Luther's
exertions. The peasantry, it is true, had gradually acquired a state
of greater freedom than had existed in former tunes ; but the services
they were condemned to perform were nevertheless even now very
oppressive. They were stall forced to bend under the weight of
burdens inflicted upon them by all the other states, and hitherto their
lights as men continued, ffenemUy speaking, unrecognised by knights,
lords, and princes, and by many of these they were overwheuned
with the most imjust severity. Now, however, uie word: ''Christian
liberty T' resounded and was echoed forth even to the huts of these
oppressed peasants. This magic word which was not interpreted by
them in its spiritual and moral sense, but in that of its action upon
their external condition, excited within them new and great hopes,
producing, unhappily at first, as we shall learn, the most calamitous
disorders and turbulence. For, in the universal commotion of one
oitire generation, as is demonstrated in the history of all nations,
'% is difficult to preserve the just limits of moderation.
Equally prompt with the people, the nobility of Germany were
soon forced to jom in the newly-created excitement. The^ were still
animated with enthusiasm for the Hberty and honour of their country;
and as Germany was now r^rded and treated with open contempt
^by Rome, this was cause sufficient to enlist them on the side of him
rho came forth to attack the power of the Romish see. On the other
Land, the revived love for science had also made considerable pro-
gress amongst the greater and better portion of the nobility; and
Digitized by
Google
ULRIC OF HUTTEN — FRANCIS OF OF SICKINGEN. 369
mnce the invention and introducdon of gunpowder had given a death i
blow to chivaliy, the practice of the sword was no longer the only
occupation of uie young nobleman; the more noble exercise of the
mina enlarged his views, and prepared him for new and more ele-
vated thoughts ; and» finally, Luther in his celebrated work, addressed
^* To the Nobilitv of Germany," had more especially made an appeal
to them, and called upon them to devote themselves to his cause.
Amongst the most zealous of his proselytes was included Ulric of'
Hutten, a leader of the people, such as are ever produced in an aee
of excitement and revolution; keen and energetic either with me
flword or pen, at once a warrior and a scholar, fiill of wit and per-
suasive eloquence, he was ever ready for the most perilous enterprise.
Onoe when in his presence he heard four Frenchmen speak in dis-
honourable terms of ihe emperor, he forthwith threw down his
gauntlet at their feet, and cnallenged them in the name of Ger-
man chivalry to mortal combat; he fought and overthrew them aU.
He was equally successful with his pen as with his sword, when he /
employed it in condemnation of the monks, the abuses of religion,/
and against all those who opposed enlightenment and civilisation. A^
satire which he wrote in tne Latin tongue — ^now more and more)
generally cultivated — created so much interest that it was soon cir-^
culated throughout the principal cities of Europe. This extraor?
dinary man, possessing a soul of fire, joined Luther's parl^, less per4
haps from a zeal for religion than from an interest excited by th^
bold and dangerous character of the reformer's cause ; he wrote upon J
and devoted uL his eloquence to, the subject, and would have gladly
promoted it with his sword as well, had he been permitted. ]
Another man of rank, and equally important, Francis of Sickingeni
in Franconia, warmly espoused the principles of Luther. His chaj
racter was so highly estmiated, and he was so much distinguishc
for his valoiur and noble qualities, that he was at one time considerc
by many of the princes and nobles, even worthy to wear the impe-1
nal crown itself. He generously offered his friend Luther an asylum)
in his castle, and the protection of himself and iriends against any
persecution he mi^ht experience. Luther, however, gratefully de-
clined his proffered aid; and when the ambitious nobleman — ^whose
active mind would not allow him to remain quiet, but urged him
continually to carry out some great project — commenced hostilities
against Richard, Archbishop of Treves, and declared open war
against that prelate, Luther m vain endeavoured formally to oppose
it. This enterprise was one of the last demonstrations made of the
effects produced by the Faust-recht in Germany, inasmuch as, on
this especial occasion, this single knight, with his friends, raised an
army of twelve thousand men, and, m defiance of the interdictions
of the imperial diet, marched forth against a powerful prince of the
empire, fell upon his territories, devastating with fire and sword the
entire land, and only withdrew, therefrom, and slowly marched back
to his own strong castle, after two other princes, Lewis, Elector of
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
370 FREDERICK OF SAXONY AND THE PROTESTANT PRINCES.
e ralatinate, and Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, having oome to the
ad of the archbishop, were seen advancing ynih their united forces
;ain8t him.
In the following year, however, the valiant knight was himself
closely besieged by these same troops in his fortress of Landshut,
and, after defending himself bravely for a considerable time, he was
mortally woimded and taken prisoner. He died a few days after-
iwards, and even his enemies could not withhold from hun their
{admiration, whilst they joined in the r^ret so universally felt, that
buch great powers of mind and body as wose possessed by the fidlen
hero, should thus have sunk without having been able to develop
themselves in a more extensive sphere of action.
,.«<Tb^ death of Sickingen, however, produced nothing un&vourable
/to the cause of Luther, inasmuch as ne was strictly careful in main-
' taining it exclusively independent, and free of all those external po-
litical demonstrations with which tibat knight and others were so de-
I sirous to invest it. And this, indeed, was the principal reason for the
i duration of its institutions; for had it been abandoned to the chances
< of this outward struggle, all the active, zealous strength of the
.nation would have consumed itself, and the whole excitement of the
times would have passed away, and left but little or no trace of the
fcontest.
/ Among the princes of Oermany, Frederick the Wise, Elector of
^^flzony, took tne most active part in, and supported with great zeal
flie cause of Luther. He did not at first advance to his aid, neither
did he defend him; nevertheless, he would not let him be delivered
up to his enemies before he had been brought to a conviction of his
error. After the diet of Worms, however, he decided at once in
his &vour: ''The affitirs of Germany," said he, in 1523^ in Nu-
remberg, '* have advanced so fiur, that it is no longer in the power of
man to lead tiiem in a good direction; God is alone capable of per-
forming this, and to iCm we must commit this important contro-
versy, which is beyond our strength."
By degrees several of the other princes declared in favour of the
new doctrine; some no doubt from sincere conviction, whilst others
were charged by their adversaries with being allured to their conver-
sion by the spoil they obtained from the ecclesiastical territories. Still,
even such inducements would not have sufficed to explain such great
and important results. The principal motive which operated so
powerfully in the cause of reform, originated in the spirit now roused
throughout the German nation, which sought to strike out a new
and more level course in each of the three pnncipal elements of life:
the state, the sciences, and in religion, in substitution for that which
had ^wn old and obsolete. The leaders and promoters of this new
epoch felt conscious that in it was involved the commencement of a
grand change in the world. On the other hand, however, the
friends of the old system armed themselves more and more zealously
to battle for its protection and preservation.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
THE GRAND DIBT AT WORMS, ISih 371
^ It ma lesolved that at llie grand diet of Wonns these leUgious
disputes, which at this moment kept the minds of all throughout the
empiie in great suspense, should m brought to a termination. There
llie pope luiid now sent his legate. Cardinal Alexander, in order to
preindl upon the emperor and theprinces to emploj the aim of tem-
poral antnorily against Luther. To his great astonishment, however,
the nuncio on his arrivaldiscovered that all classes of the people were
uxiiverBal in theb declarations of antipathy against the pope. Every*-
where he found distributed, writings, sonffs, and jnctares, in mockeiy
tad contempt of the pope; and he lumsdf, although in the suite of
the emperor, was compelled to witness his appeaiance greeted with
every mark of derision, and at tunes even his own life endangered.
At tne diet he demanded, in accordance with his instmctiimB, the
adcmtion of the most severe measures against the man who was al*
leaay condemned as a heretic, laying, at the same time, before
the princes, a long list of propositions selected from Luther's works,
in Older to prove how much he really deviated in the articles of
fidth from the doctrines of the church, and especially in those of the
eouncil of Constance. The Elector of Saxony now, however, rose
in oppodtion to the legate, and insisted that Luther himself should
be heard in order to learn from his own lipfl|, whether these proposi*
tions were or were not correctly and mithfuUy copied from his
wihings, and whether he acknowledged them as such. Inlhisopinion
he was supported by the emperor and all the princes; the cardinal,
however, opposed it, saying, ^' that what had been already decided l^
the pope, could not be subjected to examination before a diet com-
posed of spiritual and temporal members." Inreply it was stated to
him, that t£ey did not desire to examine the faith of Luther, but
mmly to hear from his own mouth whether or not he had actually
written and taught that for which he was condemned; therefore, for
this reason, it was necessary he should be summoned before the diet.
This, in filet, was one of the most important acts in the history of
the Beformation; for thence the cause of Luther had become an open
and national affiur.
His friends, and especially the Elector of Saxony, now demanded
for him the imperial and inviolable safe-conduct; this was granted,
and Luther immediately set out from Wittenberg on his journey to
Wonns. As he proceeded on his route, he soon learnt to know the
strength of his party; forthe people flocked in thousands from every
quarter to behold and welcome him; and when, on the day after his
anival at Worms (the 17th of April), he was conducted to the diet,
the grand marshal of the empire was obliged to lead him a by-way,
across gardens and obscure parts; so numerously thronged was the
whole town. His appearance, on entering the hall in which the
diet was hdd, produced no great effect; the emperor himself, is re*
corded to have said, as he turned to his neighbour: '* This man
would never succeed in making a heretic of me.^ And truly, Luther
was at this moment very pale, and, as he was only just recovering from
^ S ^ /^^ T
Digitized by VjOOQ iC
372 LUTHER*S EXAMINATION— REFUSAL TO RETRACT.
a severe fever, presented a rather emaciated and feeble appearance.
In this weak state, his feelings were at first not a little a£S9cted when
he found himself unsupported by a single iriend, standing alone in
the august presence of the emperor himself, and so numerous a body
of the princes and nobles of the empire.
A vicar of the Archbishop of Treves now put to him the question
in the name of the emperor and the diet there assembled, whether
he acknowledged as his own the writinjgs then shown to him, and if
he persisted in maintaining the propositions therein contained? To
the first part he replied, yes; but with respect to the latter he begged
to have a short time granted him for consideration before he returned
an answer. Accordmgly he was allowed until the following day.
He then re-appeared bdfore the assembly, and publicly dedared:
'' That his wntmgs were of three kinds; some treated upon the sub-
ject of articles of faith and good works, which his enemies did not
m any respect find offensive — ^he could not, therefore, retract them
without injury to his conscience; that others attacked the power of
the popes and their decrees, and if he retracted them he should only
thereby confirm their tyranny in the fiu^e of the whole world; ifaie
rest were directed against those who defended papacy, and had at-
tacked him in their writings; he confessed that therein he had used
severe and bitter language, but which must be ascribed alone to the
treatment he himself hM received firom his adversaries." He then
concluded, saying: '* If they could convince him firom the Holy
Scriptures that he was in error, he was ready forthwith with his own
hanas to cast the whole of his writings into the fiames."
The chancellor replied, that they were not there to dispute with
him, but to hear firom his own lips whether or not he would retract
Upon which Luther declared with ihe most solemn determination,
that his conscience forbade him doing so; whereupon he was dis-
missed.
On the following day an especial conference took place with Luther,
in which the Elector of Treves himself took a very active share; but
all attempts to bring him to a retraction were in vain; and when
eventually the elector demanded of him whether he knew of any
means by which all might be restored to order and tranquillity, hiB
last words in reply were: ^' If this work is a human work then it will
disappear of itself; but if it comes fix>m God, then you cannot dis-
turb or arrest its progress.''
The emperor on the other hand, declared to the princes in decided
and serious terms: *' That he was resolved to consecrate all he pos-
aessed, his empires, kingdoms, states, fiiends^ his body and blood,
nay, life itself, to check at once all fiirther progress of that impious
and imgodly spirit, which otherwise must mvolve himself and the
whole German nation in eternal shame and disgrace; that his an-
cestors, the Christian German emperors, the Catholic Kings of Spain,
and the Dukes of Austria and Burgundy, continued, to the latest
period of their lives, faithfully attached to the Roman church; that
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
LUTHER EXCOMMUNICATED. 373
lie liad leceived from them as an inKeritance the Catholic doctrine
and discipline of the churchy in the faith of which he would live and
die; that, consequently, he would no loi^r listen to Luther, but
dismiss him at once firom his presence, and treat him as he would a
heretic/'
This declaration of the emperor was of grave and serious inrport.
If the question had been limited to the mere curtailment of the
pontifical power, he miffht not, perhaps, have beheld this generally-
increasing agitation without some degree of pleasure; but when he
had reason to believe that it involved uie apostacj of the ancient and
eternal iaith, to which he was so much and so sincerely attached,
and that thence the unity of the church was menaced, he felt him-
self justified in expressing, in the strongest terms, his fixed determi-
nation to oppose it. His penetrating, comprehensive glance, which
embraced and recognised acutely the great relations of the world,
quickly beheld and measured in advance the mi^htjr consequences of
tiiese changes: he foresaw the dissension and irritation that must be
produced in all minds, and the contest of opinion, which so soon and
so earily converted into a contest of arms, would terminate in the
dreadful realities of a religious war. All this danger it was Charles's
finn opinion he could smother in its birth, and he felt that his dig-
nity of emperor and protector of the church imposed upon him this
duty. And, assuredly, had he been supportea everywhere by the
same invariable and firm will, had not so many impure, worldlj
views been brought into operation ajgainst it, and produced their
banefol influence ; but more especialfy, had the tnuv honest and
sinoerdy-disposed Pope Adrian Vl. — ^who reigned in tne years 1522
and 1523, and whose serious wish and intention it was to reform
the church — ^lived but a short time longer, then, perhaps, our coun-
try would have been spared the infliction of the dreadful scenes it
vns doomed to endure.
In his hereditary lands, where he was sole master, Charles cer-
tainly did endeavour to extirpate with ffreat rigour the new doc-
trine; he conridered it was here especially his right and duty to do
to; and tlie decrees of his council, the voice of his people, and par-
ticularly of the Spanish nation, together with the NeapolitanSi all
combined to demand this severity fix>m him. But in Germany, on
the other hand, where he had to treat with a number of independent
piinoes and a nation in a state of general excitement, where he was
Donnd by the stipulations of his election, and where every violent act
was regarded as an attempt to acquire the independence of the imperial
power^ he proceeded for a considerable time to act with the greatest
moderation. The preservation of peace appeared to him of para-
mount importance, and he was very desirous to brinff the parties to
mutual concessions. For this very reason he was dosely watched
by the Spaniards throughout his whole existence, firom a fear that
he might be infused wiw heretical principles by his connexion with
the Gennans.
Digitized by
Google
374 LUTHER AT WARTBURG — ^FIRST GERMAN NEW TESTAMENT.
Several of Luther's bitterest enemies sought to persuade the em-
peror to the adoption of violent measures against him, grounding
thdv arguments upon the same principles which had operated in
bringing Huss to the stake; but Charles replied, that his imperial
word was inviolable, and he granted Luther an extension of his safe
conduct for twenty-one days, during the period of his return home.
Nevertheless, many of his finends stul trembled for his life, dreadiziff
some secret treachery; and on his arrival in Thuringia, his royu
protector, the Elector of Saxony, caused him to be removed from
nis carriage, as if by violence, by several disguised knights, and con-
veyed at night through a deep wood, to the strong castle of Wart-
burg, near Eisenach. There it was arranged he should remain con-
cealed, until the fury of his enemies became appeased.
Meantime, in Worms, the imperial ban of excommunication was
pronounced against him, as weu as against his adherents and pro-
tectors. His books were condemned to be burnt wherever they
were found, and he himself was adjudged to be taken prisoner, and
delivered up to the emperor; such was the edict of Worms, dated
the 8th (26th) of May, 1521. In Rome, great rejoicing took place;
and even in (xennany itself it was generaUy believed' wat the whole
affair was now settled and at an end. But a Spaniard, Yaldez,
wrote from the diet itself to one of his friends thus: " Far from be-
holding the termination of this tragedy, I only see its commence-
ment; for I find that the minds of the Grermans are especially
excited against the pontifical chair." And even whilst the emperor
was still m Worms, aflber the writings of Luther had been publicly
burnt, some copies which had escaped that fate were openly ofikred
for sale.
Luther himself continued solitary and uninterrupted in his isolated,
but secure asylum in the Castle of Wartburg, and devoted those tran*
c[uil moments te translating the New Testament into Grerman, so that
it might be read and understood by every one throughout £he em-
pire. Wbilst thus employed, he was informed that, through mistaken
zeal, serious riots had broken out in Wittenberg, where the people
had forced open the churches, committing the most serious injury
by destroying all the holy figures and pictures contained therein,
together with their altars and confessionab; and he was grieved to
find that these furious and blindly zealous rioters were led on by his
friend, but violent enthusiast, Garlstadt. Casting aside all fear,
Luther at once abandoned his place of refuge, and, without having
waited until he received ihe permission of the elector, he appearea
in Wittenberg, in March, 1522, where he preached to, and remon-
strated in severe terms with the people, upon theb outrageous con-
duct, and succeeded in again restoring peace and order.
Shortly afterwards, however, events of a fiir more serious nature
occurred, which threatened to destroy all order in the civil state of
Oermanj. We have already shown, at the dose of the government
of Maximilian I., what discontent existed amongst the peasantry
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
TUMULTS AND KBVOLTS OF THE PEASANTRY. 376
throughout the empire, and that the leagues formed in Alsace and
Swabia, were only put down by force of arms. Some sparks, how-
ever, still glimmered amidst the ashes, and, in the course of a short
time combming their whole force, burst forth once more into one
universal flame. The rural population considered themselves entitled
to an equality of rights with those hitherto their lords and masters,
and in south Grermany especially, where the si^ht of the prosperity'
and independence enjoyed by their neighbours, the Swiss — strikingly
contrasting with their own condition — acted powerfully upon the
mind, the indignation of the people was first roused, and the flame
of discord and revolt a^ain produced its devastating efiects.
The first that rebell^ were the peasantry of tiie Abbot of Kemp-
ten and those of the Archbishop of Augsburg. Twelve articles,
containing all the rights and demands made by tiie whole bodv,
were drawn up in Swabia, and distributed and made known through-
out the whole of Germany with astonishing and almost incredible
rapidity, viz.: '^ That the peasants should be allowed to choose for
themselves the ministers who were to preach to them the word of
God, pure and without the introduction of any worldly matter; that
in future they should not pay any other titiies but that of corn ; that
they had hitherto been treated as slaves, although by the blood of
our Saviour all men had been made free, and, altnough they desired
not to live independent of all superior autiiority, they were, never-
theless, resolved no longer to continue in this state of slavery, un-
less it could be proved to them by the Holy Scriptures that they
were in error. Tnat, finally, they had to complain of many things,
but that they would observe silence in the nope that wnat they
claimed would be yielded, and that tiieir lords would treat them in
accordance with the counsel and precepts of the gospel, and whilst
they moderated the oppression they had exercised from the earliest
times down to the present moment, they, their lords, should likewise
abstain from adding thereto daily fresh ourdens."
There can be no doubt but these demands were just, and, at the
same time, moderate; but when the accomplishment of the object
demanded was left to the charge of the brutal mass, then the pas-
sions soon overcame the weak and subdued voice of moderation, and
bursting through every barrier, became deaf to reason, and their fury
knew no bounds. As is the case in all such riotous proceedings, the
complainant became tiie judge in his own cause, and exercised tiie
very same injustice by which he himself had been previously op-
pressed. The peasantry, collected togetiier in various strong bodies,
commenced with attacHc^ the castks of the nobles and the rich
possessions of tiie clergy, burning and destroying every thing, and
often putting to death the owners. These troops soon incres^ed to
armies, of which Swabia alone supplied tiiree. In Franconia the
riots grew more and more serious, extending even to Wiirtzburg,
which city combined with tiie peasantry against its bishop and the
rest of the Franconian nobility. Already, indeed, a great number of
Digitized by
Google
376 MUNZER THE FANATIC— LUTHER AND THE PEASANTRY.
the cities throughout Upper Grermany had joined in league with the
peasants, whilst several princes and nobles, such as the Elector Pa-
mtine, the Counts of Hohenlohe, the Bishops of Bamberg and
SpireSf &c.f had entered into negotiation with the rioters, and had
been forced to promise a removal of their burdens based upon the
twelve articles aforesaid.
In Thuringia the hallucination of this excited period was shown
in another form, although not altogether dissimilar m spirit, inasmuch
as it was founded upon religious enthusiasm. A secular preacher,
Thomas Munzer, formerly one of Luther's first adherents, pretended
that he was pfted with especial divine visions from God, oy which
he was enabled to reveal tne essence of Christian liberty with much
more clearness than Luther. '* God," he said, '* had created the
earth as an inheritance of the believers, and all government must be
regulated only by the Bible and divine revelations. There was no
necessity, whatever, for the princes, superior authorities, the nobi-
lity, or the priests, and the distinction which existed between the
rich and the poor was altogether imchristian; inasmuch, as in the
kingdom of God all men must be equal." Such doctrine, however,
caused Mtinzer to be banished from Saxony, and he repaired to
Miihlhausen in Thuringia, where he gained over the people, and
caused them to upset all authority, and make him their preacher
and governor of the town. His principles of the equality of all
men, and of the community of possessions, which he introduced
after he had driven all the more wealthy inhabitants from the town,
augmented the number of his partisans considerably, and extended
his influence to a gj^t distance beyond his seat of government.
The whole of Thuringia, Hesse, and Lower Saxony were in
dan^r, and as now the war of the peasantry raged likewise in the
soutn of Germany, there was too much reason to fear that the &-
natics of every part would combine their forces, and thus, like a
rushix^ torrent, march through the whole empire destroying and
sweeping all before them. In this state of peril into which the whole
commumly was about to be ingulfed, a deputation from the pea-
santry waited upon Luther and submitted to him the twelve articles
for his approbation; at first he agreed that several of their demands
were just, and condemned the oppression of the princes and nobi-
lity; he then, however, reproached the people for their violent and
riotous proceedings, representing to them that Christian liberty was
a spiritual liberty; and when now the Munzer revolution arose, he
himself, in order to remove at once every impression that such
outrages were at all connected with his doctrine, called upon the
princes to draw the sword against the revolters. And truly it was
nigh time to make this ftJPP^l; inasmuch as the castles of the nobles,
and the monasteries in Thuringia, Franconia, Swabia, and along
the banks of tlie Rhine as &r as Lorraine itself, were now already
demolished, and presented one universal mass of smoking ruins.
Accordingly the princes, at Luther's urgent exhortation, united
Digitized by
Google
BATTLE OF FRANKENHAUSEN— MUNZER'S DEATH. 377
their forces against the rebels in Thuringia, led on by the Elector
John of Saxony — ^Frederick the Wise having recently died, after
having beheld with sorrow the commencement of these sad scenes —
George, Duke of Saxony, the Landgrave, Philip of Hesse, and
Henry, Duke of Brunswick. A division of their army, under Philip
of Hesse, marched at once against a body of the peasantry near Fran-
kenhausen, in Thuringia, on the 15th of May, 1525.
The princes, in order to brin^ the rioters to terms by lenient
measures, promised them pardon if they would retire peaceably and
g've uj) their leaders. MUnzer, however, in order to avert the danger
dim his own person, took advantage of the appearance of a rainbow
which at the moment presented itself in the heavens, in order to ex-
cite anew the mad enthusiasm of his partisans, declaring to them
that it came as a messenger to him from God. For the moment he
succeeded in his object, for, roused by his inflammatory language,
the fanatics rushed upon the ambassadors of the elector and stabbed
them with their daggers; and fortifying themselves in their entrench-
ments, they prepared for a vigorous defence. In a very short time,
however, their blind and desperate courage sunk, and they looked in
vain for the appearance of the troo^ of angels which had been pro-
mised to them by Miinzer; he himself was one of the first who
fled, whilst the greater part of his army was put to the sword. The
fugitive leader took refuge in the loft of a house in Frankenhausen,
tmt was soon afterwards discovered, dragged forth and beheaded,
dying without evincing the slightest courage or fortitude.
Just about the same time, Ihe wars of the peasantry in the south
of Gfermany were Ukewise brought to an end. The Swabian league
which had been renewed, collected an army, and imder the leader-
ship of George Truchsess of Waldburg, attacked and destroyed the
Tonons troops of peasants in Swabia and Franconia with the same
SQCoess as in Thunngia. Everywhere the most dreadful retribution
was now inflicted by the conquerors upon all those who had taken
a share in the revolutionary scenes, ana the most revolting cruelties
were perpetrated.
Thus these terrible and sanguinary commotions which might
have produced the complete overthrow and destruction of the m-
slitutions of Germany, had these excited powers been brought into
effect by the influential direction of skilful men, were once a^in
promptly subdued. As it was, however, they occasioned a sacrifice
of much blood; it being calculated that more than 100,000 of the
peasantry perished in these contentions.
Digitized by
Google
378 FOREIGN RELATIONS OF CHARpiS V^— FBANdSs L
CHAPTER XVm.
Foreign Relations of Charles V.— Francis I. of France— War between these two riral
Monarchs— Italy— Milan— The Duke of Bourbon— The CheyaHer Bi^ard— The
Battle of Fayia, 1525— Defeat of the French— Francis L taken Frisone^Madrid
—The King of France liberated— His dishonourable Breach of StipolAon— The
Imperalists in Rome — ^The Pope a Prisoner — His Ransom — ^War with France re-
famed — ^Andrew Doria — ^Peace of Cambray, 1589— Charies V. crowned Emperor
and King of Lomhaidj in Bologna— His Generosltj— Retmn to Germanj— lint
League of the Protestant Princes, 1526— The Augsburg Confessioxi, 1530 — ^Me-
landbthon — ^His Character of Charles Y. — John, Elector of Saxony — ^His determina-
tion—The Imperial Council — ^TheEmperor^s Declaration — ^Reply of the Protestant
Ptinoes— Ferdinand, King of Rome, 1531— Religious Peace— The Turks in Hon-
ganr — Their Defeat— Ulnc, Duke of Wurtemberg— Restored to his Possessions by
Philip of Hesse — Insurrection of the Anabaptists — Their Defeat— The Emperor in
AfHca— Tonis— His Triumph and Liberation of 22,000 Christian Slaves— Fraods
L attacks Italy— Charies V. enters France— Suspension of Arms— Internew
between the two Monarchs at Aigues-Martes — Reyolt in Ghent — ^Progress of
Charles V. through France and Ghent — Hospitality receired — ^Peace restored in
Ghent— The Diet at Ratisbon, 1541— Charles V. in Algiers— Disastrous Expedi-
tkvt— His Fortitude— Return to Italy— Francis I. resumes Hostilities— His Bl-
success — Charles V. on the Rhine— Attacks the Duke of Cleves— Overcomes and
Pardons him— Marches into France — ^Advance upon Paris — ^The Peace of Crepi,
1544.
During this interyal the Emperor Charles had not been without
occupation abroad. He had proceeded from the diet in Worms to
the Netherlands and thence revisited Spain, where he remained nearly
eu;ht years ; his penetrating glance embraced the whole of Europe.
BSb immediate attention, however, .was more especially directed to
the movementsof Francis, Kin^ of France, who, as a dangerous neigh-
bour and rival, availed himself of every opportunity to gain some ad-
vantage over him. It would be useless to investigate the particitlar
causes of jealousy between these two monarchs ; in their character as
men, and their political relations to each other as rulers, ample foun*
dation existed for this rivalship. Charles, like Francis, was ruled by
ambition and pride, but in him, these paadons assumed a more en*
nobling character. Both had been rivab for the imperial throne, and
Frand^ who claimed superiority not only in years out in reputation
as a knight, and in personal endowments, was highly mortified when
he found the latter elected in preference to himseu. At the same
time the duchy of Milan which had been conquered by Francis and
held by him as a fief of the empire, served as an inevitable cause of
dispute, inasmuch as Charles felt himself bound to recover it by force
of arms, and restore it under the imperial sway ; whilst, on the other
hand, the preponderance of Charles's power in Europe^now assuming
a more threatening aspect, excited the fears of the other rulers, and
Francis, who, next to the emperor, possessed the most powerful do-
minion, considered himself called upon before any other to enter
Digitized by
Google
H08TIUTIES— MILAN— DUKE OF BOURBON. S79
the field against liim. He had turned his attention more especially
towards Itely, in which country he had already made one successful
expedition ; and it was th^re tnat Charles's power should be weak-
ened and destroyed, for which purpose iJie French kin^ sought to
Teviye all the claims he deriyea from his ancestors to me kingdom
of Napleq, in tiiat quarter. Charles meantime had augmented h^
Kwer^ an alliance with Henry "Vill. of England, whose yanity had
en o^slided by Francis, and thus the war which had already com-
mencedjp the year 1521, was carried on by the English and Flem-
ish troops from the Netherlands as far as Spain ; but in Italy more
espedally the contest was maintained with the greatest obstinacy.
What operated much to Charles's disadyantage, was the wide dis-
persion of his possessions, which produced a neceasary^vision of his
forces ; whibt Francis, on the other hand, &om the central point on
which he had rallied his troops and formed them into one united
mass, was enabled to dash forwards and at once strike the blow in
whateyer direction he pleased. But that which pincipaUy charac-
terised the superiority of Charles, and which, in reahty, constituted his
power and shed oyer him so brilliant a lustre, was that he had been
enabled to ooUect around him a body of the most distinguished men of
tlie day, fiom among whom his penetrating eye at once singled out
the general best c[Ufuified to lead his army aeainst the foe, the am-
bassador whose diplomatic talent could best loosen the complicated
knot of j)oHtical intrigue, and the councillor whose prudence and
superior judgment rendered him the most efficient aayiser. It is
hy the intellectual powers that the world should be goyemed, and
CSiarles knew how to enlist them in his service.
Charles, Duke of Bourbon, a yaliant and distinguished general of
the French army, haying been deeply injured by Francb, came over
to the emperor's side. He was received by that monarch with open
anns, and was at once appointed leader, in conjunction with the Vice-
ro^hof Naples, Launoy, and the Marquis of Fescara, at that time
tlie most aistinguished warrior of the imperial arm^ in Italy. The
King of France, on the other hand, lost about this time (in the year
1524), one of his most brave and loj$l knights, the C^ievaher Bayard,
who, in ike retreat firom Italy, saved the army by his heroic courage
on the bridge of Sesia, but receiving a mortal wound, fell a sacrifice
to his patriotic devotion. The advantages of the war appeared now
idbolly on the side of the emperor; l£lan was retaken, and the
Frendi driven out of Italy. But Charles having resolved to attack
Fiance itself, marched with his army into Froyence, and laid siege
to Marseilles; there, howeyer, he nearly lost the superiority he had
fiained. He found *that to take France fiK>m this side was more
difficult than he had calculated; the city itself was not to be con-
rred, and the whole country around having been laid waste by
enemy himself, Pescara was forced to retreat. It required, in-
deed, all the ingenuity of that great general to save the army in its
dangerous marw back, for the French monarch followed at his
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
380 BATTLE OF PAVIA— FRANCIS I. A PRISONER.
heelsy and again taking poseeBnon of Milan, proceeded to attack
Pavia. The impeiial generals found their situation at this moment
very embarrassing; for in £x>nt of them was an enemy of superior
force, who threatened one of the chief cities; behind them was the
territory of the pope, who had just formed an alliance with Francis;
and finally, their own army was in a most distressed condition, a
feeling of lan^our and depression, produced by the late retreat, per-
yadinff the spirits of all. Neyeriheless, the courage, wisdom, and
good fortune of the leaders, soon effected a change for the better.
The commandant who defended Pavia, Don Antonio de Leyya,
not discouraged for a moment, most obstinately maintained his
position against the besiegers during the entire winter until the
February of 1525. By this time the imperial army was reinforced
by a strong body of 15,000 lancers, who marched to their aid from
Germany, . under the command of the brave warrior, George of
Freundsberg, or Frundsberg, and a combined attack was made udou
the French king near Pavia. The quidc, experienced eye of Pes-
cara selected the point of attack in a quarter least expected by the
king, who was consequently wholly unprepared for it. He £mcied
bis rear to be perfectly secmred by a wood enclosed by an extensive,
strong wall; rescara, however, caused a rcmd to be cut through the
entire forest during the night, and with the dawn of morning his
troops rushed upon the surprised enemy, and completely overtnrew
them at this point. At the same moment Leyva made a saQy Irovi
the citadel itself, whilst Laun^ and Bourbon made an attack in
another quarter, and the entire French army, thus overwhelmed, was
soon put to rout. The Swiss auxiliaries, a circumstance unusual with
them, were the first to yield and take to fi^ght, whilst the German mer-
cenaries, although they fought with great courage, were overmatched
h^ the valour of the Germans under their brave leader, George of
Freundsberff , and to whom in fact the imperiaHsts were chiefly in-
debted for the victory, for burning with inoisnation to find their figl-
low-countrymen fighting in the ranks of the French arm^, they cut
them down almost to a man. Francis had his horse killed imder
him, and he continued fighting on foot, defending himself against a
host of Spaniards who had surrounded him without knowing the
royal, chivalric warrior they endeavoured to overcome. Fortunately
for the king, a French nobleman, Pomnerant, belonginff to the suite
of the Duke of Bourbon, came up at tnis moment, and recogninng
the sinking monarch, summonednim to yield himself a prisoner to
the duke, his master; this he refused to do, but with reluctance^
ordered him to send Launoy to him. The combatants paused until
the general arrived, when the king resigned his sword into his hands.
Launoy received it kneeling, and giving the monarch his own in ez-
chanse, said: '* It suits not that so great a king should stand nn-
aimed before a subject of the emperor." A fortnight after this de-
cisive battle no enemy remained in Italy.
Charles was almost discontented with his too great fortune which
Digitized by
Google
MADRID— FRANCIS I. LIBSRATED— HIS FALSEHOOD. 381
left liim without an object to pmsae: ^^ Since jou have made a
pxisoner of the Kin^ of France for me/' he says, in a letter to
Launoy, '^ I findnothing more to do but to fight amonst the infidels.
This I have always felt a great desire to do, and now more than
ever. Arrange matters, therefore, so that I may be enabled before
I grow too old to perform deeds that may promote the service of
Grod, and not be unattended with glory to myself."
The Kin^ of France was conveyed a captive to Madrid and
dosel]^ guaraed. Great difference of opinion was expressed by the
counm of the emperor respecting the manner in wnich he was to
be treated, and the means of availing themselves of thdx present
good fortune. One party, at the head of which was Launoy^ ad-
vised the emperor to act with generosity towards the Idnff, and
thus destroy, perhaps for ever, the seeds of discord and enmity be»
tween the two monarchs; whilst another party, headed by the Chan-
cellor Meicurinus Gattinara, sought to denve evay possible ad-
vantage fix>m the circumstance. The emperor chose the middle
path between the two parties, and lost the entire fruit of his good
fortune. He approved of the plan proposed by the chancdlor,
viz.: to demand firom the captive monarch, as the price of his
liberty, the restoration of the Duchy of Burgundy, which France
had unjustly wrested fiK>m his grandmother, and to which he at-
tached great and especial value; but he considered the detention of
the Hng as prisoner until the fulfilment of this condition — as advised
1^ his diancellor-^too harsh and unworthy of the imperial dignity.
He trusted, therefore, to the promise of the king; but that promise,
with whatever chivaliic importance Frauds may have invested it,
was never sincerely given nor eventually perK^rmed. Before he
signed the treaty, he secretly summoned to nis presence some con-
fidential agents m Madrid, and before them, in the presence of the
pope's nuncio, declared that he was not bound to p^orm the pro-
mise he should make as a prisoner, and that the pope, Clement VIL
himself, had absolved him fiK>m the performance of any enga^
ment into which he might enter. The voice of conscience bemg
thus quieted, he knelt bdTore the altar and swore on the Holy Bible
itself laithfiilly to fulfil the conditions to which he had agreed. At
the same time he pledged his royal word to return and surrender
himself asain a prisoner within six months from that lime in the
event of his not being able to execute the said conditions.
Francis I. was accordingly set at liberty, in the year 1526, after
an imprisonment of one year — but never kept his word. The ex-
cuse he made for such a breach of honour was, that his states would
not by any means admit the abandonment of Burgundy, wlulst at
the same tune he offered a considerable sum as a ransom for his two
eldest sons whom he had sent to Spain as hostages. Charles, how-
ever, returned for answer: '' That he had violated faith and truth,
both of which he had solemnly and publidy sworn to maintsdn;
that he had not acted as became a man of noble birth and a sovereign
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
an THE IMPERIALISTS m BOMS~THE POPE A PRISONER.
prince; and that he, Chailes, iras ready to support the dbaige -with
the swoid in single combat" Fzancis aooepted the challenge, but
only with wOTds; for sabaequently he ayoided the meeting under
fanous pretexts, and thus the people were once more fbroed to
tenninate with their own blood tne contest {nroduoed by the ambi-
tion and folly of their momurch, and war was once more dedazed
between Charles Y • and Francis L
Just at the commencement of this war, however, a most unheard
of event took place in Italy. The Duke of Bourbon had sucoeeded
iothechief command of tne imperial army in Milan, after the death
of General Pescara. The country was completely devastated, and the
jienerals without money, whilst the troops became more and more loud
in their demands for ik&i pay. All means having been employed in
vain to appease them, the army suddenly broke up in the month of
January, 1527, and advanced in forced marches against Rome, with-
out, however, having received any commands from the emperor; nei*
iher is it known for certain whether it was by the order or the Duke
of Bourbon, who, perhaps, may have formed some grand piojectB of
ambition, or whether it was the result of some suddm determinalioii
of the army itself, which calculated on finding in Rome abundance
of supplies and a rich booty besides. Be this as it nmr, Bourbon
arrived with the army before the dly, after a most di££»lt mardu
On the 6th of May the command was given for a general aasault
against the ancient capital of the world, and Bourbon was one of the
first upon the walls, his ezam]^ serving to inspire the whole of the
besiegers; but he had scarcely sot his footmg on ^e ramparts when
he was mortaUy wounded by a shot fireman arquebusier. HistroopB,
nevertheless, foroed dieir way into the city, and, for several days, a
scene of pillage and devastation was continued, equalled only in ike
time of the Vandals. The Pope, Clement VII^ with his court, had
taken refuge in the Oastle of St. Angelo, where he was besieg^ for
several months, until, forced b^ necessity, he promised the impe-
rialists a sum of 400,000 ducatSi in order that the whole army might
be paid their full arrears.
Meantime ^e Emperor Charles sent letters to all the princes of
Christendom, in whion he took especial care to exonerate himself in
their eyes in respect to these exceans, which took place without his
wish or knowlec^; nay, during the time that his generals kept the
pope a prisoner m the Cksde of St. Angelo, and kid mege to that
plftoe, he ordered public prayers to be offered in all the churches
ihroTighout Spain lor his aeliverance. He has been reproached with
hypocrisy for doing this; but it is, no doubt, a fiict, that his muti-
nous troops would no longer obey his orders until they had received
the arrears due to them. It was only then, at the end of eighteen
months, that the army was once asain brought into a state of dis*
cipline, and, at his command, marwed towaras Naples. But owing
to the excesses committed in Rome, it had become so reduced, that
when the King of France, in the year 1627, once more invaded Italy,
Digitized by
Google
WAR WITH FRANCS— PEACE OF CAMBRAV, 1569. S88
lis army, tinder the command of Lautrec, was enabled to penetrate,
^mihoat opposition , as far as Naples itself, to which place it laid sic^
The sadden defection of the celebrated naval hero^ Andrew Doria, ^o,
with his fleet, came over to the emperor^s side, together with the sick*
2ieBB which prevailed throughout the Frencharmy, combined, however,
to tom the scale in Charles's favour; die French were forced to sive
tip the siege, and also to abandon Milan. Both parties, equally tued
and worn out by the war, agreed to sign a treaty of peace at 0am-
biay, in the year 1629, and which was styled the ladies' peace, inas-
much as it was n^tiated bv the emperor's aunt and ^e king's
mother. Francis paid two millions of crowns for the deliverance of
his two Sims in Spain, renounced all claims to Mian, Goioa, Naples,
and all the other countries beyond the Alps, and married Eleonora,
the sister of Charles; whilst the emperor, on his part, without re^
guiiin^ the immediate secession of Buigundy, stiu retained his an-
cient rights.
The time had now arrived when the emperor was enabled to ap^
pear with dignity in his Italian States, where, in &ct, he had hidierto
never shown himself. » He landed in August, 1529, in G^oa, and
continued his progress on to Boloma with the iK>mp worthy of an
emperor. Here he had appcnnted a meeting with rope Clement,
which took place in great solemnitr^. The former enmi^ was alto-
gether forgotten; the emperor, following the example or his ances-
tors, dropped on his knee and kissed the foot of the noly fitther, and
the latter solemnly crowned him empeior and king of liombardy.
Thus was celebrated the coronation of the greatest and most power*
ful monarch who had borne the crown since Charlemagne, and who
was, likewise, the last emperor who visited Italy. Charles appeared
now to the Itahans, who nad onlv known him hitherto as a prince
to be dreaded, in the character of a mUd and noble ruler, and iheb
fear was changed into the most rincere veneration. The emperor
would not even retain Mikn for himself, but, before he left Italy,
restored it into the hands of Francis Sforza, who received it as
a fief of the empire. Having accomplished this, Charles now has-
tened to return to Grermany to preeide at the grand diet of Augsburg.
In Germany many of the pnnces had now openly introduced the
new doctrine mto their various territories. One of the most zealous
amongst them was the voung Landgrave of Hesse, PhiUp the Ge*
nerous; he ui;^ the other princes who joined with him in opinion,
to form an alliance for mutual defence, m the event of the adverse
parties seeking b}r violent measures to execute the edict of Worms.
Nor was his anxiety without foundation. Several of the Catholic
princes had already held a meeting at Leipsic, and had deliberated
together upon the necessity of m&ng oommon defence against the
di^mination of the new&ith; and for this purpose they had claimed
the assistance of the emperor, who in his reply promised the extirpa-
tion of all the errors otthe Lutheran sect. Accordingly a league
was formed at Dessau by these princes, at the head of which were
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
384 LEAGUE OF THE PROTESTANT PRINCSS.
the Electors of Mentz and of Brandenburg, and the Dukes of WoI&
enbiittle and Calenberg. On the other lund an alliance was formed
on the 4th of May, 1526, at Torgau, betweenthe Elector of Saxony,
John the Steadfast, Philip of Hesse, the Dukes of Grubenhagen and
Celle, Duke Henry of Mecklenberg, Prince Woli^ang of Anhalt*
Counts Gebhard and Albert of Mansfeld, together with the imperial
free city of Magdeburg. Albert, Marerave of Brandenburg, formerly
|p!and master of the Teutonic order, but who on embracing the new
Sdth, and with the sanction of the Eang of Poland as chief feudal
lord, seculaiised the territory of the order into a dukedom of Pruaaa,
concluded an especial alliance with the Elector of Saxony. The firm
position maintained by the allies at the diet held in Spires in 1626,
!>resided over by Ferdinand, produced for them the favourable reso-
ution: ^^ That the states of the empire in affairs referring to the
edict of Worms, should so decide and rule among their subjects as
to be able to render ffood account of their conduct before God and
the imperial majesty. Thence it was left to the conscience of each
authority to proceed in religious affidrs as &r as he might deem
reauisite.
During this time the emperor had been occupied with his royal
prisoner, Frands I., against whom, however, he afbrwards had to
maintain another war, but now was urgently appealed to by the
German princes to exert his authority in settling their differences;
and only succeeded in allaying their impatience by promising them
to hold a new diet as soon as he was at liberty to come to them.
Meantime he suzmnoned a provisional diet in Spires, in 1529. The
result of this meeting, however, was only still more to widen the
breach between the two parties b;^ giving a permanent name to the
partisans of the new doctrine, inasmudi as the majority of the
states being Catholic, decreed : ^' That the essential edicts of the diet
of Worms should be retained ; that the celebration of mass should be
preserved; that all those who had been gained over to the new doc-
trine should abstain trom further innovations; and that no subject
of the empire should be permitted to give protection to a co-reli-
gionist against the authorities." The Lumeran party, dissatisfied with
uiese resolutions of the diet, drew up accordingly an instrument in
opposition, in which they protested against them^ whence they took
the name of Protestants, declaring at the same time that they woidd
continue in all their proceedings to act up to the decree of the year
1526. The Protestant party mcluded the whole of the princes who
joined the league of Torgau, together with Greorge, Margrave of
Brandenburg, of the Sauan house, and the cities of Strasburg,
Nurembe]^, ulm, Constance, Beutlingen, Windsheim, Memmingen,
Lindau, Kempten, Heilbronn, Issny, Weissenburg, Ncirdlingen,
and St. Gallen.
In the following year, 1530, the grand diet was held in Augs-
burg, to which the emperor himself repaired from Italy as he had
announced. Even beibre he arrived, ne was met on the road by
Digitized by
Google
AUaSBURG-^MELANCHTHON AND CHARLES V. 386
several deputies from both parties, who sought to ^ain his pre-
ference; he referred them, however, to the approachmg diet itself,
without declaring his sentiments on the subject. On the 22nd'of
June, in the evening, he made his entry into the city with great
pomp, surrounded by the numerous electoral and other princes and
nobles. No longer now the young and inexperienced prince as
when ten years before he first appeared in Grermany, the emperor
at this moment stood imrivalled by any cotemporaiy monarch,
unsurpassed by his predecessors since the dominion of the great
Charlemagne, and admired universally for his distinguished qua-
lities. In Francis I. of France he had humbled one of the most
haughty and ambitious of his foreign enemies, and Rome itself had
not been able to withstand his mighty power. His noble figure and
dignified carriage produced their imposmg efiect upon all — ^whether
Mends or foes — who approached his presence.
Melanchthon, who had come to Augsburg in the suite of the
Elector of Saxony, thus expresses himself in a confidential letter
upon the subject of the emperor: ** But the individual most worthy
of remark in this assembly, is certainly the emperor himself. His
uninterrupted success has no doubt excited wonder even in your
country ; but far more to be admired is his great moderation, amidst
all this good fortune, which seems to come at his bidding; for nei-
ther by action nor word does he indicate in the slightest de^e the
efiect it may have upon his feeling. Wha{ emperor or kmg can
you show me in the records of tneir reign in whom success has
not produced some change? With him, on the other hand, nothing
appears to operate upon nis feelings; no trace of pasaon, hauteur or
cruelty, is ever visible in him. To omit other examples I will in-
stance what has occurred in our case. Although in these religious
disputes our enemies have employed every art to render him hostile
to us, he has ever condescended to listen attentively to the argu-
ments of our party. His domestic life abounds wim instances of
abstinence, moderation, and temperance. That sjrstem of household
discipline, so rigidly exercised in former tames amongst the German
princes, is now confined exdusiveljr to the imperial palace. Neither
are the traces of vicious nor licentious men to be found within its
walls; whilst as friends he selects amongst his court only those dis-
tinguished for their genius and virtues. Whenever I behold him,
methinks I see before me one of those heroes or demi-gods who in
ancient times were wont to mix with men. Who, therefore, ought
not. to rejoice in witnessing such a combination of noble qualities
in one man?"
In spite, however, of the veneration with which the emperor's
personal character was regarded, the preponderance of his own
power, and that of the Catholic princes generally, the Protestant
princes, who were all present, maintained their ground of oppo-
sition with so much determination and firmness, that they succeeded
2c
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
386 JOHN, ELECTOR OF 8AX0NY~HIS FtRMKESS.
in effectuig their object even in xnatters of merely extemal oere*
monies of worship, and obliged him to revoke several of his edicts.
Thus when he had ordered that all the princes present should join
in the celebration of the festival of Corpus-Christi-day (the day after
his arrival), the whole number of German princes, mounting their
horses at dawn of day, proceeded in solemn state to the palace,
where, demanding an audience of the emperor, they firmly declared
they would not attend, and he found it expedient to abandon his
purpose. With equal resolution they protested against the ordi-
nance, prohibiting their clergy from preaching in Aimsburff, and
withdrew only after he had revoked it and substituted anolfier, in
which he ordered that no sermon should be preached on eith^ side,
and that on Simdays the gospel and epistles alone should be read.
At the head of the rest of the Protestant princes was John, Elector
of Saxony, a man whose remarkable zeal and firmness in the cause
of reform acquired for him the surname by which posterity has dis-
tinguished him. When even threatened by the emperor with his
refusal to invest him with the enfeoffinent of the Electorate of
Saxony, as yet not conferred, he still maintained his position. This
j>rince, the last of the four excellent sons of Ernest, possessed a
simple but resolute mind, which, when once under the influence of
conviction was impressed by no fear, regardful of no sacrifice. At
the same time, he did not conceal from himself the feet, that with
his inferior power it must be impossible for him to contend against
the mighty and preponderating force of the emperor; but the ques-
tion he put to himself was: " Whether he should renounce tiie
almighty power of God or the world?" and the answer to which re-
moved all doubt from his mind and heart. He was likewise much
encouraged and confirmed in his conviction by the letters of Luther,
who, on accoimt of the ban still in force against him, was able to
proceed only as far as Coburg, from which place he watched the
important proceedings that were taking place in Augsburg with the
greatest anxiety and expectation ; but, at the same time, with an indo-
mitable resolution inspired by his faith and zeal in the great cause.
It is said that at this time he composed his beautiful hymn " Eine
Starke Burg ist unser Gott" (A mighty rock is our God). When
now the question of the religious disputes was at len^ discussed
before the diet of Augsburg, the Protestant princes laid before the
assembly their confession of faith, exhibiting in succinct, but com-
})rehensive language all the articles in which the new church difiered
rom the old. 'Inis was completed by Melanchthon firom tiie se-
venteen articles prepared by Luther at Schwabach, and from other
writings which trie JProtestant princes had brought with tiiem ; thus
was produced the Augsbu^ confession which from that moment
has formed the basis of the Protestant church. It was read publicly
before the diet by Bayer, the Chancellor of Saxony, on the 25th of
June, and its reading occupied several hours. The emperor then re-
Digitized by
Google
TttE tMPfiRIAL COUNCtI/— DECLARATIOK OP CHARLfiS t. S87
plied to the IVotestant princes, through Frederick, theCount Palaiinei
**That he would take into consideiation that important and re-
markable document, and make known to them his extermination.'*
/-'^Si the council of Charles, as well as in that of the Catholic princes,
Opinions were very much divided. The popish l^te, as well as
/ George, Duke of Saxony, 'William, Duke ot Bavana, and the ma-
jority of the bishops, required that Charles should force the Pro-
testants to abjure at once their doctrine; others again, amongst
whom was the Cardinal- Archbishop of Mentz, were more moderate.
They observed that such a proceeain^ must inevitably be attended
with great bloodshed, and produce avil war; they referred to the
dangers to be dreaded firom the Turks, who only recently, in 1629,
had ventured to attack Vienna itself, although happily without suc-
cess ; and they recommended either that the Protestants should be
brought to return to the church through conviction, produced by
mild treatment, or that the question should be settled with a view
to preserve, at least, the internal tranquillity of the empire.
In accordance, therefore, with this latter opinion, a refutation of
ihe Augsburg confession was drawn up by several Catholic theolo-
gians, headed by the celebrated Dr. Eck, which was forthwith read
to the Protestants with the intimation that they should quietly
acquiesce therein ; and when they declared at once that thev could
not do so conscientiously, various other attempts at reconciliation and
accommodation were made, for many of the more moderate of both
parties still thought this result attainable. Melanchthon himself
wrote to the pope's legate to this effect: *' There still remains a
slight difference only in the usages and forms of the church which
appears to interfere with the accomplishment of a reunion, and the
eccleriastical canons themselves admit that, notwithstanding this
discrepancy of opinion, the unity of the church may yet be main-
tained." jBut the more zealous partisans of both sides opposed many
obstacles in the way of a conaliatory investigation, and what was
conceded did not at all affect the principal points of dispute. In
addition to this, various Protestant princes and firee cities became
influenced by worldly considerations when they found the question
arise: whether or not the episcopal power ^oula be re-established in
their different territories ; whilst on the Catholic side they now, more
obstinately than ever, held to the strict performance of the articles in
respect to which indulgence had formerly been granted, for instance,
to the Greek church and the Hussites; these articles had reference
to the prohibition of the marriage of priests, and of the administra-
tion of the holv communion to the laity under both forms. ^ Thus
were defeated aU those attempts to produce the desired reconciliation,
and the two parties, instead of approaching each other more closely
on terms of mutual peace and concord, became now more and more
widely estranged. The emperor, at length, issued the following
declaration to the Protestants : " That they should consider and
2c2
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
888 REPLY OP THE PROTESTANT PRINCES— SCHMALKALD.
determine by the ensuing 15tli day of the month of Apnl, whether
or not they would imite in favour of the articles in discussion with
the Christian church, with the pope, the emperor, and the other
princes, until they were more amply explained in a council to be
assembled at an early future day; that during this period of peace^
they should not print any thing new in their various territories, nor
sedk to strengthen their party by receiving fresh adherents fix>m
amongst their own subjects or strangers ; that, as many abuses and irre*
gulanties of every kind had, for many years down to the present mo-
ment, become more and more prevalent throughout Christendom,
the emperor would use all his endeavours, with the pope and the
other princes of Euro^pe, in order that a general council should be
convoked within a period of six months, or at latest within a year
V^from the present time."
To this the Protestants replied, as usual, that their dogmas had
: not as yet been refuted by the Scriptures, that their conscience
would not, therefore, permit them to consent to this decree of the
I diet, by which they were prohibited from propagating their faith.
I At the same time they handed over to the emperor a defence of
\ their confession, and all who still remained in Augsburg immediately
departed. The rupture between the two parties was now formally
. declared. In the resolutions of the diet subsequently made public,
I the Lutheran doctrine was treated as heresy, and characterised as
I such in the most severe and condemnatory^ language; the restoration
of all the confiscated convents and religious estabUshments strictly
ordered ; a censorship over all writings on subjects of religion was
rigidly enforced, and all those who contumaciously acted against
these decrees were threatened with the severest punishment.
' The Protestant princes, at the end of this year, assembled together
in the dty of Scnmalkald, and there renewed their alliance more
firmly, oome among them were even anxious to commence the
' struggle, and appeal to arms at once; but others, again, still retained
their ancient religious dread of civil war and veneration for the
sacred person of the emperor^ as expressed by themselves; whence,
as this feeling of the majority exercised its predominating influence
upon all, their league was saved from incurring the reproach of
s^igvingbeen, without necessity, the first to kindle the flame of a re-
ligious wkrr''^The Catholic electors and princes likewise, on their
part, and with equal merit, checked the feeling so prevalent among
them for warlike measures — a desire so much encouraged in Rome,
and by which the emperor himself already appeared to be somewhat
influenced. They would not allow the ban of the empire to be pro-
nounced against the Protestant party, because they were reluctant
to furnish the emperor with fiill powers for war; they wished, as
they expressed themselves, to contend, but not with the sword's
point, and they hoped, by means of the imperial chamber of justice,
which with this object had been cleansed of all its anti-Catholic
Digitized by
Google
FERDINAND, KING OF ROME-*-R£LIGIOUS PEACE. 389
elements, and strengthened b^ the addition of six assessors, to bring
the decree of the grand diet into full operation>^5But we shall very
soon see that these means likewise proved totally inadequate.
The emperor, on leaving the diet of Augsburg, had proceeded to
Cologne, where he summoned the electoral prmces to meet him.
He there proposed to them that they should select, as King of the
Bomans, his brother Ferdinand, to whom he had already ceded his he-
reditary lands in Austria— ^d who, since the extinction of the royal
house of Bohemia and Hungary, in the person of Lewis 11., who was
killed when fighting against Soliman II., in the battle of Mohacz,
in 1526) had acquired me crowns of Bohemia and Hungary, by the
lights founded upon ancient treaties of inheritance-^in order that he
might be enabled to maintain good order throughout the empire
during the frequent absence of the emperor. The electors consented,
and Ferdinand was crowned at Aix-la-Chapelle; the Elector of
Saxony, who caused his protestation against this election to be
handed in by his son, and tne Dukes of Bavaria, who had for a long
time been j^ous of the power of the Austrian house, and who on
this occasion joined in alliance with their enemies in matters'of reli-
gion, the princesof the Schmalkaldian league,were the only two parties
who made any opposition, and refused to acknowledge Ferdinand.
The new King of the Romans was extremely desirous of preserving
tranquillitjr in Germany, as his new kingdom of Hungary was at
this time hard pressed by ihe Turks, and his chief source of assist-
ance must be derived firom the Grerman princes. The Protestants,
however, refused to give their co-operation until peace had been
secured to them in their own country, and its continuance sworn to
be maintained. The emperor accordingly now concerted &esh mea-
sures, in order to promote a state of union, and at length, after the
most warm and urgent exhortations from Luther in favour thereof,
they produced the provisionary religious peace of Nuremberg, in
1532. The emperor declared, m contradiction to the opinion of the
Catholic majority: ** That, in virtue of his imperial power, he would
establish a general peace, according to which no person should be
attacked or condemned on accoimt of his faith, or any other religious
matter, until the approaching assembly of the council, or the meet-
ing of the estates of the empire." Nay, he promised likewise to
suspend all proceedings taken Dy his imperial chancellor in matters of
£utn, against the Elector of Saxony, until the next council.
The subsidiary troops against the Turks were now collected and
formed an army of such force as had not been produced for a length
of time, the Protestant princes and cities themselves sending very
large contributions. The danger appeared, indeed, extremely urgent,
for the sultan had advanced with a force of three hundred thousand
men to attack the Austrian territories from four points; and to op-
pose him, the emperor had only seventy-six thousand men at com-
mand. (However, the first attempts they made very soon showed
the Turks with wbAt men they had to deal Ibrahim rasha, who led
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
380 TH£ TURKS D£F£AT£D~ULHIC OF WUBTEBfBBBG.
the vangiuid, oonsideTed lie was bound {qx honour^s sake to punisb
the little town of Gunz, in Hungary, which to his mortification had
closed its gates against him, thinking that it would easily^ fall into
his hands on the first assault ; but its brave commandant, Jurischtisch^
with his small garrison repulsed all his ^ttacks, and kept him before
the walls for the space ot a fortnight. ^H)trthis sudden and unex«
pected check upon his march, Souman calculated what the great
\ city of Vienna might cost him, especially as now the emperor had
\come to its aid ; and perceiving, in addition, that the German princes,
whom he thought to find in a state of dissension, had now become
limited, he resolved at once to sound a retreat/^ Thus the whole
of Europe, to their great surprise, found the sreat Soliman quickly
abandon an expedition which it had cost him three years to prepare.
'"^^The emperor was now enabled to turn his attention to other
affairs, ana proceeded, first of all, to Ital^ for the purpose of ar-
ranging with the pope upon the subject of the convocation of the
grand council. But he found that the pope was by no means in
earnest about the matter, neither was i% at this time, at all desired
b^ the pa]^ court; and Charles accordingly departed for Spain
without doing any thing.
/ During the absence of the emperor in Spain, and whilst Ferdi^
j^nand was engaged in employing all his means to establish lus domi-
nion in Hungary, the doctrine of the reformers spread more and
more in Germany, and party spirit daily increased. The Protestants
went so <f in the year 1534, as to declare to the imperial chamber
that they would no longer obey its decrees; because, contrary to
the conditions of the treaty of I^uremberg, it pronounced judgment
against them in cases which referred to the restitution of confis*
cated church property; and which proceeding rendered completely
invalid, the laws for the perpetual peace of the country as esta«
blished by the Emperor Maximilian. Another subject of dispute
was the territory of Wurtemberg. We have already had occasion
to refer ^ to tiie circumstance of Ulric, Duke of Wurtemberg,
l^^iigv just afler the death of Maximilian, and before tiie Section
of Charles V ., been driven out of his countiy by the Swabian league,
on account of a feud which had existed between him and the town
of Reutlingen. The league ceded the land, which was burdened
with a heavy debt to the emperor, and the latter transferred it, in
1530, to his brother Ferdinand, together with his Austrian states^
It appeared now as if that country was destined to form for ever a
portion of the Austrian poesesfflons; but the deposed duke who was
now wuidering through the empire a fugitive, seeking to enlist his
friends in his cause, foimd at length a protector in his relation Philip,
Landgrave of Hesse. Ulric liad already adopted the Lutheran
faith, and Philip now formed tiie determination to re-establish him
in his possessions even by force of arms. He accordingly raised
an army of twenty thousand men, marched unexpectedly mto the
veiy heart of Wurtemberg, defeated the Austrian governor of the
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
HIS DUCHY RECONQUERED— THE AKABAFTISTS. 391
country at Lauffen, in 1534, and restored the re-conquered duchy to
Uliic. It was expected that this bold act would have produced a
sanguinary war; but this time the storm passed over. Charles and
Ferdmana were both too much occupied elsewhere, and perhaps they
nay have felt it ungenerous and imworthy to augment their already
extensiye power by the addition of a foreign coimtry ; whilst, on the
contrary, the other members of the Schmalkaldian league, who had
taken no share in this act of the landgrave, endeavomred to bring
the matter to a peaceM adjustment. Thence was effected, under
tlie mediation of the Elector of Saxony, the peace of Cadan in Bo«
hernia, by which Duke Ulric received back his land as an aniere fief
of Austria; the religious peace as signed at Nuremberg was con-
finned, and Ferdinand was formally acknowledged King of Rome
by the Elector of Saxony and all his family. And in order to main*
tain at least the imperial sovereignty, it was decided that the land-
\ grave and Duke Ulnc should ask pardon of the emperor personally^
and of the King of Rome by deputy, for having disturbed the peace
of the land.
^ Another circumstance occurred which threatened important and
serious results, but still did not interrupt definitively the peace of the
empire, viz., tiie contentionB of the anabaptists in Munster, in 1534
ana 1535. The principles of Thomas Munzer upon CShristian
liberty and equality, and upon the community of possessions, as well
as upon his iaith in immediate divine revelations, were not as yet
eradicated, and had still been preserved, especially in Holland, among
the so-called anabaptists. They demanded that mankind should do
penance and be baptised anew m order to avert the wrath of Ood.
Two of their fimatic preachers, Jan Matthys, a baker of Harlem, and
a tailor, Jan Boddiold or Bockelsohn, of Leyden, proceeded in the
early port of the year 1534, to Munster, at the time that an eoclesi«
astic, called Rotmnann, had just introduced the doctrine of Luther;
they gainedhim overto th^ sect likewise, and with the aid of the
popumoe and other anabaptists from the vicinity, drove out of the
dty all the wealthy citizens, created fresh magistrates, and established
a community of possessions. Each person was required to deposit in
a general treasury all he possessed, whether in gold, silver, or other
precious articles, whilst the churches were despoiled of iheir orna-
ments, pictures, and images, and all the books they contained^ except
the Bible, were publicly burnt. Everywhere, as in all such scenes of
fanaticism, the most licentious acts were committed, and passions, the
most violent and brutal, ra^ed throughout the city. Under the sanc-
tion of their creed of Ghiistian liberty, each man wasauthorised to take
to himself several wives, and their chief, John of Lejden, set the ex-
ample by marrying three at once. Finally, one of his partisans, who
made a boast of havi^especiaUy received a divine communication,
John Dusentschur of W arendorf, saluted him as king of the whole
globe, and as such, appointed to restore the throne of David; and
tw«n1rjr-eight apostles were selected and sent forth to preach this doc-
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
392 THEIR BEVOLT AND DEFEAT— CHARLES V. IN AFRICA.
trine to the whole world, and to bring the inhabitants thereof to ac-
knowledge the newly appointed king. These agents, however, wher-
ever thev arrived, were immediately seized as rebels and executed.
The Bishop of Miinster, supported by the Landgrave of Hesse,
and several other {)rinces, advanced, in the year 1534, with a larse
army against the city. In the first' assault^ however, lliat they made
on the 30th of August, they were repulsed most valiantly by the
fanatic anabaptists; but the more slow and not less fatal attacks of
famine, to which the latter were gradually reduced by the besiegers,
who cut ^ff the supplies, could not be overcome. W ant increased
from day to day, and diminished more and more the zeal of the
people. The new king resolved to establish^his royal authority more
Brmly by terror, and even beheaded one of his wives with ms own
hand in the public market-place, because she gave vent to the ex-
pression, that she could not possibly believe that God had condemned
such a mass of people to die of hunger,, whilst the king himself was
living in abundance. At len^h, however, after a great number had
reallv perished through starvation, two citizens led the bishop's troops,
on the night of the 25th of June, 1535, into the city; and after a
san^inary battle, John of Leyden, and his executioner, Knipper-
dolhng, together with his chancellor, Krechting, were made prisoners,
and having been publicly exhibited in several cities of Germany as a
spectacle, they were tortured with burning pincers and put to death
by piercing their hearts with a red hot dagger. Their bodies were
then placed in iron ca^es, and suspended from the steeple of the
church of St. Lambert, m the market-place of Miinster, and the form
of Catholic worship, and the authority of the bishop, were im-
mediately re-established in that city.
Meantime the emperor had proceeded upon an expedition the re-
sults of which crowned him with lasting honour and fame. A
pirate, Haradin Barbarossa, bom of obscure parents in the island of
Lesbos, but one of the most daring and extraordinary, men of his
day, had established himself on the north coast of Africa. To join
him in his depredations he had gained over a numerous body of
Moors, who, driven out of Spain by King Ferdinand the Catholic,
burned with the desire of revenging themselves upon the Christians,
and thus strengthened, this desperate pirate infested the Mediter-
ranean seas in every direction. His cruelty and audacity rendered
him the terror of all the inhabitants along the coasts; whilst in the
A&ican peninsula he held in his possession Algiers and Tunis, and
the Turkish sultan, Soliman, himself had confided to his charge the
whole of his fleet, in order to employ it against the Christians, of
whom alr^y some thousands languished as captives in the hands of
the barbarians.
As protector of entire Christendom, Charles felt he could no longer
endure the existence of such outrage and cruelty, especially as the
fugitive and rightful Kinff of Tunis, Hascen, had come to him for
protection. Kfe embarked, therefore, with an army of thirty thou-
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
HIS TRIUMPH— FRANCIS I.— ITALY. 393
eand men, including eidbt thousand German troops, under the com-
mand of Count Max olEberstein, and a fleet of five hundred vessels ;
the latter being under the orders of Doria, and the army commanded
hj the emperor himself in person and the Marquis de Yaston. They
arriTed before Tunis in the summer of 1535, and captured the citadel
of Goleta, which defended the port, on the first assault; all the am-
munition was seized, and more than two thousand Turks put to the
sword. The army of Haradin Barbarossa, which was drawn up
ready for battle on the plain in front of the city, was attacked at
once and completely put to rout. The victorious troops now took
possession of tne city, and proceeded immediately to open the pri-
sons of their suffering fellow-Christians; and Charles, to his inex-
pressible joy was enabled to set at liberty no less than twenty-two
thousand of these objects of severe oppression, who now, with tears
of joy and gratitude, were restored to their relations and friends.
The emperor himself declared that glorious day to be one of the most
happy and delightful of his entire life. His fame spread far and
wide throughout every country; and this he truly merited by the
courage and perseverance he had evinced in this perilous but heroic
undertaking; whilst, at the same time, he proved by his example
how easily tnese barbarian corsairs of the Afncan coasts might, with
a bold and resolute spirit, be overcome. He restored the fugitive
king, Hascen, to his throne of Tunis; but, at the same time, prohi-
bited him &om all capture or imprisonment of Christian slaves, and
as a pledge of his obedience, the emperor retained possession of the
citadel of Goleta. Haradin, after his defeat, had nown to Algiers,
whither Charles resolved to pursue him in the ensuing year.
A fresh war, however, with the King of France prevented him
from executing this intention. This prince, on the death of Francis
Sforza, had renewed his claims to Milan, and in order to ensure for
himself an open road to Italy, he unexpectedly attacked and took
possession of the Duchy of Savoy^ upon whose duke he also made
claims. Charles saw at once the necessity of war, and resolved to
fix the scene of contest in the south of France. Unwarned by the
disastrous results which attended his first expedition, under the Duke
of Bourbon, he undertook another in 1536, and having advanced as
far as Marseilles he once more laid siege to that city. He however
found that it was much too strong^ fortified to hold out any
chance of success, whilst the whole of the neighbouring country
was laid waste by the French themselves; whence want of supplies
and disease forced the emperor, after having remained two months
before the place, to withdraw his troops and make as good a retreat
as he oould, but in which he nevertheless lost much of his ammu-
nition and luggage.
By the mediation of the pope, a suspension of arms, during ten
years, took place in Nice, in the year 1538, and soon afterwards the
two monarchs had an interview at Aigues-Mortes, on the Rhone.
The proposal for this meeting was first made1)y the King of France;
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
394 HOSTILITIES 8n8PENDKI>— CHABLES V« Di VRANCE.
and although the imperial council conadered it unsafe for the enw
peror to trust himself upon French ground, Charles, notwith-
standing the doubts they expressed, resolved, were it even for the
novel and extraordinary nature of the project— te him so pleasing —
to accept the invitation. When he arrived in the harbour the kinff
himsell embarked in his state barge to receive him, and conducted
him ashore. Here a splendid dinner was prepared and served up,
which was followed by a grand fSte, at wnich the royal personages
presided until midnight. On the following morning the dauphin
himself attended upon the enmeror and handed him the water and
towel for his toilet, and, indeed, both ades rivalled e^ck other in
marks of mutual friendship and civility. And in all this th^ce was
no hypocrisy; they were both desirous of a lasting peace, and in the
foUowmg year, 1539, Francb gave an additional proof of his eood
intentions and sincere wishes. The city of Ghent, in Flanders,
owin^ to some new impost, had risen in revolt against the Emperor
Charks, and offered to place itself under the protection of the King
of France; but the latter immediately communicated the circum-
stance to the emperor himself, and proposed at the same time, in order
to reach the scene of contention in Flanders with more esqpedition,
that he should take the shortest route from Spain through France.
This offer was accepted by Charles without any mistrust, and as he
proceeded on his journey through the kingdom he was everywheane
received with the greatest honours, and at every city or town he ear
tered the keys of each place were presented to him, whilst in Fon-
tainebleau, where the Un^ had previously arrived, he was detained by
magnificent fUtes during the space of an entire fortnight, and when he
reached Paris he was equally well entertained during another week.
His presence in Ghent very soon appeased the rioters; and whilst
he was still there, Charles received tne most urgent appeals from
Germany, hoping that he would quickly re-^ppear in that country,
where ms presence was become more necessary than ever, in ord»
to put down the disorders which had daily increased.
lie acceded to their wishes and, in the year 1541, predded at
the diet of Ratisbon. We shall relate in the succeedmg chapter
how, on this occasion, and subsecjuentij, for several years, he en-
deavoured by writings, religious discussions, and his own persuasive
doquence, to reunite the contending parties; and how, at the same
time, the maintenance of internal peace in Gcarmany was the desire
and aim of his government, as well as the necessary principle of his
reign, threatened as he was, on the one hand, by invasions from the
Turks, and forced, on the other hand, to cany on wars with the
French. Here it only remains for us to tiirow a glance at the pro*
gress made by the emperor in his foreign relations, until the period
when, at lengtii, he found his entire thoughts and labours absorbed
in the interests of his Grermanic empire.
Charles quitted the diet at Ratisbon, and proceeded to Italy,
whence he set out on his expedition to Algiers, as previoushr deter*
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
ALGIER8~DI8ASTBOn8 EXPEDITION^-^FRANCB. 398
mined upon. Hia enterpiisng mind, ever delighting in new and bziU
Uant exploits, aspired to the realisation of a project, at once grand and
commensurate with his powers — the annihilation of the corsairs of
the barbarian states of Africa; the accomplishment of which he now
felt himself especially called upon to efi^t, inasmuch as the auda-
cious Barbarossa had again excited general indignation by his reoent
praoies on the coast of Spain. This new expedition, howerer^
commenced under very umavomable circumstances; the season for
the navigation of the Mediterranean had already become extremely
tempestuous, and the experienced admiral, Andreas Doria himfldf,
prognosticated a disastrous voyage. Charles, however, would not
consent to its being postponed, and they accordingly, set sail. Hie
fleet arrived on the 20th of October, 1541, before AlgiCTS, and the
troops were forthwith landed. Towards the evening, however, be-
fore the artiUezy, baggage, and provisions could lie brought on
shore, a tremendous gale arose, and did much damage to the ships,
several of which were wrecked on the coast.
All thoughts of conquering Algiers were of course abandoned,
and the grand object now was the preservation of the army; for
the light cavalry of the Turks made their appearance on the Allow-
ing day and pressed hard upon the ranks of tne jaded troops. In this
tiying and dangerous moment, however, the Emperor Charles dis-
pkjred the energy and perseverance for which, as a warrior, he was ever
distinguished. During a march of three entire days, through water
and mud, he led his troops, amidst the haTasHiTig attacks of the
enemy, along the whole extent of the coast as far as the Bajr of
Metaliiz, where the remnant of the dispersed fleet had assembled.
Without distinction he shared with his common soldiers the most
severe privations and &tigue, and thence it was that he succeeded in
reviving their spirits and stimulating their courage, till at length they
reached their destination and re-embarked. The emperor set sail for
Italy, where, having arrived safely, he disembarked, and proceeded at
once to Spain.
The Emg of France had availed himself of Charles's absence in
order to renew hostilities. All his experiments of firiendly under-
standing with Charles would not suffice to banish from his recollec-
tion the duchy of Milan; and now he tiiought the moment had
arrived when he must succeed in re-conquering it, and for this pur-
pose he renewed his alliance with the Turks. Whilst, therefore,
Uharles, after his return irom Aimers, sought a littie repose from the
fiiti^ues of that sad expedition, Francis forthwith entered the field
against him; the incapacity of his generals, however, when brought
to compete with the experience and superiority of the Sjpanish
leaders, combined with disease and the scarcity of supplies for the
troops, operated so much against him,' that the whole of his five
armies could eflect nothing m the first campaign, and were forced
to return home dispirited and diaippointed.
In the following year, 1543, CSharles set out for Italy, and thence,
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
396 THE DUKE OF CLEVES— FRANCE— PEACE OP CREPI.
suddenly croflnng the Alps, ptoceeded to the Lower Rhine, where
the Duke of Cleves had made an alliance with Francis I.; and this
prince, who had recently b^un to encourage the doctrines of Luther,
was selected as the first to feel the imperial authority. The appear-
ance of the emperor in this countnr was quite unexpected. It was
reported among the people that he had been shipwrecked on his
return from Algiers and had perished. Believing this statement,
they treated the news of his arrival in Germany as a mere fable.
The garrison of the small town of Dliren, on being summoned by
Charles to surrender, replied: " They were no longer in dread of
the emperor, as he had long since become food for the fishes.''
When, nowever, the Spaniards scaled the walls, cut down all before
them, and set fire to the town, alarm and terror spread throughout
the whole country. They said the emperor had brought witn him
a species of wild men, half black and half brown, with long, sharp
nails at their fingers' ends, which enabled them to climb the loftiest
walls, together with huge teeth with which they tore every thing
asunder.
It is unnecessary to say that the beings thus marvellously described,
were no other thin the old warriors of Charles, who, by constant
exposure to the sun, had become dyed completely brown, and reck-
less of all danger, when making an assault on a fortified town, usually
fixed their daggers or lances m the fissures of the walls, and thus
formed for themselves the means of ascent to the ramparts. The
terror, however, which their appearance created very soon brought
under subjection the entire country; and the Duke of Cleves was
obliged humbly to sue for pardon on bended knee. This was
granted to him by the emperor, but under the condition that he
should not forswear his rehgion ; that whatever changes he had in-
troduced should be immediately abolished, and the original regula-
tions re-established, and that he should not enter upon any alliance
in opposition to the emperor.
!No action or engagement of any importance took place with the
French this year ; but for the ensuing one Charles collected a very
large army, and after he had held a new diet in Spires, in the winter
of 1543, and had secured to himself the co-operation of all the German
princes, he marched in the following spring into the enemy's country
at the head of a numerous body of chosen troops. The flower of this
army consisted of thirty tl^ousand Germans, the result of the good
xmderstanding which the emperor had established at this last diet
between himself and the Protestant princes, and more especially
the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave Philip. The first place
he took was Saint Dizier, whence he marched direct for Paris, and
having taken possession of Epemay and Ch&teau-Thierry, he was
within a march of only two days firom the capital, whence the inha-
bitants, already alarmed at his approach, took to flight. Now, however,
Francis made proposals of peace, which the emperor accented at once,
being anxious for a reconciliation with his rival, as affairs in G^nnany
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
RSLIGIOUS AFFAIRS IN OERHANT, 1534^1546. 397
Sew more and more complicate, and, on the24th of September, 1544,
e peace of Crepi was sigped — the last that Charles signed with the
£ing of France. By tms treaty little alteration was made in the
main points of dispute ; as before, Burgundy remained in the pos-
session of France, and Milan was retained by the emperor. Francis,
however, pledged himself this time to support the emperor not only
in checking the Turks, but in restoring ike unity of faith.
CHAPTER XIX.
State of BeligioTis AfTfurs in Germaiij, A-om 1534 to 1546— Vain Attempts at Recon-
cfliation-— Rapid Propagation of tlie New Doctrine— Henry, Duke ofBnmswick —
Death of Martin Lnther, 1546— Charles V. and the Pope— Their Alliance— Ft«-
parations for War— The Leagae of Schmalkald — The Elector of Saxony and the
Landgrave of Hesse — Their Characters contrasted — Maurice, Duke of Saxony —
His extraordinary Genius — ^His Adherence to the Emperor— The Pope's Bull —
The Holy War— The Schmalkaldian Army, 1546— 1547— General Scliartlin—
Diyision among the Protestant Leaders — Inglorious Results — The Imperial Camp
hesieged — Charles Triumphant — Duke Maurice and the Elector of Saxony —
Treachery of Duke Maurice — ^The Emperor in Upper Germany — Conquers the
Imperial Free Cities— Saxony— The Battle of Miihlberg— The Saxons defeated—
The Elector taken Prisoner — Deposed and condemned to Death — The Game of
Chess — The Elector's Firmness and Resignation— His Life spared— Duke Maurice
made Elector of Saxony— Wittenherg— Charles Y. and Philip of Hesse— The
Landgraye's Suhmission and Humiliation — Detained a Prisoner, and his Landa
seized hy the Emperor — The Elector Maurice — His Mortification and Projects
against the Emperor— The Spanish Troops in Germany— Their Insolence and
Oppression.
In Saxony, the Elector, John the Steadfast, since the year 1532,
had been succeeded by his son, John Frederick, a prince of just and
honourable principles, but of a reserved mind, and in this respect
quite the opposite of the bold and active Landgrave Philip of Hesse,
who continued to march at the head of the Protestant princes as one
of the most energetic and effective among them. Not only this con-
trast of character presented in the two leaders, but other causes had
operated to produce a division amongst the body of Protestants them-
selves. Already, in the tenth year of the Reformation, a dispute
had ariisen amongst them with respect to the doctrine of the com-
munion, in which at first Luther stepped forward to resist Carlstadt,
and afterwards extended his opposition to the reformer of Switzer-
landy Ulric Zwingli, with whom he had a religious conference at
Marburg, in 1529, but which led to no satisfactory result They
parted, it is true, with an improved opinion of each other's merit,
and Luther himself was in hopes that the violence of spirit, which
.had hitherto breathed throughout their controversial writing, would
now become softened down; but the primary subject of division still
retuned its influence, and presented an obstacle even to the external
union of the parties in a common alliance; so that in fact it might
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
398 ME NEW DOCTMIHB— RAPID PftOPAOAtlOK.
have led to the total destraction of the new church if the Oatholics
had availed themselves of the existing sohiflm between them.
But amongst the latter, likewise, dissension prevailed to such an
extent that, as we have already seen, the Dukes of Bavaria had even
joined the Schmalkaldian league. And, subsequently, when these
princes separated from it, and the new church was thus threatened
with greater danger, the strict Lutheran party, by the advice of their
chief himself, became reconciled, for a time, with the Swiss, bv a
concordate of Wittenberg, and the towns of Switzerland, as well as
several others of Upper Germany, joined the league. This was one
of the most important events towards the development of the
evangelical church.
The propagation of the new doctrine increased rapidly from day
to day. Several bishops even, induding those of Liibeck, Camin,
and Schwerin, embraced the new form of worship, and the venerable
Hermann, Elector of Cologne, of whom we shall spesk more in de-
tail as we proceed, made serious preparations to follow their example.
One of the most important cnanges, however, took place at this
time in the Saxon territories. The moiety of these provinces, to-
gether with the dties of Dresden and Leipsic, belonged to Duke
George (by-named " the bearded"), who was a zealous adherent and
defender of the old church, and who employed ever^ means in his
power to prevent the introduction of the new doctrme into his es-
tates. His two sons, however, died before him, and his brother,
Henry of Altenbur^ (father of Maurice, the subsequent duke and
elector J, his immemate inheritor, was, on the other hand, devoted
with his whole soul to the doctrines of Luther. When, therefore,
his brother George died, in April, 1539, the first act of Henry's go-
vernment was to introduce the Reformation everywhere throughout
his land. The majority of his subjects submitted willingly ; the
university of Leipsic itself, after a slight opposition, became com-
pletely changed, and the most zealous of the Catholic theologian pro-
fessors, having been removed and discharged firom their offices, were
replaced by the partisans of the new doctiine.
A similar change took place in Brandenburg nearl;^ about ihe
same time. Prince Joachim I., a zealous Cathohc, havmg died in
1534, was succeeded by his son Joachim H., who had been edu-
cated by his mother, a princess of Denmark, in the principles of
Luther. Encouraged by the example set by the Bishop of Bran-
denbuTj^, Mathias Jagow, this prince subscribed to the Augsburg
confession and introduced into his country a church service which
retained some portion of the old form of worship, but in the chief
points was stnctly conformable with the principles of the reformed
church.
The superiority which the new doctrine was now gaining in the
north of Germany, induced the venerable Cardinal Albert, Arch-
bishop of Mentz, a prince of the house of Brandenburg, to abstain from
making further opposition to its progress in his two bishopries of Mag-
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
VAm ATTEMPTS AT RECOMCILUTIOK. 8M
debnig and Halbeistadt, and withdrawing to Mentz, lie granted per-
mission to the states and cities of those provinces, in return for the
Sayment of a considerable sum of money, to establish their new
octrine and build ^churches as they might deem best and most
adTantageous.
After this, ihe more evil the state of things became, the more
strenuous were both the emperor and his brother Ferdinand in
their endeavours to reunite both parties, and for this object they
established from time to time successive reli^ous conferences: at
Hagenau, in 1540; at Worms, in 1541, where Melanchthon and Eck
stood opposed to each other; and in the same year likewise at
Ratisbon, at which the emperor himself presided and took an active
part therein. All, however, was in vain; the new doctrine was too
widely separated from the old, and in it were now involved too
many interests: on all sides too many worldly considerations were
brought into operation, and amidst the wild part]^ passions and dis-
tiactionsof that period, it was imj^ossible to obtain for the subject
that calm and profound investigation so necessary and so desirable.
These attempts at reconciliation producing little or no result, the
emperor, as usual, had recourse either to a general council, confirming
in the interval the treaty of Nuremberg; or, of his own authority,
issuing, even against the voice of the Catholic majority, decrees by
which all the Protestant churches in the land were recognised by
the state. Thus it occurred at the diet of Ratisbon, in 1541, before
CharWs expedition to Algiers; thus likewise at Spires, in 1542, by
the mediation of Ferdinand and the Elector of Brandenburg, in
order to collect together all the forces of the empire against the
Turks, and finally, in 1544, at the second grand diet in the same
city, at which the emperor and all the seven electors were present,
when he prepared his second expedition against Francis I. of France,
and of which we have already spoken. The personal relations be-
tween the emperor and the two Protestant leaders, John Frederick
of Saxony and Philip of Hesse, had never been upon a more fa-
vourable footing, so much so indeed, that the question of a mar-
riage between a son of the elector and a daughter of Ferdinand had
already formed a subject of discussion, whibt the landgrave received
from the emperor a promise that in itio next campaign against the
Turks he should be appointed commander-in-chief in lieu of him-
self. And yet in spite of all this, the Protestants about this time
sought to aid themselves by force of arms. Duke Henry the
younger, of Brunswick, a zealous Catholic, and of impatient and
violent spirit, was at enmity with the Elector of Saxony and the
Landgrave of Hesse, more particularly on account of their religion;
and each party attacked the other in fierce pamphlets abounding in
passionate invective, and furious abuse. In addition to this the two
towns of Brunswick and Goslar, which formed a part of the league
of Schmalkald, invoked the protection of the Protestant provinces
against their own duke, who oppressed them in every possible waj,
Digitized by *
400 BUKE HENRY OF BRUNSWICK— -HIS DEFEAT.
and whom the emperor himfielf as well as King Ferdinand had re-
peatedly, although in vain, reproached for his imjust violence
against those towns. At length, in 1542, the league raised an
arm J, invaded the territory of the duke, conquered and drove him
from the country, and held possession thereof. The duke appealed
to the emperor for succour; ne, however, only referred the matter
to the consideration of the next diet.
Accordingly at the diet of Worms, held in 1545, it was decided
that, until the affair was equitably adjusted, the emperor should hold
the estates of Brunswick under his own immediate dominion. This
arrangement, however, by no means accorded with the demands of
the impatient and haughty duke, who would willingly have found
himself at the head of the Catholic party : '^ To pretend to make use
of threats in the name of the emperor was," he said, '* just like hunt-
ing with a dead falcon." In his zeal he was misled into an act for
, which he stood committed in the eyes of Francis I., King of France.
This monarch had confided to his charse a considerable sum of money,
for the purpose of collecting a body of troops for his service; as soon,
however, as the duke had succeeded in this object he marched them
into his own duchy, in the autumn of 1545, in order to rc^n it
from his enemies. The no less bold and energetic Landgrave Philip,
however, was soon on the alert with his army, and the Elector of
Saxony with Duke Maurice having joined mm with their forces,
they surrounded the duke so completely in his camp of Calefeld, near
Nordheim, that he was forced to yield himself a prisoner, together
with his son. The landgrave led them away as captives to the castle
of Zieffenhain, and the emperor took no further interest in the matter
beyond advising him to treat his prisoners with lenity, and accord-
inff to their rank as princes.
Meantime the be&re-mentioned diet of Worms, although it ope-
rated once more towards the maintenance of religious peace, pre-
sented, nevertheless, stronger indications of the growing schism, and
the complaints of both parties became more and more urgent. The
CathoUcs did not fail to complain of the confiscation of their eccle-
siastical possessions in the Protestant countries, and the Protestants
on their side refused to acknowledge the decrees pronounced by the
imperial chamber in these and similar matters, inasmuch as the
Catholics would only permit judges of the ancient &ith to preside
there. Distrust haa now increased to such an extent that but a
small number of Protestant princes appeared at all at the diet. The
grand medium for reconciliation, from which Charles had formerly
hoped so much, viz., a general council of the church, was now inei-
fectually emploved, for it was now too late to resort to it, neither
was it regulated in a just and equitable form. The court of Rome had
eventually given its consent to such an assembly, and had convoked
the council for the 15th of March, 1545, at Trent, in Tyrol, which
was solemnly opened on the 13th of December of the same year.
The Protestants, however, refused to recognise its authority for de-
Digitized by
Google
♦the catholic princes— cologne. 401
ciding in their affairs, giving as their reasons: that the council was
convoked on the frontiers of Italy, in a country totally unacquainted
with the customs of Germany, and which consequently could not
fail to have an injuriously preponderating influence; and further,
that the pope, who had already condemned them as heretics, or at
least had treated them as accused of heresy, presided at the said
council as their judge. If, therefore, this council was to be regarded
as an independent one, they must enjoy equal rights with the others.
Some time previously, Frederick, tne Elector Palatine, who had
then recently gone over to the new church doctrine, made a propo-
sition which might have produced advantageous results if every one
had been animated with good faith and mfluenced by pure prin-
ciples. He proposed, viz. : *' to convoke a national or general coun-
cil of Germany, and to transmit to Trent the convention therein
concluded between all parties, as being the opinion of the entire
body of the German nation." The same idea had been vainly sug-
gested, even prior to this, by John Frederick of Saxony, who pro-
posed that the said council should meet in Augsburg. This expe-
dient, free from all foreign influence, and by which the nation
would have been so represented as to express its wants fairly and
directly, appeared the only one which must have proved benefi-
cial and have led to a conclusion of rehgious disputes.
The anxiety felt by the emperor and the Catnolics, lest the Pro-
testants should acquire a superiority throughout the empire was not
without foundation. Three out of the four lay electorate princes in
the imperial council, had already adopted the new doctrine, (al-
though the Elector Palatine and the Elector of Brandenburg had not
as yet joined the league of Schmalkald), and now even one of the
three prelates, Hermann, the venerable Elector of Cologne, declared
himself more and more decidedly in favour of the new cause. He
was desirous, with the sanction of his states and a portion
of his chapter, to introduce into his bishopric the most searching
and important reforms, and had already entered upon the grand
work himself, having invited Melanchthon from Wittenberg to aid
him therein. The university and the corporation of Cologne, how-
ever, together with the opposition party of the chapter, were against
all such reforms, and appealed to the emperor and the pope for their
authority against these measures. This university had, previously
to the Keformation, in the time of Jacob Hoogstraten, taken an ac-
tive part in the dispute against the humanists — the professors and
restorers of the study of the ancient languages, and especially
against Reuchlin; whilst it was one of the first to condemn the
dogmas of Luther.
In this increasing complication of affairs, where no longer the least
hope of conciliation remained, the emperor, more and more urged
to hostile measures by Rome and Spain, (the Duke of Alba having
now arrived in Germany from the latter coimtry,) considered him-
self at length called upon — however much nitherto an inward
^ ^ Digitized by Google
402 CHARLES V. AND THB POPE-^TBCfft iSUASaL
warning voice might have restrained him — to employ as a last le-
soiuroe, the force of arms, and thus promptly and definitively to
decide the question. His chancellor, Granvella, held, therefore,
secret council with the pope's le^te, Cardinal Farnese, on the i>os-
aibility of carrying on a war against the Protestants; he gave him
to understand that the pope must necessarily join in active co-ope-
ration, as the emperor himself was exhausted, and the Catholic
princes without enerOT; and the cardinal in his joy to find the em-
peror now seriously determined to proceed to extremities^ made the
most flattering promises. In order to be unoccupied with any
foreign enemy, Charles now concluded a truce with the sultan^ and
with Francis I. he Ukewise made peace.
We are now arrived at a critical period of Charles's life. In
forming the resolution to accomplish with the sword that which he
had so long endeavoured to enect by peaceful means, he fell into
a ^eat error ; falsely imagining that the mighty agitations of the
mmd could be checked and held in chains by external power. From
that moment, on the contrary, he was himself van<|uished by that
very overwhelming epoch, the course of which unUl then he had
appeared to direct and hold in rein ; it was henceforward no ^longer
in nis power to restrain its career. His genius, impaired with in-
creasing years, and over which about this time the Jesuits had gained
an influence not to be mistaken, became more and more clouded
and prejudiced against all that was new and vigorous in life, and
thus m his gloomy and morose spirit he thought he was able to cut
with the sharp edge of his sword the knot he found it so difficult to
loosen. This mistaken idea of the Emperor Charles at the closing
period of his reign resembles a tragedy, in which we find a noble
mind forced to bend and sink beneath the heavy burden to which
fate has subjected it. These latter years, it is true, may be included
amongst the most brilliant of his life, by their external successes pro-
duced so rapidly; but it was jjrecisely this good fortune which made
him lose sight of the exact point of moderation which, down to this
moment, he had so happily maintained, and whence he was soon
laid low by the iron hand of destiny, and all his plans, formed with
so much trouble and anxiety, comjuetely annihilated. Nothing else
now remained for him, but to collect his reduced powers in order to
withdraw in time from the whirlpool before him, and whilst he threw
aside the shining brilliancy of earthly grandeur, to preserve at le^
the independence of his spirit. And, assuredly, by this last resolu-
tion, of which subsequently we shall speak more fully, the Emperor
Charles secured to himself his dignity as a man whilst he conciliated
the voice of posterity.
Shortly previous to the commencement of the sanguinary war of
religion, Luther, the founder of the grand struggle breathed his last.
He had used all the weight of his power and influence in order to
dissuade his party from mixing external force with that which ought
only to have its seat within Uie calm profundity of ^e soul ; and,
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
DSATH OF I«UTB£B, 1M6~LEAQU£ OF 8CHMALKALD. 403
indeedi as long as he lived, thia energetic reformer was the warm
advocate for the maintenance of peace. He repeatedly reminded
the princes, that his doctrine was torei^ to their warlike weapons,
and ne beheld with pain and distress, in the latter years of hia life,
the growing temporal direction given to the holy cause, and the
increasing hostility of parties, whence he augured nothing good;
Providence, however, spared him from witnessing the final and dis-
astrous course of events. He had suffered from severe illness for
several years, and during a joumev he had imdertaken, in the year
1546, to Eialeben, in order to settle a dispute between the Earls of
Mansfeld, he was seized with a fresh stroke of illness, and died on
the 16th of February of that year, at the age of sixty-three, after
having repeated once more with his dying breath, that he had lived
and now died in the firm belief of Christ, the Saviour of the world.
His body was conveyed in solemn state to Wittenberg, where it was
placed in the vault of the royal chapel of the castle.
Whilst the diet of Ratisbon was still sitting, in 1546, where for
the last tune the Protestants urged, viz : '* A lasting peace and equal
rights for the evangelical and Catholic estates, together with an equit-
able council of the German nation," the emperor had already col-
lected an army, and concluded a treaty of alliance with the pope.
He determined, in combination with the Holy See, to adopt extreme
measures against Hermann, the Archbishop of Cologne, who was at
once formally deposed from his electorate. This and other acta
alarmed the confederates of Schmalkald; and they demanded from
the emperor the object of his military preparations. He replied
briefly: ** That all those who submitted to his authority would find
him influenced by the same gracious, paternal, and good intentions
he had hitherto shown; but on the other hand, all such as acted
in opposition to him must expect to be treated with the greatest se-
verity.'' And shortly after this, when the messenger returned from
Rome with the treaty signed by the pope, he issued his declaration
of the 26th of Jime, 1546: ** That as nitherto all the diets had pro-
duced no effect, it was his desire that all should await with patience
the determination he might adopt upon the subject of religion^
whether for peace or war." This declaration showed evidently tliat
it was the emperor's intention to have recourse to war, and the
Schmalkaldian league immediately prepared to take up arms in their
defence. The marked contrast, however, between the two great
leaders held out but Uttle prospect of brilliant results.
The Elector of Saxony, who adhered to his faith with his whole
soul, and was but little influenced by any thing external beyond it,
would not for a moment admit any political osculation to connect
itself with his cause, but rested solely upon his conviction: *' That
God would not forsake His gospel." Previously, he had already
refiised the alliance of the Kings of England and France, because
they both appeared to him imworthy to defend the doctrines he
held to be the most pure, and he even considered that he was bound
2 i>2 Digitized by Google
404 THE ELECTOR OF SAXONY AND THE LANDGRAVE OP HESSE.
to refuse the co-operation of the Swiss, because they deviated from
him in their belief of the doctrine of the Eucharist. The elector,
whose ideas were extremely circumscribed, had never for a moment
suspected the existence of the plans so long contemplated by the
emperor; on the contrary, he always continued to nourish in his
heart, even to the last moment, the most sincere and genuine vene-
ration for the ancient, sacred name and person of the emperor.
And, indeed, had it not been for his able chancellor, Bruck, to whom
he confided every thing, and who, fortunately, knew better than him-
self how to bring into connection the maxims of state policy with
the strict principles of religion, so firmly advocated by his master,
the league would have suffered still more severely.
Phihp of Hesse was not wanting either in attachment and zeal
for his taith; but there were other motives besides of an external
character by which he was influenced in the part he had chosen.
He had &om the first been excited by the most burning ambition,
and had it not so happened that a combination of events had cut him
off from all friendly connexion with the imperial throne, he would
doubtless have occupied a distinguished position amongst the coun-
cillors and generals of the emperor. Finding himself, however,
placed by fate at the head of the opposite party, his bold and enter-
prising genius prompted him to employ every expedient against the
emperor; and for which purpose he was gifted with powers far more
comprehensive than the Elector of Saxony. He would willingly,
in several cases, have taken up arms where the circumstances were
favourable, in order to obtain for himself ^nd his co-religionists at
once those rights for which they were otherwise forced to wait until
granted them by the emperor. We have seen already how he twice
boldly took the field at all hazards, at one time, in favour of Ulric
of Wurtemberg, and at another against the Duke of Brunswick; but
whenever he urged the policy of imdertaking more extensive ex-
peditions, he found himself always checked by the elector, who was
ever anxious not to infringe the laws; whence it was alone the
common danger which held in imion two minds so different in
character, ana almost wholly opposed to each other. This inequality
of thought and feeling, however, could not fail to produce necessarily
great confusion and opposition in moments of decisive action.
This was the weak side of the Schmalkaldian league; but for this,
its power under good and wisely concerted direction^ would have
been sufficiently effective to have obtained complete success in a
legitimate defence against the emperor. And in such case, to have
proceeded upon the principle and feeling with which the Elector of
Saxony acted, would have oeen highly praiseworthy and honourable;
for thence the Protestant party would have been able to defend its
liberty of faith with advantage, without the interference of foreigners,
which was always destructive to Germany; it would have preserved
the respect and reverence due to the imperial majesty so long, at
least, as the latter did not transgress the limits of justice, and with-
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
MAURICE OF SAXONT— HIS EXTRAORDINARY CHARACTER. 405
out having recouifle to the dishonest artifices of that policy which
honours truth in proportion only as it accords with its own interest.
But the league was unhappily devoid of unity of action and cordial
co-operation, as well as in fixity of purpose in the execution of its
plans. A considerable number of princes had refused to join its
ranks; and even opposed it by attaching themselves to the emperor's
K* rty. Maurice, tne young Duke of Saxony, although himself a
otestant and cousin of the elector, as well as heir to the Landgrave
Philip, was in secret communication with the emperor; whilst the
Margrave of Brandenburg, John of Kustrin, abandoned the league,
and Albert of Baireuth wso openly entering the service of the em-
peror, acted with him in concert against it.
Maurice of Saxony was one of the most remarkable and distin-
giiished men of his day. Young, bold, and active, he already pos-
sessed the keen glance and quick conception of the more experienced
warrior, and had at command that searching, comprehensive view of
circumstances which enabled him to execute nis purposes with
characteristic promptitude. His whole appearance, likewise, dis-
played the perfect man; and his eye of fire and penetration, together
widi the entire expression of his noble, daring countenance, indicated
his heroic character. The Emperor Charles himself, who always
ranked the Germans far behind his subjects of the southern climes,
and accordingly held but few of them m much respect, soon learnt
to know the young duke's character, and quickly penetrating into
all that was grand and npble in his nature, he smgled him out at
once as worthy of especial regard and esteem beyond all his other
courtiers.
Maurice, whose keen glance penetrated far more deeply into future
events than tliat of his cousin the elector, discovered very soon that
the latter could not possibly maintain the contest a^inst the superior
address and tact of tlie emperor, and he accordingly formed at once
the resolution of making himself the chief of the house of Saxony.
In doing this, he may, perhaps, have justified himself by the plea,
that there was no other means of saving it; still his justice and truth
were put thereby severely to the test. He would not join the league
of Scnmalkald because he wished to attach himself to the emperor
and preserve his alliance until, by the attainment of his object, ho
should be at liberty to act with independence.
On the formation of the league he gave his advice against it, and
when invited to join it, he refused and declared that he would only
take up arms in defence of his own lands. He was, however, already,
at the moment he made this declaration, in secret understanding
with the emperor; but to what extent and how closely he was allied,
and under what stipulations, has not been clearly shown : unfor-
tunately, however, there is every probability to suppose that the re-
ward held out to him was the prospect of receiving the electorate.
Such being the case, what an inward struggle must it have cost him,
and how painfully must it have agitated his whole soul, when the
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
406 THB ]?0PE'8 BULL— THE HOLY WAR.
unsudpecting elector, just before he set out on his expedition ftgainst
the emperor, confided into his hands the whole of his lands, in order
to protect and watch over them as his substitute during his absence,
to be faithfidlj restored to him on his return ! Neverweless, no ex«
temal sign betrayed this inward contention, and wisdom triumphed
over truth; and in order not to betray himself, he accepted the pro-
tectorate of the electoral territories.
The emperor exerted every effort in order that the approaching war
should not assume the character of a purely religious war. In a pro*
clamation to the principal Protestant cities, Strasburg, Nuremberg,
Au^burg, and Ulm, printed in Ratisbon, he assures them posi*
tively : " That the preparations for war made by his imperial mwesty,
were by no moans adopted for the purpose of oppressing either reUgion
or liberty, but solely m order to bring to submission a few obstinate
princes, who, under the cloak of religion, sought to seduce over to
their party other members of the holy empire, and who had lost all
sense of justice and order, as well as respect for the imperial dignity."
The straightforward good sense of the German citizens, told
them plainly that a part of this proclamation was nothing but mere
empty words, whilst they felt the danger with which they were
themselves threatened by the overthrow of the princes. They held
themselves, therefore, nrmly attached to their league with the Pro-
testant states. An unexpected event which now took place ren-
dered perfectly useless all the pains that Charles had taken to conceal
the object in view. He had scarcely concluded his alliance with
the pope, the nature of which was exactly the opposite of what he
had so lately assured the cities in question, when tne pope made it
publicly known, and issued a bull throughout Germany, in which
he represented the emperor*s expedition as a holy undertaking for
the cause of religion: " The vineyard of the Lord," it says therein,
" shall now be purified, by fire and sword, of all the weeds which
have been sown by the heretics throughout the Germanic empire."
By the terms of the compact itself, the pope promised to as&st the
emperor with twelve thousand ItaUan foot soldiers, and fifteen hun-
dred light cavalry troops, which he undertook to maintain at his
own cost for the space of six months. Besides this, he gave two
hundred thousand crowns towards the general outlay of the war,
and authorised the emperor to draw the moiety of the revenues from
the ecclesiastical possessions in Spain, and to dispose of Spanish
monastic property to the amount of five hundred thousand scudi.
In return for which Charles promised: "That he would compd,
by force of arms, all the rebels in Germany to return to their
obedience to the holy chair of Rome; that he would restore the
ancient religion, and that, without the consent of the holy father,
he would enter into no treaty with those of the new heresy, that
might be disadvantageous or injurious to the Romish church.
Thus this manifesto, contrary to the wish of Charles, gave a
religious character to the war, and such was thejpope's desire. In
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
THE 8CHMALKALD1AN ARM7--0fiNERAL SCHAtlTLtN. 407
the Protestant countries, however, the most bitter and indescribable
exasperation was excited, and if the leaders had only known how to
avail themselves of that moment, bj directing the entire strength of
the mass thns aroused, the emperor, with his Spaniards and Italians,
must have been completely overcome. For the other German princes,
and even the Cathohc princes, held themselves generally quiet ; dread-
ing lest, after overthrowing the Protestants, the emperor would
exercise sole dominion over the whole empire.
The army fiimished by the cities of Upper Germany marched
first into the field; a well-appointed and select body of troops under
the command of a man distmguished for his military skill and well
tried experience, Sebastian Schlirtlin, of Burtenbach near Augsburg.
This brave officer and knight was remarkable for his resolution and
firm, undeviating principles of action; he would never brook half
measures, but alwws manoeuvred for the total defeat and destruction
of his enemy. He had served in all the campaigns against the
Turks and the French, and had shared in the battle of ravia and
the storming of Rome under the Duke of Bourbon. He was now
soon joined Dy the corps of Ulric, Duke of Wurtemberg under the
command of the brave John of Heydeck. Schartlin speedily drew
up his plan of the war, according to which he commenced ope-
rations by at once seeking to annSiilate the emperor's forces at the
very onset of their formation; for Charles, who still remained sta-
tionary in RatLsbon, had as yet at the utmost only from eight to ten
thousand men, whilst he still awaited the troops collecting in Ger^
many and those that were marching to his aid firom Italy and the
Netherlands.
Schartlin advanced against the town of Fuesscn on the rivei?
Lech, in Swabia, one of the principal military depots of the em-
pieror; but the troops on his approach evacuated the place, and re-
tired into Bavaria, and just as Ihe was about to march in pursuit of
them, a messenger arrived from the council of the city of Augsburg,
in whose service he was more especially engaged, with instructions
not to enter the territory of the Duke of Bavaria, who was a neu-
tral power. The house of Bavaria had threatened to join the em-
peror in case they did not leave his country munolested; at the
same time it may be observed, that if it was resolved to remain en-
tirely neutral, it ought assuredly not to have permitted the troops of
ihe emperor to pass through its territory. But there was at that
moment a secret compact concluded between the Bavarian house
and the emperor, by which the former agreed to furnish at least a
certain contribution in money. It was, therefore, with no little pain
and mortification that Schartlin foimd himself thus suddenly
checked and forced to make a halt on the veiv banks of the river
Lech, without being permitted to cross it and 'destroy the enemy
thus slipping through nis fingers; especially as his plans embraced
fer more important and decisive results, it being his determination,
after having defeated the troops now before him, to have proceeded
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
408 DIVISION AMONG THE LEADERS— COUNTER ORDERS.
bj forced marches on to Ratlsbon itself. The army there collected
being but small, the emperor would have been forced to take to
flight, in which case he must have lost the whole of Upper Ger-
many. Referring to this subject Schardin wrote: ** That assuredljr
Hambal himself had not experienced greater re^t and morti-
fication, when compelled to withdraw from Italy, flian he had en-
dured when forced at that moment to retire from the Bavarian
territory."
The brave Schartlin now proceeded at once to carry into execu-
tion the plan he had formed immediately after the failure of his first
project, and which was to oppose the march of the pope^s troops
across the Tyrolese mountains mto Germany.
Never had such a well-appointed army oeen formed in Italy as
that which now marched forth to join the emperor's force; the sol-
diers, under chiefs long distinguished for courage and experience,
being all united in one zealous, enthusiastic feeling against the Pro-
testants. Schartlin, by forced marches, soon ^ined the passes and
made himself master of the important defile of Elirenberg. Thence
he marched against Inspruck, and had he been allowed to proceed,
would have obtained his object and commanded the whole country;
but here he received fresh orders from the leaders of the league, by
whom he was now instructed to evacuate the land, inasmuch as
King Ferdinand, to whom it belonged, had not as yet declared war
against the Schmalkaldian league. Thus was evinced already, even
at the commencement of operations, all that doubt and fear amongst
the confederates whence might easy be foreseen the most unfortunate
and disastrous results. For it was the height of folly and madness,
after the war had become inevitable, to show consideration towards
those who, although as yet not declared enemies, were nevertheless
known to be decidedly hostile. Nevertheless, the general was
obliged again to obey superior orders, and was thus unable to avail
himself of the advantages he already possessed, or might at any
future period gain.
Meantime, the Saxon and Hessian troops were brought into the
field, and directed their march towards Upper Germany. The two
chiefs of the league addressed, on the 4th of July, a letter to the
emperor as follows: '* That they were not conscious of having com-
mitted any act of disobedience, for which they had been accused by
the emperor. If, however, they had laid themselves open to such
reproacn, it was only just and equitable that they shomd be heard
beforehand ; and if this did take place, then they would make it
clear in the eyes of all, that the emperor undertook the war merely
at the instigation of the pope, in order to oppress and crush the doc-
trine of the evangelists, and the liberty of the Germanic empire."
Tliis last and most grave accusation, now made for the first time against
the emperor by his opponents, was soon eagerly caught at and disse-
minated throughout the world. This one sentence, if it was held to
be truly expreased, must have produced a startling change even in
Digitized by
Google
INGLORIOUS RESULTS— THE IMPERIAL BAN. 409
the Roman Catholics themselves, have subdued all their zeal, and
rendered them less desirous to behold the emperor succeed in over-
coming his adversaries.
Charles, indeed, immediately afterwards, by committing a most
rash act, appeared to confirm the accusation thus made against
him; for when the document from the leaders of the league was laid
before him, he would not even touch it, but proceeded at once, on
the 20th of July, to reply to it by a declaration of the imperial ban
Against the two Princes of Saxony and Hesse. He therein charged
them with disobedience to the imperial authority, and a design to
** deprive him of his crown, his sceptre, and all authority, in order
to invest themselves therewith, and finally to subjugate every one to
their tyrannical power." He called them *' rebels, perjurers, and
traitors," and absolved their subjects from all obligation of homage and
obedience to them." Thus severely did he express himself in reply
to their address, although quite in conformity with the excitement
and violence of that turbulent period. By this, his last act, how-
ever, the emperor violated the ancient rights of the empire, accord-
ing to which he was not empowered to declare the ban against any
state, without the council and judgment of the princes. No exact
estimate, therefore, can be made of the extent to which the emperor
might have been carried, had circumstances continued favourable;
for to minds like his, which subject themselves entirely to the dictates
and guidance of prudence, circumstances constitute the only measure
of restriction. They undertake only what appears to them practi-
cable, and Charles accordingly was cautious in not attempting to do
that which he could not complete. He held the sway over so many
extensive states, and had opposed to him so many powerful adversa-
ries in Europe, that he felt it quite impossible to devote that con-
tinual and exclusive care to Germany, which a plan of absolute
sovereignty, to be carried out successfully, strictly demanded ; whence
he wisely abstained from the attempt. Nevertheless, Charles gave
ample evidence of his character as a proud and mighty emperor, and
the ruler of half the world, by acting in particular circumstances,
when every thing depended upon prompt measures of execution,
independent of all forms of law ; whence it may be said that the
violation of the rights and privileges of the empire rested more in
his intentions than in his plans.
Meantime he entered upon this opening scene of the Schmalkal-
dian war in conscious superiority of mind and true heroic independ-
ence. Although having at command but a small body of troops,
and threatened by an army of at least fifty thousand men, the most
complete and formidable force that Germany had produced for
several years, he only repHed to the declaration of the princes by
the said document of excommunication, and then proceeded from
Ratisbon to Landshut in order to be more immediately at hand to
receive the* succours marching from Italy. To remove, however, all
doubt or fear from the minds of his partisans, he declared to them
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
410 THE IMPEllIAL CAM»— -RETREAT OF THE ALLIES.
that he would never abandon tlie Gennan coil, but wotdd adhere to
it living or dead. His best guarantee was the state of dissension
existing in the camp of the allies. Schartlin with the munidpal
troops had now joined the army of the two dismiited princes. The
cilizen-general now advised that they should march with their com-
bined forces against Landshut, and there surround the emperor at
once; but, as usual, they could come to no determination, and the
valuable opportunity was lost once more^ The emperor, on the con-
trary, lost no time m making the most of these valuable moments;
he collected around him all tne reinforcements as they arrived from
Italy and Spain, as well as the auxiliary troops from Germany, and
when he found himself in sufficient strength, ne ascended the banks
of the Danube as far as Ingolstadt. There he encamped, and
strongly fortified himself; for as yet he could not venture to enter
the open field and attack the enemy, preferring to wait the arrival
of Count Buren, who was advancing to join him with a considerable
body of troops from the Netherlan£. The allies had followed him
to ms present position, and now thcv at length determined to attack
his camp, as yet not quite securea, with their artillery, and thus
force him to draw up in line of battle.
Accordingly, on the 31st of August, they advanced at break of
day, and forming themselves into a half circle, occupied all the
heights in the rear of the camp with their planted cannon. The
allied troops were animated with courage and a desire for battle;
and at this favourable moment, a bold and decisive assault, con-
ducted with prompt and energetic effect, would have produced for
the allies an easy, out complete and glorious victory, ^or the em-
peror was far inferior in lorce, and his camp was as yet only de-
fended by a simple trench. The idea of such an assault was not un-
thou^ht of by the allies; according to some accounts the Landgrave
Phihp, according to others G-eneral SchcLrtlin, had suggested it at
the very moment when the fire from his twelve heavy cannons was
dealing destruction amount the emperor's Spanish arquebusiers,
and sent them back flying mto the camp. But s^ain this time irre-
solution and disunion among the leaders rendered fulile the decision
which ought to have been put into force immediately. The em-
Biror, who with the greatest sang froid encouraged his troops, and
mself defied all danger, now gained time to complete the forti-
fications of his camp, and was soon enabled to witness in perfect
security how vain were the efforts of the enemy to point their can-
non with any effect against him. From this moment Schartlin, as
he himself relates, placed no longer fidth in this war, " for he saw
no serious efforts made to render it an honourable and legitimate
war."
The princes continued during five entire days to cannonade the
imperial camp, without producing any desired result; and when
they heard that Count Buren, with his auxiliary troops from the
Netherlands had abeady crossed the Rhine, they raised the siege,
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
THE IMPERIAL FREE CITIES— SAXONY. 41 1
laid suddenly retired with their whole army in order to inarch
against him. The emperor C50uld scarcely beheve his eyes, when he
beheld the powerful army of his enemy thus retire without having
effected any thing, and mounting his horse he rode out of his camp
escorted by the Duke of Alba and others of his staff, to olwerve
their retreat more closely.
Meantime, the princes, notwithstanding their rapid march, were
unable to prevent the junction of Count Suren wim the emperor,
who being now so much reinforced, proceeded at once to march
in advance, taking possession of one place after another along the
Danube, and making himself complete master of that river. When
at length lie approached and threatened Augsburg, the citizens
summoned their general, Schartlin, to their aid and protection. The
allies, however, notwithstanding they had not understood properly
how to avail themselves of their superiority, maintained the war by
an obstinate resistance until November, so that the emperor could
not bring them to a general action; whilst, in the meantime, the
Spaniards and Italians of his army already suffered greatly from dis*
ease and fatigue.
The allies suffered hkewise from the severe weather, to which was
added the want of supplies, both in provisions and money, and the
army now began to show signs of discouragement and dejection,
because the leaders were incapable of inspiring confidence; the Swa-
bian division of the army was more especially disgusted with the
war, because the whole burden was thrown upon its shoulders, whilst
the two armies had now been encamped face to face for more than
six weeks, without doing any thing. The princes at len^ sent a
despatch to the imperii camp, in which they declared uiemselves
ready to negotiate for peace, or at least a suspension of arms. By
this act, however, they only betrayed and acknowledged at once
their weakness, and yielded tnemselves as conquered without striking
a blow. Rejoicing triumphantly, the emperor commanded the docu-
ment to be read before the whole army drawn up in order of battle,
and in full of all reply, he briefly announced to the princes, through
the Margrave of ferandenburg: "That his majesty knew of no
other way by which peace was to be restored, except by the submis-
sion of the electors themselves, and their adherents to the imperial au-
thority, together with their entire army, their lands, and subjects."
Upon receiving this reply, the allied princes broke up and sepa-
rated on the 22nd of November, at Giengen, and each returned to
his own territories.
The presence of the Elector of Saxony had been more esp^sially
ckimea by his country through a message despatched to him in his
camp, announcing that Duke Maurice had, with the exception
of a few small pmces, taken entire possession of the whole land.
For the emperor had authorised his brother Ferdinand, as King of
Bohemia, to execute, in conjunction with Duke Maurice, the sen-
tence of the ban adjudged against the elector; and such was the
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
412 DUKE MAURICE, ELECTORr— THE CITIES SURRENDER.
position of afi&iis, that it appeared, if Maurice did not himself take
immediate possession of the electorate, it would most probably be
lost for ever. Such at least was the representation made by Maurice
when he summoned together the states of the country, in order to ob-
tain their sanction for such proceeding; for without that he could not
have commenced upon such an important undertaking. He em-
ployed all his powers of speech and argument, in order to give his
conduct and wishes the semblance of rimit and justice. The sudden
arrival, however, of Ferdinand, with nis Hungarian light cavalry^
which he had brought with him from Bohemia, produced the de-
cided effect; their savage appearance spread imivei^ terror, and it
was regarded as a happy relief to yield to the Saxon warriors of
Maurice. The entire electorate, therefore, with the exception of
Wittenberg, Eisenach, and Gotha, was speedily in the hands of the
ambitious duke. The voice of the people, nevertheless, loudly con-
demned his proceedings; he was looKed upon by them as a renegade
in the cause of the new doctrine of faith ; and by the clergy, both in
the pulpit and in their various writings, he was most severely cen-
sured and lashed.
The elector himself now, in December, 1546, returned to Saxony,
full of sadness and dejection. He soon succeeded, however, in re-
conquering his lands, and in seizing a portion of the duke's territory,
after he had overthrown and taken prisoner in Rochlitz, Albert,
Margrave of Brandenburg, who had been sent to the aid of his
friend, Duke Maurice, by the emperor. Maurice was likewise left
without any assistance from Bohemia, as the estates of that country
refused to fight against their co-religionists in Saxony, referring, at
the same time, to a treaty of inheritance which existed between the
crown of Bohemia and the electoral house of Saxony; whilst Ferdi-
nand himself began to feel rather uneasy on account of his own
kingdom. Tliat coimtry had already ripened into a state of open
revolt, and the states had even proceeded to collect together a con-
siderable army, in order, as they pretended, to protect the Bohemian
territory agamst the attack of the unchristian Spanish and Italian
forces. Whence it resulted that Maurice, of his own land, only re-
tained possession of the towns of Dresden, Pirna, Zwickau, and
Leipsic, and he was reduced to place all his hopes in the Emperor
Charles.
Meantime Charles was occupied in bringing to subjection the
Protestant cities in the south of Germany. This, however, was
deemed no easy undertaking, these places being exceedingly strong,
and might have resisted his arms for a len^h of time ; whilst, in the
intervcd, the princes of the north could avail themselves of the
opportunity, and make their preparations for a fresh campaign.
It seemed, however, as if both courage and resolution had suddenly
deserted them altogether; for wherever the emperor presented liim-
self the cities submitted to him at once without offermg any resist-
ance. Bopfingen, Niirdlingen, Dunkelsbiihl, and Kothenburg,
Digitized by
Google
AUG8BDRG— SCHARTLIN— tJLRiC OF WURTEMBERG. 413
threw open their gates without its being necessary for him to nn*
sheath the sword at all; whilst Ulm itself, powerful as that city
was, despatched messengers to meet him, who on their knees, and in
the open field, besought his pardon in the Spanish tongue, (this act
was especially, and with justice, most severely condemned by the
allies,) and paid over to him as a fine 100,000 florins. Frankfort
paid likewise a sum of 80,000 florins, Memmingen 50,000 florins,
and the smaller towns paid sums in proportion; and now the turn
came for Augsburg. This* city was protected by walls almost in-
vulnerable, mounted with two hundred pieces of artillery, and pro-
vided with a strong garrison, and a warlike population; if, there-
fore, it had only maintained its ground with determined bravery,
it must thereby nave revived once more the sinkinff courage of the
entire body of the allied forces. But the rich members ot the mu-
nicipality took fright when they found the danger so close to their
own door; and one of them, Anthony Fugger, proceeded as deputy
to wait upon the emperor in his camp, and returned with the con-
ditions exacted; viz.: that the city should pay a sum of 150,000
gold florins; that it should receive a Spanish garrison and banish its
brave commandant Schartlin. The latter employed every effort to
prevail upon them to defend the place, but all his eloquence was in
vain, he could not infuse courage into them; finally, he reminded
them of their contract with himself, according to which they had
engaged to retain him in their service, and could not banish or dis-
charge him. They, however, only replied, by begging hiim with
tears in their eyes, for God's sake to leave the city; accordingly the
brave old wamor quitted the place in disgust and indignation, and
retired to Switzerland — the opanish troops taking immediate pos-
session. The cities, indeed, had reason to congratulate themselves
upon having the permission granted them to retain the same privi-
leges in respect to religion as were enjoyed by Duke Maurice and
the house of Brandenburg; although this arrangement did not cer-
tainly accord with the promise made to the pope.
Besides the cities, two princes in Upper Germany had taken an
active part in the war: Ulnc, Duke of W urtemberg, and Frederick,
Elector of the Palatinate. The latter was no t a member of the Schmal-
kaldian league, and had only, in accordance with an hereditary treaty
between him and Duke Ulric, furnished the latter with a subsi-
diary force of three hundred cavalry and six hundred foot soldiers;
added to this, he had been a juvenile companion and playmate of
the emperor when together in Brussels as boys, whence he easily
obtained a pardon. The Duke of Wurtemberg, however, was
obliged, together with his council, to beg for pardon on their knees,
as likewise to give up his strongest castles witti all the cannon, and
to pay a fine of 300,000 gold florins, after having sworn to obey
the emperor in all thin^.
TTius the Schmalkaldian league in tJpper Germany was speedily
destroyed, and the emperor resolved at once not to allow his army
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
414 CHAELE8 V. IN 8AXOKT--MGIS8£N--£LECTOE PUBStlSD.
any iepoBe> but to bring matters in the north of Gemuur^ to an
equaU;^ prompt and decisiye termination. Hehimself stood, indeedy
much m need of rest; his hair during this war had become (juite
gray, his limbs were completely lamed &om gout* whilst his coun-
tenance was so deathly pale, and his voice so wealc and tremulous,
that he could hardly be recognised or understood. His spirit, how*
ever, still reigned with all ita original power within that infirm
body; and he was now urged on by necessity to obtain his object,
inasmuch as he was anxiously expected at Eger by King Ferdi-
nand and Duke Maurice, who there tarried like two Aigitives driven
from their possessions until he came. He joined them at length,
on the 15 th of April, and they celebrated together the Easter fes-
tival; they then forthwith proceeded on their march, and on the
22nd of April, Charles found himself already encamped within a
short distance of the walls of Meissen on the Elbe.
The elector could not, for a long time, believe it possible that
Charles was marching against him; but now, when to nis no little
surprise, he found he was actually within sight and dose upon him,
he gave hasty orders to destroy the bridge near Meissen, and
marched with his army along the right bank of the Elbe, in order
to reach Wittenberg, his capital, where he would have at command
all the means necessary to maintain a lon^ and vigorous resistance.
The emperor, on the other hand, held it most important that an
immediate attack should take place, by which to bring the war to
a speedy end; e^>ecially as his army was four times as strong as that
of the elector. Accordingly, he lost not a moment, but pursued his
march along the opposite wore, almost in a line with tne elector's
troops, and searched aloi^ the river for a spot to ford it and get his
army safely and expeditiously across. The elector halted near the
small town of Muhlberg, whilst the emperor, very late at. night,
once more rode with his brother and Duke Maurice, along the
shore, seeking in vain for a favourable spot by which to cross over;
for the Elbe here was at least three hundred feet wide, and the
opposite shore was considerably higher than on his side. At length
his general, the Duke of Alba^ brought from a neighbouring village
a young miller (his name— preserved by history — ^was Strauch),
who promised to lead them to a fording-plaoe. He was induced to
commit this act of treachery by a feeling of revenge towards his
fellow-countrymen, who, as they marched in the course of ihe day
through his village, had taken with them two of his horses — ^this
circumstance, and the tempting offer of a hundred crowns, made
him by Duke Maurice, with the promise of two other horses to re-
place uiose taken from him^ determined him to serve the enemies of
ids country.
At the dawn of morning, and under favour of a very thick fog,
several thousands of Spanish arquebusiers now commenced crossing
the river, and a select troop among them having cast aside their
guns, and thrown off their armour, placing their swords in their
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
BATTt£ Of MUHLBSBG-^THE SAXONS OKFEATEO. iU
tQOuths, hoIdiBg them tight between their teeth, plunged into the
streanii and swimming to the other aide, seized the remains of the
bridge which had been destroyed by the Saxons. This they suc-
ceeded in repsdrinff whilst the cavaby forded the river, each horse^
man taking with him on his saddle a foot soldier. Lastly followed
the emperor, his horse ffuided by the said miller, ^ S Ferdinand,
Duke Maurice, and the JDuke of Alba, with the rest of the imperial
suite.
On the morning of this eventful day— the sabbath — the elector
attended divine service in Miihlberg, and when in the midst of his
devotions, a messenger arrived in breathless haste and announced to
him that the enemy had crossed the river and was in Ml march in
pursuit of him, he could not, would not believe it, but desired the
service of God not to be interrupted. When it was over he found
the news was too true, and he nad scarcely time to retire with his
army. He ordered his infantry to march in all haste for Witten*
berg, but he directed the cavalry to keep the enemy at bay by
skipushing; the artillery having already been sent in advance to
Wittenberg. The impenalists, however, pursued the Saxons with
such speed that they overtook them on the plain of Lochau; and al-
though his artillery and the greater portion of the infantry still re-
mained behind, the emperor, nevertheless, by the advice of the Duke
of Alba, gave orders for an immediate attack. The Spanish and
NeapoUtan troopers dashed with impetuous force against the Saxons,
Maurice himself leading the attack. The elector's cavalry was soon
thrown into confusion, and fell back upon the ranks of their own
infantry, which was hastily drawn up in battle array on the borders of
a deep forest. The elector ^ave his orders from a carriage, his
weight of body not permittmg him to mount on horseback; the
emperor, on the other hand, in whom the signs of illness were less
than ever perceptible on this day, rode an Andalusian charger, hold-
ing in his right hand a lance, and wearing a helmet and cuirass
gorgeously decorated with gold, his eye beaming with warlike
ardour. The imperial cavab^, with their terrific shout of '' His-
pania ! Hispania r broke now through tibe ranks of the Saxon in-
fantry, which were completely put to rout. All now took to flight;
everywhere was confusion and terror. As they flew across the
plain, the fugitives were overtaken and struck down by their jpur-
suers, covering with their bodies the whole line of road from Koss-
dorf to Falkenburg and Beicrsdorf. One of the elector's sons was
overtaken by some troopers of the enemy; he defended himself with
EBat courage, and shot one of them dead at the moment when
ving received two s^ord cuts, he was sinking from his horse;
some of his own men just coming up in time, rescued and bore him
away in safety. But his father was not so successful; he could not
escape. He nad been urgently entreated by his faithful adherents
to seek safety in flight, and gain a sccui*e asylum in Wittenberg ; but
his only observation was, ** What will become of my faithful in-
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
416 THE ELECTOR TAKEN PRISONER— WITTENBERG.
fantrj?' and he remained on the field of battle. In the heat of
action he had quitted his carriage and mounted a powerful &esian
charger; he was, however, very soon surrounded by the enemy's
cavalry, and as he valiantly defended himself, he received a cut on
his left cheek from the sabre of an Hungarian trooper. The blood
streamed all over his face, but even in this sad condition the un-
daunted warrior would not yield, until a Saxon knight in the suite
of Duke Maurice, Thilo of Trodt, penetrated through the Hun-
garians that surrounded him, and called out to him in German to
save his life. To him, as he was a German, the elector gave himself
up a prisoner, and in token thereof he drew from his finger two rin^
which he presented to him; whilst to the Hungarian he gave ms
sword and dagger. The knight conducted his royal prisoner to the
Duke of Alba, and the latter, at the earnest and repeated persuasion
of the elector, led him before the emperor who still continued
mounted on his horse in the centre of the plain. The elector, as
he approached, sighed deeply, and raising his eyes up to Heaven,
said, mournfully, " Heavenly father, have pity on me, for behold I
am a prisoner !' His sad condition and appearance excited the com-
passion and S3rmpathy of all around; his wounded face still stream-
ing with blood, and his cuirass likewise being covered with spots of
gore. He was assisted to dismount by the Duke of Alba, and was
about to drop on his knee before the emperor, taking off the gaimt-
let from his ri^ht hand, in order, according to German custom, to
present it to his majesty ; but the latter refused to take it, and with
a stem and haughty look turned from him. The mortified prince
now addressed him with the words : " Mighty, gracious eniperor !"
" Ay, now I am your gracious emperor, am I?" returned Charles,
haughtily. " It is lon^ smce you styled me thus !" The elector con-
tinued: ** I am your imperial majesty's prisoner, and beg to receive
the treatment due to me as a prince." " You shall receive the re-
spect you merit," concluded the emperor. The elector was now-
conducted to the camp by the Duke of Alba, together with Ernest^
Duke of Brunswick-Liineburg, who had also been taken prisoner.
Thus was that day brought to a successful close for the emperor,
on the subject of which, in the style of Gsesar, he writes: " I ap-
peared, I fought, and God vanauished."
After a repose of two days, Charles marched on to Torgau, which
surrendered forthwith, and thence he proceeded to Wittenberg, the
capital of the coimtry. The place was defended by a strong fort
and a good garrison, whilst the citizens themselves assisted witn de-
termined courage and loyalty; had they continued to make resist-
ance for any length of time, the emperor would have been forced
to withdraw from Saxony without having completed his work, as
he was not at all prepared for a long campaign. Thence, in his
impatience, and by the urgent persuasion of nis confessor and others
around him, he nad recourse to an expedient which completely
transgressed the limits of his prerogative, and was contrary to the
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
ELECTOR CONDEMNED TO DEATH— LIFE SPARED. 417
constitutdonal rights of the empire. He summoned a council of war,
and pronounced sentence of death upon the unfortunate prince; an
act which, however just the sentence, could not legitimately take
place, except in a diet held by the German princes of the empire.
Probably he may not seriously have contemplated the execution of
the sentence, but only sought to use it as a means to terrify the
friends and faithful adherents of the elector within the waUs of the
city, and thus induce them to surrender the place; but the violation
of the law was based in the form of the judgment, and in case it did
not operate in the way, perhaps, originally intended by Charles,
there was too much reason to fear hom his stem nature, which never
allowed him to waver or recede, that execution would follow.
The elector, who, when in prosperity, was too often wanting in
resolution and fixity of purpose, evinced at this moment i^l the
heroic courage of a firm and energetic soul founded upon unchang-
ing and indomitable faith. The sentence of death pronounced upon
him, was announced to him at the moment he was en^ged in a
game of chess with his fellow-prisoner, Duke Ernest of Brunswick-
Liineburg. His appearance and manner betrayed neither alarm nor
despondency, but as he resumed his game, he calmly replied: ^' I
can never I)elieve that the emperor wiU proceed to such extremes in
his treatment of me; if, however, his majesty has truly and defini-
tively thus resolved, then I demand to be informed thereof in such
positive and legitimate form as will allow me to proceed to fix and
arran^ my afiairs in regard to my wife and children."
It IS not known wheuer Duke Maurice did at all interest himself
on this occarion with the emperor in favour of the^ elector; but, on
the other hand, it is known for certain, that the elector, Joachim of
Brandenburg, hastened immediately to the imperial camp, where he
strenuously exerted all his powers of eloquence with the emperor to
prevent, oy some mediatory accommodation, the fulfilment of the
sentence. He succeeded at length in his object, but imder condi->
tions most severe and painfully humiliating to the Elector of Saxony.
He was obliged to renounce for himself and descendants all claim to
the electoral dignity, as well as the possession of the territory, which
were transferred to Duke Maurice. His castles of Wittenberg and
Gotha were surrendered to the emperor, whilst he himself remained
his prisoner during imperial pleasure; so that if deemed proper and
necessary by Charles, he might even have been sent to opam it;self,
and there placed under the immediate charge of the InfantDon Philip.
The necessary provision for him and his family was to be furnished
by Maurice, produced by the revenues derived from the towns of
Eisenach, Gotha, Weimar, and Jena. In one article of. the condi-
tions it was proposed, that the elector should even promise in ad-
vance, to accept of every thing that might be decreed by the coun-
cil of Trent and the imperial power m religious matters — but to
that the resolute prince would by no means be brought to agree, and
on this point he remained so firm and immoveable, that the emperor
2£
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
418 WITTENBERG — THE ELECTRESS — CHARLESES KAGNAKIMITT*
was obliged to yield ; he struck out the passage with his own hand,
and the Spaniards themselves even acknowledged the firmness of the
elector to be both honourable and priuseworthv.
When it became known in Wittenberg, that its city was to be
delivered up to the emperor, although in religious worship it was
guaranteed the free exercise of the Augsburg confession, con-
siderable indignation and consequent opposition and confusion
arose. At first the citizens resolved to defend themselves to the
last man, because they found it impossible to place an^ confidence
in the promise made that they should have their religious liber^;
particularly after the cruel manner in which the Spaniaxos had acted
towards theix land. The elector, however, commanded them not to
make any iurther resistance, as the emperor would, he assured them,
futhfiiUy keep the promise he had given; especially as the latter
g^ranted them permission to receive only Grerman troops as a gar-
rison. Acoordinglv on the 23d of May, 1547, the Saxon solaien
marched out and the imperialists took possession of the town. In
the course of a very short period an interchange of a more peaoefid
and fiiendly feeling arose between the camp and the city, and mutual
distrust di^ppeaied more and more. The Saxons to their great
wonderment and admiration, beheld their deposed lord and prince
comfortably lodged and entertained in the tent of the Duke of
Alba, where he was waited upon and treated with the greatest dis*
tinction and reverence by the Spaniards: The electiess herself and
her children, dressed in complete mourning, were led before the eat-
peror by the sons of the Roman king and paid him their homage;
Charles assisted the princess to rise, and ccmsoled her in her sorrow
and affliction with words of sympathy and encouragement, grant-
ing permission to the elector to pass an entire week with his
&mily in his casde of Wittenberg, and there celebrate with ihem
the festival of Whitsuntide. In addition to this, he himself repaired
to the castle and returned the visit of the princess. The impression
produced by his noble and exalted spirit, now so much softened,
diminished and almost extinguished that feeling of antipath j hitherto
existing against him throughout the countnr; whilst, on his part, he
formed a much more fiivourable opinion of the people of the north
of Gpermany than the enemies of the new doctrme had led him to
conceive: ^ Thin^ and people appear &r different in this evangelical
country to what I fimcied and beheved them to be before I came
among them," was his expression now. And when he learnt, that
on his arrival the Lutheran form of divine service had been pro-
hibited and had ceased, he exclaimed: '^ Whence has that proceeded?
By whose authority? Kit be in our name that the service of Grod
has been interdicts here, then does it incur our high displeasure !
We have not altered aught touching^ relimous matters in High Ger-
many, why should we do so here?' He then visited the royBi chapel
of the castle and examined the tomb of Luther. One or two of his
suite — ^it is said the Duke of Alba and the Bishop of Anas, the son
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
PHILIP OF HESSE — ^HIS SUBMISSION AND HUMILIATION. 419
of Grranvella — advised him " to have the remains of the heretic re-
suscitated and publicly burnt;" but Charles replied: "Let him re-
poee in peace, he has already found his judge; 1 war only with the
living, not with the dead."
Maurice, the new elector, showed himself equally friendhr and in-
dulgent towards the Wittenbergians: " You have been so mithful to
my cousin that I shall always remember and think well of you,"
were his words to the corporation as he left them. On the 6th of
June the imperialists withdrew from Wittenberg, and, inmiediately
afterwards the soldiers of the new elector man£ed in and took up
tlieir quarters in the city.
On the same day that the Emperor Charles entered Wittenberg,
his former rival, Francis I. of France, was borne to the tomb, as if
fortune had resolved to remove at once from before his path every ob-
stade to the plans he had formed. From Wittenberg he marched
on to Halle, m order to attack the second leader of the Schmalkal-
dian league, the Landgrave of Hesse, and the latter having now no
lon^ any hope of deEverance but ihrou^h the grace and pardon
of toe now all-poweifol emperor, emploved every effort by means of
Ilia scm-in-law, Duke Maunce, and the Margrave of Brandenburg, to
obtain both.
Both these princes exerted themselves most actively and zealously
for him, and at length they succeeded ; the emperor declaring, through
hia chancellor, Granvella: '^That if the landgrave came to him m
penon, surrendered himself at discretion, and signed the conditions
which would be submitted to him, he promised not to seize his lands,
neither would he take his life nor pumsh him with lasting imprison-
ment" Thus it is expressed in a copy, recently discovered, of the
transactions of that penod. The mediators, however, either did not
well wdgh the last sentence of the declaration, and imagined it was
meant to convey that the prince should suffer no imprisonment, or,
as they themselves admitted, some months afterwards, at the diet of
Augsburg: '^In their verbal negotiations with his majesty's coun-
callors too great confusion and misunderstanding existed through
ignorance or misconception of language ;'' enough, they pledged
toeir word of honour with the landgrave to give themselves up pri-
soners to his sons in case the emperor did not give him frdl lib^iy
to return. Accordingly, on the 18th of June, Fnilip, in frOl reliance
on thear word, came to Halle, and on the following day he was led
before the emperor. Charles was seated on his throne, surrounded
by a crowd of Spanish grandees, and Italian and German nobles,
and amonffst them stood conspicuous Henry, Duke of Brunswick,
lately the kndgrave's prisoner, but whom he had been forced to re-
lease and who now triumphed in his late conqueror's humiliation.
With dejected and mortified mien the landgrave humbly knelt at
the foot of the throne, whilst his chancellor, Guntherode, kneeling
behind him, read aloud to the emperor the petition for pardon. It
was expressed in the most humble terms^ and an eye-witness re-
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
2£2
420 DETAINED A PRISONER— UNJUST PROCEEDING*
lates, that in the excess of shame and confusion with which the
prince was overwhehned at this moment, in the presence of such
a large and august assembly, a slight smile played about his mouth,
as if produced oy an unconscious effort of nature to repress the feel-
ing of shame by which he was so painfully tried. But this expression
did not escape the lynx-eyed monarch ; he held up his finger menac*
ingly, and said in his Netherland dialect — for ne spoke the Ger-
man very badly — " Wol, ick soil di lachen lehren !" (Ay, ay,
I will teach you to laugh.) The imperial chancellor, Dr. Seld,
then read the emperor's reply: "That, althoiigh, the landgrave,
as he himself acknowledged, deserved the heaviest punishment, the
emperor, nevertheless, in xiis innate goodness, and in consideration of
the intercession made in his favour, would allow mercy to take the
precedence of justice; he therefore removed the ban of excommuni-
cation pronounced against him, and granted him the life he had by
his acts forfeited.'* After this document had been read, the land-
grave was about to rise as a fi^e prince from his humble posture, but
waited in vain for the signal from the emperor; finding, therefore,
that this was withheld, and that the clear and solemn promise of
pardon was likewise refiised to him, he rose of his own accord and
withdrew from the assembly.
In the evening he supped with the Elector Maurice and the
Margrave of Brandenburg, in the quarters of the Duke of Alba;
after the meal, he was about to retire, when the duke informed him
he must consider himself his prisoner. He was seized at once
with astonishment and indignation, as were also the two princes who
had guaranteed his liberty. They immediately appealed to the
emperor and represented to him that they^had pledged their princely
word for the landgrave's liberty; but Charles denied having pro-
mised him remission from all imprisonment — as the mediators nad
falsely understood — although he aeclared at the same time that he
would not punish him with perpetual captivity. And indeed it is
very possible that his councillors promised more than he himself in-
tended to ^rant; or that in the ignorance of the chancellor Gran-
vella and his son of the German, and of the two electors of the
Spanish and French languages, an error may have arisen in the cor-
respondence.
Still it would have been more noble and manly to have fulfilled
the engagement to which the two princes had pledged themselv^
towards the landgrave. On the other hand, it was certainly very
important to the emperor that he should hold the leaders of the
Schmalkaldian alliance his prisoners until he had completed the
whole of his contemplated arrangements for the settlement of the
religious affairs of Germany; for he still believed in the possibility
of effecting a reunion of parties, and these two imprisoned princes
were the most obstinate and violent opponents to such a measure.
But Charles did not consider that honesty and generosity became
much more the sovereign, and led more securely to the attainment
Digitized by
Google
MAURICE'S MORTIFICATION — GENERAL DISCONTENT. 421
of the object in view than cold, calculating caution; and forgot that
ivhen this is once established as a law, the ingenious and clever poli-
tician may, in the course of time, be overreached by one still more
cunning, and thus all his ^ins slip through his fingers. Duke
Maurice, who was now unable to fulfil his engagement, and appeared
in the character of a perjurer towards the landgrave, felt, no doubt,
from the moment that the emperor would not acknowledge the
pledge he had given to the landgrave in such good and confiding faith,
that he was hmiself released from all obligations of gratitude and
fidelity towards that monarch; and thenceforth he considered that
in their relations together they must be governed alone by skilful
and sagacious policy, and in this respect, at least, the duke needed not
to yield in any thing to the emperor.
The deposed elector and the landgrave were therefore obliged to
follow as prisoners the court and camp of the emperor wherever he
proceeded. Besides this, all the Hessian castles and strongholds,
irom Cassel to Ziegenhain, were razed, all the cannon and ammuni-
tion seized and taken away, and the states of that country forced to
pay a fine of 150,000 florins. The Emperor Charles, in his treaties
with his adversaries, followed the principles of the Romans in the
time when they contemplated the conquest and sovereignty of the
whole world. For in the same way as they had then exacted from tlie
Carthaginians, and the Kings of Macedonia and Syria large sums of
money, together with the extradition of all their ships of war,
warlike machines, and elephants, so also now Charles disarmed and
rendered powerless his enemies, by forcing them to dismantle and raze
their fortifications, to surrender all their heavy artillery, which at
that period it was seldom possible to replace, and finally to pay him
heavy sums of money to enable him to undertake new enterprises.
In his treaties with the cities of Upper Germany, the Duke of Wur-
temberg, the Elector of Saxony, and the Landgrave of Hesse, he
gained more than five hundred pieces of cannon, which he caused to
be conveyed to Italy, Spain, and the Netherlands. The Spanish
garrisons which he quartered wherever he found it possible, and
especially in the cities of Upper Germany, excited everywhere the
greatest discontent. The overbearing priae and shameful treatment
displaved and exercised by these haughty foreigners, animated as they
were oy their religious hatred, were insupportable, whilst it was not
forgotten that the emperor, in the stipiilations of his election, had
promised not to bring or introduce any foreign troops into the em-
pire.
Digitized by
Google
422 COUNCIL OF TRENT — THE CARDINALS — ^BOLOGNA.
CHAPTER XX.
The Conncil of Trent— Rapture Iwtween the Emperor and the Fope—Tbe Interim
or Temporary Code of libctrinea— Its Condemnation by both Parties — ^The Cap-
tive Elector of Saxony — Refuses to adhere to the Interim — ^His Declaration —
Shameful Treatment in consequence—The Elector Maorioe— Magdeburg— Manxioe
marches against that City — The Emperor and Manrioe — ^Maurioe deserts the Em-
peror, and with Albert of Brandenburg joins the Protestants — ^Their Dedaratioa
against the Emperor — His Reply — Albert's Depredations — Maurice's Separatioa
from him— Charles V. at Inspruck— Pursued by Maurice— The Emperor a
Fagitire in the Mountains of the Tyrol— His desolate and foriom Condition — ^Hia
return to Augsburg — Release of the Elector John Frederick — His welcome
Home — Jena— Treaty of Passau — ^Liberation of Philip of Hesse — Charles V. in
Prance — Metz — ^Unsuccessful Campaign — Albert of Brandenburg — ^Defeated at
Liineburg by Maurice — Death of Maurice and Albcat — ^Religious Peace of Augs-
burg— ^Final Separation of the two Religious Parties — Abdication of Charles V. —
Retreat to a Hermit's Cell— Rehearsal of his Funeral Procession— His Death,
1558.
It now became more and more evident that peace in matters of
religion would not emanate from the council of Trent, for as its
members consisted altogether of Italians and Spaniards, they could
not possibly be regarded as the representatives of the Christian
world in the sense of the former convocations of the church. The
Protestants now, as well as previously, refused not only to acknow-
ledge their authority, but, on the contrary, insisted upon a council
** in which the pope should not have the preadency, and where the
Protestant theologians should enjoy the privilege of voting with
and on the side ofthe bishops, and where tne decrees recently made
should undergo fresh examination and revision."
The papal party, on the other hand, would not consent to these
demands, although the princes of Germany, including even the
Catholics, urgency demanded that the states who had assisted at
the confession of Augsburg should be admitted to join the council.
Nay, the cardinals themselves, viewed the circumstance of its being
held at Trent with a very uniavourable eye, and they strenuously
endeavoured to have it tnmsferredto the interior of Italy; for they
were afraid that if the aged pope, Paul III., died during ihe period
of its being assembled, the council, supported by Charles, would
take upon itself the oflSice of electing a new pope in opposition to
the rights enjoyed by the college of cardinals, and by which the
interests of that institution must be materially affected. At length,
a case of fever came fortunately to their aid and seconded l^aeir
wishes; and although it was feared that the disease would have
proved more generally fatal, still one only of the bishops became its
victim. This, however, was sufficient to produce the accomplish-
ment of their object, and on the 9th of msuch^ 1547, the council
Digitized by
Google
TH^ EBfPEROR AND THE POPE — RUPTURE— THE INTERIM. 423
iTftS lemoyed from Trent to Bologna. The emperor, on hearing
it, was highly indignant, and flew into a most violent passion, whilst
the pope approved of the step taken by his l^ate; wnence the di-
vision abreaay existing between him and the emperor, owing on the
one part to tne former having withdrawn his troops from Germany
immediately after the expiration of the agreed term of six months'
service, and on the other to the latter not having availed himself of
the triumph he had obtained in his empire by forthwith extirpating
the Protestant party, became more confirmed. The emperor told
the pope's nuncio in plain lan^age : '* It could not be expected that
the Protestants, who were willing to submit to the council, would
themselves repair to Bologna, or even pay attention to what might
be concluded there; whilst ihe rest did not require this motive for
refusing to attend. If, therefore, Home did not furnish him with a
coimcil, he himself would speedily have one assembled which should
be so formed as to satisfy every one, and produce all the reforms
required;'' adding, '' that the pope was an obstinate old man, whose
only desire was to ruin and demolish the church to its foundation."
Such were the angry terms in which Charles, against his usual
manner, addressed the prelate, and by that we have anotherproof of
his anxiety and zeal to proiQote the peace of the church, llie Ger-
man bishops, on their part, now likewise most urgently besought the
pope to remove the seat of council to Trent, but their c^orts remained
lor a length of time without producing any effect.
In consequence, Charles now proceeded to re-establish of his own
accord, at a diet held in Augsburg, in 1 548, orderand peace in religious
matters in Germany, and with this view, he opened a new con-
ference, to which, on the dde of the Catholics, two moderate men
Were appointed: the Bishop of Naumbur^, Julius Pflug» and the
Grand Vicar of Mentz, Michael Helding ; whilst the court chaplain of
the Elector of Brandenburg, John Agricola of Berlin, was selected
on the part of the Protestants. They applied themselves to the sub-
ject with great industry and zeal, and marked out a plan of re-
union which they laid l)efore the emperor. Agricola, however, from
bis too great anxiety to establish the desired peace, had deviated in
several essential points from the original principles of his faith. He
bad succeeded, it is true, in gaining for his own party, the admis-
sion of the two articles, viz., of the mairiage of clergymen, and the
celebration of the Lord's Supper in both forms, but to continue valid
only until the council should have given its decision upon the sub-
ject. As to the rest, he recognised the authority of the pope, ^e
celebration of mass, and the Catholic church and its signs of faith
generally; whence it was easy to foresee that great discontent and
opposition must arise. As, however, the Elector of Brandenburg, and
likewise the Elector Palatine, engaged both to sanction and adopt it,
Giarles considered he should now be able to compile therefrom his
code of doctrines, called tlie '* Interim." He convoked his states on
the 15th of May, and then caused to be read to them the work in
Digitized by
Google
424 THE CAPTIVE ELECTOR REFUSES TO ACKKOWLEDGE IT.
quesdon which was entitled: *' Declaration of his impenal and
rojal majesty, which determines how religion shall be exercised and
maintained within the holy empire until tne decision of the general
council shall be pronoimced." After the reading, and a short dis-
cussion had taken place between a few Individual members, but
which led to no result, the Elector of Mentz rose, and in the name
of the states returned thanks to the emperor for the trouble, labour,
industry, and love he had taken and shown for the sake of the
country; and as none ventured to make any objection, the emperor
concluded that the sanction of the entire body of liie states was
given to the measure, and regarded it now as the law of the empire.
Whilst the Emperor Charles thus soucht, on the one hand, to
make himself independent of the proceedings of the pope, and, on
thei other, to maintain the unity of the German church — by which
that of the Germanic empire itself must be rendered still more firm —
he was guided by the one grand and fundamental principle observed
throughout his entire reign; viz., to restore the importance and dif^-
nity of the ancient empire, as had formerly been projected, and in
part effected by the great Charlemagne, the Othos, and other hi^h-
minded emperors. His aim was to render the empire replete with
spiritual and temporal power. The emperor, according to Charles's
plan, was to be made in reality the chief authority of entire Christen-
dom; with his temporal power he was to unite a material and effec-
tive influence over the cnurch, and not only protect, as a machine
of the spiritual power, the order of the church, and assbt in enforc-
ing duty to its commands, but he was to have an important share
and interest in its councils and resolutions. Like Charles the Great,
who presided at the synods of his bishops, and whose decrees
were sanctioned by his signature, so, likewise, it was the desire of
Charles V. to partake in the direction of the general council, or at
least maintain next the pope, and as the central point of the eccle-
siastical order of the Germanic empire, the digmty with which he
was invested.
The emperor was well aware that a most grand and important
step would be gained towards the establishment of his *^ Interim," if the
imprisoned Elector of Saxony, whose spiritual influence in the
Saxon territories had recently very much increased, — ^he being now
regarded as a martyr to his faith — could be persuaded to give it his
approval. Accordingly, he sent his chancellor, Granvella, and
his son, the Bishop of Arras, together with the Vice-Chancellor
Selb, to submit to him the proposals to accept that code of doc-
trines, and hkewise to recommend its adoption to his sons. The
elector, however, in reply to their request, handed over to them
a declaration^ which in anticipation of such a visit, he had already
prepared and written with his own hand; viz., " That the educa-
tion he had received from his youth upwards at the hands of the
servants of the divine word, t<^ether with the profound researches
he had himself since made in the writmgs of the prophets and apoa*
Digitized by
Google
HIS DECLARATION— HIS BOOKS, WITH HIS BIBLE, SEIZED. 425
ties, had united to convince him that the true Christian doctrine was
to be recognised in the Aussburg confession, and his conscientious
belief therein remained un^iaken. If he accepted the ' Interim'
as a Christian and divine doctrine, he should be forced, against his
conscience, to deny and condenm the Augsburg confession in many
articles upon which his immortal happiness depended, and sanction
with his Bps what in his heart he held to be completely contrary to
the doctrines of the holy scripture; in doing this he should con-
sider he was shamelessly abusing and blaspheming the holy name of
God, for which sin he must severely and bitterly suffer in his soul.
His imperial majesty, therefore, would not, he hoped, feel ungracious
towards him, if he refused to accede to the ' Interim,' and persisted
in adhering strictly to the Augsburg confession."
The ministers refused to accept of this declaration, and reminded
the elector, ^^ that the emperor was empowered to make laws and
decrees even in reUgious matters, and that several Roman emperors,
ancestors of his present majesty, had created such, which even to
that day were obeyed jby jul the subjects of the Roman empire."
The elector^ however, remained immoveable; and as during the
discussion they were interrupted by a loud peal of thunder, the elec-
tor felt rejoiced and strengthened by the conviction that this was
sent as an mdication from Heaven that his conduct met with divine
approbation, and that he should be guided by the judgment of God
alone, and not by that of mortals.
The act committed against the elector, immediately after this
interview — ^although it is believed to have been done without the
sanction of the emperor himself— was both petty and imjustifiable.
He was deprived at once of the society of his chaplain, Christopher
Hoffinann, and a seizure was made of all his books, amongst the
rest, of his own especially-treasured copy of the Bible, beautifufly
illuminated; but amidst the painful mortification he endured,
whilst forced to submit to this trial, his firmness did not forsake
him, for as the minions quitted the place with these, to him inva-
luable treasures, he said, resignedly: '^ You may take the books;
but that which I have learnt from them you can never take or even
tear from my heart."
The sons, following the example of their father, refused to intro-
duce the ** Interim" mto their territory, and, in fact, the emperor
soon found himself deceived in his hopes of succeeding to brin^ his
code into general use. The Protestant theologians rose in one body
against the measure, and many were forced to vacate and abandon
their offices, and take up the pilgrim's staff as wanderers; viz., in
Augsburg, Nuremberg, Regensburg, Ulm, Frankfort, and other
cities: the number of banished ecclesiastics in the upper countries
alone amounted to four hundred. What, however, is still more
astonishing is, that the Catholics themselves disapproved of this
" Literim," although it was by no means pretended that it should
be put into practice amongst them. The Catholic^ church would
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
426 THE INTERIM CONDEMNED— ELECTOB MAUBICE.
have reaped the greatest advanta^ therefrom; for if the emperor had
succeeded in his plan, the reunion of both would hare been a ne-
cessaiy consequence. Thence their opposition can only be inter-
preted into a declaration, that they would not regard as valid any
regulation in matters of religion coming £rom him as ai layman.
Thus, during his sojourn of two years in the Netherlands, whither
he had repaired after the diet of Augsburg, the emperor was forced
to receive continual complaints from Germany; his *^ Interim" was
only acknowledged outwardly in a few places, whilst, generally, in
all parts of the empire much bitter feeling was expressed against it,
and even the Elector Maurice himself ^ve it but a very limited
reception in his land. He had commissioned several theologians,
including Melanchthon, to prepare a church formulary for his own
subjects, and with great trouble, and not without incurring severe
censure £rom the more rigid of the Lutheran clergymen, they com-
Sleted what was called '* the Leipsic Interim," and which, certainly,
eviated in many points £rom, but as a whole adhered to the Pro-
testant &ith. It was introduced in several parts of the north of
Grermany, although here and there with considerable alterations;
but, on the other hand, in many other parts of the country the
greatest stand was made aninst any change whatever. The cities
of Constance, Bremen, and Magdeburg espedally, declared them-
selves most firmly opposed to it, and refused to submit to the im-
perial order; whereupon the emperor pronounced the ban of the
empire against them, and the two former places returned to their
obedience. But Macdeburg continued obstmate, being influenced
in a great measure oy several theologians who had taken refuge
there after their banishment from Wittenberg on account of me
*' Interim;" amongst whom a certain Fladus, with the by-name of
Blyricus, was the most violent and zealous. The Elector Maurice
received at the new diet of Augsburg, in 1550, orders to execute
forthvrith the sentence of the ban pronounced against that city.
He accordingly marched with his army at the commencement of
the autumn in the same year, and laid siege to the place.
At this diet Charles sought to gain for his son Philip, whom he
had sent for £rom Spain, me title of King of the Romans. How-
ever, neither his brother Ferdinand, nor the latter's son, Maximilian,
nor, in fact, any of the electors or princes, would give their consent ;
for, besides other causes, the haughty, gloomy, repulsive anpear-
ance and manner of the prince could not posably operate m his
favour among the Grermans. His £ither, therefore, saw himself
obliged to send him back to Spain, whither Philip indeed was too
glad to return, for he was more attached to that country than any
other.
The emperor, at the conclusion of the diet, left Augsburg for
Inspruck, as the new pope, Julius IH., having now removed, the
seat of the council from ^logna to Trent, Charles was anxious to
be in its vicinity.
Digitized by
Google
PLANS AGAINST, AND DESERTS THE EMPEROR. 427
Meantime the new Elector of Saxony nouiished in Ms heart a
most bold and detennined design against the emperor, the imme-
diate motives for which, however, we are not able to define, inas-
much as the whole of this man's thoughts and actions have remained
an eoiffOMk in all historical research. Still there is no doubt he
was influenced in his conduct by at least two grand causes : firstly, the
severe and unjust confinement of his father-in-law, the Landgrave of
Hesse, towards whom he considered he was still bound to redeem
the word and guarantee he had given for his liberty, whilst neither
the arguments nor prayers resorted to by him had the least
efiect upon the emperor ; and, secondly, the sad condition of the
Protestants in Germany. These latter felt more and more con-
vinced that the emperor only waited now for the resolutions of the
council of Trent, in order to establish them as the laws of reli^on
throughout the empire, and as he had already commenced hostihties
against Magdeburg, on account of the *' Interim,'' so likewise, as
soon as he had collected fresh troops, it might be expected that he
would force all the states of the land to submit to all those decrees
of the church. Indeed, at this moment, the whole body of the
Protestants were in a state of anxious expectation and suspense.
Those who dreaded the worst results condemned the Elector Mau-
rice as the most culpable party: inasmuch as he had betrayed the
league of Schmalkald, and it was through him that John Frederick
of Saxony and the Land^ve of Hesse were now suffering impri-
sonment. Those, on the oUier hand, who still cherished some hope of
relief, turned their eyes towards him, for to them he appeared the only
one now left capable of protecting the new iaith. The moment had
now, indeed, arrived, when with one grand and mighty stroke he
might expunge all recollection of the })a6t and regain the public
opinion. Maurice was not Ions in deciding the course he should
take, and he determined to put his plan into execution at once. He
availed himself of the opportunity presented in the expedition
against Magdeburg, to collect, without exciting suspicion, a nu-
merous body of troops, whilst at the same time, m accordance with
the object in view, the siege of the city itself was conducted as tar-
dily as possible. At length, in September of the following year,
1551, he, of his own authority, agreed to a suspension of arms, and
in the succeeding November, he concluded a treaty with the city —
the terms of which were extremely mild and &vourable for the lat-
ter— ^whilst, however, he took care not to discharge his troops on
this account. He secretly despatched his early fnend and compa-
nion, Albert, Margrave of Brandenbuig-Culmbach, to the court of
Henry H., King of France, the son of Francis L, in order to con-
clude an alliance with him, and he immediately enj^ed in his ser-
vice the leader of the Wurtemberg ta:o<^s, Jolm of Heydeck, who,
together with Schartlin, had been previously placed under the im-
perial ban. These proceedings, however, had not escaped observation,
and w^recommumcated to the emperor ; but Charles remained deaf to
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
428 THE EMPEROR WARNED IN VAIN — MAURICE'S DECLARATION.
all the warnings given to him. He placed the greatest confidence
in the man whom he thought he had thoroughly tested, and when
thus cautioned against him, he replied : *' That as he had never, to his
knowledge, given cause, either to Maurice or the Marmve Albert,
to act inimically towards him, but, on the contrary, had shown to
both great prools of his favour and consideration, he could not be-
lieve It possible that they would be guilty of such ingratitude ; and
he was convinced that with them their acts would go hand in hand
with their words, and that they would not swerve from that honour-
able line of conduct for which the German nation had ever distin-
guished itself." And thus, whilst on the one hand, the emperor
placed his firm reliance upon German fidelity, his minister, Granvella
the younger, calculated upon the simplicity of the Grermans, for the
observation he made in reply was: '* That it was wholly impossible
for a phle^atic Grerman to conceive a plan and endeavour secretly
to bring It to bear, without its being immediately discovered and
known m all its details."
Both the emperor and his minister, however, were struck as it
were with a clap of thunder, when Maurice, in the month of March,
1552, suddeidjr appeared with his whole army and invaded Fran-
conia, augmenting his forces with those of the Landgravite of Hesse
and the troops of the Margrave Albert. At the same time both
these princes drew up a declaration against the, emperor, which they
made public, wherein they sought to justify the war they com-
menced. They complained of the prolonged imprisonment of the
landgrave, as ukewise of the attacks made by the emperor upon the
liberty of Germany. They reproached him with having confided
the seals of the empire to foreigners, who were totally unacquainted
both with the language and laws of Germany, so that the Germans
themselves were actually forced to learn a foreign tongue before
they were allowed to make known their demands to the imperial
government. " Contrary to the oath he took, he had," they said, •' in-
troduced into the country foreign troops, who pillaged and ruined
the unfortunate inhabitants, whom they likewise abused and ill-
treated in every possible way; nay , he had gone to such extremes,
that he had clearly shown he was swayed by no other thought or
feeling than that of subjecting all and each to the most shameful
servitude, whence his conduct had been such that if the sweeping
torrent of destruction was not speedily and efiectually checked, pos-
terity itself would have too great reason to abominate the negligence
and cowardice of the present generation, during which the liberty
of our fatherland — ^its greatest and most precious treasure — ^had been
allowed to fall a sacrifice."
Although in many of these reproaches there was much exaggera-
tion, still we find therein reflect^, in the most striking and glmng
colours, the great and especial evil in Charles's character and to which
his unjust treatment ot the Germans is to be imdeniably traced.
This great error he evinced in the contempt he expressed for the na*
Digitized by
Google
THE emperor's REPLY— MARGRAVE ALBERT. 429
tlon, whilst on the other hand he showed the greatest preference
and &Your towards his Spaniards and Netherkndeis, of whom the
former, more especially, oy their proud and overbearing conduct,
together with the cruelty practised by their common soldiers, brought
down upon themselyes the just indignation and hatred of the coun*
try. Ine love of the nation Charles never could possess, for he
himself cherished none towards the people; condescension was the
utmost his pride would allow him to vouchsafe to the Germans.
But tliis cola and formal display of afiability is more insupportable
to a brave and loyal nation than even arrogance and tyranny; whilst
the discontent and mortification expressed by the princes when they
saw that a haughty foreimier, like (TranveDa, was installed in his
o£B.ce as chanoellor, and nad thus confided to his charge the entire
control of the government, were but too well founded. It was,
however, less the acts than the dtspatition of the emperor as evinced
against the Grermans, which drew upon him this humiliating war with
Maurice. The Mar^ve Albert, m his declaration to the emperor,
introduces an accusation, the nature of which appears still more strik-
ing, but which had its ori^n in that very arrogance then so openly
and directly displayed by 3iese foreigners towards the nation. Al-
bert, in his furious indignation against the historian of the Schmal*
Tcaldian war, Louis d'Avila, bestows upon him the epithets of *^ liar
and villain," inasmuch as in his work he speaks of the Germans
being a savage and unknown people, ^^ devoid of all honourable^
znanfy, and noble virtue, and of whose descent and origin nothing
was known."
The emperor again, whose actions were better than as in these de-
clarations they were represented, in the feeling of his di^ty made no
other reply than : *^ That the accusations of tne two princes being so
childish, unconnected, and absurd, they only contained in them-
selves their own falsehood and want of foimdation, whilst they laid
bare in ample evidence the mischievous character of those who had
invented them."
The enterprise of the two princes, however, very soon lost cha-
racter in public opinion through the conduct of the margrave him-
self, who, with his people, committed violence and devastation,
C€[ualled only by the most lawless band of freebooters and incen-
diarists, everywhere throughout the flat portions of the country.
Thence Maunce and the young Landgrave William of Hesse, boUi
of whom had nobler objects in view, were forced to separate from
him and leave him to act for himself.
The emperor was now in a state of ^reat embarrassment; he was
in want both of troops and money, which latter, to his mortification,
the money-lenders of Augsburg refused to advance him, and he was
reduced to the extremitj^ of deputing his brother Ferdinand to open
negotiations with Maunce. As, however, they led to no result, and
Maurice easily perceived that the design of Charles was to gain
Digitized by
Google
430 mSPEUCK — CHARLES'S FLIGHT — ^TYROL.
time, he broke up at once fit>m Swabia and marched his troops into
the Tyrol, in order, if possible, to &11 upon him unprepared. His
progress was so rapid, that he actually preceded in person the an-
nouncement of his advance; he marched on to Ehrenberg, which
fell into his hands, and had he not been detained an entire day by
a mutiny which broke out in one of his regiments, he would have
succeeded in gaining Insprack in time to hove surprised the em*
peror there and taken him prisoner. Charles, however, was thus
enabled to escape on the previous night (of the 19th May), during a
most dreadfol thundeT-storm, and arrived in safety at Trent; lie
himself was convejred there upon a Ktter, being at the time
extremely iU, and his brother Ferdinand, the capdve Elector of
Saxony, and the rest of the suite followed, some on horseback,
others even, on foot, whilst servants with torahes lighted them on
their road through the narrow passes of the Tpolese mountaiiis —
such had been their haste. But even Trent itself was no Icmger
secure, and after a few hours of repose, Charles was again forced to
resume his flight across the most difficult and dangerous roads as &r
as the village of Villach, in Carinthia; the assembled council at Trent
having also in theb alarm broken up and taken flight on every side.
Maurice, however, on finding that Inspruck was evacuated, turned
back again, after he had distributed amcmgst his troops the imperial
booty collected, and marched on to Passau, whither an assembly of
the princes had been convoked.
Meantime it cannot be doubted but that these reverses of fortune,
which together with his bodily afflictions had humbled the proud
heart of Charles in these days of disgraceful flight, were sent by Pro-
vidence for his justification. It was^ no doubt^ during this trying
period that he formed the resolution of voluntiuily laying down his
crown as soon as ever he had quelled this new war, and, renouncing
the world's pomp, to retire into solitude, and devote his remaining
days to the exclusive service of the eternal and immutable Creator.
He now gave the imprisoned Elector of Saxony his liberty once
more; stapuJatin^ only tnat he should remain with the court a short
time longer. And truly the sight alone of this suffering prince
must have produced within him bitter and painful fedin^; for it
was only five years previoudy that, on the plain of Lochao, the
elector, with bleeding form, appealed to him on his knees for grace;
whilst now the same prince beheld him, the former conqueror, sick and
helpless, travermn^ almost impassable mountains as a Active, and pur-
sued, too, by another Elector of Saxony, whom he in his days of pride
and glory had himself promoted and rendered powerfid. What, now-
ever, afflicted the emperor more than anything else, was to find him-
self deserted l^ aU his states, — ^not even bein^ aided by the Catholics
— ^whilst theyall preferred submitting patientfyto be plundered by the
Margrave Albert rather than uniting together for the succour and
protection of their emperor. Then it was that he but too truly felt the
Digitized by
Google
AUGSBURG— THE ELECTOR RELEASED— PASSAU. 431
oonTiction at heart, tliat it is only in the love of his people that
a sovereign can hope to find a sore protection in the nour of
danger.
In Augsburg, the Elector John Frederick took leave of the em-
peror, who, in their parting scene, testified much respect and even
emotion towards the prince. The latter left Augsburg imme-
diately, and hastened to return to his own lands. As he proceeded
lie was everywhere welcomed and received with sincere and hearty
respect and congratulation ; and when he approached Nuremberg he
was met on ihe road by a train of fifty deputies from die magis-
trates of that dty on horseback, and we whole populace greeted
him with shouts of joy, whilst at the same time many were affected
even to tears. When, at length, he arrived at his own town of
Cobur^, his beloved wife SibeUa — ^who had now thrown adde the
moummff robes she had worn during the entire five years— -on
finding Siat the wish ske had so often expressed had now become
fulfiOed, viz., that before she died she might see her husband re-
leased from his captivity, was so overpowered that she fell into his
arms ccnnpletely insensible. On his arrival at Jena, where his sons
had built a universitPf in Hea of that taken from them at Witten-
berg, he was especiaUy rejoiced in meeting and once more holding
communion with the learned professots and tneir students. His old and
fidthful ftiaoKl, Lucas Granach, the painter, together with the eldest
of the princes sat in the same carriage with mm : ^* Behold !'' ez-
daimed the delighted elector to his son; ^^this is the true firatemal
study of the sciences;" and the entire body of professors having now
advanced to welcome him with an address cw congratulation, the
gratified prince listened to it with uncovered head. Such was the
reception experienced, and such were the feelings produced on the
reappearance of this truly German prince among his sulnects, by
whom he was regarded in the light of a fi^ther. Charles v., how-
ever, was unfortunately never so received in Germany.
. Ihe emperor meantmie left it to his brother Ferdinand to negotiate
vrith Maurice at Passau. He himself had a great objection to
the whole transaction, but he was nevertheless very desirous to
make peace with Maurice, in order to be enabled to turn all the
power of his arms against the enemy Jie most hated — the French—
who, during this interval, had invaded LorraiQe and taken one city
after another. Under such circumstances, the treaty of Passau was
ccmduded on the 31st of July, 1552. Therein it was stipulated:
'^ That the Londmve Philip of Hesse should at once be set at
liberty, and that we ban of tne empire pronounced against all who
had joined in the war of Schmalkald should be withdrawn. That
with respect to the other religious mevaaces, a new diet diould be
convoked, and that until men. the imperial chamber of justice
should exercise its judgment with equal impartiality for both parties,
but that the imperial council should be composed of Greimansonly."
After the conclusion of this peace, Maurice, in order to prove the
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
432 PHILIP OF HESSE R£LEASEI>— DEATH OF MAURICE.
justice of his .mtentioii3, disbanded all the foreign troop of bis
aimj, and marched with his own soldiers to Hungary in aid of
King Ferdinand. Philip of Hesse was liberated, and returned to
his &mily and country. The long and severe imprisonment he had
endured nad humblea and depressed his indepenaent spirit, and de-
stroyed all further inclination for great undertakings; ne employed
the remaining years of his life inthe praiseworthy task of heahng, as
&r as possible, the wounds inflicted during the previous unhappy
period of anarchy throughout his dominions.
The emperor having, in the meanUme, collected an army from
Italy and Hungary, marched against Henry H., King of Francef
and sick and enfeebled as he was, he followea it in a litter and com-
manded it at the si^ of MentK. But it appeared now as if fortune
had abandoned him entirely; the city d^ended itself with g|reat
obstinacy, and however determined the emperor and his army might
have been to carry on the a^e, thejy were nevertheless oompelLed
to yield to the severe effects of the wmter, and to withdraw fix>m its
walls. Much discontented, Charles returned to the Netherlands,
and commenced making preparations for the next campaign, 1553.
This, however, as well as the two following expeditions of 1554 and
1555, produced nothing decisive for the two nations: the French,
when Charles sought to bring ikem to an open engagement in the
field, fortified themselves in their strongholos, and me entire war
limited its operations to merely devastating the provinces of the
frontiers. Charles was accordingly forced to transfer its achieve-
ment to his son Philip H.
The treaty of Passau had produced in Germany a happy state of
repose; one man alone appeared determined not to allow its un-
interrupted enjoyment — the turbulent Margrave Albert of Bran-
denburg. He pursued his war of pillage and incendiarism against
the bishops and several cities in Franconia, Swabia, on the Rhine
and Moselle with tmheard of impudence and darin£^, and as at
length all the warnings given to lum were of no avail, Duke Mau-
rice, to whom the peace of Germany had now become more and more
dear, united with Henry Duke of Brunswick, and both made a com-
bined attack upon the margrave, in 1553, on the plain of Liineburg,
near Silvershausen; he having by this time extended his depreda-
tions even to Lower Saxony. Tjie battle was severe and bloody;
the marerave, however, was compl^iely beaten; but two sons of the
Duke of Brunswick, a prince of Liineburg, fourteen counts, and
nearly three hundred of the nobility besides, were lefl; dead on the
field, whilst Maurice of Saxony hixnself was mortally wounded. He
was conveyed to a tent erected close to a hedge, and there he re-
ceived the captured banners and papers of the margrave, which
latter he examined with all the eager curiosity his sinking state
would permit. Two days afterwards he expired, exclaiming with
his dymg breath: " God will come — !" the rest of the sentence
was unintelligible. Aldiough only thirty-two years of age, he had
Digitized by
Google
DEATH OF ALBERT— AUGSBURG — ^FERDINAND. 433
already acquired greater authority and commanded more influence
in Grermanj than any one of his contemporaries. Hence any further
testimony is unnecessary in order to prove the preponderating power
of his genius. The final efforts he so patriotically made for the pro-
motion and establishment of general tranquillity, and his love for
peace and order which he sealed with his own blood, have in a great
d^ree served to throw the mantle of oblivion over his earher pro-
ceedings, and conciliated the critical voice of public opinion. He
was succeeded in the electorate by his brother Augustus.
Albert, the restless margrave, in whom the turbulent spirit of the
times of llieFaust-recht was revived in all its destructive form, still
continued, in spite of the severe defeat he had suffered, to harass the
country. Completely reduced after this last battle, he, in his ex-
tremity, sought the aid of the King of France, and supported by the
money he received firom that monarch, he immediately began, in
1556, to collect fresh troops and make arrangements for another cam-
paign—or rather series of ae{>redations. Happily, however, his death,
which occurred suddenly amidst his warlike preparations, prevented
him from committing further devastation. He was likewise a prince
of extraordinary powers, and resembled very much his ancestor
Albert, the Achilles of Germany; but the iimate wildness of his
disposition and character generaUiy, combined with the disordered
state of those times, which destroyed all principle, however firmly
based, had operated to give to lus energies a direction fatally de-
structive.
In the treaty of Passau it had been fixed that a diet should be
held in order to regulate the affairs of religion, and to investigate
the accusatioim of the Elector Maurice against the emperor. Charles
himself urged its assembling with great zeal, in order that it might
not appear as if he stood in any fear of the inquiry ; but the affairs of
Germany having now become altogether equally indifferent to him,
nay — and who could blame him — even odious, he confided their
direction to his brother Ferdinand, who devoted all his energies
with noble and praiseworthy zeal to the undertaking. In spite of
the lethargy ana indolence of the German princes, and not dis-
couraged by several vain attempts to effect his object, he at length
succeeded, m 1554, in forming a diet at Augsburg. A committee
was immediately named to examine and settle the various matters of
reli^ous contention, composed of the ambassadors of Austria, Ba-
vana, . Brandenburg, Wurtemberg, Eichst'adt, Strasburg, Juliers,
Augsburg, and Weingarten, and they all worked with smcere and
laudable industry in the great cause. The Roman king aided them
therein most strenuously; he removed every external difficulty pre-
senting itself in the progress of their task, and when he learnt,
amongst other things, as is related by his chancellor, Zasius, '^ that
9ever«J of the spiritual princes were engaged in fruitless disputes,
that they were occupied in strewing the path with every sort of
disquisition and difficulty, adapted more to destroy altogether even
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
434 RELIGIOUS PEACE, 1555 — ^BfUTUAL CONCESSIONS.
to the foundation, tbe building they were engaged to ie-oon«
struct, whilst such proceedings must produce on the other side bitter
and inimical feelings," he despatchea Zasius and his Tice-chanoeUor
Jonas to them, aod warned them in most grave and solemn tenns,
to desist from such a line of conduct; and in thus acting he e&cted
his object
And by prooeedin? in another circumstance, to act with eraal
firmness tomrds the notestante, he caused them IScewiseto jieldto
hiswishes. The point was one of great importance, inasmuch as th^
demanded that the ecclesiastical body of Germany should be at
liberty to adopt the Augsburg oonfisssion, and retain at die same time
thdr offices and lands; but the Catholic party rose in stzong op-
position against it: ^' If tiiis demand," th^ declared, '^was conceded,
the whole of the eccleoastical possesdons in Gennany would Yery
soon be transferred into the hands of the Protestants. Muchrather,
on the contrary, ought the law to be thus: thatas soonasa spiritual
prince, in his own person, passed over to the new doctrine, he should
be forlliwith succeeded by a Catholic" Eventually the Protestants
were obliged to cede the point for the moment, but tiiey held it in re-
serve, meantime, to be discuseed on a future occasion : a subject of dis-
pute which became important under the title of the ^' Ecclesiastical
Reservation " Thus was concluded at length, on the 26th of Sep-
tember, 1555, at Augsburg, the religious peace vdiich for a time pot
an end to the long contest Free exercise of religicm was granted
legally to the Protestants throughout the whole of Germany, and they
retained possession of all the revenues hitherto received fiK>m the ec-
defflastical institutions. Neither Protestants nor Catholics were al-
lowed to seek proselytes at the expense of either party, but every
person was permitted to freely follow his own £iith. And whilst
every reigzung prince was privileged to fix and establish the religion
of his dominions, he was not at liDertyto force any of his subjects to
adhere to any one diurch beyond another; on the contrary, it was
left open to any one, who mi^ht desire to do so from reli^ous mo-
tives, to remove from one territory into another. Hence, in this re-
spect, the progress of reform had not as yet attained that degree of
intolerance wmch allowed the subject professing a faith different to
the established creed of the country, equal rights with those enjoyed
by all the rest of his fellow-subjects. Another law, however, by
which the interests of the Protestants were beneficiaUy promoted,
was that their co-religionists became now likewise members of tlie
imperial chamber of justice. •
Afler the conclusion of this reli^ous peace, the subject-matt^ of
the accusations brought by Prince maunce aj^dnst the emperor came
on for discussion in die college of the dec^ral princes; but to the
satis&ction of Charles, none of the other states of the empire would
join in the investigation, and consequently the whole question vras
abandoned.
The division of the two religious parties in Germany was now
Digitized by
Google
ABDICATION AND FAREWELL ADDRESS OF CHARLES Y. 435
establulied for ever by this peace. Charles, who had devoted a
great pordon of his existence and power towards their reunion, ex«
perienced little or no satisfaction when he contemplated the present
state of things — so different to the objects he had in view — and,
consequent^, Germany had now become to him a countr]^more and
more indifferent and estranged. Meantime, the war with France
proceeded at a very slow and unsatisfectory pace, and Charles was
forced to witness how inereadngly that power interfered in the
affiars of (Germany, whilst his genius saw beforehand the influence
that government — ^to him so hateful — ^would gain over Europe, when
once the power of the Spanish- Austrian house became divided, and
which even now, whilst united under his reign, had scaroelybeen
able to confine ihat ambitions nation within its boundaries. Hence
he already beheld all the grand plans created within his comprehen-
fdve mind, either incompletdy executed or altogether destroyed, and
accordingly, the greater his deaxe to bring them to bear, the greater
was the mortification he was forced to experience in the oontempla*
tion of their fidlure, and more especially did he feel this in his pre-
sent afflicted state of body. On the other hand, the countnr towards
which he had ever turned his eye with pleasurable, genial rcelings—
Spain-*had now found in his son, Fhihp, a protector who poss^sed
the general confidence of the nation. Accordingly, every thing
now combined to strengthen the motives for the plan determined
upon by Charles, and which, in imitation of Diocletian, he had
some time had in contemplation, viz.,. to abdicate his throne, and
end his days in the retirement of a monastic life.
In the autumn of 1555, he summoned his son FhiUp, who had
sihortiy before married Mary, Queen of England, to Brussels, and
on the 25th of October of the same year, he solemnly transferred
into his hands the dominion of the Netherlands. This ceremony
took place in the same hall in which forty years before Charles had
been declared of a^. Here, when all were assembled, the invalid
emperor, having with ffreat difficulty risen firom his seat, and sup-
porting himselt upon Vie dioulders of Prince William of Orange,
addressed the princes and nobles in a speech so touching, that all
were deeplv affected, some even to tears. He declared, ^' that since the
seventeen wvear of his a^, his whole thoughts had been occupied in
promoting tne glory of his empire; that he had been always anxious
to be personally present in all nis undertakings, that he miffht be an
eye-witness of their progress and results," for which reason nis entire
reign had been almost one uninterrupted scene of pilgrimage and
travellii^; that he had been nine times to Germany, six to Spain,
four to France, seven to Italv, ten to the Netiierlands, twice to Eng-
land, twice to Africa, and, finally, that he had made deven voyages
by sea. That now, however, his sinking body warned him to with-
draw from the tumult and vexation of temporal affairs, and to trans-
ferthe burden of all these cares to vounger shoulders. That if, dur-
ing his many long-tried efforts, he h^ neglected or imperfectly
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
2f2
436 THE EMPEROR A HERMIT— FUNERAL REHEARSED.
settled any matters of importance, lie earnestly besought the pardon
of those who might thereby have suffered ; and that, finally, he
himself should always remember his fidthM Netherlanders with
love and affection to the end of his life, and continue to pray to God
for their prosperity." — He then turned to his son Phihp, who had
dropped upon his Icnees and kissed the emperor's hand, and exhorted
him m the most urgent and impressive manner to seek by every
effort in his power to render his reign one replete with glory; and
overcome with fatigue and emotion, he sunk down exhausted upon
his chair.
On the 15th of January, in the ensuing year, 1556, his abdication
of the crowns of Spain and Italy, in favour of his son Philip, took
place in Brussels with equal solemnity; and in the following August,
that of the Grermanic empire, in &vour of his brother Ferdinand,
was effected by an embassy, at the head of which was Prince Wil-
liam of Orange. Ferdinand assumed the government firom that
moment on his own authority, but was only formally acknowledged
by the body of electoral princes in the .beginning of the year 1558,
at Frankfort, where he swore to the stipulated terms of his election,
and the imperial crown was solemnly placed on his head by the
arch-chancellor of the empire, the Elector Joachim of Brandenburg,
which, together with the sceptre, had been brought from Brussels at
Charles's desire, by the imperial deputation.
Charles embarked with his two sisters for Spain, on the 17th of
September, 1556, and he kept them with him until he reached
Valladolid; there he parted from them, and now, left entirely alone,
he proceeded to a small building near the convent of St. Just, be-
longing to the order of St. Jerome, situated in the beautiful country
of Estremadura, and which he had caused to be built expressly for
himself Here he now dwelt until his death, two years afterwards;
living quite alone, not even seeing his sisters. Hjs hours were di-
vided between pious meditation and mechanical inventions, to which
latter occupation he was much attached; he, however, still continued
in correspondence with his son, and interested himself in the SL&m
of Spain. He, likewise, employed himself in his garden, which he
took great pleasure in cultivating. It is related of him that he once
made two watehes, upon which he bestowed much ingenuity and
labour, and placing them together on the table, he endeavoured to
make them ^o exactly alike. Several times he thought he had suc-
ceeded in his object, but all in vain — the one went too fast, the
other too slow. At length, he exclaimed: ** Behold, not even two
watehes, the work of my own hands, can I bring to agree with each
other according to a law, and yet, fool that I was, I thought I should
be able to govern, like the works of a watch, so many nations, all
living under a different sky, in different climes, and speaking a dif-
ferent language !"
Finally, shortly before his death, in order to celebrate in the most
awe-striking manner the renouncement of life, and the mortification
Digitized by
Google
DEATH OF CHARLES V., 1658— FERDINAND I. 437
and corruption of all sense and feeling, he caused a solejnn rehearsal
to be made of his own fiineral. Being placed in the coffin he had
already prepared, the monks of the neighbouring convent carried
him in solemn procession to the church, where they performed over
him the service of the dead. It was now that the mortal fever
which had been so long ra^g in his body broke out. Medicine it
^as useless to offer him, his only desire being now to take the holy
sacrament, which he received from the hands of the Archbishop of
Toledo. Shortly afterwards he died, on the 21st of September,
1558, in the fifty-sixth year of his age.
In his youth, and before he was bowed down with illness, Charles
was of a noble, manly figure, ftdl of majesty and dignity. He spoke
but little, and a laugh or smile was rarely seen upon his countenance,
which was extremely pale; the colour of his hair was blond, and his
^es blue; and in his whole appearance there was a mixture of the
X lemish and Spanish character.
CHAPTER XXI.
Ferdinand I., 1556 — 1564 — Bia indastiioufl Habits — Moderation and Tolerance —
The Calvinists and Lutherans— Their Hostility towards each other— Ferdinand
and Protestantism— The Foundation of the Order of Jesuits by Ignatius Loyola,
1540— Its rapid and uniyersal Dissemination— The (Council of Trent— Ferdinand's
Ambassadors— Their Propositions refused— Theur Letter to the Emperor— Death
of Ferdinand 1, 1564 — Maximilian IL, 1564 — 1576 — His Quallflcations and good
Character— Bohemia— Poland— State of Tranquillity— William of Grumbach in
Franoonia— His Berolt and Excommunication— Gotha— The young Prince of
Saxony— Joins Grumbach— His perpetual Captivity and Death in Styria— Grum-
bach's Execution— The mercenary Aoops— Evils they produce— German Soldiers
in Foreign Service— Death of Maximilian IL, 1576— Rudolphus IL, 1576—1612—
His Indolence and Irresolution— Bad Councillors— Beligious Excitement re-
newed—The Netherlanda— The Duke of Alba— The Elector Gebhard of Cologne
and Agnes of Manidfeld, Canoness of Gerresheim— Gebhard excommunicated—
John Casimir the Count Palatine — Calvinism — Donauwerth— Austria— Ru-
dolphus against the Protestants— Deprives them of their Churches— Hungary —
Bevolt of Stephen Botschkai— The Emperor an Astrologist and Alchymist—
Neglects his Government more and more— l^cho Brahe and Keppler— Rudolphus
resigns Hungary to his Brother Matthias— Bohemiar-The Letter of Majesty —
The Palatinate— The Evangelical Union— Juliera— Henry lY. of France joins the
Union— The Catholic League— Prague— Revolt— The Emperor a Prisoner— Hia
Death, 1612.
Ferdinand, when he became sovereign, continued to exhibit
the same spirit of peace and justice he had shown during the reign
of Charles V. AD his actions and his whole character expressed
a special goodness of heart, and tiie most kindly inclinations. Expe-
rience had rendered his mind more and more mature and settled,
whilst he never swerved from his word, and occupation and activity
were to him so necessary, that his vice-chancellor, Waldersdorf, says
of him : " His club might have been more easily wrested from the
Digitized by
Google
438 HIS raDUSTRY— MODERATION AMD TOLERANCE.
hands of Hercules, thaa affidn of busineflB firom the emperor." He
had read with great attention when a youth, the celebrated work
by Erasmus on the education of princes, and he knew almost by
heart ^e treatbe of Gioero on our dudes.
This excellent prince, who was a Catholic with his whole soul,
andin his last will addressed the most urgent exhortations to his sons,
to be firm and constant to the ancient and true religion^ as thar
ancestors had been before them, including the Roman emperors and
kings, as likewise the glorious pnnces of Austria and Buimindy, to-
gether with the kin^of Spain— whence they had drawn oown upon
themselyes the blecong^ of God — this prince, nerertheLess, maintained
and cherished within his heart a firm and unchan^^ed tolerance and ge-
nerosity towards those of a different opinion, which is innate in every
well-disposed mind. In his own hereditary lands the new doctiine
spread more and more, owins principally to the great want felt there
for educational institutions, wnich obliged all those who were desirous
of giving education to their children, more especially the nobility
and higher classes, to send them in foreign countries, and generally
in preference to the University of Wittenberg, which was distin-
^uisned above all the rest for its learning and science. Nevertheless,
It never for a moment entered the mind of the emperor that it was
necessary to prevent this firom taking place; on the contrary, he
only sought the means to produce reconciliation and union, and for
thispurpose he was especially anxious to avail l^iTWHAlf of the council
ofTrent.
Religious peace had, it is true, restored the tranquillity^ of the
empire externally; but internally, after such mighty storms, it could
only proceed wiu difficulty and by slow degrees. The two parties
continued to watch each other with fear and doubt; and the most
absurd reports as to their hostile intentions were eagerly caught at
and believed by either dde. ^^ If a prince happens to take into his
service," savs IZasius, the emperor's chancellor, ^' either a general or
a cavalLer,tnen distrust is immediately awakened; and every rustling
leafgives rise to suspicion.'*
The division among the Protestant party added materially to that
alr^y existing in Oermany. The Calvinists, who conung fix>m
Switzerland and Erance, became more and more distributed
throughout the empire, gamed increasing numbers of adherents, and
were objects of natrea to the Lutherans, whilst the latter were
equally so to the former. Amongst the princes the elector-palatine
was the first to declare in th^ &vour. The Lutherans, however,
divided themselves into two parties, that of the moderate and that of
the extreme party. The former followed the spirit and principles of
Melanchthon, the latter held to the very letter the doctnne of
Luther, for which they batded with fiery zeal, because they vene-
rated that alone, and believed they possessed its whole nature in
words and forms. All those who at this time raised their voices so
iQudly in the Frotestant ohuzch» only gave another proof how diffi-
Digitized by
Google
THE CALYINISTS AND LUTHERANS— JESUITS, 1540. 439
cult it 38 far the human mind to TnaintMn itself within the strict
lixnitB of moderation, and when it has exceeded them to zesume its
fanner eqnanimitj. Instead of entezing upon those cahn and
peaceful researches so desiiable to enlighten the mind, or those
CShiistian discussions in which the first principle is to pay homage
to truth, they rendered Christianity the vehicle of the most furious
passion, and employed it as a vent of the severest language against
each other — ^produoed often by the criticism of a sentence and even of
award. The Emperor Ferdinandwas but too correct, too well justified
when, in hiswill^to whxchwe have abeady referredyhe thus expressed
himself to his sons upon the subject of the numerous Protestants of
his time: '* Whilst, msteadof bong of one mind amongst each other,
they are so disunited, so unenlightened in their opinions and feelings,
how can they be assured that what they put so much fidth in is
good and just? It is not the many beliem but only the one that can
hold good. As they thansehres, therefore, do not deny that they
have amon^ them so many different beliefs, the God of truth cannot
aorely be with thenL"
It has often been matter of astonishment, that the Protestant doc^
trine did not spread with equal rapidity throughout the whole of
Germany, cansideiing the favourable disposition evinced bv the
people to receive it; Imt the enigma is in a great measure explained
by the speedy d^eneration of notestantism itsel£ How was it to
be expected that a doctrine which so soon dissolved into a finvolous,
cpiritlesB dispute of words, and the converts to which overwhelmed
c»ch other with maledictions, could posdUy sucoeed in gaining the
hearts of the multitude? On the contrary, many parties were round
in various directions, who, having gone over to the cause, in the
oouise of a short lame abandoned it, and returned to their ancient
£dth.
Another great obstacle to the rapid progress of the stream was,
at this moment, presented in the institution of the order of Jesuits,
founded in 1640 by a Spaniard, Ignatius l^johk^ a man flowing
with zeal, and of a very profound mind. This order, which was
established more properly with the object of supporting the pontifi-
cal chair, spread its principles more and more widely throughout
the whole of Europe. Its constitution was based upon the unily
and powerful co-operadon of its members, and the most rigid obe-
dience was its law. The head of the order lived in Rome; to him
were addressed, with the most minute detail, the reports made by the
directoTB or chiief agents established in the provinces, and who again
had under theb control many sub-agents: thus descending gra^
dually to the last member, whence the entire firatemity were governed
by one npaoL The superiors examined each membear's qualifications
strictly, and during a sufficient length of time to enable them to
place him in the office considered by the order as the most calcup
kted to promote its views. Thus was farmed a finely woven
net» the meshes of which were laid with cunning and sagar
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
440 THEIR INFLUENCE ON AFFAIRS— COUNCIL OF TRENT.
city, and extended all over Europe. When, in 1540, Loyola re-
ceived the approbation of the pope, he had ten disciple; in 1608,
they numbered more than ten millions, and in 1700, they had aug-
mented to twenty millions. As the members of the order were
exempt from all ecclesiastical functions, and, indeed, even from
clerical duties altogether, they were enabled to devote their whole
time to science, and thus it resulted that they soon included in their
ranks a considerable number of excellent teachers and writers, dis-
tinguished preachers, enthusiastic missionaries, and professors of
every department of science. It was they who were enaoled to enter
the lists against the Protestants, defending the Catholic system with
all their zeal, and rivaUin^ them in powers of spiritual eloquence
from the pulpit. All their efforts were directed against the new
doctrine; they worked against it, whether in the character of con-
fessors and governors of princes, or teachers among the people; and
the efficient management, produced by the cordial co-operation
so zealously exercised by the order, rendered their exertions success-
ful. This institution, indeed, promoted materially the development
of modem ages. It must not be forgotten that, in its day, this order
rendered essential service in the ^ucation of youth; and if the
civiUsation of the Catholic world in subsequent times has become
&r more perfect, and has ranked far above that existing at the end
of the middle ages, it is to be ascribed alone to the exertions of the
society or order of Jesuits. If, therefore, the operations of its mem-
bers had been less devoted to external matters ; if they had been more
limited to the dominion of the mind; if the morahtj of the order
had been equally simple and sincere in proportion as its wisdom was
^roat and comprehensive; and if it haa not attempted to grasp with
mvisible hand at the direction and government of states, then the
entire world of Catholicism would have had just cause to bless
unanimously its memory. We shall have occasion more than once
in the course of our history to refer to the influential actors belong-
ing to this order, whose operations in important momenta produced
great effect.
The Emperor Ferdinandalready learnt to know their influence in the
most clear and decided manner at the Council of Trent, although to
his disadvantage. Matters did not proceed here as he wished. In
order to appease the minds of his subjects in his hereditary lands,
and in the nope, perhaps, of being able to avoid all division, he
caused his ambassadors at the council to argue with great zeal in
favour of certain propositions, whence he anticipate the most
• hapj)y results. These points embraced the service of the holy com-
munion under both forms and the marriage of priests, the sanction
of which depended, as he said, only upon the indulgence of the
church. The ambassadors, likewise, of France and Bavaria spoke on
the same side, and the latter especially , concluded their arguments
thus: " We can assure this assembly, with the most sincere and
'Conscientious feeling, that nothing could or would prove more ser-
Digitized by
Google
THE emperor's AMBASSADORS— ILL BUCCESS. 441
' viceable and beneficial at ihe piesent moment, towards reconciling
the minds of Christians with each other, terminating the disputes
of religion, preserving our own party in iheir faith, and restoring to
it those that may have deserted m>m it, than the accordance of these
legitimate and Christian demands of the emperor's ambassadors."
But an equitable and acute judgment upon the subject of our
affiiirs was not to be expected from an assembly composed for the
greater part of foreigners and men totally unconversant with that
which was peculiar to Germany, and what was best adapted for
it under those circumstances; this, indeed, is sufficiently confirmed
by the reports made to the emperor by his ambassadors, amongst
whom were four bishops: " We now behold quite clearly," they
write, *' and the &cts stare us in the &ce, although we can scarcely
bring ourselves to acknowledge it without real pain and mortifica-
tion, that nothing can be effected here without having recourse to
intrigue. The Spaniards will not swerve an inch firom the instruc-
tions of their kin|^, whilst the Italians watch with ea^er eye the
stightest signification made b^ the pope and his cardinals. The
bishops &om the other countnes, who perchance are best aware of
the present state of things, comprise the minority, and consequently
can do nothing; because the majority of voices decide all things.
From Germany itself we have only had the Bishop of Louvaine,
who attends in the name of the Archbishop of Salzburg, and a few
days since he was joined by the grand vicar of Eichstadt. On the
other hand, the Italian archbishops and bishops continue to arrive
in troops^ especially such as are highborn and wealthy. All, how-
eyer, are dependent upon the nod of the pope's legate Simonetta;
whilst it is generally Known that a few good and pious bishops
who spoke warmly in favour of a reform m the church, have, m
consequence, been marked down in Rome on the condemned Ust.
If, therefore, no end be put to these secret machinations and hu-
man passions, truly we know not what good can be expected from
this quarter."
Such complaints were repeatedly made, and thence this last effort
made by the Emperor Ferdinand to restore the peace of Christen-
dom by a searching investigation of ecclesiastical affidrs, made under
the sanction of the church, completely &iled. The cause of this ill
success, however, was the same as that which had prevailed at Con-
stance, and which rendered all attempts of the same kind — suggested
by the German representatives with the most sincere and honest in-
tentions— ^perfectly useless. This evil consisted in the mixture of
foreigners presiding at these councils^ whose knowledge of our na-
tion was little or nothing, but whose influence, from the commence-
ment of our history, in dl external as well as internal affairs, always
deprived us of peace.
Meantime, however, the council of Trent, besides a great number
of dogmatical decisions, has pronoimced some most excellent |>rinci*
pies upon the morals of Christianity which operate even to this day
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
442 DEATH OF FEBOINAND L— MAZmiLIAN IL
88 roles m the doctEine of the CathoEc chuzch. It zb in this field of
the seivioe of Gh>d that all parties 8ze miited ; it is the same for all,
and indicates equally to all the means by which they may show
themselves to be tme CShrisdans in mind, word, and deed.
Theeonncildoseditssittingonthedihof December, 1563; and,
shortly afterwards, the Emperor Ferdinand died, on the 15th of
July, 1564, in the mxty-seoond year of his ace. The oonyimang
testm&ony in his fityonr recorded in history is, wat during the diffi-
cult penod when hatred and violence so d%en dedded omnions,
he, neverthelesB, carried with him to his ^ve the glory of bcang
praised as an excellent monarch by all parties, GathoEcs as wdl as
Protestants.
Ferdinand had already proposed his eldest son, Maximilian, as
his successor, at the assembly of electoral princes in Frankfort^ in
1560, and they had acknowledged him as such. The frther reoom-
mended his son in language worthy of record : ^ Endowed," he
says, '^ with considerabk intellectual powers, great address, mild-
ness, and goodness of heart, he is ukewise gifted with all the
other princely virtues and good morals; possessing a dispodtion
o^ to all that is truly just, good, and honourable, together
with a sincere love £3r the holy empire of the German nation,
the glory and prosperity of wmch it was his earnest desire to
promote. Finally, he was master of the six principal languages
usually spoken m CShziBtendom, and was consequently enabled
to r^ulate in person all transactions with foreign powers." Ano-
ther nonourable testunonial was rendered him by his Bohemian sub-
jects when they recommended him to the B>le8 as iheir long:
** Our Bohemia," they said, *^ is &r better under his government
llianif it were ruled even by a fiither born among us; our rights, our
liberties, and our laws are protected by him; he allows every thing
to take its course without making any change. And wnat we
justly regard as almost a work of mioK^le, is the generous impartiality
and tolerance he evinces towards all classes of l^evers by which lie
leads them to reciprocal love and harmony .'' And let it be remem-
bered, that he exercised this spirit of peace in a period when the
word tolerance was scarcely imderstood or perhiqps xnown ; nay, he
publicly avowed the principle, ^* that God alone could hold domi-
nion over ^e conscience." Such was the glorious duoacter of this
emperor, and it was by meritorious and praiseworthy conduct such
as this, after the example of his good fitther, that ne luf>pily suc-
ceeded in establishing genenUy, throughout Gerinany,l2i8t tranquil
Htj which, until that moment, it had never enjoyed since the reli-
gious divirions; a drcumstanoe rendered still more striking, as it
was effected at a period when^ in the cause of religion, violent and
sanguinaiy scenes were taking place in the Netherlands, and more
especially in France, where the moet dreadful acts were committed,
and the universal massacre— on the eve of St Bartholomew— (rf
Ae Ftotestaols, excited a feding of hoEior thn>uglKi^
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
THE FAU8T-BECH1V— WmUAM OF GRUMBAGH. 443
The impcnal chamber of justicey ongixially institated far tlie par-
pose of eradicating the system of the Faust-recht now sucoeeded
completely in jgaininff the upper hand, and abolishing for ever that
bratal law. We find that the last ex^orinff effort made to ezeicite
its power was attempted about this tmie b^ a Franoonian knight,
William of Ghmmbach, who, with the remaina of the savage horde
fonnerly collected by Albert of Brandenburg, resumed operations in
Franconia and spread devastation in different parts of that country.
Hifl attacks were more especially directed against the territory of
the Bishop of Wurzbmr^, and which prelate he actually shot in his
own city. The imperifd chamber pronounced the ban of llie em-
pire against the murderer, who took to flight and sought refuge in
Gotha at the hands of the son of the unfortunate Elector John Fre-
derick. He had succeeded, it appears, in filling that young and
weak-minddl prince with houes of being able to reconquer for him
the electorate of Saxony, ana he was thus ibe means of leading the
young duke to experience a &te fiur more distressing than that un-
dergone by his father. The elector, Augustus, the brother of Mau-
rice, marched with his army to execute the imperial ban, laid siege
to Gotha during the entire winter, until both the duke and Ghrum-
bach were reduced to the necessity of surrendering themselyes. The
young prince was conveyed a pnscner to Vienna, where, on his ar-
rival, a straw hat was placed on his head, and he was led through
the streets in an open cart as a show, amidst the mockery and deri-
sion of the populace. He vras then taken to Styria, in Austria^ where
be died after a dose imprisonment of twenty-eight years; Grumbach,
however, was e2[ecuted at once by being torn into quarters by four
horses, after having previoui^ underrone the most dreadful torture.
In Ueu, however, of the Faust-recnt, which contributed so much
to degenerate the art of war under the feudal system, other evilsi
caused by those who r^arded war merely in the li^ht of a lucrative
employment, now procraced much calamity througnout the anpire,
as if to make the people feel the injurious results of all military in-
stitutions in which every free man is not required to arm and fight
for his country. Those troops of mercenaries whose reckless ravages
commence the moment they have sold themselves to a particiuar
standard; the numerous depots established for recruitinff and muster-
ing the men; the continual marching to and firo in afl ports of the
land; together with the billeting of me wild and unooutn men thus
suddenly collected together—^ combined to create great discontent
andirritation. The same complaints were now made as in the time of
Maximilian L In the representations made by Maximilian 11. to the
diet, he says : ^ ^ The pesent system pursued J)y our German soldiers—
in former times, distmguished beyond those of any other nation for
their discipline, loyalty^ and devotion*— renders them more fit to be
regarded in the character of barbarous sava^; so much so that in
the end theb wanton and disscdute conduct will be carried on to such
an extent that no honest man will be able to remain in his dwelling.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
444 . DEATH OF MAXIMILIAN XL— RUDOLPHUS II.
nor will either house or farm be left longer in possession of their
owner."
These complaints were met by creating new and more stringent
laws for the discipline of the army; but the adoption of the most
essential means of reform, and which had been suggested by the em-
peror himself, viz., the prohibition against the enlistment of troops in
uermany by foreign pnnces, was not agreed to. The princes main-
tained : '' That &om time immemorial to serve for the honour and
distinction of accomplishing chivalrous feats at arms in the armies of
foreign princes, had ever continued to be regarded as an honourable
privilege of national liberty, so Ions as such practice caused no in-
jury to their native country; and that if this custom was abolished,
the warlike spirit of the empire would be annihilated at once, and
in the moment of danger no warriors would be at hand to aid in the
general defence." In this language may be traced that of the time of
Tacitus, when the youth of Germany during the period of peace in
their own tribe, incited to deeds of valour, entered the ranks of such
other races as at that moment were engaged in war with each
other.
In 1575 the Einperor Maximilian succeeded in having his son
Rudolphus elected King of the Romans, and he died in the ibllowing
year in Ratisbon, on me same day and in the same hour that the
conclusion of the imperial diet was made public.
The long reign of his successor, Rudolphus 11., whose government
accumulated ov^ Germany Iresh tempests and violent disorder,
serves as another melancholy proof, that m difficult times irresolution
and indolence may operate with greater evil than is produced eyen
by a disposition the most wicked. The Emperor Rudolphus can-
not certainly be reproached with the latter feeling, neither can he
be charged with ignorance or mental incapacity, but his mind was
miich more occupied with other subjects than the duties he had to
fulfil as emperor, and consequently, almost every thing that occurred
took place without his knowledge, and often against his wish. He
was in fact in the hands, and entirely imder the influence of bad
councillors.
The state of excitement on the subject of religion which had re-
cently become somewhat allayed, began now to resume its former
violence when the CathoUc princes, by the advice of the Jesuits, com-
menced the task of reforming their own dominions by forcing their
Protestant subjects either to return to their ancient faith or quit the
country. According to the treaty of the Augsbm^ peace of re-
ligion, the other princes could not yenture to reproach or condemn
them for this prooeedinff ; at the same time, however, the Protestants
perceived but too clear^'' that in so actmg the Catholics had made a
violent attack upon their liberty of conscience, and had given a fresh
proof of their hostile intentions towards the Protestant party. France
and the Netherlands presented a melancholy instance t>f the result to
which these inimical acts must lead. The contest carried on by the
Digitized by
Google
RELIGIOUS EXCITEMBNT— COLOGNE. 445
latter country agunst Pliilip and the merciless Duke of Alba,* for
the sake of its religious liberty^ produced not only the greatest ex-
citement throughout Germany, on the frontiers of which the most
dreadful scenes took place, but transferred by degrees the horrors of
war and rapine to the empire itself, whither the Spamsji army, im-
EiUed by disease and want, took refuge, and retreating from the
etherlands, marched into the Westphalian territory, where it ex-
tended its devastation throughout the land.
In addition to this, serious eyents took place at this moment in
the German portion of the frontier countries. At Aix-la-Chapelle a
body of emigrants from the Netherlands with their Protestant minis-
ter, had augmented the number of their adherents to such an extent,
that, ennobled by their success, they considered themselves justified in
claiming the same rights as those enjoyed by the Cathohcs. They
chose from amonff their number two burgomasters, and when their
adversaries refused to acknowledge their authority, they flew to
arms, and making themselves masters of the arsenal they succeeded
in obtaining what they demanded by force. In the neighbouring
district of Colomie scenes of still greater revolt took pmce. The
Elector Gebhard was at this time enamoured with the beautiM
Agnes of Mansfeld, Canoness of Gerreshein, and in order to make her
his wife, he adopted the Protestant religion, a proceeding indsted
upon by the counts, her brothers. The chapter of the cathedral and
the corporation of Cologne, immediately appealed to Rome and the
emperor, and obtained from both the ban of excommunication ^gainst
the archbishop. As his successor, the chapter selected Prince Ernest
of Bavaria, who, by means of the Bavarian and Spanish troops, took
immediate possession of the land.
Gebhard took refuge at first in the Netherlands, and subsequently
he removed to Strasburg, where he became dean of the chanter, and
died in 1601. The Protestant princes quietly submittea to his
deposition and expulsion, although the acquisition of a new vote in
the electoral council would have been to them of the utmost con-
sequence.^. Possibly, they may have been induced to act this neutral
part from their respect for religious peace, a principle both ho-
nourable and noble; but the public voice reproached them with
having refused to assist Grebhard, because bemg themselves strict
Lutherans they disapproved of his adopting the C^vinistic doctrine,
which they hated ahnost as much as Catholicism itself. However
this may be, it is quite certain that only one prince-*a Calvinist—
stepped forward to assist Grebhard: John Casimir, the count pala-
tine, who advanced with a few troops against Cologne, and blockaded
• The I)i]lce of Alba boasted oahifretam to SpaiD, that he had pat to dea
the Bword more than eighteen thousand men in the Netherlands, and he vowed that
he would willingly, old as he was, sacrifice one of his own legs if the king— who was
not endowed with too much indulgence— would only show a greater desire for war
and its sangninaiy aooompaniments.
Digitized by
Google
446 CASIMIR, COUNT PALATINE — CALVINISM.
that dtr for a short tiine, bat the return of the Bayarians and the
want of money to pay the men veiy soon produoed their disperaion.
This prince, John Gasimir, was a zealous j^ardsan of his church, and
would hear nothing of the Lutheran doctime, refusing it admission
altogether into his territory; whence no part of Geimany sufbted so
mudi from the melancfaoly effects of the hatred of tlie Protestant
parties as this palatinate. The Elector Frederick DI. had, previous
to his decease, gone oyer to the Galvinists; and of his two sons, the
younger and b^ore-mentioned palatine, John Casimir, adhered to
his &ther's principles, whilst the elder, Lewis the Elector, was so
devoted to the Augsburg confession, that he would not even allow
the CSalvinistic diapUdn of his late fiither to pronounoe the fimenl
oration over his remains. In aooordanoe witn this hostile feeling,
he deprived the Galvinists of all their churches, and sent all their
clergymen as well as teachers out of the country: thdr number
amounting to more than two hundred. At the premature death,
however, of Lewis, the guardianship of his son, Frederick IV., de-
volved upon John Casimir, whence every thing underwait an
entire change; the Lutherans in their turn were treated as his bro-
ther had treated the Galvinists, and young Frederick, then only
nine years old, was forthwith removed m>m aU connexion with
Lutheranism, and strictly educated in the catechism of Galvin.
This was called Ghrisdan seeal of faith 1 Through such zeal, how-
ever, the palatinate was forced to change its rehgion three times in
the course of ox^ years. No wonder, therefore, ifthe old church felt
itself justified in proceeding as it did against the new one, once the
latter was so zealous ^;ainst its own disciples. Subsequently^, indeed,
this very dissension or Golome producea a omilar contest in Stras-
burg, whither Qebhard had wiuidrawn with three canons c£ his
chapter, Protestants like himself; and the town of Donauwerth,
which until then had remained a fi^ee imperial town, and had
adopted the reformed principles of fidth, brought upon itself the
ban of the CTipire on account of its religious disputes, and, in 1607,
fell into the hands of the Duke of Bavaria, who eaoecated the sen*
tence of excommunication pronounced against it.
But, during the reign ot Rudolphus £[., Austria itself was more
especially the scene of great agitation and discord. Maximilian IL
had granted to the Protestant states the free exercise of their reli-
gion, and had even allowed them to supply themselves with a form of
church service which was prepared for them by a theologiBn of Ros-
tock, David Ghytraus; as, however, the emperor wished at the same
time to exclude their style of worship firom Vienna altogether, he fur-
nished them with various churches situated in the vicinity of that
dty. Their number became very soon conriderably ai:^;mented,
several of their teachers, particularly a certain Doctor Opicius, were,
yacy uniustifiably, most zealous in their endeavours to gain over to
their side all they coidd of such as were of an opposite or different
Digitized by
Google
HDNOART— INDOLEKCB OF RUDOLPHUS n. 447
filth ; and the ccHooiplaiiKti against them, grooving mate and moxe
numerous, Budolphus, swayed as he always was by the influence of
party councillors, proceedea in his measures against the Protestants
to such extremes, as to deprive them altogether of the chuidies so
recently ^yen to them, and withdrew from them even their ri^ht of
citazenafaip throughout all the towns of Austria. These proceedings,
howeyer, rery soon exdted so much discontent and mdignation,
whilst, on the other hand, the internal disorders of Hungary, toge-
ther with the troubles produced by the presence of the Turks in
Ihat country, were so great, that he was forced to return to measures
of a more mild and pacific nature.
In Hungary itself great discontent was produced by his gOTmi-
ment, partfy becanse ne paid little or no attention to the amirs of
that country, but m(ae especially because he not only never attended
in penon at any of the states assemblies, and had never even
onoe visited that kingdom, but permitted his German soktiers to
commit every sort of insolence and violence without controL
Thence, at the ocmmencement of the seventeenth century, a most
serious revolt took place there, at the head of whidi was a noble*
man, Stephen Botschkai, who united with the Turks, and took pos-
seseion of the greater portion of the country. Nevertheless, in
spite of this dangerous state of his kingdom, the emperor grew
more and more mdifferent and neglirait, and took no longer
the least interest in its government. Celestial and natural science
occupied his attention much more than the affidrs of his dominion,
and this application very soon brought him into the association of
those who pretended to teach him the pophecies of the stars and the
art of mabn^ gold. Thence, whilst ms court comprised a mixture
of such deceiyers, and the most learned men of tne day,— *such as
Tycho Brahe and Kep^ler, — so likewise in the mind of the em-
peror, trivial and puenle indicadons became proportionably con-
founded with sentiments of a nobler nature. Productions of an-
cient art, statues, chiseUed stone work, as well as pictures, were
objects of his greatest delight, and he devoted large sums of money
in their collection; whilst, hoirever, on the other hand, his alchy-
mical laboratory, where he sought to produce his manufacture of
gold, possessed no less attraction for him,, and such members of his
government as wished to communicate with him upon important
and pressing affidrs connected with the empire, were often forced to
extend their researches after him to the retirement of his stables,
where he was accustomed to pass a portion of the day. This in-
activity and carelessness, the revolution in Hungary, together with
the disorders prevailing in the hereditary Austnan jraovmces them-
selves, coidd not be r^ffded with an eye of indifference by the
brothers and cousns of the emperor, more especially as he himself
had no &mily. They accordingly deliberated together what was
best to be done fi>r the weQ-being of their house, and they finally
conckded a treaty, in 1606, aoooxding to the terms of which Mat-
Digitized by CjjOOQIC
448 BOHEMIA— THE EVANGEUCAL UNION.
thiaSy the eldest brother of the emperor, tteub empowered to restore
order forthwith both in Hunguy and Austria. At first, the em-
peror was much dissatisfied with this arrangement; after a few
years, however, he yielded his consent, and voluntarily resigned to
Matthias the upper and lower |>ortions of the Austrian territory along
the Ens, together with the kingdom of Hungary: " in order that
this country, which in the absence of the emperor, had endured so
much during a war of sixteen years, miffht, under the govern-
ment of Matthias, recover its tranquilhty and pros{>erity." And, in
reality, this prince did succeed in restoring peace in Hungary, and
shortly afterwards, on l^e death of Botschlai, in subjecting it alto-
gether to his authority.
Beyond his imperial dimity, nothing was now left to the Em-
peror Rudolphus but the kingdom of Bohemia. The Protestant
states of this country, anxious to avail themselves of the favourable
moment in which thdr sovereign was placed without power, and
at variance with the other members of his family, left him no peace
until they at length obtained from him, in 1609, the permission for
the free exercise of their relimon, the establishment of their own
consistory, the surrender of the academy of Pra^e, together with
the right of building fteah churches and schools m Bohemia, in ad-
dition to those they already possessed. This important document
is called the letter of majesty, and it was this said document which
formed the first pretext for the thirty years' war.
FeeUngs of distrust and doubt had now gradually resumed their
sway amongst the religious parties of Grermany. At the same time
the division existing in the nouse of Austria, which had been the
support of the Gathohcs, produced a more immediate alliance between
the Protestant states, and urged them to form a new league, of-
fensive and defensive. The palatine house was more especially
active in the promotion of this object, and zealously contributed idl
its influence; their efforts in the cause, however, only produced a
fatal result to the league, for as the palatinate adhered so closely
to the Calvanistic doctrine, the Lutherans were induced to think
unfavourably of the alliance, and the majority of their party refused to
join it. When, therefore, Frederick, the elector palatine, succeeded
in the year 1608, afber great exertion, in constituting a new alliance,
to which the name of 2ie EtyangeUcal Urdtm was given, he found
himself joined only by the Margraves of Brandenburg, the Count
Palatine Philip Lewis, of Neuburg, the Duke of Wurtemberg, and
the Margrave of Baden, t<^ther with the three principal cities : Stras-
burg, Nuremberg, and vim. This union was based upon the prin-
ciple of mutual support in council and arms, and its especial object
was to protect reUgion; the palaline to have the direction of affidrs
during peace, and its term to extend to ten years. Endeavours
were made to enroll several other members, and the Elector of
Brandenburg was not altogether imwilling to join it, but Saxony
was most decided in its rdusal to do so, replying, *^ That if the
Digitized by
Google
JULIER8— HENRY IV. OF FRANCE A UNIONIST. 449
nature of the a£Sur was gravely consiGlerecl, it would be found, on
the one hand^ diat the union was not at all necessary; and on the
other, that in reality its results must be nothing else but a separa-
tion and dissolution of the whole empire." In truth, if the palatine
house was really influenced in the affair by ambitious and im«>
pure motives, it had, subsequently, but too much reason to regret
it» for it suffered severely in consequence.
In the following year, 1609, an event took place in which
the Evangelical Umon took an immediate and active share. Duke
John Wuliam of Juliers, who possessed the beautiM lands of
the Lower Rhine, Juliers, Cleves, Berg, and Mark, died the
25th of March in that year, without leaving any children^
fie had four sisters, who were all married to German princes, and
not only their husbands, but Ukewise other distant relations, laid claim
to the mheritance. Two of the claimants, however, the Elector of
Brandenburg, and the Count Palatine of Neuburg, took first pos-
session and signed a treaty at DUsseldorf, by whidi they agreed to
govern the country in conjunction imtil the matter was demiitively
settled. The emperor, however, displeased with the arbitrary con-
duct of these two princes, sent his brother, the Archduke Leopold,
Bishop of Passau, m order to take possession of the land as a vacant
fief of the empire. He arrived with some troops, but could gain
nothing more of the country than the city and fortress of Juhers,
where ne was admitted by the governor; he, however, caused fresh
bodies of soldiers to be raised m Alsace, and resolved to maintain
the rights of the emperor by force. The Evangelical Union, finding
the house of Austria mixing itself up in this amir, came forward and
prepared to march to the aid of the two princes thus threatened;
whilst Henry IV. of France now joined the league, and promised to
give the cause his support. It is well known with what grand pro-
jects this monarch was constantly occupied, even to the entire trans-
formation of the whole of Europe, and how desirous he was to re-
duce the Austrian house in order to form Europe into a federative
republic, which it was his intention should fiimish one common army
wherewith to drive the Turksoutof Europe. His alliance with the Evan-
gelical Union had these objects in view; and he fixed the year 1610
for the commencement of his plans against Austria. The army of
the union accordingly marchedinto Alsace in the spring of this same
year, attacked and defeated the few thousands collected there by the
Archduke Leopold, and, in order to justify these proceedings, accused
the emperor of having acted illegdly in the affair of Juhers. The
emperor, it was said, according to the ancient right of the empire,
ought not to have attempted to decide this matter alone, but in con-
junction with an appointed number of electoml and other princes.
The sudden assumption of arms, and the hostile measures pursued
by the union wherever their army appeared throughout the territories
of the spiritual princes, excited the most bitter feeling among the
Catholics; for their troops had now distributed themselves through-
Digitized by CjjOOQIC
450 CATHOLIC LEAGUE — PRAGUE — ^DEATH OF RUBOLPHUS U.
out all the sees of the Rhine: Mentz, Treyes, Cologne, Woims,
Spires, and others, levying contributions, and exercising the greatest
violence in every direction. The Catholics, however, now determined
to unite together likewise, and concluded an alliance at Wiirzbnrg,
in 1610, WT nine years against the union, which they called the
Catholic Leamie. llie members it comprised included all the spiritual
princes, together with the princes of the house of Bavaria; and in
order to insure uninterrupted unity among them, the chief direction
over the entire body was confided into the hands of Maximilian,
Duke of Bavaria. Thus this Catholic League was rendered much
more firm than the Evangelical Union, which, not having any especi-
ally chosen head during the war, was forced to appointa general, to
wmch honour, as they all consisted of lay princes, each considered
himself entitl^ In other respects the Catholic League was based
nearly upon the same principle as the Evangelical Union.
This league now took to arms likewise; but as Henry IV. of
France was assassinated about this time, the members of the union
showed themselves more disposed to terminate matters in an
amicable way, and both parties shordy] afterwards laid down their
arms.
The old emperor embittered his few remaining years with vexa-
tious quarrels with his family. He was much dissatisfied with his
brother, Matthias, nor was he indeed attached to any other of his
relations except the aforesaid Archduke Leopold, Bishop of Passau.
He felt, therefore, desirous of giving him his kingdom of Bohemia
— ^the last in his possession — and in the year 1611, according to a
phm calculated very badly for the promotion of his object, he em-
Swered him to march with his troons from Passau and enter
>hemia at their head. The states of tne kingdom, who naturally
imagined that in this proceeding hostile intentions were directed
against their religion, took to arms, and making the emperor a
prisoner in his own castle of Prague, they summoned to their aid
Matthias, who for a considerable time had calculated upon the
crown of Bohemia. He obejred their call at once, and entered the
city amidst their acclamations, whilst Rudolphus was obliged, after a
bitter and mortifying n^otiation, to yield tne crown to his brother.
It is said, that during this time of trouble, and in the irritation of
the moment, he burst open the window of his room and exclaimed,
in words fiitally prophetic — as they turned out: ** Prague, ungrateftd
Prague ! through me you became elevated, and to-day you ungrate-
fully desert and turn your back upon your bene&ctor ! May you
be pursued by the vengeance of God, and may His curse fall upon
you and throughout Bohemia !"
Of all his crowns, the last and only one remaining to him now
was that of the empire; death, however, which soon afterwards deli-
vered him from all his troubles, saved him likewise &om the final
disgrace of resigning this, which mortification, it is but too probable,
he would haye been forced to undergo; he died on the 20th of
January, 1612, aged dxty years. ,,,,,,Google
MATTHIAS I., 1612— 1619— HIS CORONATION. 451
CHAPTER XXII.
Matthias L, 1612-1619~SBb Coronation— Its Pomp and Splendour deceptive— The
Protestants — ^Increase of General Discontent — ^Austria — Aix-la-Chapelle— Cologne
— ^The Prince-Palatine Wolfgang William, and the Elector of Brandenburg— Their
Qoarrelr— Box on the Ear— Banefnl Consequences— Foreign Allies — The Young
Archduke Perdioand— Elected Kmg of Bohemia— His Character— His Derotion
to Catholicism and Hatred of the Protestants— Banishes the New Paith finom his
Lands— The Electoral Princes— Perdinand warned agtdnst his Plrooeedings hy
the Elector of Saxony— Bohemia— The Letter of Migestj shamefViIhr infringed—
The Protestant Churches destroyed — ^Indignation and BeTolt of the Protestants —
Their Defender, Count Matthias of Thum — Counts Martinitz and Slarata — ^Their
Hostility to the Protestants— Prague— The Council-Hall— Martmitz and SlaTata
thrown out of the Window — General Berolutioa — The Emperor's Alarm and Desire
for P^aoe — ^Ferdinand's Declaration in Beply— Commencement of the Thirty Years'
Waiv-Count Ernest of Mansfeld, the Leader of the Protestants— His Great Mili-
tary Genius and Heroic Character— Death of Matthias L, 1619 — Ferdinand IL,
1619 to 1637 — Count Thum and the Bohemians in Vienna — Surround the Empe-
ror in his Palace— Ferdinand unexpectedly rescued — The Bohemians droose mm
— ^The Elector-Palatine Frederick V., Son-in-law of James I. of England, King of
Bohemia, 1619 — ^His IrresoluticMi and Pusillanimity — ^Ferdinand and Ma.TimiKim
of Bayaria— Their Alliances-Superiority of the Imperialists oyer the Bohemians
—Battle of Weissenberg, near Prague, 1620— The Bohemians defeated and their
King put to flight— His Abdication — Prague capitulates — Bohemia sererely
ponisbed by Fer£nand — ^Thirty thousand Families banished the Country.
Matthias, the eldest brother of the late emperor, was now
chosen successor to the imperial crown, and was crowned at Frank-
fort on the 24th of June, 1612. The ceremony was performed
amidst a display of stately pomp and splendour such as had not been
witnessed for a length of time — if, perhaps, at alL All the electors^
except the Elector of Brandenburg, were present, and a host of the
other princes of the empire. '' It seemed, ' says an historian, '' as if
they had assembled in such numbers in order to take a final leaye of
each other, for after this occasion they never a^ain collected in a
body so numerous." Matthias himself had in his suite alone three
thousand persons, two thousand horses, and one hundred carriages,
drawn eacn by four horses; and the other princes appeared equally
well attended, in proportion to their means. Festival succeeded
festival, and forei^ers, witnessing all the grand and brilliant scenes
that passed, and all the joy and hilarity that everywhere prevailed,
must have regarded Germany as the firat country in the world, espe-
ciaUy when they beheld this assemblage of all its princes thus met m,
apparently, friendly association. But behind this galaxy of royal
and noble personages hovered the 8[>irit of dissension ; the pro-
found observer mignt have recognised in the joy expressed by the
Catholics the hopes they entertained for their party, based upon the
activity and firmness of the new emperor; and m the delight evinced
by the Protestants, he might have perceived the expectations they
2G2
Digitized by VjOOQ iC
452 ELECTORS OF COLOGNE AND BRANDENBURG.
formed, founded upon the illness expressed in his appeaiance.
Prince Christian of Anhalt, one of the most active among the latter
party, made rather a humorous observation in reference to the
double meaning in which this festival must be regarded: ^' If it
should come to a dance, our Emperor Matthias wiu make no very
high springs."
In truth, the new emperor did not by any means show the acti-
vity and energy which had been anticipated fix>m him ; it appeared
as if he had only compelled his late brother to resign his crowns in
order to perpetuate his indolence and irresolution. On the other
hand, the passions of the multitude continued to operate more and
more seriously, and prepared the way for those violent and disastrous
eruptions which burst torth aeain even during the reign of Matthias.
In the Austrian territories, tne religious parties, excited by their
preachers from the pulpit, resumed their violence towards each other
with redoubled fury, all human relationship between the contending
parties disappeared and became annihilated, for such hatred as
adheres to tnat which is held most sacred in man remains the most
implacable of all.
In other parts of [Germany, some very serious occurrences took
place about this time. Fredi disturbances broke .out in Aix-la-
Chapelle as well as in Cologne, between its inhabitants and the two
princes, governors of the territory of JuHers^ because the latter, to
the injury of the former, had raised the small town of Miihlheun,
on the Rhine, to the rank of a city. In both these cases, the em-
peror decided in favour of the Catholic party, and consequently ex-
cited fresh anxiety in the minds of the Protestants. His judgment,
however, in the cause of the Muhlheim dispute would have produced
but little effect had not both the princely houses who had possession
of the patrimonial estates of Juliers, become divided with each other.
The prmce-palatine, Wolfgang William, had been accepted as the
future husband of a princess of the house of Brandenburg, and he paid
a visit to the court of Berlin upon business connected with this afiair.
There, however, whilst at dinner, and heated with wine, a dispute arose
between him and the elector; both forgot each other, and the latter
gave the prince-palatine a blow on the ear. Never, perhaps, did such
an insigmficant circumstance produce more grave and serious results
in the history of the country; they operated upon the whole system
of the empire down to the latest penod of its records. The mdig-
nant prince quitted Berlin immeaiately; and out of hatred to the
house of Brandenburg, he allied himself with the house of Bavaria,
by marrying one of its princesses, and adopted the Catholic religion.
The Elector of Brandenburg, on the other hand, who was in dread
lest Wolfgang William, with the aid of the league or the Spaniards,
should attack his portion of the Juliers territory and wrest it from
him, claimed the assistance of the Netherlanders, who were still at
war with the Spaniards ; and in order to satisfy them and ensure
their aid, he abandoned the Lutheran church and adopted that of
Digitized by
Google
FERDINAND OF AUSTRIA KING OF BOHEMIA— CHARACTER. 453
the Calvinists. Accordinglj, the Juliers possessions were attacked by
the allies of both sides ; the Netherlanders occupied Juliers itself,
and the Spaniards, commanded by Spinola, held possession of
Wesel; and thus both these armies brought into effect the decree of
the emperor pronounced against Aix-la-Chapelle and Muhlheim.
Accordmsly, the dissensions throughout the empire became more and
more connrmed in their hostility, and the German states commenced
forming aUiances with foreign countries.
The uneasiness and anxiety of the Protestants became now much
increased by the selection which was made of a successor to the
imperial throne. Matthias himself, as well as his two brothers,
Maximilian and Albert, were without any children, and as the af-
fairs of the empire presented no attraction sufficiently great to in-
duce the latter princes to undertake the government, they renounced
all claim to the succession of the Austrian states, and proposed as
their substitute their cousin, the jroung Archduke Ferdinand, who
already possessed Styria, Carinthia^ and Carniola. The emperor
was very much opposed to this arrangement, but his brothers were
8o urgent in their representations that he was obliged finally to yield.
Accordingly, Ferdinand was acknowledged at the diet of 1617 as
future TSlng of Bohemia, and three weeks afterwards he was crowned
as such wim great pomp at Vienna. The states demanded nothing
beyond the confirmation of the rights they had hitherto enjoyed,
and the non-interference of the new king with the affairs of govern-
ment during the lifetime of the emperor.
This Feminand, in the course of his reign, became a principal
cause of all the violent commotions and revolutions that were pro-
duced in his time, and as he has at all times been more or less sub-
jected to severe condemnation or impassioned praise, his acts merit
here a more impartial investigation and eq^uitable judgment. His
education, which he received m the university of Ingolstadt, in Ba-
varia, was superintended more especially by the Jesuits, under tho
eyes of William, Duke of Bavaria, a zealous Catholic, and, from his
boyhood upwards, the most strict principles of Catholicism were in-
stiUed into nis mind. Consequently he firmly believed in that one
church, by which alone he could hope to obtain salvation, and he
held it to be the first duty of his life to use every means at his com-
mand, whether by the gentle power of reason, or by the more definitive
argument of the sword, to bring back those who had renounced the
faith, and Support all who adhered to it — for the salvation of the soul,
as he had b<*n taught, ** took the precedence of every other human
consideratiohA" Whence the faithfiil maintenance of these princi-
ples constituted the aim and direction of his whole life ; he looked
upon himself as appointed by God to be the champion of the Catho-
lic church ;and the restorer of the ancient faith. And of this con-
flcientious^lief he never attempted to make the least mystery ; he
entered the arena openly and honestly, and herein is presented a
grand ancf noble feature in his history. For every man who unde-
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
454 HIS DEVOTION TO CATHOLICISM— INTOLERANCE.
viatmgly and obstinately pursues with all the power and ener^ of
his nature, that which he has recognised as just and sacred, is as-
suredly worthy of honourable appreciation. And if Ferdinand,
throughout his entire career, and in the error of his conviction, did
continue to belieye that that same God who vouchsafes to spread
the light of his sun with e^ual mercy over nations of every iaith,
was only to be worshipped m one exclusive form, and persisted in
his efforts to establish with fire and sword this said form of devotion
all over the world, those alone were answerable for such results who
filled his mind whilst yet a child with such intolerant doctrines, and
which they only strengthened more and more in the youth, and ma-
tured in the man.
The young prince had no sooner become lord over his states than
he commenced reforming them, by re-introducing the ancient form of
divine service. He mamtained the principle, that the soverei^ of a
country, in order to promote one uninterrupted unity of thought
and action, ought not to tolerate more than one established religion in
his dominions ; and as, by the treaty of the Augsburg religious peace,
no other resource was left to the Protestants but expatriation, he
compelled those who would not join the ancient faith to leave the
country. These measures were very severe, as nothing can be more
trying to the feelings of a truly sincere and conscientious man,
than to be forced to quit the soil of his ancestors and the home ren-
dered so dear to him from childhood by the ties of love and affec-
tion. Such harsh proceedings necessarily produced most serious
consequences throughout the territories of Ferdinand. Above all
others of his subjects, the inhabitants of the mountainous districts
were the first to rise in opi)osition; accustomed as they were to live
uninterruptedly amidst their mountains, and existing in a state of
complete isolation from the rest of their fellow-subjects in the low-
lands— wholly occupied as they were with the grand and eternal
creations of nature around them — they scarcely troubled themselves
with the scenes of human contention and dissension oocurring beyond
their native hills. They adhered, therefore, with far greater obsti-
nacy and firmness to their peculiar habits and opinions, which they
regarded, like the soil they dwelt upon, as their hereditary birth-
right. Nevertheless, in the measures adopted by the youn^ prince,
80 much resolution was combined with temper, and ne evinced so
much determined seriousness, that he succeeded in quelling the dis-
turbances excited by this discontent almost before their outbreak;
and although, as a warning, he had caused to be erected in various
parts places of execution for the most turbulent, still tranquillity was
effected without its being necessary to have recourse to them, or even
to shed a drop of blood. Thence, within a few short years, as if
produced by a miracle, not a single Protestant church was left stand-
mg, nor a Protestant sermon allowed to be preached throughout the
whok of those dominions in which, until then, the majority of the
inhabitants had professed the Protestant £dth. Such persevering
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
THE PROTESTANTS— THE LETTER TO FERDINAND. 455
energy displayed by so young a prince, veiy naturally excited great
Lopes in tne one party, wlnlst it produced serious alanu in the other.
The united states of Germany, and eroecially the electoral-palatinate,
'beholding now, in the elevation of Ferdinand as chief of the Aus-
trian house, fresh cause for exertion, renewed and strengthened their
hond of union. They endeavoured, by every means in their power,
to gain over to their party the Elector of Saxony; but all in vain.
His unwillingness to join the union was, no doubt, produced princi-
pally by his dislike to the Calvinistic doctrine; but m this resolution
ne was also influenced by his ancere desire for the preservation of
peace throughout the empire — a desire participated in by all the
Lutheran prmces, more particularly since the death of Maurice. A
letter from the Elector ot Saxony to the Archduke Ferdinand proves,
at least, that this feeling was sincerely cherished by him ; he therein
exhorts him thus: '' That as things had reached that sad state that
little or no good imderstanding could be found to exist any longer
amon^ the states of Germany, and all confidence had nearly va-
nished, he would earnestly recommend him to do his utmost towards
the re-establishment of both, if only in a partial degree. For if
zoatters continued to remain in their present dangerous condition,
-when recourse was had to measures of extreme seventy rather than to
those of a more mild and simple nature, it was evident these attempts
to effect a cure of the evils existing must lead either to the total
ruin of the one or the other of the two parties; or, after having caused
much sacrifice of blood, and produced the destruction of the country
and its inhabitants, end in adopting that middle course which might
now still be made available without any violent or dangerous means."
The import of these words was like lin announcement of fiiture
events, and might have opened the eyes even of Ferdinand himself
to the continuation of the coming struggles, if he had not held
them immoveably fixed upon one point. Circumstances, however,
very soon indicated in still more expressive and forcible colours, the
danger which threatened even the proximity of his own house.
Since the nomination of Ferdinand as future King of Bo-
hemia, the whole body of Protestants in that country very soon
had reason to observe much greater activity and assurance among
the Catholics. Report, Yrhica in extraordinary times is ever
more active in spreading alarm and terror than in ordinary
periods, was now busily occupied in announcing the most arbi-
trary measures i^ainst the Protestants. '^ The letter of majesty
which guaranteed their security and liberty, was now no longer valid,
it having been extorted firom feing Rudolphus," — such was the lan-
guage of the Catholics. ^* When King Ferdinand arrived," they said,
^' it would be found that with their new kins they would receive
likewise new laws ;" whilst some again exclaimed : '^ Then more heads
must be decapitated, and property transferred into other hands, and
many a beggar would be made rich therewith," &c. In addition to
this, whenp^er^nand did homage in Moravia, pictures were ev^-
where circulated in which the Bohemian lion and tha-^oravian
Digitized by VJ
456 BOHEMIA— LETTER OF MAJESTY— COUNT THURX.
eagle were represented bound in chains, whilst a sleeping hare, with.
eyes open, was introduced to indicate that the states^ wim their eyes
widely opened as they were, were still not able to perceiye the mte
that threatened them: these, and many similar demonstrations, aug-
menting in number as they progre^ed from place to place and
mouth to mouth, excited increasing tenor and dismay in the minds
of all.
At length a cause was soon presented whereupon to base the
foundation of open hostility. In the aforesaid letter of minesty the
Protestants of Bohemia were granted the privilege of building new
churches, but the present TOvemment restricted its meaning to the
Protestant provinces of the kingdom, and refused its application to
the Cathohc provinces. The Protestant party, nevertheless, in-
sisted that the article included all their co-rehgionists throughout
the land. Accordingly, in 1617, the Protestants residing in the
jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Prague, built for themselves a
church in the small town of Glostergrab, while those in the territory
of the Abbot of Braunau also erected one in the latter place. The
archbishop and abbot would neither of them tolerate their existence,
and they both appealed to the emperor; and as soon as ever the
buildings were completed, the arcnbishop put into execution an
imperial decree, according to which the church in Glostergrab was
razed to the very foimdation, and that in Braunau was cl(Med; and
as in consequence of this arbitrary act the inhabitants of the town,
rose up in opposition against it, several of them were cast into
prison.
The Protestants, however, now loudly complained of this viola-
tion of the letter of majesty, and they found a determined cham-
pion for their cause in Count Matthias of Thum. This nobleman,
who was a native of Gratz, on the borders of Italy, but who had
long since resided in Bohemia, supported their cause and its pri-
vileges with all the warmth and zeal of his Italian blood, and being
chosen at once as defender of the Evangelists in Bohemia, he, as
such, convoked the Protestant states to meet in Prague. Several
petitions were forwarded to the emperor, in which his majesty was
earnestly besought to remove the causes of complaint, and to order
the liberation of the imprisoned citizens of Braunau.
The emperor's reply was very harshly worded. Therein he oha-
racterised the resistance made by the inhabitants of Braunau and
Glostergrab as a revolt, and he condemned the states for having
occupied themselves with the affiurs of citizens who to them were
strangers, and for having held illegal meetings, and seeking, by the
false reports they made of the danger to which the letter of majeslj
was exposed, to alienate from his majesty the love and fidelity of his
subjects, &c.; whilst the threat wim which it concluded, " that
the matter should be investi^ted, and each should be treated ac-
cording to his merits,'' sufficed to produce in the minds of all, ex-
cited as they already were, still greater cause to anticipate and pre-
Digitized by
Google
PRAGUE— MARTINITZ AND SLAVATA EJECTED. 457
pare for the woret results. To this was now added ihe report that
the said document had not issued from Vienna, but had been pre-
pared in Prague itself, in the office of the imperial ^oyemors, and
more especially superintended by two Catholic pnvy-councillors,
Martinitz and Slavata. The indignation of the Protestants was now
directed at once against them, as uie more immediate objects. Both
these noblemen had lon^ been hated, because thej refused to take
any part in the procuration of the letter of majesty nine years pre-
viously; whilst many cruel acts were laid to their charge, by wnich
they had at yarious times displayed their zeal for the Camolic church.
Amongst the rest, it was related of Martinitz, that he had caused
his Protestant dependents to be hunted out of the Catholic church
on his estate^ with his own dogs; whilst of Slavata it was said, that
he had compelled his people to adopt the Catholic faith by refusing
to allow them the service of baptism in the chuich or bunal in con-
secrated ground.
Rendered more indignant and furious by these reports, the depu-
ties of the states, armea to the teeth, presented themselyes, on the
23rd of May, 1618, before the imperial goyemors and such of the
council as were then assembled in the council hall of the castle of
Prague, and demanded whether or not they had been present in
council when the imperial document in question, so harshly and
inimically worded, had been deliberated upon, and if they had
voted for it ? And when the governors repHed, that in order to de-
cide upon the answer to be giyen to such an important question^ it
would be necessary to have the presence of the absent members of
the council, several of the deputies stepped forward and exclaimed:
" We know full well that the head burgraves, Adam von Stem-
berg, and Diphold von Lobkowitz, now present^ did attend during
the composition of that hated writing, but we are likewise aware
that they did so imwillingly, and did not sanction its adoption."
Saying which they advanced and conducted them into another
room for safety. The other deputies meantime rushed upon Count
Martinitz, and dragging him to the window, ejected him forthwith
into the court below. All stood now aghast and trembling; when
Count Thum, pointing to Slayata, excEomed to his confederates:
** Noble friends, yonder you behold the other !" upon which they
immediately seiz^ him and precipitated him af);er his collea^e.
The next doomed to the same fate was the priyate secretary, Faori-
cius, who was known to be the sycophant of the two preceding yic-
tims. Wonderful to relate, howeyer, although the depth of their
fall was more than fif);y-6ix feet, they escaped with life, because, in
their descent, they fell, happily for them, upon an immense pile of
paper shayin^ and other soft materials; and even afterwards, when
they were assisted to their homes, they were no less fortunate in get-
ting clear of the shots that were fired at them as they were led
away.
The Bohemians endeayoured to justify this act by referring to se-
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
458 GENERAL REVOLUTION— TmRTT TEARS* WAR BEGUN.
vend examples of the same kmd in ancient liiatory; amongst the
lest to tlie period when the Rofnans precipitated traitois fix>m the
Tarpelan rock, andtotheportionof the Old Testament in which it is
found recorded that Queen Jezahel was thrown from a high window
for haying persecuted the people of God. NerertheleaB, they wea:e
well aware that such a plea ol justification would not secure them
acainst the punishment that must follow, unless they made inune-
diate preparations for self-defence. Aooordingly, uie castle iras
garrisoned with their own troops; all persons in office took the oath
of fidelity to the states; all the Jesuits, who were conadered as the
main cause of the hostile feeling evinced against the ProtestantSy
were banished firom the country; and, finally, a council of thirty
noblemen was established for the TOvemment of the land. All this
indicated the determination of the people to defend themselves to
the last, and in all these preparations the chief mover and director
was Count Thum, whose whole soul was devoted to the cause.
The emperor was not a little disconcerted when he received the
news of wnat was passing. For whence could he receive the aid
necessary to put down these revolutionaiy acts and restore order in
Bohemia? Discontent, indeed, was seucelv less formidably ex-
pressed even in his Austrian territories, whilst in Hungary its de-
monstration was equally as serious.
Conciliation appeared to be the only means of preserving to the
house of Austria that important country, and even the confessor and
usual counsellor of the emperor, Gardmal Klesel, the most zealous
opponent of the Protestants, advised that course. But such con**
siaerations were most strenuously opposed bv voung Ferdinand:
** It is of the utmost importance that men should know," says he, in
writing to the emperor, '^ that Ctod himself has appointed the
troubles of Bohemia; for he has manifestly struck the Bohemians with
blindness, that by means of the direfiil deed, which to every rational
being, whatever his religion, must appear to be hateful, unchristian^
and culpable, the grand pretext of the rebels, that they were en-
gaged m the cause of religion, mi^ht be completely finstrated.
For under this pretext they have hitherto only sought to rob their
rulers of all their rights, all their revenues, and afi their subjects.
K, therefore, government is of divine authority, the conduct of these
men must originate with the devil, and it is impossible that God
should approve of the concessions heretofore made by the govern-
ment; possibly He mav have permitted these extremities to come
to pass m order that the rulers may at once break loose fix)m this
state of bondage to their own subjects." Accordingly, it vras his
opinion, that nothing remained but to have recourse to arms.
From this epistle of Ferdinand we at once perceive the firmness
of his principles. From words he immediately proceeded to action,
levied soldiers in every quarter, and manifested such determinaUon,
that it was evident he would not suffer the indecision of the em-
Digitized by
Google
COUNT MANSFELD— DEATH OF MATTHIAS L, 1619. 459
peror to thwart his career. And at his instigation, and that of
the other archdukes backed by the pope, the pacific Cardinal
Klesel was unexpectedly arrested, and cnarged with a variety of
crimes. The intention was to remove him irom the presence of the
old and weak emperor, who was now without support, and obliged
to resign all to the archdukes. From this moment the impotency of
the emperor was complete, and all hopes of an amicable pacifica-
tion of Bohemia lost.
The Bohemians, likewise, took to arms, and possessed themselves
of every city in their country as far as Budweis ana Pilsen, which were
still occupied by the imperial troops. They obtained assistance,
quite unlocked K>r, in the person of one who may be regarded as
one of the most remarkable heroes of that day, and furnishes a dis-
tinguished example of a single individual, who, without territory
and people^ by the mere celebrity of his name, gathered round him
legions of brave soldiers, and, like the ancient warrior-princes of
Germany in the time of the Romans, conducted them as his Gefolge
or retinue, for hire and booty, whithersoever his prowess was needed.
Men of this character came forth at this period likewise, as the signs
of an extraordinary ase thrown out of its usual course. Their
armies were maintamea and furnished by the war; the war had to
sustain itself; and therein is the mystery explained how it continued
to rage on upon the German soil K>r tmrty years. Count Ernest of
Mansfeld, a warrior from his youth, was of a bold and enterprising
spirit.; he had already encountered many dangers, and had just been
raising some troops for the Duke of Savoy against the Spaniards.
The duke, who now no longer required them, gave him permission
to serve in the cause of the Evangelical Union m Germany; and by
that body he was despatched with 3000 men to Bohemia, as having
apparently received his appointment from that country. He ap-
peared there quite unexpectedly, and immediately took from the
imperial army the important city of Pilsen.
Meanwhile the Emperor Matthias died on the 10th of March,
1619, after having witnessed in quick succession the interment of
his brother Maximilian and his consort; and the Bohemians, who
acknowledged his sovereigiity while living, now resolved to re-
nounce his successor Ferdinand, whose nostile intentions were
already too clearly expressed.
Ferdinand attamed the throne under circumstances the most per-
plexing. Bohemia in arms, and threatening Vienna itself with in-
vasion; Silefiia and Moravia in alliance with them; Austria much
disposed to unite with them ; Hungary by no means firmly attached,
and externally menaced by the Turks; l)esides which, encountering
in every direction the hatred of the Protestants, i^ainst whom his
zeal was imdisguised. But in these circumstances Ferdinand mani-
fested his undaunted firmness and courage: " Notwithstanding these
imminent perils," says Ehevenhiiller, " this illustrious prince never
Digitized by
Google
460 FERDINAND II., 1619— VIENNA— THE RESCUE.
desponded; he stall retained his reli^on and confidence in God,
who took him under His protection, and, contrary to all human ex-
pectation, delivered him through this Red Sea.*'
Count Thum advanced upon Vienna with a Bohemian arm j, and
when he was questioned respecting the puinpose of his expedition, be
answered, " That he marched in search of any collected bodies of
troops or people, and wherever he found them he would forthwith,
disperse them. That in future there must be perfect equality be-
tween Catholics and Protestants, and the former must not, as hereto-
fore, hold the ascendancy, and, as it were, float on the surface like oiL"
He came before Vienna, and his men fired even upon the imperial
castle itself, where Ferdinand, surrounded by open and secret foes,
had taken up his quarters. He dared not leave his capital, for by
80 doing, Austria, and with it the preservation of the empire itself,
must have been sacrificed. But his enemies looked upon him as
lost; and they already spoke of confining him in a convent, and
educating his children in the Protestant faith. At this most critical
moment, when Thum was in the suburbs of Vienna encamped be-
fore the gate of Stuben, on the 10th of June, 1619, irixteen mem-
bers of the Austrian states appeared before Ferdinand, and ve-
hemently demanded his consent to their taking arms, and to the
treaty which they wished to conclude with Bohemia. Nay, their
leader, Thonradel, went even so far as to hold the king by the
button of his coat, ur^g their demand, that he would put his sig-
nature to the propos^ articles, in the most impressive manner. But
just then, as if by miraculous interference, five hundred of the imperial
cavalry arrived in the city from Krems, and, ignorant of what was
passing in the castle, with a flourish of trumpets marched into the
court-yard. The deputies immediately retired and made their exit in
the greatest consternation and alarm, ima^ning that the arrival of
the cavaliy was preconcerted, and thus Ferdinand was extricated
from his distressmg situation.*
Count Thum was oblig;ed soon to return to Bohemia, as Prague
was menaced by the armies of Austria, and Ferdinand availed him-
self of this moment in order to undertake another hazardous and
daring nroject. Although the Austrian provinces had not yet de-
clared their allegiance, and during his absence much that was un-
toward might occur, he nevertheless resolved to proceed to Frank-
fort to attend the election of emperor. The spiritual electors had
been gained over ; Saxony also adhered closely to tne house of Austria ;
Brandenburg was not unfriendly; hence the opposition of the pala-
tinate alone against him could accomplish nothing; accordingly
Ferdinand was unanimously chosen emperor on the 28th of August,
1619. By a strange reverse of fortune it happened, that at the very
* Since this period, in commemoration of that important event, this re^ment of
caTslry has permiflslon, in passing through Vienna, to ride OTer the Bugpiatz, which
others are not allowed to do.
Digitized by
Google
FERDINAND DEPOSED IN BOHEMIA— FREDERICK V. 461
moment when, after the conclusion of the election, he, with the
electoral princes, was retirmg from the hall to proceed in prooession
to the church of St. Bartholomew, he received the intelEgence of
his deposition in Bohemia, and which had just been made public
among the people.
The Bohemians, having, on the 26th of August, 1619, at a
general assembly of the states, deposed Ferdinand, '* for having in
opposition to the fundamental compact which he had entered mto
with them, before the emperor's death, intermeddled with the ad-
ministration of state affidrs, introduced war into Bohemia, and con-
cluded a treaty of alliance with Spain to the prejudice of the liberty
of the country;" they proceeded at once to another election. The
GathoHcs proposed the Duke of Savoy and Maximilian of Bavaria,
whilst, in the JE^rotestant interest, the Elector John Greorge of Saxony,
and Frederick V., of the palatinate, were put forward. The latter
obtained the election, being a son-in-law of Eang James I. of Eng-
land, from whom they expected assistance, and who personally was
regarded as resolute, mwoanimous, and generous. The incorporated
provinces of Moravia, Silesia and Lusatia supported the Section,
and even the Catholic states of Bohemia pledged their fidelity and
obedience. Frederick was warned against acce{)ting so dangerous a
crown by Saxony, Bavaria, and even by his father-in-law ; but hischap-
lain, Scultetus, and his own consort, Elizabeth, who as the daughter
of a king aspired to a royal crown, persuaded him with all their in-
fluence to accept it. Frederick was accordingly ruled by them, re-
ceived the regal dignity in Bohemia, and was crowned at Prague
with great pomp on the 25th of October, 1619. He considered it to be
his duty, as he nimself sajs, not to desert those of his own faith by
whom he had been appomted. If this youthful king of twenty-three
years of age had posseted the strength of mind requisite for a success-
ful prosecution and accomplishment of the work, history would have
ranked him amongst those daring men, who, relying upon their own
internal resources, never hesitated to venture upon ^reat and noble
enterprises; but fate had decided against him, and m adversity he
failed to show that energy and presence of mind which must ever be
at the command of him who has resolved to wear a hazardous
crown.
Ferdinand in returning &om Frankfort passed on to Munich, and
there concluded with the Duke of Bavaria that important treaty
which secured to him the possession of Bohemia. These two princes
had been companions in youth, and the Evangelical Union had
by several incautious proceedings irritated the duke. Mayimilian
undertook the chief command in the cause of the Catholic party, and
stipulated with the house of Austria that he should be indemnified
for every outlay and loss incurred, to the extent even, if necessary,
of the surrender of the territories of Austria itself into his hands.
With Spain also the emperor succeeded in forming an allianoe,
Digitized by
Google
462 FERDINAND AND MAXIMILIAN OF BAVARIA'S ALLIANCE.
and the Spanish general, Spinola, received orders to invade the
countries of the psSatinate from the Netherlands.
Subsequentl;^ the Elector of Mentz arranged a convention at
Miihlhausen with the Elector John Greorce of Saxonj, the Elector
of Cologne, and the Landgrave Lewis of Darmstadt, wherein it was
determined to render all possible assistance to the emperor for the
maintenance of his kingdom, and the impeiial dignity.
Frederick, the new Bohemian king, was now left with no other
auxiliary but the EvangeHcal Union; for the Transylvanian prince,
Bethlen Gabor, was, notwithstanding all his promises, a very dubious
and uncertain ally, whilst the troops he sent into Moravia and Bo-
hemia were not unlike a horde of savage banditti. Meanwhile the
union commenced its preparations for war as well as the league. The
whole of Germany resembled a grand dep6t for recruiting. Every
eye was directed to the Swabian district, where the two armies were
to meet; there, however, at Ulm, on the 3rd of July, 1620,
they ime3q)ectedly entered into a compact, in which the forces of
the union engaged to lay down their aims, and both parties pledged
each other to preserve peace and tranquillity, ^e imionists felt
themselves too weak to maintain the contest, since Saxony was now
likewise against them, and Spinola threatened them from the Nether-
lands. It was, however, a ^reat advantage for the emperor, that Bo-
hemia was excluded from this treaty, for now the forces of the league
were at liberty to aid him in subjugating his royal adversary. Maxi-
milian of Bavaria, therefore, immediately took his departure, and on
his way reduced the states of Upper Austria to the obedience due to
Ferdinand, joined the imperial army, and made a spirited attack
upon Bohemia. On the other dde tne Elector of Saxony took pos-
session of Lusatia in the name of the emperor, after lying four weeks
before Bautzen, which he subdued after a smart resistance.
Frederick of Bohemia felt now the difficulty of his situation;
nevertheless with the aid of a faithftd and courageous people, who
had already two hundred years before defended their country in the
Hussite wars against the combined power of Germany, he might still
have maintained his ground. But either fix»m ignorance or indif-
ference, he failed completely in gaining the confidence of the nation.
His life was careless and his time wasted in extraneous matters, and
his mind without that inward dignity of self-possession and calm re-
flection so necessary at a moment so portentous ; whilst he even made
the Bohemians subservient to his Uerman councillors and generals.
The Bohemian nobility, who had in fact brought about and directed
the entire movement, availed themselves of their preponderating in-
fluence for their own advantage, inflicted great injury upon the
citizens in their trade, and transferred to them and the rural districts
the whole weight of taxation. There was one general complaint
against the imposts and the burden and oppression of the solaieiy,
besides which the Calvinistic party, by theu: ecclesiastical domination.
Digitized by
Google
BOHEMIA — ^BATTLE OF WEISSENBEBG. 463
annoyed no less the Lutherans than the Catholics. Fiedeiick was
not able to govern these conflicting elements, and this weakness
effected his ruin.
As the imperialists advanced, the Bohemian forces marched into
Prague and intrenched themselves on the Weissenberg (white moun-
tain) near the citv. But before the intrenchments were completed,
the Austrians and Bavarians advanced and gave battle at once, as
Maximilian's impatience would not suffer the event to remain un-
determined for a single hour. And in less than an hour the fate of
Bohemia was decided. Frederick's troops, in spite of the bold re-
sistance made by several companies^ were beaten, and the whole of his
artillery, together with one nundred standards^ were taken by the
enemy. Frederick himself, who, at the commencement of the battle,
was quietly seated at his dinner-table, which he would not leave, saw
its termination only at a distance firom the ramparts of the dty, and
with it lost all the little resolution he still retained. Against the
advice of a few of his more intrepid friends, he on the following
night, with Count Thurn and some others of Ids suite, fled from
Prague — ^which otherwise might still have defended itself — ^into Si-
lesia; there, however, he could not resolve to stay, although he
might have rallied his friends around him, but fled still farther into
Holland, and dwelt there without a kingdom — and without courage
to re-conquer it — ^maintained at the expense of his father-in-law,
the King of England. The emperor, however, pronounced the im-
perial ban of excommunication against him, in consequence of which
all his estates were confiscated.
Prague at once yielded submission ; the whole of Bohemia, except
Pilsen, which Mansfeld bravely defended, followed the example; the
countries of the palatinate were occupied by the Spaniards, under Spi-
nola, and the umon, alarmed at their proximily, was, in 1622, quite cus-
solved. like the Schmalkaldian league it terminated ingloriously,
and both were, through a concurrent fatality, destroyed by the in-
fluence of the Netherlands; for it was by means of the Netherland
troops under Count Buren that formerly Charles Y. became the
vanquisher of that league.
Sad for Bohemia was the punishmeat which the emperor now in-
flicted upon the countnr. During the first three months nothing took
place, but many of the nigitives having meantime returned, forty-eight
leaders of the Protestant party were suddenly taken prisoners, on the
same day, and in the same hour, and, after a judidal investigation,
twenty-seven of their number were ccmdemned to death; of whom
three belonged to the nobiHty, seven were knights, and the others
citizens. 'Die property of those condemned was confiscated, as well
as thftt of the absentees, who were declared traitors, amoxigst whom
Count Thum was included. Afterwards by degrees all the Protestant
clergymen were banished ftom the country, and finally, in 1627, it
was declared to all nobles, knights and citizens, that no subject would
be tolerated in Bohemia who did not a^ere to the CathoHc church.
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
464 MILITARY EXPEDITIONS IN GERMANY, 1621—1624.
It is calculated tliat the number of families who at this time were
foiced to leave Bohemia amounted to thirty thousand; thej for the
most part resorted to Saxony and Brandenburg. The lot of Silesia was
much more fortunate, for through the intervention of the Elector of
Saxony it obtained the establishment of its religious and civil libertiea
and a general amnesty, securing Protestantism within its borders.
CHAPTER XXm.
MiUtaiy Expeditions in Germany, 1621-1624— Generals Mansfield and Tm7--Siic-
cesses of Mansfdd— Joined bj the MargraTe of Baden-DuilAch and Chrisdan
Duke of Brunswick— Tilly— The Palatinate— The Heidelberg labraiy— Ferdinand
resolves to continue the War — ^The Duke of Bayaria made Elector-Palatine —
Tilly Defeats the Duke of Brunswick in Miinster— War with Denmark. 1624--
1629— The Protestant forces under Christian lY. of Denmark, the Doke of Bruns-
wick and Mansfeld — ^The Emperor without a Leader — Count Wallenstein — ^BQs ex-
traordinary Character^— Ambition*- Astrological Studies— Eaith in Destiny — ^His
Brayery—Weissenberg— Wallenstein Duke of Friedland— His stately Palace and
legal Style of liying— Baises an Imperial Army— His Appearance — Pursuea
Mansfeld— Death of Mansfeld, 1 626— Death of the Duke of Brunswick— Christian
lY. of Denmark— His Flight — Dukes Adolphus and John of Mecklenburg banished
-^Their Estates seized by Wallenstein — Created Duke of Mecktenborg and a Piinoe
of the Empire, 1628— Pomerania—Stralsund— Besieged by Wallenstein— Its
Brave Resistance — ^Forces Wallenstein to retire— Peace between the King of
Denmark and the Empeior, 1629— The Edict of Restitution, 1639— Its Effect—
Augsburg— The Catholic League — Tyranny and Cruelty of Wallenstein and his
Army— Complaints of the Catholics and Protestants against Wallenstein to the
Emperor — ^The Princes and the Nation insist upon his Dismissal— His Resig-
nation.
According to all human calculalion, the contest app^red now
decided ; Bohemia was subjugated, the Evangelical union dis-
solved, the palatine house overthrown, and the elector a mere fu-
gitive. Whence, therefore, could resistance be apprehended? And
yet it came, and that, too, from the restless activity of Count Mans-
feld, who would not abandon victory at so easy a price, and who
knew the age in which he lived too well, not to calculate upon those
unexpected means which a change of fortune must present to men
of a daring and confident disposition. He knew how highly
the minds of the people were excited, and that they were only wait-
ing for leaders in order to recommence the obstinate struggle in
favour of their faith. Whoever commanded their confidence might
venture upon the adoption of extraordinary measures.
Accordmgly, he collected quite unexpectedly, afi«r having left
Pilsen, new troops, and declared that he would still further maintain
the cause of Frederick against the emperor. In a short time he had
an army of about 20,000 men, and obliged the forces of the league,
under the Bavarian general, John Tserklas Tillv, (raised by the em-
peror, since 1623, to ike dignity of count,) to xeep the field against
Digitized by
Google
MANSFELD'S SUCCESSES— HEIDELBERG-LIBBARY. 465
him. By rapid and well planned marches he deluded his antago-
nist, and in his course spread desolation amongst the Cadidic
bishoprics of Franconia, Wiirzburg, Bamberg, and Eichstadt, toge-
ther with those of Spires, Worms, and Mentz on the Rhine; and,
finallj, in the beautiful and flourishing provinces of Alsace.
His example was followed by others. First of all, George Fre-
derick, Margrave of Baden-Durlach took the field in &vour of the
SJatine house, collected a strong army, and imited with Mansfeld.
e would not fight as a prince of the German empire, lest his land
should be made to suffer for it, but as a knight and champion in
that cause which, to him, appeared the most just ; accordin^y, be-
fore he entered into action, he transferred into his son's hands the
government of his coimtry. For him, united with Mansfeld, Tilly
was no equal match ; but when, however, they separated, he de-
feated the Margrave at Wimpfen on the 8th of May, 1622.
Mansfeld next found an ally in Christian, Duke of Brunswick,
brother of the reigning duke, who, full of youthful ardour, likewise
came forward in the cause of the banished electoral prince. After a
variety of adventures, he at length joined Mansfeld with a consider-
able body of men, and, thus umted, they entered Alsace once more,
extending their march to the provinces of Lorraine, and, in fact,
made even Paris itself tremble for the moment, as they threatened
to advance thither to the aid of the Huguenots. After devastating
all the neighbouring provinces, they finally marched into Holland,
where they joined the Netherlanders in their struggle against the
Spaniards.
Tilly, meantime, retained possession of the entire palatinate, and
it was on this occasion that he seized upon the magnificent library
of Heidelberg, of which the Duke of Bavaria made a present to the
pope, Gregory XV. ; it was conveyed to Rome, and placed in the
Vatican.*
It appeared now as if the moment had once more arrived when
peace might have been restored to Germany, if the victors had been
at all incBned to act with moderation. But Ferdinand had no idea
of halting in the midst of all his revolutionary movements. He
considered himself, as he states in a letter written by himself and
sent to Spain, as called upon by Providence " to crush all the sedi-
tious factions, which had been supported chiefly by the heresy of
Calvinism, and he recognised in the success which had hitherto re-
warded his efforts, an intimation from God that he ought to perse-
vere in the course he had entered upon."
A grand step would be gained towards the promotion of his plans,
if he could arrange the investiture of his friend the Duke of Bavaria
as electoral-palatine, and as a recompense for his faithful services ; a
matter upon which they both agreed in secret together. In the
• This library, at the intercession of the Emperor of Austria and the King of
Prussia, was restored to Heidelberg in the year 1815.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
466 CHRISTIAN n^ OF DENMARK— WALLENSTEIN.
aforesaid letter of Ferdinand^ he says: '' If we could gain one more
Tote in the electoral college, we should be for ever secured in our
object of placing the empire in the hands of the CathoHcs, and en-
suring its possession to the house of Austria."
But this step was one of great dan^, as it was likely to bring
upon him the most determined oppomtion of all the Protestants, and
more especially might make an enemy of the electoral house of
Saxonj, hitherto a fiiend so faithful. Nevertheless, Ferdinand ac-
comphshed his wish ; he hastened to summon together the electors
at Ratbbon in 1623, in order to confer the investiture upon Maxi-
milian, and aftier many negotiations Saxony was induced to give its
consent by the concession of Lusatia.
In the same year, Duke Christian of Brunswick was routed by
Ully near Stadlov in Minister, at the moment when he was about
to recommence operations, and thus fortune appeared to realise the
anticipations of tne emperor, and crown his confidence with conti-
nued success. Nevertheless, many links were still necessary to form
the chain of this war.
The Protestants, meantime, considered that they could not remain
inastateof inactive expectation of the fiite to which they mi^ht be sub-
jected, but felt themselves bound to exercise forthvrith the httle enei^
and self-possession still at their command. The first movement was
made in the states of the circle of Lower Saxouy , on the firontiers of
which Tilly, the terror-striking general of the Bavarians, had taken
up his position with his formidable aimy. After having made in
vain their representations for his recall, they took to arms, and chose
the King of Denmark, Christian IV., as Duke of Holstein, for their
commander-in-chief. He promised them considerable aid, and Eng-
land on its part did the same. Christian of Brunswick and Mans-
feld re-app^red, and enlisted troops with English money. Hitherto
the war in Germany, on the Catholic side, had been carried on al-
most wholly by the army of the league ; but as the preparations of
the Protestants became now more extensive, they demanded from
the emperor supplies of troops accordingly. At the same time it
was likewise the emperor's wish to furnish an imperial armjr himself,
in order that the house of Bavaria might not claim the merit of per-
forming every thing alone ; but he was in want of the necessary
means to effect this object, and he was at a loss how to raise and
equip the number of men required. Under these circumstances,
however, an individual presented himself to his notice, who contem-
plated carrying on the war by means of his own resources, and sin-
Sle-handed — similarly to M^nsfeld — and offering at once to re-
eve the emperor from his difficulties, he lost no time in bringing
his plans into operation.
Albert of Wallenstein — ^more properly Waldstein — the descen-
dant of a noble &mily in Bohemia, was bom in the year 1533, in
Prague, of Lutheran parents; as thev died when he was young, he
was sent by a maternal undo to a celebrated convent of Jesuits at
Digitized by
Google
HIS EXTBAORDINART CHAKACTER— BRAVERY. 467
Olmiitz, and was thus educated in the Catholic religion. Later he
tiayelled with a wealthy nobleman from Moravia mrough a great
part of Europe, and became acquainted with Germany, Hol£md,
£ngland, France, and Ital^. The learned companion of the iUus-
triouspair, the mathematician and astrologer Peter Verdunmis (sub-
sequently a friend of Eeppler), encouraged Wallenstein b predi-
lection for astrology, and m Padua he was initiated in cabalistic
lore and the other occult sciences of the stars by Professor Argoli.
A mysterious inclination of his nature led him to this dangerous
study, which at that time was universally pursued, and oocupied
even great minds like that of Keppler ; his soul was lost in its dark
labyrinths; but this much he saw witli the greatest certainty in the
stars, since he intuitiyely felt it, viz., that he was destined to efiect
something extraordinary. An imbounded ambition possessed his
whole soul, and he was conscious of an energy sufficient to cany
the entire a^e with him; whence he regarded as within his reach
the accomplishment of the greatest ent&rmae.
He attached himself to the Archduke Ferdinand, whose firmness
and determination he recognised, and set out in 1617, accompanied
by 200 cavalry, raised at ms own expense, to render him aid in an
expedition against Venice. By way of remuneration Ferdinand
assigned to him the rank of a commander of the militia in Moravia.
During the troubles of Bohemia he aided the Viennese in their
defence against the Bohemians, fought against Bethlen Grabor of
Tranfiylvania, who raised his pretensions to the crown of Hungary,
and mled tibe situation of quarter-master-general in the imperial
forces under Boucquoi, when he, with Maximilian of Bavaria, gained
the battle of Weissenberg near Prague. After this battle he had
another engagement with Bethlen, by whom the imperial generals
Dampierre and Boucquoi had been defeated, made him retreat, and
obl^ed him to accede to terms of peace, and to relinquish his claims
to the Hungarian crown. For these services and at the same time
as an indemnification for the devastation of his estates in this war
and the expenses he had incurred — ^having at his own cost furnished
and supported several regiments — ^Wallenstein received, in 1622, the
territory of Friedland in Bohemia, together with the title of prince^
and later that of duke. In addition to this, he purchased for a
lar^^e sum of money about sixty estates of the Bohemian nobility,
which had been confiscated by the emperor after the battle near
Prague, and thus came into possession of^more than princely wealth.
The duchy of Friedland alone comprised nine towns and fiily-seven
castles and villages. Subsequently, and whilst Tilly was in com-
mand at the head of the lea^e, he lived retired on his estates,
although at the same time he felt much discontented at finding the war
carried on without him. Now, however, when he found the em-
peror was anxious to raise for himself an army, he, as we have
already seen, offered his services to levy troops of his own for the
imperial service, taking upon himself nearly the whole cost. He
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
468 RAISES AN ARMY— DEFEATS MANSFELD.
Stipulated only that he should be allowed to exercise unlimited con-
trol over them, and possess the exclusive power of appointing
officers, and collecting together a force, not of 20,000 but of
50,000 men—as such an army, he said, would soon be enabled
to maintain itself. He obtained, accordingly, the full authority
required, and in a few months afterwards the army was raised and
completely equipped — such was the influence his very name already
produced.
WaUenstein was bom to command; his acute eye distinguished at
the first glance from among the multitude such as were competent,
and he assigned to each nis proper place. His praise, from being
but rarely iSstowed, animated ana brought into full operation every
&culty, whilst his steady, reserved, and earnest demeanour secured
obedience and discipline. His very appearance inspired reverence
and awe; his figure was lofty, proud, and truly warlike; his jet
black hair was cut close above his high and commanding forehead,
whilst in his bright piercing eye was expressed profundity of thought,
combined with gravity and mystery — the chamcteristics of his fa-
vourite studies and researches m the language of the stars, and the
labyrinths of the planets.
He marched with his new army, in the autumn of 1625, through
Swabia and Franconia into Lower Saxony. Tilly withheld from
joining a rival whose ambition he saw was to excel him, and
both conducted the war apart. WaUenstein, after having put to
rout a body of armed peasantry who had attempted to intercept his
march near Gbttingen, advanced to the districts of Halberstadt and
Magdeburg, which had not as yet been subjected to the devas-
tations of the war. The campaign of 1626 commenced with more
serious deeds of arms. Count Mansfeld, who advanced along the
Elbe against WaUenstein, bavins been defeated on the bridge of
Dessau, directed his course with a bold determination towards
Silesia, in order to join Prince Bethlen Gabor, and carry the war
into the Austrian aominions, whither WaUenstein, to his great re-
gret, was forced to foUow him. After a most harassing and difficult
march Mansfeld arrived in Hungary; he was, however, very badly
received there, because he had not brought with him the sums of
money expected by the prince. Pursued by WaUenstein, his
retreat cut off, and without the means of procunn^ suppUes in such
a remote country, he was forced to seU his artUlery and ammu-
nition, and disband his soldiers; and then crossing Bosnia and Dal-
matia, he proceeded with a smaU suite along the road to Venice.
Thence it was his intention to repair to England, in order to pro*
cure the necessary supply of money; but on arriving in the village
of Urakowitz near Zara, his nature, already completely overwhelmed
by the superhuman strugdes and fatigues undergone, finaUy sunk
beneath these heavy trials, and the noble wamor breathed his
last on the 20th of S^ovember, 1626, in the forty-sixth year of his
age. When the dying man felt at length the approach of death,
he had himself clothed in his miUtary coat, his sword buckled on,
DEATH OF MANSFELD— WALLENSTEIN IN DENMARK. 469
and thus equipped, and standing supported by the anns of two
friends, he patiently awaited the final moment of his mortal career.
His remains were interred in Spalatro.
In this same year died likewise his fiiend, Duke Christian of
Brunswick, who was only twenty-nine years of age; and thus
the Protestants were deprived of their best generals. Christian,
King of Denmark, was not able to replace them, for in him was
wanting all that warlike spirit and energy so necessary in a com-
mander; added to this, there was no union between the princes of
the circle of Lower Saxony, and one of whom, indeed, George, Duke
of CeUe, a general of the Saxon army, passed over to the emperor,
whose service he entered. Thence, although Lower Saxony was
much relieved by the retreat of Wallenstein, King Christian was,
nevertheless, not only unable to defend it against Tilly, but he was
completely defeated by him on the 27th of August at Lutter near
Barenberg, in Hanover, and lost all his artillery, together with sixty
ensigns.
In the year 1627, Wallenstein marched back again through Sile-
sia, whence he drove all his enemies before him into the north of
Germany, crossed Brandenburg and Mecklenbiu'g, and with Tilly
entered Holstein, in order to force the King of Denmark to abandon
Germany altogetlier. The whole of that country, with the excep-
tion of a few fortifications, was speedily conquered. Silesia and
Jutland were next invaded and tearfully devastated. The king
was obliged to take refuge in his islands, and some letters of Wallen-
stein even mention that he seriously contemplated causing the Em-
peror Ferdinand to be chosen King of Denmark, having been in-
formed that the states were dissatisfied with their own king. It was
in this same year that Wallenstein added to his immense possessions
the duchy of Sagan and the territory of Priebus in Silesia, which
he purchased of the emperor for 150,000 florins.
Meantime the army of Wallenstein had gradualljr increased to
100,000 men, and tbls mysterious and iucomprehensible man con-
tinued enlisting fresh troops with still greater zeal in proportion as
the numbers of the enemy diminished and disappeared. It was not
known whether it was for himself or for his sovereim that he was
thus paving the way for the attainment of unlimited dominion. The
CSathoHc princes themselves regarded him with suspicion and doubt,
for it became more and more evident that his grand object was to
abolish their league, whilst Tilly especially hated him because he
monopolised for nimself all the fruits produced by their victories.
The princes of Mecklenburg, Pomerania, and Brandenburg, appealed
to the emperor to remove 3ie heavy and oppressive burden of war
firom their lands; but the wiU of his general was more powerful
than that of the emperor himself, and the whole of North Ger-
many obeyed his sligntest nod, and trembled beneath his wrath. He
himself lived in a stvle of pomp and splendour far beyond his im-
perial master, in which example he was imitated by all his officers
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
470 IN MECKLENBURG — ^HIS AMBITION — SIEGE OF STRALSUND.
in proportion; whilst around him thousands of human beings weie
forced to languish in inexpressible misery, and without ezf^gera-
tion, literally died through starvation. In addition to aU this, the
general brought against me emperor a heavy account of the sums
he had advanced out of his own funds for the expenses of the war,
and which he calculated at more than three millions of florins. This
sum the emperor found it impossible to pay, and resolved, therefore,
to seize the territories of the dukes Adolphus Frederick and John
Albert of Mecklenburg, and transfer them into the hands of his
general, in consideration of the debt. Thus Wallenstein was made
a prince of the empire, and whilst on a visit at the castle of Brandeis,
in Bohemia, put into immediate practice the privil^e he now com-
manded of appearing with covered head in the imperial presence.
In vain did the inhabitants supplicate to have their rightful dukes,
whose family had reigned in their dominions for nearly a thousand
years, restored to them, and who^ they said, had not committed
themselves more than the princes of the other provinces in the
circle of Lower Saxony. Ferdinand forgot again, this time, the
laws of moderation in victory, and shamefully violated the con-
stitution of the empire in thus banishing these princes £rom their
territories without legally impeaching them before the electoral
princes, and without givmg them a hearing or pronouncing judg-
ment against them. On the contrary, it was to him^an o^ect of
great importance to secure for himself the presence of a QAtholio
prince of the empire on the coast of the Baltic Sea, who would thus
be enabled to keep in check the north of Germany, and form a
protective power to watch the proceedings of the Protestant kings
of Denmark and Sweden; whilst from this point he confidently
hoped to be enabled to re-establish the CathoUc &ith throughout
the north. He also appears to have contemplated holding complete
dominion over the maritime commerce of the Baltic from this
quarter, for Wallenstein even assumed the titie of admiral of the north
and eastern seas, and it is seen by his letters addressed to Amim,
general in chief of the army in the north of Germany, during
his absence, tiiat the desire he had most at heart was to bum all
the Swedish and Danish vesseb that sailed within the range of his
dominion, and to collect and establish a fleet of his own.
From Mecklenburg Wallenstein now turned his looks towards
its neighbouring territory, Pomerania. The old duke, Bogislaa, was
without any family, and after his death his duAy might be very
conveniently united with that of Mecklenburg. What, however,
was to this ambitious man of the utmost importance, was the posses-
sion of Stralsund, which, it is true, was in the dominion of the Duke
of Pomerania, but which, at the same time, as forming part of the
Hanseatic league, enjoyed many privileges, and an independent ad-
ministration m aU Its internal affidrs. This (city, as well as the
whole country, had contributed very large sums towards the main-
tenance of the imperial troops; and now it was intended to furnish
Digitized by
Google
PEACE BETWEEN DENMARK AND GERMANY. 471
it with a garrison. This the citizens refiised to receive; and in the
spring of the year 1628, Wallenstein gave orders to Gr^eral Arnim
to march a^nst, and lay sieffe to the place. The citizens, however,
defended their waUs with determin^ courage and perseverance,
whilst the kings of Sweden and Denmark lumished them with
liberal supplies of troops, toother with ammimition and provisions
£rom the sea-side. Their oDstinate resistance excited the furious
wrath and indignation of the imperious general, and he exclaimed:
** Even if this Stralsund be linked by chains to the very heavens
above, still I swear it shall &11 !" He then advanced m person
against the city, and repeatedly assaulted it; but he now learnt to
know what the heroic courage of citizens can effect under prudent
guidance; for after having remained before the walls for several
weeks, and suffered a loss of at least twelve thousand men in the va«
lious desperate assaults made, he was forced, to his no little mortifica-
tion, to withdraw without accomplishing his object.
Meantime, the King of Denmark nad demanded peace, which,
contrary to all expectation, the emperor was advised by Wallenstein
to conclude; from which it may be presumed that as he was now a
Siince of the empire himself, he no longer considered it desirable to
estroy further the power of the Grerman princes. The king, through
the mediation ,of the general, made on the 12t}i of May, 1629, in Lii-
beck, a very advantageous peace, and he received back all his lands,
without paying the expenses of the war. But this peace did not add
much to the gTory of the kin^, inasmuch as for his own preservation,
he sacrificed in the dukes of Mecklenburg two fidthfut allies. He
promised not to take any share in the affiors of Germany, otherwise
than as a member of the imperial states, and thus resigned the right
he possessed to protect the two dukes. Wallenstein now received
firom the emperor the investiture of the duchy of Mecklenburg,
and was thus confirmed in his rank among the princes of the em-
pire.
How rejoiced must the peacefully disposed inhabitants of Grer-
many have been, after their long persecution, when they received
the happy tidings of peace I The contest, indeed, coula not now
be contmued any lon^r, for no enemy was left to oppose the em-
peror; whilst the Duke of Bavaria had obtained quiet possession of
the electoral dignity, and that portion of the palatinate which had
been promised to him as an indemnification for his expenses in the
war. The Protestants were now so completely reduced and sub-
dued, that there was no longer cause to diead fresh hostilities
on their part. The war had now reached its twelfth year, and every
year had left behind it fresh traces of the ravages produced through-
out the whole empire, turning flourishing provinces into deserts,
and rendering once opulent citizens beggars and fugitives. The
war, indeed, might now have easily been brought to a termination^
had the victorious p^rty only known when to fix the just limits of
their course, and if the emperor after having thus completely puri-
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
472 THE EDICT OF RESTITUTION — EFFECT — ^AUGSBURG.
fied his states of the new doctrines, and re-established his authoritr
therein with all its original power, had secured reUgious peace in all
its plenitude to all the other independent states of the empire, dis-
banaed his army, and thus have dehvered the reduced and miserable
country from that especially heavy burden. But nothing is more
difficult to the human mind than to restrain itself in its course
amidst prosperity. The Catholic party imagined this was a mo-
ment too favourable for them to neglect, and th^ determined, ac-
cordingly, to draw all the advantages they could m>m the fortunate
state of circumstances in which they were placed. They demanded
of the Protestants the restitution of all the ecclesiastical benefices,
of which they had taken possession since the treaty of Passau, in
1552 : being no less than two archbishoprics, Bremen and Magde-
burg, twelve bishoprics, and a multitude of inferior benefices and
convents. Until this moment, the restitution of what it had been
BO long the acknowledged right of the Protestants to hold posses-
sion, had never been for an instant contemplated; but now, how-
ever, urged on by the Catholics, the emperor published a solemn
edict, known under the title of the Edict of Restitution, dated the
6th of March, 1629. " The Protestants,'' says a distinguished
historian, ** were completely paralysed, whilst the more short-
sighted portion of their adversaries muled it with exultation." The
cause, however, for such exultation produced eventually unutterable
calamity all over Germany.
Under these circumstances, therefore, it was determined not to
disband either of the two grand armies at this moment engaged in
their devastations throughout the empire ; their services were re-
tained in order to bring into effect tne execution of the edict of
restitution, and orders were accordingly issued, that they should
assist if necessary, with the force of their arms, the various imperial
deputies authorised by the government to witness the due accom-
plishment of its decrees. Operations were immediately commenGed,
and the south of Germany was selected as the spot to receive the
first visitation. The city of Augsburg — ^where only shortly before
the treaty of religious peace had been signed — ^was forced, amongst
the rest, to acknowledge the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the bishop^
and renounce the Protestant form of worship, whilst the Duke of
Wurtemberg was obliged to restore all his monasteries. In addition
to all this, the Catholic league, in a meeting which took place in
Heidelberg, made a resolution ** not to restore any of the possessions
conquered oy their arms, whether spiritual or temporal, unless they
were indemnified beforehand for aU their war expenses." Thence
the Protestants were threatened with still greater danger &om the
league partj than even from the emperor himself.
Sut the intolerable tyranny exercised by Wallenstein's army pro-
duced increasing indignation, and excited still more loudly the
complaints and murmurs of both parties, which attained at length
that degree of irresistible power, tnat the emperor could no longer
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
WALLENSTEIN'S ARMY— ITS OPPRESSION AND TYRANNY. 473
shut his eyes against the uniyersal ruin — no respect being shown for
either party, mends, or foes, Catholics or Protestants — caused by
those oyerbcAring, ruthless violators of right and justice. The em-
peror's own brother, Leopold, himself wrote him a long letter in
which he gaye a dreadful and harrowing description of ttie pillage,
incendiarisms, murderous outrages, and other shameful oppressions
inflicted by the imperial troops upon the peaceful inhabitants. Such
testimony overbabmced all the arguments to which, hitherto, the
friends oi Wallenstein had had recourse, and successfully brought to bear
in his defence ; whilst finally, at the assembly of the electoral princes
held in Ratisbon in the summer of 1630, the emperor found himself
oyerwhelmed with petitions from every quarter. " The imperial
soldiers," complained the Pomeranian deputies, '* marched into our
country, and were received as &iends, and yet they have already
exacted from the principaUty of Stettin alone, ten millions of dollars
as acontribution, whilst m spite of this they have nevertheless reduced
to ashes seven of our towns, and completely devastated the whole coun-
try around. And yet in the moment that they were scattering such
dreadful ruin and misery everywhere around, they themselves lived
in such an expensive style, that every captain and even his Ueutenant
exercised more princely extravagance than their own Duke Bogislas
himself. Besides all this, the innkeepers and landlords upon whom
the troops were billeted, experienced the most brutal treatment, and
many men were constantly being murdered in cold blood, and their
bodies thrown to the dogs ; in short, no act of cruelty cotdd be
mentioned or even thought of that these savages had not exercised,
and many hundreds of me wretched inhabitants, in order to prevent
these horrible acts from being inflicted upon themselves, and to
escape from dying through starvation, had committed suicide."
Tnis fiightful picture fliows us the exact nature of the war carried
on by these troop serving for pay, and presents us with a description
of the misery existing at this period of our history : nor in this is there
any exagraration. G^unt Mansfeld, the original projector of this sys-
tem for the promotion of the war, has himself given us his testimony
in a defence he was called upon to make against similar accusations
upon the subject of the licence given to and practised by his own
army : " When the soldiers do not receive their pay," he says, " it is
wholly impossible to maintain them in their discipline. Neither
they themselves nor their horses can live upon air; whilst what
they wear, both in clothing and arms, soon becomes ragged and useless.
Thence they take whatever they can find, although not in proportion
with what may be due to them ; for they neither calculate tne number
nor weigh the amount of the articles they seize. The gate once
red to them, they rush through and proceed to act upon the plan
have laid down with unlicensed fury, and from which they are
not^ to be deterred. They seize upon every thing, they overcome
every thing, and strike down all and every thing that may oppose
Digitized by
Google
474 DISMISSAL OF WALLENSTEIN, 1630.
them. Ll short, it is imposmble to imagine the disorder and riot
thus produced ; for, constituted as the army is of all nations, thej all
vie with each other in their exercise of the most monstrous acts. The
German, the Netherlander, the Frenchman, the Italian, and the Hun-
garian, each contributes something peculiar to his own nation in vio-
lence and cruelty, as well as in cunning, deceit, and invenldon. I
am aware of this, and have, I confess, even been forced to witness aU
these infamous acts, whilst mj heart has grieved at the sight. But
what is to be done ? It is not enough to know and deplore these
things ; if we wish to remove the evil, we must adopt such measures
as will ensure strict discipline in the army, but which cannot exist
unless the troops receive their pay regularly."
Ferdinand could no longer resist the unanimous voice of complaint
thus urged, and as now the whole body of princes insisted that Wal-
lenstein — whom they all hated without exception — should be deprived
of the chief command, and more especially as at their head Maximi-
lian of Bavaria expressed himself most warmly in favour of it, the
emperor, afler some hesitation, save his consent, and yielded to their
wishes. It was, however, sIm left to be seen whether or not the
proud and mighty chief would obey the summons : to the surprise of
all, however, ne did so. His astronomical calculations appeared to
have produced their tranquillising efiects, and mollified his haughty
q>irit. *^ He b^ no means complained against or reproached the
emperor," he said calmly to the imperial deputies, Count Werden-
berg and Baron Questenoerg, '^ for tine stars had already indicated to
him that the spirit of the Mector of Bavaria held its sway over that
of the emperor ; but," he added, ^* in discharging his troops, his im-
grial majesty was rejecting the most precious jewel of his crown."
e now withdrew to his duchy of Friedland, establishing his seat of
government at Gitschen, which he considerably enlarged and beauti-
fied. This dismissal of WaUenstein took place in September, 16dO.
Such of the imperial troops as did not recdtve their discharge,
joined those of the league, and the united anny was placed under
the command of Tilly.
Digitized by
Google
GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS OF SWEDEN, 1630—1632. 475
CHAPTER XXIV.
Oustayiu Addphiu, King of Sweden, in Gennany 1630-1632— Hifl Character—
SlotiTes and Flans in fayour of Frotestantiam — StraLnind — Gostayua declarea
War against Ferdinand:— Lands with his Army in Pomerania— Stettin— The
PkDtestant Princes hesitate to join Gustams— Oiistrin and Spandaa-~The
Elector of Brandenborg— The Elector of Saxony— Siege of Magdeburg— Count
TIDj— Conquers and bums the City— Dreadful Massacre— Gustavus and 'nily—
Battle <tf Leipsic— Defeat of the Imperialists— Glorious Besults to Gustavus—
Sunender of the Chies — Ingolfltadt— Tilly woonded— His Death— Munich—
Fragoe— Ferdinand and Wallenstein— Begal Splendour of WaUenstein— His Pa-
lace—Be-assembles an Army for the Emperor — Eztraragant Conditions — ^Ap-
pointed Generahsslmo— The Camp of Nuremberg— The Swedish and Imperial
Armies— GustaTus in Saxony— Battle of Liitaen, 1632— GustaTUS killed— His
Death rerenged by the Swedes— Total Defeat of Wallenstein— Portraiture of
GustaTUS Adolphus.
The power of the Protestant piinces had now become much weak-
ened, and the edict of restitution was carried into effect generallj.
Those who knew the character of Ferdinand might easily foresee what
were his designs against the new church, and it was scarcely neces-
sary to question whether or not his grand object was to annihilate its
entire existence, for the proceedings adopted throughout the empire
clearly showed what its party had to expect. But amidst this grow-
ing danger, and indeed almost in the very moment itself when the
mmds of the Protestants, as they behela the crisb gradually ap-
proaching, had sank into that state of despondency and settled
^loom, which the sad succession of events must naturall^r produce,
they received, most unexpectedly, assistance &om a nation mtherto but
little known, and living in uninterrupted seclusion within the fron-
tiers of their northern territory. This people — ^the Swedes — ^were
nevertheless distinguished for tneir bravery, whilst they were stead-
&8t and&ithful in their religious principles, being the descendants of
the Goths, the noblest of all those nations most justly entitled to boast
of their Gennan ori^. In the year 1611, Ghistavus Adolphus suc-
ceeded to the Swedish throne, and he it was who was destined to lead
his people upon the grand scene of this event&l period. It was this
firm conviction, so deeply implanted in his mind, hj which Ghistavus
felt inspired to undertake the mighty contest against the powerful
house of Austria.
Opinions equally contrary and inconsistent have been pronounced
upon the character of this great monarch, because, living at a period
when party spirit raged so furiously, it was not to be expected that
his actions could un&rgo a more impartial review than those accom-
plished by his contemporaries. On the one hand he has been re-
garded cmly as a conqueror, compeQed by the excitement produced
by burning ambition to cross the ocean in order to vanquish foreign
lands, which he sought to effect more securely under the cloak of
Digitized by
Google
476 CHARACTER — MOTIVES — ^PLANS.
religion, and whence he was enabled to conceal his desire for 'war;
and again, on the other hand, he has been viewed only as an enthusi-
astic champion in the cause of his faith, whilst the existence of all
the ambitious motives attributed to him, and by which his adver-
saries have insisted he was alone influenced, has been denied, and the
charge thus made condemned. In either case there is a mixture of
truth and &lsehood. Ghistavus was by no means influenced hy a
feeling of ambition which in its usual sense means the vain passion
of personal and selfish glory, although assuredly the love for that
reputation which is inherent in all men, and which in the mouths
ol people adorns the object with immortal life, occupied likewise
a space within his heart; neither, on the other hand, was it solely in
order to rescue his fellow Protestants in Grermany that he took up
arms, although faith and piety exercised sufficient influence over his
soul to inspire him to fight in such a cause. Both these motives, how-
ever, acted in concert together upon his mind, united by another
law of his nature — that which inspired him with the feeling and
conviction of being destined to perform a conspicuous part in that
eventful epoch of the history ot the world. He felt he was called
upon to lead forth fix)m their seclusion and obscurity his noble peo-
ple— ^who, although limited in number, were inferior to none in
courage and virtue — and to place them in the ranks of the other
nations of Europe. Hitherto, in connexion with the other states of
Europe, Sweden's position had been similar to that of Macedonia be-
fore Phillip and Alexander in the ancient world, and as subsequently
that of Russia was, previous to Peter the Great, in modem history ;
and as the lives of tnose great men can only be thoroughly compre-
hended when they are viewed in connexion with the historical mots
alluded to, so likewise in the same point of view must the life of
Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden be regarded. For although this
monarch left behind but very inconsiderable results when placed in
contrast with those effected by the sovereigns with whom we have
compared him, it must, at the same time, be remembered that he was
snatched away by death at the age of thirty-eight years only, and at
the very moment when he had commencea to lay the foundation of
his grand work.
His great plan was immediately demonstrated in the first moment
of his appearance upon the scene. Previous to the war in Grermany
he had already conquered from the Russians and Poles the provinces
along the coast, Insria, Carelia, and Livonia, together with a por*
tion of Prussia. Various important motives compelled him now to
take a share in the affairs of Germany. He had been very seriously
provoked and mortified by the Emperor Ferdinand; his intercession
in favour of the Protestants and his cousins the dukes of Mecklen-
burg, as well as his mediation for peace with Denmark, had been
treated with ^reat contempt, and disdainfully rejected; whilst, in
addition to this, Wallenstein had even sent 10,000 imperial troops
to the aid of the Poles against him. Beyond all wese causes
Digitized by
Google
DECLARES WAR, AND LANDS IN GERMANT--HIS ARMY. 477
of compkint, however, which might perhaps still have been peace-
fully adjusted by negotiation, his presence was summoned by ihe
danger which now hovered over the Protestant church, and the fear
he entertained lest, in the person of Wallenstein, a fresh power might
usurp the coast of the Baltic Sea, and thus strengthen and extend
the cause of Austria and Catholicism.
The danger to which the city of Stralsund was exposed had al-
ready, as we have before shown, produced his co-operation in &vour
of that place. He not only yielded to its wishes in this respect, but
formed an alliance with it, by which it placed itself under his pro-
tection, and it was indebted to the succour he afforded especially for
its preservation when besi^ed by Wallenstein. Now, however^
when he beheld that the cause of rrotestantism was menaced more
seriously than ever throughout the whole of Germany, he took the
decisive step, and formally declaring war against the emperor, he, on
the 24th of June, 1630, landed on the coast of Pomerania with
15,000 Swedes. As soon as he stepped upon shore, he dropped on
his knees in prayer^ whilst his example was immediately followed by
his whole army. Truly he had undertaken, with but small and
limited means, a great and miffhty enterprise !^
When the emperor was inlormed of nis landing, he, in his feel-
ing of confidence, inspired bj his continual success, appeared to
treat the affitir with so much mdifference that the news had no in-
fluence whatever in the dismissal of Wallenstein, which just at this
moment formed the subject of discussion in the diet of Ratisbon.
All the Catholic partj throughout the empire turned the fact of the
arrival of the petty kmg of the north, as they termed him, into ridi-
cule, and styled him, in contempt, the snow lang, who would speedily
melt beneath the rays of the imperial sun. But these 15,000 men
constituted an army of heroes, a phalanx of hardy warriors, belong-
ing as it were to another world; their ranks were regulated by strict
discipUne and religious principles, whilst those opposed to them knew
nothmg of war but its barbarism, and that licentious exercise of its
worst passions which under no circumstances would be curbed or
submit to reason. The imperialists were a mixture of all nations and
creeds, and bound together by no other ties but those of mutual
warfare and pillage ; the Swedes, on the other hand,were strengthened
in the confidence they felt that God fought on their side, and to
Him they offered up their prayers regularly twice a day, each re^-
ment possessing its own chaplain. Besides this, the inventive gemus
of Gustavus IukL introduced the exercise of some new military tactics
in his army; and in this he may bear comparison with many great
men of antiquity, inasmuch as he surprised his enemies by the
novelty and boldness of his positions, order of battle-attacks, and
thus he was soon enabled to tnrow all those who, still adhered to the
old system, into confusion. Hitherto they had made a practice of
forming their line of battle ten rows deep, but Gustavus reduced it
to six in the infantry, and four in the cavalry; whence his little army
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
478 THE PROTESTANT PRINCES HESITATE TO JOIN HIBL
cained conaiderablj in extension, and was more easy and lapid
m its moYements when in battle; whilst the balls from the enemy's
artillery committed less damage among their ranks, thus less denaelj
crowdal. The Swedish troops, especially the foot-soldiers, were
likewise less heavily supplied with armour and other aoeoutr^ents,
by which they were enabled to fire off their muskets with much
more ease and despatch, and which were constructed too of &r
lighter materials than those of the imperialists.
The imperialists, whose forces were by no means strong in the
vicinity of the coast, were soon driven out of Riigen and the smaller
islands at the mouth of the Oder, and Grustavus now marched against
Stettin, the capital of the Duchy of Pomerania. The duke, who
was both old and timid, would not venture to decide upon joining
the Ejng of Sweden, and yet he could not resolve to oppose hinu
After long hesitation, during which Grustavus used every means of
persuasion in firm but mild and consoling language, he at length sur-
rendered to him the city, which the king intended at once to convert
into a principal military dep6t during the war.
The Protestant princes of the empire, like the Duke of Pome-
rania, appeared quite imdetermined how to receive tiieir new ally.
The king had invited them all to unite and form one grand alliance;
but many felt too much a&aid, and dreaded the vengeance of the
emperor: others a^ain were jealous of all foreign dommion in case
of success, whilst tne rest felt disposed rather to remain faithful in
their allegianoe to the empire and government, than to risk any
change wnatever. Gustavus was by no means pleased with the
disposition thus shown: '^ We Evangelists," he said, in his address
to the inhabitants of Erfurt, ^' are pkoed in a pomtion similar to a
vessel when in a storm. In such a moment it does not suffice for a
few only to labour with zeal for the general safety whilst the rest of
the crew look quietly on with their arms folded; all ou^ht to woik
together, and each ought to assist with all his might m the par*
ticular part assi^ed to nim." The Protestants, however, poss^sed
no such spirit of union, neither did they cherish that conscientious*
ness of purpose so necessary. As usual they were divided among
themselves by jealousy and prejudice. The palatinate was entirely
subjected; and Saxony, which for a length of time had kept aloof
from the Evangelists, and at times, during the period of the pala
tineas influence, had even adhered to Austria, was now vadllating
between its dread of Austria and a foreim prince. George Wil-
liam, the Elector of Brandenburg, a weak prince, was guided by
his minister Schwarzenberg, who was opposed altogether to an
alliance with Sweden. Amongst the petty princes, of whom many
were in truth much more determined, but were at the same time
dependent upon the power of Austria, there were only two who
joined the kmg, the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel and the Duke of
Saxe- Weimar. The others, together with Saxony and Bran-
denburg, held a meeting in April, 1631^ at Leipsic, and resolved to
Digitized by
Google
THE ELECTOR OF BRANDENBURG — ^MAGDEBURG. 479
zaise an army for thexnselTes in defence of their temtories against
any attack, whether proceeding from the Swedes or Austrians. The
emperor, who perceived clearly that the grand struggle must be
decided by the sword, and would not for a moment entertain the
idea of submitting his will to the diet, commanded the immediate
dissolution of the Leipsic alliance, and commenced forthwith dis-
arming all the princes and cities in the south of Germany forming a
portion thereof.
The King of Sweden, now reinforced by a large number of
enlisted troops, advanced with rapid marches direct through Pome*
lania, and completely beat and put to flight the whole of the im*
perialists before him. The latter in their retreat devastated the
country^ pillaged all the towns, many of which they burnt, and ill*
treated and murdered the inhabitants. This dreadful war now re-
sumed all its horrors. The Swedes^ so steady and strict in their
discipline, appeared as protecting angels, and as the kinff advanced,
the belief spread far and near throughout the land, tnat he was
sent from Heaven as its preserver.
Ghistavus was desirous to march in security step by step, and not
to leave any fortified place in his rear; whence, after he had carried
by assault Frankfort on the Oder, which contained a garrison ox
8000 imperialists, he desired the Elector of Brandenburg to sur-
render into his hands the fortified towns of Custrin and Spandau.
The latter, although related by marriage to Gnstavus, who had mar-
ried his sister, hesitated; but the king marched on towards Berlin,
and invited him to a conference on the plain between Berlin and
Cospenik. Here^ however, the prince still continued to hold out,
when, at lengthy the king exclaimed with warmth: *' My road leads
to Magdeburg — at this moment closely besieged by Tilly — ^whither
I must hasten, although not for my own advantage but solely for
that of the Evangelists. If none, however, will lend me their aid,
I will fi^ee myself firom all reproach and return to Stockholm; but
bear in mind, prince, that on the last day of judgment you yourself will
be condemnea for refusing to do aught in the cause of the gospel, and,
perhaps, even in this world you may receive the punishment due from
feod. For if Magdeburg be taken, and I withdraw, imagine to your-
self what must happen to you!" This appeal produced its eifects;
the elector surrendered Spandau into his hands at once. The distance
thence to Magdeburg was but short, and the inhabitants of that hard
pressed city were most urgent in their prayers for assistance ; imhap-
pily, however, Gustavus lound it quite impossible to cross the Elbe
in face of the enemy so as to proceed by the direct road. Accord-
ingly he requested permission from the Elector of Saxony to pass
through his territory, his object being to proceed to Wittenberg;
but the prince refused to grant the accommodation desired. Whilst,
however, the king was engaged in endeavouring to prevail upon the
elector to accede to his request, the dreadful, fatal day of conquest
arrived — and the devoted city was lost
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
480 COUNT TILLT— CONQUERS AND BURNS MAGDEBURG.
The city of Ma^ebur^, which, from the commencement, had con*
tinued to distin^mah itself for its zeal in the cause of the Protestant
faith, was likewise the first in the list to throw itself into the aims
of the preserver of relirious liberty. They urgently invited him to
direct his march towards the Elbe, and promised not only to throw
open their gates to him, but enlisted at once a number of soldiers for
his service; whilst Gustavus, who perceived the great importance of
such a grand depot, accepted their ofiers with eagerness, and lost no
time in endeavouring to meet their wishes. Tilly, however, who was
equally aware of the advantage to be derived by his adversary from the
occupation of such an important place, used all diligence to make him-
self master of it before the king s arrival. He commenced the si^e
in the month of March, 1631, seconded by General Fappenheim, a
braye and determined officer. In the city itself there were only two
hundred Swedes, under the command of Melcher of Falkenberg,
whom Gkistavus had shortly before despatched as commandant of the
dty; but the inhabitants, full of courage and religious zeal, united
in defending the place with determined perseverence. They had
even erected two strong entrenchments in front of the dty walls,
which, in testimony of their undaunted resolution, they styled
Trutz-TiUy (defiance to Tilly), and Trutz-Pappenheim (defiance to
Pappenheim).
But in the meantime, unhappily, the want of provisions increased
the distress with each succeeoing day more and more, for the old
general left no means untried to bring them to a surrender. Their
only hope now was in the succour they expected to receive from the
king, wno, they knew, was close at hand; and on the 19lli of May,
when the thunder of the enemy's artillery ceased, and the guns were
actually wheeled awajr from the trenches, they firmly believed their
deliverer had now arrived. This, however, was onnr the signal for
their destruction, and the prelude to preparations that were being
made hj the iron- hearted general for the final assault he had now
determined upon making. In the silence of the night the scaling
ladders were all fixed ready, and the attack ordered to be made at
five o'clock in the morning. The sentinels on the walb having
kept watch until the dawn of day, now finding all quiet, and as they
unsuspectingly thought, every thing secure, retired to get a brief
half hour's repose.
Shortly afterwards the dreadful, fatal hour struck. The signal
for the assaidt was given, and the division of the imperialists under
Pappenheim scaled that portion of the wall next to the new town,
ana the artillery again thundered forth against the walls, which
here and there were now soon shattered to pieces. The enemy speedily
succeeded in mounting the ramparts, and whilst the brave com-
mandant, Falkenber^,was hastening to the most dangerous part, he was
shot dead. The terrified citizens, now deprived of tiieir commander,
and completely deadened with the sound of the roaring cannon, aban-
doned their walls and hurried to their homes. Many were mad
Digitized by
Google
H6tAlBLE SCENES OF CRUELTY— GUST A VU8 AND TILLY. 481
enough to imagine tliat they would be enabled to defend themselyes
more securely there, and fired upon the enemy from their windows,
whilst the females themselves hurled stones and other missiles from
the roofs of the houses. But this only served to increase the rage of the
imperialists, and neither mercy nor pity was shown. Men, women,
children, the aged and the young, all were massacred ahke, the very
in&nts at the breastof their mothers, being seized, stabbed, and hurled
into the flaming mass beside them : a scene of horror which these
monsters in himian shape continued from ten o'clock in the morning
and during the whole day until night. Every possible cruelty, and
torments of every descnption were put into practice on this direful
day — the insatiable imperialists devoting all their energies to the
performance of their sanguinary and destructive work. It is related
that a few of his officers, touched with a Utde remorse, repaired to
Tilly who had remained in the camp, and inquired whether he
would not, perhaps, give orders to dose the scene of pillage and
murder? But he replied: '' No, no; let them go on for another hour,
and then come to me again. The men must have some reward for
the danger and fatigue they have undergone."
By ten o'clock in the evening, nothing more was left of this an-
cient and magnificent city but the cathedral, one sohtary convent, and
a few stray nshermen's cabins on the Elbe; all else was reduced to
cinders and ashes. More than twenty thousand human beings pe^
rished, either by the sword or in the names, and when, two days af-
terwards, the cathedral was opened, more than a thousand miserable
beings were found heaped together, who, having taken refuge there,
were now sinking and dying around from starvation and mental
a^ony. Such as were still to be saved, Tilly supplied with food;
his wrath was now appeased, but all glory and good fortune, hitherto
so faithful to him, abandoned him from this day, and his name
henceforward was never pronounced without a malediction.
After the conquest of Magdeburg, Tilly was very desirous of
having a drawn battle with the King of Sweden, for nis troops suf-
fered much in that ravaged district from want of supplies; Gustavus,
however, considered he was not yet in sufficient force to risk a meet-
ing, and he continued to keep himself entrenched in his camp of
Werben, in Altmark. He was, Ukewise, extremely anxious to re-
store his cousins, the banished Dukes of Mecklenburg, to their here-
ditary possessions. Accordingly, he furnished them with the neces-
sary quantity of troops with which they re-conquered their domi-
nions, and made their solemn entry in their town of Gustrow, in
which Wallenstein had previously established his court residence.
The king heightened the interest of the grand festival given upon
the occasion by attending it in person, and he ordered that every
mother with a suckling child should attend in the open square, and
that each infant should receive some of the wine there generally dis-
tributed, in order that the children of their children might for ever
remember the day of the return of their own legitimate princes.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
2l
482 TB£ ELECTOR OF SAXONY— BATTLE OF LEIPSICf 1681.
TSijj meantime, now turned his eyes tQwards the rich proTOioes
of Sazonj which had hitherto escaped the devastatian of war,
and in the yioinitj of which he had now taken up his pomtion.
At the same time, however, it was certainly an act of injustice and
ingratitude to inflict the burden of war upon the Elector of Saxony,
who had shown so much fidelity towards the house of Austria; but
lilly very soon found a pretext for such proceeding. He referred
to tne imperial decree, which ordered that all the members of the
Leipsic league should throw down their arms; and, as he found that
the elector, in spite of this command, still continued on the de«
fenrive, he immediately marched into Saxony without even maVing
any declaration of war,^ and taking possession of, and pillaging the
cities of MersebuTff, Z^, Naumburg, and Weissenfels, ne advanced
to Leipsic itself. This unjust act of violence effected more than all
the persuasive eloquence of the king might have produced, for the
elector threw himself immediately, and without any reserve, into
his arms, concluded with him a firm and definitive alliance, offen*
sive and defensive, and joined him with his army at Diiben on the
3rd of September, 1631.
On this same day, the imperial general made his attack upon
Leipsic which had closed its gates against him, and he took posses-
sion of it the next day; but tne king now advanced with his united
forces to recover the city, and the day had at length arrived on which
the decisive trial was to take place between the old and hitherto un-
conquered general of the emperor, and the royal and youthful hero of
Sweden. Gustavus who knew how necessary it was, that he should
succeed by a grand action to secure and command the confidence
of Germany based upon his genius and good fortune, felt deeply the
importance of this day, and wavered in his determination. He still
doubted the prudence of staking the fate of the war upon a single
battle ; for there was too much reason to believe that the loss of wis
action must put an end to all his hopes on that side of the ocean,
whilst it would produce the ruin of the electors of Saxony and Bran-
denburg, together with the complete and final destruction of the
Protestant church throughout the whole empire.
The Elector of Saxony, however, who coidd no longer endure to
behold his coimtry thus demolished by the hands of a pitiless and
ruthless foe, urged the kin^ in the most forcible language to give
battle, and Gustavus accordingly yielded and marched on to Leipsic.
The two armies met in the fields of the village of Breitenfeld, on the
7th of September, 1613, and there fought the decisive battle.
Gustavus divided the Saxons from the rest of his troops, and posted
them on his left wing, for as they were only recently enlisted^ he
could not put entire trust in them. The cannonading on both sides
commenced about mid-day, and the shots told with tar greater pre-
cision and consequent effect amongst the crowded ranks of the
imperialists than on the other side; and, in order to put an end at
once to this opening scene of destruction, the right wing of the im-
Digitized by
Google
THE IMPBRIALIST8 WITHDRAWN — TRIUMPH OF GU8TAVUS. 483
perialisti fell upon the Saxons with 8uch force that they weie soon
overthrown and put to flight, when, having partially rallied again
at »ome distance from the scene of action, uiey re-assembled round
thdir elector, who had withdrawn to Eilenburg where, according to
Chemnitz's account, he fell iato a state of despondency. *
At the same moment that this first attack was made, Pappenheim,
who was distinguished as the best cavabist of his day, with the
iUte of his cavalry, threw himself upon the right wing of the
Swedes, in order to break through their Une. Here, however, he
found himself opposed by an invulnerable wall; seven times were
his attacks repulsed by the brave Swedish general. Banner. Tilly,
who had abandoned the pursuit of the Saxons, now directed his
attack upon the exposed flank of the Swedes; but, here again, the
royal hero promptly turned his efforts in good time against the old
warrior, whose troops were forced to expend all their fury in vain
against the invincible firmness of tiieir Swedish adversaries. The
imperial general found himself completely puzzled and put out of
his way by this new order of battle; the system was entirely
changed, and against all expectation the confidence he usually
placed in all his plans and odculations now deserted him for the
first time; he found he had to deal with a superior genius, and
whilst he was thus struck with embarrassment and mortification,
Gustavus availed himself of this moment of hesitation, and making
an attack upon the enemy's artillery, took possession of it, and turned
the muzzles of the guns against the imperialists themselves.
This moment was decisive; the ranks of the enemy fell into dis-
order and were put to route ; 7000 were left dead on the field of
battle, and l^Uy himself was in great danger of his life. He was
pursued by a captain of the Swedish cavalry, who struck him seve-
ral times upon the head with the handle of his pistol ; but was him-
self shot dead by an imperial officer who came to the rescue of his
distressed leader. The sexagaiarian general escaped, at length, with
several wounds, and, completely eadiausted in body and spirits,
reached Halle, where he was j'oined bv Pappenheim, who was tiie
last to quit the field, having killed with his own hand, as Tillv re-
lates in his bulletin of the battle, fourteen of tiie enemy. Of all his
own brave squadrons of cavalry, formerly so dreaded, he had now
only a small troop left.
This victory proved for Gustavus the grand foundation upon
which was based his great reputation as a warrior throughout Ger-
many, and firom that moment was excited that veneration — almost
amounting to adoration-«*for his person and character. For this
^M a period, as in all extraordinary epochs of history, when, pro-
P^riv speaking, public opinion was all-powerful ; wnen the faith,
(confidence, respect, and enthusiasm produced in the minds of the
people by the actions of one man, were sufficient to establish him in
their favour, and whoever knew how to avail himself of this moral
force must be certain of success. All now turned towards the star
2 I 2 Digitized by Google
484 THE CITIES YIELD TO GUSTAVUS— DEATH OF TILLVi
thus ascending from the north; and he was enthusiastically received
by zealots both in religious and superstitious faith. Prophecies,
miracles, and dreams, were all made to refer to the great (xustavus;
and wherever he appeared the Protestants received him as their de-
liverer, with indescribable transports of joy, and truly, during the
whole period of the world's existence, the royal presence of a jdng
was never so gratefully honoured and reverenced as was that of the
heroic and n(n)ly bom champion of the Rrotestant faifh, Gustavus
Adolphus of Sweden.
Gustavus possessed a glance too keen and comprehensive not to
perceive and fully understand the power which was now contri-
buting all possible strength to his cause; and, although formerly he
exercised the greatest and most anxious caution in the steps he
took, marching his armj slowly through the country, and securing
his safe retreat by makmg himself master of all the fortified places
in his route, he now pressed boldly onwards through the empire,
his progress presenting one triumphant march. Proceeding through
Thuringia and across the Thuringian forest, he arrived in Fran-
conia, and thence continued his course to the Rhine; where, having
fixed his quarters during a short winter's rest, he resumed his pro-
gress, and, returning to Franconia, marched on direct to Bavaria.
The most important cities fell into his hands, some after a alight
resistance, ana most of them yielded themselves voluntarily, includ-
ing Halle, Erfurt, Wurzburg, Frankfort, Mentz, Nuremberg, &c.
Tmy, whose army was now so reinforced, that he found himself at
the head of a much more numerous body of troops than the king
himself had under his command, nevertheless would not venture to
oppose his march; for since the battle of Leipsic he found it im-
possible to recover that confidence within himself which, imtil then,
he had always had at his command.
The Elector Maximilian of Bavaria, having, however, sum-
moned him to march to his aid in order to protect his own here-
ditary estates, the old general advanced to the river Lech, in the
passage across which he was to oppose the ki^g, and to assist in which
object Maximilian himself joinea him near Rain. But Chistavus,
before whom every thing now yielded, surmounted likewise this
obstacle. After a vigorous cannonade, the imp^al army being forced
to quit the position it had taken, the king crossed the river and
marched in pursuit of the enemy. But in the early part of the action
Tilly himseli' was struck in his right knee by a cannon-ball weigh-
ing three pounds, and fell from his horse; he was conveyed to In-
golstadt, followed by Maximilian. Thither, aft^er he had taken and
E laced a garrison in Augsburg, Ghistavus repaired and immediately
lid siege to that town. The garrison defended the place bravely,
and the king himself narrowly escaped, his horse bemg shot dead
and overthrowing its royal rider. Tilly, although sinking fasty still
encouraged the garrison to the last; he died twenty-five davs after
he received his mortal wound, in the seventy-third year of Lis age^
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
GUSTAVUS IN HUNICH--THE £MP£EOR AND WALLENSTEIN. 485
He was a stem, iron^liearted man, who made a merit of boasting
that he had never once known the feeling of love or affection; at the
same time he was of a firm and incorruptible character, and a good
general. In personal appearance he bore a great resemblance to the
I>uke of Alba, under whom he had served in the Netherlands. He
-was of middle height and very thin; his eyes were large, but their
expression, together with the contour of his whole coimtenance, in-
dicated the stem and ri^d nature of the man. He was the descendant
of a noble family in Liege.
The Swedi^ king raised the siege of Ingolstadt and marched to
Munich, which trembled at his approach. The inhabitants, and
the Bavarian people generally, in their hatred against the Swedes,
had treated many of that nation with great cmelty, putting them
to death and then mangling their remains; by whicn inhuman con-
duct they had excited the greatest indignation in the king. Never-
theless, he received the deputies of the city graciously when tliey
presented the keys to him: " You have done well," he said, " and
your submisfflon has disarmed me. I should have been justified in
making an eicample of your city in revenge for the unhappy fate of
Magdeburg; however, fear nothing, depart in peace, and fear not
for your nropeaiy or religion. My word is more valuable than all
the signea capitulations in the world."
The greater portion of the Bavarian territory was now in the
hands of Gusiavus, and the elector was forced to seek refuge in Ba-
tisbon.
The Saxons, meantime, agreeable to the plan of war drawn up by
Gustavus, had marched into Bohemia, under the command of Field-
marshal Amim — who had quitted the serviceof the emperor and passed
over into that of the Elector of Saxony — ^and very easily made them-
selves masters of Prague, which was but slightly defended; there,
on the 11th of November, 1631, the elector made his solemn entry.
Thus that single battle of Leipsic snatched firom the hands of the
emperor the entire fruits of a twelve years' war, and he now saw him-
self threatened even in his own patrimonial estates; this was a
crisis for which he was by no means prepared, and which came upon
him like a clap of thunder. In such a critical moment he, with his
council, saw but one means of extrication, and this was the recall of
that proud and ambitious man, Wallenstein, who, offended and in-
dignant at being dismissed from the imperial service, now lived in
mortified retirement brooding on the past. No other was now left
who could venture to enter me lists against the powerful king ; no
other who was capable of again raising an army for the emperor*s
service.
But the task of winning him over to the imperial cause, seemed
now more difficult than ever. Ho lived upon his estates in Bohemia
in a style of luxury truly royal, and appeared to bid defiance to
emperor and kings; and it was thus the millions he had gained in
the war enabled him to live His palace in Prague was erected with
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
486 PRAGUE— WALLENSTEIN'6 PALACE— THE ARMY.
royal m&gnificence, and which even at the present day bears the atamp
of its onginal character. Whilst his enemies congratulated them*
selves upon having reduced him to this condition of a private indi*
vidual, he had his own figure represented in fresco on the walls of
the state saloon of his palace, by artists whom he procured from Italy
and Germany, in the character of a conqueror seated in a triumphant
car borne along by four znilk-white steeds, whilst over his laurel-
crowned head was placed a star. Sixty pages, each of noble fiunily,
in their rich costume of blue and gold velvet, attended upon him, and
some of his officers and chamberlams had even previously served the
emperor himself in the same rank they held under Wallenstein.
Three hundred horses of choice breed filled his magnificent stables,
and the assemblies in his palace rivalled in character the impetial
court itself, for he was always visited by the most distinguished men
of the day, too eager to seek and enjoy intercourse with such ex-
traordinary genius. Outwardly he observed the greatest ease and
tranquillity of manner, but internally he was still agitated with burn-
ing ambition. He had beheld the progress made by Gtistavus with
inward joy, because therein was satiated his revenge against the
emperor and the hated Elector of Bavaiia, and all eyes would soon
agam be directed towards him as the only fiiend in need. And in
reality, as he expected, the imperial deputies did arrive.
Wallenstein received them coldly, and it was only afler b^g most
urgently pressed by them that he yielded the promise to raise lor the
emperor an army of 30,000 men ; but he would not en^a^ to take
the command of it. And now the mighty man sent torm his fol-
lowers in all directions to erect his recruiting standard. Thousands
rallied around it, for it had ever led to pillage and fortune; and in
this stormy age it was easier to gain a livelihood in war dian in the
workshop or behind the plough. The heavy horsemen under Wal*
lenstein received each nine florins monthly pay, the light cavalry six,
the infantry four, besides daily rations of meat, bread, and wine. The
30,000 men were collected together abeady by March in iiie year
1632 ; but he alone who had raised them was capable of conducting
them.
Of this the emperor was well aware, and he accordingly submitted
to the incredible degradation ofpermitting Wallenstein to dictate to
him the following conditions: ''TaeDukeofFriedland,Grenerali8simo
of the emperor, shall have the supreme command of the whole arch-
ducal house, and of the crown of opain without any limitation what*
ever (in absolutissima forma) ; neither the emperor, nor King Ferdi-
nand (son of the emperor, whom the adverse party would fain have
made general-in-chief) shall appear in person with the troops ; to
secure the remuneration of his services he shall receive as a guarantee
a portion of the Austrian patrimonial estates, and with it he shall be
entitled to exercise an exclusive and irresponsible control over the
conquests he shall make in the empire, and command the privily of
conferring distinctions as he may deem best Mecklenburg or some
Digitized by
Google
THS STIPULATION— RE-APPOINTED GENERAUSSIMO. 467
Other mdeinnification shall be made over to him duiinff peace, and
during the war, if neceaeary^ he shall be at liberty to (Sioose any of
the hereditaiy provinces of die empire for his seat of retirement."
Clothed "mth such — almost imperial — power Wallenstein again ap-
peared upon the stage, increased nis army to 40,000 men, conquered
Frague once more on the 4th of May in tne jear 1632| and with little
difficulty expelled the Saxons from Bohemia.
The Elector of Bavaria, who, in the meanwhile, was sorely pressed
at home, applied to Wallenstein in the most ursent terms for help^
which the latter, appearing to enjoy thoroughly nis distress and hu*
miliation, for a long time hesitated to afford ; at length, after the
elector had engaged to comply in an imq ualified manner with all his
instructions in the conduct of the war, he sent him an invitation to
join him at Eger, intending thence to make an advance upon Nurem-
berg, one of the most considerable places of defence the king pos^
sessed. But Gustavus who perceived the design, anticipated him, and
made his appearance quite tmexpectedly with an army near the city,
which he intrenched, being vigorously aided by the devoted and en-
thusiastic inhabitants, whose youth filled the ranks of his army, and
thus he was prepared for the enemy. The latter advanced and likewise
made an intrenchment on the heights of Zimdorf and Altenberg, in
view of the Swedish encampment. Both parties had formed the plan
of forcin? each other by famine and disease to leave their strong-
hold. They maintained this position eleven weeks, and neither wou£l
stir. But the distress of the whole surrounding country had now be-
come very great ; every thing was consumed and laid waste. In Wal-
lenstein's camp aione, in ad(£tion to the larse army itself, tliere were
about 15,000 servants and attendants upon Uie baggage, and an equal
number of women whom he had permitted to follow their husbands^
together with 30,000 horses, which had been employed chiefly in
removing the immense quantity of baggage. The licentiousness of
this vast multitude increased daily, for mey subsisted upon rapine and
plunder. In Gustavus's army, likewise, strict order was no lon^
maintained as at first, it being now considerably increased by recruits
and Gkrman auxiliaries. These he could not restrain as he wished^
although he adopted the severest measures for that purpose. The dis-
order however was produced mainly through their own leaders, who
were negligent of all discipline. The pious mind of the king was sorely
pained and indignant when he heara of the outrages perpetrated by
Ids troops upon the poor inhabitants of ihe country. He called the
leaders together, sharply rebuked them, and exclaimed : *' They
made him so miserable, that he was weary of having^ longer any
thin^ to do with such a perverse set." Unfortunately his eye could
not be everywhere, and the mischief had already become too deeply
rooted. Tde then resolved to bring this undecided and ruinous state
of afl^rs to a conclusion by making a daring attempt. On the 24th
of August he stormed the heights of WiUlenstein, but found the
undertaking too formidable ; tiie most determined courage ayailed
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
488 THE TWO CAMPS— THE BATTLE OF LUTZEN, 1632.
nothing against these fastnesses defended by their thundering artilleiy ,
the king was therefore obliged, after serious loss, to give up the as-
sault. He waited fourteen days longer in his encampment, and as
Wallenstein still continued immoveable, he retired and returned to
Bavaria on the 8th of September, marching with sounding trum-
pets past the enemy, who would not venture to attack him.
Wallenstein now abandoned his encampment likewise, set fire to it,
and unexpectedly formed the resolution of carrying a determined war
once more into northern Protestant Germany ; he marched at once
for Saxony, and his approach was indicated by carnage and confla-
gration. The king hastened to afford relief, and reached Naiunburg
on the 11th of November. The people welcomed him as their guar-
dian angel, gathered around him as ne entered, and kissed his feet.
A sad misgiving possessed his soul at this excessive veneration:
'* Our cause is good," said he to his chaplain Fabricius, " but I fear
that God will punish me for the folly of these people. Does it not
seem as if these people were actually making an idol of me ? How
easily could that God, who abases the proud, cause them and myself
to feel, that I am nothing but a feeble and mortal man."
As just about this time the weather was intensely cold, and the
king had intrenched himself near Naumburg, Wallenstein did not
deem it advisable to commence hostilities before the spring, and
despatched Count Fappenheim to the Rhine with instructions, first of
all to drive the Swedes out of Halle and the contiguous town of Mo-
ritzburg. Gustavus immediately took his departure, advanced to
Weissenfels, and in the evening of the 15th of November took his
position in front of Wallenstein's army near Liitzen. Both made
immediate preparation for battle, and the imperial general sum-
moned Fappenheim, who was still engaged in the siege of Moritz*
buig, to return with all possible speed.
Tne king spent the cold autumnal night in his carriage, and ad-
vised with his generals about the battle. The morning dawned^
and a thick fog covered the entire plain; the troops were drawn up
in battle array, and the Swedes sang, accompanied by trumpets
and drums, Luther's hynm: *' Eine feste Burg ist imser Gott," ^A
mightj rock is our God) ; together with the hymn composed Tby
the kmg himself: " Verzago nicht, du Hauflein klein," (Fear not
thou little flock). Just after eleven o'clock, when the sun was
emerging from :behind,the clouds, and after a short prayer, the king
mounted his horse,. placed himself at the head of the n^ht wing,—
the left being conducted by Bernard of Weimar, — and cried, '* Now,
onwards ! May our God direct us ! Lord ! Lord I Help me this day
to fight for the glory of thy name !" and throwing aside his cuirass
with the words : ** God is my shield !" he led his troops to the front of
the imperials,': who were well intrenched on the paved road which
leads from Liitzen to Leipsic, and stationed in the deep trenches on
either side. A deadly cannonade saluted the Swedes ; many here
met their death, but their places were taken by others, who leaped
Digitized by
Google
DKATH OF GUSTATUS, 1632— DEFEAT OF WALLEN6TEIN. 489
over the trench, and the troops of WaUenatein made a retreat. In
the meanwhile, Pappenheim had come up with his cavahry from
Halle, and the battle was renewed with the utmost fury. The
Swedish in&ntry fled in trepidation behind the trenches. In order
to render them assistance, the king hastened to the spot with a com-
pany of horse, and rode in iull speed considerably in advance to des-
cry the weak points of the enemy; a few of his attendants only, and
Francis, DukeofSaxe-Lauenburg, followed him. His shortsightedness
led him too near a squadron of imperial horse; he received a shot in
his arm, so that he nearly fell to the ground powerless ; and just as he
was turning round to be led away from the tumultuous scene, he re-
ceived a second shot in the back. With the excUunation : *' My God !
my God !" he fell from his horse, which had likewise been shot in the
neck, and han^ng by the stirrup he was dragged some distance along
the ground. The Duke of Lauenburg abandoned him, but a faithfm
page, Leubelfin^, endeavoured to raise him up; the imperial horse-
men, however, snot him also, killed the king with several wounds,
and completely plundered hun; the page died of his wounds five
days ai\;er at Naumburg.
The corpse of the king was so much trampled upon by the hoofs
of the horses that it was quite disfigured. His bleeding horse re-
turning without its rider, conveyed to his friends the sad news; this
kindled in their breast a feeling which thirsted for revenge, and
under the leadership of Duke Bernard of Weimar, who with heroic
firmness now rallied and cheered on the troops afresh, they apdn
pushed forward over the trenches and rushed upon the ranks of the
enemy. These could no longer make resistance; Piccolomini, al-
ready covered with blood, mounted his fifth horse, and Pappenheim,
who had fought nobly, fell mortally woimded by a ball. Many
fled, and disorder prevailed: ** The battle is lost, Pappenheim is
dead, the Swedes are upon us !" was the cry. Wallenstein gave
orders to sound a retreat. A thick fog, together with night com-
ing on, prevented the Swedes, no less than their own weariness,
from making pursuit; they spent the night on the field of battle,
and kept possession of the imperial artillery. Wallenstein marched
with the remains of his army to Bohemia, although he had formerly
determined to winter in Saxony* Thus the issue unequivocally
declared the Swedes victorious, although Wallenstein represented
the battle as undecided, and the emperor ordered a Te Deum to be
sung in all his cities.
Cm the following day the Swedes made a search for the body of
their beloved king, among the thousands which covered the wide bat-
tle-field; they found it, at length, among many others, so disfigured
bv the hoofs of the horses, and covered with the blood issuing from
eleven wounds, that they could hardly recognise it. It was carried
to Weissenfcls, and thence by the desire of the queen, Maria Elea-
nor, who bad followed her consort to Germany, attended by weep-
Digitized by
Google
480 FORTRAITUBE OF OU8TAVU8 ADOLPHUS.
bag muldtadesi it mtbib removed to Stockholm where it Wis in-
terred*
The collar, alao saturated with blood, and which the king had Worn
in battle, was brought to the Emperor Ferdinand at Vienna ; it is said,
that when he saw it he shed tears, by which he did honour to his
fidlen enemy and himself. Ferdinand's soul was great enough to ad-
mire heroism even in a foe.
Thus, in the thirty-eighth year of his life, in the midst of a career
of victory, was Ghistavus Adolphus called away; the preponderating
influence of his mind gave another character to the constitution
of Germany and the progress of our development. He had already
conceived the idea ofgetting himself nominated King of Rome, and
his desim, the extent of which is known to none, may alao have com-
prehended other countries of Europe. He often expressed his asto- .
nishment that the present age did not produce generals like those of an-
tiquity; and when he was told that uie altered character of the wea-
pons and tactics of war, and the existence of strong fortifications were
the cause, he replied : " The diflference is not in the nature of the wea-
pons, but in the degeneration of men ; if we could again meet with the
heart of an Alexander, the courage of a Hannibal, and the enterprising
spirit of a Geesar, we should see renewed the deeds of Alexander, the
conquests of Hannibal, and the successes of Caesar." Such lofty con-
ceptions of human life, such a thorough acquaintance with the agen-
cies which govern theworld, andwith nistory,didhe possess; and who
will venture to determine what limits a mind like this had prescribed
to itself? A contemporary, whose judgment may be regarded as im-
partial, Goimt Gkleazzo Gualdo, a Venetian and a Catholic, who spent
several years in the imperial as well as in the Swedish armies, describes
the personal and mental qualifications of the kingthus : '' Oustavus was
tall, stout, and of such a truly royal demeanour, that he universally
commanded veneration, admiration, love, and fear. His hair and beard
were of a light brown colour, his eye large, but not fer-sighted.
War had great charms for him, and from his earliest youth honour
and glory were his passion. Eloquence dwelt upon his tongue (he
spoke — m addition to the German, the native language of his mo-
tner — ^the Swedish, Latin, French, and Italian languages); and in
discourse he was agreeable and lively. There never was a general who
was served with so much cheerfulness and devotion as was Ous-
tavus. He was of an affable and friendly disposition, readily ex-
pressed commendation, and noble actions were mdelibly fixed m his
memory; on the other hand, excessive politeness and flattery he
hated, and if any person approached him in this way, he never
trusted him."
He was severe against all the excesses of the soldiery, and was
greatly concerned for the security of the citizens and peasantry.
When, after taking a Catholic town, some sought to induce him to
treat the burghers with harshness, and to give them new laws, he
Digitized by
Google
POftTRAimBB OF QUSTAVUB ADOLFHUS. 491
made answer: ^* The city is now mine, and no longer the enemy's.
I am come to loosen the fetters of freedom and not to rivet them
afresh. Let them live as they have lived heretofore; I give no new
laws to them who know how to live as their religion teaches." ** In
dealing with Protestants and Catholics he made no distinction. His
maxim was, that every one is orthodox who conforms to the laws,
and to keep men from going to hell was not the calling of princes,
but that of^the ministers of religion.*'
Thus he carried out these sentiments during his stay at Munich,
as well as on other occasions. On Ascension Day, in tne year 1632,
he went to the chapel of Our Lady, to be present at a mass cele-
brated with all the solemnity of the Catholic worship ; he then visited
the college of the Jesuits, replied to the rector's Latin address in the
same language, and conversed with him for nearly an hour on the
subject of the Lord's Supper. Li magnanimity and liberality of
sentiment he occupies a position strikingly in advance of his gene-
ration, no less for the respect he paid to tlie religious feeling of
others, however it might differ in form from that which he con-
scientiously preferred, than for the homage he paid to ^eatness and
truth in general. How natural it was that the affections of man-
kind should be gained by a character like this, by the side of such
narrow-minded and prejudiced rulers of the day as Ferdinand 11.,
Maximilian of Bavaria, or even the well-meaning but weak John
George of Saxony ! Besides Ghialdo, other CathoUo writers, such
as Ehevenhiiller, Riccius^ Burgus, &c., do not conceal their venera-
tion for Oustavus Adolphus.
The monument of uustavus Adolphus in Germany was for a
long time a mere stone landmark, placea in the battle-field of Lut2en,
upon the spot where he feU; more recently, however, an admirer
of his character has erected in the same place another plain but
more worthy memorial.
Digitized by
Google
492 CONTINUATION OF THE WAB, 1632— -1636.
CHAPTER XXV.
Ckmtinuation of the War, 1632^1635 — Chancellor Ozenstieni— WaUenstein*s In-
actum— Ckmrt Martial oyer his OfiSoera— Military Execations— Ooant of Thani
taken Friaoner and released by WaUenstein — The Emperor's Bemonstrance
and Wallenstein's Beply— The Swedes in Bayaria— WaUenstein withholds As-
sistance-—Prohibits his OfScers from obeying the Imperial Commands — ^Filsen —
lifilitaiy Council and Compact between WaUenstein and his OfBoera-~Coanta
Terzka, lUo, and Ficoolomini— The Emperor Diyests WaUenstein of all Com-
mand— ^Italian-Spanish Conspiracy against WaUenstein — Piccolomini marches
against WaUenstein — ^WaUenstein negotiates with France and Sweden far his
Seryioea— The Crown of Bohemia oflfered to him— Betreats to Egw— The Siqiper
in the Citadel— Murder of Counts Terzka, Bio, and Kinsky by Deyeroux and
Geraldin — Assassination of WaUenstein, 1634— His Estates confiscated— Suc-
ceeded in Command by Ferdinand, King of Bome— The Battle of Nordlingen—
The Elector of Saxony— Feace of Fraiue, 1635~~Dreadfol Condition of Ger-
many— Cardinal Bichdieu and ChanceUor Ozenstiem — ^French and Swedish Al-
liance against the Emperor— Inglorious Character of the War— Death of Ferdi-
nand n., 1637.
It now became a question whether or not the Swedes, after the
death of their king, would continue to carry on the war. If they
did not, the Protestant allies had good reason to be apprehensiye that
WaUenstein would visit them with a heavy retribution. The
Swedish council, however, to whom the guardianship of Christina,
the daughter of Gustavus, was entrusted, resolved to continue the
war which might entitle Sweden to some of the provinces of Ger-
many, and the late kind's friend, the Chancellor Axel Oxenstiem was
determined to fill his place; a man whose comprehensive and pru-
dent mind knew how to hold the strength of his party together.
Nevertheless, he had not the suavity and generous magnanimity of
his late master. The electoral princes, especially Saxony, found it
irksome to yield obedience to the dictates of a Swedish nobleman,
and although he succeeded in uniting the Protestant states of the
four upper circles: Swabia, Fianconia, and the Upper and Lower
Rhine in the treaty of Heilbronn in the spring of 1633, it was soon
manifested, by the indecision of some, the opposition of others, and
the want of union amongst the leaders of the army, that the genius
of Gustavus Adolphus no longer presided over the whole.
WaUenstein alone, whose genius surpassed all others, raio;ht have
availed himself of this moment of doubt and hesitation by bringing
the war to a decision, and making the emperor triumphant, but he
was occupied with other cares, and remained in a state of incompre-
hensible maction. After the battle of LUtzen he summoned a court-
martial, in order to remove from his own shoulders all responsibiUty
for the loss of that action, and as he possessed the power of life and
death over all those under his orders, he forthwith condemned several
of his generals and superior officers to the axe, and adjudged a great
Digitized by
Google
WALLENSTEm AKD HIS ARMT— BATARU. 493
number of private soldiers to be bung; finally, be ordered more than
fifty names of absent officers to be nailed to tbe gallows in Prague,
as those of traitors and cowards. He then enlisted fresh troops, ie»
placed his artilleiy by melting down the bells of the churches, and
was soon in possession of an arm^ equally as powerful as his former
one. Instead, however, of directing his marcn through the imperial
states, and advancing a^nst the Swedes under Gustavus Horn and
Duke Bernard of Weimar, who were masters of the frontiers of
Germany, he marched on to Silesia, where such a large army was
not at all required, and negotiated with the Saxons for a length of
time upon the subject of a separate treaty of peace, afler he had
abeady concluded an armistice with General Aniim, in command of
the Saxon army. At the same time, according to the subsequent
accusations brought against him, he endeavour^ to ascertain what
amount of indemnification the enemy would allow him in case he
went over to their side, for he had long since believed to have
read in the stars that it was his destiny to reign and hold unlimited
sway as king. Meantime, in order, h^ more active proceedings, to
Erevent the emperor from suspecting ms intentions, he attacked the
laxons and Swedes, and drove them out of Silesia, taking misoner
the oldCountof Thum, the originator of the war. The whole ofVienna
was in a state of excitement, and fully expected that the man they
so much hated would be led through their streets as the most cul-
pable of all those connected with the dreadful scenes of the revolu-
tion ; Wallenstein, however, to the astonishment of all^ gave him his
liberty, and when he was remonstrated with by the emperor for re-
leasLDS his prisoner he replied: '^ What use was I to make of such a-
fool? 1 wish the Swedes possessed no better generals than this Thum,
for at the head of the Swedes he will do more service for the im-
perial cause than he could if in prison."
During this interval Bavaria was very hard pressed by Horn and
Bernard of Weimar, and, ur^ed by the elector's earnest demands for
aid, the emperor had already repeatedly sununoned his general to
march to the relief of that country. Wallenstein, however, delayed
doing so for a considerable time; at length he advanced slowly
through Bohemia, arrived in the upper palatinate and marched back
again into Bohemia, where he fixed his winter quarters. He gave
strict orders to all his generals, in command of distinct divisions of
the army, under the most severe penalties, not to obey the orders of
the emperor; and when the latter caused a Spanish army to march
from Italjr into Germany without placing it under the orders of
Wallenstein, and even commanded that a portion of the grand army
should be detached from the main body in order to form a junction
with the Spanish division, the Generahssimo complained loudly and
indignantly at this violation of the treaty made between himself and
the emperor.
Wearied with these mortifications, and tormented by his attacks
of gout, to such an extent that he was obliged to have pieces of raw
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
4M CONSPIRACT AOAIKST WALLKmmiN— HIS DECLARATION.
jdeah out out of ihe excoriated foot, he lesolyed to Teeign the sapieme
conmuiad; but he was detenoined to do bo in such a manner as to
place himself in a position to command the fulfihnent of the promises
oiigumlly made to him. He endeayouzed, therefore, to attach the
leaders of his army stiU more closely to himself, and to that end
summoned them all to assemble, at the commencement of the year
1634, at Pilsen. It was by no means difficult for him to gain them
oyer to his exdusiye interest, for it was upon his promise, and in the
hope of being completely indemnified through his recommendation,
that they had all raised and equip|)ed regiments at their own expense,
and, in some instances, staked their whole fortune. K, therefore, he
fell, they were in danger of losing all compensation. Consequently^,
on the 12th of January, 1634, forty superior officers, haying at their
head, Field^marshals Hlo and Count lerzka, assembled at a dinner
— at which, howeyer, through seyere illness, Wallenstein himself
could not preside — and entered into a solemn compact " to adhere
fiuthfully to the duke in life and death as long as he should remain
in the emperor's service, or as lon^ as the latter should require his
services in the war;" and they at tke same time made him promise
them ** to remain with them for some time longer, and not to with-
draw from the supreme command without their priyity and consent."
Field-marshal Ficcolomini, who subsequently betrayed his general,
attached his signature to this agreement, likewise, with the rest
Wallenstein^ enemies ayailed themselyes of this certainly im-
portant circumstance to brins him more and more imder the em-
peror's suspicion, and carriea out their designs to such an extent as
to make Ferdinand resolye, at length, to diyest him of the supreme
command, and to transfer it into the hands of Gkdlas. It is not to be
at all doubted but that an Italian-Spanish conspiracy was firmly es-
tablished against Wallenstein in the imperial court, and which was
joined by 3ie Elector of Bayaria, who continually complained, in
most bitter terms, against the general. The principal agent in these
secret proceedings was an Italian, Colonel Caretta, Marquis of Ghana.
These intrigues against Wallenstein were conducted so secretly —
the Emperor Ferdiimnd himself being in actual correspondence with
Jlim on official business twenty days subsequently to that of the 24th
of January, when he had issued the instrument for Wallenstein^s dis-
missal — that the latter only first learnt it when Gallas, Hcoolomini,
and Aldringen published their ordinances, in the name of the em-
peror, in which they interdicted all the leading officers of the army
from accepting further orders &om Wallenstein, Elo, and Terzka.
WaUenstem drew up immediately a solemn declaration, ragned by
himself and twenty-nine of his generals and colonels, in Hlsen, in
which it was stated that the compact entered into between himself
and officers on the 12th of January, contained nothing whateyer that
was hostile to the emperor or the Catholic religion. He also de-
spatched two officers to the emperor with the declaration that he was
ready to resign his office of Generalissimo, and would appear to jus-
Digitized by
Google
FATALSUPPBRINTHEGITADE]>-^WAI«LISNSTBIK'SIfUBDER. 495
iify hinuelf before any tribunal the emperor might be pleased to ap-
pomt. These two omcers, however, were met and detained on the
road by Hcoolomini, and the message they bore only reached the
emneror after the death of Wallenstein.
Rccolomini marched with his own troops affainst Pilsen, and Wal-^
lenstein was obliffed to withdraw to the citadel of Eger, of which the
commandant, Colonel Gordon, was especially attached to him from
motives of gratitude for &vours he had conferred upon him. Here,
three days previously to his deaths having too much reason to feel
assured of the hostUe intentions of his enemies, he was impelled by
necessity to seek for aid from the Duke Bernard of Weimar, who
was now encamped in Ratisbon, and whom he urgently requested to
advance with some of his troops towards the Bohemian frontiers.
It is historically proved that Wallenstein's brother-in-law. Count
Kinsky, banished from Bohemia on account of his Protestant faith,
was in treaty with the French ambassador, Feuqui^res, for the en*
gagement of his relative's services in the cause of France and against
the emperor, and that Cardinal Bidielieu promised Wallenstem the
orown of Bohemia as a recompense; and, according to the Swedish
writers, similar negotiations were carried on with uieir party. But
no written document, nor any direct act of Wallenstein himself cor-
roborate these statements or prove that he did charge Count Kinsky
vrith the execution of such commission, whilst both the French and
the Swedes remained to the last moment in doubt whether or not
Wallenstein was merely playing with them in order to gain their
confidence. At the same time it is not unlikely that this extraor-
dinary and incomprehensible man, anticipating the probable loss of
the emperor's fevour, was desirous not to refuse altogether the propo*
aitions of the enemy, but rather to hold this resource m reserve in case
of being again overturned, as he was before at the diet of Ratisbon.
WaUenstein quitted PUsen on the morning of the 22nd of Fe*
bruary, borne along in a litter, and suffering excruciatingly icora
the gout; he was accompanied by only ten followers, including Co-»
lonei Butler, by whom he was subsequently murdered ; and at the
end of the second day's journey he reached Eger, taldng up his
quarters in the house of the burgomaster, Pechhelbel, in the market- ,
place. On the following evening, Terzka, Illo, and Kinsky proceeded
to die citadel to sup with Colonel Gordon, the commandant. Whilst
they were dining, thirty dragoons, commanded by Captains Deve-
roux and Geraldm, suddenly burst into the hall firom the anti-room
in which they had been waiting, and, falling upon their victims,
Sierced them to death ; not, however, before Terzka, who bravely
efended himself, had killed two of the band of assassins. Imrne*
diately after this murderous act, Deveroux proceeded with six dra-
goons to complete the sanguinary plot by assassinating Wallenstein
hbnself. It was now midnight, and the duke had already retired to
rest. Having, however, been roused by the shrieks of the Coun-
Digitized by
Google
496 HIS SStAteS COKrHteAtED— ftATTLfi OF NOttfiLtNti^.
tessefl Terzka and Einsky, who had just learnt the fate of their htis*
bands, he rose, and opening the window, asked the sentinel what
had happened? At the same moment, Deverouz forced open the
door oi the chamber, and, rudiing n}>on him, exclaimed, as he stood
at the window: '' Death to Wallenstein !" The latter, without utter-
inga word, laid bare his breast, and received the &tal blow.
TDius sUent and reserved to the hour of his death, all the profound
and mysterious thoughts and sentiments of his soul remained hid-
den from the world, and a veil of obscuri^ was cast over his whole
life and actions. He was one of those men whose deep-laid plans
and motives it was impossible to fathom, and of whom little or no-
thing can be said in explanation of their views or ideas.
After his death his elstates were confiscated, and a great portion
of them were transferred as a reward into the hands of his enemies,
and even to those by whom he had been murdered. Grallas received
the duchy of Friedland, Piccolomini had the piincipalitjr of Nachod,
whilst Butler, and the actual assassins, were rewarded with others of
his estates and large sums of his money. The major part of his pos-
sessions, however, was retained by the emperor hunseE The value
of Wallenstein's landed property alone was estimated at fifty mil-
lions of florins. His widow received the principality of Neuscbloss;
and his only surviving child, Maria Elisabeth, became shortly after-
wards the wife of Count Caunitz.
In order to justify Wallenstein's assassination, a lengthy docu-
ment was drawn up by the especial command of the emperor him-
self, containing all the accusations brought against the duke, and
which, for a lonj^ time, continued to convey uie most false and un-
just ideas and opinions of the character of that extraordinary man.
After the death of Wallenstein, Ferdinand, King of Rome, and
son of the emperor, obtained the chief command of the imperial
army, and fortune opened the commencement of his career witn the
most brilliant success. After having followed the Swedes beyond
the frontiers of Bavaria, he overtook them near Nordlingen, in
Franconia. His own army was composed of the most choice troops,
and augmented bj 15,000 Spaniards ; whilst that of the Swedes
was by no means m a state of union and discipline. The command
was divided between General Horn and Duke Bernard of Weimar;
the more experienced and prudent council of the former chief, in
anticipation of defeat, opposed giving battle altogether, whilst the
more young and daring spirit ot the latter insisted upon making a
stand, and receiving the enemy's attack. Accordingly the action
took place on the 6di of September, 1634 ; but the reduced num-
ber of the Swedes, their bad position, the disimion existing, between
the leaders, and the misunderstanding and confusion arising there-
from, combined altogether to act against them ; and, in spite of
all their coun^, they, after a combat of eight hours, were com-
pletely defeated and nearly cut to pieces. Twenty thousand of their
Digitized by
Google
MISERABLE STATE OF THE COUNTRY— RICHELIEU. 497
troops were either slain or made prisoners, and amongst the latter
yfBB General Horn himself, whilst Duke Bernard with the remnant
of his army retreated towards the Rhine.
This battle might have proved as favourable in its results for the
Catholic party as that of Leipsic had been for the Protestants. The
Swedish power seemed annihilated in Germany, and this produced
at once the secession of the Saxons from the Swedes. Their elector,
John George, had for a length of time beheld with pain and morti-
fication the province of Lusatia continue in the hands of the imperial*^
ists, and apprehended that he should not only never recover that, but
perhaps might lose still more; accordingly, m the spring of 1635, he
made peace with the emperor at Prague. He received back Lusatia,
together with a portion of the province of Magdeburg and full
li oerty of religious worship for forty years. The Evangelical portion
of Germany was extremely irritated against the elector, but seve*
ral other states soon followed his example and made terms with the
emperor, such as : Brandenburg, Mecklenburg, Weimar, Liineburg,
and others ; and it appeared as if this sanguinary war would find its
termination by the enervation of the factions. In truth, imhappy
Germany, wmch had been overwhelmed by warriors from almost
every part of Europe, presented a sad and mournful picture at the
present moment ; everywhere the land devastated, the population
irightfully diminished, the cornfields trodden down or uncultivated,
the towns laid waste^ and piles of ruins and ashes, where formerly
blooming regions had everywhere greeted the eye. What had es-
caped the sword, was destroyed by famine, misery, and disease, whilst
the pen itself refuses to describe the horrible extent to which the san-
guinary and cruel scenes of this war were carried.
In such a state of general distress and misery, when the German
states everywhere showed an inclination for peace, and the emperor
himself was disposed to revoke at lesust a portion of the Edict of Res-
titution— as he had already proved by his treaty of peace with the
Saxons — the oppressed nation felt at length some foundation to hope
iJiat the period when its sufferings would terminate was close at
hand.
But once again did the fatal hand of destiny, which during so many
years had already collected over us so many clouds of disaster, repeat
Its withering blow. The French minister, Richelieu, had long ob-
served with secret satisfaction the misfortunes of the house of Austria,
and of the empire generally. The French government regarded it
as the most wise and prudent motive of state policy « to torture,
and execute, on the one hand, the Protestants of France through-
out the entire kingdom ; whilst, on the other, it lent its aid
to those of Germany, and thus rendered that faith a means by
which it might serve to conceal its thirst after conquest. The
moment had now arrived when the cardinal thought he was able to
vend the services of France at a dear rate. Accordingly he offered
them to the Chancellor Oxenstiern, stipulating for the fortress of Phil-
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
498 OXENSTIERN— DEATH OF FERDINAND IL, 1637.
lipsburg on the Rhine as a recompense ; whilst, at the same time, he in*
dicated that his designs extended to the still more important territory
of Alsace. This was the first time that foreigners had eyer ne^tiated
for the frontiers of our country. With this treaty between Richelieu
and Oxenstiem affairs assumed at once a character both ignoble and
degrading; for from that moment the Swedish minister sought only
to transfer a portion of Germany to his own nation. They lound in
Duke Bernard of Weimar, otherwise a brave and noble prince, the
arm so desirable to second their measures, more especially as he him-
self was anxious to gain possession of a province on the Rhine. Ac-
cordingly, a powerful and well equipped army was soon collected with
French money, and placed under the duke's orders, with which he
marched against the imperialists and Bavarians, and fix>m this mo-
ment the Rhenish provinces became the scene of war, being pillaged
and devastated the same as those alonc^ the Oder, Elbe, and Weser,
had been previously. The Swedes, nowever, possessed likewise a
brave and active general in Field Marshal Banner ; and reinforced
by French troops firom Sweden, he marched in all haste from Pome-
rania* — ^whither the remnant of his army had fled after the battle of
Noidlingen — against the Saxons, now the allies of the emperor, and
on the 4th of October, 1634, gave the elector battle at Wittstock,
near Mecklenburg, and completely defeated him.
This war, however, from this moment, only presents a continuation
of gloomy and disheartening scenes; for wanting, as it did, a leader
of noble genius, and uninfluenced, as its agents were, by motives of a
worthy and honourable nature, its whole character assumed an ignoble
and mercenary stamp. The royal hero, whose elevation of soul shed
a brilliant lustre over all around him, and who was inspired by his
religious faith, combined with the glory and honour of his nation, was
now no more ; the impenetrable, mysterious, and all-powerful general,
who alone could venture to make a stand against the forces of Swe-
den, had also been snatched from the realisation of his dark projects;
whilst those who now had the command of the imperial armies,
although brave and not without distinction, were only second in
rank of genius, and wholly incapable of aspiring to the elevated
thoughts and feelings of their predecessors. Li this war it was
egotism alone by which the ]^arties were swayed; consequently,
however remarkable its operations may appear, they must still be
regarded in the light of ordiiiary events.
The Emperor Ferdinand himself, who ranked amongst the most
distinguished spirits of his age, now also disappeared from the great
scene of contention without living to witness its termination, and
died on the 15th of February, 1637, aged fifty-nine years, after
having had the satisfaction of seeing his son Ferdinand unanimously
acknowledged, at the diet of Ratisbon, as his successor.
Digitized by
Google
FERDINAND lU., 1637—1657 —DUKE BERNARD OF WEIMAR. 499
CHAPTER.XXVI.
Ferdinand IIL, 1637 — 1657 — Continuation of the War— Duke Bernard of Weimar
on the Rhine — His Death — Cardinal Richelieu — The Swedish Generals — ^Banner
— Torstenson — ^Wmngel — ^Negotiations for Peace — Tedious Fro^^^ss — ^French and
Swedish Claims of Indemnification — ^Humiliation and Dismemherment of the
Empire — Territorial Sovereignty of the Princes — Switzerland — The Netherlands
— ^ilnal Arrangement and (>ndu8ion of the Peace of Westphalia, 1648.
In the year 1637 and 1638, Duke Bernard of Weimar pursued
his -victorious career along the Rhine; he surprised the army of the
league at Rhinefeld, attacked and overthrew it, taking prisoners
four generals, including the brave leader, John of Werth, and Rhine-
feld, Rciteln, and Friburg, surrendered to his arms. But the chief
object of his wishes was to gain the important fortification of Bri-
each, which he was anxious to make the princi]pal seat of his domi-
nion along the Rhine. He accordingly laid siege to it, and once
more defeating the Catholic army which came to its relief, he con-
quered that stronghold after it had become completely reduced by
ramine and disease, and caused himself to be solemnly acknow-
ledged by the inhabitants as their ruler. But he remained only a
short time in the enjoyment of his conquest ; for just as he was
about to prepare for another expedition, he was seized with sudden
illness, and died on the 18th of Juljr, 1639, in the thirty-sixth year
of his age, being the yotmgest of eight equally brave and warlike
brothers. He himself decliured his belief that he was poisoned, and
his chaplain at once confirmed this suspicion in the sennon he
preached over his remains. K this was, indeed, the case, the act
can be attributed to no other source but France, for immediately
after the duke*s death, the army was visited by several Frencn
agents who negotiated for the services of the army, which they pur-
chased for large sums, together with all the places in its posses-
sion. Three regiments of Swedes alone refused to sell themselves
to the French, and they marched out of the place with beat of
drum and unfurled banners to join the main body of their army;
and thus Brisach was conquered for the French by the valour of
Ae Grerman troops.
Already in the year 1636, the appeal made by thousands of those
luihappy Deings who suffered so much from the disasterous state of
the country, lor that peace so much wished by all, had at lengtJi
produced some effect, and some attempts were made for this purpose ;
but Richelieu was far firom wishing for pacification, inasmuch as war
made France an indispensable ally, and the hostile views of its state
policnr were promoted by seeing Germany cut to pieces by its own
people as well as foreigners. Still, in the year 1640, fresh and more
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
600 CONTINUATION OF THE WAR— THE SWEDES.
serious attempts were commenced to establish peace, and in 1643 the
ambassadors of the various powers assembled in Munster and Osnaburg.
These negotiations, however, continued during a space of nearly
five years; whilst, meantime, the war was carried on with all its san-
guinary results.
Banner, the Swedish general, died in the year 1641, at Hal-
lerstadt, after he had committed dreadful devastation in Bohemia
and other lands. He sent to Stockholm more than 600 standards he
had captured from the imperialists; but although he possessed talents
as a leader, his heart was cruel and without the least mercy, and his
campaigns were attended with more bloodshed and oppression than
all the others during this war. Whilst he was quartered in Bo-
hemia, there were often more than 100 villages, smaU towns, and
castles, burnt during the night; and one of his principal officers,
Adam Pfuhl, boasted that he had, with his own hands, set on fire
about 800 different places in that unhappy country. And when
soon afterwards, on an expedition he made against Thuringia, this
same officer felt his end approaching, and desired the last services of
a minister of religion, such was the wasted and forlorn state of
the country, that none could be found within the distance of many
lei^es.
Banner was succeeded in command by Leonard Torstenson, who
although so weak in body that he was always forced to be carried in
a litter, was nevertheless the most active and talented of all the gene-
rals in this war. He commenced, in 1642, by invading Silesia,
attacked and defeated Francis Albert, Duke of Saxe-Lauenburg —
the same general at whose side the great Gustavus fell at Liitzen, and
who had now gone over to the Austrians — and conquered Schweid-
nitz. Thence ne marched on to Moravia, took Olmiitz, and made
Vienna itself already begin to tremble. Disease in his army, how-
ever, forced him to retreat; but in the autumn of this year, he at-
tacked the imperial general Piccolimini at Leipsic, who had followed
him in his retreat, and completely overthrew him. This was the
greatest battle fought in this last period of the war; Piccolimini
having lost 20,000 men, forty-six pieces of artillery, and nearly two
hundred ensigns.
In the beginning of the following year Torstenson resumed his
march through Moravia, advancing as far as Olmiitz, so that his light
cavalnr approached the vicinitj of Vienna; and then, whilst it was
thought he was occupied in this quarter, he suddenly appeared, as if
by ma^ic, hundreds of miles distant on the coasts of the i3altic Sea, in
Holstem and Schleswig, the territories of the King of Denmark.
These territories, which had long continued untouched by the
destructive arm of war, presented the Swedes with every thing va-
luable and desirable wherewith to enable them to fix their winter
quarters there; whilst it was easy to find a pretext for making war
with Denmark in the jealousy with which tniat kingdom had dways
regarded the victories gained by the Swedes. Accordingly, in the
ensuing spring of 1644, the Swedes, who had received considerable
THEIR SUCCESSES— NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE. 501
reinforcements, advanced a^ain into Gennany, attacked and com-
pletely overthrew the imperial army under Gallas, and in the spring
of the succeeding year, 1645, Torstenson defeated the imperial
troops, under Generals Gotz and Hatzfeld, at Jankau, in Silesia,
which he entirely destroyed ; Gcitz himself fell, mortally wounded,
Hatzfeld was taken prisoner, and the whole of the ammunition and
provisions fell into the hands of the Swedes. The victorious army
now marched through Moravia, and advanced to Vienna itself, and
had not the city of jBriinn, by its most obstinate and heroic defence,
arrested the progress of the Swedish general, there is little doubt
but that capital must have been taken. But his army was so much
reduced by disease before the walls of Briinn, that Torstenson was
forced to make a retreat, and as he himself was completely worn
out with illness and debility, he was compelled to give up the com-
mand of the army.
He was succeeded by Gustavus Wrangel, who continued the war
with considerable success. The French armies, under their distin-
guished generals, Turenne and Conde, fought against the impe-
rialists and Bavarians along the Khine, and in conjunction with
them Wrangel soon afterwards conquered and subjected the whole
land of Bavaria, so that the elector was forced to abandon all fur-
ther hostilities; and, in 1647, concluded an armistice. Branden-
burg had abeadybeen obliged to do the same in the year 1641,
and Denmark and Saxony followed the example in 1645 and 1646:
thus the emperor was left alone to contend with his successful ene-
mies. The grand cause of the ill success he experienced at this period,
emanated from his want of efficient leaders ; his two best generals,
Werth and Merci, having been killed, he was forced to confide the
chief command of his troops to General Melander of Holzapfel, a
Protestant, who had deserted the Hessian party and gone over to
the imperialists.
The allies now once more attacked the hereditary states of the
empire; the Swedish general, Konigsmark, laid siege to Pra^e,
and had already made himself master of that portion of the city,
called the Kleinseite, whilst Wrangel was in full march to support
him with his whole army — when the happy tidings of peace were
annoimced from Westphalia.
The conferences for the settlement of peace had already been
opened in the summer of the year 1643: with the Swedes in Osna-
burg, and with the French in Miinster. The imperial envoys ar-
rived even before the time fixed, but those from Sweden only ap-
peared at the end of the autumn of that year, whilst those from
France presented themselves as late as the month of April, in the
following year, 1644 : an ominous sign for the progress of those
measures of pacification, towards which the eyes of the oppressed
empire were turned wilii anxious and painful longing. And, in
truth, these congresses commenced with the discussion of such num-
Digitized by
Google
502 FRENCH AND SWEDISH CLAIMS OF INDEMNIFICATION.
berless details, tliat there appeared little or no chance of any prompt
decision being effected. Many months were lost in petty and mise-
rable disputes of precedence, and the French ambassadors, with all
ima^nabie pride and pomp, more especially insisted upon taking
the first rank, and assumed all the state and ceremony of a royal
court. Subsequently, much time was again sacrificed in deciding
whether or not the deputies for all the petty states of the empire
should be convoked, and which was, at length, determined in the
affirmative, so that the French were enabled to produce still greater
discord amongst us.
The chief subject of negotiation ought to have been the re-esta-
blishment of order upon a soUd basis in all the provinces of Ger-
many, and more especially amongst the various rchgious parties, for
through their contentions the war had originated ; but the two foreimi
powers insisted upon receiving first of all their indemnification for
the expenses and losses incurred by them during the war, and in the
degraded state of necessity to which they were reduced, and at the
urgent persuasion of the Elector of Bavana, the Germans were forced
to satisfy the demands of these foreigners before they ventured upon
the arrangement of their own affidrs.
France which had contributed so little of its own powers, and
which had only mb^ed itself up in the war for its own advantage,
and the pleasure it derived from producing evil as a Catholic state
for a Protestant cause— France, we say, demanded enormous sacri-
fices; and her ambassadors, d'Avaux and Servien, well practised
in the art of verbosity, political cunning, and deception, intruding
themselves with all the authority and command of masters, indsted
upon their claims. The Swedes, although rather more moderate^
nevertheless grasped at and tore asunder large portions of the em-
pire, and the friends and well wishers of the country felt as if cut to
the heart when they thus beheld the mortifying treatment it was
forced to under^ : *^ On the same soil where, in former times, our
noble ancestors nurled defiance against the insolent Varus and his
legions," says a contemporary, "we are now doomed to behold
foreigners without arms insult us and triumph over Grermania.
They summon us, and we humbly obey the call; they speak, and
we listen with humility and attention as to an oracle; they pro-
mise, and we place faith in them as in Gt>d; they menace us, and
we tremble like slaves. A sheet of paper tilled up by a woman,
whether at Paris or Stockholm,* makes tne whole Germanic empire
tremble or rejoice. They already, in the very heart of Gennany, dis-
cuss and dispute together over Germany, as to what they shall take
from, and what they shall condescend to leave us, what feathers they
shall pluck from the Roman eagle^ and therewith decorate the Grallic
* In Sweden the throne was occupied W ChristiaDa, daughter of Gastayns
Adolphus, and, during the minority of Louis XIV., hia mother, Queen Anne, reigned
aa regent in France.
Digitized by
Google
HUMILIATION AND DISMEMBERMENT OF THE EMPIRE. 503
cock. And we ouiaelyes, divided continually amongst each other,
abandon our tutelary divinity for the idols of foreign nations — ^to
whom we sacrifice Ufe, liberty, and honour !"
The imperial env^s acted with firmness and dignity; Count
Trautmannsdorf and iJoctor Yolmar sought, with all the strength of
reason and principle, to grapple with the pretensions set forth by
foreign powers, wnilst they endeavoured, by mildness and patience,
to conciliate the discordant feelings existing in the Grerman states.
They did not, however, find themselves sufficiently seconded by the
other members of the empire, especially in the latter period of the
war^when Bavaria became so vacillating; whilst every despatch
they received, announced the success of the enemy, and over*
turned all the advantages they might otherwise have efiected by their
conferences. Thence they were obliged to make the following
arrangements:
1. France received the Bishoprics of Metz, Toul, and Verden, as
much of Alsace as had belonged to Austria, the Sundgau, and the
important fortresses of Brisach and Philipsburg; besides which, it
forced Germany to destroy a great number of fortifications along the
Upper Rhine, m order that the French army might have an open
and free passage into Germany. Thus, all those places which nad
served as the bulwarks of the south of Germany, fell through this
peace into the hands of the hereditary enemy of the empire. The
F'rench envoys themselves, in the excess of their joy, declared
loudly that France had never concluded a peace upon such advanta*
geous terms.
2. Sweden which had likewise made great claims for compen-
sation, but whose interests were but too inadequately and imfa-
Tourably represented by the ^rand chancellor's son, John of Qxen-
stiem, a proud but inexperienced statesman, together with the
councillor Adler Salvius, a man too much open to bribery, was
forced to content herself witii Western Pomerania and Stettin, the
island of Riigen, the city of Wismar in Mecklenburg, together with
the sees of Bremen and Verden on the Weser ; a territory the
major portion of which was very poor and much devastated. On
the other hand, Sweden never availed herself of these possessions to
act inimically towards Germany. As an indemnification for the
expenses of tiie war, the Swedes received five millions of dollars
extracted from the already exhausted sources of the empire.
3. The Elector of Brandenburg, who had just claims to tiie whole
of Pomerania, only received the eastern portion of that country,
and, as an indemnification for the western division, he received the
Archbishopric of Magdeburg, and the Bishoprics of Halberstadt,
Minden, and Eanim, as lay principalities.
4. Mecklenburg received, m lieu of Wismar, the sees of Schwerin
and Ratzeburg.
5. Hesse Cassel, which from the commencement of the war had
adhered firmly to Sweden, and whose beautiful and talented Land*
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
504 FINAL ADJUSTMENT OF RELIGIOUS QUESTIONS.
SBvine, Amelia, succeeded in captivating all hearts, Feceived through
e mediation of Sweden and France, although it had suffered no
loss, the Abbey of Hersfeld, a portion of the country of Schaum*
burg and six hundred thousand rix dollars.
6. Brunswick-Luneburg, which extended its claims to Magjde-
burg and Minden, and subsequently to Osnaburg, received the privi-
lege by which one of its princes should hold possession of this latter
country alternately with a CathoUc bishop.
7. The eldest son of the unfortunate Frederick V., of the Pala-
tinate, Charles Lewis — Frederick himself having died thirteen days
after Gustavus Adolphus — received back all his partrimonial estates,
except the Upper Palatinate, which the Elector of Bavaria retained;
and as he likewise would not yield the title of the electoral dig-
nity— the fifth — a privilege which belonged to the palatine house,
a fresh title — the eighth — was created for it purposely.
8. The negotiations for the adjustment of religious affairs in Ger-
many were attended with extreme difficulty and considerable de-
lay. The Protestants demanded religious liberty, not only for them-
selves, but likewise for all the Protestant subjects of the emperor;
whilst on this point, the latter was equally firm and inflexible in with-
holding his consent. They were obliged, therefore, to restrict the
operation of this measure to the empire itself, and after a deliberation
which lasted six months, the decree of the religious peace of Passau
was eventually renewed and fixed as the fundamental basis of the
present measure, and it was resolved that the Protestants should re-
tain all the ecclesiastical property they possessed in the year 1624,
in land and churches. This year was henceforth styled the normal
year, and from that time the question of the Edict of Restitution was
altogether abandoned. The Protestants accordingly retained the
Archbishoprics of Magdeburg and Bremen; the Bishoprics of Lii-
beck, Osnaburg (alternately), Halberstadt, Verden, Meissen, Naum-
burg, Merseburg, Lebus, Brandenburg, Havelbei^, Minden, Kanim,
Schwerin, and Ratzeburg; the abbeys of Hirschfeld, Walkenried,
Gandersheim, Quedlinburg, Hervorden, and Gemrode. It was
likewise ordered and approved, that no sovereign prince should op-
Sress any of those of his subjects whose faith m religious matters
eviated from his own ; whilst it was also decreed that the imperial
chamber should be composed of an equal number of councillors and
members — ^Protestant and Catholic. By these regulations the peace
of Westphalia became a fundamental law of the empire, and although
some causes for dispute and discontent were not altogether re-
moved, the minds of the people in general were more tranqmllised.
Feelings of hatred were no longer cherished, the principles of to-
lerance became more and more widely disseminated, and gradually
exerted their beneficial influence in the hearts of all; so that very
soon the bigotry of parties disappeared, and the hand of fraternity
was held out between those, wno, although differing in their faith
from each other, nevertheless now acknowledged themselves to have
Digitized by
Google
TERRITORIAL SOVEREIGNTY OF PRINCES ESTABLISHED. 505
an equal claim to rank as fellow Grermans and Christians. Diffeience
in Teiigion now no longer formed an insurmountable wall of separa-
tion between men; ana certainly in this point of view the peace of
Westphalia, by establishing fixed laws in the external affairs of the
church, produced highly satis&ctory and beneficial results.
9. Respecting the rights of soverei^ty due to the princes and the
relations of the states oi the empire with the emperor, the peace of
Westphalia contained such regulations as must in the course of time
produce a still greater relaxation of those ties, already partially
loosened, which held together the empire in one entirety. In earlier
times the constitution of the empire contained already many defects:
great disorder, abuse of power in defiance of the laws, nay, the evils
produced by the existence of an entire century, during which force
prevailed over justice — all this was sufficient evidence of the corrupt
state of things. The main cause, however, of these results originated
in the want of fixed, written laws, whence as we have already seen,
after the edict of the Golden Bull, various measures were adopted in
order to establish in Germany, by imperial laws, a more determined
form of constitution. Nevertheless^ there existed in earlier times a
bond of union which operated with more success in periods of dis-
order than even the written laws might have done^ and this consisted
in those ancient characteristics for which Germany was ever distin-
guished: sincere and faithful loyalty, antipathy to foreigners, a holy
veneration for the imperial majesty of the soverei^, produced by
the conviction that the dignity of emperor was derived from God as
a divine favour for the homage of mankind. In such light was the
imperial presence regarded by the princes themselves, as expressed
by them m various authentic documents. Subsequently it was the
feudal system, based upon the ancient customs and manners, and
springing from the essential condition of the people, which served on
Seat occasions, in spite of the want of written laws, to hold together
e various portions of the empire.
When in ancient times the prince, the nobles, and the people
assembled together, and when later the emperor himself presided at
the head of the princes of the empire at the diets, it was then the
prompt and decisive power of the sovereign's voice and animated
eje which decreed the means of remedying existing evils; and if at
times disputes arose, his regular presence, the attention with which
he observed with eye and ear aU that passed before him, and the
confidence he accordingly produced and established between himself
and those around him, placed him at once in a position to command
the reconciliation of the disputants. At the same time, this prox-
imity of the imperial dignity, and the respect it inspired in all sen-
sible and well-minded men, operated for the benefit of the entire na-
tion, whilst the emperor himself, by the high consideration he com-
manded throughout Christendom, represented and maintained its
honour.
Now, however, for a length of time, as we are already aware, the
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
606 THE CITI£8— SWITZERLAND— THE NETHERLANDS.
princes but rarely attended personallj at the diets; but weie flatasfied
with sending their enyoys, or merely their written communicatioiis.
The negotiations were often carried on at a most tedious rate upon
subjects of the most trivial nature, and only under pressing and ex-
treme cases of necessity were the decisions pronounced. Meantime
this state of legislation was not at all sanctioned by any law of the
empire; but at the peace of Westphalia the independence of the
princes was made completely legal They received the entire right
of sovereignty over their territory, together with the power of mak*
ing war, concluding peace, and forming alliances among themselves,
as well as with foreign powers, provided such alliances were not to
the injury of the empire. But what a feeble obstacle must this
clause have presented ? For henceforward, if a prince of the empiie,
having formed an alliance with a foreim power became hostile to
the emperor, he could immediately avail himself of the pretext that
it was tor the benefit of the empire, the maintenance of his rights,
and the liberty of Germany. And in order that the said pretext
might, with some appearance of right, be made available on every
occasion, foreigners established themselves as the guardians of the em-
pire ; and accordingly France and Sweden took upon themselves the
responsibility of legislating as guarantees, not only for the Germanic
constitution, but for every thins else that was concluded in the peace
of Westphalia at Milnster and Osnaburg.
Added to this, in reference to the imperial cities whose rights had
hitherto never been definitively fixed, it was now declared that they
should always be included under the head of the other states, and
that they should command a decisive voice in the diets ; thenceforth,
therefore, theb votes and those of the other states — ^the electoral and
other princes — should be of equal vahdity.
10. By an article in the treaty of Westphalia, French cunning
likewise separated the Swiss confederation from the Germanic empire,
and acknowledged it as an independent state. It is true it had long
since discontinued rendering homage to the empire, but its dismem-
berment therefrom had never been legally declared, whence the way
for its return to the imperial dominion always lay open and feasible,
in case any of the confederates might have felt a desire to renew
their alliance.
11. In the same moment that the empire thus sacrificed one of its
most secure defences on the frontiers of the south, the loss of the
Netherlands left it completely bare in the north-west: for in this
peace Spain was forced to acknowledj^ the independence of that
countnr, and Grermany was equally obh^ed to firee it fiK)m all oblin-
taon of fealty. That country nad likewise originally belonged to me
same race as ourselves, it forming, &om the period of Charles V.,
jMurt of our confederation, and commanding the mouth of our national
river — ^the Rhine. Thence Germany was left equally exposed to the
attacks of its enemies in the north iirom the Netherlands^ as it vras in
the south from Switzerland.
Digitized by
Google
CONCLUSION OF THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA, 1648. 607
It was only after great care and exertion that the intricate work of
pacification was at length brought into operation, and it could only
be perfected by slow degrees and at much additional sacrifice. The
French obstinately refused to evacuate the conquered fortifications
until the most petty details of the conditions had been fulfilled ; whilst
the Swedes remained two years longer in Germany, distributed in
seven circles of the empire, determined not to withdraw until they
received the five millions of dollars they demanded as indemnification
for the war expenses, and which, in the already reduced and misera-
ble state of our imhappy country, could only be collected with great
trouble and difficulty. In addition to this, it has been calculated
that during these two ruinous years, the maintenance of the foreign
soldiers quartered throughout the empire cost at the rate of 170,000
dollars per day. Nay, even six years after the settlement of peace,
a certain number of Swedish regiments levied contributions in the
Bishopric of Miinster, and Duke Charles of Lorraine, who had been
driven out of his territory by the French, continued for a considerable
time to hold possession of several fortifications on the Rhine.
Digitized by
Google
508
SEVENTH PERIOD.
FBOX THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA. IN 1648 TO THE PBESEMT TIXE.
In the first portion of this period, from 1648 to 1740, the art of historical research
made but little progress in Germany : we find tlie sources of record to consist chieflj
of compilations made from public acts, collected together in numerous and heayj
masses, interspersed with the lives of the emperors, written in the most partial and
inflated style. Any regular and critical statement or inyestigation of facts, pre-
senting in their treatment deration of thought and originality of genius, is not to be
found among them. In France, howeyer, among the numerous memoirs of the tfane
of Louis XIV. we meet at least with that peculiar style of representation, by which
the connecting links in the chain of state poller are &r more clearly traced, and the
ideas and motives of individuals more strikingly developed.
As collections embodying especially public transactions and political events we
find included:
1. Records of the Imperial Chancery, 1657-1714.
2. Diarium EuropsBum, 1659-1681, 45 vols.
3. Sylloge publi<x>rum negotiarum, 1674-1697, by Lunig. (died m 1740.^
4. European Court of Chancery; commenced byLcucht, and continuea hy Faber
and Eonig, 1697-1760, 1 15 vols. Besumed by Faber under the title of New Court of
Chancery. 1760-1783, 17 vols.
5. European Fame. 1703-1734, 350 parts in 30 vols., and Kew European Fame,
1735-1756, 192 parts hi 17 vols.
6. Mercure historique et politique, commenced by G. Sandras, tom. L, Parma
1686; from 1688 to 1782 at the Hague, in more than 200 vols.
7. The history of the Emperor Leopold I. has been written in a very good his-
torical style in Italian by Galeazzo Gualdi, Bapt Comazzi and Jos. Maria Beina ;
and in German by J. J. Schmauss, C. B. Menkin, G. Bink, and best of all in
Latin, by F. Wagner, but only to the year 1689.
8. S. von Puffendor^ Bes gestsd Frid. Guil. Magni, Elect Brand. Berlin, 1695,
and Lips, et BeroL, 1733.
9. Camill. Contarinus, History of the Turkish war in 1683 in Italian ; Venice,
1710.
10. L. dc St. Simon, (Euvres, 13 vols. Especially valuable in reference to the time
of Louis XIV.
11. The Life of Joseph L, by Wagner, Zshackwitz, Nink, and Herchenhahn.
12. The Life of Charles VI., by Zshackwitz, Schwarz, Schmauss, and Schirach.
On the history of the War of Succession to the Spamsh throne, the principal works
are:
13. De Lamberty, Memoires pour servir il Thistoire du 18me siMe; 1700-1718, La
Hague, 14 vols., and
14. History of the War of Succession to the Spanish throne, by two anonymous
writers. Two Editions; one in French, printed at Cologne in 1708; the other in
English, printed in London in 1707.
15. Memoires du Prince Eugene de Savoie, ecrits par lui meme. Weimar, 1810.
16. W. Coxe, Memoirs of John, Duke of Mariborough, 6 vols., 1820.
The great events which took place during the period of 1740 to 1789, especially
those of the Seven Years* War, and the enthusiasm with which Frederick the Great
inspired all his contemporaries, excited a spirit for historical composition which,
although it may not have produced works of the first order, is nevertheless en-
titled to place its writings in the second rank. The great Fr^erick himself devoted
his pen to the task of writing a history of his own times and actions, his :
17. Frederick IL, Histoire de mon Terns and Histoire de la Guerre de Sept Ans ;
and other works relating to history and politics, together with his correspon-
Digitized by
Google
FROM 1648 TO THE PRESENT TIME. 509
denoe "with many dutiDgaished persons, are Taluable documents in onr historical
collection.
18. Adeluig, History of the States of Europe from 1740 to 1798, 6 vols., treat«
especially upon the history of the sncoession of the house of Austria.
The following works give especial details of the Seven Years' War:
19. War OfOoe reports (Deutsche Eriegskanzlei). 1757-1763. 18 vols.
20. Contributions to the more recent history of War and State policy (Beitrage zur
Neneren Staats-und Kriegs Geschichte), 1756-1762, 13 vols.
21. Uoyd, Histoiie de la demi^re guerre en Allemagne; traduit de TAnglais par
Templehof, 5 vols.
22. Archenholz, History of the Seven Years* War. 2 vols.
23. Retzow, Criticism of the important events of the Seven Years' War.
24. De Mauvillon, Histoire de Ferdinand de Brunswick, 1790.
25. Campaigns of the allied armies, 1757-1762, from the journal of Major-General
Ton Rheden, 1805.
26. History of the battle of Kiinersdorf, by Eriele, pastor of Kunersdorf. Berlin,
1801.
27. The Life of Frederick n. has been written by several historians, indudhig:
Koesterp Seifiart, Zimmermann, Funkc, Garve, Stein, Thibault, Forster, Preuss, and
Nicolai, the latter of whom has added numerous anecdotes in Frederick's life.
On State Politics we have:
28. Count Hersberg, Recueil des Deductions, Manifestes, Declarations, Traites,
&c, pubUds par la Cour de Prusse depuis Fann^ 1756-1790. 3 vols.
The following are the works which treat upon the period subsequent to the Seven
Years' War:
29. Manso, Geschichte des Preuss. Staats vom Hubertusburger Frieden bis zur
zweiten Pariscr Abkunft, 3 vols.
30. Dohm, Memoirs of my Times, 1778-1806, 5 vols. A work of great importance
connected with the latter period of the reign of Frederick the Great and the Freneh
Revolution, but more especially valuable for the impartiality displayed by the
author.
31. Buschuig, Magazine of History and Geography, 1761-1781, 15 vols. Ham-
burg; & 1781-1793, 23 vols.. Hall&
32. Schlozer, Historical Correspondence, 1775-1782, 10 vols., and Political Adver-
tiser, 1782-1793, 18 vols.
33. Schirachs, Political Journal, 1781-1804, continued by his son to the present
day.
34. Archenholz, Minerva, 1792-1809. continued to the present time by A. Bran.
35. Girtanner, Political Annals, 1793-1794.
36. Posselt, European Annals, 1795-1804, and continued to the present time by
other authors.
37. Review of the Prussian monarchy under Frederick William HL, 1798-1801.
From the commencement of the 19th century we have:
38. The Times, by C. D. Voss, 1805-1820.
89. Bredow, Chronicle of the 19th century, 1801-1808, continued by Yenturini as
a history of our times from 1809 to the present moment.
On the History of the French Revolution, the following are the principal works
in Germany:
40. Girtanner, Historical Revelations of the French Revolution, continued by
Bttchholz, 17 vols.
41. Von Eggers, Memoirs of the French Revolution, 6 vols.
42. J. G. Mchhom, The French Revolution at one View, 2 vols.
43. Rehberg, Researches into the French Revolution, with a critical notice of the
most distinguished works upon the subject.
The following treat upon the wars of tlie French Revolution:
44. Schamhorst, Military Memoirs of our Time, 6 vols.
45. Charles, Archduke of Austria, History of the Campaign of 1799 in Germany
and Switzerland, 2 vols.
On the Negotiations of the Peace of Rastadt:
46. Von Haller, Private History of the Rastadt Negotiations of Peace hi con-
nection with the political transactions of this period. Germania, 6 vols.
47. Miinch von Bellinghausen, Protocol of the Deputation for the Peace of the
Empire at Rastadt, compared exactly with the original documents, with notes,
6 vds.
Digitized by
Google
510 FROM 1648 TO THE PRESENT TIME.
On the Wan of the 19th Gentnry:
48. Yon Billow, The Campaign of 1805 in a military and political point of Tieir,
2 vols.
49. The Battle of Ansterlitz, hy an officer present
50. K. Ton Flotho^ Journal of the Military Operationa in the years 1806 and
1807.
51. Yon Yalentini, Esaay upon the Hiatory of the Campaign of 1809.
52. Yon Hormayr, the Anstrian army in the war of 1809, in Italy, the TytoU
and Hungary, from official sonroes.
53. Bertholdy, The War of the TV^ese in 1809.
54. History of Andreas Hofer, from origpnal sources. Lelpsic and Altenhmg,
1817.
55. Lliders, The War of 1812, between France and Rnaria.
56. K. Ton Flotho, The War in Germany and France, 1813-1815.
57. OdeLehen, Napoleon's Campaign in Saxony in the year 1813.
58. Aster, The Battle of Leipsic, with phms; with many other works nptm the
same subject.
59. Tb^ Central Administration of the Allies under Baron Stein.
60. General Miiffllng, ffistoxy of the Campaign of 1815, under WeDuigton and
Bliicher.
61. F. Forster, Field-marshal Blucher and his operations, 1821.
62. Saalfeld, History of Napoleon Buonaparte, 2 toIs.
63. Eliiber, Yiew of the Diplomatic Transaetions at the Congress of Yienna, 1816.
64. Protocol of the German diet, 1816.
65. G. Ton Meyer, Eepertoiy of the Transactions of the German diet, 1822.
66. Monumenta Grermaniae HiBtorica, ed. G. H. Pertz.
67. J. Schmidt, History of Germany, continued by MilbiUer andDieach, 27 toU.
68. Heinrich, (Htto, ditto, 3 Tds.
69. A. Menzel, History of Germany, 9 toIs.
70. Luden, History of the German Nation, 12 Tols.
Digitized by
Google
GENERAL OBSERVATIONS — STATE OF THE EMPIRE. 511
CHAPTER XXVn.
General Obseryations— State of the Empire — Agricnlture — Commerce— The No-
bility— French Language, Fashions, and Cnstoms-^Dedine of National Feeling in
. Germany— Death of Ferdinand IIL, 1657— Leopold L, 1658-1705— The Rhenish
League — Louis XIV. of France— ffis ambitious and aggrandising Spirit — Con-
quers the Netherlands— The Elector Frederick William of Brandenburg— West-
phalia.—The Rhine — ^War between France and Germany— Battle of Fehrbellin,
< 1675— Successes of the Elector of Brandenburg — His energetic Character — ^Ex-
tends and improves his Territories — ^Berlin — ^Konigsbei^ — Gtmerals Montecuculi
and Turenne — ^Peace of Nimwegen, 1678 — The Four French Chambers of Reunion
— Treachery and Dishonesty of Louis XTV. towards (jtermany— CJlaims and takes
. Possession of Strasburg and other German Towns on the Rhine— Enters Stras-
burg in Triumph, 1681 — ^Pusillanimity and Disgraceful Inertness of the Germans
— The Turks in Hungary — ^Adyance and lay Siege to Vienna, 1683— Flight of
Leopold and his Court — ^Brave Defence of the Viennese under Count Riidiger of
Stahrenberg— Relieyed by Duke Charles of Lorraine and Sobieski, King of
Poland— Heroism of Sobieski- Battle of Naussdorf— Total Overthrow and Flight
of the Turks by Sobieski — ^His Letter to his Queen— Descriptlcm of the Battle.
It will not require many words, nor will it prove a task of much
difficulty to represent the sadly depressed state of the country after a
war of such devastation, and which had continued during half the
period of that existence commonly allotted to man. Two thirds of
the population had perished, not so much by the sword itself, as by
those more lingering and painful sufferings which such a dreadful
war brings in its tram : contagion, plague, famine and all the other
attendant horrors. For death on the field of battle itself is not the
evil of war ; such a death, on the contrary, is often the most glori-
ous, inasmuch as the individual is taken off in a moment of enSiusi<-
astic ardour, and whilst he is inspired with the whole force of his
vital power ; thus he is relieved from the anxious and painM con-
templation of the gradual approach of his last moments. But the
true curse of war is based in the horrors and miseries it spreads amon^,
and with which it overwhelms those who can take no active share m
it — ^women, children, and aged men, and from whom it snatches all
the enjoyments, all the hopes of life; thence the germ of a new
generation becomes poisoned in its very principle, and can only un-
fold itself with struggling pain and sorrow, without strength or cou-
Nevertheless in Germany the natural energy of the people speedily
aroused itself among them, and a life of activity and serious appUca-
tion veiy soon succeeded in a proportionate de^ee to that which had
so long been characterised by disorder and negugence : and it is thus
that the two extremes often meet. The demoralisation so generally
existing — produced on the one hand by the warriors who, on their
return home from ihe camp, introduced there much of the Ucentioufl-
Digitized by
Google
512 AGRICULTURE— COMMERCE— ARTS AND INDUSTRY.
ness tbej had previouslj indulged in, and, on the other hand, through
the juvenile classes having grown up and become matured without edu-
cation, and being by force ot example in almost a savage state — obliged
the princes now to devote all their attention and care towards re-es-
tablishing the exercise of religious worship, and restoring the schools
and ecclesiastical institutions ; measures which never fan to produce
beneficial results. But it was agriculture which more especially made
rapid strides in the improvements introduced, and which was pursued
with an activity hitherto unexampled. As a great number of the
landowners had perished during the war, land generally became ma-
terially reduced in price, and the population accordmgly showed
everywhere the most active industry m the cultivation of the soil; so
that within a short space of time the barren fields were replaced by
fertile meadows, and fruitful gardens amidst smiling villages greeted the
eye in every part. The moment had now arrived, likewise, when the
claims of the peasantry to the rights of freebom men were acknow-
ledged more and more, and the chains by which they had been
hitherto bound were gradually relaxed, untd at length the final link
which held them fell to the ground. Thus Germany might have
become more flourishing than ever by the prosperous state of its agri-
culture, for it is from the maternal earth that a nation draws its
source and strength of life, when it devotes its powers to that object;
but essential and general causes interfered, unhappily, to prevent the
fulfilment of this desimble object.
In the first place, the declining state of the cities operated in a
special degree to destroy the beneficial results of agriculture. The
Erosperity of the cities had received a vital blow, as already shown,
y the complete change which had been introduced in the whole
system of commerce ; its decline, however, was only partial until the
period of the war of thirty years. Shortly previous to the commence-
ment of this war, a foreign writer plac^ Germany still at the head
of every other country, in respect to the extent and number of its
cities, and the genius, talent, and activity of its artists and artisans.
They were sent for from every part of Europe, At Venice, for instance,
the most ingenious goldsmiths, clockmakers, carpenters, as well as even
the most distinguished painters, sculptors, and engravers, were at the
end of the sixteenth century all natives of Germany. But it will suf-
fice to mention the names of such celebrated artists as Albert Durer,
Hans Holbein, and Lucas Cranach, to form an idea of the prospe-
rous state of the arts in the cities of Germany at the commencement
of the sixteenth century. This terrible war, however, gave them their
mortal blow ; numerous free cities, previously in a flourishing state,
were completely reduced to ashes, others nearly depopulatedaltogether,
and all those extensive factories and institutions which gave to Ger-
many the superiority over other nations, were, through lossof the work-
men, completely deserted and left in a state of inactivity. Thence,"
at a meeting of the Hanseatic league in Liibeck, in 1630, those few
cities which still remained in e2ustence declared they were no longer
Digitized by
Google
DECLINE OF THE IMPERIAL CITIES — THE NOBILITY. 513
able to contribute towards the expenses of the league. Economy and
strict industry might perhaps have raised them gradually from the
state of misery into which they had thus fallen, but their ancient pros-
perity and importance were both for ever gone ; and, as is stated by
one of our early writers, on the foreheads of these once wealthy citi-
zens might be traced in characters too clearly expressed, how fallen was
their state, reduced as they now were to enaure a painful and laborious
existence. Many of the cities, some voluntarily, others through the
necessity of the times, saw themselves compelled to submit to the power
of the princes, as for instance, Christopher, Bishop of Gahlen, made
himself master of Miinster, in 1661 ; the Elector of Mentz, of the city
of Erfurt, in 1664 : the Elector of Brandenburg, of the city of Mag-
deburg, in 1666; and the Duke of Brunswick, of the city of Bruns-
wick, in 1671 ; whilst those which retained the title of free cities, how
poor and miserably did they drag on their existence, until at length,
in more recent times, they likewise lost their privilege altogether.
The nobility had likewise lost much of their ancient dignity and
lustre. Ever smce they no longer formed more especially the military
state of the empire, and their noble cavaliers no longer conferred ex-
clusively glory upon the nation ; ever since they haoabandoned their
independence, by attaching themselves to the court, or wasted all their
strength in a life spent in indolence, and without any noble object
in view; and, finally, ever since they had commenced imitating and
adopting the manners, customs, and languages of foreign nations, and
substituted their effeminacy and refinement for the ancient energy and
sincerity for which Germany had ever been so renowned — ever since,
we say, these changes and innovations had been introduced, the nobles
of the empire had gradually degenerated and lost all their conse-
quence and dignity. Thus were eclipsed two of the most important and
essential states of the empire, and which above every other had
both contributed to give to the middle ages, in spite of all their other
defects, that grand and vigorous character for which that period
was so much distinguished.
It is true, that during the last few centuries changes of a similar
nature had taken place m other countries of Europe, and which, by
thus substitutiDg a new order of things, obliterated all that which had
characterised the middle ages. But with all this, ample compensation
was found in the wealth and prosperity commanded by commerce,
whilst in this respect Germany was now deprived of all such resource.
The share which a few of the cities still took in the commerce of the
world could not establish or effect a balance of the whole; whilst, on
the other hand, instead of restricting themselves to that simple order
of life — so especially necessary among an agricultural people — and
thus trying to avert the coming indigence, they launched out more
and more mto a luxurious state of hving ; ana accordingly, in ex-
change for precious and exotic articles of merchandise, they gave up
to foreign nations all the rich fruits of agriculture and industry pro-
duced at home at the expense of so much toil and anxiety. For,
^ ^ Digitized by Google
514 NATIONAL DEGRADATION— FRENCH INNOVATIONS
however fertile the soil of our country, and however varied its pro-
duce, it could not possibly equal in value the rich wares imported
fix)m all parts of the world. W hen, however, the love of luxury and
sensual pleasure has gained the upperhand, nothing can restrict or
check its extravagant and insatiable demands.
This evil, however, was not one originally implanted in our nature,
it was communicated to us by those foreigners whom we sought to
imitate in every thing — even m their d^neracy. The excurdons
now made beyond Germany, and es[>ecially to Trance and its me*
tropolis ; the imitation more and more indulged in of the fashions and
manners of the French, and even of their immorality itself ; the in-
troduction and reception of French professors and governesses into
various Grerman fiimilies for the education of the juvenile branches ;
the contempt more and more shown and felt for our own native lan-
guage; the enthusiasm indulged in for that French philosophy, so
superficial, and yet at the same time so easily adapted to render the
individual wholly indifferent to his religious, moral, and social duties :
all these causes, we repeat, had onerated more and more injuriously
amongst the higher, as well as the middling classes of society, and
thence, at the present period, their influence presented the most
baneful effects.
On the other hand, however, it is not to be denied but that our rela-
tions with foreign countries have materially promoted the civilisation
of Germany ; and it is impossible not to recognise in the course
of modern history a tendency to render more and more firm and
durable the bond of union between all the nations of Chiistendom.
Placed as we are in the centre of the principal nations of Europe, we
have ever warmly sympathised with, and the forms of our political
constitution have ever encouraged the movement of moral and in-
tellectual progress. For in most other countries, each of which was
constituted into one homogeneous kingdom, the chief city was the first
to set the example in the adoption of all that it mi^ht jud^e worthy
of patronage and dissemination, and thence it established the rule or
law for the co-optation thereof generally throughout the provinces :
by this means, nowever, the progress made became gradually sub-
jected to certain fixed forms, wnence it could not be exempt firom par-
tiality. In Germany, on the contrary, science and art have marched
togeuier full of activity and independence as in a free dominion.
The superior, equally with the lesser, states rivalled each other in their
patronage; no single town, no particular individual, was empowered
to impose laws; and, finally, no favouritism, no exception of person,
was shown, but every thing bearing within it essential and sterling
merit, was sure sooner or later to meet with due acknowledgment and
appreciation ; and thence it is that our nation has made such pro-
gress in all the sciences.
Nevertheless, this moment must be regarded as teeming with dan-
gerous error. Nothing is more difficult for human nature than to
maintain the one direct and central path without diverging to one side
Digitized by
Google
LOUIS XIV,— DEATH OF FERDINAND UL, 1667. 515
ortheotber; nothm^moTedifficukthanto(x>mbinedyilisationandea^
lightenment with reugious and moral Btrictness, to unite anacute sen*
ability for all that is really good and valuable in genius, wbeTevear
£>und, mth honesty and constancy of principle, and to conjoin inde-
pendence of spirit with self-denialiuidsubniission. This medium course
on^ht, thereK>re, to be the main object of the endeayours of aU, boA
of mdividuals and nations. The period we are about to trace will
fihow us in what degree this object was alternately approached by or
receded firom our nation; whilst, at the same time, it will present ua
with all those viciaeitudes to which mankind is subject.
This series of good and bad fortune is, we shall find, more especially
shown in our external relations : days of prosperity and peace were suc-<
ceeded by thoseof distress; but thelatteraownto,and during thisperiod
continued in their d^ree to outweigh the farmer. In no period of our
history do we find presented such melancholy pictures as during the
long reign of Louis XIY. of France, nor has our state poHcy ever
shown so much weakness and pusillanimity as when suffering firom his
ambitious designs. During the short interval of tranquillity fipom the
time of his death to the war of the Austrian succession, the arts of
peace once more revived a little, but the progress of their develop-
ment was again checked by the storms of that contest, and more
especially by the still more ruinous war of seven years, which imme-
diately succeeded. The interval of twenty-five years, from the con-
clusion of this war to the commencement of the French revolu-
tion, was the longest period of tranquillity we had hitherto enjoyed ;
and during this space of time, art and science once more came into
activity, and made such flourishing progress, that in spite of the war
of twenty-five years by which the French revolution was succeeded,
this progress, although much checked, was not altogether destroyed.
Let us hope that the state of peace we at present enjoy, may long con-
tinue to heal the woimds so bitterly inflicted upon our country, and
thus encourage more and more the growth and development of the
intellectual resources of the German nation.
The Emperor Ferdinand III. lived nine years after the Peace of
Westphalia; he reigned with moderation and wisdom, and until
his death the peace of Germany remained undisturbed. He had
already procured the decision of the princes in fisivour of his son
Ferdinand, as his successor to the imperial throne, when unfortu-
tunately that young man, who had excited the most sanguine hop^,
and towards whom aU eyes were turned with confidence, died in
1654 of the small-pox. Ferdinand was, therefore, forced to resume
his eflbrts with the princes in favour of his second son, Leopold —
although he was far firom possessing the capacity of his deceased
brother — ^but he himself died on the 2nd of April, 1657, before the
desired object was fully obtained.
The election of the new emperor met with considerable difficulty,
because the government of France was anxious to avail itself of this
moment to obtain possession of the imperial dignity^ to which it had
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
516 LEOPOLD L, 1658— 1705— THE RHENISH LEAGUE.
long aspired. It had in fact already succeeded in gaining over
the electoral princes of the Rhine ; but all the rest of the German
princes felt the shame and disgrace such a choice must bring upon
the nation, and decided at once in fikvour of Leopold, Archduke
of Austria, although this prince was only eighteen yean of age ;
and he was accordingly elected at Frankfort on the 18th of July,
1658.
Meantime Cardinal Mazarin, the prime minister of France, had
already formed an alliance, which, under the name of the Rhenish
league, had for its object the total annihilation of the house of
Austria, although apparentfy its only aim was the conservation of
the Peace of Westphalia, llie parties included in the union were
France, Sweden, the Electors of Mentz, Cologne, and Treves,
the Bishop of MUnster, the Palatine of Neuburg, the Elector of
Hesse-Cassel, and the three Dukes of Brunswick-Liineburg ; a sin*
gularly mixed alliance of Catholic spiritual and lay princes with the
Protestant princes and Swedes, who had only so recently before
stood opposed to each other in open warfare. A learned historian
of that period, unfolds to us what were the real intentions of France
in forming this league, as well as the motives by which she was
guided throughout her proceedings against Germany : '* Instead of re-
sorting to open force, as in the war of thirty years, it appeared more
expedient to France to hold attached to her side a few of the Grerman
princes, and especiaUv those along the Rhine, by a bond of union
— ^and, as it is said, by the additional obligation of an annual sub-
sidy— and, above all things, to appear to take great interest in the
a£»irs of Germany; thus, the princes might be brought to believe
that the protection of France would be more secure than that of the
emperor and the laws of the empire. This means of paving the
way for the destruction of all liberty in Germany was, as may be
easily judged, by no means badly conceived."
France very soon showed that she only waited for an opportunity
of seizing her prey with the same hand which she had so recently
held out in friendship. The long reign of Leopold I. was almost
wholly filled up with wars against France and her arrogant prince,
Louis XIV.; and our poor country was again made me scene of
san^inary violence and devastation. Leopold, who was a prince of
a mild ana religious disposition but, on the other hand, of an equally
inactive and pusillanimous character, was by no means calculated to
enter the field a^nst the French king, in whom were united great
cunning with unlimited ambition and insolent pride. France now
pursued, with persevering determination, the crand object she had in
view, of making the Rhine her frontiers, and of gaining possession
of the Spanish Netherlands — ^which, under the name of the Bur-
gundian circle, belonged to the Germanic empire — Lorraine, the
remaining portion of Alsace, not yet in its occupation, together with
all the lands of the Gbrman princes situated on the left bank of the
Rhine. This spirit of aggrandisement was shared in equally by the
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
THE NETHJBRLANDS— THE ELECTOE OF BRANDENBURG. 617
king and the people, and it is an enor to suppose this feeling was
only first brought into existence in our time through the revolution,
and the wild ambition of a few individuals. Already, during the
rei^ of Louis XIV., the French authors began to write in strong
and forcible language upon the subject of conquest, and one among
them, a certain d'Aubry, even went so far as to express in a pamphlet
his opinions founded on the question — at that moment a novel one,
but which afterwards became of serious consideration, and was nearly
carried into execution — that, viz: " The Roman-Germanic empire,
such as was possessed by Charlemagne, belonged to his king and his
descendants ;" and the Abbe Colbert, in an address to the king, in
the name of the clergy, adds the words: " Oh, king, who giveth
laws to the seas as well as to all lands ; who sendeth thy lii^htning
wherever it pleaseth thee, even to the shores of Africa itself; who
subjecteth the pride of nations, and forceth their sovereigns to bend
their knee in all humility before thee in acknowledgment of the
power of thy sceptre, ana to implore thy mercy," &c. Such was
the language used already in 1668, and in the face of Euro^, by a
state which ought to have surpassed all others in moderation and
truth.
Accordingly, Louis now commenced operations by conquering
the Netherlands, pleading his ancient hereditary right to the posses-
sion of that country. Tne Spaniards appealed for aid to the other
circles of the Germanic empire, but not one of the princes came for-
ward to assist them; some through indifference, others from fear, and
the rest again from being disgracefully bought over by French money :
such were the results of the Rhenish league. Abandoned thus by
all, the Netherlands fell into the hands of the king, and at the peace
of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 1688, the Spaniards saw themselves forced to
surrender a whole line of frontier towns to France, in order to save
a portion only of the country.
In addition to this, in the year 1672, France, with equal injusticein-
vaded Holland itself, and had she succeeded in her plans, she would
very soon have been in a condition to hold dominion over the Euro-
pean seas. This new danger, however, produced as little effect upon
the princes of Grennany as the preceding one ; they paid little or no
attention to it, nay, the Elector of Cologne and the warlike Bishop
of Miinster, Bernard of Gahlen, one of the most distinguished
men of his day, actually concluded an alliance with France. One
only of the prmces of Germany, the Elector Frederick William of
Brandenburg, known likewise under the title of the great elector,
acted with me eneigy so necessary; and, completely aware^ of the
exact condition of the nation, felt the necessity of preventing the
total subversion of the equilibrium of Europe. Accordingly, he
made immediate preparations for placing his territories of Westphalia
in a state of defence, exposed as tney were in the immediate vicinity
of the scene of action ; for by the definitive arrangement of the in-
heritance of Juliers, in 1656, he had received the duchy of Cleves,
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
518 WAR BETWEEN FRANCE AND GERUANT.
and the provinces of Mark and Ravensberg, whilst to the Prince-
Palatine of Neuburg had been allotted the duchies of Juliers and
Berg. Frederick William induced likewise the Emperor Leopold
to adopt measures for opposing the fiirther progress of the French
invaders ; and both together raised an army which they placed under
the orders of the imperial general, Montecuculli ; but tne co-opera-
tion of the Austrians became almost nullified through the influence
of Prince Lobkowitz^ the emperor's privy councillor, who, gained
over by France, opposed all the plans of the imperial generaL
Thence the elector beheld his fine army harassed and worn out by
hunger and sickness, and in order to prevent the French fipom com-
pletely destroying his territories in Westohalia, in 1673, he concluded
with them a peace in their camp of Vossem near Louvain. Hia
possessions were restored to him with the exception of the castles of
W esel and Rees, which the enemy resolved to retain until a general
pacification was permanently established.
Now, however, the emperor, after having lost his best allies, de-
termined to pursue the war with more vigour. Montecuculli gained
some advantages along the Lower Rhine, and, amongst the rest, he
succeeded in making himself master of Bonn ; but all along the
Upper Rhine and in Franconia, the French redoubled their ravages,
and more especially in the palatinate, which was now made the most
sanguinary scene of the whole war, as in fact it was subsequently,
where the French have left eternal monuments of their cruel pro-
ceedings. As they thus continued to invade even the very empire
itself, the princes now united to resist them, and the Elector of
Brandenburg renewed his alliance with the emperor. On this occa-
sion Austria was distinguished especially for her energy and activity.
At the diet of Ratisbon, long discussions were held upon the subject
of the war, but nothing was concluded ; and Austria, having disco-
vered that this delay was produced by the French ambassador, who
there endeavoured by every means to deceive, first one and then
another of the princes, that power immediately commanded him,
without waiting for anv other formality, to quit Ratisbon within
three days, and on his departure a declaration of war was forthwith
made by the emperor agamst the King of France.
The war was carried on with varied success and loss, but altoge-
ther the advantage was on the side of the French, whose generals
were completely successful in their object of making the Grerman
soil alone the field for their operations ; whilst, on tne other hand,
the leaders of the allied forces were without activity or union. In
order to furnish occupation in his own land for the most powerful of
the German princes, the Elector of Brandenburg, Louis XIV., con-
cluded an alliance with the Swedes, in 1674, showing them the
^eat advantage they would derive by the invasion of that ter-
ritory. This tney accordingly did, severely handlinj^ that country ;
nevertheless, the elector would not abandon the Rhme, but contri-
buted his as^stance, and remained as long as his presence was neces-
Digitized by
Google
BATTLE OF FERBEXLIN — ^ELECTOR OF BRANDENBURG. 519
saiy, and it was only in the following year, 1675, that he at length
did withdraw &om that seat of war, and by forced marches hastened
to the aid of his suffering country.
To the astonishment of both fnends and foes, the elector suddenly
arrived before the city of Magdeburg, and passing through it, con-
tinued on his march, until he came right in front of the Swedes,
who believed him to be still in Franconia. They immediately re-
tired, and sought to form themselves into one body, but he pursued
them, and came up with them on the 28th of June, 1675, at Fer-
bellin. He had only his cavalry with him, his infantry not being
able to follow quick enough ; nevertheless he determined to attack
the enemy at once. His generals advised him to await the arrival
of his foot soldiers before he gave battle ; but every moment of de-
lay appeared to him as lost, and the action began forthwith. It was
attended with the most brilliant success ; the Swedes, who ever since
the Thirty Years' War had been regarded as invincible, were now
completely overthrown and put to flight, directing their course
towards their Pomerania. Thither they were pursued by the elec-
tor, who conquered the greatest portion of that province.
This elector may be regarded as the founder of the Prussian
monarchy, and his successors only built upon the basis he laid down.
Besides acquiring the Westphauan territories from the Cleve in-
heritance, he made the duchy of Prussia independent, and wisely
availing himself of the peculiar circumstances of the times, obtainedf,
in 1675, the treaty of Welau, by which Prussia was declared free of
all enfeofiment to Poland. Berlin, its capital city, he enlarged by
the Werder and Neustadt; whilst in Frankfort and Konigsbur^
he promoted the progress of the universities, and had already formed
a plan for the erection of an additional one in Halle. He en-
couraged all kinds of art and industrial invention throughout his
lands, and hospitably received and employed a considerable number
of refugee artisans from France. Frederick William always thought
and acted for himself, pursuing his own independent course, and
we shall again find him on vanous occasions successfully producing
that respect for the power and di^ty of his small dominion which he
was determined to maintain with all his influence, not only as a
German prince, but with all the authority of one who ranked
among the rest of the monarchs of Europe. Such is the true sign
which indicates the hereditary princely grandeur of a ruler who desires
that his people shall be infenor to none of all the other nations, and
whose sole object is nobly to raise it in their estimation. And who
can reproach him for acting with such ener^ and determination, at a
moment, too, when the German alliance nad lost all its strength,
when the power of the emperor himself was reduced almost to a
mere shadow, and when many of the princes of the empire had
actually already entered into a league with foreigners? Had he
himself joined m such treaties to the injury of the empire, and thus
have inflicted the final blow upon the small remnant of hope still
Digitized by
Google
520 TURENNE AND MONTECUCULLI— PEACE OF NIMWEGEN.
left, he miglit assuredly have merited severe and just condemnation;
but, on the contrary, thcr whole aim of his life was to oppose as much
as possible the aggressions of the French, and to protect, as far as
was in his power, the liberties of the German and European nations
generally.
In the year 1675 the imperial general, Montecuculli, an old and
experienced soldier, received a second time orders to march to the
Rhine, and he commenced operations with more favourable results.
Opposed to him was the celebrated French general, Vicomte de
Turenne, one of the greatest men of his time. Tney advanced against
each otlier with extreme caution, for they were already well known
to each other. At length Turenne fixed upon a favourable spot for
gi^ang battle, combining every advantage necessary, neat the village
of Sasbach and in the vicinity of Oppenheim. But whilst he had
advanced in front of the enemy in order to make his observations,
and form his army in line of battle, he was mortally wounded by
a cazmon ball which struck him off his horse. His death produced
the greatest alarm and dismay among his troops, who immediately
retreated and took to flight, m which they suffered severe loss.
Nevertheless, very little advantage was gained by this aflSdr. The
French, in order to drive the imperialists out of their country, had
recourse to the most extreme measures. As they were unable to
defend their frontiers with troops, they proceeded to adopt other
means of protection; and, accordingly, m the following year they
laid waste the whole of the country along the River Saar to such an
extent that, throughout a space of more than seventy miles, nothing
else was to be seen but burning villages and fields. Thence the
German troops could no longer remain encamped in a country thus
destitute of the means of supply, and they were forced to turn back,
whilst the unfortunate inhabitants were obliged to seek refuge in
the forests, where a great number of them perished through famine
and disease.
All eyes were now directed with anxious hope and expnectation
towards Nimwegen, where now, in 1679, a conference was being held
for the establislmaent of peace. The French, it appears, were forced
at length to hasten the conclusion of a peace, were it even disadvan-
tageous to themselves, because they were at this moment surrounded
with enemies. Nevertheless, they were at all times extremely happy
in their attempts to produce division among their adversaries, and
in this instance they were equally successful. By making large and
advantageous offers they induced the Netherlanders, for whom the
war had been principally undertaken, and who owed their safety to
the imperialists, to withdraw from the empire, and concluded with
them exclusively a treaty of peace, and by tliis they received the
citadel of Maestricht. They were succeeded by the Spaniards, who,
in order to make peace, were obUged to make good most of what
the Netherlanders had been relieved from paying; accordingly they
ceded a great extent of territory in the NetherSnds, together with
Digitized by
Google
CHAMBRES DE REUNIONS— TREACHERY OF LOUIS XIV. 521
the whole of the Fianche-Comt^. Finally, the emperor, who was
not disposed to carry on the war alone, was forced to make terms
of peace likewise, and to cive up the important fortress of Fiiburg,
in Breisgau. Thus the Llector of Brandenburg, who had con-
quered nearly the whole of Pomerania from the Swedes, and was in
hopes of making an advantageous peace, abandoned as he was now
by all, even by the Netherlands — ^for whom he had fought, but who
now refused their assistance— was forced to restore nearly the whole
of his conquests. At this conference of Nimwegen it was easy to
observe the preponderance now commanded by France over Europe,
even by the circumstance of the language itself; for amongst those
ambassadors assembled thirty years previously at Mlinster and
Osnaburg, only very few imaerstood French at all; whilst now, at
Nimwegen, every one present knew and spoke it fluently. Never-
theless, the articles of peace themselves were still written in the
Ijatin tongue.
The oppressed provinces began now again to breathe more freely
and enjoy the blessings of peace afler the insatiable ambition of the
French became at length satisfied. But our enemy was ever ready,
even in the very bosom of peace, to pursue his prey. A member of
the French parliament from Metz, a certain Kolland de Revaulx,
laid before the kin^ a plan by which he might extend his domi-
nion &x beyond the Upper Rhme, if he only gave the right interpre-
tation to the words used in the article of the Westphalian treaty :
^^ That Alsace and the other territories shall be ceded to him with
all their dependencies^ It was, therefore, he said, only necessary to
seek out what territories and places had formerly belonged to that
country, and in the course of a short time many possessions might be
found, of which, under this pretext, he might make himself master
without any difficulty. This suggestion was approved of, and it was
taken into further consideration; and, in order to give it an appear-
ance of justice, the French government instituted, in 1680, four courts
of council under the title of Chambres de ReunianSy at Metz, Dor-
nick, Brisach, and Besan9on ; these were appointed to examine what
lands and subjects might still belong to tnc king, according to the
wording of the article referred to. It is easy to be conceived that
these judges were not long in making their discoveries ; the most
trifling foundation was laid hold of in order to carry out their plans.
The Convent of Weissenburg, for instance, although situated beyond
Alsace, was declared attached to it, and as such belonging to the
king, because it had been founded by King Da^obert, more than
one thousand years previously ; and the acquisition of yS^eissen-
burg served them as a pretext to demand that of Germesheim, inas-
mudi as it had formerly belonged to Weissenburg. Li this w^ the
four chambers extended their claims for the restoration of 2wei-
briicken (Deux-Ponts), Saarbriick (Sarre-Louis), Veldenz, Sponn-
heim, Mumpelgard, Lautenburg,and many other places, more particu-
larly, however, the free imperii cities of Alsace, and amongst the rest
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
522 UNJUST SEIZURE OF STRASBURG AND OTHER CITIES.
Strasburg especially. These places had not been ^Ten in the West-
thalian treaty, as Austria could only then cede in Alsace her own
ereditary possessions.
The princes and nobles whose property was thus suddenly to be
transferred from German into French hands, exclaimed loudly against
it. The emperor himself protested against it, and Louis XI v., in
order to observe at least appearances — such was his cunning policy
— and to shut the mouths of his adversaries, promised to exandne
their counter claims, and summoned a congress at Frankfort
Meantime he resolved, beforehand, to make himself master of the
citadel of Strasburg, which to him was of more value than all the rest,
and which had always been regarded as the key to the Upper Rhine.
Charles V. consider^ it of such importance, that he said, should ever
Viennaand Strasburgbe both threatened at the same moment, he would
hasten first to save Strasburg. In the month of September, 1681, and
whilst the principal citizens were absent at the Frankfort £ur, several
regiments were secretly assembled in the vicinity of that place, and,
to the astonishment and alarm of the inhabitants, suddenly surrounded
its walls. In a day or two afterwards, Louvois, the minister of war
and confidential adviser of the king, appeared with a numerous army
and a train of artillery, and with heavy threats summoned the citizens
to surrender. Not being at all prepared to resist this attack, and
urged on by a party in the city bribed by the king, they were forced
to yield, and opened their gates on the 30th of September, 1681. The
troop took immediate possession of the arsenal and the citizens' arms,
the Protestants were obliged to vacate the cathedral of which they
had enjoyed possession for more than a hundred and fifty years, and
immediately afterwards Louis XIV. arrived himself, and, as in tri*
umph, madie his solemn entry in the city. No sign of shame at this act
was visible in the countenance of that king, who had, nevertheless,
already loudly boasted that he made hotumr the law of his life.
The conference at Frankfort, meantime, produced no change in
the plans of the king ; his deputies evaded with much address all
serious discussion upon the inquiries made, and continued to main*
tain their principles ; whilst on this occasion, for the first time, they
introducea as a law the use of their own language in all di{)lomatic
transactions. Hitherto, as with other nations, they had written all
their state documents in the Latin tongue ; but at Frankfort they
were composed in French, and all the arguments used by the impe-
rial ambassadors against this innovation were perfectly useless ; the
only reply made was : ** It is by command of our kmg." Thenoe
they were forced to succumb, and from this moment the French Ian*
miage was adopted as the established medium of communication
between France and all other countries. Men of intelligence and
enlarged views easily foresaw the danger to be dreaded (torn this
arrangement, and prophesied the gradual estrangement which must
be produced in a country imitating the language and customs of a
nation like Fiance, so anxious to hold it under dominion.
Digitized by
Google
PUSILLANIMITY OF THE GERMANS— TURKS IN HUNGARY. 623
The dispates which arose between the different imperial envoys
themselves were sufficient to show how weak and futile must be the
attempts they made to seek indemnification &om the usurpers ; for
here a^ain at Frankfort all those old and contemptible questions of
pre-emmence, the madness of which exceeds all behef, were renewed,
and whilst they thus wasted away their precious time in a war of
words, the French took advantage of their miserable neglect, and
fortified themselves more and more strongly in the lands they had
usurped. At length, however, Austria succeeded in forming an
alliance with several princes in order to repulse force with force ;
but a revolt which at this moment arose in Hungary, together with a
fresh invasion of the Turks there, which had been promoted by Louis
himself to suit his own purposes, prevented any result arising there-
from.
Ever since theyear 1670, Hungary had been continually a^tated
by dissention. lliat country was extremely annoyed and indignant
at beholding its constitution violated, and all its cities garrisoned hj
German soldiers, whom they thoroughly hated ; wmlst, in addi-
tion to this, the F^testants complained loudly against the persecutions
they enduredat the instigation of the Jesuits. Accordingly, the discon*
tented portion of the nation having, in the year 1678, found a deter-
mined leader in Count Emmeric of Toeckh^ they rose en moMse^ and
even formed an alliance with the Turks. The warlike and ambitious
mnd vizier, Elara Mustapha, prepared at once for the invasion of
Hungary at the head of an armyfar exceeding any in strength since
the conquest of Constantinople. Fortunately for the Emperor Leo^
pold, he found in the Polish kin^, John Sobieski, a brave and deter-
mined ally, whilst the German prmces now faithfully, and contrary to
their custom, speedily came to his aid, and Charles Duke of Lorraine
was appointed chief m command of the imperial army. This heroic
prince, the conqueror of the Turks, and the instructor of the subse-
quently distinguished Prince Eugene, was equally great and magna*
nimousinhis character as a man, as he was in that of a warrior and a
supporter of the house of Austria.
Nevertheless, the spring of the year 1683 had commenced before
the preparations were completed, whilst the Turks, who were never
accustomed to open a campai^ before the summer season, had already
began their march in the winter of the preceding year, and on the
12th of June th^ crossed the bridge of Esseck. The imperial
army was hastily formed and reviewed in Presburg, and consisted
of 22,000 foot and 11,000 cavalry; whilst that of the Turks ex-
ceeded 200,000 men. The latter continued on their march direct
for Vienna, without halting to lay siege to any of the towns in Hun-
gary, as it was hoped they would have done. Consternation and
alarm filled Ae whole cily ; and the emperor with his court fled
and sought refuge in Linz. Many of the inhabitants followed him;
but the majority, afiter the first moment of terror was over, armed in
Digitized by
Google
524 SIEGK OF TIENNA— BRAVE DEFENCE.
defence of their city, whilst the slow progress made by the Turks who,
as they proceeded, occupied themselves with pillaging all the villages
and castles along their march, left time for the Duke of Lorraine to
send a body of 12,000 men into the city as a garrison ; and as he
could not venture to advance with his small army in order to cut off
the passage of the enemy, he drew off his troops from the high road,
and awaited the arrival of the Polish king.
Count Riidiger of Stahrenberg was appointed by the council of
war commandant of the city, and he showed all activity and haste in
doing every thing possible to place it in a state of defence, and every
man capable of working or bearing arms assisted cheerfully. On the
14th of June the vizier appeared with his immense army before the
walls, occupying a space otthe country around them to an extent of
six leagues. Two days afterwards the trenches were opened, the can-
non fired upon the dty, and the siege commenced ; the walls were
undermined, and every preparation was made by the Turks for blow-
ing up the bastions in order to rush pell mell into the devoted place,
where they hoped to make a glorious booty. The besieged, how-
ever, made an heroic defence, and repaired in the night what had
been damaged during the day. Every step of ground was obsti-
nately disputed, and thus a struggle equally desperate and determined
was maintained by the assailants and the assailed. The most fieroe
and sanguinary scene of contest was at the Lobel bastion, where
scarcely any part of the ground was left unstained with the blood of
friend and foe. Meantime the Turks gained a footing more and more ;
at the end of August they were already in possession of the moat of
the city walls, and on the 4th of September they sprung a mine under
the Bur^ bastion ; the explosion xnade half the city shake and totter,
the bastion itself was rent asunder to an extent of more than thirty
feet, and pieces of its walls scattered around in all directions The
breach was so great that the enemy made an immediate assault, but
they were repulsed. On the following morning, they made another
attack and were again driven back by the brave defendeis. On the
10th of September another and final mine was sprung under the same
bastion, and this time the breach was soextensive that a whole battalion
of the enemy's troops was enabled to penetrate through it. This was
now a moment of the most extreme danger ; the garrison was com-
pletely exhausted by constant fiffhting and fatigue, and dckness had
reduced their number considerably, whilst the commandant had sent
courier afler courier to the Duke of Lorraine in vain. At length on
the 11th, whilst the whole city was in momentary expectation and
dread of the enemy's assault, the Viennese observed &om their walls
that, by the movements in the enemy'scamp, the expected and so much
longed-for succour must be near at hand ; and soon afterwards, to
the joy of all, the Christian army showed itself on the Kalen Hill,
and announced its presence by discharges from the artillery. The brave
Sobieski had now arrived at the head of his valiant army ; and ho
Digitized by
Google
OVERTHROW OF THE TURKS — SOBIESKl'S LETTER. 525
was immediately followed by the Electors of Bavaria and Saxony,
Prince Waldeck with the troops of the circle of Franconia, the Duke of
Saze-Lauenburg, the Margraves of Baden and Baireuth, the Land-
grave of Hesse, the Princes of Anhalt, and many other princes and
nobles of the empire, who all brought with them a numerous body
of their own troops. With such a select body of leaders Charles of
Lfonaine felt he might venture to advance against theenemy, although
his entire ibrce amounted only to 40,000 men.
On the morning of the 12th of September, the Christian army
descended the KsSen Hill in order of oattle. The viUa^ of Nuss-
dorf, situated on the banks of the Danube, was first atta^ed by the
imperialists and Saxons, who occupied the left win^, and was taken
after an obstinate resistance. Meantune, towards midday, the King of
Poland had descended into the plain with the right wing, and at the
head of his cavalry dashed against the innumerable battalions of the
Turkish horsemen, and with irresistible force penetrated through the
very centre of their ranks, spreading before him confusion and dismay ;
his daring coura^, however, earned him a little too Ear, for he was
speedily surrounded by the Turks who now closed upon him and
ms few companions, and he must soon have been overcome and
destroyed, had he not summoned the German cavaliers who were in
his rear to the rescue, and who, galloping up with lightning's speed,
fell with tremendous force upon his turbwrned captors, and deHverinjg
him from their hands, put tnem to flight, and soon the whole of this
body of the Turkish army was overthrown and sent flying in all
directions.
This action, however, only served as an introductory scene to the
grand battle which was to decide the fate of the war ; for the im-
measurable camp of the Turks, covered with thousands of tents, still
maintained its position, whilst their artillery continued to bombard
the city.
The imperial commander-in-chief held a council of war whether the
battle should be commenced that evening, or whether the soldiers
should rest until the following morning, when he was informed that
the enemy appeared to be already running away in every direction.
And such was the case in reality. An irresistible terror had come
over them; they fled abandoning their camp and all their bagga^
and ammunition, and very soon even those who had fired upon the
town followed the example and decamped with the whole army.
The booty made in the camp was immense; it was estimated at
15,000,000 dollars, and the tent of the grand vizier alone was valued at
400,000 dollars ; in the military chest were found 2,000,000 of dollars.
The Bang of Poland obtained 4,000,000 of florins for his portion, and
in a letter to his consort, he writes respecting the battle and the great
joy felt by the delivered inhabitants ofV ienna, in the folio wing terms :
" The whole of the enemy's camp, together with their artillery and
an incalculable amount of property, has fallen into our hands. The
camels and mules, together with tne captive Turks, are driven away
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
526 HIS DESCRIFnON OF THE BATTLE — ^HAPPY RESULTS.
in herds, wliilst I myself am become the heir of the srami yizier.
The baimer which was usoallj borne before him, togemer with llie
standard of Mahomet, with which the sultan had honoured him in
this campaign, and the tents, waggons, and baggage, are all £illen
to my sluure; even some of the qm^ers captured amongst the rest,
are alone worth several thousand dollars. It would take too long to
describe all the other objects of luxury found in his tents, as for
instance his baths, fountains, gardens, and a variety of rare animals.
This morning I was in the city and found that it could hardly have
held out more than five days. Never before did the eye of man see
a work of equal magnitude despatched with a vigour uke that with
which they blew up, and shattered to pieces huge masses of stone and
rocks. I myself had to sustain a long contest with the vizier's troops
before the left wing^ came up to m^ aid, but after the battle I was
surrounded by the Elector of Bavaria, Prince Waldeck, and several
other princes of the empire, who embraced me with warm affecdon.
The generals took hold of my hands and feet, the colonek with
their regiments of horse and foot saluted me with, ' Long live our
brave Bang!' This morning the Elector of Saxony, together with the
Duke of Lorraine came to me ; and, finally, the Governor of Vienna,
Count Stahrenberg, with a multitude of the people, rich and poor,
came to meet me; all greeted me most cordially, and called me their
deliverer. In the streets were loud rejoicings and cries of * Long
live the King!' When I rode out into the encampment after
dinner, the populace with uplifted hands accompanied me out of
the city gate. Let us, for this most glorious victory, render to the
Most High, praise, honour, and thank^ving, for ever !"
The Austrians had good cause to feel grateful for this deliverance.
For this formidable foe not only plundered and slaughtered the
people according to his usual practice in war, but without making
any distinction, dragged after him all he could seize as slaves. S
has been calcukted that altogether, Austria lost in this way 87,000
individuals, among whom were 50,000 children and 26,000 women
and youi^ females, and of the latter alone 204 belonged to the
families of counts and others of the nobility.
The whole of Europe took an interest in the deliverance of
Vienna; Louis XIV. alone was gready confounded, and none of
his ministers could command sufficient courage to bear the intelli-
gence to him ; nay, credible writers assert that, m the tent of the grand
vizier, letters were found from the king, containing the entire plan
for the siege of Vienna.
The war with the Turks continued with a few intermissions
fifteen years longer, ending gloriously for the imperial arms. The
terror felt for their name caused, and their military tame had now
declined. In the year 1687 they were totally defeated at Mohacz
by the Duke of Lorraine and Prince Eugene of Savoy, and as a
consequence of this victory the whole of Hungary submitted to the
Digitized by
Google
FRESH WAR WITH FRANCE, 1688— 1697— THE ALLIANCE. 527.
imperial dominion and even made its regal dignity hereditary,
instead of bang, as hitherto, only elective. After the great victory
of Prince Eugene at Zeutha, in 1697, an armistiGe for twenty-five
years was concluded with the Turks at Garlowitz.
CHAPTER XX Vm,
Fresh War with rranoe, 1688 — 1697 — Alliance of England, Holland, and Spain,
against Louis XIY . — The French in Germany— Dreadful Devastation and Un-
heard of Cruelties committed hy orders of Louis XIV. — Cooflagraticm and com-
plete Destroctioa cf Heildelberg, Worms, and Spires— Deplorable Condition of
the Inhabitants — The Tombs of the Emperors pillaged — Peace of Byswick,
1697— Compensation demanded for Germany — ^Insolence of the French Ambassa-
dors— ^Elevation of the German Princes — ^The First Elector of Hanover^-Fre-
derick. Elector of Saxony, ascends the Throne of Poland, 1696— Frederick, Elec-
tor of Brandenburg places the Crown on his own Head as King of Prussia, 1701 —
War of the Spanish Succession between France and the House of Austria, 1701 —
1714— William m. of England— Louis XIV. proclaims his Grandson, Philip of
Ai^ou, King of Spain— Prince Eugene — His Military Genius and Private Cha-
racter—A^K>inted Commander-in-Chief of the Imperial Army— His Reply to
Louis XTV.— Marches into Italy— Defeats the Fr^ch at Carpi and CMari—
England— Louis XIV. and the exiled Stuarts— The Duke of Marlborough, Gene-
ral of the Allied Army— The Elector of Bayaria— The Bararians in the Tyrol —
Their Grerthrow by the Tyrolese— ^Battle of Hochstadt— Blenheim — Triumphant
Victoiy gained by the Duke of Marlborough and Prince Eugene, 1704— The Duke
of Marlborough created a Prince of the Empire — Death of Leopold I., 1705.
Louis XI V.had employed the interval, whilst Austriaand the Ger-
man princes were subjugating their foimidable enemy in the south-
east, in gathering new forces, for he did not deem the usurped
possessions already in his hands sufficient. And as he thought the
present to be the most &vourable moment, he availed himself of
certain insignificant disputes respecting the hereditary title of Charles,
the electoral prince of the palatinate, and the succession to the electo*
rate of Colosne, after the death of Maximilian Heniy ; and pretend-
ing that it devolved upon him to protect the constitution of Ger-
many, he issued a fresh declaration of war a^nst the emperor in
1688. Before it was even made known, his troops invaded the
Netherlands and began to lay waste as before. Summoned by this
danger, numerous armies from northern Germany, Saxony, Han-
over, and Hesse, hastened to the Rhine on the defensive. This was
the more praiseworthy, as at Ratisbon they were yet discussing the
question whether or not there should be a war. However, even
here, things began to wear a more determined aspect ; an imperial
war was declared, without allowing any one of the states to remain
neutral, and the emperor added to the declaration : " The govern-
ment of France is not to be considered simply as the enemy of the
empire, but, like the Turks, the enemy of all Christendom."
Digitized by
Google
528 THE FRENCH IN GERMANY— DREADFUL CRUELTIES.
The arrogance of France and the violations of the Nimw^^en
treaty of peace excited also the indignation of the other European
states ; soon England, Holland, Spain, and subsequently Sa^^,
took part in the war, and the new King of Endand, WilUam Ul^
who was at the same time Stadtholder of the X^etherlands, in his
declaration of war likewise calls King Louis '* A disturber of the
peace and the common enemy of all Christendom.*'
In order that France might wage a successful war against so many
adversaries, unhappy Germany was again subjected to the inhuman
treatment which the Minister Louvois had suggested : the flourish-
ing banks of the Rhine were reduced to a state of complete desola-
tion, and the recital of the cruelties inflicted excites but one feeling
of horror.
As early as January, 1689, the cavalry of General Melac surrounded
the country around Heidelberg and set fire to the towns of Rohr-
bach, Nuszloch, Wisloch, Kirchheim, Eppenheim, Neckarhausen,
and many others, whibt the poor defenceless people who 8U|>pli-
cated for mercy on their knees, were stripped and hunted naked into
the fields, then covered with snow, where many perished through
the cold. Heidelberg itself was set on fire in several different
places. The towns of Mannheim, Offenburg, Creuznach, Oppen-
heim, Bruchsal, Frankenthal, Baden, Rastadt, and many other
small towns and villages met the same fate. The inhabitants were
not even permitted, after being plundered and ill-treated, to take
refuge in the German districts, out were obliged to betaJce them-
selves to the French territory. The ancient free cities of the em-
pire, Spires and Worms, underwent a lingering and truly pitiable
state ot suffering. AfW innumerable cal^miities, after the inhabit-
ants had for seven months endured all and sacrificed all, and now
thought that at least their cities would be saved, it was announced
to them that the interest of the king required that both those
cities should be razed to the ground. The unhappy people were
compelled to wander forth out of their ji^tes, as menoicants, and
destitute of all means of subsistence, into the nearest French
cities, and Spires and Worms were both set in flames and reduced
to ashes. On this occasion French avarice violated and sacrile-
pously broke open tlie very graves of the ancient Salic emperors
m the cathedral of Spires; several silver coffins deposited there
were removed, and the venerated bones they contained scattered
upon the ground. In Worms alone, fifteen Catholic churches and
convents^ besides those of the Jesuits and Dominicans, were reduced
to ashes. When the young Duke of Crequi, who had the chief
command in these operations, was asked why he visited these
cities with such severity, he merely replied: ''It is the king's
pleasure," — ^and produced a list of 1200 towns and villages which
were yet to be destroyed. These enormities were perpetrated by
a nation, calling itself the most civilised and polishea in the world,
and just at that period of its history too, which it denominated the
Digitized by
Google
PEACE OF RYSWICK— ARROGANCE OF FRANCE. 529
golden age of its refinement ; they were the commands of a king, who
wished to assume the character of a protector of the arts and sciences
wherever he found them. Before he made known the designs
which his thirst for conquest had led him to form, he sent
presents to sixty foreign Savants, accompanied with the following
letter from his minister, Colbert: " Although the king," he says,
" is not jour sovereign, he is desirous of being your benefactor; he
sends this present as a token of his regard." In this way he suc-
ceeded in attaching to himself partisans amidst the most learned men
of other nations; but now none had longer confidence in the honesty
of his intentions, and those who formerly wished success to his arms,
broke out into execrations and curses against him and his people.
This animosity against France and the excellent generalsnip of the
old Duke of Lorraine, rendered the German arms, during the first
years of the war, tolerably successful ; and several fortified towns on
the Rhine were recovered firom the French. After the duke's death,
however, and when the zeal of the first moment had cooled down,
the advantage turned in favour of the indefatigable enemy, especially
after the great French general, the Marshal of Luxemburg, had in
1690 routed a German legion at Fleurus. Subsequently, however, in
1693, they in some measure regained their former position under a
new German general, Prince Lewis of Baden, a pupil of the Duke of
Lorraine, who ably defended the banks of the Neckar ; and with an
army of inferior numbers, he made such an admirable stand at Heil-
bronn, that the enemy would not again venture to invade Swabia.
All the belligerent nations being wearied out, a congress of peace
was at length convened at Ryswick, a small village with a castle near
the Hague, in Holland. Louis XIV. was desirous of peace this time,
in order to prepare for a new war which he anticipated as near at
hand. The death of Charles U., the King of Spam, was expected
shortly to take place, and as he had no children^ Louis wished to ob-
tain that country for himself. Accordingly, he now offered to de-
Uver up many places, and amongst the rest the important citadel of
Strasburg. feut the negotiations were hardly entered upon before
he succeeded, with his usual cunning, in disuniting the allies, by
^omising especial advantages to England, Holland, and Spain.
They therefore concluded a separate peace for themselves, and
abandoned the emperor and empire altogether. And now the am-
bassadors resumed their high and haughty tone.
When the question was ^scussed respecting the compensation to
be made for the excessive losses produced by the war, and when the
cities of Worms and Spires alone demanded, as an indemnification,
9,000,000 florins, whikt the duchy of Baden claimed 8,000,000,
and Wurtemburg 10,000,000, they replied in an ironical tone :
" War brings with it many evils; if the Germans are determined to
have satisfaction, let them lead their army into the centre of France,
and there plunder or conquer as much as they please." At last they
engaged, out of all they had conquered, to deliver up Freiburg,
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
530 ELEVATION OF GERMAN PRINCES— HANOVER— «AXONY.
Brisach, and Philipebuig, together with those places reunited by the
four chambers beyond Alsace. On the evening before the ratification
of peace, and just when all considered that every thing was arranged
for signature, the French ministers came forward with an additional
stipulation, insisting upon its being acceded to, viz., ^^ That in all
the reunited places now about to be restored, the Catholic reli^on
should remain as it was;" that is, in 1922 GrCTnan townships which
had been previously Protestant, and into which the French garrisons
had introduced, with a high hand, the CSatholic worship, the latter
should remain the state reugion. The Protestant ambassadors of Crer-
many strenuously redsted this clause; but thdr remonstrances were
not attended to, and the treaty of peace was si^ed. The worst feature
of the case, and what Louis undoubtedly aimed at, was that the
Protestants looked upon the emperor himself as the secret mover
of this so called Ryswickian clause, whence it produced in Ger-
many fresh distrust on the subject of religion ; and, in truth, the
imperial ambassadors by no means showed themselves vigilant
against the desi^s of France, nor were they sufficiently determined
in their opposition.
Another cause also of the discord which at this period prevailed
in Germany, was the creation of a new electoral dignity, on behalf
of the house of Hanover, or Brunswick-Luneburg. That princely
house had rendered the emperor veiy important service in tne wars
against the Turks and the French ; Leopold, therefore, was desirous
of rewarding it with the said electoral dignity, and the majority of the
other electors, even those of the Catholic party, became by degrees
aOTeeable to this proceeding, although it would, at the same time,
add a new Protestant vote to the electoral college; still, to them,
this appeared not unreasonable, since the Protestants had lost a vote
through the elector-palatine having gone over to the Catholic reli-
gion. But the princes, especially Brunswick- Wolfenbuttel, strug-
S'ed vehemently a^nst tms elevation of one of their number, for
ereby one of their most valuable votes would be withdrawn from
them. When, therefore, the emperor, notwithstanding their op-
position, conferred, in 1692, the investiture of the new electorate
on Ernest Augustus of Hanover, it produced so much contention
and general discontent in the college of princes, that it was deemed
advisable, for the present, that Hanover should not be permitted
to occupy a place in the electoral assembly. The new electorate was
not inconsiderable ; the elder brother, George William of Liineburg,
had transferred his dukedom to his yoimger brother, Eknest Au-
gustus, so that now Liineburg, Calenburg, and Gxubenhagen, with
ttie provinces of Hoya and Diepholz, formed together one of the
largest of the German territories. The new elector was also chief
standard-bearer of the empire, and he promised in all cases of the
election of an emperor, always to give his vote to the house of Aus-
tria, and to grant the Cathoucs in nis own dominions the free exer-
cise of their religion, as well as to furnish in aid of the war 500,000
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
BRANDENBURG — FIRST KING OF PRUSSIA, 1701. 531
dollars, toffether with 6000 men to Hungary, and 3000 to the
Rhine. When Ernest Augustus died in 1698, even those of the
electoral princes who had not heretofore approved of the creation
of a ninth electorate, now voted for the investiture of his son, George
Lewis; the college of princes, on the other hand, protested anew
against it; nor did they recognise it till the year 1705. The house
of Hanover, however, was soon to rise yet higher, for in the year
1714, George Lewis ascended the English throne by inheritance,
on the demise of Queen Anne, who had survived the whole of her
thirteen children.
The year 1696 also witnessed the elevation of a German prince
to a royal throne ; the Elector Frederick Augustus of Saxony, after
the death of the gallant Sobieski, was elected king by the Poles,
and took the title of Augustus I. He was obliged to change his
creed and conform to the GathoHc church; in his Saxon dominions,
however, no alteration was attempted in the constitution of the
church. The Polish crown, however, proved no boon to the Saxon
house, and was soon lost again.
This was a period of aggrandising effort amon^ the princes, and
these examples influenced several. A Prince of Orange had just
become King of England, and the Elector of Saxony was King of
Poland; this prompted Frederick IH., Elector of Brandenburg, who
was at the same time Duke of Prussia, likewise to assume the royal
title. His territories were indeed small, but Frederick loved splen-
dour and outward show more than any thing else; he caused him-
self to be proclaimed king at Kdnigsberg, on the 17 th of January,
1701, and on the following day he solemnly placed the crown on
his own head and that of his consort ; henceforth he was known as
Frederick I. of Prussia.
The circumstances of the times were exceedingly &vourable for
these self promotions ; at another period, they might have encoun-
tered much opposition. The Spanish war of succession was on the
eve of breaking out, and the powers which were implicated in it
hastened to obtain allies. The Emperor Leopold was the first to
acknowledge the new Prussian royal title, and he received in return
assistance m the war, and the assurance that the imperial dignity
should continue in the house of Austria. Sweden, England, Hol-
land, Poland, Denmark, and Russia, also soon followed, all equally
from motives of state poUcy. On the other hand, France and Spain,
together with the pope, finding their adversaries had already gained
over the king, delayed their recognition until the peace of Utrecht.
The curse of our history since the Thirty Years' War has been
that our country was drawn into all the quarrels of the nations of
Europe, even such as were foreign to her, and her soil was the prin-
cipal arena on which others spent their rage in war. Hence it
is that the plains of Saxony, Swabia, and Bavaria, are distinguished
by the names of so many battles, and this is the reason why the
bonks of the Elbe, the Saale, and the Elster, aa well as those of the
2 M2 Digitized by Google
532 SPANISH WAR OF SUCCESSION, 1701—1714.
Danube, the Lech, the Inn, and the Neckar, have been bo severely
trodden down by the burning foot of war.
In like manner, at the commencement of the eighteenth century,
that shock which convulsed the southern half of Europe, was, to a
^at extent, fought out on the plains of Germany. Tliis was occa-
sioned by the death of Charles U., King of Spain.
Two sovereign families, at that penod, had the government of
the greater part of Europe : the houses of Austria and Bourbon; the
former had separated into two branches, the Austrian proper and the
Austro- Spanish branch ; but the moment had now amved when
both could asain blend together in one. Louis XIV. had, it is true,
married the ddest sister of the deceased Eong of Spain, but she had,
by a solemn covenant, renounced her right to the Spanish succes-
sion. The second sister was married to tne Emperor Leopold ; she
had made no such renunciation ; her daughter, however, consort of
Maximilian Emanuel, Elector of Bavaria, was obliged before her
marriage, like her aunt, to renounce all her hereditary claims to
Spain. The Emperor Leopold, however, by a second marriage with
a princess of the palatine house of Neuberg, had two sons, Joseph
and Charles; Leopold demanded the crown of Spain on behalf of the
latter, on the ground that Leopold*s mother was an aunt of Charles II.
France, however, as well as Bavaria, refused to allow that the renun-
ciations of these princesses affected their families, because they had
given up only their own claims, and had no power to renounce the
rights of their posterity. Each of these powers now endeavoured,
through their ambassadors, to induce King Charles II., during his life-
time, to make a will in their favour; and Charles, with the view of
maintaining the independence of Spain as much as possible, named
Joseph Ferdinand, Elector of Bavaria, his successor. This youth,
however,died of the smallpox,even before the king,in the year 1699,
and the contest between the houses of Bourbon and Austria com-
menced afresh. Leopold could easily have obtained the victory if
he had been represented by a more able envoy at Madrid, and if he
iiiraself had possessed more decision of character; for both the Spa-
nish (jueen and Cardinal Portocarraro, Archbishop of Toledo, the
most influential man at the court, were favourably disposed towards
Austria. But Leopold's ambassador. Count von Harrach, a haughty,
avaricious blunderer, left the field quite clear for the adroitness and
cunning of the French agent, the Marquis d'Harcourt ; this man
gained over the most considerable of the Spaniards one after another,
and, at last, even the cardinal, and through him the king himself.
Charles made a secret will, and when he died, on the 1st of No-
vember, 1700, it was discovered that he had named therein the
grandson of Louis XIV., Philip, Duke of Anjou, heir to the whole
Spanish monarchy. The emperor was thoroughly confounded by
this unexpected blow; but he had to thank himself alone for it, for
1)reviously, when the Spanish court had repeatedly pressed him to
et his son, the Archduke Charles, come into Spain with a small
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
TWO KINGS OF SPAIN, PHILIP V. AND CHARLES IIL 533
army — during the continuance of the former war with France — the
emperor, owmg to his want of resolution, refused to give his
consent.
Louis XIV. knew well that, notwithstanding the will of the late
king, to take possession of Spain for his grandson without war was
not possible; for Austria had been too severely injured; whilst the
other states of Europe likewise viewed, with great jealousy, the ex-
cessive power of the house of Bourbon. William III., King of
England and Stadtholder of the Netherlands, an active and veiy
able man, who considered it his province to preserve the due balance
of the powers of Europe, and therefore had always been the enemy
of Louis, concluded an alliance between both of his dominions and
Austria; this was the more important as England and Holland were
the wealthiest and most powerful rulers of the sea. Hence Louis
considered awhile whether he should accept of the Spanish king's
will; he then called his council together, and as they unanimou3y
concurred, he resolved to do so ; accordingly, he proclaimed his
grandson King of Spain and both the Indies, in the presence of a
brilliant assembly of his court. When he entered from his cabinet,
leading the prince by the hand, he exclaimed, as stated by a French
writer, with the air of a lord of the universe : '* My loras, you see
here the King of Spain. Nature has formed him for it ; the deceased
king has nominated him, the people desire him, and I consent."
This was the signal for a new and direful struggle in Europe.
Germany was, alas ! divided in itself ; Prussia, Hanover, the Pala-
tinate, and a few other states were, from the beginning, for the
emperor. Maximilian Emanuel, Elector of Bavaria and also
Stadtholder of the Spsiiish Netherlands, was on the side of the
French, and Louis, in consideration of his claims to the Spanish
succession, had already made a secret promise to him of the Nether-
lands; whether seriously, it is difficult to sav. The brother of Maxi-
milian, the Elector of Cologne, followed his example and received
French troops into his territory, ** for the good of the Germanic em-
pire and the preservation of its peace ( !)," as it is expressed in the
official declarations.
The Emperor Leopold determined without delay on sending an
army into Italy, to take possession of the Spanish territories in that
country, Milan and Naples. He placed at its head Francis Eu-
gene, rrince of Savoy, one of the first of the warriors and states-
men of his time, as well as of all history. He sprang from a colla-
teral branch of the house of Savoy, and was intended in his youth
for the clerical profession ; but his genius led him to the study of his-
tory and its great examples, and this again impelled him into the
rapid current of active life, where the skill of such as aspire to glory
is put to the test in sight of waving laurels. When in his twentiem
year, he oflFered his services to Louis XIV. The latter, not deeming
him worthy of notice on account of his diminutiveness, treated his
Digitized by
Google
534 PRINCE EUGENE — HIS MILITARY GENIUS.
offer with ridicule, and advised him to continue in the clerical profe^-
non. Eugene immediately turned to Austria, where the Turkish
war seemed to &vour his wishes, and he soon distinguished himself
so greatly, that after the deliverance of Vienna, in 1683, on which
occasion he fought gallantly, the emperor gave him the command of
a cavalry regiment. Charles, Duke of Lorraine, already recognised
him as a hero, and predicted what he would one day become in re-
lation to the imperial house ; and, in 1693, Leopold appointed him
field-marshal. Louis would now gladly have gained him over to
himself, and for which object he sent to him an offer of the Stadt-
holdership of Champaign, and the dignity of a marshal of France ;
but Eugene answered tne person deputea : " Tell your king that I
am an miperial field-marshal, which is worth quite as much as the
staff of a French marshal.''
Eugene was in every respect a great general ; his mind embraced
at once the most important enterprise, together with all its details,
and whilst engaged in forming his plan of battle, and all its accom*
panying operations, he never neglected to provide for the most
minute wants of his army, which consequently placed the greatest
confidence in their commander. His eagle eye eagerly seized with
the greatest promptitude the advantages of the moment, and the
errors of his adversary were speedily caught at and made available
for his own object. He was, nowever, not less distinguished in his
private character as a man ; for his spirit rose superior to the reli-
gious and political prejudices of his day, and he esteemed more
highly the arts of peace than the dazzling glories of war ; whilst, at
the same time, he was so modest and unpretending, and estimated
his own qualifications with so much moderation, that he not only
regarded the promotion of others without envy, but^ on the con-
trary^ he willingly occupied a subordinate post, if by so doing he
could promote the general good. In person Prince Eugene was
under the middle size, and as he walked amidst the tents of his
camp, enveloped in his ^y military cloak, it may be supposed that
few would recognise in his small figure the renowned leader of armies,
except those to whom the brilliant fire of his dark eye betrayed his
presence.
In the month of March, 1701, Eugene marched against Italy
with the imperial army, together with ten thousand au^oliary troops
firom Prussia, and a division of Hanoverians. The forces assem-
bled at Roveredo, and ascended the mountain chain ; but all the
passes on the other side were already occupied by the French, so
that it appeared impossible to descend. The imperial general, how-
ever, ordered his men, who always obeyed him with enthusiastic
ardour and alacrity, to cut a passage over the rocks and precipices
to the extent of thirty miles, in which they marched, and thus, be-
fore the enemy could be at all aware of it, his army poured forth
firom the terrific passes of the mountains, and encamped on the plains
Digitized by
Google
I.OUIS XIV. AND THE STUARTS — DUK£ OF MARLBOROUGH. 535
of Verona. By two victories gained at Carpi and Chiari, Eugene
drove the French from a part of Upper Italy, and established his
'winter quarters there.
As early as the autumn of 1701, an alliance was formed be-
tween England, Holland, and Austria. The maritime powers
stipulated that they should retain possession of all the conquests
they might make in the Spanish Indies ; and in return they pro*
mised the emperor to assist nim in conquering the Spanish Nether^
lands, Milan, Naples, and Sicily. The English would not have
taken so active a part in the war if Louis AlY. himself had not
foolishly and impudently provoked their exasperation. England
liad just succeeded in drivmg from the throne the family of the
Stuarts, on account of their zeal for the Catholic religion, and had
transferred it to William of Orange. Louis received the exiled
family and gave them his protection, and in 1701, on the death of
James IL, (who died at Saint Germain,) he recognised his son
James III., as King of Great Britain ; and it was even reported that
this prince was about to effect a landing in England at the head of a
French army. The English were so incensed that a stranger should
thus presume to dispose of their throne, that King William, instead
of 10,000 men, now obtained from Parliament a vote for 40,000.
William placed at the head of this army the Earl of Marlborough,
created afterwards a duke. He had not deceived himself in making
this selection of his commander-in-chief ; Marlborough had learnt
the art of war in the school of tlie great Turenne, and as a general,
stood second to none of his day. Nature had formed him for a
martial leader ; bein^ tall, handsome, energetic, and of such noble
deportment and superior genius, that the most elevated in rank and
distinguished men of every country, involuntarily did homage to
him. In individual feeling, he stood inferior to Eugene ; he did
not possess that integrity and nobleness of mind which in the con-
templation of grand objects loses ' sight of self ; whilst he is also
accused of an immoderate thirst for ^ain.
In March, 1702, Marlborough landed in the Netherlands and
placed himself at the head of Die Anglo-Dutch army; his imme-
diate object was to drive the French out of the Electorate of Cologne.
King William III. died the same month in consequence of a violent
fall from his horse whilst hunting, but his successor. Queen Anne,
implicitly adhered to all his plans, and the war was continued.
With this firm determination shown on the part of foreigners,
the states of the Germanic empire resolved upon taking a decisive
part in this war of vengeance against their hereditary enemy. The
declaration of war followed on die 6th of October, 1702, and it con-
cluded thus : — *' France has done every thing in her power to
humble and crush the German nation, in order that she might the more
easily effect, what she has so long and zealously been aiming at, viz.,
the establishment of a universal monarchy." The conduct of the Elec-
tor of Bavaria had likewise provoked the decision of the other mem-
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
536 ELECTOR OF BAVARIA— INVADES THE TYROL.
bers of the empire in favour of the same catise;for obstinately ad-
hering to France, he had collected a considerable force with which
he suddenly attacked and took possession of the free, imperial
city of Ulm, on the 3d of September; an act severely condemned
by the other states.
The dukes of Brunswick also, in consequence of their continued
indignation against the Elector of Hanover, forgot themselves so
far as to raise troops for the service of France ; and as they paid
no regard to the reiterated warnings given to them, they were
forcibly disarmed, in 1702, by the Elector of Hanover, and thence-
forth compelled to submit to the will of the emperor and the nation.
The fortress of Landau on the Rhine was also this year besi^ed
and captured by the imperial general, Lewis of Baden. The Ro-
man kmg, Joseph, came himself into the camp, and evinced great
courage and resolution. In Italy, Eugene was as yet too weak to
attempt any thing of importance ; and it appeared as though the
hostile parties had determined to test each other's strength merely in
skirmishes.
The following year was one more rich in exploits. Marlborough
employed it in the conquest of several fortified places on the borders
of the Netherlands, and captured Bonn, Tongem, Huy, Limburg,
and Guelders.
In Southern Germany affairs were not so prosperous, for the em-
peror was obliged to withdraw a considerable part of his army from
the Rhine, in order to suppress the dangerous insurrection headed
by Count Ragoczi, which had been raised in Hungary by French
influence. The protracted struggle in that country had the effect
generally of greatly hindering the Austrian powers from making
any thing like a demonstration against France. In the year 1703,
the French field-marshal, Villars, succeeded in crossing the Rhine
and uniting with the Elector of Bavaria. The latter now de\'ised
the plan of making an incursion into the Tyrol, and possessing him-
self of that country, situated for him so conveniently. He marched
thither with about 16,000 of the flower of his army, and the French
marshal remained behind to cover Bavaria. Owing to a fire which
imfortunately broke out in Kufstein, that strong mountain fortress
fell immediately into the hands of the elector, and in their first
terror several other places surrendered, and amongst the rest, even
Inspruck itself. Thence the Bavarians ascended the Brenner moun-
tain to make their way into Italy. Here, however, they were
anticipated by the brave Tyrolese, a people ever ready to lay down
their lives and their all in the cause of their beloved country, who,
on the present occasion were strenffthened by a large reinforcement
of Austrian soldiers, under the leadership of the gallant Amtmann,
Martin Sterzing. They climbed up the rugged heights on the sides
of the passes, and hurled trees and rocks down upon their foes,
as they defiled beneath them, who finding it impossible to continue
their march, retreated in all haste. A 'lyrolese sharpshooter in a
Digitized by
Google
BATTLES OF HOCHST^DT AND BLENHEIM, 1704. 537
ravine lav in ambuscade for the elector himself, but deceived by his
rich unifonn, he shot the Count of Arco in his stead. The Bavarian
army suffered still neater loss on its retreat, and after two months
the elector returned to his territory with only half the forces he had
taken with him.
As a sort of indemnification he succeeded, during the winter of
the same year, in taking possession of the opulent town of Augsburg,
as well as of that of Passau, the firontier fortress of Austria, and on the
Rhine the French had in the meantime conquered the strong for-
tresses of Brisach and Landau.
To conterbalance these losses, the allies proposed the following
year to try with all their forces united for better success, and accord-
ing to the plan laid down it was determined that the three generals,
Marlborough, Eugene, and Lewis of Baden, should fight in conjunc-
tion in Southern Germany, and that General Stahrenberg should
remain in Italy to carry on a defensive war. The three generals
met at Heilbronn on the Neckar, and Marlborough, with the Mar-
grave of Baden, directed his course to the Danube, and Eugene
marched along the Rhine. The Bavarians had stationed a part of
their army in an advantageous position on the Schellen mountain,
near Donauwerth, to dispute the passage of the imperialists over the
Danube ; but they were attacked there themselves, and after a
brave defence compelled to fly, their entire camp falling into the
hands of the enemy.
After this engagement the tmited powers made overtures of peace
to the elector, and promised him considerable advantages if he
would withdraw from the alliance of France. He began to waver,
and was on the point of signing the articles of peace, when a mes-
senffer informed him that Marshal Tallard was advancing with a
fresh army to his assistance. On receiving this news, the elector
threw the pen out of his hand and refused to sign the treaty. The
marshal came, but with him came likewise Prince Eugene, who had
followed at his heels and now joined Marlborough. They sent the old,
unyielding Prince of Baden away to the siege of Ingolstadt, lest he
should derange their plans of battle ; and me Enghsh general cor-
dially fought hand-in-hand with the unpretending Eugene, as the
latter was ever ready to sacrifice his own personal renown for the
success of the common cause.
On the 12th of October both generals took up their position imme-
diately in front of the French, and the Bavarians near the small town
of Hochstadt ; and on the 13th they began the battle. The enemy
was far superior in nimibers, and commanded a highly advantageous
situation, whilst they were well defended by morasses. Marlborough
led the right wing, composed of the English, Dutch, and Hessians,
against the French ; Eugene with the left advanced against the
Bavarians. The battle was most fierce, and the assailants were
several times driven back by a most terrible fire from the enemy's
artillery. The contest was most severe on the left wing, where
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
538 DEATH OF LEOPOLD I., 1705.
Maxinulian fought with the utmost biaveiy, skilfully availing himr
self of his covered pofiition in the bog. Eugene peroeiYed that
something extraordinary must be hazarded ; careless of his own
life, he rushed forward animating his men, when a Bavarian
dragoon close by levelled his piece at him, but one of the prinoe's
orderlies cut him down. At that moment iSrinoe Leopold of Dessau,
with a niunber of Prussian in&ntry, pressed forward to his aid, and
to him Eugene himself ascribes the determination of the contest ia
£ivour of this wing. Meanwhile Marlborough likewise had with
his wing routed the French, and when the elector saw them flying
from the field, he also retreated with his division. Twenty-eight
battalions and twelve squadrons of French still sought to de^d
themselves in the village of Blenheim, but they were surrounded
and forced to yield themselves prisoners. Thus a great and decisive
victory was gained by the allies ; 20,000 French and Bavarians
lay on the field of battle, 15,200 were taken prisoners, amongst
whom was Marshal Tallard himself, with his son and 818 officers.
As to booty, the victors had won a rich military chest, 117 cannon,
24 mortars, and 300 stand of colours; and besides this, 5000 waggons,
3600 tents^ and two pontoon bridges. From this day the name
of Marlborough became the theme of heroic song throughout Grer^
many, and the emperor created him a prince of the empire.
The Elector of Bavaria saw himself compelled to cross the Rhine
with the French, and take up his position in Brussels ; his territory
was occupied by the imperialists, and his consort retained for her
support only the town and revenue of Munich. Thus, unhappily
for him, terminated the campaign of 1704.
In the following year, 1705, the Emperor Leopold I. died of
dropsy on the chest, m the sixly-fifth year of his age ; few of his
subjects mourned for him, for he by no means possessed that afla-
bility with which princes so easily win the hearts of those who box-
xound them, and what rendered him still more unpopular, was that
he was too fond of intrenching himself behind the bulwark of the
severest Spanish court etiquette then still in practice. His dress
was always black, whilst the colour of his stockings and the plume
of his hat were of scarlet, and on his head he wore a peruke with
long descending ringlets. His form was insignificant, his deport-
ment serious and frequently gloomy, whilst his countenance was
disfigured by a large projectmg under lip. The most marked
trait in his character was a severe, austere tone of piety, but it
was of such a nature that it placed him completely under ike direc-
tion and sway of th^ will of his clergy. In other respects he was
conscientious, ^ood-natured, and very charitable to the poor, but
fiom want of judgment, his liberality was severely imposed upon.
Leopold I. was not a sovereign equal to the times in which he lived,
neither was he at all a match for an antagonist like Louis XIV.
He was succeeded by his eldest son, Joseph, in his twenty-seventh
year.
Digitized by
Google
JOSEPH I. 1705— 1711— WAR CONTINUED. 539
CHAPTER XXIX.
Joseph L, 1705-1711— Contmuation of the War— Riots in BaTariar— The Elector
outlawed — Marshal YOleroi— Battles of Ramillies and Turin, 1706— Triumph of
Marlhorough and Eng^e— Complete overthrow of the French — General Capi-
tulation— ^Naples — Spain— Battles of Oudenarde and Malplaqnet, 1708-170^ —
Defeat of the French under Bonrgoyne, Yendome, and Villars — ^HumiUation of
ILouis AXV. — ^England — Queen Anne — Marlhorough recalled and dismissed —
Death of Joseph L, 1711— Charles VI., I711-I740— Peace of Utrecht, 1713— Peace
of Rastadt and Baden, 1714— Death of Louis XTV., 1715— The House of Austria
in its Relations with the Germanic Empire — ^Peaceful Reign of Charles YL — His
Death, 1740 — Maria Theresa of Austria — Her Title to the Imperial Throne dis-
puted by Charles Albert of Bavaria — ^Frederick IL of Prussia — His extraordinary
Genius and energetic Character— His Army — Invades Austria — The first SHe-
sian War, 1740-1742— Glogau— Sanguinary Battle of Molwitz— Defeat of the
Austrians — ^Alliance of France, Spain, Bavaria, and Saxony, against Austria in
Supporf of Charles Albert — Hanover— George IL of England— Charles Albert,
King of Poland — Election of Emperor in Frankfort.
Leopold I. was succeeded by his eldest son Joseph in his
twenty-seventh year, who was endowed with an energetic and as-
piring mind. During a short period it was doubtful whether or
not the new emperor would continue the war with equal energy. in
favour of his brother Charles, who had proceeded to Spain in 1704,
where he had since continued, and had been actually acknowledged
as king in Arragon, Catalonia, and Valencia. Joseph, however,
declared his determination to prosecute the war with vigour, and he
kept his word.
Nevertheless, there was nothing of importance accomplished any-
where during the campaign of 1705. Eugene was sent to Italy, in
order to reorganise the army there, which nad £dlen into great dis-
order; but more than this he was not able to do this year. Marl-
borough had returned to the Netherlands, where he was obliged to
collect fresh forces. In Bavaria, meantime, a violent tumult broke
out, in consequence of the oppressive measures adopted by the Aus-
trian officers and garrisons. They forced the youth of the country
into the Austrian service, and this outrage lea to a revolt on the
part of the sturdy and independent Bavanans. They took up arms,
nbeiated the young men who had been pressed into service, attacked
several bodies of the Austrian troops, and encouraged by their first
success, they collected together about 20,000 of the bold peasantry
under the orders of a young and fiery student named MaiuL They
proceeded at once to make an assatdt upon the fortresses of Braunau
and Sch'arding, and forced the small garrisons to surrender. The
Austrians were obliged to negotiate with them and to conclude an
annistice, not as with rebeC, but as with men defending their
Digitized by
Google
540 MARSHAL YILLEROI — BATTLE OF R/IMILLIES, 1706.
independence. They, however, availed themselves of this circuin-
stance by collecting together a small imperial army from the neigh-
bouring districts, and with this assistance they routed the peasants,
recovered from them one town after another, and in some measure
re-established order. This, however, was attended with many acts
of severity, and the feeling of bitter animosity between the two
parties increased more and more. The elector himself, 1>eing
looked upon as the first mover in the insurrection, and an enemy
of the Empire, was, together with his brother, the Elector
of Cologne, now formally declared an outlaw, and his territory
escheated as a fief of the Empire. At the urgent request of the
elector-palatine, the emperor restored to him the upper palatinate
which his family had lost in the Thirty Years' War, an^ which had
been transferred to Bavaria, together with its ancient seat in the
assembly of electors. About this time also the princes, who had
hitherto disputed the electoral dignity of Hanover, at length
yielded; it was universally acknowledged, and the elector-palatmc
resigned to the new Elector of Hanover the office of grand treasurer.
France had determined to turn her chief force in the succeed-
ing campaign against the Netherlands, in order that she might,
if possible, obtain in wealthy Holland the means of continuing the
war. Accordingly she sent into the field the finest army that had
as yet appeared in this war; but its general. Marshal Villeroi, was
no matcn for the daring Marlborough. Actuated by vain confi-
dence, he left his strong position at Louvain on the 22a of May, in
order to attack the enemy on the plains of Ramillies.* This was
e3cactly what Marlborough desired; his position was excellently de-
fended by a morass and some ditches filled with water, so that when
the enemy advanced to the attack, it was impossible for them to
approach the weaker and more exposed points m his order of battle,
Erotected as they were by a natural defence; whilst he, on the other
and, could turn his whole force upon their separate points and
break through them. Before the battle, a Frencn officer declared
their army to be so superior, that if they did not conquer that day;
they ought never agam to show their mces before the enemy. Ne-
vertheless they were defeated; for no bravery can atone for the
faults of a general. More than 20,000 men were lost, and eighty
standards, together with the drums and colours of the royal guard
itself; and two months elapsed before the French army was able to
repair its losses.
On the other hand the conqueror marched through Brabant and
Flanders, took possession of all the towns, made tnem swear alle-
giance to Charles HI. as their rightful sovereign, and a council of
state was established at Brussels in the name of the new king.
* This field is almost identical with that on which the great battle of La Belle
Alliance and Waterloo was fought, and the latter name a&eady was employed to
designate the engagement abore referred to more than a century ago.
Digitized by
Google
BATTLE OF TURIN, 1706 — THE FRENCH DEFEATED. 541
Prince Eugene, on his part would not allow this year to pass
-without some ^eat action in Itaij. He undertook one of the most
daring expeditions to be found in the annals of war. With not
more than 24,000 German troops he completed a march of more
than two hundred miles, ascending mountains and crossing rivers,
and through a countxy wholly occupied by the enemy, in order to
efiect a junction with the Duke of Savoy, who was closely pressed,
and whose capital city, Turin, was at that moment besieged by
the enemy. To the astonishment of every one the expedition suc-
ceeded. Eugene arrived in time to aid the duke, ana hastened to
the relief of Tuiin. Although his army was much inferior in
strength, and only indifferently equipped, he nevertheless ven-
tured an attack upon the French lines on the 7th of September at
four o'clock in tne morning. He was received by a terrific can-
nonade, which, however, did not prevent his men from bravely
rushing forward. Prince Leopold of Dessau, subsequently known
by the name of the old Dessauer, led the Prussians on the left wing
against the intrenchments, followed in the centre by the Wiirtem-
burgers and the troops of the palatinate, and those of Gotha on the
right wing; at the same time Count Daun made a sally with his
men from the citadel. The battle was extremely obstinate; two
assaults made by the Germans were repulsed, when at length, after
two hours' fighting, the Prussians* succeeded in mounting the ram-
parts first, and were soon followed by the others.
The confusion of the enemy was greatly increased through their
rear line being attacked by the garrison of Turin, and the loss of
both their chief ffenerals, the Duke of Orleans and Count Marsin,
who were severely wounded and obliged to leave the field of
battle. Marsin was taken prisoner and died next day at Turin;
5000 dead, and a yet greater number of wounded covered the
field of battle, and the rest fled in such disorder over the moun-
tains into France, that of the whole army, originally 80,000
stronff, scarcely 16,000 men escaped. All the immense supplies
they nad brought with them, 213 pieces of cannon, 80,000 barrels
of gunpowder, together with a vast quantity of ammunition fell
into the hands of the victors. The results of the battle, how-
ever, presented still greater advantages than all this booty, for the
French lost rapidly one place after another in Italy, and were
forced to conclude a general capitulation, according to the terms
of which they evacuated Italy entirely, and engaged to send no
more troops there during the whole war. The neroic conduct of
Prince Eugene during this memorable campaign had produced such
• In a letter to Count Singendorf, Prince Engene himself says: "The Prince of
Anhalt has once more done wonders with his troops at Turin. I met him tmce in
the thickest fire, and in the very front of it, and I cannot conceal it, that in bravery,
and especially in discipline, his troops have far surpassed mine.'* The Emperor
Joseph hhnself wrote to Prince Leopold, as well as to Prince William of Saze«
Gotlui, very honourable letters of thanks.
Google
Digitized by
542 CAPITULATION— NAPLES— THE BmNE— SPAIN.
glorious results, that liis fame resounded £rom one end of Europe to
ULe other, and in token of his high regard for his great and dis-
tinguished merits, the emperor presented him with a valuable sword,
and appointed him governor-general of Milan.
In tne year 1707 f ranoe lost a third portion of the Spanish inhe-
ritance, which fell into the hands of the emperor; Lombardy and
the Netherlands had already been secured to nim by the two great
battles of the preceding year. Naples, where only a small body of
Spanish troops was quartered, was taken possession of without any
difficulty, and thus France lost its last hold in Italy; whilst in the
Netherlands not a single ^lace was now left for Marlboroi:^h to
take. The only compensation left to Louis XIV . was in the Upper
Rhine, where he availed himself of the slow progress made by the
imperialists in their operations. The old genial, Lewis of Baden,
who died in 1707, was succeeded by the Margrave of Baireuth,
who was equally as inactive in his movements as his predecessor,
and, who by his irresolution^ allowed the French to cross the Rhine
at Strasbur^, and to resume their whole system of relentless devas-
tation in Franconia and Swabia. It has been calculated that, in
the space of only two months, they levied contributions to the
amount of nine millions of florins. The margrave, to the satis-
faction of all, did not long delay giving in his resignation as com-
mander-in-chief, and he was replaced by a more active leader,
George Lewis, Elector of Hanover. The ill condition of the im-
perial army, however, prevented him from undertaking any thing
important; he was obliged to content himself with forcing the
French, through want of supplies, to recross the Rhine and with
opposing their passage a secona time in the following year.
An expedition which Prince Eugene had to make, by deare of
the maritime powers, in the same year, 1707, from Italy to the
south of France, in order to take possession of Toulon, succeeded no
better than those previously undertaken by Charles V. in the same
quarter, whilst King Louis had the satisfaction to see his grandson
Philip V. once more master of nearly the whole of Spain. The Arch-
duke Charles had been, it is true, extremely fortunate in his operations
in Spain the preceding year: his army, which chiefly consisted of
Portuguese auxiliaries, had succeeded in taking the capital, Madrid,
and he had there been proclaimed King of Spain; but his own na-
tural indolence, the dissension existing amongst his generals, the
hatred of the Castilians towards him and the Airagonians, as well as
towards the English and Portuguese, together with other causes,
assisted gradually to deprive him of his conquests, so that in the
year 1707 he retained nothing more beyond Catalonia.
Meantime Louis XIV. had already suflered such severe losses in
this war, and his country was so exhausted, that he most anxiously
longed for peace, and by controlling his innate feeUng of pride, he
made attempts to purchase it even at great sacrifices. His adver-
saries, however, determined to punish him severely this time for all
Digitized by
Google
BATTLE OF OUDENARDE, 1708— MARSHAL VILLARS. 543
his former arrogance; Eugene and Marlborough especially, being
hoetilely disposed to the vain monarch, used all their mfluence
equally both in Austria and England to prevent any pacificatory
measures, being resolved to reduce him to the most humiliating con-
dition, and in which object they succeeded.
Both these generals, after Eugene had regulated affidrs in Italy,
formed a junction once more in the Netherlajids; and thus united,
they gave battle to, and completely defeated the Dukes of Bour-
goyne and Vend6me — ^between whom there was great disunion — on
the 11th of June, 1708, at Oudenarde. After this victory, Eugene
boldly lattacked the citadel of Ryssel, which was regarded as im-
pr^nable, and of which he made himself master.
Tiie ill success experienced by Prance in this campaign, was
made still more grievous by its being followed by an unparalleled
severd.y cold winter, 1708, and the consequently serious injiiry pro-
duced thereby. The cold was so intense that the veiy animals in the
forests and the birds in the air were frozen to death, and the vine
and £rtiit-trees completely destroyed — ^whilst the inhabitants them-
selves, already sufiering so acutely from the war, were driven
completely to despair by this terrible visitation of nature ; their
lamentations were heartrending, and all resources for the supplies of
the army in the next campaign were entirely destroyed. Thence
the long, being now completely discouraged and crestfallen, was
obliged to humble himself once more, and make overtures of
peace; he declared, accordingly, that he was willing to renounce
Spain, India, Milan, and the Netherlands, if they would leave to
Philip V. Naples and Sicily. But the two generals, who appeared
at the Hague, in the midst of these n^otiations, declared oriefly
that the house of Austria should not lose even a single village of
the Spanish monarchy, and when this severe exaction was at length
agreed to, they demanded still further concessions from the terri-
tory of France itself: " Alsace," they said, " must be given up, and
an entire line of strong places in the Netherlands, as well as in
Savoy, must be surrendered, to secure these countries for the future
against the crafty proceedings of France." All this the French
envoys successively conceded ; they only refused their consent to one
proposal of their enemies, and which was in truth of a character
nighly derogatory and dishonourable, viz. : that, in case his grand-
son, Philip, would not resign Spain of his own accord, Louis should
himself assist in expelling him therefrom by force of arms. To
such an indignity the French monarch would not submit, and the
war was commenced again.
Part of the summer of 1709 had already passed away in these
negotiations, and Eugene and Marlborough hastened to avail them-
selves of the remaining portion of the season. They took possession
of Toumay, and marched against Mons. This place Marshal Vil-
lars wished to protect, and had accordingly taken up a strong {>osi-
tion at Malplaquet, in front of the city. The two victorious
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
544 BATTLE OF MALPLAQOET— LOUIS XIV'S HUMIUATION,
Senerals, however, attacked him in his intrenchments without
elay, on the 11th of September, and after a battle, the most obsti-
nate and sanguinary during the whole war, victory declared in
favour of the allies. Eugene himself, at the very outset of the action,
received a grazing shot m the head ; but he very calmly folded his
pocket-handkerchief round his head, and led on his troops into the
very hottest fire. Mons was now closely besieged, and shortly af^-
wards taken.
Another campaign was now lost, and Louis XIV. was again
forced to renew his offers of peace. He agreed to every thing that
was demanded, excepting that in order not to be obliged to send an
army to assist in the expulsion of his grandson from Spain, he pro-
mised to furnish the allied powers with a sum of money instead for
that purpose. But Louis was now to experience in his own person what
others had but too often felt through him, viz., how acutely severe
the haughty insolence of the conqueror pierces the heart of him
whom misfortune has laid prostrate at his feet. He was now forcc^l
to witness what was but too clearly manifested, how by the duplicity
he had himself formerly practised in all his negotiations, he haS
alienated from him the confidence of all the other European
nations : he was answered that, as long as Philip V. remained in
Spain, they could put no trust in the promises of his cabinet ; and
if he seriously desired peace, he must commence by satisfying all
the demands made by the allied powers, and fulfil all the conditions
of the treaty within the period of two months.
After such a declaration expressed in terms so haughty and over-
bearing, the humbled monarch was forced to recommence war, at
whatever sacrifice, and Eugene and Marlborough succeeded with-
out much diflGlculty in capturing one town after the other on the
frontiers of France ; whilst in addition to this, the news now arrived
from Spain, that Count Stahrenberg, Charles's general, had com-
pletely defeated the army of Philip V ., and that on the the 28th of
September, 1710, Charles had made his triumphal entry into
Madrid.
Louis XIV., already old and feeble, was now reduced to the last
extremity, and was left without one resource. After so many wars,
and the consequent sacrifice of so many thousands of lives, together
with such large sums of mone;^, he was forced to behold the destruc-
tion of the whole of that fabric built to perpetuate the grandeur of
his name and government, and he was even called upon to offer up
a portion of his own ancient patrimonial realm.
Never did fate appear to have dealt more hardly with one who felt
secure in the conviction that he had elevated himself to the highest
pinnacle of monarchal greatness and imperial glory. But his adver-
saries had themselves now lost sight of that moderation in the
moment when its influence would have saved them ; they had like-
wise become arrogant through their good fortune, whence they
lost a great portion of the fruits of their victories. Three favour-
Digitized by
Google
MARLBOROUGH'S DISMISSAL — ^DEATH OF JOSEPH L 545
fible circumstances at once rescued France from the great extremity
to which she was reduced, and gained for her more liberal condi-
tions of peace. These fortunate events were: the recall and dismissal
of the Duke of Marlborough, the triumph of the French partisans
in Spain, and the death of the Emperor Joseph I.
In England, where the friends of Marlborough had hitherto
governed the state, an opposite part^ had, during his absence,
graduallj and secretly formed itself into a powerful body, and
adopted the term Tories or Royalists, in contrast to the other— the
Marlborough party, which represented the Whigs or friends of the
people. The efforts made by Marlborough in the war were now
regarded as suspicious by Queen Anne, and his wife, who had hitherto
lield great sway over her mind, was now supplanted by another
influential party, Lady Masham; a new parliament was elected in
1710, of which the Tories formed the majority, and thence measures
for peace were loudly advocated in substitution for those of war.
Marlborough was allowed to hold command for a short time longer,
but with such restrictions that he almost immediately afterwards re-
signed it altogether.
The death of the Emperor Joseph I., on the 17th of April, 1711 ,
contributed not a little to establish a peace. He died of the small
pox, in his thirty-third year, and is represented in history as a prince
of an active and prompt character, and iar superior to his father and
brother. His nund was capable of entertaining the most noble and
enlarged ideas, and thence it was that his penetrating eye selected
Eugene, with his extraordinary genius, as worthy of ms entire con-
fidence. As the emperor died without heirs, he was succeeded to
the throne by his brother, the Archduke Charles. The question now
arose respectmg the equilibrium of the powers of Europe, as in the
time of Charles V. : whether iiwere advisable that the present Charles,
if elected by the Germans as their emperor, under the title of
Charles VI., should be allowed to preside over the half of Europe,
and the power of the House of Austria thus become so prepon-
derating? For Charles VI. would have possessed the same domi-
nation as Charles V., if he united the whole of Austria to the Spanish
monarchy. Such a predominance appeared dangerous to the other
states, especialljr to the maritime powers, and they accordingly pro-
moted the election of Charles as emperor, with the view of after-
wards depriving him of a portion of the Spanish succession. He was
therefore crowned at Frankfort, on the 22nd of December, 1711.
Charles, however, had in the meantime lost all he had gained in
Spain. Defeated several times by the able French general, the
Duke of Vendome, all his possessions there were reconquered, and
Philip V. was re-established in his kingdom.
. During this interval the English ministers had been secretly ne-
gotiating with France, and the preliminary conditions of peace were
already signed; so that the allies found themselves forced to agree
to stipulations by no means advantageous to them — so little honour-
^ ^ Digitized by Google
546 CHARLES VL 1711-1740— PEACE OF UTRECHT, 1712.
able had been the conduct of England in her proceedings with re-
gard to her confederates. The conferences for a general peace now
commenced, and Utrecht was chosen as the place of assembly.
Upon the subject of the main point to be discussed, the Spanish
inheritance, they, notwithstanding the protestations of the emperor,
were soon agreed. Philip V. was to have Spain and India, and
Charles the remainder; at the 8am6 time Philip was to renounce all
claim to the throne of France, so that the two crowns of Spain and
France could never be placed upon the same head.
France ceded to England Hudson's Bay and Newfoundland, and
moreover, by desire of that power, she demolished the whole of the
fortified works of Dunkirk. To Portu^l she gave up likewise
various territories in South America; to Prussia the possession of
Spanish Guelderland, and the sovereignty of Neufchatel andValen-
gm, and she acknowledged its prince as Kin^ of Prussia. Savoy
obtained important fortresses on the French frontiers, and as that
country could also lay claim to the Spanish crown, the island of
Sicily was resigned to her as an indemnification. Holland, which
had adhered to the league more faithfully than all the others, and
had always refused the advantages offered by a separate peace with
France, received but very poor amends, whilst she was forced to re-
linquish the strongest fortresses she had conquered, only being al-
lowed to retain a lew of the weaker places, to her of little service.
Spain eventuall]^ surrendered to England the stronghold of Gib-
raltar and the island of Minorca, and thus England reaped the
greatest benefit from this treaty of pacification.
The emperor and the imperial states, deserted now by their allies,
found themselves obliged either to negotiate a peace or prosecute the
war alone. The stipulations made by the French were of the most
shameful and humiliating nature; inasmuch as Louis, in order no
doubt to prove himself extremely generous towards his ally, the Elec-
tor of Bavaria, demanded that all the estates of that prince should bo
restored to him, and that the territories of Burgau and Nollenbuig,
together with the island of Sardinia, as a kingdom, should likewise
be ceded to him: a truly royal recompense for him who had been
the faithful ally of the empire's foe 1 To have agreed to such con-
ditions would have been too dishonourable ; accordingly the war was
resumed — ^but with what chances of success? Eugene with his forces,
now reduced to a mere handful of imperialists, was not in a con-
dition to face the entire French army under the command of Villars,
nor even to maintain his ground in defence of the banks of the
Rhine; whence the adjacent circles of that territory were a^n de-
vastated, and the important fortresses of Landau and Friburg
again fell into the hands of the French*
Li this state of things, Eugene and Villars, in November 1713,
met in the castle of Rastadt, and recommenced negotiations. These
two great generals, who had already more than once confronted each
other on the field of battle, were now equally desirous of being dis*
Digitized by
Google
DEATH OF LOUIS XIV. — THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA. 547
tinguiahed as the promoters of peace, and after overcoming the
difficulties thrown in their way, and which in one or two instances
were produced by the overbearing pride of Louis himself, they at
length signed the treaty of peace on the 7th of March, 1714. The
emperor received the Spanish Netherlands, Milan, Sardinia, Man-
tua, and the sea-ports of Tuscany; and France restored all the con-
quered places she had gained on the Rhine, as far as Landau. The
electors of Bavaria and Cologne were freed from the imperial ban,
and were reinstated in all their possessions and dignities.
These were the principal conditions of peace, but there were
many other points, especially relative to the Germanic empire, which
were definitively agreed to on the 7th of September, 1714, at
Baden, in Aarau.
And thus, once more, a violent tempest had passed over our heads.
Meantime, the great war in the north, and which at this moment
convulsed the other moiety of Europe, north and east, although not
much felt in Germany, pursued its course until the death of the
Swedish monarch, Charles XII., in December, 1718. During the
ill-fortunes of Sweden, Brandenburg took possession of a portion of
Swedish Pomerania, and Hanover secured to itself by purchase, the
bishoprics of Bremen and Verden, and both retained their acqui-
sitions during the peace. On the death of Louis XIV. in 1715,
Europe after these two great wars, was suffered to enjoy, for some
time, a state of repose.
We have described the important war just concluded more in de-
tail, because therein France lost her ascendency ; whilst for Austria
and Germany in general, it produced that &vourable moment by
which they were enabled to occupy, once more, their ancient honour-
able position in the world's history. As it was to be feared, since
Louis XIV. had manifested such desire for conquest, that if left to
itself, a single state must be too weak to resist tlie preponderating
Ejwer of France, King William III., of England, strenuously
boured, single handed, to oppose, by means of a convention of
several states, a barrier to that ambition, so that in future the laws of
justice and equity should alone govern nations among themselves.
Thence he was the founder of the new system of political equi-
librium, and merits the appreciation due to a great man; for he ef-
fected great things with, small means, and was, in truth, the shield
of Europe. Beyond every thing else, however, he founded his hopes
for the maintenance of lasting peace and security upon the union
of England with Austria — an alliance, to use the expression of that
period, of the most independent Protestantism with the most legiti-
mate Catholicism. This union, in fact, produced an entire new form
in the development of all the relations of the different European
states. But one of its most important results has been to render the
principles of tolerance, reciprocal esteem, and moral dignity, more
prevalent among nations; and it is in this respect especially that the
first moiety of me eighteenth century distinguislvad itself, m spite of
2n2 — y Google
Digitized by >
648 STATE OF AFFAIRS IN GERMANY.
its many imperfections. Thence, by this means, Austria was placed
once again in the centre of Europe, as the power destined to esta-
blish relationship between all other nations, and to maintain amon^
them order and union; whilst with respect to Germany itself, she
was called upon to defend, with still greater power, the pristine dig-
nity and the ancient constitution of that empire. The glory and the
acquisitions that had fallen to her share through the late war, ap-
peared indeed as an indication of the favour of divine providence,
and as a ratification of the rank she was to hold in order to briiig
into operation the objects she was destined to realise. She was, in
fact, more powerful now than even if she had succeeded in uniting
the Spanish crown with that of Austria; for the reign of Charles
V. himself had already shown that such an extension of dominion is
any-thin^ but real augmentation of power. Austria was chiefly in-
debted lor her present state of elevation to the great genius of
Prince Eugene, and to the sovereign she lost too soon, the Emperor
Joseph I., who entered completely into the exalted ideas of that
distinguished man.
Had the Emperor Charles VI. possessed sufficient penetration of
mind to perceive the position he was called upon to secure to
Austria and Grermany m the history of European policy, and of
which he might have made himself master forthwith, he would have
been enabled to establish the greatness and renown not only of his
own portion of the empire, but of the whole of Germany, and have
laid the foundation for a Ions: and glorious peace throughout Europe.
But Charles's genius, as well as that of the age he lived in, was not
capable of comprehending, much less executing such an important
plan. The idea of the equilibrium of the states became more and
more materialised into a careful estimation of the physical powers, a
measurement of the produce of countries, and an exact census of
their subjects and soldiers. Thence one of the greatest evils originat-
ing in die reign of Louis XIV., became now more universally
adopted, inasmuch as sovereigns sought for the security of their in-
dependence not in the love of their subjects, where alone it rests,
but in the great number of their soldiers, ever ready to strike the
blow. Whenever one state au^entcd its mercenaries, its neigh-
bour followed the example, and this was almost the only scale of
proportion between nations; whilst, at the same time, all moral and
intellectual power was accounted as nothing, because it could not be
reduced to measurement. Such a state of things must bring with it
a heavy judgment ; intellect thus misprised, abandoned altogether
the structure, the formation of which had cost so much labour and
pain, and which it alone could uphold, and thence this system of equi-
poise, after a'short duration of splendour in the time of Eugene and
William, and an extended period of doubtful existence, finally fell
its own sacrifice at the end of the same century in which it took its
rise.
In consequence ^f this system^ and the position therein occupied
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
PEACEFUL REIGN OF CHARLES VL— HIS DEATH, 1740. 649
"by the house of Austria, Germany found itself implicated in the
•wars of that dominion; besides which, it was forced to share in all
the commotions of Europe, without reaping any advantage by them,
until the venerable and tottering fabric of the empire, completely
overcome by continual concussion, fell to pieces. For in the ex-
istence of nations, as in that of individuals, there is no pause;
if they do not press onwards they retrograde incessantly, and Ger-
many had just shown itself frigidly indifferent and unwilling to em-
brace a favourable opportunity for its elevation.
Meantime, the last twenty years of the reign of Charles VI. were,
vnth trifling exceptions, a period of peace. He more especially de-
voted himself to the internal administration of his extensive and
beautiful provinces; and this, after an epoch of so much suffering
and calamity, operated gratefully and beneficially. As he had no
male issue, he had drawn up a solemn law, called the Pragmatic
Sanction, according to which he transferred to his daughter, Maria
Theresa, the peaceful possession of his hereditary lands. This
he was extremely anxious to have confirmed by the leading states of
Europe, and in this object, after many abortive endeavours, he suc-
ceeded ; but this Sanction, nevertheless, did not serve to secure liis
daughter, after his death, from the attacks of a host of enemies, who
ho^d to make good their pretensions by force of arms.
The emperor himself carried on a war from the year 1733 to
1735, on behalf of Augustus III. of Saxony — who had been
elected King of Poland — against the French, who were desirous of
dethroning him, and substituting in his place Stanislaus Leczinski,
father-in-kw to the French monarch, Louis XV. This war, how-
ever, was not favourable to Austria and Germany; Augustus III.
continued, indeed, by the subsequent treaty of peace, King of
Poland, but in return for this, Germany was obliged to sacrifice to
its rapacious neighbour a new province : Lorraine being ceded to
Stanislaus, and through him it came into the hands of France;
Francis Stephen, then Duke of Lorraine, being made Grand Duke
of Tuscany, whilst the Spanish infante, Don Carlos, was indemnified
for Tuscany by the cession of Naples and Sicily. The Austrian army
was equally unsuccessful against the Turks, and at the conclusion
of peace m 1739, the government was forced to give back the
important fortress of Belgrade, which Prince Eugene had conquered,
ana which had served as a frontier stronghold in that quarter.
The Emperor Charles VL died October 26, 1740, and his daugh-
ter, Maria Theresa, by virtue of the Pragmatic Sanction, took pos-
session of the government in all his dominions. But immediately
after the decease of the emperor an envoy of the Elector of Bavana
arrived, furnished with a declaration from his master, in which he
said: "He could not acknowledge the young aueen as the in-
heritress and successor of her father, because the house of Bavaria
had legitimate claims to the hereditaiy Austrian provinces." These
pretensions the elector founded upon his descent from the eldest
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
550 MARIA THERESA— BAVARIA~FREDERICK THE GREAT.
daughter of the Emperor Ferdinand I., whose posterity ou^ht to
insist upon their title to those possessions, seeing that tne male liiie
of the house of Austria was now extinct. This claim, however, it
was evident could only be made valid in case the late emperor had
not left a daughter; but as he had done so, she must take precedence
of all collateral female relations. The law advisers of the elector
attempted to justify the claims of their sovereign, upon several
grounds; but what, however, influenced the elector in his proceed-
ings beyond every thing eke was, the encouragement he received
from France, who secretly promised him her aid in the dismem-
berment of the Austrian inheritance.
Before, however, the dispute in this quarter was brought to a de-
cision by force of arms, another enemy presented himself to oppose
Maria Theresa, and whose appearance was still more imexpected,
viz : the young King of Prussia, Frederick U., who only naving
just mounted the throne in the same year, 1740, marched suddenly
into Silesia, and took possession of that country. In his manifesto,
which he published at the same time, he laid claims to various prin-
cipaUties of Silesia, viz: to Jagemdorf, Liegnitz, Brieg, and Woh-
lau respectively. With regard to the first territory, he traced his
riffhts from the period of the Thirty Years' War, when the Margrave
of Brandenburg-Jagemdort* was placed under the ban of the em-
fire, and his principality confiscated by the Emperor Ferdinand
L, because he had formed an alliance with the Bohemian king, Fre-
derick V. The King of Prussia maintained, that even supposing
the said act of outlawry against that prince was just, still the land
in fee simple ought not to have been withheld from his kindred
when they were not implicated in the offence he committed. But
his claims to the principalites of Liegnitz, Brieg, and Wohlau, Fre-
derick based upon a covenant of a much earUer date, viz. : upon that
of Duke Frederick of Liegnitz with Joachim 11. in the year 1507.
What, however, more especially worked and operated in the soul of
the young and ambitious king, and which, in the very first year of
his reign made him take up arms so eagerly, in order to seize the
opportunity by which he might renew those claims — which but for
his appearance in the world might have remained perhaps in
abeyance for ever — ^this incentive he himself discloses to us in
a veiy few words. After having recorded, in his History of the
House of Brandenburg, the elevation of Prussia into a kingdom
by Frederick I., he gives the following explanation: " This act of
Frederick I. served as a stimulus to all nis successors, for by that he
seemed to indicate to them the grand object by which he was
swayed, and to address them thus: * I have gained now a title for
you, and it is for you to render yourselves worthy of it ; I have laid
the foundation for your greatness, and it is for you to complete the
work I have commenced.'" These words are the key which
throws open to our view the motives by which Frederick me Great
was actuated throughout his whole reign. The same sentiments by
Digitized by
Google
HIS GREAT GENIUS AND ENERGETIC CHARACTER. 551
wliich Charlemagne had been incited, and which, brought by him
so successfully into operation, made him a conqueror; the same ideas
by which Gustavus was urged on to the most daring enterprises, even
to the sacrifice of his life on the field of battle, worked likewise in
the mind of Frederick. Thence he held himself to be the chosen
instrument appointed by fate to raise his people to the rank which,
in his strength of mind, he regarded as completely feasible, and to
embody in the title of king the more substantial possession of royal
power and aggrandised dominion. Nature had endowed him with
a genius so bold and aspiring, that he felt his present sphere of ac-
tion much too contracted for the exercise of ms vast plans, and he
accordingly lost little time in extending his field of operations. In
energy and activity of character Frederick has never been surpassed
by even the most distinguished and enterprising men in the pages of
bistoiy, and none ever acted with such commandiag influence upon
his age. But again, the greatest man is an evidence of his age,
Teflecting in a clear mirror its virtues and defects. We must not,
therefore, be surprised if Frederick 11., notwithstanding the great-
ness of character inherent in him, does not in many points mamtain
bis superiority when placed in comparison with the great men to
whom we have alluded, and if even m certain circumstances he may
appear mean and ignoble, when, perhaps, in ordinary times his acts
nught have merited a more noble interpretation ; neither must we
be astonished that the evils he produced in his country called forth
the severe and bitter complaints against him.
At the death of Frederick Wilham I., on the 21st of May, 1740,
Frederick was only twenty-eight years of age ; his essentially ac-
tive mind, excited stiU more by incessant application to the sciences,
and by constant communication with learned men, was adapted for
the most profound subjects of research. The study of history had
transported his thoughts far beyond the narrow confines of his own
times, and had installed within him the most elevated ideas of the
dignity of kings, of which his first acts as sovereign gave immediate
evidence. It was soon shown that he was ifesolved to be his own
ruler; his activity in the administration of affairs, the attention he
devoted to all subjects, firom those of the most grave import down to
those of the most trivial nature, his sacrifice of rest and pleasure, the
strict distribution of his hours, so that not one should be lost in inac-
tivity— all this excited the greatest astonishment in those of his court,
who had never heard of, or been accustomed to witness their sovereigns
imposing upon themselves so many sacrifices for the government of
their dominions. The extraordinary effect thus produced is very aptly
described by a resident ambassador when writing to his own court:
** In order to give you a correct idea of the new reign," he says, " it
is only necessary to state that the king positively does all the work
himself, whilst nis prime minister has nothing to do but to issue
forth immediately from the cabinet the commands he receives, with-
out ever being consulted upon the subject Unfortunately, there is
Digitized by
Google
552 INVADES AUSTRIA— FIRST S1LE8IAN WAR, 1740-1742.
ndt one at the king's court who possesses his confidence, and of whose
influence one might avail oneself in order to follow up with success
the necessary prehmlnaries; consequently, an ambassador is more em-
barrassed here than at any other court." In truth, the policy in-
troduced by France into Europe, which consisted in envenoming all
relations of sovereigns between each other, by employing every art of
cunning and espionage in order to discover the projects of foreign courts,
even before they had been matured by those courts themselves, could
not be brought to bear against Frederick II. ; for he weighed over
every plan withih the silence of his own breast, and it was only in
the moment of its execution that his resolution was made known.
Thus it was that he proceeded with his invasion of one of the
Austrian provinces on the death of Charles VI. Some preparations
for war were observed being made, it is true, but these were only
partially necessary, inasmuch as the system of economy and good
order pursued by Frederick William 1. had enabled him to leave to
his son an excellent army of 80,000 men, and a treasury of more
than eight millions of dollars; besides which, every thing was
arranged with so much silence and secrecy, that none could pene-
trate into the real intentions of the young king. Usually, before
imdertaking a war, it was necessary to seek an alliance with other
powers; but in this case Frederick communicated with no ambas-
sador, nor would he enter upon or contract any treaty with any one
fiovereiffn. He knew full well that the best help lies in ourselves;
and he likewise calculated upon the strict discipline and activity of
his army, upon which, devdted to it as he was with his whole soul,
he never failed to rely during his entire reign.
" When the king resolves to make a journey," says the afore-
mentioned ambassador, '* it is his custom never to annoimce his
intention to those around him, nor to those even who are to accom-
pany him, imtil a few hours before his departure, when he finds
them all ready in waiting, for his retinue consists neither of court nor
courtiers, but is formed of the elite of his princes, generals, and
adjutants." Thence by means of such expedition and secrecy, he
was enabled to augment the power of his states and to supply the
wants of the mass.
TheEmperorCharles Vl.died on the 20th of October, 1740, and on
the 13th of December of the same year Frederick II. marched already
into Silesia. Whilst his army however was en route for Silesia, his
ambassador appeared simultaneously at the court of Vienna with
proposals for a convention. Fredenck oiFered the Queen of Him-
g^ry, if she would give up peacefully the principality of Silesia, the
aid of his arms in the maintenance of her other dominions, and his
vote at the electoral college for her husband, Francis Stephen of
Tuscany, on electing the future Emperor of Germany ; but these
propossos were rejected. The few Austrian . troops quartered in
oilesia were very soon routed; the fortified places alone made resist-
ance and were closely besieged; the folio wmg spring however was
Digitized by
Google
GLOGAU— BATTLE OF MOLWITZ— AUSTRIANS DEFEATED. 553
to decide whether the possession of this country, thus so easily sub-
jected, could be maintamed against an Austrian army. Field-marshal
Neuperg, an Austrian general of the school of Eugene, advanced
with a numerous body of troops to reconquer Silesia, and the
younger soldiers of Prussia, who were as ^et only acquainted with
the theory of war and not with its realities, stood now front to
front opposed to those who ranked unquestionably amongst the
first warriors of Europe. But the first essay of the Prussian arms
crowned them with glory. In the night of the 9th of March the
hereditary Prince of Dessau scaled and carried the walls of the fortress
of Glogau, and on the 1 0th of April the kinff, with the main army,
came up with the Austrians at Molwitz, where he was not at all
expected by them ; they, however, gained sufficient time to form their
line of battle, and the action commenced about two o'clock in the
afternoon. It remained for a long time undecided, for the Austrian
cavalry fought with the greatest bravery, and throwing the right
wing of the Prussians into confusion, rushed on to their train of
battery, of which they took possession, and turned the muzzles of
the cannon against the Prussians themselves. The king, who now
for the first time beheld war in all its fearful reality, lost his self-
command; Schwerin, his experienced field-marshal, who viewed all
that passed with the greatest coolness and resolution, being well
acquainted with and depending upon the chances of war, advised
his sovereign to fall back upon the division commanded by the Duke
of Holstein-Beck, in order with him to cover the retreat if neces-
eaiy. This advice, after considerable hesitation, the king followed,
and towards dusk he withdrew with a small retinue, and rode to the
little town of Oppeln. He imagined the place was still occupied by
the Prussians, but they had been driven from it the previous even-
ing, and when in answer to the sentinel's ** Who goes there?" he
replied, " Prussians !" the king and his small party were forth-
with greeted with a discharge from the muskets of the Austrians
behind the grated gate. The king quickly turned round and
galloped off to the small town of Lowen, and was only saved by the
darkness of the night from being taken prisoner. Meanwhile,
scarcely had he quitted the field of battle before fortune changed in
fevour of the Prussians; Field-marshal Schwerin, by a dexterous
attack on the enemy's flank, turned the success of the day to the side
of his sovereign ; and the sharp-shooting of the Prussians, to which
the Austrians were as yet unaccustomed, completely decided the
battle. The king received the happy tidings on the following mom»
ing at Lowen, and hastened to congratulate his brave general and
his army upon their success.
This sanguinary and dearly-purchased victory turned the eyes of
all his contemporaries upon the young sovereign of Prussia ; and this
enterprise, b^use it was successful^ was applauded as being the
decision of fate in his favour. Had however Frederick been unfor-
tunate, a thousand voices would have condemned and ridiculed him
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
554 GENERAL ALLIANCE FORMED AGAINST AUSTRIA.
as a fool, for having undertaken the reaEsation of projects without
having calculated upon the power necessary to ensure their success;
similar: to the judgment pronounced upon Charles Albert of Bavaria,
who with equal ambition advanced and stretched out his hand to
seize the rojal an^ imperial crown. And in truth, the daring power
wliich attempts aught of a nature uncommon and extraordiniuy in
the grand theatre of the world, is only appreciated in proportion to
the success with which the execution of its design may be crowned.
The ill-success of the Austrian aruis in Silesia encouraged the
French government to avail itself of the moment now onered to
f remote the dismemberment of the Austrian states. Cardinal
'leury, who now ruled in France at the head of the government,
and found in Marshal Belle-Isle a clever diplomatist, succeeded in
concluding with that view an alliance between France, Prussia, Spain^
Bavaria, and Saxony; for the Elector of Saxony, Aumistua III.,
although he was likewise King of Poland, came forth witn his claims
to the Austrian inheritance, originating in a preceding marriage of
the house of Saxony, and Spain was anxious to appropriate to her-
self the duchies of Parma and Placenza. Besides wnich, the plan of
this coalition was to raise the Electoral Prince of Bavaria, Charles
Albert, to the imperial throne; and although he at first hesitated,
he nevertheless eventually decided to accept of the heavy burden
attached to such an important election. It was agreed that the
choice should be made in Frankfort.
Accordingly, two French armies marched in the summer of 1741
across the Rmne; the one advanced against the frontiers of Han-
over, whereby Maria Theresa lost her last' ally, George II. of
England, who, anxious to preserve his electorate, concluded a treaty
by which he engaged to remain neutral. The other French army
marched on direct to Austria, and joined the Elector of Bavaria in
the month of September. This prince, who, since the month of
June, had already taken by surprise the important city of Brunau,
on the frontiers, now no longer hesitated to march upon Lintz,
which he took and entered, causing himself to be acknowledged
there as hereditary Duke of Austria. Vienna, the capital, began
now to feel alarm, and every thing valuable and precious was forth-
with transported to Presburg in Hungaria; the elector being only
within three davs' march of the city. But quite suddenly and un-
expectedly he altered his line of march and proceeded to Bohemia.
Tnis change of resolution excited universal astonishment, more es-
pecially as, by the taking of Vienna, Maria Theresa must have lost
every thing, as she was without an army to oppose the elector.
But it was his jealousy of Saxony which made him alter his plans,
aod removed him from the heart of Austria. A Saxon force had
entered Bohemia; and Charles Albert who was anxious likewise to
gain possession of that country, and dreaded lest the Saxons might
wrest it from him, preferred abandoning Vienna for the moment, and
determined to conquer Bohemia. Accordingly he inarched at once
Digitized by
Google
CHARLES VII., El^IPEROR OF GERMANY, 1742-1745. 555
against Prague, and was favoured so much by fortune that this im-
portant place was surprised and fell into his hands, with scarcely any
resistance, on the 29th of November. Immediately aflerwards he
caused himself to be declared King of Bohemia, and received from aU
the civil and military estates the oath of fealty. Thence he marched
to Mannheim, where he resolved to await the result of the election
of emperor. Thus the house of Bavaria appeared to attain an ele-
vation more and more splendid and glorious.
CHAPTER XXX.
Charies Vn., Emperor of Germany, 1742-1745— Maria Theresa in HungarT— Her
Appeal to the Nobles—Their Devotion to her Cause — ^Marchinto Bavaria — Seize
that Comitry and banish its Elector— Charles VII. a Fugitive— Battle of Czasku
between the Austrians and Prussians, 1742 — ^Treaty of Peace between Maria
Theresa and Frederick n.— Continuation of the Austrian Succession War, 1742-
1744 — The French in Prague under Marshal Belle-Isle — ^Prague besieged by the
Austrians — ^Abandoned by the French — Charles VII. in Bavaria — Again a Fugitive
— George n. of England in Germany— Battle of Dettingen, 1743— Defeat of the
French— Alliance of Saxony and Austrii^— Second Silesian War, 1744-1745—111-
suocess of Frederick— Death of Charles YIL, 1745— Silesia— Battle of Hohen-
friedberg- Frederick victorious— Battle of Sorr — The Princes of Brunswick —
Frederick triumphant— Battle of Kesseldorf— Frederick conquers and mten
Dresden— Peace of Dresden and End of the Second Silesian War— Francis L dected
Emperor, 1745-1765 — ^Austria and France — ^Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, 1748—
Brief Interval of Repose, 1748-1756— State of Affairs— Alliance of England and
Prussia, 1756— Alliance between France and Austria, 1756— Saxony— Russia-
Sweden— Ccmbinatioa of Powers against Prussia— The Seven Years' War, 1756-
1763 — ^Frederick in Saxony — Battle of Losowitz, 1756 — ^Frederick victorious —
The Saxons lay down tb&r Arms — ^Frederick Cmiqueror of Saxony— Immense
Armies opposed to Frederick— His Presence of Mind— Desperate Battle of Prague
— Charles of Lorraine — ^Death of the Prussian General Schwerin.and the Austrian
General Brown— Frederick victorious— Battle of KoUin— General Daun— Fre-
derick's grand Manoeuvre — Generals Ziethen and Hulsen— Frederick and Prince
Maurice of Dessau—Defeat ofFrederick—ShameM Conduct of the Duke of Cum-
berbmd— Convention of Closter-Seven between him and the French— Battle be-
tween the Russians and Prussians at Grossjagersdorf— D^eat of the Prussians-
Withdrawal of the Russians— The Empress Elizabeth of Russia— The Grand
Chancellor Bestuschef— Retreat of the Swedes.
Charles Albert succeeded in Ids designs upon the imperial
crown, and was elected at Frankfort on the 22nd of January, 1742, his
cause being seconded by Fiance and Prussia; but his reign was short
and agitated. It already commenced under very un&vourable aus-
pices, for on the very day that Charles was crowned emperor at
Frankfort, the Austnan general, Baienklau, took possession of Mu-
nich, his ^ital.
Maria Theresa was indebted to the energy of her own mind alone
for this happy change in her fortunes. She knew perfectly well
wherein was oased the power of the sovereign, and she accordingly
Digitized by
Google
556 MARIA THERESA'S APPEAL TO HUNGARY— SUCCESS.
availed herself of ibis advantage. She lost no time in exciting in a
high degree the affection and enthusiasm of the nation over Tvhich
she still held sway, and which adhered to her with the greatest fide-
lity ; and this it was that saved her. She convoked a grand imperial
diet of the Hungarians at Presburg in the autumn of 1742 ; here,
overwhelmed as she was with affliction at the persecutions of her
enemies, the princess presented herself before the assembled nobles of
Hungary, and holding in her arms her infant son, as yet un weaned —
subsequently Joseph II. — she presented the child to them, and with
her eyes filled with tears, wnich operated with irresistible force
upon the audience, she addressed and appealed to them for aid against
her enemies in language thus expre^ed: " To your valour and
heroic fidelity we confide ourself and infant ; and in you alone will
we put our whole trust." At these words the Hungarian warriors
exclaimed with enthusiasm: " We will die for our Queen Maiia
Tlieresa ; our lives and every drop of our blood shall be devoted to
her !" In a very brief space of time more than 15, 000 nobles and chiefs
were assembled, mounted and completely armed, and collected together
numerous bodies of troops on every side, in Croatia, Slavonia, Wal-
lachia, as well as in Austria and the Tjnx)^ And thus what ofiGicial
commands would only have produced after long intervals of delay,
attachment and devoted courage completed in a few weeks. Tne
whole of Upper Austria was delivered from its enemies in six days,
when the victorious army marched on to Bavaria, and, as we have
seen, took possession of Munich, and the new emperor was forced
to live in retirement at Frankfort, far from his own dominions.
In another quarter, however, fortune was not equally favourable
to Austria. Prince Charles of Lorraine had received orders ijrom
the council of war at Vienna to give battle to the Prussian army, in
order to check the further success of Frederick II., who still main-
tained his position in the beautiful territory of Silesia, and was now
penetrating into Moravia. Prince Charles followed him to Bohe-
mia, and their armies met at Czaslau. They were nearly equal in
force, and the position each occupied had its advantages ana disad-
vantages, and the troops on both sides fought valiantly, whence the
fate of the battle wavered on either side, until the king, who here
displayed his generalship, caused an adjacent eminence to be sud-
denly taken possession of, whence he attacked the entire flank of
the Austrians. This manoeuvre, added to the disorder caused amongst
the Austrian cavalry by the pillage of the Prussian camp, decided
the contest, and Charles sounded the retreat. The loss sustained,
however, was nearly equal on either side, and eighteen pieces of can-
non were all the trophies gained by the Prussians.
The results of this battle, however, were more important than the
battle itself, for it brought to maturity a treaty oi peace between
Maria Theresa and Frederick, by the terms of which, severe as they
were, the former nevertheless agreed to resign all claim to the con-
quests made by the young king, and which was all the latter desired-
Digitized by
Google
PEACE BETWEEN PRUSSIA AND AUSTRU— ENGLAND. 557
Neffotiations of peace, therefore, were quickly commenced, and on the
28th of Jime the treaty was signed by both powers at Berlin. The
Idn^ retained Upper and Lower Silesia and the province of Glatz,
^th the exception of the towns of Troppau, J'agemdorf, and the
mountains of Silesia on the other side of tne Oppa; being an exten-
sion of territory measuring seven hundred German square miles. (Xi
the other hand he paid over 1,700,000 dollars to tne English, who
liad previously advanced that sum to the country he had thus con-
quered.
Thus &eed from such a formidable enemy, the Austrians were now
enabled to turn all their force against the French and Bavarians, for
the Saxons, following the example of the Prussians, had withdrawn
from the war. The French army was still in Bohemia, and held
possession of Prague. The Prince of Lorraine marched against that
place and besieged it, and very soon reduced it to a state of famine,
which, however, as is generally the case, pressed more heavily upon
the inhabitants, for the miUtary seized upon all provisions by force
of arms. When, however, all was consumed, and after more than
a thousand unhappy beings had fallen a sacrifice to starvation,
the whole city resembling a large infirmary, Marshal Belle-Isle put
into operation a plan he had determined upon in the last extremity.
He collected all the troops still available, amoimting to about
14,000 men, abandoned the city in the night of the 17th of
December, 1742, and marched forth in the most bitter cold wea-
ther, through mountain regions and across pathless, snow-covered
ravines to Eger, where after a toilsome march of eleven days he
arrived. But in those eleven days more than four thousand men
had perished, besides those left behind in Prague. Thus ended the
dominion of France in Bohemia; nor was Charles VII. more for-
tunate than his allies. Whilst the Austrians had marched their
whole force against Bohemia, he had availed himself of the moment,
and retook possession of the whole of Bavaria in the course of the
autumn ; in the subsequent spring, however, he was forced to
abandon his territory once more as a fugitive, and took refuge again
in Frankfort, an Austrian administration being organised meantime
in Bavaria.
In theyear 1742^ England likewise took an active part in the war
against france; she captured all her ships at sea, took possession of
her colonies; whilst King George II. landed in Germany with an
army of English troops, reinforcing it with Hanoverians and
Hessians, with which he attacked and overthrew the French on the
27th of June, at Dettingen, pursuing them across the Rhine. . In ad-
dition to this the court of Vienna succeeded in gaining over the
Saxon Minister Briihl, whose influence over his sovereign was all-
powerful, and through him an alliance was formed between Saxony
and Maria Theresa. Thus fortune had now crowned her firmness,
and transferred the victory to her side, whilst the only loss she sus-
Digitized by
Google
558 SECOND SILESIAN WAR— DEATH OF CHAKLES VIL» 1745.
tained was that of the Siledan possessions ; this, however, she hoped
either to recover or find compensated by some other acquisition.
Meantime, Frederick had not beheld without some anxiety and
alann the successful progress made by Austria, and more especially
her treaty of alliance with Saxony; for how eadl^ might the^ now,
when no longer occupied with France and Bavana, turn their com-
bined power against him ? At the same time he felt it due to his
own dignity not to allow the emperor, whose election he had pro-
moted, to be overthrown; accordingly, the urgent appeals made to
him by Charles VII., prevailed. The King of Prussia forthwith
made preparations for a fresh campaim, in 1744, entered the field
with 100,000 men, '' imperial auxiliaries" as he termed them^
marched into Bohemia, and took Prague; the Duke of Lorraine,
however, advanced gainst him with a numerous army, and forced
him to retreat from Bohemia into Silesia. This was an unfortunate
campaign for the king; he suffered great losses in men, ammunition,
and provisions, exhausted all his miHtary stores and money, and
found to his cost that no faith was to be placed in his French allies;
whilst, finally, he lost the Emperor Charles VII., who died suddenly,
on the 20th of January, 1745.
The aid of Frederick came only in time to afibrd the emperor the
consolation of dying in liis own palace at Munich, which city he
had reconquered for the third and last time, but which immediately
after his death fell once more into the hands of the enemy. With
his death the principal motive urged by the French for carrying on
the war vanished, and Frederick now found himself abandoned by
his ally. Meantime Maria Theresa declared pubUcly that, inasmuch
as the King of Prussia had broken the treaty of peace concluded at
Berlin, Silesia must revert to the house of Austna. Upper Silesia,
accordingly, was overrun with Austrian troops, several of the principal
fortresses tell into their hands, and it required all the finnness and
strength of soul at his command to prevent the hard-pressed king
from sinking under the weight of his oifficulties. Full of confidence,
however, in his army, and m the chances of fortune in his favour, he
on the 4th of June, attacked the Prince of Lorraine at Hohenfiied-
burg. The prince was by no means prepared for such an unex-
pected and sudden attack, and the victory was soon decided in fiivour
of the King of Prussia; thus he retained Silesia, whilst the
Austrians made a hasty retreat back to Bohemia.
In the ensuing year, however, they reappeared in Silesia; the
Prince of Lorraine having received orders to advance at the head of
40,000 men, and give battle to the king, whom he surprised in his
camp near Sorr of only 18,000 men. This was a hard fought
battle for this small body of Prussians, and lasted more than nve
hours; but, eventually, they gained it. The Austrian general com-
mitted many important blunders; whilst the generals in Frederick's
service were, on the other hand, perfect masters in all the tactics of
Digitized by
Google
F£AC£ OF DRESDEN — ^EMPEROR FRANCIS L, 1745-1765. 559
war. One of them, Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, afterwards so
celebrated, took possession of an important height, which by a sin-
gular accident was defended by his brother, Lewis, at the head of a
party of Austrians.
Nevertheless, this victory had not removed all the danger with
which Frederick was threatened; for it was now resolved that the
Austrians should form a junction with the Saxons^ and the army
thus imited should march direct to Berlin, in order to force the king,
by the capture of his capital, to abandon Silesia; and by this means.
Saxony was in hopes of gaining from him the duchy of Magde-
burg. jBut as soon as Frederick perceived this movement, he speedily
collected together his whole army and marched to Lusatia. At the
same time he ^ve orders to the old Duke of Dessau to collect his
forces near HaUe, and marching into the electorate, to proceed direct
to Dresden. He overtook the Saxons and a division of the Aus-
trians on the heights near the village of Kesseldorf , attacked them at
once, and, in spite of their favourable position, gained a complete
victoiy over them. This triumph gained for Frederick the capital
city, Dresden, which he entered on the 18th of December, and pro-
cured the peace of Dresden, which terminated the second Silesian
war, and confirmed the Prussians in their possessions.
In the beginning of the year 1745 Maria Theresa had aheady
concluded a treaty of peace at Fussen, with the son of the late
Emperor Charles V II., by which Maximilian Joseph recovered his
principality, on renoimcin^ for himself and his descendants all claims
to the succession of Austria, and promising to give his vote for the
election of emperor to the Ghrand Duke of Tuscany, Maria Theresa's
husband. Meanwhile, the other electors also, witn the exception of
the Elector of the Palatinate and Frederick II., gave their votes to
the same duke, and Francis I. was elected at Frankfort on the 15th
of September, 1745, and crowned on the 4th of October following.
The King of Prussia, likewise, formally acknowledged him in the
tr^ty of peace concluded at Dresden.
The war with France continued some years longer without any suc-
cessful results to Austria; for since the celebratedgeneral, Marshal of
Saxe, commanded the French army, he had continually been gaining
ground in the Netherlands. This general obtained two victories
over the Austrians in the year 1745, one at Fontenoi, and another
at Rancour, and took both the Austrian Netherlands and Dutch Flan-
ders. These victories gained by the French army tended more and
more to increase the inclination for peace, and in April, 1748, the
ambassadors met at Aix-la-Chapelle. The peace drew nearer and
nearer to its conclusion during the whole course of the summer, and
followed on the 18th of October. Austria gave up in Italy, Parma
and Piacenza to Don Phihpp, the younffest son of the King of
Spain; France, however, got nothing for the great sacrifice she nad
made, both of men and money, in this war, and was obliged to see
Digitized by
Google
560 AIX-LA-CHAPELLE— TREATY OF PEACE, 1748-1766.
the house of Austria, which she wished to destioy, secured afineaih,
and put in possession of the im{)erial dignity.
The period of eight years which had been allowed to the difierent
states of Europe from tne peace of Aix-la-Chapelle until a new war
brokeout, did not produce in them the desired feeling of united firmness
and security; but, on the contrary, all seemed unsettled and in dread
of the new commotions which hovered over this brief state of repose.
For it was but too evident that the inimical powers so recently roused
up — ^not havingj as yet found their equilibrium — ^had only made a
pause for the purpose of soon resuming hostilities against each o&er
with renewed vigour. The empress-queen could not brook the loss of
Silesia, and she felt this loss tne more acutely, inasmuch as she was
obliged to imdergo the mortification ofkno wing that the King of Prussia,
by adopting a proper course of administration, had been able to double
tne revenue otthat beautiful country. Frederick, on the other hand,
was too clear-sighted not to foresee that a third struggle with her was
inevitable. Among the otiier European powers, too, there was a r^t-
less spirit at work; tiiey entered into alhances, looked about them —
now here, now there — for friends, and increased their strength by
land and sea. Europe was at this moment divided by two leading
C'es: France, Prussia, and Sweden adhered to the one, Austria,
^ land, and Saxony to the other ; the rest had not yet come to any
conclusion as to which party they should support, but their assist-
ance was eagerly sought by both. Maria Theresa at first cast her
eye upon the powerful state of Russia, whose empress, Elizabeth, ap-
peared inclined to hurl back her bold nortiiem neighbour into his
former insignificance; and eventually both mrties concluded an al-
liance by means of the Grand Chancellor of Kussia, Bestuschef, who
had a personal dislike to the King of ^Prussia, because the latter re-
fused to gratify his avaricious disposition. In order to induce Rus-
sia to take active measures against Prussia, England found it neces-
sary to act upon the grand chancellor with her money, and by this
means a war was all but declared already between Russia and Prus-
sia. George II. of England more especially desired this, in order
that he might by such war be relieved of the anxiety he felt for his
principality of Hanover; for as he was already engaged in a mari-
time war with France, with the view of acquiring new territories in
other parts of the world, it was to be expected that France in union
with Prussia would forthwith attack his electorate. Maria Theresa,
however, on her part, saw this storm preparing in the north of
Europe without fear or inquietude, as she nourisned strong hopes
that It would give her an opportunity of reconquering her Silesian
territory.
This, indeed, was the period of that cimning and refined diplo-
macy which has been termed state wisdom ; an epoch which esta-
blished between sovereigns false and artificial relations, but never in-
spired noble and exalted ideas and principles. Frederick the Great,
Digitized by
Google
ALLIANCE OF ENGLAND AND PRUSSIA. 561
although he understood well how to calculate after the manner of his
contemporaries, was, nevertheless, so far superior to them in the
feeling of his own strength and resources, that he placed his whole
and exclusive reliance on himself and people. The others sought
assistance chiefly from among each other; and, as a necessary con-
sequence, were often in great difficulties; whilst Frederick, inasmuch
as his calculations were far more simple, attained with greater
certainty the object in view. Thence it was that he now formed and put
into immediate execution a plan no less unexpected than extraordinary.
Abandoning the lukewarm aid of France, which lay, as it were, in a
state of political lethargy, and had afforded him but very trifling as-
sistance m his two Silesian wars, he suddenly turned to England,
now so much increasing in power and enterprising boldness, and
claimed her alliance ; and the English nation, wnich has always shown
a preference for engaging in a cause backed by patriotic and straight-
forward principles, readily acceded to his proposal: nor, perhaps,
was an alliance ever accepted in England with more universal en-
thusiasm and cordial feelings than this. Both nations, which in their
essential endeavours could not become dangerous to each other,
needed this reciprocal aid against other adversaries; and, at the time,
required the mutual confidence of each other in order ihat England
might be at ease with regard to Hanover. Hence the alhance
between England and Prussia, which based its security in the sym-
pathy of both nations, might be truly termed a natural alliance, and
was founded upon firmer grounds than those of mere state policy.
By this single turn the relations which had hitherto existed be-
tween the different states of Europe, were altogether changed.
Prussia had declared itself independent of France, and England of
Austria; and through a singular capricious sport of fortune, France
and Austria, who nad been enemies for three himdred years, now
found themselves, to their own astonishment, placed in close proxi-
mity, and called upon to give each other their hands; and ail the
rules of political calculation hitherto held as immutable^ were at one
blow demolished. Luckily for Austria, she possessed in her prime
minister. Prince Kaunitz, and in the Empress Maria Theresa herself,
two whose power of mind enabled them at once to perceive and
avail themselves of the altered position of affairs, and did not suffer
themselves to be held in check by ancient custom. They sought for
an alliance with France, and obtained it. On the Ist of May, 1 756,
the treaty of Versailles was drawn up, after that between England
and Prussia had been already concluded at Westminster in the month
of January of the same year.
The Elector of Saxony and King of Poland, Augustus IH., was
guided in everything by his minister, Count Briihl; he himself was
fond of ease and a lite devoted to sensual pleasure; but his minister,
who, without any true merit, had raised himself from the office of
page to that of minister of state, was full of secret desi^s. ^e hated
King Frederick, because he himself was despised by him, and allied
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
562 COMBINATION OF POWERS AGAINST FREDERICK.
himself with Prince Eaunitz for the purpose of ruining Profleia, and
both found in the Russian chancellor, B^tuschef, the tniid associate
in their alliance. The Empress Elizabeth of Russia was also per-
sonally an enemy to King Frederick^ inasmuch as he made her the
subject of his satire; and Tarious mal]<noiis members of her court
had even laid before her some of the king's productions, containing
much mockery and scandal
With respect to Sweden, she, this time, adhered so much to
France and her interests, and followed in her footsteps so closely,
that the King of Prussia could not but expect to find an enemy in
this otherwise so honourable a nation, when it came to a general war.
Thus Austria, Russia, France, Sweden, and Saxony, had now all
united against one king, whose dominions scarcely contained five mil-
lions of mhabitants, and who was deprived of all foreign aid, with
the exception of England, who, however, in a continental war, could
not ensure much resource. Accordingly, the three ministers felt se-
cure within themselves of the fate of Silesia; and already they
beheld, in imagination, the bold and enterprising king reduced to the
fovernment ofhis single duchy of Brandenburg. In this calculation,
owever, thej^ had altogether lost sight of that power of mind with
which this prince was endowed, and the prodigies of courage and en-
durance a nation can perform when inspired with pride and confi-
' dence by their ruler.
The king was already acquainted with thm designs, for through
a secretary of the Saxon government, whom he had bribed, he re-
ceived copies of all the documents and treaties between the courts of
Vienna, JPetersburg, and Dresden, and by these means saw what
storms were pithenng over his head. In this trying position the
great Fredenck had recourse to those extraordinary means suggested
at once by his bold and undaunted soint. Determined not to lose a
moment by preparing only for his defence, and thus quietly await the
coming danger, he forthwith rushed to meet and face it as it ad-
vanced; for, however unfortunate might be the result produced by
adopting this daring and immediate course, still it could not equal,
much less exceed, the evil he beheld in the distance, and which could
on^' grow more and more serious and fatal by tardy measures.
Frederick made his preparations for the campaign with so much
secrecy and order that none could observe his design; and thus, in
the month of August, 1756^ sev^ity thousand Prussians suddenly
made their ^pearance in Saxony, and demanded a free passage to
Bohemia. The object of the king was not so much to proceed to
hostilities against the Saxons, as to force them, by a bold manoDuvre,
to join him, as had previously been done by Grustavus Adolphus; for,
in order to attack Bohemia, as he hoped, with success, it was neces-
sary that he should make sure of Saxony in order to serve him as a
point d'app^it. Accordingly he ^ideavoured by every posrable means
of persuasion, through his envoys and negotiations, to bring Au-
gustus III. to form an alliance with him; when, however, he found
Digitized by
Google
THE SEVEN YEARS* WAR — ^FREDERICK IN SAXONY. 563
lie could not succeed, and all he could gain from Count Briihl was a
promise of remaining neutral, Frederick felt he could not with safety
allow a doubtful and armed power to remain in his rear, and pro-
ceeded at once to act upon the offensive. The Saxons, amount-
ing to seventeen thousand men, thus surprised, gave way, and
leaving behind their baggage and provisions, hastily retreated to the
narrow valley of the Elbe, between Pima and the fortress of
Konigstein, and encamped there, where they raised up strong, and
almost impregnable intrenchments. This plan was the best for them
to adopt; wmlst for Frederick it was more disadvantageous than if
they had crossed the mountains and formed a junction with the
Austrian anny; for this army, still in a disordered and weak state,
could not, even when reinforced with the Saxons, have succeeded in
resisting the first attaok of the Prussians in Bohemia, in addition to
which, the latter now saw themselves forced to lose much precious
time in blockading the Saxons, andcutting off their supplies; whilst
the im^rial army availed itself of this interval, and recovered its or-
ganisation and strength, and would be enabled, by a successful battle,
to relieve the Saxons. Such, indeed, was the course taken by the
imperial general after the king had been four weeks quartered in
Saxony.
On the 30th of September Field-marshal Brown, commander-in-
chief of the imperial troops, advanced to Budin on the Eger, and
directed his march against the position taken up by the Prussians
on the mountains which separate Saxony from Bohemia. Mean-
time, the king advanced against him wim a portion of his army,
consisting, however, only of 24,000 men against 70,000, being com-
pelled to leave the rest behind to keep the Saxons at bay, whilst
the Anstrians were commanded by the best officers in the service;
nevertheless, he did not hesitate to risk making a desperate attack,
and he succeeded. The two armies met on the 1st of October, dose
to the little town of Lowositz. The country around was moun-
tainous, and the Austrian general, accordingly, was unable to draw
up the whole of his army in line of battle, especially his cavalry,
wnich consequently could not take its share in the action ; whilst,
on that account, the fire from the artillery and small arms was much
more severe, and in which latter the Prussians excelled the Aus-
trians. But it was now no longer by the Austrians of the Silesian
wars that they were opposed, but by men who, for ten years, had
undergone severe practice, were better disciplined, more active
than ever before, and were well supplied with excellent artillery.
Midday had now arrived, but the Prussians, in spite of their skill
and bravery, were not able to gain any advantage over the firmness
of the Austrian ranks.
Aft^ six hours' incessant firing, the left wing of the Prussians
at length expended all their ammunition, and began now to lose
courage on finding they could receive no fresh supply. " What !"
exclamied the Duke of Bevem, who commanded this division,
Digitized by VJiOOQlC
564 BATTLE OF LOWOSITZ — THE AUSTRIANS DEFEATED.
" have you not been taught to attack the enemy with the point
of the bayonet?" At these words they closed their ranks, and
rushed in full charge against the Austrians; all resistance was in
vain, for like an impetuous, sweeping torrent, they threw down all
before them, and took the little town of Lowositz by storm. This
was the decisive moment ; and although but a small portion of his
troops had been engaged in the action, General Brown nevertheless
sounded a retreat and withrew to Budin, on the opposite side of the
Effer.
jE'redcrick in this battle learnt to know the new and improved
system of warfare now exercised by the Austrians, and already felt
how severe must henceforth be the struggle he should have to main-
tain with them. On the other hand a^ain, the heroic courage and
devotion displayed by his own troops had excited within him the
greatest admiration, and on this point he addressed them thus: ** I
have now seen what my warriors can do; never, indeed, since I have
had the honour to lead them on to battle, have they performed such
prodigies of valour."
Frederick now saw how urgently necessary it was that he shotdd
put an end to the delay so long produced by the Saxon army, which,
indeed, although placed in a most distressing position, nevertheless
endured every privation with the most heroic firmness. Both men
and horses had long been in want of the most necessary supplies, and
all were now so much reduced that if succour did not quickly arrive,
they must perish. Tliey had received intelligence in their camp that
Field-marsnal Brown was on his march, and they were all buoying
themselves up with the hope of soon seeing his colours waving on
the mountains instead of those of the Prussians, when all at once
loud shouts of victory proclaimed the success gained by the Prussians
in the battle of Lowositz, and resounding through valley and moun-
tain, were echoed forth in the Prussian camp. The impression pro-
duced by this event upon the distressed Saxons was truly painful,
reduced as they were to the last extremity of suffering and want.
The only chance of deliverance now left to them was by making a
desperate effort to fight their way through into Bohemia; this they
accordingly attempted, but opposed by the very elements themselves,
for they were overwhelmed by a complete hurricane of wind and
drenching rain, and harassed by the Prussians, they failed in their
object, and thus these brave men, who having now been three days and
nights without food or rest, were nearly dropping down from exhaus-
tion and disease, were forced to lay down their arms, their number
now reduced to 14,000, and with their general. Count Rutowski,
gave themselves up prisoners to the Prussians on the 14th of October.
The officers were set at Uberty on their parole of honour, but the
men were forced to enter the Prussian service. Frederick calculated
that these 14,000 men, if he gave them their liberty, would serve as
a considerable reinforcement in the ranks of the enemy, and if he
detained them as prisoners of war they would cost him annually some
Digitized by VJiOOQlC .
SAXONY— IMMENSE ARMIES AGAINST FREDERICK. 565
millions of dollars to support; thence he determined to derive some
advantage for the expense they incurred for their maintenance. For
at this period the soldier was considered less as a citizen of the
state than as a man who equally sold over both body and spirit to
the miUtary service for a certain period, and could, therefore, soon
accustom himself to serve in the ranks of him against whom he
majr even have previously fought: miUtary honour was distinct from
civil honour, and the oath of the soldier was held to be more sacred
than the word of the citizen. Nevertheless Frederick derived but
little service from the Saxons; they deserted his colours in troops
on the first favourable opportunity, and hastened to return to their
king in Poland, whither he had repaired after the loss of his army,
or they went over to the Austrians. Such were the results of the
first campaign : Saxony remained in the hands of Frederick II.
The preparations made for the ensuing campak^n presented to the
eyes of Frederick an aspect in prospective affairs of a character
any thing but encouraging. The great powers of Europe, infu-
riated by the stand he made, had now become more firmly united
than ever in their determination to destroy him, and combined
together with all their armies to overwhelm liim. Austria came
forth with all the troops, together with all the wealth and re-
sources furnished by her extensive territories; Russia contributed
no less than 100,000 men; France supplied even a greater num-
ber, Sweden came forward with 20,000 men; whilst the Ger-
manic empire generally, regarding the invasion of Saxony by Fre-
derick as a violation of the peace of the country, offered to the im-
perial court an additional aid of 60,000 men. Thus a combined
army of at least 500,000 men stood under arms ready to march
against the King of Prussia; whilst he, on the other hand, could
only oppose to this mighty and overwhelming force 200,000 men,
and those collected together only at the sacrince of every resource at
his command. As allies he only possessed England, the Landgrave
of Hesse, and the dukes of Brunswick and Gotha, and he was
obliged to leave them alone to carry on the war with France; and,
with respect to the other powers, he hoped to make up for his in-
ferior force by the ability of his great generals and doubling his
strength by rapid marches, and thus swiftly passing with the same
army from one point to another, be enabled to fight his enemies one
after the other. Thence, he resolved to direct his first and principal
effort against Austria, whom he regarded as his chief enemy, whilst
in the meantime he left behind 14,000 men under the command of
his old Field-marshal Lehwald, for the defence of Prussia itself
against the attack of the Russians, leaving only 4000 men for the
J)rotcction of Berlin against the Swedes; fortunately, however,
or Prussia, the Swedish portion of the allies took no very serious
share in the war.
Maria Theresa, influenced by an extraordinary predilection for
her husband*s brother, Prince Charles of Lorraine, appointed him,
Digitized by
Google
566 mS PRESENCE OP MIND— BATTLE OF PRAGUE.
although he had already been twice beaten by Frederick, com-
mander-in-chief of the imperial army ; whilst, under his orders she
placed the talented and experienced soldier, General Brown. This
arrangement proved of great service to the king. Brown, with his
usual prudence and forethought, advised Prince Charies to anti-
cipate the quick movements of the Prussians in the attack they con-
templated, and penetrating into Saxony and Silesia, thus remove
the seat of war from the hereditary states of Austria; Charles of
Lorraine, however, although on other occasions too precipitate, re-
solved in this case to be the verjr opposite, preferring to adopt the
defensive, and was anxious to wait imtil he had drawn around him
all the forces he could collect. This was exactly what Frederick
most anxiously desired, and he contrived to strengthen the prince
in the belief that he himself, overmatched by so many powerful
enemies, thought it most prudent to assume the defensive like-
wise. Suddenly, however, and whilst the Austrians imagined
themselves in perfect security, the Prussians broke up and dividing
themselves into four divisions, poured forth in rapid marches
across the moiuitains into Bohemia, and, like so many mighty and
impetuous mountain rivers, swept all before them, takmg possession
of all the supplies of the imperiahsts, which served to furnish
themselves with provisions dunng several months, and reunited
their forces at a certain hour in the morning of the 6th of May, at
the appointed quarters in the vicinity of Prague.
The Prince of Lorraine, hastily collecting together all his troops,
had now taken a strong, intrenched position in the mountains, near
Prague, where he considered himself secured against every attack.
Freaerick, however, to whom every hour which delayed the execu-
tion of the final blow appeared as lost, resolved to give battle at once
now that the enemy was within sight, and in this determination he
was cordially seconded by his favourite officer, General Winterfeld,
a bold and undaxmted warrior, whose ardour nothing could with-
stand. Accordingly the latter received orders to reconnoitre the
enemy's position, and he reported that their right wing might be
easily- attacked, as in front ol it were several green meadows, which
would facilitate the advance of the troops. But these — as he thought
— meadows, were nothing else but deep dried up ponds, with sUmy
bottoms, which had been sown with oats, and after the harvest, were
again to serve as fish ponds. This error served ultimately to pro-
duce much injury to the Prussians in their attack. The venerable
Field-marshal Schwerin, who had only arrived at head-quarters that
morning with his fatigued troops, and was altogether unacquainted
with the spot chosen for the scene of action, suggested that they
should postpone operations until the following day; but the king,
whose impetuosity was not to be restrained, and who, having now
formed in his mind completely the plan of a glorious battle, was im-
patient to put it into execution, would not listen for a moment to
any further delay. Upon this the old wanior, who, in his seventy-
Digitized by
Google
FRBDEiaCK VICTORIOUS— MARSHAL SCHWERIN KILLED. 567
tbird year, retained still a great portion of his youthful fire, ex-
claimed, as he pressed his hat over his eyes: ^' Well, then, if the
battle shall and must be fought this day, I will attack the enemy
there on the spot where I see him I"
The battle only commenced at ten o'clock in the morning; so
much time having been taken up in making the necessary pre-
Earations, as ihe ground turned out to be generally swampy and
illy. As the Prussians worked their way through and af^roached
the enemy, they were received with a terrific cannonade; the car-
nage was dreadful, and whole ranks were levelled with the ground;
indeed, it seemed impossible for hmnan courage to holfL out against
such tremendously destructive odds. Each attack made was imsuc-
cessful, and the ranks of the Prussians began to waver. At this
moment the brave old marshal, Schwerin, seized an ensi^, and call-
ing upon his troops to follow him» rushed into the thickest of the
fire, where, however, pierced with four balls, the veteran warrior fell
and died the death of a hero. General Manteufel released the gory
standard firom the firm grasp of the dead old soldier and led on the
troops, now burning with revenge at the loss of their brave com-
mander. The king's brother, Pnnce Henry, sprang from his horse,
and led on his men against a battery, which he conquered; and
Duke Ferdinand of Brunswick attacked and overthrew with the
CTeatest courage the left wing of the Austrians, pursuing the enemy
from mountain to mountain, and conquering seven intrenchments.
Nevertheless, the victory remained undecided as long as Field-mar-
shal Brown was able, by his influence and command, to maintain
order among the ranks of the Austrians; at len^h, however, he
fell, mortally wounded, and with his fall vanished all success irom
the Austrian side. King Frederick, who with his keen eye sur-
veyed the field of battle, quickly perceived the enemy begin to give
way, and seeing a large gap in the centre of their ra^s, ne at once
advanced, with some of ms chosen troops, and, dashing into it, com*
pletely destroyed all communication between them, and jmt them
entirely to rout. Thus the victory was gained: the Austrians fled
in every direction, ihe greater portion of the fugitives throwing
themselves into Prague, and the rest hastening to join Marshal Daun,
who was posted in Kiittenberg with an army of reserve.
Dearly, however, was this victory purchased ! Twelve thousand
five hundred Prussians lay dead or wounded on the battle-field, and
amoi^ them was included one precious corpse — ^that of Field-mar-
shal Schwerin; but the remembrance of his heroic death, and the
blood-stained flag he bore in his nervous grasp, were regarded by
the Prussian army as the most sacred legacy, serving them as a •
continual source of excitement to follow in the same path of glory.
The Austrians, likewise, suffered an irreparable loss m the death of
Field-marshal Brown ; he had grown gray in the wars of his country,
and the experience he had undergone rendered him the most distin-
guished general of his day.
Digitized by
Google
568 BATTLE OF KOLLIN— STRANGE CONDUCT OF FREDERICK.
The struggle in Bohemia was hj no means decided by this battle,
although the actual position of the parties was such that the campaign
bid fair to tenninate gloriously in favour of Frederick, for be now
kept the Prince of Lorraine a prisoner in Prague, together with
46,000 men, without any resources left to enable them to hold out
for any length of time. Their only hopes of relief rested in. Field-
marshal Daun, who was then in the immediate vicinity with a con-
siderable body of troops; but if he himself should be defeated by
the king, the army hemmed in within the walls of Prague must be
lost, the campaign itself won in the most glorious manner by the
Prussians, and, perhaps, peace obtained, already in the second year
of the war; for Frederick desired nothing more than what he ob-
tained at the end of the war — the retention of Silesia. Fate^ how-
ever, had not decreed that he should obtain this object so easily, and
it was decided that his career of success should receive a check, whilst
his spirit was doomed to undergo bitter and painful trials.
He determined not to wait for the attack of Daun, but to antici-
pate it; and after he had remained five weeks before Prague, he
withdrew, with twelve thousand men, in order to join Prince Be-
vern, who had kept the army of Daun in observation, and which
Frederick forth witn attacked, near Kollin, on the 18th of June.
The plan of the order of battle adopted by the king was excellent;
and had it been followed out entirely it would have given him the
victory. Frederick decided upon this occasion to employ the same
order of battle as that used in ancient times by EpaminodiEis, and by
which he overcame the invincible Spartans: this was termed the
oblique line of battle. By this plan the weakest force, by prompti-
tude of action, was enabled to operate with advantage over a superior
body; for instance, if the general in command has recourse to such a
bold manoeuvre it is very rare if he does not succeed, but to ensure
this victory he must be certain of the perfect co-operation of his
army, so that by the celerity and exactitude of its movements the
enemy may be completely deceived and vanquished before he has
even had time to perceive the plan of attack by which it has been
accomplished. Such was the manojuvre practised by the Prussians
at Kollin, and the first onset made by generals Ziethen and Hulsen
upon the right wing of the Austrians put them entirely to rout.
The centre and the other wing of the Prussian army had now only
to follow it up forthwith, by falling upon the enemy's flank, battalion
after battalion in succession, and thus complete its entire annihila-
tion. Whilst, however, every thing was thus operating in the ri^ht
direction, the king himself, as if the usual clearness of his mind be-
came suddenly clouded in impenetrable gloom, gave orders for the
rest of the army to make a halt ! In truth, throughout the whole of
this important day, Frederick presented in his own person and man-
ner something so imaccountably gloomy and repulsive that it ren-
dered him totally incapable of attending to the ideas and observa-
tions suggested by those around him; he rejected every thing they
Digitized by
Google
HIS DEFEAT — ^THE ALLIED ARMIES. 569
advised and his sinister look, together with his bitter remarks, only
made them shun his presence.
When, at the most important and decisive moment, Prince Mau-
rice of Dessau ventured to represent to the monarch the serious con-
sequences that must result £rom the change he had commanded to
take place in the plan of the order of battle, and reiterated his obser-
vations and arguments in the most Tir^ent manner possible, Frederick
rode up close to his side, and with uphfted sword, demanded, in a loud
and threatening tone of voice, whether he would or would not obey
orders ? The prince at once desisted and withdrew ; but from that
moment the fate of the day was decided. Through the halt thus
made so ill-timed, the Prussian lines found themselves right in front
of the position held by the Austrians, and which they had strongly
intrenched and made completely insurmountable ; and when they
made an attempt to take it by assault, the regiments were swept
away one after the other by the destructive fire of the Austrian ar-
tillery. No exertion, no desperate effort, could now obtain the vic-
tory ; fortune had now changed sides. General Daun, already
despairing of success at the commencement of the battle, had
marked down with a pencil the order to sound a retreat, when, just
at that moment, the colonel of a Saxon regiment of cavalry having
perceived that the ranks of the Prussians changed their order of
battle, resolved to delay execution of orders, and placed the official
paper in his pocket. The Austrians now renewed their attack, and
the Saxon regiments of horse were more especially distinguished for
the desperate charges they made, as if determined to revenge them-
selves lor the injuries endured by their country. In order that all
might not be sacrificed, orders were issued to make a retreat, and
Daun, too well pleased to gain this, his first victory, over Frederick
the Great, did not follow in pursuit. The Prussians lost on this
day 14,000 men, in either tailed, wounded, or prisoners, and
forty-five pieces of artillery. This formed nearly the moiety of the
Prussian army, for in this battle 32,000 Prussians had fought against
60,000 Austrians.
What a change of fortune was this to Frederick ! After having
been on the point of capturing an entire army in the very capital of
the country, and thus extinguishing, at the first moment of its com-
mencement, and in the short space of eight months, the most dread-
ful war, he found himself forced to raise the siege of Prague, and
abandon Bohemia altogether ; having, in addition to these reverses
of fortune, to lament, with sincere grief, the death of his beloved
mother, who died ten days after the sad battle of KoUin. The allies
of Austria, after this unexpected victory, resumed operations with
freater activity than ever. The Russians invaded the kingdom of
'russia, the Swedes pursued their preparations more vigorously, and
two French armies crossed the Rhine in order to attack the terri-
tory of Hesse, Hanover, and thence to march against the hereditary
states of Prussia. One of these armies^ under the command of
Digitized by
Google
570 THE FRENCH IN Gi»MANY— CLOSTERSEVEN CONVENTIOX-
Prince Soabise, adyanced towards Thuringia, in oider to form a
junction with the imperial forces under the orders of the Prince of
Hilburghausen; whilst Marshal d'Estree, who commanded the lead-
ins^ French army, on entering Hanover, fought and beat the Duke of
Cumberland at the head of the Anglo-Germanic troops, on the 26th
of July, near Hastenbeck, on the Weser. This defeat was pro-
duced through the inexperience and imbecility of the Elnglish gene-
ral; for his army, although limited in force, nad, nevertheless, ob-
tained considerable advantages through the courage and good gene-
ralship of the Hereditary Prince of Bnmswick, and had forced the
French general to sound a retreat, when the duke, to the no little sur-
prise and indignation of every one, abandoned the field of battle, nor
halted in his shameful retreat until he reached the Elbe near Stade.
Nay, to complete the disgrace, he was forced shortly afterwards to
conclude at Glosterseven, on the 9th of September, a conventicHi by
which he engaged to disband his troops, and give up to the French
Hanover, Ilesse, the duchy of Brunswick, and the whole of the
country situated between the Weser and the Rhine.
The Duke of Richelieu, who succeeded Marshal d'Estree in the
command of the French troops, was a man of a most overbearing
and prodigal character, devoia of all conscientious feeling or prm-
dple, and gloried in draining the country by every possible means
of cruel exaction ; and as all around him followed his example, and
made the gain of money and Ucentiousness their all-ruling pasaon,
this d^ading practice spread more and more widely throu^out
the ranks of tne entire army, until there was no excess to which it
did not resort. In their system of devastation, indeed, the French,
although belonging to a more polished nation, surpassed even the
Cossacks and Calmucks, who, at this moment, were omilarly occu-
pied in the kingdom of Prussia itself. The destruction of morals is
more surely to be dreaded &om a civilised than a barbarous people;
because, under the charm of seduction, it leaves behind a consum-
ing poison in every city and village generally, and especially in the
more sacred bosom of domestic life. The bad reputation of the
French army, and the hatred felt and shown by the Grermans, natu-
rally more plain and simple in their manners and customs, against
the smooth and polished mask of vice, contributed not a little to gain
over the hearts of the majority of the people throughout Germany in
iavour of the cause of Frederick. Indeed, it was almost inconceivable
with what joy the people generally received the news of the victories
he gained, althougn perhaps at the same moment their own prinees,
as members of the imperial states, were in arms against him. Such
is the commanding influence exercised by a superior mind over his
age ; such the sympathy which a generous heart can rarely with-
hold from him who by strength and courage is enabled to battle
with an overpowering and inflexible destiny I But much of this
feeling was produced, likewise, through beholding how Frederick,
with the aid only of his own Prussians, had to contend against
Digitized by
Google
BATTLE OF GROSSJ^GERNDORF. 571
hordes of barbarians from the east, as well as the hate^ and most
formidable enemy from the west; whilst in the interior, he had to
face the Austrian armies composed of soldiers all differing in lan-
guage, customs, and manners, but all equally eager after pillage,
including Hungarians, Croatians, and Pandunans. Had Frederick
carried on the war merely against the Austrians and other Germans,
true patriots would only have deplored the blindness of the hostile
parties in thus contending against each other when they ought, on
the contrary, to have ^eathed the sword and held out to each
other the hand of fraternal peace and friendship. The north of
Germany was more especially attached to Frederick, ranking
itself on the side of his own people, and participating in their joys
and sorrows ; for as that was the seat of wax against the French,
the cause of Frederick was regarded as that of Germany.
Tlie convention of Closterseven paved the way for the French as
far as the Elbe and Magdeburg itself ; and their second army, now
luiited with the imperial troops, was already in Thuringia, and made
preparations for depriving the Prussians of the whole of Saii^ony,
whence the latter received their stores and supplies of provisions.
This was not the only side by which Frederick was hard pressed.
The Swedes spread themselves throughout the whole of Pomerania
and Ukermark, and laid those countries under heavy contributions,
whilst they had only to avail themselves of their whole force in order
to advance direct upon BerUn itself, and make themselves, with
scarcely any opposition, masters of that dty. The Russian general,
Apraxm, liad already entered Prussia with 100,000 men, and to
oppose him, Field-marshal Lehwald had only 24,000 men ; never-
theless, he was forced to give the Russians battle, however great
the sacrifice, as Frederick sent him strict orders to drive out these
barbarians and put an end to their devastations. Accordingly the
action took place at Grossjagemdorf, near Welau ; but the most
undaimted and desperate courage displayed by .the Prussians was em-
ployed in vain against a force so overwhelming. Lehwald was forced
to retreat, after a loss of several thousand men, and thus Prussia
now appeared irretrievably lost — ^when, to the astonishment of all,
Apraxin, instead of advancing, withdrew to the Russian frontiers
ten days afrer the battle he had gained.
Thus we find, from time to time, the troubled path of Frederick
illumined by a glimmering raj of hope, which appeared to lead him
on to better fortune. This time it originated in the serious illness
of the Empress Elizabeth of Russia ; and the Grand-chancellor
Bestuschef, believing her death close at hand, and having his eye
directed to her successor, Peter the Great, — an admirer and friend
of the Prussian hero— lost not a moment in commanding General
Apraxin to withdraw his troops from the Prussian dominions. This
enabled the army under Lehwald to march against the Swedes, who,
on the approach of the Prussians, evacuated the entire country and
letreated as far as Strabond and Riigen.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
572 CONTINUATION OF THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR.
CHAPTER XXXI.
Continuation of the Seven Years' War, 1757-1760— Battle of Bossbacfa, 1757—
Total Defeat of the French— General Sddlitz and the Pmasian Cavalry — Re-
verses of Frederick— Silesia— Battle of Leuthen, 1757— Frederick's Appeal to his
Officers and Army — Their Enthusiasm — Complete Overthrow of the Austrians —
Glorious Results to Frederick— His Proposals of Peace rqectedby Maiia Theresa
—France— Russia— England's Enthusiasm for Frederick— William Pitt— England
supports Frederick — ^Treaty of Closterseven disavowed — ^Duke Ferdinand o£
Brunswick General-in-Chief of the Allied Army— Defeats and drives away the
French from Germany— Frederick in Silesiar—Schweidnitz— Frederick's rapid
March into Moravia— -Olmutz-Bohemia — Pomeraaia— Battle between the Rus-
sians and Prussians at Zomdorf, 1758— Dreadful Slaughter and Defeat of the
Russians — The Prussians attacked and defeated by the Austrians at Hochkirch,
1758 — Frederick's Presence of Mind— The Prussian Army- The Imperial Diet —
The Prince of Mecklenburg— The Imperial Ban against Frederick proposed — ^Ne-
gatived—The Allied and French Armies— Battle of Bergen, 1759— Partial Suc-
cess of the French— Battle of Minden— Shameful Conduct of the English Greneral,
Sackville— Defeat of the French— Battle of Kay and Eunersdorf, 1759— Total
Defeat of the Prussians — ^Frederick's Misfortunes — His Despair— Prince Henry
of Prussia — Continued Reverses of Frederick— Battle of liegnitz, 1760 — The
I^ssians defeat the Austrians— Beneficial Results to Frederick— Battle of Tor-
gau, 1760 — Total Defeat of the Austrians— Frederick in Leipsic.
Frederick, after having endeavoured for a considerable time, but
in vain, to give battle to the Austrians in Lusatia, broke up his
army, and in the month of August advanced up the . Saale into
Saxony, in order to drive the French out of that country. After
various marches and counter-marches he at length came up with
them and the imperial army on the 5th of November, in the village
of Rossbach, close to the Saale. Frederick had only 22,000 men,
whilst the enemy hadj50,000 ; and they already began to triumph
in anticipation of his overthrow, being determined that the kin^,
with his handful of troops, should not escape them this time. He
encamped his army upon a height, and the French advanced by forced
marches, with sound of trumpet, towards his camp, curious to see
whether or not he would have the courage to make a stand against
them, for their object was to surround him completely, and thus by
making him prisoner, put an end to the war at once. The Prus-
sians, however, fired not a single shot, but remained perfectly
quiet, apparently unprepared for, or not taking any notice of the
movements of the enemy ; the smoke ascending from their cooking
fires indicated their present occupation, whilst Frederick himself
took his meal with his general officers and staff with the appearance
of the greatest coolness and indifference. But when the favourable
moment arrived, about half-past two o'clock in the afternoon, he
gave his orders accordingly, and in an instant, as if by magic, the
tents were struck, the army drawn up in battle array, the artillery
Digitized by
Google
BATTLE OF ROSSBACH — FREDERICK VICTORIOUS. 573
opened its tremendous fire, and Seidlitz, at the head of his brave
cavalry dashed among the battalions of the enemy as they arrived.
The French had never, hitherto, encoimtei'ed such rapidity of action
fix)m the Germans, and they found it totally impossible to form into
line; for they were completely overwhelmed and routed before they
could even attempt it, and in the course of less than half an hour the
action was decided, and the entire French army put hors de combat
They were seized with such a panic that they never halted until they
reached the middle states of the empire, whilst many, even, deeming
themselves still insecure,' only paused when they reached the opposite
banks of the Rhine. Seven thousand prisoners fell into the hands of the
king, including nine generals and three hundred and twenty officers
of every rank, together with sixty-three pieces of cannon and
twenty-two standards ; whilst this glorious victory only cost the
Prussians one hundred and sixty-five in killed, and three hundred
and fifty wounded. The king was indebted for this great triumph
to the excellent state of discipline and order maintained throughout
his whole army, which was thus enabled, at such momentary notice,
to execute so successfully the daring plans formed often so suddenly
and unexpectedly by their royal chief ; above all, however, he
owed much of this victory to the rapid and overwhelming courage
of General Seidlitz and his cavalry.
Saxony was now rescued and secured on this side, whilst the mo-
ral effect of the battle of Rossbach produced much benefit to the
king ; nevertheless, his military labours and fatigues, for this year,
were not yet completed. For, during his absence, his favourite and
confidential friena. General Winterfeld, had perished in an action
near Moyes ; the Duke of Bevem had retreated with his army into
Silesia as far as the walls of Breslau, and as he could not undertake
any tiling against the united forces of the Prince of Lorraine and
Field-marshal Daun, the important fortress of Schweidnitz fell,
on the 11th of November, into the hands of General Nadasti. On
the 22nd, the entire Austrian army attacked the Prussians at Bres-
lau, and vanquished them after a vigorous defence ; the Duke of
Bevern, dreading his sovereign's wrath, yielded himself prisoner —
according to all appearance voluntarily so — to the Austnans ; and,
finally the capital, Breslau, with all its rich suppUes of provisions
and ammunition, was given up to the imperialists through the
cowardice of General Lestwitz. Thus Silesia appeared now to be
lost for Frederick ; for, if it should be allowed to remain only one
winter in the hands of the enemy, they would fortify it in every
possible way, so as to make it totally impossible for mm ever to re-
conquer it. On the other hand, it appeared equally impossible, un-
less by a miracle, to recapture it with the 14,000 men he brought
with him from Saxony, and the 16,000 forming the remnant of the
vanquished army under the Duke of Bevem.
It was in moments like this, when all around him assumed that
gloomy character, such as must naturally produce despair and desola-
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
574 HIS REVERSES— APPEALS TO HIS ARMT.
tion in the mind, that King Fiedeiick displayed in the most siaiking
manner the greatness of his genius, the treasure of mental resources
at his command, and the irresistible power with which he operated
upon the feelings of all under him. He summoned a council of his
generals and chief officers, and addressed them in such soul-inspiring
language, that thejwere aroused to a state of the most aident and
zealous enthusiasm. He represented to them the difficult, and evea
desperate, conditionin which their country was at that moment placed,
and under which it must inevitably sink, if he could not calculate
upon their courage to save it. " I know you all feel that you are
Prussians," he added, in conclusion; ^' nevertheless, if there be one
among you who fears to share such dangers with me, he is at liberty
to resign his command from this very day, without having the slight*
est reason to dread any reproach from me for so doing." And when in
reply to this he beheld in the eyes of all around him the expression of
the one universal determined feeling — ^that they would all rally round
their brave sovereign, and devote their lives to nis and their country's
cause, he exclaimed, with gratified mien: " I was well convinced,
beforehand, that not one of you all would desert me in this tnrin^
moment ; whence I am sanguine in my hopes of victory. Should Ifally
and thus be prevented from rewarding you for your courage, be as-
sured our country will not neglect to do so. Farewell then, my
friends and comrades ; in a short time we shall either have driven
away the enemy now before us, or this will have proved our
eternal adieu !"
The enthusiasm called forth by this inspiring language soon pro-
duced its good effects throughout the entire army, and all awaited
with eager impatience the moment for marching against the foe.
The latter had taken up an equally strong and advantageous positicm
behind the river Lohe, where it was extremely difficult for the
king to attack him. The cautious leader, Field-marshal Daun, was
desirous of holding possession of it, for he had already learnt to know
at Kollin how necessary it was to command a good position in
order to check and hold at bay the impetuosity of the king. But
Greneral Luchesi and others of the imperialists, who held it degrad-
ing to a victorious army to seek to intrench itself in a position
against a force so much inferior in numbers, persuaded Prince
Charles to march at once and meet the king, assuring him, '^ that
the parade guard of Berlin^" as they thus styled the Prussian army,
'* would never be able to make a stand against them." This advice
was most acceptable to the prince, naturally of a more impetuous than
reflective disposition, and he marched fortL The two armies accord-
ingly met on the vast plain in the vicinity of Leuthen, on the 5th of
December, exactly one month after the luittie of Rossbach. The im-
perial army, in its plan of attack, extended its lines over a space
of nearly five miles ; whilst Frederick was forced to have recourse
to those means by wKich he was enabled to double his power by the
celerity of his manoeuvres, and adopted, on this occasion, his former
Digitized by
Google
BATTLE OF LEUTHEN — THE AUSTRIANS DEFEATED. 575
oblique order of battle. He caused a &iae attack to be made
on the right, whilst his principal attack was directed against the
left wing ; and having overcome this completely, the consequent
disorder was communicated to the whole of the Austrian army.
Resistance had now become useless, and in the course of three
hours Frederick gained the most complete victory. The field of
battle was covered with the slain, and whole battalions surrendered
themselves prisoners, amounting alto^ther to 2 1 ,000 men. Added to
this, the Prusaans captured one hundred and thirty cannon, and three
thousand ammunition and other waggons. This is one of the most ex-
traordinary victories met with in history, where 30,000 men only were
opposed to 80,000, and by which it was amply proved how superior
genius may sometimes triumph over superior numbers, and more
especially when the ideas and plans formed, are seconded and carried
out with that proportionate activity and firmness, so gloriously dis-
played on this occasion by the Pruseoans.
Meantime, Frederick and his army, however great had been their
efforts, would not allow themselves time for repose, although so much
needed, but followed up without the least delay the fruits of their
victory, until they had completely driven out the Austrians from the
Silesian territories beyond the Bohemian mountains. This was
undertaken by the ever-active and indefatigable General Ziethen,
and was accomplished by him with his usual success, making im-
mense booty and numerous prisoners ; whilst, meantime, the king
himself attacked Breslau, which he captured with its garrison of
17,000 men, and in the same month, I>ecember, Liegnitz likewise
surrendered to his conquering arms. Thus, by one bold stroke,
upon which he risked his all, cost what it may, Frederick reconquered
the whole of Silesia — where he was enabled to take up his winter
quarters as far as Schweidnitz — as well as Saxony, and, what was
more than all, he gained for himself that immortal renown in the
annals of his ooimtry which will continue to be handed down to the
latest posterity. The Austrian army, however, which so shortly
before was so powerful in numbers, exceeding 80,000 men, and so
perfect in its appointments, had suffered so much that its relics when
collected in Bohemia, scarcely mustered 17,000 fighting men. AU
the Prussian territories, as far as Westphalia, were now completely
fireed of the enemy.
Four grand battles and numerous actions more or less important,
had combined to make the preceding year, 17S7, one the most san-
guinary to be found in history. Both parties had sufficiently tested their
stren^w against each other; and Frederick now offered at the court
of Vienna terms of peace, manifesting by this the principles of ancient
Rome — ^not to propose peace until after he had gained a victory.
But the Empress Maria Theresa still continued too much embittered
against the conqueror of Silesia to admit of the acceptance of his
proposals; and, in addition to this, every care had been taken to
conceal from her the heavy losses sustained by her army at the
Digitized by VjOOQ iC
576 THE ALLIED ARMIES — ^ENGLAND AND PRUSSIA.
battle of Leuthen, as well as the distressed condition to which the
war had reduced her states. She was likewise influenced in her
resolution by France, which insisted upon the continuation of the
war in Germany, otherwise that power would be obliged to contend
alone against England. Thence the offers of Frederick were rejected,
and preparations for a fresh campaign renewed on a more ex-
tensive scale than ever. Prince Charles of Lorraine, who had lost
the confidence both of the army and the country, was forced to
resign the chief command. It was found, however, extremely diffi-
cult to meet with his substitute, for the brave Field-marshal, Nadasti,
owing to the jealousy and intrigue excited against him, was com-
pletefy supplanted, and eventually the choice was fixed upon Field-
marslm Daun, for whose reputation the victory of Kollin had effected
far more than his otherwise natural tardiness of action and irresolution
merited.
The French armies were likewise reinforced, and another gene-
ral-in-chief, Count Clermont, was appointed instead of the Duke
of RicheHeu. The latter, accordingly, returned to France with all the
millions he had exacted, during the period of his service, upon which
he lived in the most extravagant, gorgeous style, in the face of the
whole world, and in defiance of all shame and disgust. Russia also
joined in the desire for a continuation of the war, and the Chancellor
Bestuschef, who had in the previous year recalled the army from
Prussia, was removed from office, and another leader, General Fer-
mor, was placed at the head of the Russian troops; he, in fact, lost not
a moment, but marched at once against Prussia, in the month of
January, and conquered the kingdom without any resistance, owing
. to the absence of General Lehwald, who with the army was lien
in Pomerania, contending against the Swedes.
In order to oppose and make a stand against such serious and
overwhelming cumger, Frederick was forced to summon together
the entire and extreme resources of his own dominions, as well as
those of the Saxon territories. Levies in money and troops were
forthwith made with equal activity and rigour, and the king found
himself reduced to the necessity of coining counterfeit money for
the payment of his troops: a measure which such a case of extreme
necessity alone can justify or excuse. He knew, however, too well
that, since the feudal system of war had been succeeded by that of
modern times, the grand principle upon which war must now be
carried on was founded upon the employment of its influential agent
— ^money. For as regarded allies upon whom he might place de-
pendence, he possessed only Enc^lana and a few princes in the north
of Germany, and these were already paralysed by the disgraceful
convention of Closterseven. Fortune, however, served him very
favourably at this moment in England; the Britbh nation, always
ready to acknowledge and appreciate patriotic achievements in every
quarter, was insmred by the battle of Rossbach with the greatest
enthusiasm for Frederick; whilst the most complete disgust was
Digitized by
Google
FERDINAND OF BRUNSWICK— DEFEATS THE FRENCH. 577
generallj excited apdnst the shameful convention of Closteiseven.
In accordance wim these feelings, the celebrated William Pitt,
-who had just been appointed prime minister, caused this treaty
which had not as yet been confirmed, to be at once disa-
vowed, and determined to continue the war with renewed vigour.
The army was forthwith aumnented, and the appointment of its
leader was entrusted to Freaerick himself. His eagle eye soon
fixed upon the genius best adapted for its extraordinary powers to
be chosen to co-o{)erate with lumself, and he accordingly furnished
the allied army with a truly distinguished chief, Ferdmand, Duke
of Brunswick, who by his good generalship so well justified Fre-
derick's choice, that his name will ever continue to maintain its
brilliant position on the side of that of the great king, in the
records oi this sanguinary war.
According to a plan agreed upon between Frederick and himself,
the duke already opened the campaign in the month of February,
and, marching at the head of his small army, he surprised the French
in their winter quarters, where they w^e living in abundance and
luxury at the expense of the Hanoverians and Hessians; the odds
between the two armies were great, for the duke had only 30,000
men against their 100,000. But with him all his measures were so
well cSculated, whilst on the part of his adversaries so much negli-
gence and frivolity existed, in combination with the incapacity of
their general, that in a very few weeks the duke completely suc-
ceeded in driving them out of the entire coimtry dtuated between
the Aller and Weser, and the Weser and the Khine; their haste
being such that they abandoned all their provisions and ammunition,
and more than 11,000 were taken prisoners by the allied army.
They recrossed the Rhine near Diisselaorf, hoping there to be secure ;
in this however they deceived themselves. Duke Ferdinand pur-
sued them to the other side of the Rhine, attacked them at Crefeld,
and, in spite of their superiority in numbers, he put them completely
to rout, causing them a loss of seven thousand slain. After this bat-
tle the city of Dusseldorf surrendered to the duke, and his light
cavalry scoured the country throughout the Austrian Netherlands,
even to the very ^tes of Brussels itself.
Frederick, durmg this interval, had not been idle. He com-
menced with laying siege to Schweidnitz, which strong and impor-
tant place still remained in the hands of the Austrians, and carried
it by assault on the 18th of April. Field-marshal Daun meantime
remained stationary in Bohemia, and used every exertion to cut off
the march of Frederick into that country, for ne fiiUy expected to
be attacked there by the king. But whilst he imagined himself per-
fectly secure, Frederick suddenly broke up with his army, and in-
stead of proceeding to Bohemia, advanced, by forced marches, to
Moravia, and laid siege to Ohniitz. In this expedition was shown
the peculiarity of Fiederick's genius, which led him to imdertake
the most bold, extraordinary, and perilous enterprises, whilst his
2 p
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
578 BATTLE OF ZORNDORF — DEFEAT OF THE RUSSIANS.
constant aim and glory was to take his enemy by surprise; and on
this occasion he was more especially influenced by the idea, that if
he once became master of Olmiitz, he would then have the command
of the most important position in an Austrian territory hitherto
perfectly undisturbed, and thus be enabled to threaten the mimediate
vicinity of Vienna itself. Fortune, however, did not this time second
his bold design; the place defended itself with the greatest bravery,
the inhabitants of the country, faithM to their empress, annoyed the
Prussians as far as was in their power, and conveyed intelligence to
the imperial army of all their movements. By this means Daun was
enabled to intercept and seize upon a convoy of three thousand wag-
gons, upon the arrival of which the entire success of the siege de-
pended ; wh^ice it was obliged to be given up. But now the retreat
into Silesia was blocked up; and Daun, having taken possession of
every road, felt certain that he had caught the enemy within his
own net. Frederick, however, suddenly turned back, and marching
across the mountains, arrived in Bohemia — ^where the Austrian generu
did not at all expect him — ^without the loss of a single waggon; and
he would not have been forced to leave this country so soon again
had not the invasion of the Russians recalled him to Pomerania and
Neumark. Accordingly he recrossed the mountains fix>m Bohemia
into Silesia, and leaving Marshal Keith behind to protect the country,
he hastened with 14,000 men to attack the Russians.
At every step he took as he marched through the provinces he met
with ^e sad effects of the devastation oonmdtted by these bar-
barians, who spared neither women, children, the young, nor the
old. The town of Custrin was burnt to ashes, with the exception
of three houses, and the land around presented one vast desert
When the king, as well as his entire army, beheld these melancholy
scenes, they were overwhelmed with burning rage, and the moment
they came in sight of the en^ny they commenced the attack, when
one of the most sanguinary battles of the entire Seven Tears' War
was fouffht, and which raged from nine o'clock in the morning until
ten at mght. Thirty-seven thousand Prussians were opposed to sixty
thousand Russians, fighting hand to hand in the manner of the
ancient Germans, each combatant resolved to perish rather than
yield in the fatal struggle — and in which the Prussians, after what
ihey had seen, were more especially excited to wreak their ven-
geance upon the savage invaders^-giving by their sovereign's com-
mand no quarter, but fighting for ufe or death. On the evening
of this sanguinary day more than 19,000 Russians lay dead or
wounded on the field of battle ; but, on the other hand, nearly
11,000 Prussians were slain or disabled, for the Russians, finding
they were completely edged in, and to all appearance without any
hope of escape, sold their lives dearly, ana fought, likewise, with
'desperate courage. If, indeed, it had not been for the invincnble
cavalry of SeidUtz, which flew in every direction where the dan^
was greatest, to the support of their sinking comrades^ and thus, oy
Digitized by
Google
BATTLE OF HOCHKIRCH — THE AUSTRIANS VICTORIOUS. 579
efforts almost superhuman, overthrew whole battalions of the enemy,
the victory would still have remained doubtful, as indeed was
acknowledi^ed by Frederick himself. As it was, however, the Rus-
sian general, Fermor, abandoned Prussia entirely, and retieated into
Poland; whilst Frederick marched into Saxony, where his brother
Henry was hard pressed by the superior forces of the Austrians,
General Daun, on the approach of the king, retired to a strong
position he had selected in Lusatia. His object was to cut off the
passage of the king into Silesia, in order that his general, Harsch,
might have time to conquer the fortress of Neisse. Frederick, how-
ever, who perceived his aim, hastened to occupy the route to
Silesia through Bautzen and Gorlitz, and marched close past
the lines of the Austrian army, in order to encamp himself upon an
open plain situated between the villages of Hochkirch and Cotitz.
This plan was any thing but wise, although it showed great con*
tempt for the enemy. His quarter-master, Marwitz, and at the
same time a confidential favourite, represented to him the great
danger to which he was exposed by taking up this position, and
hesitating at first, he finally refused to pitch the camp there, in spite
of the kmff's commands. He was, however, forthwidi placed under
arrest, and his duties transferred into the hands of another. The
army continued here encamped three days, completely exposed to
the attacks of the enemy, so much superior in numbers; whilst
Frederick remained obstinatefly deaf to all the representations of
his generals. He considered that as the Austiians had never
attacked him first, he might easily calculate that Field-marshal
Daun would never think, and was quite incapable of undertaking
such a bold step; whilst, in addition to this self-deception, he was
betrayed by an Austrian spy, whom the enemy had bought over,
and who accordingly furnished him with false reports of their plans
and proceedings.
On the morning of the 14th of October, and before the dawn of
day, the Prussian ttimj was aroused by a discharge of artillery; the
Austrians having, during the night, silently advanced to the vil-
lase of Hochkirch, and exactly as the church-clock chimed the hour
offive, they fell upon the Prussian advanced posts, took possession
of the strong intrenchment at the entrance of tne village, turned the
muzzles of the cannon against their adversaries, and, by a murderous
fire, destroyed all the Prussians that attempted to make a stand in its
defence, llie slaughter committed was dreadful, for the troops
poured forth in thousands to assemble in the principal street of the
village as head-quarters. The generals and principal officers en-
deavoured in vain, amidst the £irkness, to form them in regular
line of battle; the brave Prince, Francis of Brunswick, had his head
carried away by a cannon-ball, in the very moment he was about to
attack the enemy on the heights of Hochlarch; Field-marshal Keith,
a venerable but equally brave and well-tried warrior, fell pierced
with two bullets, and rrince Maurice of Dessau was likewise dan-
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
580 FREDERICK'S PRESENCE OF MIND— HIS POSITION.
geroudy wounded. GenerallB Seidlitz and Ziethen formed their
auadrons of cavaliy on the open plain, and threw themselves with
I their usual bravery upon the Austrians; but the advantages
they gained could not compensate for the serious loss already sus-
tained. Hochkirch, the camp, together with all the baggage and
ammunition fell into the hands of the enemy. The dawn of
day brought with it no advantage, for an impenetrable fog pre-
vented the king from reconnoitring the enemy's position as well as
his own, so as to be enabled, perhaps, by a prompt movement, to
bring back to his colours that good fortune which had thus so unex-
pectedly abandoned him. Nevertheless, his regiments had now,
through that discipline which was never so admirably displayed as
at this moment, succeeded in forming themselves into r^ular order,
and when towards nine o'clock, the sun made its appearance, he
perceived that the Austrian army had already nearly surrounded
nim on every side, and he accordingly gave orders for a retreat.
This took pkce in such good order that the Austrian general was
taken so much by surprise that he found it impossible to attempt to
oppose it, and returned to his old quarters. The king, however,
had suffered a loss of several of his best generals, nine thousand good
soldiers, and more than one hundi^ pieces of cannon; and, as he had
lost all his baggage, nothing was left wherewith to supply his troops
with clothing for the approaching winter.
Meantime, the king maintained the utmost tranquillity and
firmness of mind throughout this period of trial, and his appearance
inspired his troops with the same feeling. And, in truth, if Fre-
derick ever showed himself great in misfortune, he did so especially
after this serious loss; for, although defeated, although deprived of
all the necessary provisions and supplies for his army, he never-
theless was not less successful in accomplishing by hasty marches
and masterly manoeuvres his original plan; and thus, deceiving the
enemy, and circuiting his position, forced General Harsch m all
haste to raise the siege of Neisse. Silesia was now entirely freed
firom the enemy; whilst Daun, conqueror as he was, after being
unable to prevent Frederick from entering Silesia, and obtaining,
by his attack upon Dresden, no other result but that of forcing the
Prussian general. Count Schmettau, in his defence to set fire to the
beautiful suburbs of that capital, returned in mortification to
Bohemia, where he established his winter quarters. Thus supe-
riority of genius produced those results for the conquered, which
otherwise might have fallen to the share of the conqueror.
At the end of this year Frederick found himself, in spite of the
vicissitudes he had undergone, in possession of the same countries
as in the preceding year, in addition to which he now had
Schweidnitz which was not in his hands previously; whilst in
Westphalia all his provinces which had been captured bj the
French were now reconquered by the valour of Prince Ferdinand.
The latter had not certainly been able to maintain, with hia small
Digitized by
Google
THE AUSTRIAN AND PRUSSIAN ARMIES— CONDITION. 681
army, his position on the other side of the Rhine; but, at the end
of the campaign, he forced the French to abandon the whole of the
right bank of that river, and to establish their winter quarters
between the Khine and the Meuse.
The following year, however, in spite of the perils he had already
imdergone and battled gainst, the heroic king found himself des-
tined to encounter vicissitudes, which rendered this period of the
war more trying than perhaps any other. The hope of being at
length enabled to crush him, excited his enemies to strain every
effort in order to effect this object. The Austrian army was com-
pletely reorganised and reinforced to its full complement, and in-
deed, with every coining year, it marched into the field with in-
creased vi^om: and augmented numbers, because the ranks were filled
up with the hardy peasantry of the hereditary lands, who were well
drilled, and who bemg intermingled with the more experienced and
well-tried veterans of many a hard-fought battle — of whom, not-
withstanding the heavy losses sustained, the army still retained a
powerful body — ^were soon initiated in the rough and perilous scenes
of the camp. In Frederick's small army, on the other hand, which
had to contend equally with Austrians, Russians, Frenchmen, and
Swedes, as well as with other troops of the empire itself, the number
of those who had escaped the sword and disease, formed but a small
body, and consequently its ranks were principally filled with newly-
levied and inexperienced recruits. And however speedily these
^oung soldiers, who often joined the army at the early age of boy-
ood, entered into the spirit and honour of the cause for which
they fought, and in which they emulated^ as much as possible, the acts
of their more veteran comrades — sometimes, perhaps, even surpassing
them in daring courage — still their number was far inferior com-
pared with those levied in Saxony, Anhalt, Mecklenburg, and such
as were collected in various other parts, consisting chiefly of desert-
ers. Thence, although the Prussian army was soon completed in all
its numbers and appointments, it fell far short when compared with
the Austrians in internal organisation and imited strength.* Besides
this, Frederick's own estates, as well as those of Saxony and Meck-
lenburg, suffered so much by oppressive taxation, and the continual
* A foreigner of rank and great wealth, haying requested to be permitted to
serve in the campaign of 1757, as a Yolunteer, Prederick granted his wish, and the
noUe recruit anivc^ in a splendid carriage, and attended by several servants ; in
&ct, displaying an unusual kvishment of expense and luxury. He received* how-
ever, no mark of distinction, and, indeed, very little or no attention, being generally
stationed in the waggon-tridn. He bore no part in any engagement, much less in
any general battle, and had to experience the mortification of not sharing in the
victorious action of Bossbach. He had often sent a written complaint to the king,
but without any effect ; at length, however, he had an opportunity of addressing
the king in person, when, in reply to his representations upon the sulject, Frederick
said, <* Tour style of living, sir, is not the l!ashion in my army ; in £Eu;t, it is highly
objectionable and offensive. Without the greatest moderation, it is impossible to
learn to bear the fatigues which accompany every war, and if you cannot determine
to submit to the strict discipline my officers and troops are forced to undergo, I would
adviae you, in a fUendly way, to return to your own country."— if t22cAer.
Digitized by
Google
582 THE DIET— THE BAN AGAINST FREDERICK.
conscription, wliich thus seriously diminished the male population,
that it seemed as if they never could recover from the sad effects.
The Duke of Mecklenburg, indeed, in his indignation, acted
with such imprudence at the diet of Ratisbon, as to place himself at
the head of tnose princes who were most loud and bitter in tiheii
complaints against Frederick, and demanded nothing less than that
the ban of tlie empire should be at once pronounced against him;
for which act the duke's land was subjected to the most extreme seve-
rity of treatment, and, in fact, dealt with rather as that of an enemy
than an ally. The imperial ban, however, was not adjudged against
the king, for as the same sentence must have been pronoimced
against uie Elector of Hanover, the Evangelic states revised to con-
demn two such distinguished members of their body. Beades
wliich, this word, which in ancient times was more fatally an-
nihilating in its effects than the sharp edge of the sword itself had,
unfortunately, long since become void of power and e£kct, and
if pronounced, would only have ex^sed more degradingly the dis-
solution of the Germanic confederation.
Maria Theresa, however, by her urgent appeals to the sovereigns
of France and Russia to carry on the war, endeavoured to effect the
destruction of Frederick with far more certainty than ooidd have
been accomplished by all the bans pronounced against him by the
Imperial Diet. The Empress of Russia, in order to obliterate the
stam of ihe battle of Zorndorf , sent fresh troops imder the command
of General Soltikow, a brave and active oflSicer. In Paris, the
Duke of Choiseul, hitherto French ambassador at Vienna, and the
chief promoter of the war against Frederick, was now chosen prime
minister, and he determined to employ all the forces at command, in
order to reconquer Westphalia, Hanover, and Hesse. Had this de-
sign been brought into execution, these countries would have ex-
perienced the most dreadful persecution, and Hanover more es-
pecially would have been singled out by France upon which to
wreak her vengeance, for the losses she had sustained both at sea and
on her coasts, from the naval expeditions of Grreat Britain. For the
glorious victories obtained by the British men-of-war had completely
diminished the maritime force of France, whilst both in North America
and the East Indies, all her settlements and possesrions were re-
duced or captured. Prince Ferdinand, with his small army, was,
however, the only disposable power at command to oppose the
enemy in his designs against Germany from this quarter.
Ferdinand was menaced upon two sides: on that of the Maine by
the army of the Duke of Broglio, whose head quarters were at
Frankfort, which he had taken By surprise — ^for, in spite of its beii^
an imperial free city, and although it had accordingly fumisheo,
without hesitation, its quota of contributions to the confederation
in men and money for the war against Frederick, it was not the
less exposed to attack; and from tne point of the Lower Rhine,
Marshal de Contade advanced with the main body of the army, to
Digitized by
Google
BATTLES OF BERGEN AND MINDEN. 583
inyade and oyerrun Hanover. Ferdinand was in hopes of being able,
like Frederick, to make a successfnl stand against both armies through
the celerity of his movements, and marching at once against the Duke
of BrogHo at the opening of the campaign, came up with ViiTn on the
12th of April at Be^en, near Frankfort. He immediately attacked
him with his brave Hessians, but the position occupied by uie French
was too strong, whilst they were enabled to replace the troops they
lost by continual fresh supplies, whence the Hessians were repulsed
in three attacks. Ferdinand now prudently resolved not to expose
his army to the chances of a total defeat, and accordingly made a
retreat m good order. It required, however, the exercise of all the
genius and experience he possessed to enable him to protect Lower
Saxony against the attack of Marshal de Contade. This general
had succeeded in crossing the Rhine near Diisseldorf, and, marching
through the Wester forest towards Giessen, formed a junction wi£
Brogho, and took Cassel, Paderbom, Miinster, and Minden, on the
Weser. In all his operations thus far he was equally .prompt and
successful, and Ferdinand found himself forced to withdraw as far
hack as the mouth of the Weser near Bremen, whilst the French
general now regarded Hanover as already within his grasp. In
Paris all were in high glee at this glorious beginning — ^but the German
hero soon changed that exultation into the oppodte feelings of sorrow
and depression by gaining a brilliant victory. Ferdinand, placing
full confidence in his resources, marched to meet the French army,
andfound it, on the 1st of August, near Minden, occupying a position,
the nature of which offered him every advantage for the attack.
Contade was forced to fight, inasmuch as his suppUes were cut off,
hut he calculated upon his superiority in numbers; he, however, gave
very few proofs on this day of his talent and experience, although at
other times he had not shown himself wanting m ability. Contrary
to all miUtary practice hitherto, he placed his cavalry in the centre,
and this very error in his tactics, and which, no doubt, he expected
must operate to his advanta^, {produced his defeat and Ferdinand^s
triumph. He ordered the British and Hanoverian infantry, whose
steady firmness he had already tested, to advance and charge the
enemy's cavalry — a bold and happy idea, and which by the results
effected, was through its realisation an additional evidence of Ferdi-
nand's superior genius, which at such a moment directed him to
swerve from the ordinary course of operations. The French cavalry,
forming the iUie of the whole army, astounded at this daring attack
of the allied infantry, met the charge with tolerable firmness at first,
and endeavoured to force the ranks of their bold opponents and gallop
over them; but every attempt they made against these solid and in-
vulnerable ranks of bayonets was completely defeated, and at length
the sweeping discharses of the artillery^ together with the destruo-
tive execution made by the weU-aimed muskets of the infantry, pro-
duced the greatest oomusion among them, and put them completely
to flight Ferdinand now gave oraers to General Sackville to dash
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
584 GENERAL SACKVILLE— DISOBEYS ORDERS.
through the hollow space thus left in the centre of the Frencli line
•with his British cavalry, and to pursue the flying enemy; by obeying
which orders he would have completely diviaed the two wings of the
French army, and thus overpowered by the allies, its entire destruc-
tion must inevitably have followed, out whether it was through
jealousy or cowardice — ^for his unaccountable behaviour has never
been clearly explained — ^the English general turned traitor, disobeyed
the order given by the duke, and thus allowed the French time to
reassemble and make good their retreat. As it was, however, they
lost eight thousand men and thirty pieces of cannon. But the results
of this battle were still more important. Contade being now con-
tinually pursued, withdrew along the Weser to Cassel, and thence
continued his retreat southwards to GKessen; whilst the army of Fer-
dinand captured successively Marburg, Fulda, andMunster, in West-
phalia, so that, by the end of the year, this distinguished general found
himself once more in possession of the same territories he occupied
at its commencement.
Kin^ Frederick had not shown his usual eagerness to open the
campaign this year, inasmuch as his advantage did not now, so much as
at the commencement of the war, depend upon the results of prompt
measures, but the main object of his plans at this moment was rather
if possible to prevent the junction of the Russian and Austrian armies.
He encam^d himself in a strong position near Landshut, whence,
by sudden incursions directed equally against the Russians in Poland
and the Austrians in Bohemia, he wrested from them their most
valuable magazines, and thus prevented both armies, for a consider-
able time, from undertaking any important enterprise; for when, ac-
cording to the system pursued by the belligerent parties at this
j>eriod, the armies remained quartered in a country for any length of
time, they abstained as much as possible from depriving the inha*
bitants of all their provisions; whence much greater supplies were
rendered necessary tor the troops.
At length, however, the Kussians, consisting of 40,000 men,
crossed the Oder, and Laudon was waiting ready to join them with
his 20,000 Austrians. Frederick, in such an extremity, resolved in
order to save himself, to have recourse to extraordinary measures.
Amongst his generals he had one, youn^ it is true, but at the same
time distinguished beyond any other for his daring courage in difficult
circumstances: this was Greneral Wedel. Him he held as best qua*
lified to be entrusted with the command against the Russian^ but
he was doubtful whether or not, perhaps, the senior generals would
submit to his orders. The king, nowever, decided at once to adopt
the plan of the Romans — ^who in extreme danger made it a rule to
place the whole authority and direction of affairs in the hands of one
man, whom they styled their Dictator — and accordingly appointed
General Wedel dictator over the army opposed to the Kussians.
According to the royal instructions he received, he was to attack
the enemy wherever he came up with them. These instructions the
Digitized by
Google
BATTLES OF KAT AND KUNERSDORF. 685
young dictator obeyed to the letter, but without reflecting upon
T^hat such orders presupposed. Accordingly he attacked the Rus-
sians on the 23rd of June, at the village of Kay, near ZiilUchau,
but planned his attack so badly that, in order to make it, his army
TVES forced to cross a bridge and march through a long narrow line
of road, in single files, so that the battalions were only able to reach
the field of battle in successive bodies; where, as they arrived, they
were received by a murderous discharge of grape-shot, and were
thus destroyed in detail by the Russians. The Prussians lost more
than 5000 men, and the enemy being thus no longer opposed,'
effected a junction with Laudon without any further delay.
It was necessary now that Frederick himself should hasten with
his 43,000 men to meet the combined forces of the enemy. He
knew and felt the great danger to which he was about to expose
himself personally, and summoning his brother Henry from his camp
at Schmottseifen, ^ve him strict charge to watch the movements
of Field-marshal Daun, and besides this, appointed htm regent of
the Prussian dominions, in case he himself shotild be either killed or
taken prisoner in this expedition. At the same time, however, in
the event of such a mislortune, he demanded from jiim the most
solemn promise, never to submit to a peace which in the slightest
degree might bring shame or disgrace upon the house of Prussia.
Frederick weU knew how to live and die as a king, and he would
willingly have lost his life rather than be made a prisoner; for he
was too well aware what great sacrifices his enemies would have de-
manded for his ransom.
On the 12th of August, he found the united forces of the Rus-
sians and Austrians, amoimting to 60,000 men, skongly intrenched
upon the heights of Kiinersdorf, near Frankfort on the Oder. After
reconnoitring their position, he formed his plan of battle, and which
was so drawn out as to insure not only a complete victory, but like-
wise the entire annihilation of the enemy. Many have condemned
the king for conceiving his plan upon such desperate and cruel prin-
ciples; but this very pkn is a characteristic evidence of the greatness
of a general, who prefers terminating the war with one blow rather
than tediously prolonging it by a succession of insignificant actions,
and which, neverthdtess, when summed together, prove by their
results still more murderous in the lives sacrificed. And, again,
why should such a reproach be made against Frederick, seeing now
many enemies he had to battle with at once, and how much reason
he had rather, if possible, to bring hostilities to an end with each,
by contending with them separately? But the plan of the battle of
Kiinersdorf was not the cause of the misfortunes of the day; it was
produced, firstly, through ignorance of the different localities around
— for although the king had collected information from those who
knew the country, he was still left without an exact knowledge of
the field of battle; and, secondly, through the too great confidence
he.plaoed in human strength. For after having succeeded, by the most
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
686 FREDERICK'S LOSSES— HIS DESPERATE STATE OF lilia>.
extraordinary exertions of his troops, in his attack against the left
wing of the Russians, capturing ninety pieces of cannon, and putting
the whole of this left win^ to flight — so that the king, in his elated
hopes, had already despatcned a courier to Berlin with the announce-
ment of victory — and the day now declining, his generals advised
him to pause and spare his worn-out soldiers, especially as the Au»-
trians had not as yet taken any share in the battle, and the ri^ht
wing of the Russians still remained immoveable. They likewise added
their expectations, that the enemy would withdraw fipom the field
in the course of the night of his own accord. The king, however, who
would not hear of any work being half done, paid no attention to their
representations; whilst at the same time, no doubt, he perceived how
dangerous it would be to break off the fight in the immediate vici*
nity of the Austrian army, ready prepared and waiting for battle;
accordingly, he gave immediate orders to make a fresh attack* Thiis
the soldiers, abeady faint and exhausted with the great exertions they
had made during the whole of that hot day, were again doomed to scale
the heights and conquer the strongest positions, whence the batteries
of heavy artillery scattered the most dreadful havoc amongst their
ranks. The greatest courage could not possibly hold out before
such superiority of force; each time that their generals, and the
king himself, led them on to the attack, they were repulsed, until
at last the entire army was seized with terror and dismay, and took
to flight. The Austrian cavalry now pursued and fell upon the fa«
gitives, causing the most dreadral carnage, and all hopes of making
a retreat in good order were out of question. Freaerick himself
when he witnessed the defeat of his troops, a defeat such as he had
never before experienced, was seized with such overpowering feelings
of depression and despair, that he renounced all thought of saving
his own life; there he was seen amidst the dead, the dying, and
the wounded, in every part of the field, during which he had two
horses killed under hun, and he himself received a bullet in his left
side which penetrated through his coat to his waistcoat pocket,
where fortunately its dangerous course was stopped by his ff old snuff-
box. At length, as he continued utterly regaidless of all mat passed
around him, paying no attention to the warnings of those near him
to save his life, and as at that moment several squadrons of the Aus-
trian cavalry were galloping towards him, some of his suite seized the
bridle of his horse and led him away almost by force fiom the field
of battle. He was conveyed under the escort of Captain Prittwitz
and his troop of hussars to a temporary place of secunly. Here the
king wrote with his jpencil a hasty note to his minister, Finkenstein,
saymg, " All is lost fsave the royal family 1" and a few hours after-
wards he sent another note with the words: " The consequences of
this lost battle will be still more dreadful than the battle itself. I
shall not survive the ruin of my country. Farewell for ever P*
Such was the depressed and gloomy state of Frederick's mind
and heart, and when on the evening of that dreadful day, as he lay
Digitized by
Google
JEALOUSY OF THE RUSSIAN AND AUSTRIAN GENERALS. 587
stretched sleepless upon his bed of straw, in the almost roofless hut
of a poor peasant, m the village of OetscheT, and whilst his small
retinue were asleep on the stone floor around him, he was thus aban-
doned to his own thoughts, he felt more acutely than ever, how
little it is that man, with all his strength, can accomplish when left
to himself, and how vain are all his calculations. For, in his present
reverses he saw and acknowledged that if he and his nation were
not rescued by a higher power, they must be irretrievably lost The
road to Berlin was now left completely open for the invasion of the
conquering enemy, and he would be enabled to penetrate without
opposition into the very heart of the kingdom. Of the Prussian
army the king, on the morning afler the battle, was only able to
collect together about 10,000 men, and it was only after some time
had elapsed, when a considerable body of the fugitives had returned,
and he had been joined by all the stray troops he could muster, that
his whole forq^ was increased to 20,000 men; whilst with great diffi-
culty he partially replaced the 165 pieces of cannon he had lost at
Kiinersdorf, by a fresh supply from Berlin. Nevertheless, his capital
was saved; for the Russian general — influenced either by some
secret consideration towards his hereditary prince, Peter, or perhaps,
by the indignation excited against the Austrians for their inactivity,
did not follow up his victory. For when he was summoned by
Field-marshal Daun to advance with his forces, Soltikow wrote to
him in reply: " I have already gained two battles, and now I only
wait to march in advance until I receive news that you have gained
two victories likewise. It is not just that the troops of my empress
should be expected to do every tmng alone." This jealousy and dis-
content between the leaders of both nations continued during the
whole war, and produced more than once the salvation of the Prus-
sian monarch in moments of extreme difficulty and danger.
Meantime the Austrian general was detamed in Lusatia by the
king's brother. Prince Henry, who on this occasion employed every
stratagem in the art of war to gain his object, and oy continual
marching and counter-marching, without risking a single battle,
forced his enemy to retreat across the mountains of Bohemia. The
prudence and caution exercised by the prince in conducting this
war were such, that he effected, without sheddinff a drop of blood,
that which the impetuosity and rash courage of nis brother would
onlv haveaccomplisned after a sanguinary battle; and it appeared as
if fate had l»ought the two tocetoer, in order that the one brother
might repair the &ults of the other. Frederick himself has avowed
this character of his brother, when he says: ^* He was the only
general throughout the entire war who committed no faults."
Nevertheless, Prince Henry could not prevent the king from sufc
fering at the end of this campaign two severe losses. The first was
the evacuation of Dresden, the most important place for the Prus-
sans during the whole war, and which was surrendered to the Aus-
trians. Frederick, after the battle of Kiinersdorf, had sent orders to
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
588 CONTINUED DISASTERS OF FREDERICK.
Count Schmettau, tlie governor of that city, m case he was seriously
attacked, to save, before every ihingelse, the military chest whicn
contained seven millions of dollars. Following but too exactly these
commands, Greneral Schmettau gave up the city to the imperial army
the same day (the 4th of September) on which General Wunsch —
sent too late by the king to the succour of the city — arrived in the
vicinity. The chest was saved, but all the proviaons, together v^ith
the place itself, were sacrificed : a loss whicn enabled General Daun
to establish his winter quarters for the first time in Saxonj. Frede-
rick used all his efforts in order to dislodge him from this position.
He despatched General Fink with 13,000 men to attack the rear of
the Austrian army near Maxen; but, in his desire to see the idea he
had formed brought into operation, ihe king lost sight of the danger
of the enterprise. The general, who, however, at once perceived this
peril but who, in spite of his representations, was forced to proceed to
action, lost, immediately on being attacked, all confidence and pre-
sence of mind, and, after a brief but sanguinary combat, surrendered,
together with the remains of his army, about 5000 fight-
ing men, to the Austrians. Such an event was hitherto unheard of
in the Prussian army, and it served as an expiation for the 14,000
Saxons who, at the commencement of the war were made prisoners
b^ the Prussians nearly on the very same spot. Daun entered the
city of Dresden with his prisoners in triumph, and nothinj? oould
now alter his determination to take up his winter quarters in Saxony.
The king, who could not endure the idea, resolved to harass him
by his fiimness, and remained encamped, in the open plain, and in
spite of the most severe frost, near W ildsruf, during the space of six
weeks; through which he forced Daun to do the same, and to suffer
equally from tne inclemency of the season. Finally, however, in the
month of January, 1760, the excessive, rigorously cold weather forced
both leaders to afford their armies some repose, and the king, de-
termined not to abandon that portion of Saxony which still belonged
to him, established his head-quarters in Freiburg.
The situation of King Frederick 'became more and more difficult
at the opening of every fresh campaign. The sphere of independence
which he could still call his own, and in which he could move
freely, had not been much, if at all, circumscribed ; but the resources
upon which he depended for life and strength to carry on the war,
declined materially. His army was considerably diminished in
numbers, and was very deficient in its appointments ; whilst, on the
other hand, the forces of the enemy appeared to increase more nu-
merously after each successive loss. His ever bold and enterprising
spirit, which indeed was only brought into full operation when on
the attack, was now forced to submit to a war of defence; and even
this, at the commencement, yielded him but little advantage. In this
campaign he determined to protect Saxony himself, whilst his bro-
ther Henry was to maintain the Marches against the Russians, and
General Fouquet was to defend Silesia against the Austrians, under
Digitized by
Google
GENERAL FOUQUET— DEFEAT OF THE PRUSSIANS. 589
Laudon. But the latter, tlie most distinguished of all the Austrian
generals, had under his command an army thrice the stren^h of
that of the Prusraans, and was enabled to hold it in a state of per*
feet inactivity, whilst a detachment of his own forces laid siege to
the im^rtant town and citadel of Glatz. Fouquet, therefore, now
xelinqmshed his position in the Silesian mountains, in order to af-
ford more immediate succour wherever it might be required. But
now the towns and villa^s in the mountains, inhabited by an ac-
tive and industrious people, were forthwith most severely ana cruelly
handled by the Austrian troopers, and their urgent appeals de-
termined flie king to give his general orders to resume nis former
post in the mountsdns near Landshut. Fouquet, who was of a
severe and austere disposition, whence he was by no means liked in
Silesia^ although at the same time he was a most brave and de-
termined soldier, i)erceived the peril he was in ; but, as his repre-
sentations were quite ineffectual, he resolved, at any rate, to meet
his fate, not like Fink, at Maxen, by a surrender, but by defending
bimself to the last. Accordingly, when on the 23rd of June, he,
with his 8000 Prussians, was attacked and surrounded on all sides by
30,000 Austrians, he bravely maintained the unequal contest for more
than eight hours, and in order to resist the charges of the Austrian
cavalry, he formed his infantry into squares, and thus, as long as
strength prevailed, they disputed every inch of ground. At length,
However, the brave general's charger having received a shot, fell
and overthrew his rider, who must have been cut to pieces by the
enemy, had not his faithAil yager rushed forwards, and, shielding
liim with his own body, received the thrusts aimed at his master.
The general was then reco^ised by an Austrian officer, who, seeing
his wounded state, took him under his own charge and saved him.
The Prussian cavalry cut their way through, but the whole of the
infantry, with the exception of four thousand prisoners, were put to
the sword.
This was a severe blow to Frederick ; Fouquet was his friend, and
Silesia now lay open before the enemy. Nevertheless, he soon ral-
lied, and with the view of obliterating, by one bold act, the impres-
sion of this defeat, he deceived Field-marshal Daun by simulated
marches, got considerably in advance of him, and appeared suddenly
before the walls of Dresden, which he immediately bombarded, it
would have been of great advantage to him, had he been able to
make himself master of that place ; but its brave commandant,
G^eral Macquire, although a third portion of that handsome city
was completely laid in ashes by the vigorous firing of the Prussians,
would not for a moment think of a surrender, knowing, as he did,
that the grand Austrian army was following close in the rear of
the kinff , and must shortly reheve the place. And, as he expected,
Daun md come up just in time before the city was forced to sur-
render ; and had that tardy general only been more prompt in his
measures, he might have averted the whole of the injuries inflicted
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
690 BATTLE OF LIEGNITZ — FREDERICK TRIUMPHANT.
upon Dresden. The king abandoned the siege and hurried on, in
hasty marches, to Silesia, where a fresh disaster had summoned his
presence : General Laudon, having, through the treachery and
cowardice of the commandant, Oo, an Italian, made himself, in one
day, master of Glatz — after Magdeburg, the most important fortifi-
cation of the Prussian states, and the key to the whole of Silesia.
Fortunately, Laudon found in the governor of Breslaw (the capital),
General Tauenzien, a most determined opponent, whom nothing
could dismay, and who was soon relieved by Prince Heniy.
The king had now likewise arrived in Silesia, followed, or rather
accompanied, by the Austrian army; for, on one side of him
marched Field-marshal Daim, and on the olJher, General Lasci; and,
at length, amidst constant fighting by day and night, being in-
cessantly attacked by the lifter troops, ms army took up its po-
sition at Liegnitz. Beyond this, Frederick was unable to pro-
ceed ; for Daun, who had now formed a junction with the army
of Laudon, blocked up his passage towards Breslaw and Schweid-
nitz» which contained all his magazines; whilst, on the other side,
Prince Henry was detained by the Russians on the Oder. The
king had only enough provisions to serve his army for a few
days, and the Austrians were as near to him as at Hochkirch, so
that he was forced to change his quarters every night, in order to
secure himself a^inst a surprise. At length the Austrians thought
they had foimd the favourable moment for giving battle, and
accordingly, on the night preceding the 15th of August, Lau-
don marched in advance, in order to gain possession of the
heights of Puffendorf, and thus take the Prussians in the rear.
It was resolved to attack the king on every side, and, if possible, to
completely annihilate him. But it happened that on this very night
ihe king had ordered his army to remove their camp in the greatest
order and silence, inasmuch as, on the preceding day, the Austrians
had caused his position to be too closely reconnoitred, and accord-
ingly he encamped his troops on those very eminences of Puffen-
dorf towards which Laudon was now advancing. The watch-fires,
kept up by peasants, were still seen burning m the old forsaken
camp, and patrols of Prussian hussars continued to cry out the chal-
lenge every cjuarter of an hour; but the Hm and his troops were
already established in their new quarters. The soldiers lay with
their arms in their hands; whilst the king himself, wrapped in his
nulitary cloak and seated by the fire, with his brave and faithfiil
Ziethen and a few others of his principal officers around him, had
gradually fallen asleep. A solemn stillness reigned throughout the
whole army; aU noise, the slightest sound was interdicted, and either
slumbering upon their arms, or softiy whispering together as they
lay in groups, the warriors awaited the approach of Sbj. Towards
two o'clock, however, the officer in command of the patrol of hussars
arrived at the royal tent in full gallop, and awoke the king with
the unexpected report that the foe was at handy and within a hundred
Digitized by
Google
SILESIA FREED — THE RUSSIANS TAKE BERLIN. 591
yards only of the camp ! This announcement acted like an elec-
tric shock; in a few moments, however, the generals were abready
mounted in their saddles, the troops imder arms and drawn up in
line of battle, and the cannon pour^ forth its destruction. The as-
tonished Laudon soon perceived, as the day dawned, that he had
before him the greater part of the Prussian army, but &r from being
discouraged bj that, he redoubled the ardour of his attack, in hopes
that Daun might hear the thunder of the cannon and march to his
aid; 'but this was prevented by an adverse wind, which turned aside
the echo, and that general heard nothing. After a conflict of three
hours, the battle was decided. Laudon had lost four thousand
killed, six thousand wounded, together with eighty-two pieces of
artillery, and was forced to retreat in all haste across iLtzbach.
Daun, who advanced on his side against the king's army, fell in
with the ri^ht wing of the Prussians, commanded by General
Ziethen, and was received by a heavy discharge of artillery, and
having then found that Laudon had been defeated, he likewise made
a retreat.
This victory, with which the king was so opportunely favoured
by his good fortune, ameliorated his condition materiaUy, and he
proceeded at once to profit by it with his usual promptitude. Three
hours after the termination of the battle, he was already on his march,
the prisoners in the centre, the wounded, both friends and foes, being
conveyed in waggons, in the rear, and the captured cannon added to
the train of arSjQiery. The main body of the army marched that
day more than fifteen miles, and the road to Breslaw was now no
longer obstructed, neither was there any fear of the supplies being
cut off.
Silesia was now in a great measure delivered; but, meantime, sad
reverses had taken place in the Marches and in Saxony. The
Russians had retreated from Breslaw, in order to ^advance ^ong the
Oder, and they resolved to march on with 20,000 men, in junction
with 15,000 Austrians under General Lasci, to Berlin itself This city
was imable, with its feeble garrison, to make any stand against such
a formidable force, and on the 4th of October it surrendered to the
Russian general, Totleben. Fortunately for Berlin, this general
was of a mild and humane disposition, and preserved the place from
pillage, with the exception of the royal summer residences in the
vicinity, and several monuments of art, which were despoiled by the
Saxons. The allies held possession of the city during the space of an
entire week, and large sums of money were extracted from the
citizens; however, it being reported that the king was on his march
to the relief of his capital, the enemy immediately abandoned their
conquest, and retired into Saxony and across the Oder.
Frederick came not merehr on account of his captured city^ but
more especially on account of Saxony. Whilst he was occupied in
Silesia the imperial army had entered that territory, and^ meeting
with no resistance, had taxen possession of the entire country. Daun
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
592 BATTLE OF TORGAU— DREADFUL CARNAGE.
had now arrived likewise with his aimy and encamped near Torgau,
in a very strong position. It was now necessary for Fredeiick, if
he did not wish to lose that beautiful country altogether, nor re-
nounce the hope of fixing his winter quarters, lor the first time, on
his own soil, to reconquer it before the coming winter. No alt»-
native was left him; and, as had happened several times already at
the end of a campaign, he was once more forced to stake a great
loss affainst a great gain, and, in truth, this time his destruction ap-
peared inevitable should this perilous chance miscarry. Neverthe-
less, he appears in such case to have made up his mind to die — and
as it proved, he was this time once again nearly on the point of
losing the battle.
The attack upon the strongly intrenched lines of the enemy on
the heights of Torgau, was to be made on the 3rd of November
from two sides by two separate divisions of the army, one headed
by the king in person, the other by Ziethen, who was to lead his
men round towards the Siptitzer heights, and ihus Ml upon the rear
of the Austrians. A thick forest concealed the king*s approach,
but his troops became more and more bewildered in the wood as
they advanced, and were obliged to halt several times, which pro-
duced considerable delay; as soon, however, as the king with the
advanced guard emerged therefrom, he heard a heavy firing pro-
ceed, as he thought, from Ziethen's division, and concluded that
he was now fuUy en^ged with the enemy. This, however, was
not the case, as the firing only proceeded from the advanced posts,
and Daun was enabled to turn his whole force against the king; ac-
cordingly, when the latter in his impetuous haste, and without wait-
ing for the rest of his infantry and cavalry, led on his grenadiers
against the Austrian intrenchments, he was received with such a
destructive cannonade from more than two hundred pieces of artil-
lery that whole lines of his men were swept away as if by a thunder-
bolt, and their bodies, thus stretched in rows upon the ground, pre-
vented his cannoneers from bringing their guns to bear against the
foe, and they themselves, with their horses, were laid prostrate by
the murderous fire, which continued without ceasing. The king
himself declared to those around him that he had never witnessed
such a scene of carnage; whilst the loud, thundering peals of the
artillery instantaneously deprived many of those who survived this
dreadful day of their hearing. A grazing shot struck the king on
his breast, but, happily, without producing any material ewect.
Fresh battalions of the Prussian infantry came up and gained some
ground, but they were beaten back by the Austrian cavalry, who,
however, were repulsed in their turn Dy the Prussian horse, which
had at length arrived on the field of battle^ and now the conflict
was kept up with varying success until night. But the heart of the
king was bowed down with grief and amiction; the flower of his
infantry lay before him on the field, and yet the Austrian bulwarks
were not gained, whilst Field-marshal Daun had even despatdied a
Digitized by
Google
THE AU8TRIANS RETREAT— FREDERICK IN LEIPSIC. 593
courier to his empieas with the announcement of victory. Fo]rtune,
however, had ordained otherwise.
Whilst, on the king's side, the contest was still carried on i^ the
darknessof the night, and often friend against friend, owing to the dum-
ber of troops who had lost their way; and whilst, on account of the
bitter coldness of the night, innumerable fires were kept bumiiigon
the heath of Torgau, to which both the unwounded as well ia the
wounded were glad to creep, including even enemies as well as friends,
and again, Just as the disheartened king, seated on the lowest step of
the altar of the little church in the village of Elsnig, was occupied in
writing his despatches, his veteran general, Ziethen, had gained the
summit of the oiptitzer heights, after having fought his way through
until ten o^clock at night, and finally formed a junction with General
Saldern. By this the position of the Austrians became broken; they
were unable to resume the action nert morning, and Daun, who had
himself received a wound in the heat of the battle, retreated during
the night, in the greatest silence, through Torgau across the Elbe
to Dresden, This retreat was efiected so secretly that the Prussians
were even preparing for a fresh action on the following morning,
completely unconscious of the withdrawal of the enemy. When,
however, Frederick rode out of the village at early dawn, he, to his
no Uttle surprise, found the field of battle abandoned by the Aus-
trians, and ne was hailed as victor by his troops. By this san-
guinary battle he recon(|uered the greater part of Saxony, and he
accordmgly fixed the winter quarters of his army there, and esta-
blished his own head-quarters m Leipsic itself.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
594 CONCLUSION OF THE SEVEN YEAES' WAR.
CHAPTER XXXn.
Condiuion of the Seven Tears* War, 1761-1762— Tbe Austrian and Bnaamn Ainoes
— ^The Camp of Bmizelwitz— Prederick*8 difllcuU; Podtaon — Jealousy betveea
Generals Bntterim and Landau— Sdiwcidnits, Glata, and OoUberg—Smxamy^
Beriin threatened hj the Bnsaians— The Pnusiana zise en waste to expel them—
Death of Elizabeth of Bnssiar-Peter IIL— Peace and Alliance between Russia and
Prussia— Swedot—Batde of Beichenbach— Frederick victorions— Schweidnitz—
Slnal Battle and Defeat of the Aostrians at Freiherg— Peace between France and
B^g^d, 1763 — ^Peace between Pmssia and Austria at Hnbertabois, 1763 — Ofaser-
▼ations— The Age of Frederick the Great— His Army— Exerts himself to n^ait
the Calamities <^his Conntry— His inde&tigable Industry— Hb Labonrs and Be-
creatioBS— Genius for Poetry and liosio— BQs Early Years— His Fkther^s Ty-
nnny— Its sad Effects eventually proved— His Predileetkm for Frendi BdoeatioB
and Literature— Voltaire— Helvetius, &c.— His'Anti-German:FBelmgB and Ne^eet
of Natimid^Genius—Lessing—Klopstock— Goethe— Bjmt—Fichte-*Jaooln, Ac-
Joseph n. 1765-1790— Dismemberment of Fbland, 177S— Pnisia and Roasia—
Stanislans Poniatowskir-Bavarian War of Succession, 1778— Death of Maria
Theresa, 1780— InnovatioDs and intolerant Measures of Joseph IL — ^F^ederick and
the Allied Princes of Germany against Joseph IL— Death of Frederick the Great,
1786— Death of Josq)liIL, 1790— Leopold IL, 1790-1792.
The condudiBg years of the irax aie less distuiguifihed for great
find stiikiiig eveixts. The exhaustion of the troops became more and
more apparent, and Frederick who had usually been the faremoet in
enterprising vigour and actiyity, was forced to act on the defensive,
and to devote all his strength in protecting what he still possessed,
which truly was no easy task. In 1761 he himself took the com-
mand in Silesia, and employed every stratagem in order to prevent
the junction of the Russian army under Butterlin with Laudon, who
alone led on 72,000 Austrians; and in this the king succeeded for a
time, by which a great portion of the summer passed away in in-
action, an advantage Frederick was anxious to avail himself of. At
length, however, the two armies united together on the 12th of
August, in the environs of Strigau, and thus combined formed a
force of 130,000 men, by which Frederick found himself forced with
his 50,000 men to retire to a strong position. Accordingly he fixed
his quarters near Bunzelwitz, where, for the space of twenty days,
he was kept completely shut in by the enemy, and was forced to
employ so much vigilance that his men were kept under arms and
formed in battle array during the night, being only able to take their
rest in the day time * And his adversaries being, as they were,
* In the intrenched camp near Bunzelwitz Frederick shared in all the fatigues and
sufferings of his conmion soldiers. Man^ nights he slept on one of the hatteriea,
reposing on a bundle of straw amongst his men. One night he rose and thought-
fully proceeded with General Ziethen between the lines of watdiflres, around which
his worn-out men were lying asleep. One trooper, howeyer, was very busy baldng a
cake, made of bacon and flour. The fragrant smell reached the king's nose; he
halted, and addressing the busy soldier in a friendly tone, said : '* That cake, com-
Digitized by
Google
CAMP OF BUNZELWITZ^THE AUSTRIAKS IN SILESIA. 59£l
nearly three times his su^rior in number, by fiilling upon and ovei^
whemung the weakest points of his intrenchments, mi^t have com-
pletely oonqiiered the king, had they been under the guidance of a
genius capable of acting with the ener^ so necessary; but the two
senerals not being of aooord^ either m feeling or principle, and
jealous of each oSier's claims to distinctions, they^refiised to co-
operate either for the renown of the one or the other. Each ima-
gined he was burdened with the most heavy portion of the common
labour, and as was usual in this war, the Russians not being able to
act in unison with the Austrians, thev again on this occasion se-
parated without having effected any thing. Tlius Frederick with
Lis army was now left in greater fieedom, and in order to secure
himself i^ainst all pursuit from the Russians — ^at least for this year-
he caused all their magazines in Poland to be pillaged and destroyed
by a bold expedition he placed under the orders of General Platen;
in the execution of which commission that brave commander so
well succeeded, that the Russian army was completely paralysed for
this carapaiffn.
Nevertheless, this year was not to pass away without some mis-
fortune for the king. When he abandoned his camp of Bunzelwitz,
in order to allure the Austrians down to the plains of Silesia, Laudon
suddenly descended the mountains, and instead of following the kinff,
he directed his march at once to Schweidnitz, which he surprised,
and it being but slightly garrisoned he took it by assault in the night
of the Ist of October. Thus by the occupation of Schweidnitz and
Glatz, the Austrians had now at command the entire moiety of
Silesia, and were enabled to pass the winter there. In addition to
this the Russians, on their part, took possession of Colber^ on the
13th of December, after a aege of four months, by which they
were enabled to establish their winter quarters for once at least in
Pomerania.
The king had never before been so completely hemmed in.
Prince Henry, it is true, had, during the summer, succeeded against
all the attacks of Daun's forces, in maintaining possession of the
whole of that portion of Saxony still remaining in his brother's
hands, but this only formed the moiety of that country, and thus
the Russians in the course of the coming spring, would be enabled
to advance within a few yards of Beriin itself. Reduced to such
extremity, it might have been expected that the Prussian nation
would have at length resigned all hope ; on the contrary, however,
lade, BuiellB yeey nice !" ** Yes,** returned the man, without looking np from his
cake, ^ I hefiere you, hot you won't catch anymore than a jmeS of it— that Icanteil
you r <* Hnsh, for Heayen's sake !" exdaimed one or two of his comrades, who had
started up at the king's Toice. " What are you about ? Why. don't you see that is
the king himself?'* The soldier, belieTing they were only joking, and still attend-
ing to his cake without allowing hirasdf to be disturbed, exclaimed lai^hingly:
'* Ha ! ha I Well, and suppose it really was old Fritz, why what would that matter?"
*' Come along, Ziethen," sdd the king to his companion, ** I see we shan't be invited
to supper here to-night !"— 3fi2eA/er. •
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
596 PETER III. OF RUSSIA AND FREDERICK — ^PEACE.
they did not abandon themselves to despair, but showing them-
selves worthy of thdir king, they cheered and supported him in this
adversity by one enthusiastic, araent expression of that confidence
with which he inspired all classes ; a cordiality of feeling which
was echoed forth in strains of loyalty and patriotism by the youth
of all ranks throughout the land, as they hastened to join the
standard of their heroic leader. Thence it was clearly manifest^
that as long as they continued to be thus strengthened by the
zealous co-operation of the inhabitants themselves, both the king
and his army might still bid defiance to the invaders : for king,
army, and people, being firmly united by one indissoluble bond, the
ruin with which all were threatened, should it prove inevitable,
must at least be gloriously shared by all.
The new year, however, unexpectedly brought with it a bright
ray of hope ; for on the 5th of January, 1762, tke Russian Empress,
Elizabeth, died, and in her Frederick was relieved of one of his
bitterest foes. Her nephew, Peter III., now ascended the throne,
and being an enthusiastic admirer of Frederick the Great, he
obeyed at once the impulse of his mind, and forthwith discharged
all the Prussian prisoners without any ransom, and not only
signed on the 5th of May, at St. Petersburg, a treaty of so dis-
interested a character, that he relinquished the whole of Prusaa
without any indemnity whatever, but likewise immediately formed
an alliance with Frederick, and caused his own general, Czemitschef,
to march with 20,000 Russians to the aid of the Prussians in
Silesia.
Sweden followed the example of Russia ; for weary of a cam-
paign producing so little honour and glory, she made peace likewise
with Prussia, at Hamburg, on the 22nd of May.
Frederick was now enabled to employ all his energies against the
Austrians, and calculated upon speedily recovering Silesia from
them. He resolved to commence with Schweidnitz itself ; and as
Field-marshal Daun protected it from a very strong position he
occupied near Burkeradorf, Frederick decided accordingly to attack
him at this point immediately after being joined by his Russian
allies. He was already on his march, when suddenly the discou-
raging report reached him that the Russian emperor, Peter III., had
been murdered, and his consort, Catherine, proclaimed Empress,
news almost immediately confirmed by the commands received
from St. Petersburgh by Czemitschef, to return with his army to
Poland forthvrith. The young Emperor on coming to the throne,
had imprudently and most prematurely commenced introducing
many innovations into Russia, by which he produced great irrita-
tion and disgust amonsst the clersy and nobility, in addition to
which he had ill-used his wife, and by various ill-judged acts, mani-
fested a striking partiality in favour of the Germans around him,
whence he was deprived of his throne and life within six months
after the commencement of his reign.
Digitized by
Google
CATHERINE OF RUSSIA— RATIFIES PEACE WITH FREDERICK. 597
Frederick beheld himself now again threatened with danger
from a <]^uarter whence he had vainly hoped to receive important
aid in his war against Austria ; for he could not but anticipate
tbat Catherine would be similarly disposed towards him as had been
her predecessor, Elizabeth. Nevertheless he took courage, and
arranging his plans, resolved at any rate to derive all tiie a^rantage
lie could from the presence of the Kussians. And so great was the
influence of Frederick's genius over other men, that he soon pre-
vailed upon General Czemitschef to withhold from the knowledge
of his army, at least for three davs, the orders he had received tor
his return ; and marching with him against the Austrians on the
day of attack, thus succeeded by his presence in holding a portion
of the enemy's troops in check — a service which Czermtschef, al-
though he could not resist the king's persuasion, felt he yielded at
the risk of his head. Frederick gave batde [on the following day
and gained it. The Russian army next day separated from the
king, and retired. Czemitschef, however, was not called to account
for ms conduct in this affair, inasmuch as the opinions and feelings
of the empress towards Frederick, had now undergone a favourable
change. She had at first imagined that Frederick himself had
excited her husband to adopt the harsh measures he had pursued
against her ; but when, w:er the death of Peter, she looked
through hispapers, and unexpectedly found several letters addressed
to him by Frederick, in which he exhorted him most urgently to
exercise prudence in all the measures he adopted, and more espe-
dally to act with kind and gentle feelings towards his wife, the
empress immediatedy changed the course of her poHcies against
Frederick, and ratified the peace made between her late husband
and the lang, yet without committing herself b^ promising him
her aid in the prosecution of the war against Austna.
Frederick now commenced the siege of Schweidnitz, which, how-
ever, occupied the entire summer ; for badly as the Rus^ans them-
selves had, on the one hand, on two previous occasions defended this
important place, it was now determined by the Austrians, on their
part, to maintain its possession as long as they possibly could, and
with which object. General Guasco, the commandant, and Gri-
bauval, its engineer, exerted all their courage and skiU. The siege
lasted nine weeks, the kin^ himself superintending the operations
with unabated zeal to the last moment ; and it was not imtil they
had lost all hopes of relief, and were left completely without pro-
visions, that the Austrians at length, on the 9th ot October, sur-
rendered the place with its garrison of 10,000 men to Frederick.
This year rrince Henry, with his usual measures of prudence,
conducted the war in Saxony so successfully, that he retained j)os-
session of the whole country with the exception of Dresden, whilst
he at the same time was equally fortunate in the expeditions he
made into Bohemia and the imperial states, in which he was ably
seconded by the brave generals under hid orders, Seidlitz, Kleist,
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
698 END OF THE SEVEN YEARS* WAR.
and Belling. When finally the Austrians, wiih the impezkl
auxiliaries, attempted hj superiority^ of numbers, to drive him tram
the advantageous position he held m Freiberg, he attacked them at
once on the 29th of October, and completely routed them. This was
the last and concluding engagement in the Seven Tears' War. The
king, on the 24th of November, signed an armistice vnih Austria,
and distributed his troops in their winter quarters, extending
through the country firom Thuringia to Silesia ; General Kleist,
however, was leA; with 10,000 men to keep the field against the
princes of the empire, and penetrating into Franconia, foxced eadi
prince, one afler the other, to conclude a peace.
Duke Ferdinand of Brunswick, meantmie, during the last three
years of the war, had well and glorioudy maintainea his reputation
m defending Lower Saxony and WestphaUa. France ^nployed
all her powers to reconquer these countries, and preserve the
honour of her arms ; firesh commanders were continually appointed,
and her army in 1761 was reinforced to the number ot 150,000
men, but wmch, although only opposed by a force of 80,000 men,
could effect nothing but the occupation of Hesse, which it was im-
possible for Ferdinand to defend, inasmuch as he was threatoied
from two quarters at once, viz., firom the Lower Rhine and the
Maine. On the other hand, neither stratagem nor menace could
make him quit his position on the left bank of the Weser and on
the Dimel, whence he protected Lower Saxony and Westphalia
simultaneously. The generals under his command — ^the hereditaiy
Prince of Brunswick, Sporken, Kielmannsegge, and Luckner, dis-
tinguished themselves in many separate engagements. At the
dose of the last campai^ a successful battle near Wilhefansthal,
placed the duke in a position by which he was enabled to act on
the offensive, and by a second engagement near Lutterberg, which
terminated equally to his advantage, he succeeded in driving the
French from the vicinity of Cassel, and thus completed the cam-
paign of the year 1762, as well as tiie entire war by the con(}uest of
this cilT, on the 1st of November. An armistice was now kkewise
concluded with the imperial powers in this quarter.
The whole of the belligerent nations were now exhausted and
longed for repose. England had made great and important coor-
quests beyond the seas, but had at the same time incieasedher
national debt by at least one hundred and twenty miUiona sterling,
and since the demise of George II., and after the Eari of Bute, the
preceptor of the new sovereign, had become prime minister instead
of Pitt, a desire for peace was more and more strongly felt, a feding
in which France Bkewise joined. Thus Frederick and Maria
Theresa were now left to carry on the war alone ; but Austria,
although amply provided with troops, being, neverthdess, without
money to funush the necessary supplies, was not in a condition to
continue hostilities unaided, and as Frederick's only object from
the first was to retain possession of Silesia, he agreea accordingly.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
P£AC£ BETWEKN AUSTRIA ANB PRUSSIA. 599
upon haymg that territoiy secured to bim, to sign a treaty of peace.
Austria Imying, therefore, yielded to him this point, he at once
ratified the conyentiou as framed by his own plenipotentiary and
those of Austria and Saxony, in the Castle of mibertsburg in
Saxony. A restitution <^ conquests was made — the prisoners
exchanged — and neither party claimed indemnification for the ex-
f>eiiaes or losses incurred. Frederick remained, therefore, in posses-
sion of Silesia, and he restored to the Elector of Saxony his estates.
Thus this severe and sanguinary war had in its results produced no
change in the external state of things, although it had at least incul*
cated certain great lessons, and to which it cannot be denied but
that Europe was indebted for the happy state of tranquillity she en*
joyed after the conclusion of this peace during the space of nearly
thirty years. Agitation in public afBurs, suspicion and jealousy^
productive of so much hostility among states, were now at au end,
and all were sincere in the conviction that the actual condition of
affairs would be lasting. Fate had pN)nounced its decree in favour of
Prussia, that viz. : its power rested upon a sure and solid basb as long
as it was guided and ^vemed by imited thought and action, how-
ever limited might be its sphere. An earnest, industrious, and war*
like feeling evinced both by king and people, justice and economy
in the administration of affiurs, a progressive spirit of research for aU
that the age brings with it and yields of the really good and noble —
such were the means which enabled Frederick and his natum to
maintain single-handed the war against the moiety of Europe, and
such means must ever continue to operate for the preservation of
Prussia, as long as she knows how to treasure up and avail herself of
these resources.
Austria indicated at this time, hkewise, as on every former
occasion when threatened with the danger of vicissitude, that her
Sower was not so easQy destroyed, that her rich and beautiful
omains, the fdthful adherence and co-operation of her inhabitants,
their attachment to a mild and paternal government, nourished
within themselves a germ of life, tmchangeable and unsurpasBed.
And equally on their parts the Hessians, Hanoverians, and the
troops of Lower Saxony, when fighting against the French in*
vaders, evinced enduring perseverance and courage to such a degree
as to add greatly to the glory of the Grerman name; and, in fact, the
fame of this war conduced especially to the honour of the Germans
generally.
And when it was inquired who had shown a superiority of
mind in the tumult of battle, and had pven undemable proofs
of that rapidity of thought which knows how to seize the imme-
diate moment for action, all mouths proclaimed and referred to the
names of Frederick the Great and Duke Ferdinand of Brunswick
Nor was it forgotten to include as equally w(»:thy of distinction, that
of Prince Henry, who, as the model of what a prudoit and waiy
general should be, weU knew how to keep an enemy of &x superior
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
600 OBSERVATIONS— MERITS OF BOTH ARMIES.
force in constant exercise, wliilst at the same time, by wiselj-kid
plans, he adroitly maintained his own ground without expoang hk
Httle band to that destruction otherwise so inevitable. Finally, in
the list of heroic names those of Ziethen* and Seidlitz, who so
especially distinguished themselves at the head of their cavalij,
appearea conspicuous with the rest. On the other hand, all who
wished to study the art of selecting good and masterly podtioss
for an army, or of choosing the critical well-timed moment for
bringing the guns to work with &tal and imerring effect, were
referred to the Austrians, and the names of Generals Brown,
Laudon, Nadasti, Laxi, and others, were justly registered on the
cdde of the older celebrated generals of Austria.
It is consoling to reflect that such great renown was calculated
to mitigate at least the sorrow and pain arising &om the state of
embittered strife existing between the rival nations of a oountrj
with which all were equally allied as its children, and who, for-
getting all distinctions, and considering themselves as one people,
ouffht rather to have joined in the grasp of fraternal fiiendahip
and peace ; whilst these warlike achievements served in some mea-
sure to throw into the shade the bad system pursued by the internal
government of the empire. The condition, in feet, of the delibera-
tive and influential portion of our constitution, was so imperfect ;
the forms established for the direction of a£Pairs, were so antiquated ;
the course of proceedings so tedious and inefficient, that unless both
heart and arm had done their duty so well, and thus shown to
other lands that the martial spirit of ancient Germany had not yet
vanished, the country must long ere this have become the spoil of
the stranger.
France gained but little honour in this war ; her feeble, misys-
tematic government had clearly shown that its administration was
in the hands of women and their favourites, and thence it languished
in mortal throes. Nevertheless, that country did not lose so much
by the peace of Paris, which was signed five days previous to that
of Hubertsburg, as might have been expected ailer the success of
the English at sea ; but this peace was brought about by the not
over-sagacious statesman, the Earl of Bute, whilst Pitt, on the con-
* Once Frederick marched at the head of the grenadiers of his guard ontii the
depth of night At length he made halt, dismounted, and said: ** Grenadiers, it is
ooii to night! Gome, light a Are and let us warm onr8elTe8.''--Sa7ing which he
wrapped his blue mantle around him and seated himself upon some bundles of wood,
whilst some of his grenadiers laid themselves down around him. At length General
Ziethen came up and sat himself down next to the king, and both, extremely tired
and worn out, soon fell asleep. The king, however, was the first to awake, and
observing that Ziethen in his sleep had slipped off from one of the bundles of wood,
and that a grenadier was replacing it under him, he exclaimed softly: *' Ah, the old
man is indeed knocked upT Just afterwards another grenadier, only half awake;
sprung up, and proceeding to light his pipe, happened to touch against the old
warricor's foot. I^rederick rose up suddenly, and holding up his finger to tlie soldier,
said, in a whisper, " Hush, grenadierl Take care, dont wake up our old 2etheiw
he is tured enough. Let him sleep on: he has watched long and often enough fbr
JUV-^MUchier.
Digitized^y CjOOQ IC
THE AG£ OF FREDERICK THE GREAT. 601
traiy, when presiding at the head of the administration, had in the
course of the war maae manifest in the most brilliant manner, what
extraordinary energy dwelt in the English nation, and which only
waited for the proper moment to be brought into full operation.
During the period of repose which continued for nearly thirty
years consequent upon the peace of Hubertsburg, various new
developments, the germs of which had been planted at an earlier
date, now be^n to attain a degree of perfection. With the view
of characterism^ this era by one term, we have denominated it the
A^e of Frederick the Ghr^t, because in him was epibodied the
spirit of the a^e, and'in him were seen on a grand scale both
tne good and the evil of his contemporaries. It remains for us, in
order to become thoroughly acquainted with the man, to contem-
plate his character in peace as well as during the continuance of
war.
The first and most immediate object of Frederick's attention and
anxiety was the re-establishment of his army, in order that no
enem^ might hope to reap advantage from a sudden renewal of
hostihties. In order to bnng the recently-levied troops upon a par
with his veteran well-trained warriors — of whom, nowever, but
a very small number still remained — ^military exercise and drilling
were enforced with the most rigorous exactness. But in this in-
stance it happened, as is too firequendy the case in the generality of
human affairs, when endeavours are made to preserve entire and
perpetuate an institution which in the moment of its most glorious
development appeared perfect, that the form which then belonged to
it becomes essential, whilst the spirit which can never assume a
second time the same mode, abandons that form, and gradually
puts on another which is new and strange ; but men continue for a
length of time to respect that which is merely the envelope, equally
as much as if they possessed the reality it encloses. The illustrious
monarch himself, when he beheld the whole of Europe adopt his
military tactics, was deceived in the over-estimation of their value.
The system of maintaining standing armies was carried to its highest
point, and became the principal object in the administration of every
state ; ^ve utility degenerated mto mere display, imtil a grand
convulsion of the world made its vanity and puerility but too
apparent.
The care taken by Frederick to effect the restoration of his over-
whelmed country was a much more beneficent employment of his
energies, and was productive of incalculable Rood, whilst it formed
the most imperishable leaf in his wreath of glory. The com which
was already bought up for the next campaign he bestowed upon the
most destitute of his p^pl^i &8 seed for sowing, together with all
his surperfluous horses. The taxes were remitted for ox months
in Silesia, and for two years in Pomerania and Neumark, which were
completely devastated. Nay, the king, in order to encourage affri-
culture and industry, appropriated brge sukns of money for that
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
602 HIS GREAT ECONOMY— IBCPBOVES HIS KINGDOM.
pinpose in piopoTti<m to the sieatneflB of tke exigency, and these
Tanous sums amounted altogeth^ duiing the fonr-and-twentj jeaza
of his reign after the peace of Hubertsburg, to no leas than twenty-
four millions of dollars. Such noble generoeity redounds still more
to the glory of Frederick, inasmuch as it was only practacaUe
through the exercise of great eccmomy, and to promote which, he
subjected himself to every personal samfice. His maxim was that
his treasure belonged not to himself, but to the peofde who supplied
it ; and whilst many other princes — not beazing in mind the neavy
drops of sweat which adhered to each of the numerous gold pieces
wrung from their subjects — only thought of disdpating the entire
mass in the most unlicensed prodigality and waste, he Hved in a
style so simple and firugal, that out of me. sum appropriated to the
maintenance of his court, he saved annually neany a milHon of
dollars.
He explained on one occasion to M. de Launay, the Assessor of
indirect taxes, the principles by which he was actuated in this
respect, in clear and distinct terms: '' Louis XV. and I," he aaid^
«< are bom more needy than the poorest of our subjects ; for there
are but few among them who do not poBsess a small inheritance, or
who cannot at least earn it by their labour and industiy ; whilst he
and I possess nothing, neither can we earn any thing but what
must belong to the state. We are merely the stewards appointed for
ihe administration of the general fund ; and if as such, we were to
apply to OUT own personal exp^iditure more than is reasonably
necessary, we should by such proceeding not only bring down
upon ourselves severe condemnation in the first place for extravar
gance, but likewise for having fraudulently taken possession of that
which was confined to our charge for the public weaL"
The particular care and interest shown by the king in the culti-
vation of the soil, produced its speedy improvement. Large tracts
of land were rendered araUe, fresh supplies c^ labourers were pro-
cured from other countries, and where formerly marsh and moor
were generally prevalent, fertile, flourishing corn-fields were sub-
stituted instead. These happy results which greeted the eye of
Frederick whenever he took his r^ularly-appointed journeys
throughout his dominions, were highly ^teful to his feelings ;
whilst during these tours of survey nothing escaped his acutely
observing mmd, so much so, that few sovereigns could boast of
such a thorough knowledge of th^r domains — even to the most
trifling details — as the Einff of Prussia ac(|uired of his own estates
through continual and indefiitigable apphcation to this one ob-
}ect. Silesia, which had suffered so much, was especially dear to
^lis feelings, and to that territory he devoted particular attention;
when, therefore, upon a general census in the year 1777, he found
it contained 180,000 more inhabitants than in the year 1756, when
the war commenced ; and when he perceived the losses sustained
during that war thus amply r^Mored, and the glorious results produced
Digitized by
Google
HIS INDUSTBY AND HIS RECBEATIONS. 603
lyy agricnkiizal labour and commercial enterpnse, he, in the glad-^
seas of his heart, earoreseed in a letter to nis friend Jordan, the
eensatioas he felt at beholding the flourishing state of a province,
-die condition of which was but a short time before so sadly de-
pressed and miserable.
Industry is indiroensable in a people who depend on their
energy and activity for their rank among nations ; but this rank is
not ihe only atteiodant advantage : a benefit &r ^eater is the
£resh, healthy vigour it imparts to the people. And m this respect
^Frederick the Great was a striking example, truly worthy of
imitation by all his subjects ; for even during the early period of
Lis life, he already wrote to his firiend Jordan thus : " Tou are quite
light in believing that I work hard ; I do so to enable me to Uve^
for nothing so nearly approaches the likeness of death, as the half-
slumbering, listless state of idleness." And, subsequently, when he
Iiad become old and feeble, this feeling still retained its power, and
operated with all its original influence upon his mind, for in
another letter to the same &i»id, he says : " I still feel as formerly
the same anxiety for action ; as then, 1 now still long to work and
be busy, and mj mind and body are in continual contention. It is
no loiter requisite that I should live unless I can five — and work."
Ana truly m making a profitable use of his time, Kin^ Frederick
displayed a perseverance which left him without a rivsJ, and even
in nia old age he never swerved &om the original plan he had kid
down and followed firom his earliest manhood, for even on the vecy
day before his death he was to be seen occupied with the business
of his government. Each hour had its occupation, and the one
grand principle which is the soul of all industry, viz., to leave over
from txhday nothing for the marrow^ passed with Frederidk as the invio-
lable law of his whole life. The entire day, commencing at the hour
of four in the morning and continuing until midnight — ^accordingly
five-sixths of the day — ^were devoted to some occuj^tion of the mmd
or heart, for in order that even thehour of repast might not be wholly
monopolised by the mere gratification of the stomach, Frederick as-
sembled arouxid him at midday and in the evening, a circle of in-
telketual men, and these convenazionee — ^in which the king himself
took an important share — were of such an animated and emiv^iing
nature, that they were not inaptly compared to the entertainments of
Socrates himseff. Unfortunately, however, according to the taste
of that age, nothing but wittidsms and humorous saUies were made
the subject of due appreciation and applause. Vivacity of idea
promptly expressed, ana strikinglv apropoe allusicmswere the order
of the day, whilst profundity of thought, and subjects of more
grave and serious discusdon were banished as ill-timed and uncalled
lor: a neoessaxy consequence, arising firom the exclusive adoption of
the French langua^ which formea the medium of communication
at these r^ntioiu of Frederick the Great. The rest of the day was
passed in the perusal of official despatches, private coiresponoenoe^
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
604 HIS YOUTH — EDUCATION— UrS DESPOTIC FATHER.
and zninistezial documents, to each of which he added his lepfies
and obeenrationa in the margin. After haying ^one through this
all-important, buaneas-routine^of the day, he directed hia atten-
tion to the more recreative occupationa of his pleasure grounds and
literary compositions — of which latter Frederick has left behind him
a rich collection — and finally as a last resource of amusement he
occasionally devoted a few stolen moments to his flute, upon which
he was an accomplished performer * This, his favourite instrument
indeed, like an intimate and faithful friend, served often to allay
the violent excitements of his spirit, and whilst he strolled with it
through his suite of rooms, often for hours together, his thoughts,
as he nimself relates, became more and more collected and his mind
better prepared for calm and serious meditation. Nevertheless, he
never permitted affairs of state to be neglected for the sake of the
enjoyments he sought both in music and m poetry, and in this point
of view Fredericks character must ever command respect and ad-
miration. Hence how glorious might have been the reign of this
monarch, and, overwhelming every intervening obstacle, how nobly
might he have exalted the age he lived in, and by his acts have
identified himself with the elevated position to which his nation
might have aspired, had his mind, when in its infancy, received from
the cherishing hand of his parents that encouraging and unerring
direction by which those noble, honest, and upri^t feeUnga im-
planted in nim by nature must have become more and more devel-
oped and confirmed.
Unhappily, however, the bad education Frederick received left
many a noble germ within him neglected. His father, Frederick
Wiluam I., was a man of a stem and forbidding character, for
whom the muses had no charms, neither did he ever show the
least affection for his son Frederick, who firom his earliest age
evinced a strong desire to cultivate habits of a more refined nature
* In the oourae of a journey which Frederick onoe made into Holland, quite ineo^
nUo, giving himself out aa a musician, he arrired at a small tavern in Amsterdam)
especiallj celebrated for the rich cakes produced there. Feeling a desire t9 taste one,
he commanded hia travelling companion and aide-de-camp, Colonel Von Balhy, to
order one of the landlady. The colonel obeyed the command, but the landlady, ra-
ther auspicioua of her plainly dressed guests, measured the messoiger from top to
toe, and exclaimed, " Why, it is all very well for you to order it, but pray, sir, can
you pay for it when it is made? Do you know that such a cake as you order will cost
more than six or seven guilders ?" To this the colonel replied by assuring her that the
genUeman with whom he travelled was immensely rich, that he played the flute so
beautifully, that whenever he performed in public a considerable sum was collected
in a very short time.** '* Indeed! Oh, then,' said the landlady, *' I must certainly
hear him directly, I am so very fond fk music'* Saying which, she hurried <m be-
fore the odonel to the king's chamber, and said, very p^tely: '* I understand, sir,
that you play a tune very well ; oblige me by warbling something for me to
hear !** Frederick could not, at first, imagine what she meant, but the colonel ex-
plaining to him in French the origin of this aingular request, he laughed, and sdz-
ing his flute from the table, pUycd in such a masterly stvie, that the listener was
struck with admiration, and when, to her sorrow, he c&Eued, she exclaimed, ** Excel-
lent! Tou do, indeed, play sweetly, and I dare say can earn a few guilders. WcJl,
you ahali have your cal^ at any rate f—vAfiZcA&r.
Digitized by
Google
HIS ESCAPE AND RECAPTURE — ^ENTHUSIASM FOR VOLTAIRE. 605
than those indulged in by his father^ whence the latter subjected him
to the most harsn and despotic treatment. He placed no confidence
in him as his suooessor to the throne, and he even projected substi-
tuting his second son, Augustus William instead; and by this means
the heart of Frederick became more and more estranged from the
paternal roof, until it was rendered cold and dead to all the ties of filial
afiection. At length this state of things operated with such influ-
ence upon his mind, that in the year 1730 the prince, when on a jour-
ney to Wesel with his father, made a desperate attempt to escape from
the oppression he endured under the paternal control; but bemg dis-
covered and retaken, it was with great difficulty that he escaped
beinff made a sacrifice to the indignant, im^vemable rage of his
ruthless father, who would but too willingly have sentenced his
persecuted, although perhaps, imprudent son to the ^llotine. Thus
Frederick grew up to manhood without experiencing the true
warmth of d9rection which alone is capable of developing the tender
feelings of youth, and this want he continued to evince imhappily
throughout his entire after-life to the day of his death. In the fire
of youth his heart was open to impressions of the most enthusiastic
friendship; but this ardour of feeling, however sincere and pure,
gradually dissolved into icy indiflerence and misanthropy under the
rigour of discipline to wmch he was subjected; so that finally the
great king saw himself abandoned and, anchorite-like, left to the
solitary enjovment of his own thoughts and feelings.
The injurious and baneful custom of the age required that French
preceptors and French books should furnish the means by which to
direct the sphere of thought both of the boy and youth ; and already, in
the earlier period of hisyouth, Frederick unhappily became acauainted
with the writing of a man whose influence upon the age he lived in,
1>roduced no little evil, and whose acute mind and satirical, cutting wit,
efl nothing sacred undefiled. This man — Voltaire — was to the
youthful and susceptible mind of the prince, a model worthy of imi*
tation. The productions of this writer were daily studied by him,
and they so completely fascinated his mind, that be regarded him as
exalted above iJl other men, and impelled by his enthusiasm, he
sought the friendship of that dangerous individual as a treasure far
beyond appreciation. The vain and selfish Frenchman well knew
how to profit by this feeling so clearly expressed in the letters he
received fi:om the young prince. He flattered his royal friend in
return, and in this game of reciprocal egotism, Fredenck imagined
he had succeeded in forming the basis of a friendship which should
prove to be not only sincere, but lasting. But as friendship can only
subsist on a foundation of truth, and in connexion with joint and
zealous eflbrts for the attainment of virtue, the union of these two
men, resting upon so unstable a basb, could not withstand the force
of any severe test. In their subsequent intercourse, af^er Voltaire,
in 1750, had taken up his residence at the court of the king, the
coldness, jealousy, ana malignity of the favourite became more and
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
^06 HIS ANTI-GERlfAM FEELINGS— NEGLECT OF NATIVE GENIUS.
more manifest ; ihe film of fSucmation dropped from before the
king's eyes, the sentiments of firiendship between the two dedined
with each day, and becoming eventually estranged from, and iniini-
cally indined towards each odier, they parted as eimnieB. Vol-
taire, however, on his return to France, gave vent to his revengeful
feelizigs by writing the most bitter satires against ihe king*
Such mortifying results closed the heart of Frederick moie and
more against all amicable impresmons, and produced a miwuitJiropy,
which previously formed no part of his character, and the neceasazy
efiects of which is to overshadow the path of life with the douds of
gloom.
The government of the king itself was impressed with this mark
of the reserved and isolated state of his soul, for it was a despotic
^£io«mm«fif in the most strict sense of the wc»d; every thing emanated
from the king, and every thing reverted to him again. He never
accorded any share in the administration to an assembly of states —
nor even to the state council — ^whidi, composed of the most enlight-
ened men, would have been able to have presented to dieir sovereign
in a clear and comprehensive light the bearings of the intricate ques-
tions connected with government. Nevertheless, however poietrating
his eagle eye, that individual survey was not sizffidentiy comprehen-
sive to command a knowledge of every thin^, whence many
essential circumstanoes must have remained oonceued fiK>m his view.
* In 1752 an EDgHshman was received at court who poBsesaed an eztraordiDaiy
memory, so much so, that after some fifty, naj, a hundred pages of a woik had been
read to him, he could forthwith repeat the whole, word fbr word, firom iw^llectioa.
Erederidc was much struck with this person's ^£t of memory, and patting it one
erening to the proof, found by the result a oonfiimation of the statement. Just as
he was about to dismiss the Englishman, Voltaire sent to inqiure if his majesty had
half an hour's leisure time to hear him read a poem he had just completed ? Frede-
rick, struck with the inquiry oomiag so apropot^ detennined upon pasaiog a joke at
that yain man's expense, and sent a reply la the afBimatiye. He ordered tbe Sng-
lishman to take his station behind a screen, and requested him to treasure up in his
memory erery line and word that Voltaire might recite. Hie great poet anired
and read through the whole of his venes with great declamation and evident sdf-
satisfiEu^tion. Tba king listened with apparent coohiess and indifference, and then
said: " Why, I must candidly confess, my dear Voltaire, that it strikes me you ap-
propriate as your omn the producdon of dherg! I have noticed it more than ooce
before ; this poem is again another inctanoe.*' His indignation at being thought a
plagiarist produced upon Voltaire's countenance — always a sulject for the caricatu-
rist— an expression more than usually harsh and bitter. He expressed himself high^
offended and moxtified ; his majesty had been misled by his treacherous memoiy to
commit a great error, and he had acted with still greater mjustice. ** Buthow if I
prove to you that these verses axe already well-known to an Englishman at my court
nere?" ** All that your migesty may bring forward in contradiction, all assurances are
to me mere empty words, for I can^Bsprove aU and every thing V* Upon this Frede-
rick ordered the Englishman (who had just before glided away finom his screen into
the next room) to be introduced. He was commanded by the king to recite the
verses be had shortiy before heard repeated, and accordingly gave Uie whole of
Voltaire's poem, word for word, without a sin^ omission. Almost mad with rage,
the poet rose and exclaimed: ^ Heaven ! destroy with thy thunder this robber of my
verses ! Here is some magic in play which will drive me to desperation r Wiw
these words he rushed from the king's presence in the greatest agitation. Frederick
was, however, delighted with this mystification, a proof how little he esteemed Vd-
taire at heart,— IftidUer.
Digitized by
Google
HIS DESPOTIC GOVEaNMENT— ARMY AND TREASURY. 607
llieiioe it is, tliat a govenunent supported by the states of the
kingdom is difficult to be oyertumedf wnilst its power increases in
proportion; inasmuch as according to the form of such govemment,
the Toice of the most enlightened and well-intentioned of the public
may be heard by the whole nation through Intimate means, aiid
thus ereiy active member of the state may, although he holds no
office, aid his country with his opinions and adriee.
But such yiewB and principles were altogether unknown at this
period, which deviated from the sample course of nature, and only
endeavoured to elevate itself upon the basis of the subtlety of tbie
mind; the object then sought was to found the stability of a go-
vernment upon the groundwork of mere external forms, whilst, on
the contmiy, its security rests upon the hearty co-operation of all
for the common weal of the country, to the exclusion of all indivi-
dual power. These magnanimous principles of government would,
no doubt, have (grated with happy results upon the naturally
vigorous and dear mind of Frederick, had they been at all brought
forward during his time ; but they could not originate with him,
inasmuch as he felt in himself the power to govern alone, seconded
^ the strongest desire of making his people happy and great.
^enoe it appeared to his mind, l£at the predominant strength of
a state was based upon the means which are the readiest and most
efficacious in the hands of one person, viz. : in his army, and in the
treasury. His chief aim, therefore, was to manage tluit these two
powerral implements of government should be placed in the most
Sivourable condition possible; and thus we find, that Frederick often
sou^t the means to obtain this, his grand object, without sufficiently
takmg into consideration the effect they might subsequently produce
u^n the disposition and morality of the nation. In accordance
with this principle, he in the year 1764 invited a dislanguished
Fermier-Generalof France, Helvetius, to Berlin, in order to consult
him upon the means of augmenting the revenues of the state, and
in oonsequence of his suggestions, measures were adopted which
were extremely obnoxious to the public, and caused many to de-
&iud, instead of to co-operate with the government. At the same
time, however, by diese and other means resorted to by the king,
the revenues of the kingdom were increased considerably. It must,
however, be advanced in Frederick's vindication, firstly, that he
adopted these measures, not for his own individual advantage, but
for the benefit of all; and, secondly — ^we must again repeat it — ^that
the great errors of the age completely obscured his own view.
TVlth what eagerness would not his dear mind have caught at the
enlightenment produced by reform, had he but lived m a time
when freedom of thought was more appreciated, for to him this
fipeedom of thought was so dear, that he never attacked the public
expression of opinion. His subjects enjoyed under his reign,
amongst other privileges, that of the liberty of the press; and he
Digitized by
Google
608 TRIUMPH OF NATIVE OVER ERENCH LITERATURE.
himself gave £ree scope to the shafts of censure and ridicule aimed
against ms public and private character. For the consciousne» of
his own persevering endeavours in the service of his country, and
of his sincere devotion to his duties, elevated him beyond all petl^r
susceptibility. The chief object of the king's care was a aeaich
into truth and enUghtenment, as it was then understood. But this
enlightenment consisted in the desire to understand every thin^:
to analyse, dissect, and-— demolish. Whatever appeared inenlicalue
¥ras at once rejected ; faith, love, hope, and filial respect, — all those
feelings which have their seat in the inmost recesses of the soul,
were destroyed in their germination.
But this annihilating agency was not confined to the state ; it
manifested itself also in science, in art, and even in religion. The
French were the promoters of this phenomenon, and in this they were
eventually imitated throughout the world, but more especially in
Germany. Superficial ornament passed for profound Ynsdom, and
witty, sarcastic phraseology assumed the place of soundness and sin-
cerity of expression. Nevertheless, even at this time, there were a
few chosen men who were able to recognise that which was true
and just, and raised their voices accordingly ; and, in the world of
intellect the names of Lessing, Klopstock, Goethe, &c., need alone
be mentioned, being, as they were, the founders of a more sterlii^ age.
The^ were joined by many othera, and thus united, they constituted
an intellectual phalanx in opposition to the progress made by the
sensual French school. These intellectual reformers were soon
strengthened by such auxiliaries as Kant, Fichte, Jacobi, &c., who
advanced firmly under the banner of science, and from such be-
ginnings, grew by degrees that powerful mental reaction, which
has already achieved such mighty things, and led the way to
greater results still.
This awakening of the German mind was unnoticed by King
Frederick ; he lived in the world of French refinement, separate
and solitary, as on an island. The waves of the new rushing stream
of life passed without approaching him, and struck against the bar-
riers by which he was enclosed. His over-appreciation and j)atron-
age of foreigners, however, impelled the higher classes of society to
share in his sentiments, equally as much as his system of adminis-
tration had served as a model for other rulers to imitate. Several
amon^ his contemporaries resolved, like him, to rei^ independently,
but without possessing the same commanding ^emus, whence, how-
ever well-intentioned, they were wrecked in their career; amongst
whom, maybe more especially included: Peter III. of Russia, Gus-
tavus III. of Sweden, and Joseph 11. of Germany.
In the year 1765, Joseph IL was acknowledged as successor to
his father, Francis I., who died in the same year, but whose acts as
emperor present little or nothing worthy of record. His son, how-
ever, was^ on this very account, the more anxious to effect great
Digitized by
Google
INVASION AND DISMEMBEMIENT OF POLAND, 1773. 609
changes, to transform ancient into modem institutions, and to
devote the great and predominating power with which he was en-
dowed towards remodelling the entire condition of his states. All
his projects, however, were held in abeyance until the death of his
moUier, Maria Theresa, in 1780, who, ever wise and active, had,
even to the last moments of her existence, exercised all her power
and influence in the administration of affairs, and, accordingly, her
maternal authority operated effectually upon his feelings as a son,
and served for a time to suspend the accomplishment of his desires.
Meantime, in the interval between the year 1765 and 1780, various
events took place, which exercised an important influence upon the last
ten years oi his reign. Amongst the rest may be more especially
mentioned the IHsmemberment of Inland in 1773, and the war ot
the Bavarian Succession in 1778.
Augustus in.. King of Poland, died in the year 1765, leaving
behind him a grandson, only as yet a minor; consequently the house
of Saxony, which had held possession of the throne of Poland
during a space of sixty-six years, now lost it. Both Russia and
Prussia stepped forward forthwith, and took upon themselves the ar«
rangement of the affairs of Poland : an interference which that nation
was now unable to resist, for strong and redoubtable as it had been
formerly, dissension had so much reduced its resources, that it was,
at this moment, wholly incapable of maintaining, or even acting for
itself. Both powers required that Poland should choose for her
sovereign a native bom prince, and an army of 10,000 Russians
which suddenly advanced upon Warsaw, and an equal number of
Prussian troops assembled upon the frontiers, produced the elec-
tion of Stanislaus Poniatowski to the throne. Henceforth there
was no longer an imperial diet held at which foreigners did not en-
deavour to bring into effect all their influence.
Shortly after this event, a war took place between Russia and
Turkey, m which the former took possession of Moldavia and Wal-
achia, which that power was extremely desirous of retaining. This,
however, Austria opposed most strenuously, lest Russia should become
too powerful, and Frederick the Ghreat found himself in a dilemma
how to maintain the balance between the two parties. The most
expjedient means of adjustment appeared in the end to be the sdo-
liation of a country which was the least able to oppose it, viz., ro-
land ; and, accormngly, a portion of its territory was seized and
shared between the tnree powers — Russia, Prussia, and Austria.
With whom this idea first originated has not been clearly ascertained,
but it is easy to see that it was quite in accordance with the charac-
ter of the times. For as the wisdom of that age only based its cal-
culations upon the standard of the senses, and estimated the power
of states merely by their square miles, amount of population, soldiers,
and revenue, the ^nd aim of the then state-policy was to devote
every effort towards aggrandisement; nothing was held more desir-
able than some fresh conquest, which might advantageously round
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
610 BAVARIAN AVAR OF SUCCESSION— FREDERICK.
off a kingdom, whilst all consideration of equity and jusiaoe ms
forced to yield before this imperioua principle. When one of the
larger states effected such an acquisition, the others, alarmed, conai-
dered the balance of Europe compromised and endangered.
In this case, however, the three kingdoms bordering upon Po-
land, having shared between them the spoil, were each augmented
in proportion, whence all fear of danger was xemored. This system
haa become so superficial, so miserable and absurd, that they lost
sight altogether of the principle that a just equihbiium and the per-
manent safety of all can only be secured b^ toe inTiolable preserva-
tion of the rights of nations. The partition of Poland was the
formal renunciation itself of that system of equipoise, and served as
the precursor of all those great revolutions, aismemberments, and
transformations, together with all those amfaitioas attempts at imi-
versal monarchy, which, during a space of five-and-twenty years,
were the means of convulsmg Europe to her very foundations.
The people of Poland, meiuaoed as they were in three quarters, were
forced m tne autumn of 1773 to submit to the dismemberment of
their country, of which, accordingljr, three thousand square miles
were forthwith divided betwe^i Russia, Prussia, and Austxia.
Maximilian Joseph, Elector of Bavaria, having died in 1777
without issue, the inheritance of his estates and deotaral digni^
came into the hands of the EHector-Palatine. Hie Eimperor Joseph,
however, with his usual rashness, resolved to avail himself of vm
inheritance in &vour of Austria ; he acccurdingly raked up old claims
and marched suddenljr with his army into Bavaziay of which he
took immediate possession. The pacific Palatine, Charles Theodore,
thus surprised and overawed, signed a trea^, by which he ceded
two-thirds of Bavaria to the house of Austria, in order to secure to
himself possession of at least the other third portion. The conduct
of Austria on this occasion, together with the part she had pre-
viously taken in the dismembennent of ill-fated Poland, vras the
more imezpected, inasmuch as she was the only one of all the supe-
rior states which had hitherto abstained fiiom omilar acts of aggres-
sion. But the mutability of the age had now destroyed likewise in
Austria the uniform pacific bearing for which she had so long been
distinguished.
These proceeding gave rise to serious commotions in various parts
of the empire, and Frederick the Great more especially felt he could
and ought not to remain an inactive observer of what was passing.
Accordingly he entered the lists against Austria at once, and com-
menced operations as protector of Uie heir of Giarles Theodore, the
Duke of Deux-Ponts, who protested acainst the compact signed by
the former with Austria, and claimed the assistance of the King of
Prussia. The young and hot-headed Emperor Joseph accepted the
chaUen^ forthwith, and taking up a position in Bonemia, ne there
awaited the kin^ ; the latter, who had already crossed the moun-
tains, finding him, however^ so strongly intrenchedy was reluctant
Digitized by
Google
DSATH OF MA&IA THERESA, 1780— JOSEPH IL 611
to haaazd an attack under such difficult ciicomstaxices, andmthdiew
firom Bcdieima. AAer a few unimportant akinniahes 1)etween the
K^kt tzoopa of both sides, peace iraa signed hv the mediation di
fiance and Rvasia, at Teachen, on the 13th of May, 1779, even
befovetheend of the first year of the war. The Empress Maiia The-
re8a» now advanced in years, by no means shared in her son's taste for
war, but, on the contruy, earnestly desired peace; whilst Frederick
himself, who had nothing to ^ain personally by this campaign, was
equally anzious for a leconcihation. Moreover, he was hkewise teac
advanced in years, and possessed an eye sufficiently penetrating to
perceive that the former original spirit and eneigry of the army
which had performed such prodigies of valonr in the war of
Seven Years, had now almost disappeared, aUhongh the disci*
pline imder which it was sdU nlacea was equally severe and ty-
rannical as in former times. Unoer these and other circumstances,
therefore, peace was preferable to war. By the trea^ now con-
cibded, Austria restored to the palatine house all the estates of Ba-
varia, except the circle of Burgau, and the aucoesBian was secured
to the Duke of Deuz-Ponts.
After the death of Maria Theresa, in 1780, Joseph 11. strove,
with aQ the impetuoeitjrof his fiery and enteiprising natare, to faring
into immediate ezecuti<m the great and aml»tioii8 plans he haa
formed, and to ^ve to the variona nations spread over the bounds
less surface of his vast poesesriooia, one nmque and equal form of
govemment, after a model su<ji as he had himsdbf fcrmed within his
own mind. Indeed, ftom the daring, reckkss character he dis-
played,aiid the condact he pursued, he mig^witii justice havebeenre-
earaedaaone only aiudous, by the changes he made, to rave the way
for the most unprecedented revdntion in the annak of Europe. But
this prince, togetherwith others of the age he Hved in and that which
followed, behdd all tiieb creations destn^ed ahnost as suddenly as
they had been fbnned, inasmudi as tiiey had involved themselves in
the error of bdieving tisat they could change, in tiie abort space of
a man's Ufe, or perhus of only a few years, that which the numan
race was only aUe to bring into operatidnintheslow ffiowth of cenr
tories. This arrc^ant presumption evinced by a xnan, who would thus
pretend to realise the ideas he has coneeived solely because he deems
£beir reaEsation^mssAfe-— however opposed they may be to reason —
\ manifested in Joseph in the hi^n£8t Aegsee^ and thence he was
frustrated and dissjppointed in all ms eocpeeftations and good inten-
tiions. He himself was infinenced, it is true, by a mere desire fiar
all that is just and good, for Ae prosperity of his dominions, for tiie
progress of enlightenment and liberty of spirit; but he n^lected to
search strictly but calmly into human nature, and thus make him-
self thorou^y acquainted with the peculiar daiacter of his varioualf
diroosed subjects. What he undertook to effect was too often alto*
getner unsuited to their actual condition, and what was acceptable
to one was rqpugrumt to another. In the feeling of his good in-
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
612 INNOVATIONS— FREDERICK AND ALLIED PRINCBS.
tentions, Joseph adopted as his model the absolute princi^es of
Frederick in nis system of goyemment ; but Frederick occupied
himself more with external arrangements, with the administration, of
the state, the promotion of industry, and the increase of the revenue,
interfering very Utde with the progress of intellectual culture whidi
followed its particular course, often altogether without his know-
ledge; whilst in this respect Joseph, by his new measures, often en-
croached upon the dearest privileges of his subjects. He inasted
certainly upon liberty of conscience and freedom of thought; but he
.did not beu: in mind, at the same time, that the acknowledgment
of this principle depended upon that close conviction which cannot
.be forced, and can only exist in reali^ when the light of truth
has gradually penetrated to the depth of^^the heart.
• The greatest obstacles, however> thrown in the way of Joseph's
innovations proceeded from the church ; for his grand object was to
confiscate numerous monasteries and spiritual institutions, and to
change at once the whole ecclesiastical constitution : that is, he con-
templated obtaining during the first year of his reign, what would
of itself have occurred in the space of half-a-century.
By this confiscation of ecclesiastical possessions more than one
neighbouring prince of the empire, such as the Bishop of Passau
and the Archbishop of Salzburg, found themselves attached in their
rights, and did not hesitate to complain loudly ; and in the same
way in other matters, various other princes found too much reason
.to condemn the emperor for treating with contempt the constitution
of the empire. Their apprehensions were more especially increased
when the emperor, in the year 1785, negotiated a treaty of exchange
of territory with the electoral prince-palatine of Bavaria, according to
which, the latter was to resign his coimtry to Austna, for which
he was to receive in return the Austrian Netherlands imder the title
of a new Kingdom of Burgundy : an arrangement by which the
entire south of Germany would have come into the exclusive pos-
session of Austria. The prince-palatine was not at all indisposed to
make the exchange, and France as well as Russia, at first &youred it
in its principle ; but Frederick 11. once more stepped forward and
disconcerted their plans^ in which he succeeded likewise in bringing
Russia to co-operate with him.
The commotions, however, produced by these efibrts made by Joseph
to bring his rash projects into immediate operation, caused the oldKing
of Prussia to form the idea of establishing an alliance of the German
princes for the preservation of the imperial constitution, similar in
character to the unions formed in previous times for mutual defence.
Such at least was to be the unique object of this alliance according
to the king's own words; and this league was accordingly effected in
the year 1785, between Prusaa, S^ony, Hanover, the dukes of
Saxony, Brunswick, Mecklenburg, and Deux-Fonts, the Landgrave
of Hesse and several other princes, who were soon joined by the
Elector of Mentz. This alhance was based upon principles in their
Digitized by
Google
THEIR ALLIANCE— DEATH OF FREDERICK, 1786. 613
nature less inimical than strictlj surveillant ; neyertheless, it effected
the object contemplated by actmg as a check upon the house of Aus-
tria in the various innovations threatened by the emperor^ whilst it
operated as a lesson indicating to that house, that^ts real distinction
amongst the other nations of Europe was to preserve the present
order of things, to protect all rights and privu^es, to oppose the
spirit of conquest, and thus to constitute itaeS the bulwark of
universal liberty, but foiling in all this, it must inevitably lose at
once all public confidence. This alliance of princes, however, pro-
duced little or no important results for the aavantage of Germany,
owing partly to the death of Frederick II., which took place in tne
following year, and partly to the circumstance of the successors of
Joseph U. happily returning to the ancient hereditary principles of
the house, both in its moderation and circumspection ; and nnally,
owing to the unheard-of events which transpired in Europe during
the last ten years of this century, and which soon produced too much
cause for forgetting all previous minor grievances.
This alliance of the princes of the empire was the last pubhc act
of the great Frederick of any consequence ; and he died in the follow-
ing year. He continued active and full of enterprise to the last, in
spite of his advanced age, but his condition became gradually more
isolated, inasmuch as aD the companions of his former days had in
turns disappeared and sunk into their last resting-place before himself,
the last among them being the brave old warrior, Ziethen, who died
in the January previous of the same year as his royal master, at
the age of eighty-seven ; and, on the other hand, heaven had not
blessed him with any family, and thus he was debarred from the
endearing enjoyment experienced by a father, when he sees himself
^own young again, ana revivified in his posterity. At the same
time, he was wanting in all those feelings conducive to this state of
life — a state against which his whole nature recoiled.
His mind, with scarcely any interruption, retained, all its power
during the long space of seventy-four years, although his body had
latterfy become much reduced and enfeebled. Through the extra-
vf^ant use he had always made of strong spices and French dishes, he
dned up the springs of life, and after suffering severely from dropsy,
he departed this life on the 17th of Aumist, 1786^ ana was buried m
Potsdam, under the pulpit of the chur^ belonging to the garrison.*
Although the news of Frederick's death at such an advanced
age excited no very great astonishment, it nevertheless produced
* In his last lUnefls Ffederick diBplayed great mildneM and patknoe, and ac-
knowledged with gratitode the titmble and pain he caused those around him-
I>uring one of his deepless nights he called to the page who kept watch in the room*
and asked him what o'clock it was? The man replied it had just struck two.
'* Ah, then it is still too soon!** ezdaimed the kmg, *« but I cannot sleep. See
whether any of the oAer attendants are awake, but do not disturb them if th^
are still deeping, for poor fellows, they are tired enough. But if you find Neuman
(his Dftvourite YSger) stirring, say to him, you believe the king wishes soon to rise.
But mind, do not aw«ken any ODeV-^Milchkr,
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
614 THE TURKS— HCTNOART— DEATH OF JOSEPH H^ 1790.
a oonmdeiable Beiutalion throughout the whole of Europe. He
left to his flucceesor a wdl-iegukted state, contaaniiig a population
dTsiz millions of inhabitaiits; a powerM, strictlj organised army«
and a treasuiy well proTided; the greatest treasure however he left,
was the recollection of his heroic and glorious acts, which in sub-
sequent times has continued to operate upon his nation with all its
amkening power and heart-stimng influence.
The Emperor Joseph, meantime, had engaged, in 1788, in a war
with the Turks, which did not produce the results he had been led
to anticipate. His army suffered y&j oontiderable losses, mare es-
pecially through ticknessy and, although he himself was present in
peison j his troops effected notiiing, £Dr he was wholly without those
necessary quahfications — ^firmness and presence of mind — chanu:-
teristics so idghly requisite in a general, in order to ensure success.
About this time also theHungarians began to dbow stron^'symptoms
of discontent, caused by the unjust treatment they received at the
hands of him they had formerly saved when appealed to by his
mother, Maria Theresa. In the Netherlands, however, the whole
population broke out into op^ rebellion at once; the clergy, the
nobility, the people, and the cities altogether, perceiving by the re-
forms too precipitately enforced upon them by the emperor the at-
tacks that were being made upon their ancient rights and privileges.
They seized arms, and on the 22nd of October, 1789, the provinces
of Brabant declared themselves independent in a grand meeting hdd
at Breda. Nearly all the cities took part with the revolters, who had
at their head a barrister, named Van der Noot, and the Austrian
officials were forced to take their flight. This was, in fact, a kind
of introductory scene to that whi(3i was being prepared, about
the same time, in France itself During the period of these con-
tentions Joseph died in his forty-ninth year, on the 20th of February,
1790, an event greatiy hastened by the fiitigues he had underj^one
in the Turkish war, and more especially promoted through bitter
mortification at finding all his mad and ill-timed projects £ul to the
ground, and the pain he felt at the state of anarchy and revolt existing
amongst his subjects.
As he Id); no fitmily behind him, his brother, Peter Leopold,
hitherto grand duke of Tuscany, succeeded him in his hereditary
estates of Austria. The task undertaken by the new sovereign was
by no means the most easy one, inasmuch as he found everywhere
dissatis&ction, contention, and sedition. He perceived that in order
to steer the vessel safely through tiie raging tempest he must employ
moderate and reoonciliatory measures, ana, happily, Peter Leopold
possessed the necessary disposition and alnlity to effect this object
\the dangerous innovations introduced bv his predecessor were at
once abdished, Hungary pacified, ai^d the Netherlands, partly by
the necessary force ot arms, and partly by the confirmation of their
rights and constitutions,were restored to a state of tranquillity ; and, fi-
nally, in the following year, a treaty of peace was Cimcluded with the
Digitized by
Google
LEOPOLD u.^ 1790-1792— FRANCIS n., 1792-1806. 615
Turks. On the 20t1i of September, 1790, the hereditary prince of
ihe house of Austria was cnoseii emperor of Germany, under the
title of Leopold II. He, however, died on the 1st of March, 1792,
and thus his short reign of two years ended at the moment when a
new and eventful era commenced in the history of Europe, teeming
with scenes of intrigue, anarchy, and atrocious outrage, already but
too well known in the annals of that disastrous period to require much
further comment or description in the present work.
CHAPTER XXXra.
S«eopoId n. 8ad the State of Franoe— Franoe declaief War againBt AuBtria, the Im-
perial States, Holland, Spain, 6ce^ 1792— Enuds IL Emperor of Germany, 1792-
1806— Fmssia — Soccesaes of the Allies — General Dumonriez and the Republican
Army — The Anstriana defeated at Jemappea — ^The Netherlands republicanized —
Defeat of Dmnouries at Neerwindra, 179S— Joina the AUiea— Gontinned Suooeaaes
of the AUiea under the Dnkes of York and Gobars-^^arnot— Generals Pichegm
and Jonrdan— Battles of Toomay and Flenma — Jouidan'a Aerial Reoonnoitering
Messenger, or the Adjutant in the BaDoon — ^Defeat of the Allies — Succeases of the
freneb— Gonqnests in Flanders, Holland, and the Rhine— Kaiserslautem— Peace
of Basle^ 1795— England and Austria— France— The Austrian Generals Beauliea,
Wnrmser, and Ardiduke Gharles — ^Napoleon Buonaparte, 1796— Appointed Ge-
neral in Italy— His Army— His Conquests and rich Booty made in Italy— The
French in Germany— -Archduke Cbarles — Moreau— His fiimouB Retreat — Mantua
—Buonaparte in Germany — Hia rapid Marchea — ^Vienna— Peace of Campo-For^
mio, 1797 — Shameful Conditiona— State of Europe— Alliance of England, Ruaaia,
Austria, and Turkey— Hostilities resumed, 1798— Buonaparte in Ef^Tt — Cairo—
Abookip— His Fleet destroyed by Nelson— Italy— General Suwuw— His Suc-
cesses in Italy— Genoa— Switzerland— Suwaroirs Paaaage across the Alps— His
desperate Appeal to his Soldiers— His Recall — The Emperor Paul and England-
Buonaparte First Consul, 1799 — Genoar— Battle of Marengo, 1800 — General Desaix
— Moreau in Germany — Peace of Lunfrille, 1801 — Sad Results to, and Sacrifices
made by Germany— Reaignation of William Pitt — ^Peace of Amiens, 1802— Eng-
land declares War against France, 1803— Buonaparte takes Possession of Hanover
— The German Legion.
The Emperor Leopold 11. remained faithful to his system of paci-
fication, although he could not but feel serious apprehensions when
he beheld the alarming state of afiairs in France. Several of the
princes of the empire nad already expressed a strong desire to take
up arms against that revolutionary ooimtiy, in favour of the emi-
Sated princes and nobles, who, making the banks of the Rhine
eir place of refuge, collected together in numerous bodies at Co-
blentz, and finaQy prevailed upon the princes of the land to main-
tain their rights, and commence hostilities. The revolution had^ in
fact, affected and seriously ixnured a number of the Oerman princes
in the privileges they enjoye^^ from the earliest times in France, and
more especiaUy in Alsace,— and now, when they demanded an in-
demnification for these losses, they only met with the same arrogant
and flconifiil reception in the language which it had been the prao-
Digitized by
Google
1616 AUSTRIA AND PRUSSIA AGAINST FRANCE-— DUMOURIEZ.
tice of France to express during the last five-and-twenty years. Tbc
imperialists, however, should have borne in mind that to a countrr
in a state of revolution, a war with a foreign power is both desirable
and beneficial, inasmuch as it acts as a check upon internal diviaons,
and by promoting a more united feeling, furnishes it with still
greater power agamst the common enemy.
The new emperor, Francis II., formed now an alliance with
Frederick- William II., of Prussia, against France, but which the
latter government anticipated by declaring war against Austria in
1792. The attack of the Prussians took the young republic, — which
still retained the king, although powerless, at its head— completely by
surprise. The country was not as yet prepared for war, and the first
invasion was accordingly attended with successful results. The
armies of the imperialists ccyitinued to march in advance, and took
possession of all the towns along their route. Valenciennes, Longwy,
and Verdun, were conquered, all the passes of the forest of -Ax-
dennes occupied, together with the plains of Champagne; and even
Paris itself began to trcmble. But the people now aroused them-
selves, and this was promoted, in fact, by their enemy himself. For,
misled no doubt by the presumption and mad hopes cherished by
the emigrants, the Duke of Brunswick, who commanded the Prus-
sian army, issued a manifesto, which was distributed everywhere
throughout the entire kingdom, and which was so insultingly and
cruelly worded, as to make the heart of every Frenchman recoil and
tremble within him, and of those more especially who refused to
acknowledge the ancient rights of royalty; for, amongst the other
threats it contained, the document declared that Pans should be
burnt to the ground, and the inhabitants put to the sword, and not
a single stone of the metropolis should be left standing. These
dreadful words acted upon the people with all the power of an elec-
tric shock, and forthwith, from every part of the country, were to
be seen both young and old hastening in shoals with all possible
speed to join voluntarily the standard of General Pumounez, and
imder which they burned to conquer or die in the defence of their
country's freedom. The army was soon in a condition to face the
invaders, and it marched forth and took up an advantageous position
on the high-road near Sainte-Menehould; but, as the Prussians now
be^n to suffer greatly from the want of supplies in that impo-
verished part of Uie country, as also from the sickness and disease
produced through the continual heavy rains which, badly clothed as
the troops were, thinned their ranks sadly, tliey were forced, after a
slight cannonade at Valmy, to make a retreat; this they were happy
enough to succeed in effecting in good time, and they gained tlie
banks of the Rhine, which they lost no time in crossing.
At Jemappes, however, Dumouriez came up with the Austrians,
and giving tnem battle at once, on the 5th of November, 1792 —
the first under the republican government — ^gained a decisive victory.
His force was greatly superior m numbers to the Austrian army, whilst
Digitized by
Google
ENGLAND AND ALLIES AGAINST FRANCE — SUCCESSES. 617
he was likewise in possession of an overwhelming train of heavy
artillery, which at each discharge mowed down whole ranks of the
enemy, and made the very earth tremble. The Austrians, never-
theless, fought with a courage truly heroic for two entire days against
their formiaable adversaries, but were eventually forced to yield the
field of battle. By this single battle the House of Austria lost the
whole of the Netherlands, for the victorious army, like a rushing
torrent, carried all before them, and the inhabitants, already dis-
satisfied with the dominion of Austria ever since the reign of Jo-
seph II., and seduced by the thoughts of liberty, threw off the
imperial yoke and received the French with open arms. They
planted everywhere the tree of liberty, established a national con-
vention, and adopted all the republican principles and institutions
of their conquerors.
At the same time Oeneral Custine had marched against the Rhen-
ish provinces, and through treacherv made himself master of the
important imperial city of Mentz. The mania for liberty now held
its sway in that place, and the repubUcan institutions of Paris were
likewise introduced there. Frantfort, however, its neighbouring
city, maintained itself firmly i^ainst all the influence of these in-
sinuating and destructive prmciples, and when invited to follow the
example set by those around, the citizens repUed, that they were
contented with the liberty they had thus far enjoyed all along.
The sanguinary proceedings — ^but more especiafly the dreadful and
revolting late of Louis XVI., on the 21st oi January, 1793, excited
universal indignation and horror; and England and Spain, together
with Holland, armed at once against the l^nch republic which had
declared war against them. Germany was not long in joining these
powers, and as Naples, Rome, Tuscany, and Portugal, came forward
likewise, a coalition of the governments of the moiety of Europe
was brought to bear against that of France.
The commencement of the campaign of 1793 was distinguished
by a series of brilliant victories gained by the aUies in the Nether-
Lmds. Dumouriez was defeated at Aldenhoven, and he was again
overthrown on the 18th of March in a grand battle near Neerwinden;
and, dreading lest he might be summoned to Paris and thus fall into
the hands of the Jacobins, of whom he was no friend, and who, he
knew too well, were the last to treat misfortune with mercy, he
passed over to the ranks of the allies. The latter now pressed for-
ward in rapid marches; their united army comprised the Austrians,
the Prussians, the English, the Hanoverians, and the Dutch, com-
manded by the Duke of Coburg and the Duke of York. Dumou-
riez's successor, General Dampierre, was again defeated on the 8th of
May on the plains of Famars, being himself killed in the action;
and the allies having now made themselves masters of Valenciennes
and Cond^, the road to Paris lay open before them.
Meantime the Prussians and Austrians, on the Rhine, reconquered
Mentz, and having forced the lines of the hill of Weissenberg,
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
618 CARNOT — ^PICHEGRU, &C. — THE ALLIES DERATED.
ihey commenced the siege of Landau under the command of the
C^wn Prince of Prussia.
In the Pyiennees a Spanish army crossed the Alps and marched
into France, where the progress made was attended with considerable
success; in conjunction wim the English thej took possession of the
important seaport of Toulon, which, having declared itself opposed
to the convention of Paris, they defended against the repuUican I
forces. ^ I
Towards the end of the year, however, the republican forces were
more successfnl along the nontiers of the kingdom. On the Upper
Rhine, Landau, and the whole of Alsace, after continued and most
sanguinary fighting, fell again into their hands, and the repubfican
flag was everywhere planted along that portion of the banks of the
Bhine ; whilst, in the Netherlands, Dunkirk was delivered, and many
severe actions gained by the French. Li this c[uarter the JPoroes were
commanded by Houcliard and Jourdan; whilst on the Rhine the
troops were headed by Pichegru and Hoche — ^names elevated ficom
their oririnal obscurity by the rushing tide of the revolution. On the
30th of September a mnd f£te was held in Paris, on which occamon
Jpnirteen different armies were represented in a triumphal prooession,
in honour of the victories they had gained.
At the commencement of the year 1794 the allies united all their
forces in the Netherlands, under the orders of the Duke of Cobore,
and the Emperor Francis himself joined the camp in order, b^ his
presence, to encourage the troops. On the 7th of April they gained
a complete victory near Gateau-Cambresis, and on the 30th of the
same month they made themselves masters of the town of Landre-
cies. Fortune, however, now changed. Gamot, who properly un-
derstood how to employ the system of war by which a nation in
arms might obtain victory, issued his orders forthwith to the grand
armies, commanded by Kchegru and Jourdan, to attack the allied
army with the most daring impetuosity and without ceasing, so that
not a single day might pass without constant hard fi^htin? . With
respect to the number of French troops that were slain tnat was a
matter of no consideration; fresh battalions were marched up to re-
place those that had fallen, and thus the allied generals finding them-
selves so hard pressed looked iu vain for an opportunity where and
how to form their principal point of defience. All their ordinary
tactics of war were perfectly useless; for when whole battalions, on
being repulsed, feQ back upon each other, and instead of taking to
flight rallied again and renewed the attack, and fought on without
yidding an inch as long as life save them the power, and when
neither the fear of death nor any uiin^ else, however formidable its
nature, could make them quit the field of battle, then necessarily at
the end of the action victory remained with the greatest number.
Thence the Austrians and their allies, the English, Dutch, and £[&>
noverians, harassed and, overcome with fiitigue, were ultimately de-
Digitized by
Google
6UCCK88ES OF THB FRENCH— KAISBBSLAUTERN. 619
feated an the 22iid of May near Tofuxnaj by PichegrUy and on the
26th of June at Flennis, by Jonidan, m two aanguinary battles.
At FleuruB the Fienoh genecal turned the course of the contest,
which was going againat mm, eventoaOy in his &Your b^ adopting
an eimedient completely norel and hiUierto unknown m war; he
cauaed, namely, one of hia aidea^e-camp to get into a balloon in
which he ascended, and this enabled him to observe exactly the
positionof the allied anny, and on this officer's return fiK>m his aerial
expedition he gave his report accordingly to the general, who re-
newed the action, and, guided by the instructions he had receiTed,
gained the battle.
After this victory the success of the French arms continued with-
out interruption; nothing could check their progress either in Hol-
land or on the fihine. All the places taken irom them in France-^
Landrecies, Le Quesnoy, Valenciennes, and Oond6, were recon-
quered one after the other; bendes which, the repubUcans took pos-
session of Brussels on the 9th of June, and in the autumn they
commanded the rivers Meuse and YahaL These successes, however,
appeared to have now reached the term of their duration, and more
especially as the sluices of all the canals throughout Holland had been
opened, in order, by a general inundation, to rescue that country
mm the French arms. %ut nature herself came to the aid of the
invaders, by converting these very waters into a secure passage for
their troops, inasmuch as the winter of this year, 1794, becoming
extremely severe, they were all completely nozen, and to such a
depth was the ice that, by means of these natural, seasonable bridges,
aoldiers, artillery, and baggage trains, were enabled to advance and
penetrate into the very heart of Holland ; thus on the 17th of
January, 1795, they were in possession of Utrecht, and on the 19th
tfauey took Amsterdam. The Dtadtholder was forced to seek refuge
witn his fiomly in England, and Holland was forthwith converted
into a repubhc.
Meantime Jourdan, in the autumn of 1794, had driven the Aua-
trians out of Brabant towards the Lower Rhine, and completely de-
feated than in several encounters; and eventually he forced them to
<at)6s the Rhine to Cologne. li^, Aix-la-GIwpdle, Juliers, Co-
logne, Bonn, and Coblentz, fell into the hands of the French;
Luxembm^ alone holding out by a brave and determined defence
until the month of June, 1795.
In the circle of the Upper Rhine the campaign of 1794 took
almost the aame direction as in the northern provinces. At the com-
mencement, on the S2nd of Ma^ a great victory was obtained by
the Auatrians and Ftnanana at Kaiaeralautem; tnis was succeeded
by continuous attecks made upon the allies by the republican aimy,
now confiderably reinforoed dv levies en masse produced through
the national summons, and finally, on the 15th of Jime, by another
battle fought at Knsendautem, m which the French, althoui^h re-
pulsed ei^t times vrith great loos, returned to the attack tot the
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
620 PEACE BETWEEN PRUSSIA AND FRANCE.
mnth time, and gained the victory. After a short oesaation of hos-
tilities the allies retired at this point to the right bank of the Rhine.
The success of the French arms had now become so great, and
produced so much alarm, that whoever attentiyely conaoered the
condition of Europe, and especially Germany, could easily peroave
that it could not ao otherwise but imite all its forces, in order to
carry on the war for its own preservation. The French already made
no mystery of their intention to retain possesion of the whole of
Germany situated along the left bank of the Rhine, to the extent of
the entire course of that river. Were we then, through the unik-
vourable results of one campaign, to allow our dangerous neighbour
to remain master over those territories, which to gain he had been
striving in vain for centuries ? No ; Germany ought never to have
permitted such a disgrace; but where in such times was to be found
that ancient, hereditary, and noble feeling of independence, coupled
with that inborn magnanimity to uphold and defend the honour of
our common Fatherland ? Jealousy and envy among the command^:^
in chief and the first ministers of the empire, had paralysed the
powers of the army, and obstructed the success of every operation ;
and now the entire confederation allowed itself to be dissolved by
its crafty enemy. On the 5th of April, Prussia concluded at Basle
a separate treaty of peace with the French republic, and Hanover,
as well as Hesse Cassel, concurred therein hkewise. A line of de-
marcation was drawn for the north of Germany, which exempted
the Prussian territories in Westphalia, including Hesse and Lower
Saxony.
Shortly afterwards Spain, through want of means wherewith to pay
her troops, as well as of that firm, determined will so necessary under
the circumstances, likewise separated herself ftom tlie coalition
against France; whence, of the higher powers, Austria and England
alone remained in the grand arena, ana thus it has always happened
with Austria ever since the time of Maximilian I.^ whenever that
power formed an alliance to maintain a war in conjunction with
several other states.
During the conferences of peace with Prusaa, and even after-
wards, in the sunmier of 1795, as Austria and the Germanic em-
pire appeared equally desirous for a pacification, both partis
agreed to a cessation of arms, and the two armies retained their
position in front of each other on the opposite banks of the Rhine,
separated only by the waters of that noble river. This short repose
was of ^reat benefit to France, for the general scarcity of provi-
sions which prevailed throughout this year — producing almost a state
of famine — would otherwise have completely prevented the anny
from accomplishing any extraordinary operations. But as the
harvest was now saMy gathered in, Jourdan, on the night of the
6th of September, crossed the Rhine between Due»>ui^ and
Ihisseldorf, which latter town he forthwith invested, and pursuing
his impetuQUS course of victory, drove the Austrians from the banks
Digitized by
Google
THE FRENCH IN GEEMANY— JO URDAN— BUONAPARTE. 621
of the riyers Wupper — the commencement of the Prussian line of
demarcation — ^the oieg and the Lahn over the Maine. Field-marshal
Claiifidt, however, had reassanbled his troops behind the latter river,
and he now attacked the French at Hochst, near Frankfort, com-
pletely routed them, and sent them back over the Rhine with the
same expedition that they had used in advancing across it ; thus
Mentz was delivered from its state of si^e, and Mannheim re-
taken. The summer armistice had reduced the strength and spirit
of the repubUcan armies, and their zeal had become considerably
diminished. A war conducted on the opposite bank of the Rhine,
was no longer regarded as a war in the cause of liberty, and many
volunteers of the higher classes had now returned to their homes.
When, in 1796, the new order of things had become gradually
consolidated in France, the directory resolved to force Austria and
the Germanic empire to conclude a treaty of peace by one general
overwhelming invasion. It was determined that the armies should,
in the ensuing spring, cross to the other side of the Rhine and the
Alps, and penetrate m)m every point into the heart of Germany.
Moreau was to march through Swabia, Jourdan through Franconia,
and a third army was to overrun Italy. In the latter country,
the Austrian troop were commanded by the old general, BeauHeu ;
in the Upper Rhme, the old veteran, Wurmser, held the chief com-
mand; and in the Lower Rhine, the general-in-chief was the Arch-
duke Charles of Austria ; to the two latter armies were united the
troops of the imperial states. The war commenced in Italy. But
there the old and experienced general found himself confronted
with a young, daring leader, filled with the most gigantic projects,
and who now on this occasion first came forth to develop nis mar«
vellous powers and indomitable perseverance before the eyes of asto-
nished Europe.
Napoleon Buonaparte, bom at Ajaccio in Corsica — ^where his
father was an aavocate, and subsequently promoted to the
French procuratorship of Corsica—- educated in the military schools of
France, and inured to the most extraordinary scenes and enter-
prises by all the horrors of the revolution, in which he had been a
participator, was only six-and-twenty years of age when he re-
ceived his appointment as general of the Italian army. Barras, one
of the five oirectors of the executive power, and who had taken
him into his especial favour, concerted a marriage between, him and
the widowed JPrincess Josephine de Beauhamais, and had now
caused his promotion to the rank before mentioned. The post he
held was one of great difficulty and danger ; the army over which
he was placed, was in such a msorganised state, being without sup-
plies of provisions and clothing, and even without ammunition,
that its condition could only be unproved when under the direction
of a resolute and daring general^ and who by judicious management,
might perhaps succe^ in making even that very tmfavourable
condition itself serve as a means to lead to victories all the more
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
622 HIS CHA&ACTfiR-*-HIS ARMY— SUCCESSES IN ITALT.
glanous, — ^for, in iheir present desperate state, the soldiem had no
other ohoioe but conqaest or death.
And tnilj the newly-apoointed leader soon sacoeeded in gaining
the most extraordinary innnenoe and sway over his troops, and in
infiuing amongst them no small share of his own daring and un-
daunted sjnrit. This indeed formed the roiiit of his xniHtOT
the means bywbich he was led on to adcqpt the most ambitious plans,
and sought to make himself the conqueror of the entire world. By
his bulletins, couched in the most concise and forcible language, in
the style of the ancient Romans, thoroughly adapted to the Fraieh
character; by the distribution of marks of honour and difirinctioin,
of colours and eagles, to those r^ments which he at the same mo>
ment was. about to plaoe in the most dangerous part of the batde,
together with other similar xuoentiyes to hcmour and glory, Buo-
naparte well imdeistood how te generate the highest enthusiasm at
the decisive moment. He even nad the tementy to announoe in
advance the result of his battles, and fortune verified his words;
people sneedily believed what he had predicted, and this Tery
iaithpKMucedtheaocomplishment of the event. Bb more especially
confounded his enemies oy never doing what might have l^en anr
ticipated and calculated upon, but by performing exactly what was
completely opposed to these expectations, and was the most bold
and perilous m its nature. All experience and practice, therefore,
in the science of war, were nuffatory a^i&inst him; a defensive war
with him must be unsuccesstully earned on, for the blow always
came before it oould be perceived, or even anticipated, and he never
allowed his adversary to commence the attack, oecause no one was
so prompt in his measures and resolves as himself.
The opening: of this campaign was followed by the most brilliant
success. By the promptitude of his manoeuvres and suddenness of
his attacks, he completely overcame and sqxmited the army of the
Sardinians from that of Vie Austrians, and forced the King of Sar-
dinia to sign a treaty of peace; and this he followed up by turning
his arms against the Austrians^ and parsuine them to the north ci
the river Fo. Thus the whole of central Ituy lay now open before
him, and all the princes of that country trembled at his vengeance
They alternately demanded peace and obtained it, but at the sacri*
fice of millions in money, numerous invaluable ^aintin^, together
with other treasures of art and precious manuscnpts. It was with
these spoils that he intended to decorate Paris, in order subsequently
to make it the metropolis of the entire world. The Duke of jParma
was the first who bound himself by a treaty of the 9th of May, to
iumish in payment for peace, a large collection of the most rare
paintings; and from this moment the example of ancient Rome to-
wards Greece was emulated in every part nmere the Frendi armies
got a footing. Vanity, combined with the eager desire to collect
together and concentrate in their capital, and theieW render it iiie
counterpart of ancient Rome, and the central point of nations, urged
Digitized by
Google
.GENERAL WUitMS£R — ARCHDUKE CHARLES — HOREAU. 623
tbe invaders to pillage the sanctoaries and monuments of art and
scienoe of eveiy country ihey marched through. The pope was
obliged to purchase neutralitj by the payment of 21,000,000
francSi and by ^ving up to them 100 costly pictures, and 200 rare
XDanusdipts. Naples obtained peace without any sacrifice; because
it lay at too great a distance, and because likewise, its hour, accord-
ing to Buonaparte's calculation, had not yet arrived.
Meantime great events had likewise transpired in Germany. The
forces there had scarcely commenced operations, when already the
principal blow was struck in Italy, and the brave old warxior,
W urmser, was summoned from Grermany with 30,000 men to the
relief of Mantua, the last stronghold of the Austrians in Italy. The
French armies, according to the plan of the campaign drawn up by
the French Directory, were now enabled to penetrate into the heart
of the Germanic empire. About the middle of August, Jourdan was
only within a few days march of Batisbon, and Moreau was dose
to Munich, with the army of the Rhine and Moselle; the latter
ffeneral declared openly that his object was to give his right hand to
uxe army under Buonaparte in Italy, and his left to that of Jourdan.
This junction of sucli overwhelming masses of troops brought
with it the most alanning appearances, and this was one of the most
critical and dangerous moments for Austria. Nevertheless the peril
thus threatened was once more diverted by the youthful hero of that
imperial house. The nearer the war approached the Austrian firon-
tier% so much the more did the danger thus menacing their native
soil spur on the imperial troops; whibt at the same time their num*
bers were augmented more and more by fiesh reinforcements from
tbe interior. The Archduke Charies now came forth, and suddenly
Tnarching with his troops against Jourdan, attacking him at Neu«
mark on the 22ndof August, and at Ambenr on the 24th, beat him
so completely that the whole army of the Dambre and Meuse took
to flight, and never halted till it gained the Lower Rhine. Jourdan
rallied them at Miihlheim on the Rhine, marched thence to Dussel*
dorf, and shortly afVerwards resigned the command. By this disaster
of the other army, Moreau was forced likewise to make a retreat to
the Upper Rhine; and this he effected in such masterly style, that
after mamhiiig over the most perilous roads through Swabia and the
Bkck Forest, and being contmuaUy pursued and hemmed in by the
enemy» as wdl as exposed to the attacks of the enraged mountaineers,
he gained the banks of the Rhine well provided with booty, and
bringing with him even a number of prisoners taken on his marck.
By this admirable retreat, the fame of Moreau as a general was
permanently established. The leaders on both sides now agreed
upon an armistice bein^ concluded on the Rhine during the wmter.
The Archduke Charles, on whom the eyes of all were now turned
with admiration, received a hasty summons to repair to Italy, in
order to reorganise the Austrian army. Wurmser, although Buccess*
ful in sevenu attacks, was only able to throw himself, with a sub*
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
624 BUONAPARTE IN GERMANY— PEACE OF CAMPO-FOBMIO.
ddy of 10,000 men into Mantua; but Buonaparte had now anired,
and, renewing the siege, forced them, on the 6th of February,
1797, to surrender.
The Archduke Charles, with a broken down and dispirited army,
was not in a condition to check the progress made by Buonaparte.
The latter, after the fall of Mantua, penetrated more and more
northwards, crossed the Alps which separate Italy from Carinthia,
and, marching into Styria, took possession of Clagenfurth, and
advanced as far as Judenburg, on the river Mur, whence he threat-
ened Vienna itself. But his course, this time, had been pursued with
too much impetuosity, and the situation in which he now found him-
self was extremely critical. In his front he had the imperial army,
which, at every retrogressive step, became more and more formid-
able, as Vienna had already armed itself, and Hungary was now
rising en masse ; on his left flank, the imperial general, Laudon, was
manming in advance against him from the Tyrol ; and, in his rear,
in the vicinity of Triest, another numerous body of troops, together
with the whole of the inhabitants of the Venetian territory were
under arms; whilst, in order to gain the first and nearest garrisoned
town, Mantua, he would have to march a distance of more than
two hundred miles, over rugged hills, and an impoverished and
naked country : in addition to aU which evils, his army had ecarwiy
sufficient supplies for ten days longer. In this state of things, it is
almost certam, that if Austria had been willing to stake the chances,
she might have succeeded in annihilating her dangerous adversary
at once, and with one blow. But this, it appears, was not at all
contemplated, for when, with his usual cunnmg, Buonaparte, with
the arrogance of a conqueror, now offered peace, she accepted it,
and concluded the principal conditions on the 18th of April, at
Leoben, and the definitive treaty was signed on the 17th of October,
1797, at Campo-Formio, a nobleman's castle in the neighbourhood
of Udine. Thus Buonaparte, in two campaigns, subjugated Italy;
gained fourteen battles; wrested the arms from the grasp of all the
states in that quarter; and, finally, brought over Austria to sign a
peace.
The emperor, by this treaty, ceded the Austrian Netherlands to
France, and renounced his Italian possessions, including the capital
city of Milan, together with several other Italian provinces, which
were to form a Cisalpine republic, under the protectorship of France.
In return for this, Austria received Venice, the Venetian Isl^,
Istria, and Dalmatia, and engaged to deliver up Breisgau to the
Duke of Modena, and to summon, forthwith, a congress at Rastadt,
in order to treat, more fully, the several conditions of the peace con-
cluded between the republic and the Germanic empire.
But this peace of Rastadt was in every respect humiliating and dis-
graceful to Germany. The empire was wholly abandoned and sacrificed
by the emperor, as it had previously been by Prussia. Austria having,
in a secret ^icle, consented to surrender the whole of the left bank of
Digitized by
Google
SHAMEFUL CONDITIONS — ALLIANCE AGAINST FRANCE. 625
the Rhine, as the limits of the Grermanic empire, who had we now
left as its shield, when its most powerful protectors had thus deserted
it ? And yet no one individual state can be condemned, inasmuch
as all committed themselves ; and, having withdrawn from the ge-
neral co-operation as soon as they found the danger approaching
them closdy, it could not be required of Austria that she alone
should make herself the sacrifice. It is only with painful feelings
that we can dwell upon these sad results^ and we willingly hurry
over the close of the eighteenth and the opening of the nineteenth
century, when Germany lay in its deepest humiliation; nevertheless,
these times ought not to be passed over in silence, for it is necessary
that we should know the sad condition to which the discord, schism,
and egotism of individuals, as well as the total want of patriotic feel-
ing, could bring the German nation.
The congress of peace was accordingly convened at Rastadt, and
Buonaparte appeared there himself as negotiator. But in what
style of insult and contempt was not the empire treated in these nego-
tiations? With what arrogance were our princes met by the French
envoys, who exercised the authority of masters over them? Never-
theless, ill-used and imposed upon as they were, the states were
forced to submit and agree to every thing, viz. : to the cession of the
left bank of the Rhine, to the secularisation of the right bank, as an
indemnity for what had been lost on the left, and to the destruction
of the fortress of Ehrenbreitstein, together with various other
equally humiliating demands. These negotiations had continued
tmtil the end of the year 1798, when they were brought to a ter-
mination; but, in the meantime, Europe itself had undergone a
material change.
The members of the French directory, in their arrogance, had
undertaken to revolutionise and overturn the governments of other
countries, and the measures they adopted made it very soon manifest
that the French republic was even more dangerous in a time of
peace than during a war. In the berinning of 1798, they, in scorn-
ful defiance of the pope, remodelled the states of the church into
a Roman republic, and shortly afterwards, they transformed the
fovemment of Switzerland, after several sanguinary contests, into an
[elvetic republic ; and imder the pretext of securing these new ad-
vantages, they left their armies in possession of the countries which
they drained by unheard-of exactions. Austria, who still considered
herself called upon to watch over the safety of Europe, could not
sanction such proceedings, and she found in the Emperor Paul of
Russia, who had succeeded to the imperial throne on the death of his
mother Catherine, in 1796, a co-operative spirit. He was a decided
, enemy to all the principles professed and followed out by the French ;
and his mother had already denounced and threatened those '' regi-
cides" and '^ atheists." Paul at this moment was more especially
excited against France, because the knights of the order of St. John
had elected him their grand master, after the French had taken pes-
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
2 B
626 BUONAPARTE IN EGYPT— HIS FLEET DESTROTED.
fieeeion of the island of Malta. This circamstance was well adapted
to act as a spur to his ambition. Accordingly, a coalition of poiA^es
was now fonned against France, such as had never before been
brought into operation: being a union of Russia, England, Ausizia,
and eren Turkey, which, untU now, had always cherished the greates
enmity towards two of ihese powers ; France herself, however, had
forced Turkey, hitherto her old ally, to a war, by the fcHnmidaUe ex-
pedition she sent against Egypt in May, 1798.
The republic of France nad never conceived a more grand and
stupendous design, of which they contemf^ted the reaUsation by
this enterprise. At the mom^it when llie negotiations -with, the
Germanic empire had as yet made but litde progress, and conse-
quently, the peace of continental Europe was not ]^et secured, and
when England was maintaining a glonoudy victorious straggle on
the seas, tiie flower of the French army, headed by Buonaparte and
their best and most successful leaders, suddenly CTibarkea, and set
sail towards a distant land, "in order," as stated in the French mani-
festo, " to deliver Egypt from the tyranny of the Mamelukes, and
to avenge the Porte upon those overb^uing and insolent vassals." A
plan more strange and uneicpected could not have been thought of,
only that behii^ these words was concealed a deep kid scheme,
which events very soon made clearly manifest, but which likewise
fell to the ground.
Buonaparte, af);er a prosperous voyage, and sSter having made
himself master of the island of Malta, landed in the bay of Aboukir,
on the 2nd of July, 1798, and having taken Alexandria by storm,
continued his march, and took up his position near Cairo, the capital
of that country. Here, at the foot of the great Pyramids, he found
himself opposed by twenty-three Mameluke Beys at the h^ul of their
cavalry, drawn up in battle array. Having made his preparations £x
the attack, Buonaparte turned to his troops, and exchomed, as he
pointed with his sword to the Pyramids :^ " Behold, and remember,
that four thousand ^rears are lookmg down' upon you £com those monu-
ments !" After this short address, so well adapted to the French
national character, the troops attacked the enemy, and completely
overthrowing their whole army, advanced against the capital, which
they captured, and now looked upon Egypt as a coziquered country.
But this success was very speedily choDged into disaster. France
had imagined that the Turks, who were rather in name than in &ct
the masters of Egypt, would view her successes with indifference —
not so, however; lor on the contrary, they r^arded the matter more
seriously, and renouncing their alliance of tmree hundred years with
that countty, imited with the other states against that power. Eng-
land now clearly perceiving ike great importance arising from this
expedition, stramed every nerve to defeat and destroy it; Admiral
Nelson, the great naval hero, aft^ a long search, came up with the
French fleet on the 1st of August, in l£e bay of Aboukir, and al>
though the sun had already set, he nevertheless, with his iisual un-
Digitized by
Google
THE FRENCH IN ITALY— MARSHAL BUWAROFF. 627
daunted valotir, formed his plan of battle and commenced the action,
broke through the enemy's line of battle, and gained a glorious vic-
toryj having completely annihilated the French fleet, of which the
admiral's ship itself, L'Orient, was blown up with more than one
thousand of her crew. By this victory, Buonaparte found himself
completely separated from Eiux^, and cut off from all succour;
whilst, in the mean time, the most formidable preparations were being
made by the coalesced powen for the war against Fiance.
The Emperor of Austria, now at the commencement of the year
1799, recalled his ambassador from the congress at Rastadt, and the
meeting ofplenipotentiaries was dissolved. On the 6th of March, the
French republic, according to its system of always anticipating the
measures of its enemies, declared war once more against the Emperor
of Austria, for having allowed the Russian army to enter the Aus-
tnaa tefmtciry.
In Italy the war had commenoed a few months sooner; for the
Queen of Naples, a violent enemy of the French, would not wait
for the moment of general attack, but caused the Neapolitan troops,
in November, 1798, to advance against the Roman temtories; an im-
patience, however, which produced very bad results. The French,
with their usual celerity, directed their whole operations against
that quarter, and driving the King of Naples with nis family out of
Sicily, they took possesidon of Lower Italy, as far as Calabria. The
kingdom of Naples vras now changedinto a rarthenopian republic, and
in order to transform the whole of Italy into one entire republic, the
states of Qenon and Tuscany were declared free states.
This time, however, these new creations had but a short existence,
for the armies of the allies now marched forth from every side to
open the campaign, led on by able and well-tried generals. The
French directory had lost much of its former influence and power
even in France itself: La Vendue had again taken up arms, the
French armies were for the greater part badly conducted, and in
the government of the state, as well as in the administration of war,
the greatest lethargy and disorder prevailed. Added to this, Arch-
duke Charles completely overthrew Greneral Jourdan at Stockach, as
well as in several other encounters, and drove him out of Germany;
whilst from General Massena he reconquered the whole of the
western portion of Switzerland beyond Zurich itself, and then
awaited on the banks of the Rhine the results of the war in Italy.
There the French army was under the orders of General Scherer,
a man of a licentious character and addicted to drink. Defeated
by the Austrian general, Kray, at Verona and at Magnano, he
resigned the command into the hands of Moreau, when the latter
found the army reduced to a state of ihe greatest disorganisation
and confriaon. At this moment Marshal Suwaroff, an old but
active, daring warrior, with his Russians, formed a junction with the
Austrian army in Italy. Against such an adversary Moreau found
it impossible to make head with the ill-conditioned troops under his
2 S2 Digitized by Google
628 ASCENDS THE ALPS— HIS DESPERATE APPEAt — RECAIJ..
command. Accordingly Suwaroff completely defeated him on the
27th of April, near Cassano, and on the day following entered
Milan in tnumph. By this victory the whole of Lombardy was
reconquered, the Cisalpine repubUc destroyed, and the north of
Italy restored to the house of Austria. After this the Russian
feneral marched against Macdonald, who had returned with the
'rench army from Naples, and beat him, in the month of June, in
several sanguinary actions on the banks of the Trebia, nearly on the
same spot where Hannibal vanquished the Romans. The whole of
Italy as far as the states of Genoa was retaken &om the French, all the
fortresses were besieeed and captured, the repubUcan governments dis-
appeared one after tne other, and the ancient duchies were restored.
Meantime General Joubert had collected another army; but he
met with the same &te as his predecessors. On the 15th of August
the hard fought battle of Novi, which continued for twenty hours,
was fought, in which Joubert himself fell mortally wounded. Genoa
was now the only city that remained in the hands of the Fiendt
Leaving the siege of this place to be conducted by the Austrians
alone, Suwaroff directed his march towards the Alps in order to
penetrate into Switzerland and to make himself master of diat
gigantic fortress of nature, the bulwark of France. When he arrived
at the foot of those vast mountains, the summits of which, tower-
ing to the very heavens above, became lost in the mist of the clouds,
his warriors were struck with awe and dread at a scene of such majestic
ffrandeur, by them wholly unknown amidst their own vast plains, and
tney hesitated for a moment before they ventured to ascend the rocky,
precipitous heights. Beholding this, the veteran general, who com-
manded the entire devotion of his soldiers, threw himself upon the
ground before them, and exclaimed: "Behold, comrades! rather
than return, my body shall be buried here at the foot of these moun-
tains, so that the world may know that you have abandoned your
leader, Suwaroff, on this spot !" The soldiers, struck with shame and
confusion at these words, delayed no longer, but marching forth with
reanimated vigour and courage, they commenced the ascent of St
Gothard, and passing onwards through its intricate defiles amidst
constant fighting, gained the Devil's bridge, and thence descended
into the valley of Luzern.
During this interval, however, Massena having by a successful
manoeuvre taken the Russian general, Korsakow, by surprise, com-
pletely overthrew him; whilst General Soult defeated the Austrians
under Hotze in the neighbourhood of Zurich. Suwaroff*s object
was to join the Austrians; but after their defeat it became impossible
to save Switzerland, and the war could not be protracted in a country
so poor that no supplies were to be obtained for the troops. Accord-
ingly, Suwaroff retreated to Feldkirch, in Swabia, directing his march
through Graubiindten, across such narrow passes that his soldiers
were only able to march in single file : a retreat accomplished in
such a masterly style that he lost not a single man. Shortly after-
Digitized by CjjOOQIC
RUSSIA AND ENGLAND — BUONAPARTE FIRST CONSUL. 629
"v^ards he was recalled with his whole army, and he returned to
Russia. The Russians had only shared in this one campai^ with
the Austrians; but it was a campaign almost unparalleled in the
annals of war, both in respect to the deeds accomplished, and the
profitable results produced. For, besides the several battles gained,
eight strong fortresses, and no less than five thousand pieces of
aiidllery had been taken.
The restless and false character of the Emperor Paul, who pre-
tended that he was neglected and insulted by his allies, was the
cause of the sudden termination of the alHance. An attempt had
been made in the autumn of this year to invade Holland w^th a
combined force of English and Russian troops ; but through various
blunders which occurred in the expedition, it turned out unsuc-
cessful, and this result produced more especially the discontent of
the Emperor of Russia. Thence France, through this ill-success of
her adversaries in Holland, and by her repossession of Switzerland,
was deUvered from the great and more immediate danger with
which she had been threatened. Nevertheless, she was not yet alto-
gether free firom diflSculty ; for the victorious troops of Austria,
after having reconquered Italy, maintained their position on the
banks of the Rhine, which they made preparations for crossing in
conjunction with the rest of the imperial forces, which had at length
resolved to join in the war ; whilst in addition to this, the govern-
ment of France itself was in a state of disunion, and had lost public
confidence. Buonaparte, however, now arrived to extricate the
nation from its embarrassed condition.
When this general, who had during this interval been. actively en-
gaged in Egypt and Syria, learnt the danser that threatened France,
the unsucc^ul battles fought, and the loss of Italy, he quitted his
then scene of action in the East, without waiting to be recalled, and
with only a few followers, hoisted sail homewards. Having, with
daring courage, miraculously escaped the vigilance of the British
fleet, he landed on the 9th of October at Frejus, and appeared suddenly
and to the wonderment of all, in Paris itself. His presence, thus
nnexpectedly, produced considerable alarm amongst those to whom
his arrival was any thing but welcome, and to whom his ambition
was well known ; others again, who had already witnessed and
appreciated the victories he had gained, and by which he had been the
means of produdng peace, hailed his reappearance as the harbin^r
of a beneficial change in the state of anairs ; whilst the majority
con^tulated themselves with the sanguine hope that by his means
their personal interests would be promoted. And truly he did
very soon succeed in reforming the government of the country
which at once placed in his hands the predominatmg power, and
he was chosen Consul
His first word was peace ; and at this moment this was his prin-
cipal object in order to fix himself more securely in the new power he*
commanded ; but all the other nations, doubtful of his faith, refused
to receive his offers of peace. " Well then !" he exclaim^, " we
Digitized by CjOOQIC
630 GENOA— BATTLS OF MARENGO — GENERAL BE8AIX.
must conquer peace ourselyes.'' And these striking words were soon
re-echoed throughout the country, operating with sodi poivezfiil
influence, that a numerous and weU-appoiated armj was already
assembled for action in the spring of the year 1800, at Dijon.
The Austrian army closely besieged Genoa on every side, and liow-
ever bravely defended by Mass^na, still owing to tne want of pro-
visions, disease and misery prevailed to su3i a dreadfiil extenL
throughout that populous city, that great numbers of the wretched
inhabitants perished daily. The idea of any aid being furnished actoes
the Alps, cud not for a moment enter the minds of the members of
the ijpi council in Vienna, and so far were they fiom entertaining
such a suspicion, that General Melas received instructions to march
across Nizza, and from this point enter the south of France. But
at this moment the first consul suddenly marched from Dijon with
the army of reserve, and leading his troops with all his caTaliy and
heavy artillery, in roite of every obstacle, over the great monntains
of St. Bernard, the bimplon, and St Gothard, he descended to the
other side, and arrived m safety on the plains of Lombardy before
even Melas had been informed of his expedition; for had he known
it, it would have been extremely easy for him to have annihilated
the troops corps after corps as they descended the mountains. On
the 2nd of June Buonaparte made his public entry into Ifilan ;
and on the same day Mass^na surrendered to the imperialisfes the
city of Genoa, in wmch both ganison and inhabitants were sof-
fermg all the horrors of famine. The Austiians allowed him and
such of his troops as were fit ibr active sannce to march out with
flying colours.
Shortly after this, on the 14th of June, a grand battle vras fought
near the village of Marengo, on the vast plains between Alexandria and
Tortona; a battle the most obstinate and sanguinary <^ all those
hitherto fought in the war of the revdulzon, and in which all the
destructive powers at man's command were employed to horl forth
their murderous effects during a space of thirteen hours. Both
armies fought with great spirit and determination, and victory waa
already inclining towards the Austrian side — their valorous bat*
talions having beat back the French in four diflerent attacks, until
their retreat was becoming more and more general — ^when, most
opportunely for Buonaparte, Desaix, one of the bnrveBt of all the
French generals, and esnecially esteemed as a man by all, arrived at
this moment on the field of battle with the earp»-^-re$erve^ The
battle was forthwith resumed by Desaix, and he was followed by the
rest of the army, who rallied around him. He himself was mortdly
wounded by a cannon-ball; but his soldiers, rendered more fiuious
by this, fought with such desperation, that they eventually gained
the victory, which, after such great efforts, had now become decisive.
Thus was lost in one day the fruits of all the successes gained by
the Austrians during the campaign; whilst the Fzench acquired the
possession of the whole of Italy. Melas, who by thk defeat lost all
self-command, as all retroat into Austria was now completely cut
Digitized by
Google
MOREAU— HIS FAMOUS RETREAT— PEACE OF LUNiVILLE. 631
off, abandoned all the Italian fortresses he held, except Mantua and
Ferrara, on condition of being allowed to letiie without molestation.
General Moieau pursued hostilities in Germany, duiin^ the interval
between the months of Apiil and December, 1 800, with a boldness and
good fortune abnost unexampled. On the 25th of April he Grossed
tJbe Rhine, and already a fortnight afterwards he gdned the banks
of the Bier, having made himself master of the entire country be*
tween that river, the Ehine, the Danube, and the Lake of Constance,
and fought two successful battles at Stockach and Moskiich; thence
he penetrated farther into Bayazia, and conquered the whole line of
temtory as far as Munich. The Austrian general, Kray, having
now proposed a suspension of arms, Moreau consented, aiid nego^
tiations were comm^iced; as, however, Austria woiild not treat
without the co-operation of England^, and as France re&sed to re*
ceive the English envoys at the conference, hostilities were resumed
on the 1st of December. At the commaicement the Austrians
appeared to have the advantage, but on the 3rd of December the^
xoet with a complete defeat at Hohenlinden. Mosettu, after tba
ffreat victorVy advanced with hasty marches, and crosain^ the Inn to
Salzburg, he proceeded by Linz and arrived to widdn twenty
leagues of Vienna itself. Another {woposal for a suspension of anna
was agreed to, and the negotiations for peace were now resumed
with greater determination at Luneville. This subsequent treaty of
peace conduded at Luneville» owed its origin entirely to the exploits
of Moreau in thia campaign; for, in the abort spice of eight months,
of which fbur had been devoted to a suspension of arms, he had
crossed the Rhine, the Danube, the Lech, the Iller, tJie Inn, the Sa^
aikd the Ens; he had been conqueror in six grand battles, and had
enriched the treasury of the republic with 40,000,000 fiancs.
After the losses of the year 1800, England absolved the Emperor
of Germany from all his obligations previously entered into not
%Q make a separate peace; whence the n^otaations between the
Austrian envoy. Count Cobenzl, and Jos^h Buonaparte^ the eldest
lirother of the First Consul, were carriea on with such despatch^
Aat the treaty of peace was sogned on the 9th of February, 1801 ;
which treaty confirmed that of Campo-Formio in all its pomts, and
Austria acloiowledged theiein the Batavian» Helvetic, ligurian, and
Cisalpine republics. A fiesh condirion which had not heea included
in the treaty <d Campo-Formio was now added, inasmuch as it was
agreed that the Duke of Parma, a near relation of the King of
l^i^ain, should be elevated to ihe rank of a kinff, with the title of
Ejng o{ Etruria, suck being the name into wh]i£ that of Tuscany
had now become changed; the grand duke, on the other hand, in re*
turn for his duchy, received in Germany the Archbishopric of Salz-
burg as a temporal piincipaUty , together with other frontier territoriesi
and the title of Elector. The Duke of Modena Ukewise received, as
had been, already agreed upon at Campo-Formio, the Maigraviate
of Breisgau as an indemnity for the losses he had suffered in Italy.
Besides these ccmeesQons made by Germany to the princes of
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
632 SACRIFICES OF GERMANY— FRENCH ARROGANCE.
Italy, who were thus transplanted amongst us, great changes were
effected within the empire itself ; for Gfermany ceded to France the
whole of the left bank of the Rhine, consisting of twelve hundred
square miles of territory, and four millions of inhabitants; whilst aU
those princes, who were losers on that side of the river, were to he
indemnified with the ecclesiastical possessions and the imperial <dties,
situated on the right bank. A diet, appointed for the regulation
and adjustment of the rights of all interested, was assembled under
the mediation of France and Russia. Its sittings were opened on
the 24th of August, 1802, and terminated on the 10th of May,
1803. In these conferences, France dictated the law with even still
greater authority and arrogant arbitrariness than formerly at the
peace of Westphalia. She granted, or refused her favour accoxd-
ing to her capnce, and thus estliblished her influence over dependent
Germany more firmly than ever.
The peace of Luneville deprived the ecclesiastics of all their
domains in Germanjr, even to the very last in the list; of forty-dght
imperial cities only six now remained : Lubeck, Hamburg, Bremen,
Frankfort, Augsburg, and Nuremburg; the counts and knights
were made only mediately dependent on the empire, and of all the lay
princes, four only received the electoral power, a power which, a few
years later, lost all its ancient and venerating signification ; for these
newly-created princes were not allowed even the time to exercise
their noble privileges. This was regarded as the prognosrication of
the approaching down&ll of every tning; for^ comparatively qieak-
ing, the changes introduced in consequence of the Westphalian
treaty, in the administrative forms of the empire, were nothing.
What had then been cautiously brought into operation, merely for a
trial, the peace of Luneville accompUshed at once, without any
fear or dread of the ruinous results entailed upon institutions exist-
ing for more than a thousand years. Such acts of spoliation could
not but fill the hearts of aU patriots with profound grief ; for who
could contemplate, without bitter feelings, the scattered heaps of ruins
into which the raging storm had converted the once beloved home?
But, although the columnsof the ancient edifice were torn asunder, and
razed to their very foundation, still, on the walls were to be traced the
symbols of its ancient, majestic grandeur, and the remains of a power-
ful and prosperous nation, such as are recorded of few other nations.
A short period of tranquillity now reapp^ured once more on the
continent, after the long war; but the maritime war still continued:
for the great statesman who was at the helm of the British govern-
ment, and who penetrated into tiie very depths of Buonaparte's de-
signs and motives, knew full well that peace could never exist be-
tween the latter and England. The position of France and England
towards each other, at una period, has been compared to Rome and
Carthage in ancient times: a comparison equally just and happy.
For, between these two powers, existed a mortal hatred, and thence
Pitt was resolved, similar to Hannibal, to fight a war of life and
death. At the same time, however, many voices i^ England were
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
PEACE OF AMIENS, 1802— ENGLAND AGAINST FRANCE. 633
in favour of peace, inasmucli as commerce was in a very depressed
state, the embargo laid by France on the exportation of com, had
produced a considerable augmentation in its price in England; and,
finally, the national debt had increased to the enormous amount of five
hundred and fifty-eight millions sterling. Consequently, Pitt gave
in bis resignation, in order not to throw any obstacle in the way of
the said peace, although he could not, conscientiously, sign the treaty
liimself.
The peace of Amiens was concluded on the 27th of March,
1802, by the terms of which England restored all she had con-
quered from France, Spain, and Holland, excej^t Tiinidad and
Cleylon, resigning even Malta^ and her conquests in Egypt under
General Abercromby ; the former beuiff restored to the knights, and
the latter to the Turks. Such a peace, however, the terms of which,
after the ^at victories gained at sea, were held to be both un&vour-
able and highly disadvantageous, could not last long, and in less than
a year it terminated. Englsmd very soon perceived, that Buonaparte's
object, in desiring pc^ice, had only been to increase his naval power,
and, if possible, to raise it to a level with that of Grreat Britain, and
make himself master of the Mediterranean. He formed alliances
with the Porte, the Bey of E^^t, and with the piratical states;
and, soon afterwards, he prohibited all introduction of English
produce into France and Holland. Thus England found she had
no less cause to dread a state of peace than sne had that of war;
for, assuredly, she was as little inclined to submit to a rival on the
seas, as France was to endure one on the continent. Other causes,
however, soon operated to add to this discontent. It became more
and more evident, that the new regulations and institutions, already
brought to bear in Europe by Buonaparte, formed merely the in-
troduction to those other grand plans of usurpation he had still in
contemplation. The Cisalpine republic was made to acknowledge
the First Consul of France as its president; whilst Holland re-
mained in the occupation of the French army, and was placed
completely under the control of the French government. Switzer-
land, which could not be brought to agree unanimously to the new
constitution forced upon her, was at once disarmed, and changed
into a federative republic, it being declared, ^' that she was left to
the firee administration of her internal affairs, but, in all external
matters, she was henceforth dependent upon France."
England, after these events, preferring open war to an insecure
peace, determined upon the course she should take, and demanded
from Buonaparte the evacuation of Holland and Switzerland, which,
being refused, she declared war against him, in May, 1803. Buo-
naparte had only waited for this opportunity, in order to take im-
mediate possession of the territory belonging to the English crown
on the continent, and alr^jr, in the following month of June,
the French annies marched into Hanover, and made themselves
masters of the entire country, wholly indifferent to the fact, and
alighting, altogether, the consideration that it formed a^^rtion of
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
634 HANOVER— TH£ GEAMAH LEGION.
the Gennamc empire, aad, as suchy could not be hdid ot boimii to
take any shaie mth EngWd in the war. The moment was deeapned
too opportune not to be made ayailable, and ilius a new souioe was
presented for visiting us with fieah exacticmsy for maintaining
a strict watch oyer the maritime commerce of the neighbouzing
cities, and restrictii^ their trade with Eadand* AU the HanoTe-
rian troops were disarmed; but thousands of them succeasivdj
passed over to the British shores, and, forming^themselves into a
select battalion, fought, under the title of the ''King's Gaman Le-
gion," against the enemy with the greatest courage, and soatained
the ancient glory <^ the Hanoverian arms in many subsequent battles,
si^es, and expeditions, in Portugal, Spain, Italy, France, and Gier-
many itself; whilst at Salamanca, eq)ecially, the brilliant services of
this corps obtained for the officers a permanent rank in the Kngliah
army, as was afterwaxda confirmed by Act of Parliament, in 1812.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
I3a|)deon'B Coorabhip^GaiiuI the Nation's Canfldence— BeBtorsfl internal IVui-
qaillitj and improves the Institutioiis — Napoleon Emperor of the French, 1804 —
His Usnrpations — ^ABIanoe of Austria, Bnssia, and England— War dedaredr-N»-
poleoa m Gcrmaoy, ISOS^DeifeatB the Anatrians— Ufaar-Gcnnal Mad^— Battle
of Austerlitz— The Allies defieated— Peace <tf Fresburg— IHsmembenneDt of the
States of Germany — Naples— Joseph Buonaparte — Holland— Louis Buonaparte-*
Bhenish CkmHederation, or League of the German Princes — ^Their Degeneration—
The Emperar cf AiMtria lays down his Tide of Baiperor of G^nnaigr, i80a-*
i^nssia — ^Dedares War agaLast France — ^The Proasiaa Army— Battle of Saalfeki
—Death of Prince Lewis Perdinand of Prussiar— Battles of Jena and Auerstidt —
Defeat of the Fmssians— Napoleon enters BecHn— The Buaaian and Pinusian
Alliance— Battles of Eylan and Priedland—Delhat of the Alliesr-Peaoe of Tiint
between Bassia and Eranoe, 1807 — ^Ftusaia's Dismemberment— Westphalisr—
Hesse— Jerome Buonaparte — ^Prussiar-Lieutenant Schill— Napoleon's trimnphant
Betnni to Paris.
The fiiBt yean of the consnlfihip were for France a peiiodttf repose,
aad marked by oider^ indiistxy, and prosperity throughout the
couatiy; ^ most turbulent, as well as the most timid, woe sow
ttanquillised and breathed more fieely, whilst ihe name of the First
Consul was repeated everywhere witn praises and blessing. And
even beyond Frsace many looked towards him with sanguine hopes
and expectationa, as the only one who, aAer the recent period ot
savage and inhuman crime, could re-establish order iqwn a solid
basis: nor did he want the ability and ener^ necessary to ^fect
this desirable object. The power with which he made every thing
jield to his will was truly astounding, whether we lesard the pronm-
titnde displayed in his measures of aaininiatcation,or tke inde&tigabje
zeal with which he undertook to condense into a angle code the
results of multiplied experience in public life. All tioat was held
most valuable in the civii institBtinna of hb period:— 'thezeoognitian
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
NAPOLEON EMPEROR— COALITION AGAINST HIM. 635
of the lights of man in every thing; eqnality'of the citizen in the eye
of the law; abrogation of all feudal rights; liberty of conscience in
all invisible matters; and a government which, in an eminent degree,
combined the force of union in the execution of laws, with the adr
vantages of variety of counsel in their formation — all these, and
many other institutions under the fostering care of that extraor*
dinary man, were seen to grow — in the now genial soil of France,
and ta ripen into maturity, as a striking and praiseworthy example
£nr otb^ nations.
What might not this man have been to Europe, how different his
history in the annals of the world, had he made real and complete
this beautiful and noble picture, of which his zeal, thus far pure, in
the cause of truth and justice, already presented, before the eyes of
all, a glorious sketdi? How might he not have been enaUea, for
centuries to come, to have led on the way to enlightenment, and
having carried all with him, have merited the blesongs, instead of
the curses of all mankind.
Napoleon Buonaparte was now elected Emperor of France, and
thus, m the elevenm year of the repubUc, his imperial throne was
erected upon the ruins of the royal and legitimate dynasty; never-
thelesSj his ambition was not yet satisfied. Immediately anerwards,
he changed ihe Cisalpine republic into a kingdom, and created him-
self King of Italy ^ together with all his descendants; and as a proof
of his numeration, as he said, he apoointed his son-in-law, Eugene de
Beauhamais, Viceroy of Itsiy. Parma, Piacenza, and Ghiastella,
were now altogether united with France, as also the ligurian re-
puUic. All these changes were contrary to tiie treaty of peace con-*
duded at Lun^ville, and gave great offence to Austria, who found
sympadiy in tiie Emperor Alexander of Russia, now so much ex»
aqserated by the execution of the Duke d'Enghien — ^shortiy before
effected by tiie cruelty of Buonaparte — and who already felt himself
called upon to aid in the protection of Europe. Accordingly these
two pow^ns now came forward and made known to William Pitt,
the prime minister, their wish — by him long desired — ^to renew their
fllUance with England against France. A coalition was immediately
fbrmed between these three governments, to which Sweden was
added; and, according to their pan of war, the French power was to
be attacked at every point, in Italy, Switzerland, Holland, and in
France itself. Napoleon, however, overthrew this design, in his
usual way, and by the celerity of his movements he was enabled to
anticipate the allies in all their operations, and was already in advance
of them when and where least expected. Since 1803 he liad stationed
nearly the whole of his army along the northern coasts of France,
in order to cmerate as a check upon England, and where, indeed, he
contemplated maidng a landing; now, however, the troops received
marching orders, and suddenly abandoning their present quarters,
they proceeded by hasty marches to the Rhine, which they speedily
crossed, and forced the princes of Souih Germany to form an allianoe
with. France; whilst the Austrian army, now under the CQiamattd of
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
WAR DECLARED — ULM — BATTLE OF AUSTERLITZ.
General Mack, remained completely inactive in its quarters near
Ulm.
General Mack, otherwise an efficient leader, was on this occasion
entirely deserted by his good fortune, and evinced a total want of
resolution and jud^ent; for, imagining the enemy would advance
upon him direct from the side oi Swabia, he quietly awaited his
conung. On his right flank he had at command the Franconian
territories belonging to the King of Prussia, who took no share in
the war, and he accordingly considered himself completely covered
in that quarter. But such a bulwark furnished but a poor means of
defence m front of an army led on by Napoleon. Bemadotte, Mar-
mont, and the Bavarians, disregarding the neutrality of Prussia,
very soon advanced direct through Franconia towards the Danube,
and attacking the Austrian general in the rear, cut him off fix»m all
communication with Austria. Surprised and stupified, he, after a
sanguinary battle, threw himself into Ulm, where, instead of forc-
ing for himself a passage with his sword through the very centre of
his enemies, as any other brave and determined spirit would have
done — and which indeed had been previously accomplished by Duke
Ferdinand in Bohemia, at the head of only a few squadrons of ca-
valry— he surrendered himself prisoner, together with the whole of
his army, on the 17th of October, 1805. Napoleon, afler this first
part of the campaign, during which he had almost annihilated
80,000 men, sent to the senate m Paris, forty standards he had taken,
saying, *' They were a present from the children to their fathers."
The French army marched on without any obstacle to the capital
of Austria, and took possession of it on the 11th of November, 1805.
The Russians and Austrians had retreated to Moravia, and on the 2nd
of December the Allied and French armies stood front to front near
Austerlitz, resolved to hazard a decisive engagement. The battle —
called by Napoleon the three Emperors* battle— commenced on a beau-
tifully sunbnght, irostj morning. The allies, however, were not well
supplied with leaders, and their movements, therefore, were not made
in tne best order; in addition to which, they wereimacquainted with
the strength and position of the French army, whence the Russian
line of battle was very soon broken throu ffh ; and, in spite of aU thdb
bravery, the troops were put to rout. The left wing sought to save
themselves by crossing a frozen lake, but Napoleon ordered the ar-
tillery to play upon the ice, which speedily dissolved and immersed
the whole of the fugitives within its deep waters, where they
perished. Nevertheless this victory was not so easily gained, nor
would its results have been so decisive had not the Emperor Francis,
in his anxiety for his subjects, hastened to conclude a peace, and de-
manded, for this purpose, a rather premature conference with Na-
poleon in the mill of Saroschitz, for on the following day a body of
12,000 Russians arrived to reinforce the army, which had now ral-
lied. In addition to this, too, the Archduke Ferdinand had collected
an army of 20,000 men in Bohemia, and completely routed the Bava-
rians, taking possession of the whole country; Hungary was aiming
Digitized by CjOOQIC
NAPOLEON VICTORIOUS— PEACE OF PRESBURG, 1805. 637
everywliere; Archduke Charles was now in foil march from Italy
with his victorious army to the aid of his country, and would arrive
in a few days to deliver Vienna and harass the enemy's rear; whilst
the Russians and English had now landed at Naples, and the Rus-
sian, Swedish, and English troops had already entered Hanover;
finally, however, what was more important than all this, the Prus-
sian troops were now assembling in order to revenge themselves for
the violation of their territory of Anspach. Nevertheless the Emperor
of Austria, very anxious for peacci signed a treaty for a suspension
of arms. The misfortunes of his country were a source of great pain
to him, and he flattered himself with the hope that a peace, pur-
chased as it must be from such an enemy at such heavy sacrifices,
might still be rendered permanent; as if sacrifices, however great,
could ever satiate the latter's inordinate love of conquest !
The Prussian ambassador. Count von Haugwitz, who had been de-
puted by his government to prescribe either the terms of peace or to de-
clare war, found himself placed in a very embarrassing position after
the resolution expressed by Austria, and, under the circumstances,
he deemed it most prudent, instead of giving vent to the menaces as
instructed by his sovereign, to adopt a more moderate and pacific
style of language. The French when they found this, expressed
themselves thus : ** That they could not but praise the wisdom shown
by the Prussian government, which had never possessed a more
faithful and disinterested friend than France; although, at the same
time, the French nation was wholly independent of every other,
and that 150,000 enemies more in the war would only have
tended to prolong it a Uttle longer." The Prussian ambassador
ought to have ^ven the right interpretation to this language, and
feeling the dignity of his coimtry wounded thereby, he was bound
forthwith and on the spot to have made known the resolution he
conveyed from his government — especially as Austria had not yet
signea the treaty — a resolution which, nevertheless, six months after-
wards, his king was forced to carry into execution. And Austria,
had die seen that Prussia was really in earnest, would, without
doubt, have preferred even a continuation of the war to a disgraceful
peace. Instead of this, however, Haugwitz, without even possessing
the necessary power, signed the treaty of Vienna, by which Prussia
gave up the province of Anspach to Bavaria, Cleves and Neufchatel
to France, receiving in exchange Hanover, to which England by no
means renounced her claim. Thus Napoleon strewed the seeds of
division between Prussia and England, well knowing that if united,
those two powers must be too formidable for him.
Five days after the treaty being drawn up it was signed by Aus-
tria, at Presburg, on the 25th of December, 1805 ; and by this peace,
the terms of which were more severe than any hitherto made, Aus-
tria lost one thousand square miles of territory, and three millions of
subjects — constituting its most valuable possessions. The Tyrol —
ever faithful, and which had shown its attachment to the house of
Austria more especially in the last war — ^Burgau, Eichst^dt, a por-
jitizedbyLiOOgie
638 FURTHER DESPOTISM OF BUONAPARTE — ^NAPJLES, &C.
tion of Paasau, Yoralberg, together witli other hmds in Eartem
Austria were ceded to Bavaria; what Austria possessed in Swabia
was given up to Wiirtemberg and Baden, and the Venetian states
were yielded to Italy. In compensation for all thisAusttiareodved bat
a triflmg indemnification, viz., Salzburg ; the electoral prince of Salz-
burg being forced to leave that territory, which he had only reoenthr
received, and accept of Wurzburg wmch Bavaria renounced. Au
these countries with their inhabitants were treated Hke so much mer-
chandise, passing &om the hands of one into those of anoth^y aooord-
ing to the state of the market. Such were the piincaples of the deqiotic
conqueror, by which he sought to eradicate all love and attachment
towards the ancient hereditary princes of the ^npire, and thus, by
destroying all national patriotic feeling, his object was to reduce tm
subject to a complete state of submission, alive only to the mortify-
ing conviction ol the service he had to render to whatever master
he was placed under — ^whether native or foreign, of to day or yes-
terday— and whom he was bom only to obey.
In order to complete the ruin of the Germanic empire the electors
of Bavaria and W'drtemberg were created kings, and they as vrell
as the Elector of Baden were granted the uncontrolled government,
or rather, — ^to use the more nivourite expression of mat period —
&e sovereignty of their lands. The emperor himself renounced all
daim to the exercise of supreme power over their states, and thus
the empire by this act pared the way for its eventual dissolution,
and the storm gathered more and more fiercely, until it finally burst
forth in all its fury, producing those sad effects whidi sealed die
doom of our country.
The first word pronounced by Buonaparte after the peace of
Presburg was, as usual with him, the sentence of confiscation. The
King of Naples ha^mig received into his territories an allied body of
Engush and Russian troops, the French emperor immediately
ordered his brother Joseph and Mass^a, with 60,000 men, to inarch
into and take possession of the whole of Italy; addix^, in the
manifesto he sent with them, ^'That the Bourbon dynasty had
ceased to reign in Naples." This dreadfid word produced so much
alarm in the royal lamily of that house, that the king abandoned
his capital and ned to Sicily, whilst Napoleon declared his brother
Joseph King of Naples. This new throne, nevertheless, was not
gained without the sacrifice of much blood, for the inhabitants of
Lower Italy rose up en masse against the invaders, and defended
themselves with great courage; but they were at length forced to
submit to the French, who poured large bodies of troops into the
country, and both Oalabna and Abrazza were conquered and
completely devastated.
HoUand was next on the list, being Hkewise changed into a king-
dom, and given to another brother, Louis Buonaparte, as his portion.
That cotmtry, however, did not suffer by the change, as the new
sovereign anxiously promoted its prosperity, feeling it his duty
rather to reign for the good of his people than bet controlled by
Digitized by VJ
THE RHENISH CONFEDERATION. 639
tbe will of his brother. Immediatdj afterwards, the brother-in-
law of the emperor, Joachim Murat, received the duchies of Cleves
and Berg, on the Rhine, the former having been ceded by Proana,
and the latter by Bavaiia for Anq)ach ; and, finally, to Alexander
Berthier, who was the emperor's confidential adviser, was allotted
the principality of Westphalia.
It was in the middle of this eventful year, that the last blow
was inflicted upon the constitution of the Germanic empire ; its
dissolution, whidi already existed in the act, was now clearly and
definitively confirmed. On the 12th of July, a Rhenish league
was foormed, by which the kings of Bavaria and Wiirtemburg, the
electoral arch-chancellor, the Elector of Baden, the Landgrave of
Hesse Darmstadt, and the Duke of Berg, (the last fouras grand-dukes,)
together with the princes of Nassau and Hohenzollen, and other
petty princes and nobles, separated themselves from the imperial
alliance, and acknowledged the Emperor of France as the protector
of their confederation. He commanded the right of naming the
prince-primate of the league, who presided at the assembly; of
deciding upon the question of war and peace, and fixing the con-
tingent to be furnished ; so that each war of France must become a
war of the Rhenish confederation, and thus forcing its members to
take up arms in her cause, even against their compatriots of Germany.
By such sacrifices, the princes obtained unlimited authority, with-
out being dependent upon any tribunal to which their subjects
in case of necessity might appeal, and without being bound to
adopt any ameliorated measures of government. On all these points,
the resolutions of the league were clear and precise ; but in all the
rest, every thing was obscure and equivocal, in order that the
protector's will might operate with all the e^ct of a law. It is
unnecessary to pronounce an opinion upon this confederation ; its
fiste was very soon decided, and posterity will no doubt seek to
obliterate all traces of its existence from our history.
The Emperor of Germany, deposing the degraded crown of the
ancient empire more than a thousand years after Chaiiemagne had
placed it up(m his own head, declared himself, on the 6th of August,
1806, hereditary Emperor of Austria.
What protection, nowever, Germany had to expect £rom her
new self-znade guardian, when compared with that affixrded her by
the house of Austria, was immediately shown. For, at the very
moment itself when the French envoy, Bacher, renewed the assur-
ance that France would never extend her frontiers beyond the
Rhine, the Fortress of Wesel was arbitrarily taken possession of by
the French, and chosen as the head-qxtarters of tJhe seventy-fifth
divifflon of dieir army.
The hostile designs contemplated by ihe formation of the Rhenish
confederation were directed against Prussia as well as Austria ; for
both powers beheld those who had remained their natural aUies
dmring the existence of the imperial government, now changed into
enemies, ready to declare their hostility towards theuMit thefixst
jitizedbyAljOOgle
640 PRUSSIA DECLARES WAR— THE ARMY— PRINCE LEWIS. J
outbreak with France. Napoleon had up to this moment tantalised '
the King of Prussia with the prospect of being able to form, under
his protection^ an alliance in the north, embracing the whole of that
portion of Germany, after the model of that of the Rhine ; now,
however, such alliance was completely repudiated, and even the
restoration of Hanover to England was not withheld by France.
Every thing, indeed, was done to mortify Prussia, and make it
evident that the French emperor was resolved not to endure the
existence of any independent nation beside his own. At length the
indignant king felt himself called upon to protect his country
against further insult and humiliation urom the nands of the insolent
invader, and in this determination he was supported by the voice
of his army and the nation throughout. Accordingly he demanded
that France should withdraw her troops from Grermanv ; that ^e
should no longer oppose the formation of a northern alliance, and
that Wesel shoula be at once evacuated by the French troops.
Compliance with these demands having been refused, Prussia forth-
with declared war.
When he received this declaration Napoleon said: '^ His heart
grieved to see that the genius of evil swayed continually, and ever
frustrated his plans for the promotion of the peace of Europe and
the happiness of his contemporaries.'' He now assembled his armies,
which were all ready for action, in France and Swabia, and he ad-
vanced with rapid marches towards the Thuringian forest. On the
north side of tnis forest was posted the grand JPrussian army imder
the orders of the Duke of Brunswick, an intrepid but old soldier
of seventy-two years of age, and whose principal officers were in a
state of disunion. Only a verv small portion of the Prussian army had
taken any share in the war of the Revolution, and thus been enabled
to make themselves acquainted with the lightninff-like celerity of
movement now practised by the French armies in all their operations;
the majority had abandoned themselves to ease and indifference
during the long peace of three and forty years, and it was because the
outward form of the institutions of Frederick the Great still existed,
that their continued reliance upon themselves became the more dan-
gerous. Not that either courage or capacity was wanting in many
mdividuals, but they were altogether without that energetic genius
so necessary to unite the whole. Thence they were forced to ex-
perience— what indeed the most pusillanimous among them could
never have thought possible — ^that, as in the wars of the ancient
world, one imlucky day decided the fate of an entire kingdom.
On the 10th of October, Prince Lewis of Prussia, the king's cou-
sin, in his impetuous, warlike ardour, imprudently engaged the
enemy in an unequal contest near Saalfeld, and was mortally
wounded on the spot. This unfortimate afiair laid open for the
French the entire route of the Saale, and advancing now with a
superior force, they surrounded the left flank of the Prussian army,
and cut off all communication with Saxony; hence, on the 13th of
October, Davoust was already in possession of Naumburg. The
jitized by VJ''
BATTLES OF JENA AND AUERSTADT. 641
supplies of the Pnisaans were lost, whicli reduced the whole army
to a state of the greatest want, unavoidably producing depression
and disorganisation, and in this condition the troops were called
upon to nght, having the Saale and the Elbe in front of them in-
stead of in their rear: thus the army was vanquished already before
the battle.
A portion of the Prussian army was at Auerstadt, imder the
command of the Duke of Brunswick; and the other, under the
orders of the Prince of Hohenlohe, was stationed at Jena and Yier-
zehnheiligen, but both without at aU acting in combination with
each other; and thev were accordingly attacked and defeated on the
same day. Marshal Davoust fought at Auerstadt, and Napoleon at
Jena. The Duke of Brunswick at the very commencement of the
battle, was killed by a cannon-ball; his death disarranged the plan
of the battle and threw the army into confusion. The desperate
courage of a few scattered re^mente could neither compensate for
the want of the co-operation of the whole army, nor effect a general
restoration of confidence. Surrounded on every side, the Prussians
retreated in the direction of Weimar, where they hoped to find
themselves reinforced by the corps under the command ot the Prince
of Hohenlohe, not bemg aware that his army had experienced a
similar fate at the same moment. They were, however, very soon
undeceived; for the disorder was so general in both armies, that in
the course of the night, whilst the one army was retreating in all
haste from Auerstadt to Weimar, it met a portion of the other
which was in full flight from Weimar to Auerstadt.
Ten days after the battle of Jena, Napoleon marched into BerHn
itself; and in less than six weeks from the commencement of the
war, he had already advanced as far as the Vistula and made him-
self master of nearly the entire kingdom, containing nearly nine mil-
lions of inhabitants and numerous fortified towns — ^the fruits of a
single battle in which an army, which had hitherto maintained its
character as the most distinguished body of troops in Europe, was
completely annihilated.
This speedy conquest of the Prussian States — a conquest far be-
yond the expectations even of the emperor himself — had completely
banished from the heart of the con<|ueror eveiy feeling of mode-
ration, and only served to excite within his ambitious soul a greater
desire for unlimited dominion. Encouraged by his success, ne de-
clared in Berlin, that he would never give up that city until he
had conquered a general peace; and it was firom the same city that
he issued the decree of the 2l8t of November, 1806, against the
English, by which the British Islands were declared in a state of
blockade, British manufactures excluded firom all the continental
ports, all British property on the continent and vessels that had
only even touched on the shores of Albion, were to be seized. This
unheard of system might have crushed the commercial prosperity of
England; but the results, as it turned out, were more injurious to
^ ^ Digitized by Google
642 BATTLES OF EYLAU AND FRIEDLAND.
the continent. For Ikigland, now taking posse^on of all the co-
lonies of Europe, cultivated their soil with great care and industry,
and instead of importing the timber for the construction of her ships
from the north of Europe, supplied herself therewith from Canada
and Ireland; whilst Europe itself found its commerce languish and
sink, and although its industry furnished man^ articles wbidi it
would otherwise nave imported from England, it could not oran-
pensate for the loss of its commerce on the seas.
The remains of the Prussian army under Ealkreuth and Lestocq,
now made more wise by the bitter experience of the few last months,
and rendered a more select and organised body of troops, formed a
junction with the Russians, who now entered once more ihe field of
battle. After several skirmishes in Poland, all without any im-
portant results, the two armies, amounting to nearly 200,000 men,
again met in Prussia, and on the 7th and 8th of February, 1807,
during the most severe frost and amidst a continuous fall of snow,
they lought another sanguinary battle at Eylau, near Konigsbei^.
The elite of the French guard were here completely annihilated,
and the battle still remained undecided. The Russians fought with
the most determined and unshaken courage, and the Prussians under
the orders of Lestocq, arriving just in time to the aid of the right
wing which was hard pressed, bravely repulsed the final attack of
the French with complete success. jBoth armies maintained the
field, each claiming the victory; the advantage, however, was on
the side of the allies, and it was generally believed that a finesh
attack on the third day must force the French to make a retreat.
But Beningsen, the Russian general, did not hold himself bound to
exact from his army, already so much fatigued, such superhuman
efforts, and he therefore retired to Kbnigsberg. The French likewise
withdrew to their old position on the Passarge, and an uninterrupted
cessation of hostihties was preserved for the space of four months,
during which the two armies strengthened their forces as much as
possible; whilst, meantime, this overwhelming burden of several
hundred thousand foreign troops dispersed all over her kingdom,
inflicted upon ill-fated Prussia incalculable suffering and distress.
Napoleon, during this interval, hastened, with all possible activity,
to lay siege to Dantzic; this strong fortification was commanded by
General Kalkreuth, and was bravely defended by him, until, find-
ing all communication with the sea cut off, by which he was de-
prived of all hopes of relief, he was forced to a surrender on the
24th of May, although upon honourable terms of capitulation.
The Russians and Pru^ns, after having neglected to avail them-
selves of the former favourable and decisive moment, now advanced
and attacked the French intrenchm^its on the Passarge. They
fought with the greatest bravery, but the enemy having been re-
inforced by the 30,000 men who had just returned from the siege
of Dantzic, and being likewise well protected by their strong in-
trenchments, they repulsed the allies, and were now, in their turn, en-
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
PEACE OF TILSIT BETWEEN RUSSIA AND FRANCE. 643
abled to act upon the offensive. A succession of severe and obsti-
nate fighting took place from the 6 th to the 12th of June, on which
day the decisive battle of Friedland was fought. This hard-con-
tested action lasted from the dawn of day to the middle of night.
The Russians fought with great bravery, and the victory was de-
cidedly on their side; but in their elated feelings, they neglected to
exercise that caution which should always be observed, even by a
conqueror. Thus, towards the afternoon, the divisions under liey
and Victor, together with Buonaparte's guard, marched into the
field, and the fate of this sanguinary day was at once decided ; the
[Russians were overthrown on all sides, and retreating across the
river Alle, they fell back upon their own finontiers, and gained the
river Niemen. On the 19th of June, Napoleon took and entered
Tilsit, the last of the Prussian towns, and on the 16th of the same
month, his army took possession of Eonigsberg.
A conference now took place between me Emperors of France and
Rusffla, on a raft erected on the river Niemen, at which a peace was
speedily agreed upon, the dismemberment of Prussia was decided,
and a compact for mutual support in the relations of Europe con-
cluded for a fixed period. Napoleon, always so happy in the em-
ployment of cunning and specious language, of which he was a per-
fect master, succeeded this time, likewise, in persuading the Empe-
ror Alexander, that his sole object was the pacification of the conti-
nent; whilst all his plans were uniquely directed towards protecting
the coasts against the insolent arrogance of the English nation, and
to secure eventually the firee dominion of the seas. He then pre-
tended that his chief desire was to form a bond of lasting finendahip
with Russia, in order that, both united, they might be enabled to esta-
blish the prosperity and happiness of Europe, inasmuch as then, with-
out their concurrence, no war could arise to interrupt the union of
nations.
Accordingly, in this j)eace, Cattaro, Ragusa, and the seven isles (of
the Ionian seas) were given up to France by Russia, who received
in return, as compensation, large tracts of land, together with 400,000
subjects belonging to Prussia Poland ; whilst Frederick William,
who was scarcely able to call any part of his kingdom his own, was
forced to submit to the most degrading and painfiil sacrifices, and
ceded eventually the moiety of his possessions with 6,000,000 of
subjects, including, amongst the rest, the city of Dantzic, which was
now declared a firee city, and the Polish territory, which was changed
into a grand duchy of Warsaw, of which the King of Saxony was
chosen grand duke. Thus, Frederick Augustus, who had declared
himself a neutral power three days after the battle of Jena, and soon
afterwards joined in alliance with France, was now King of Saxony
and a member of the Rhenish Confederation.
In addition to all this, Prussia lost the whole of her territories
between the Elbe and the Rhine, the greater part of which Buona-
parte converted into a new kingdom — ^Westphalia — ^which he gave to
2 T 2 Digitized by Google
644 HESSE, &c.— JEROME BUONAPARTE — LIEUT. 8CHILL.
His youngest brother, Jerome; to which he added a portion of Han-
over, the duchy of Brunswick — ^because its duke haa been leader of
the Prussian army — and the principality of Hesse-Cassel. Thus the
terrible ban was now at once pronounced and executed against the
house of Hesse, viz: '^ That it should cease to reign, for having," as
he said, ** always shown itself inimical to France, and for having
further, in this war with Prussia, maintained so equivocal a position.
Such was termed the neutrality which Hesse had so strictly ob-
served of her own accord throughout the war. The entire country
was forthwith invaded and conquered, and the elector driven from
his capital and made a furtive ; whilst the new king, a complete
stranger, entered its gates m triumph, followed bv a train of French
officials, and, to the shame of Germany, mounted the throne of this
ancient princely family, the descendants of the Saxons and Chatti.
King Frederick William was now left with only a small portion
of his states and subjects, yet in the latter he found himself sur-
rounded by a firm and devoted body of men; whilst he had the
additional gratification of knowing that at least three of his fortified
cities in Prussia— Colberg, Graudenz, and Pillau, bravely refused to
accept terms of surrender from the enemy, and that two others in
Silesia — Kosel and Glatz — ^likewise maintained a successful defence.
Ghraudenz was commanded by a veteran, General Courbiere, who,
when summoned by the French to surrender, and who represented to
him that the king had now lost his kingdom and had crossed the
Niemen, repUed: " Well then, I will be king in Graudenz/*
The king had placed Colberg under the command of Colonel
(zneisenau, well assured beforehand that in him he sent a pillar of
stren^h to that city, and one who would never yield. In addition
to this, a free corps of light hussars had been formed in the neigh-
bourhood, under the sanction of the king, by a young heroic officer,
Lieutenant Schill, assisted by others of equally daring character,
which, continually harassed and fell upon the enemy's troops every-
where around.
Meantime Napoleon returned to Paris and brought with him, as
tokens of triumpn, the car of victory which he had removed from
one of the gates of Berlin, together with the sword of Frederick
the Great; whilst he caused two bridges to be erected in the capital,
bearing the names of the two great battles of Jena and Austerlitz.
His domination, indeed, was by this new peace raised to such a
pinnacle of glory, and appeared in the eyes of all men to be so firmly
established, that whoever would have predicted that ere the elapse
of a few more years those very Prussians then trodden under foot,
would march into Paris itself, and arms in hand, retake possession
of their car of victory, would only have been laughed at and treated
as a maniac. But those who could penetrate into Napoleon's cha-
racter, might have easily foreseen that his restless ambition must
soon hurry him on to contend for fi^esh conquests; but which,
although acquired, only produced his eventual overthrow.
Digitized by
Google
AUSTRIA DECLARES WAR AGAINST FRANCE, 1809. 645
CHAPTER XXXV.
Austria declares War against France, 1809— Battles of Gross— -Aspem and Ess-
Ungen — Archduke Charles — The Austrians VictoriouB — Lieutenant Schill
killed— Execution of Palm, the Bookseller— The Tyrolese— Battle ofWagram—
Defeat of the Austrians— Peace of Vienna— The French in the Tyrol— The Moun-
taineers overpowered — ^Ezecution of Hofer, the Tyrolese Patriot— The Duke of
Brunswick— His Territory seized — His hold March — Embarks for England—
His Heroic Death — Napoleon at the Height of his Power— Marriage with the
Archduchess Maria Louisa of Austria, 1810 — His continued Usurpations in
Germany^His Campaign in Russia, 1812— Conflagration of Moscow — The French
Army destroyed — Napoleon's Flight and Return to Paris — ^The King of Prussia's
Declaration and general Arming of his Nation against the Invaders, 1813 —
Napoleon's Preparations — The French in Germany.
Austria was once more roused, and actuated by the same motives
of honour as influenced Prussia in the year 1806, she determined
at any sacrifice to revenge herself for the insolent arrogance and
menaces of her detested enemy; accordingly she took up arms again,
and recommenced war in 1809. Her own immediate territory, it is
true, had not undergone the same treatment as that of her neigh-
bour, but it was this very state of suffering and degradation in
which she beheld those around her, that induced her to take this
step. In addition to this, Napoleon had in the preceding summer
held a meeting with the Emperor Alexander at Erfurt, and there had
renewed more firmly his alliance with that monarch, by which it ap-
peared as if Russia and France had resolved to arrogate to them-
selves the right of assuming the character of arbitrators of Europe^
and thus treat Austria, which for so many centuries had been the
central point of the European powers, as no longer worthy of con-
sideration. This conduct could no longer be tolerated with patience,
for beyond a certain degree, patience itself degenerates into pusilla-
nimity. Thence Austna's declaration of war was in all respects
honourable, noble, and generous, for she came forth and entered the
field of battle unsupported by any other jx^wer, trusting alone to
her own resources.
At the same time, however, Austria, well knowing that on the
present occasion she must not depend upon her regulax army alone
for her safety, resolved upon carrying on the war in aU its extent
and making it national. She issu^ proclamations for a general
rising of the people to rally under her banners as volunteers; formed
numerous bodies of them into regular regiments of Landwehr or
patriotic defenders, appealed to the nation in the most eloquent
and heart-stirring language, placed the princes of her own royal
house at the head of the troops, and finally availed herself of, and
brought at once into operation, aU the powers and resources of her rich
and beautiful possessions, to an extent never before effected: pro-
Digitized by
Google
646 DISASTERS OF AUSTRIA— ARCHDUKE CHARLES.
ductlve altogether of such detennined co-operation throughout the
entire nation, that if ever its inunediate dehverance and permanent
liberty might be looked upon as secured through its own united
strength, such glorious results might be justly anticipated on the
present occasion.
But now in 1809, as previously in 1806, Europe was not yet ripe
for her deliverance ; it was still neceaaaiy that the fire of puruicatioa
should penetrate in all parts, and that the misety already so gCTeral,
should he rendered infinitely greater, in order that every feeling of
egotism should be renounced, and the history of the entire world
present the grand and unusual spectacle of a holy war, in which all
nations of the east and west, north and south, should rise up as one
single individual, animated by one spirit only, and united by one
common bond, fight for liberty, honour, and virtue.
What German patriot, to whom his native country is more dear
and precious than all other possessions, can ever forget the fluctuating
feelings of hope and fear by which he was a^tated during this war
of 1809, or the indignation aroused within him when he beheld the
enemy he so hated and loathed advancing with his army, the flower
of which was composed of his fellow-countrymen, the federalists of
the Rhine ? Who can ever forget how with this brave body of (Jer-
mans he forced the Austrians by furious and incessant attacks to
retreat from Bavaria, into which territory they had only just pene-
trated, and how in his arrogance he declared, that ere the lapse of
another month he would march into Vienna itself ? Truly, thus was
a disastrous period for Austria, and the actions fought at P&ffenhofen,
Tann, Abensberg, Landshut, Ek^miihl, andRatisbon, from the 19th
to the 23rd of April, although maintained with the greatest bravery
wd determination, ended in the complete discomfiture of the Aus-
trian army ; these sad results, however, were more especially pro-
duced through the fault committed by the Austrians in extending
their line of forces to too great a length, and thus Napoleon, with
his usual celeritv of movement, brought his entire force against one
single point. He was then enabled to advance with the eHte of his
army, and especially his cavalry, and by throwing himself now
against one division, then against another, he succeeded by these
overwhelming attacks in throwing the Austrian line into complete
disorder. And it must certainly be admitted, that on this occasion
especially, he gave remarkable proofs of his miUtaiy genius and
talents. He appeared every where, and in the thickest of every
danger at the moment he was required, his presence and ex-
ample inspiring his soldiers with the greatest enthusiasm. Indeed,
it appeared as if he had determined to devote all his strength and
power this time towards the total annihilation of the Austrian army,
for he followed up his victory without a moment's loss of time, rest-
ing neither night nor day.
The Archduke Charles retreated with his troops, which in spite of
tile sanguinary days of April, still formed a powerful army, to the
Digitized by
Google
BATTLES OF ASPERN AND ESSUNOEN— -VIENNA. 647
left bank of the Danube, towards Bohemia; whilst Napoleon advanced
along the right bank to Vienna. The Archduke Maximilian de-
fended this city for a few days successfully; but owing to its great
extent and the want of necessary means of defence, it was impossible
to hold out a siege, and the place accordingly surrendered to jSuona*
parte, who entered it on the 12th of May; imzckediately after which
conquest the French army resumed its march, and crossing the
Danube, pursued the Archduke Charles, inorder to inflict thelastanni-
hilating blow upon Austria. On the 2l8t and 22nd of May, a severe
battle was fought on the immense plains of Aspemand Esslingen, dose
to the spot wnere in former times Rudolphus of Hapsburg overthrew
Ottacar, King of Bohemia. Napoleon^ however, found that the Aus-
trian army was more difficult to contend with now than previously,
and he found it animated with a far more active and energetic spirit
than when last he met it at Ratisbon. The heroic Charles, durinar
the short interval that had elapsed since the reverses of April, had
applied himself more especially to perfect his infiuitry in the improved
system of forming themselves into squares, and thus present an in-
vulnerable wall against all attacks from the enemy's cavalry ; and in
this object he succeeded completely, as was evinced on the present
occasion. Every attempt made by the French cuirassiers to pene-
trate these masses was in vain ; firm as rocks they maintained their
ground in the most cool and undaunted manner, and the furious
norsemen were repulsed at each renewed attack, until at length,
receiving the reserved fire of the Austrians, they were completely
overthrown, and taking to flight, were pursued in all directions by
the Axistrian cavalry.
This firm and unshaken courage displaced by the Austrian infim-
try, the personal bravery for which the lachtenstein cavalry were so
much distinguished, together with the excellent generalship and
heroism shown by Prince Charles himself, who was in every part
where danger threatened, most combined on this ffreat day, the 21st
of May, to paralyse all efforts made hy the Frendn, who were fidrly
beaten. The village of Aspem, of which the enemy had taken pos-
session as the central point of operations^ was now retaken by the
Austrians. And now the archduke, availing himself of eveiy
resource, brought to his aid another powerful ally, by which sdll
more to incapacitate the enemy. Thus turning to advantage the
present swollen state of the waters of the mighty Danube, he caused
heavy barges and other loaded craft to be launched down its course
against the bridge of boats, recently constructed by Buonaparte.
And in this he likewise completely succeeded. The bndge was torn
asunder, and thus the French leader found himself on the left bank
of the river, cut off fiom Vienna and the rest of his army ; being now
forced in that position to renew the battle on the following day, the
22nd. AU his efforts and tactics were, however, on this occasion
futile ; neither his cavalry, infantry, or artillery, could hold out
against the Austrian forces. The battle was lost, and if Massena
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
648 DEATH OP LIEUT. SCHILL — EXECUTION OF PALM.
had not succeeded in capturing the small town of Esslingen, the waDs
of which served as a rampart to cover and secure theirretreat, the entire
French army would have been annihilated. Nay — as it has suhse-
Juently been asserted — ^independently of this, it must have Btill^ been
estroyed had the archduke lollowed up his victory, and immediately
attacked the island of Lobau, where Napoleon had taken refuge,
and awaited in the greatest anxiety, until the bridge was repaired on
the other arm of the Danube ; but being left immolested, he reeroesed
the river, by which means he was enabled to return to Vienna.
The field of battle, however, was covered with his slaughtered troops,
of which the Austrians counted three thousand cuirassiers alone.
This decisive battle excited fresh hope in all hearts. Already,
in various districts throughout the land, the people now emulated
each other in evincing their hatred and fury towards the invaders,
and shaking off their yoke. In the north, the bold patriot, Schill,
again came forth at the head of his hussars and a numerous body
of brave volunteers, and directed all his energies against the
common enemy ; whilst in Hesse another daring leader, Domberg,
united with several others for the purpose of driving firam the
throne of their legitimate prince, the foreign usurper who had
fixed his seat of government m Cassel, and thus the work of deliver-
ance commenced in that quarter. Nevertheless, owing to the uni-
versal respect in which the law and spirit of pubUc order were
held by the people, there was a want of that co-operation so neces-
sary, and the attempts thus made turned out unsuccessful. Schill,
who had unfortunately found himself less supported than the cause
he fought for merited, was forced eventually to throw himsdf into
Stralsund. Thence he hoped to be enabled to set sail for England,
in order subsequently to return at a more favourable moment to
Germany, and recommence operations upon a more effective plan.
Stralsund, however, was 'besieged and taken by the imited forces
of France, Holland, and Denmark, and SchiU, with his httle band
of heroes, was unhappily cut to pieces. From this moment, terror
and dismay producea their disheartening effects in every part of
Germany, and deterred all fjx)m attempting to firee themselves
from the despotic sway of the ruling powers. They were, indeed,
not only fettered in their liberty of action, but also in that of speech,
inasmuch as Napoleon condemned an innocent bookseller — ^Palm of
Erlangen — to be shot for having published a pamphlet containing
remarks upon the humiliating state of Germany, and refusing to give
up the name of its author. This tyrannical act produced such
revolting effects upon the minds of all throughout Germany, that
the feeling of bitter hatred already excited so universally aeainst
him, became more and more con&rmed and deep-rooted, and the
cry of vengeance for the innocent blood thus shed, did not long
remain imsatisfied.
An event of a more serious character than those alluded to in
the north of Grermany , was the revolt of the fiuthful Tyrolese under
Digitized by
Google
THE TYROLESE VANQUISHED — ^HOFER SHOT. 649
Hofer, Straub, and Speckbacher. These bold and hardj men of
the mountain had akeadj driven away the French invaders twice
from their land, adopting the same system of warfitre formerly pur-
sued with such overwhelming effect by the Swiss, and by which the
latter so completely succeeded in humbling the pride of their Aus*
trian rulers, and the flower of their nobility and cavaliers. All
Germany rejoiced when it beheld on the summit of these majestic
mountains tnat liberty still maintained her sway in the bosom of
that home where all spoke the national tongue, and fervent was the
hope that victory would crown those efforts devoted to so noble and
sacred a cause. Other hopes were now likewise excited, by en-
couraging events in another quarter, inasmuch as the EngUsh had,
at this time, sent a numerous fleet to the Island of Waldieren, on
the coast of Holland, and thence it was expected a grand blow
would be inflicted upon the power of France — all these hopes and
anticipations, however, only proved once more illusive.
Buonaparte, after the battle of Aspem, collected reinforcements
firom Bavaria, Wiirtemburg, Saxony, Italy, and Illyria, so that he
was now enabled to recross the Danube, and advance against the
Archduke Charles with a very superior force. The passa^ across
the river was effected during a most tempestuous night, and amidst
the continual roaring of cannon ; and on the 5thand 6th of July, was
fought the grand and decisive battle of Wagram. From the towers of
Vienna the inhabitants beheld the two armies drawn up in battle,
and were enabled to observe clearly the movements ot the right
wing of the Austrians ; when they saw these troops gaining upon
the enemy and in ftdl pursuit, one universal shout of joy was echoed
forth fiK>m eveiy quarter. But this welcome, grateful feeling of
elation, had but a brief existence; for, in the meantime, the left
wing of the Austrian army had been completely surrounded — the
auxiliary troops from Hungary not having marched up in time—
and the Archduke Charles was forced to retreat. Thence, only six
days after the battle, an armistice was concluded, and negotiations
forpeace were commenced.
The news of this unexpected reverse was very dishearteniM to
the Tyrolese. Nevertheless, they once more united all their eflSrts,
and expelled the French under Marshal Lefevre from their country,
in the hope that, stimulated bv such patriotic devotion, the Aus-
trians would recommence war. iDut the misfortunes and deprivations
endured by his subjects operated too strongly upon the leelings of
the Emperor Francis; whilst, in addition to nis own depressed con-
dition, the news arrived of the disastrous results of the English ex-
pedition to Holland. Accordingly, the negotiations were con-
tinued, and a peace was finally concluded. Meantime, the Tjrrolese
were again assailed by the French, now united with the Bavarians,
and this time the invaders were triumphant. The entire country
was surrounded on every side, and, in spite of the desperate resist-
ance made by the brave mountaineers, and the consequent losses
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
650 THE DUKE OF BRUNSWICK — ^NAPOLEON^S POWER.
sustained by their foes, pass after pass, mountain after mountain,
were conquered, and the whole land derastated with fire and sword,
— the brave defenders being either killed or made prisoners. Their
heroic and devoted chief, Hofer, was sei2ed, and dragged to the
other side of the Alps, in Italy, and cruelly shot, as a tnutcnr, in the
citadel of Mantua.
Another hero, the Duke of Brunswick, likewise made a brave at-
tempt to reconquer his own possessions; but his efforts were in vain.
However, by a bold and successftd march he made with his devoted
corps of twelve hundred men — ^the black hussars — commencing- at the
frontiers of Bohemia, and continuing his course over a space of
nearly four hundred miles, and in the midst of the enemy's txoope —
he crossed the territories of Leipsic, Halle, Halberstadt, his own
hereditary Duchy — whence the usurpers had driven him — and Ban*
over, and paved his way to the mouth of the Weser at Elafleth ;
there, with his brave legion, he embarked, and set sail for England,
where he safely landed, and was received with that hospitality and
admiration due to him as an exile and a hero.*
Austria, by the peace of Vienna, was forced to yield Sakburg
and several other territories to Bavaria; the major part of her pos-
sessions in Poland she gave up to the Grand-duke of Warsaw and
to Russia; and she was Ekewise deprived of her remaimng provinoes
in Italy, together with the whole of Blyria: and thus she was forced
to sacnfice, on the one side, all her possesions annexed to the sea;
and, on the other, all her frontier Ime of fortified plaoes, together
with the mighty bulwarks of her moimtains. These latter sacrifices
were even more severely felt than the loss she now again sustained
of two thousand square miles of territory, and more than three mil<*
lions of her subjects.
The Emperor Napoleon, by the peace of Vienna, had now raised
himself to such an eminence, that all hope of reducing his power
was nearly extinguished. In order to fix himself more securely in
the position he commanded, and to exalt himsdf in the eyes ol the
world by an alliance with the most ancient of all the nrincely
houses of Europe, he compelled his wife, the Empress Josepnine, to
sign a divorce, and offered his hand to the Archduchess Mana
Louisa, daughter of the Emperor Francis. The latter consented
to make this great sacrifice: '^ It was in order to promote," as was
stated in a subsequent declaration of Austria, *' the most sacred
interests of the monarchy and of humanity itself, and as a bulwark
against evils the extent of wUch could not be seen, and as a pledge
for the maintenance of order, that his majesty resigned cme of me
most precious objects of his affections ; and thus he formed an
alliance, the object of which was to console and rdlieve his oppressed
* The sabeeqnent history of thia henMC man mav be sammed up in a fewirordi.
He died as he had lived, the brayest of the brave, in the desperate actum of Qoatre
Bras, on the evening before the never-to-be-forgotten day of Waterloo, at the head
of his Black Hussars.
Digitized by
Google
MARRIAGE WITH B^kRU LOUISA OP AUSTRIA —DESPOTISM. 651
and Unhappy sulnects ; to restore and make permanent the long-
desired feeung of security after the sufferings and calamitieB pro*
duced in a struggle so unequal ; to incline the powerful and over-
bearing to act with moderation and justice, and thus establish an
equilibrium, without which the community of states could only
form a community of misery/' The Emperor Napoleon had now
attained that pomt in his career, when the object of his desire
should be rather to confirm, than with insatiable ambition to ex-
tend the conquests already obtained. By his alliance with this,
the most ancient Imperial house in Christendom, the edifice of his
grandeur would acqmre in the eyes of the French nation and the
whole world sucb solidity, that further attempts to augment it, espe-
cially by wars, would only have the effect of impairing it, and ulti-
mately, perhaps, bringing about its total destruction. After so
many years of futile efforts and incalciilable sacrifices made by Geiy
many for the establishment of peace, it was hoped that now the
confidence and good faith thus shown and proved on the part of Aus-
tria towards France, must produce prosperous and happy results.
But how much was the noble-mindedFrancis deceived in the confi-
dence he thus so generously and naturally expressed I In the same
year that the new alliance was formed— the marriage having taken
place on the 2nd of April, 1810 — the Viceroy of Italy was elected
successor to the Prince-rrimate, now Grand-duke of Frankfort ; Hol-
land, after Louis had resided the crown because he would not
allow his brother to make nirn his agent in the destruction of the
people, was now annexed as a province to the kingdom of France,
^^ that country being,'' as was pretended, "nothmg else but an
alluvion of the Rhine, the Meuse, and the Scheldt, the principal
arteries of France." And finally, in order to show the power he
possessed of doin^ as he pleased, and that no consideration should
operate as a check upon his desimis. Napoleon suddenly determined
to unite with France the whole of the north-west of Germany,
situated at the mouth of the Weser, the Ems, and the Elbe, to*
f ether with the ancient firee cities of Hamburg, Bremen, and
fubeck. His pretext for this was, ^' that a system of contraband
trading with England was pursued along these coasts, and by those
cities. Thus Germany found herself ^olly deprived of her coasts
and maritime commerce ; the great river which had hitherto
formed the natural division of territory between France and Grer-
many, was now wholly under French dominion. . In fact, an arbitrary
line of demarcadon was marked out across countries and rivers,^ as
it suited the conqueror's caprice, so that it was easy to perceive
that this was only the introduction to that which was to follow
upon a much more extensive scale, and that the whole of Germany
must gradually, and part by part, be drawn into and ingulphed
in the one universal, final abyss.
Meantime, Napoleon was far from comprehending the legiti-
mate means by which he would have been enabled to secure to his
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
662 HIS CAMPAIGN IN RUSSIA— MOSCOW BURNT.
power so newly established and oiiginallj produced b j the violation cf
of all sacred and human rights, that fixed duration extending beyond
the existence even of the founder himself ; he was ignorant of the
method by which to inculcate in the minds of his people llie necessary
faith in this lasting power, and all that he did only tended to pro-
duce the opposite of this impression. Already, in 1809, whilst in
Vienna, he caused the pope, the venerable father of the Catholic
community, to be made a prisoner like a criminal in his own ancient
capital ; and now he followed up this act of tjrranny by annexing
Rome itself to his own vast empire, and decided that his son,
newly born, as well as all eldest sons of futtire emperors, should
receive the title of King of Rome. Such acts called forth the
most bitter hatred against him in the hearts of millions of men in
all countries, and his name was pronoimced with curses ; but upon
his iron-hearted nature neither curses nor blessings left any im-
pression. His empire appeared to him immoveably fixed, and based,
as it was, upon the strength of 500,000 soldiers, and an auxiUazy
force of innumerable spies, he felt secure in all his power. Never-
theless, scarcely had two years passed over his head, before the
colossus of this mighty power was overturned, and the Emperor of
France forced to sign his abdication.
Napoleon now turned upon the Emperor Alexander, and accusing
him of maintaining a secret xmderstanding with England, and en-
couraging the people of Germany to revolt against him, he forth-
with declared war against Russia; he accordingly commenced pre-
parations for this campaign, the results of which produced his ruin,
and enabled the Germanic empire to throw off the yoke imposed
upon it by the ruthless invader.
In the summer of the year 1812, Napoleon commenced his march
for the invasion of the gigantic empire of Russia, with an army of
400,000 infantry and 60,000 horse, together with a train of twelve
hundred pieces of artillery. The preparations for this great ejqpe-
dition had occupied him full two years ; having collected together
the most choice troops from all parts of Europe, and supplied and
equipped them with every necessary materiel for the campaign.
Tie first and immediate object in view was the destruction of the
Russian empire; but there is no doubt that it was the intention of
Napoleon, if he succeeded in forcing the Russians to conclude a
peace, to extend his progress even to Asia itself, in order, if possible,
to expel his greatest enemies — the English — from their vast posses-
sions in the East Indies. He crossed the Niemen and directed his
march towards Moscow, where he arrived and made his triumphal
entry on the 14th of September, taking up his residence in the
Kremlin, the ancient palace of the czars. Here, however, Pro-
vidence fixed the term of his victorious career, for scarcely had he
estabHshed himself in his quarters before the entire city was a
mass of flames, having been set on fire in more than a hundred
difierent parts, and very soon this pkce, so shortly before the
Digitized by
Google
napoleon's FUGHT — PRUSSIA ARMS AGAINST HIM. 653
magnificent metropolis of the country, was completely reduced
to a heap of ruins and ashes, and all the supphes upon which
Napoleon had calculated, so necessary for his troops during the five
months of winter, became likewise a prey to the flames. He had
now only sufficient provisions to last for a fbw weeks^ and as the
Smperor Alexander refused to come to any terms of peace, he was
forced, at the end of October, to make a retreat; instead, however,
of taking the route across Caluga, as the most wise and prudent
course, inasmuch as the war had not touched that territory, he re-
turned by the road of Smolensko, alon^ the whole of which all the
maga2dnes had been sacked and every tiling laid waste by both the
French and the Russians themselves. Thence the fugitives amidst
the rigours of this particularly bitter winter, very soon experienced
all the horrors of mmine; which, added to the want of clothing and
shelter, completed their misery. Disorder and insubordination spread
throughout the ranks, and the light cavalry of the Russians now
harassing them in every direction, night and day, their numbers
diminished more and more. Nevertheless the common danger held
together great numbers of the retreating army, and out of such an
immense body hundreds of thousands might still have escaped had
it not been for their more destructive and mighty enemy — the
dreadful winter — which sealed their inevitable doom. But the pen
refuses longer to dwell upon the horrors resulting from this cam-
paign, which, in truth, were beyond all description. Suffice it that
out of half a million of human beings, who were led into this war
by their arrogant chief, scarcely 30,000 returned capable of bearing
arms.
Germany now saw the favourable moment arrive of which she
must avail herself at once in order to throw off the tyrant's yoke and
reconquer her liberty. Prussia was the first to set the example.
Her army, which had been compelled to follow in the ranks of the
French in the Russian expedition, was, fortunately, in good condi-
tion to fight for the liberty of its country, inasmuch as the position
it had occupied in the invader's forces having been the extreme left,
it had scarcely suffered at all. General lork, the Prussian com-
mander, who was equally well acquainted with ihe sentiments of the
king as he was with the feelings of the people, had no sooner gained
the frontiers of Prussia than he abandoned the French and hastened
to demand of his king, whether he should form a junction with the
Russians. Frederick vV^illiam, who was still in Berlin, which was
garrisoned by the French, decided in the affirmative, and repaired
immediately to Breslaw, whence, on the 3rd of February, 1813, he
called upon the youth of his dominions to come forth and assemble
around him in defence of their fatherland. His appeal penetrated
the hearts of all, and thousands of yoimg men poured in and ranged
themselves under his banner; Berlin itself contributing a force of
10,000 men.
In addition to this the king summoned together the Landwehr or
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
654 napoleon's preparations— marches into GERMANY.
ndlida of the country, and on the 17th of March, 1813, he dedazed
war against France. This bold and determined step, however, was
not unattended with danger, for the French still possessed in Prus-
sia and Poland eight strong fortifications and more than 65,000 of
their troops were in occupation of the Prussian dominions; never-
theless, Prussia was soon enabled to develop her entire strengtL
For the king, in conjunction with those around him, had not allowed
the short interval to pass away idly, and the most prudent measures
were adopted in secret in order to be ready at the desired moment
The youtn had been kept in the continual practice of arms, m1ISte^
ing altemately in small bodies, at the appointed places, and thus the
country was supplied with its brave defenders, uniting the power
with the will to exterminate their hated invaders.
Napoleon, in the meantime, having determined to provide far his
own personal security, had abandoned the remnant of his army in
Russia and fled to Paris, travelling night and day, and arrived mere
on the 18th of December.
He immediately ordered a fresh levy of 350,000 men to be made,
in order to replace, as he said, the loss, mentioned in his twenty-
ninth bulletin, of 30,000 men and great part of his artillery and
baggage; and when the Kin^ of Prusoa's declaration of war was
published, he ordered an additional levy of 180,000 men. The
French nation, accordingly, accustomed as it was to obey the em-
peror's commands without a murmur, did not hesitate a moment to
pour forth its youth, and to the astonishment of the whole of Emrope,
a numerically superior and well-appointed army was collected, whidi
forthwith marched to and crossed the Rhine and advanced into Ger-
many to fight for and maintain the glory of the French emperor.
At the same time, in order to secure to himself a guarantee for the
tranquillity of his empire, he appointed a guard of honour, consisting
of young men of the most distmguished families, who served as vo-
lunteers, armed and ec^uipped at their own expense. And as he
had lost the whole of his cavalry in Russia, he collected together all
the gendarmerie throughout France, out of which he formed a body
of 16,000 cavalry; whilst to serve as artillerymen he collected toge-
ther 30,000 of his marines. In addition to these troops, he received
50,000 auxiliaries from Italy, and the Rhenish Confederation fur-
ni^ed him with a considerable contingent of soldiers. Tlienoe he
was enabled, in the month of April, to march into Saxony wiUi
several hundred thousand men, and as his army was continually
augmented, he eventually entered the field with the gigantic force of
500,000 men. Completely blinded by his success in raising such
an army, in which he placed his entire reliance, he would not listen
for a moment to any proposal for peace. Austria took great pains
in endeavouring to promote this object, and if his proud and obstmate
mind had only partially yielded to the dictates of reason, he might
have succeeded in retaimng possession at least of all the territories
along the Rhine, On the 31st of March, shortly after he had re-
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
SUCCESSES OF THE PRUSSIANS — QUEEN OF PRUSSIA* 655
cdTed the King of Prussia's declaration of war, he caused to be in*
serted in the government journal of that day, his determination,
viz. : "that if even the enemy were to march into Paris, and take up
liis position on Montmartre itself, still he would not give up a single
village out of all the conquered territories in his possesaion !" and on
the following day, the 1st of April, he published a counter-declaia*
tion of war against the King of Prussia, and zesolved in his heart this
time to completely annihilate the kingdom as well as the veiy name
of Prussia.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
Succettesof the Prussians— The Duke of Mecklenbtxrg-Strelitx— His Daughter, the
Qneen of Fmssinr-Erfdrt— Russia unites with Ftussiar— Battle of Liitsen— Na-
poleon in Ihnden— The King of Saxony— Battle of Bautzen^Hamborg taken by
Marshal Dayoust— Heayj Contributions — The Armistice — ^Prussia — The Lutzow
Free Corps — Theodore Komer — ^Austria endeavours to negotiate a Peace between
France and the Allies— The Congress at Prague— Napoleon reftises all Conces-
sion— ^The Emperor of Austria declares War, and joins Russia and Prussiar—
Dresden— Benewal of Hostilities — Strength and Position of the Allied Farces —
Bemadotte—Blucher— Prince Schwartzenberg— Marshal Oudinot— Battle of
Gross-Beeren— Defeat of the FrendL
The Viceroy Eugene was encamped with the remnant of the
French aripy which l)ad escaped from Russia, and a few additional
troops, under the walls of Magdeburg, and found himself forced to
leave the rest of the river Elbe completely open. The French were,
nevertheless, anxious to maintain, at least, possession of its mouth,
K^ether wiA the important city of Hamburg, and General Morand
advanced accordingly with the four thousand men who had held
possession of the coasts of Mecklenburg and Pomerania; but he was
?urBued by the light troops under the command of three brave leaders,
'ettenbom, Czemitschef, and Doernberg, who prevented him
completely from gaining any footing on the right bank of the Elbe,
and thus forced him to recross the nver and retire to Bremen. The
people throughout the whole north of Germany ^eeted their deli-
verers with me greatest joy and delight. The Duke of Mecklen-
burg-Strelitz was the first to follow the example of the King of
Prussia, and shake off the French yoke^ exclaimmg that, *^ With the
belp of God, he would at an v rate show himself worthy of the honour
of h&ng a German prince/'* The citizens of Luheck and Ham-
* This noUe-minded prince was the iiuher-iii*law of the King of Prussia, who
mazried his amiable daughter Louisa. The sad reverses and heayy afflictions it was
the fiite of this Tirtuous woman to undergo, on the inrasion of the French, may be
too TiaiblT tnoed in the following pathetic letter she wrote to her affisctiooate father.
Oyerwhdmed with the nusfortunes inflicted npon her, her delicate conctitutian gra-
Digitized by
Google
656 GENERAL BOERNBERG — LUNEBURG— BiAGDEBDRG.
burg were not a little rejoiced at the cliange, and united together in
order to promote the general cause of liberty. Doemberg, at the
head of four thousand men, advanced against Greneral Morand, who
was now quartered in Luneburg, and soJinff the walls of that town,
took it by assault, and mortally wounding their leader, either dew,
or made prisoners of the whole garrison. With thia brilliant fisat of
arms General Doemberg opened the second campaign.
About the same time, the Viceroy Eugene suddenly attempted to
advance from Magdeburff with his 30,000 men upon Berlin, iioBr
^ing that on his march ne shoidd only have to contend against an
msignificant force ; but Generals Wittgenstein, Biilow, and York,
havmg forthwith mustered together aU uie troops at hand, attacked
him with a far inferior force on the 6th of April near Moeckem
with so much fury, that he was compelled to renounce his design of
marching to Berlin, and retreated to Magdeburg with heavy loss.
In this, their first encounter with the French, the young Prussian foot
soldiers, after firing a few volleys, cast aside their firelocks alto^
ther, and rushed upon the enemy, club in hand^ deeming that me
most expeditious mode of warfare.
dually sunk under their eflfecta, and she died on the 19th of July, 1810, aged 34, to the
great grief of her heloved huabend, and the aniyersal regret of the whole country :
^ MemeU June 17, 1807.
" My dearest Father, — ^I have perused your letter of April last with the deepest
emotion, and amidst tears of the most grateful sensations. How shall I thank yoo,
dearest, kindest of fathers, for the many proofs you have shown me of your paternal
love, your gracious favour, and indescribable b^evolence I What secret consolation
is not this for me in my sufferings — how strengthening to my spirits ! When one
is thus beloved, to be completely unhappy is impossible.
" We are again threatened with another dire calamity, and are about to abandon
the kingdom. Imagine my state of mind at this juncture ; but I solemnly beseech
you not to mistake the feelings of your daughter. There are two grand prineipteB
by which I feel myself strengthened and elevated above every thing ; first, the re-
collection that we are not led blindly onwards by chance, but are guided by the
hand of Grod ; and secondly, that if we must sink, we, at all events, will do so with
honour. The king has sho?m, and to the whole world he has proved it, that he pre-
fers honour to disgrace ; Prussia would never voluntarily wear the chains of slayery.
The king, therefore, could not deviate one step without becoming unfaithful to his
character and a traitor to his people. But to the pomt By the unfortunate battle
of Friedland, Konigsberghas fidleninto the hands of the French. We are sunt>uttd6d
on every side by the enemy, and as the danger advances I shall be forced to fly with
my infants finom Memel, and then endeavour to reach Riga, trusting to Heaven to
assist me in the dreaded moment when I have to pass the frontiers of the empire.
And truly my strength and courage will then be required ; but I will look towazds
God with hope and confidence; for, according to my firm persuasion, we are not suf-
fered to endure more than we can. Once more then, be assured, my dear fiither,
that we yield only with honour, and respected as we shall be, we cannot be without
friends, inasmuch as we have merited them. The consolation I experience by this
conviction I cannot express to you ; and, consequently, I endure all my trials with
that tranquillity and resignation of mind which canoidy be product by a good con-
science and a firm faith. Therefore, my dear &ther, be convinced that we never can
be completely unhappy, whilst many, perhaps, whose brows are oppressed with the
weight of crowns and wreaths are as unhappy as ourselves; for as long as we are
blessed by Heaven with peace in our hearts, we must ever find cause to rejoice. I
remahi, for ever, your foithfuUy dutiftd, and loving daughter, and Qod be praised
that your gracious fovour permits me to add— firiend, Loctba."
Digitized by
Google
BATTLE OF LUTZEN— MARSHAL BESSIl&RE KILLED. 657
As soon as the new forces of France had assembled on our side
of the Rhine, Napoleon himsdf set out from Paris, and on the even*
ing of the 25th of April he arrived at Erfurt. Thence he proceeded
-towards the Saale, and forced the allied cavalry to retreat behind
t;liis river. Both armies now approached each other and prepared
for a grand and decisive battle.
When, on the 29tii of April, Napoleon reached the shores of the
Saale, he beheld the allied army immediately facing him, in the
vicinity of Pegau. The Russians were commanded by General
Oount Wittgenstein, and the Prussians by Generals Bliicher, York,
and Kleist; whilst both the Emperor Alexander and King Frederick
W^illiam cheered on their wamors by sharing in the campaign. The
Trench army, afier a few skirmidies, advanced by diflFerent routes
towards the plains of Leipsic, which Buonaparte had fixed upon as
the spot to give the grand battle. On the 1st of May, after haviijg
proceeded toward Weissenfels, he was met, near Fosema, by the
artillery and cavalry of the Russians, who resolved to dispute his
pass£^e. This corps was imder the command of General W inzin-*
f erode, who had been sent forward for the purpose of attacking the
'rench, and ascertaining whether the entire army was en route.
Marshal Bessiere, commander of the emperor's guards, having ad-
vanced to meet the attack, was killed by a cannon-ball. The po-
sition was carried, and Napoleon continued his march on to L'utzen,
the same field of battle on which, two hundred yearspreviously,
Gnstavus Adolphus met his death when fighting agamst w allenstein.
Here the French halted for the night; but when in the morning
• Napoleon was about to resume his march for Leipsic, he suddenly
heard heavy discharges of artillery in his rear and on his left fiank.
The Prussians and Russians had already well perceived that it
was Napoleon's intention to gain possession of Leipsic in order to
cut them off from the Elbe; and as they resolved not to leave him
the Hberty of forming as usual his own dispositions, and choosing
the field of battle himself, they anticipated his movements this time
and attacked him, on the 2nd of May, when he least expected it,
and imagined they could not possibly be prepared to give battle
before the following day. Towards midday they pressed onwards
with all their strength through the villages of Gross-Gorschen, and
and Klein-Gorschen, Rhano, and Kaja, of which Marshal Ney still
held possession. The Emperor Alexander and the King of Prussia
ascended an -eminence in the rear of Gross-Gorschen whence they
commanded a full view of the scene of engagement, whilst their
presence, now so visible to all, inspired the troops with the greatest
courage. The brave and dauntless Bliicher with his Prussians
commenced by carrying the village of Gross-Gdrschen by assault,
and immediately afterwards a most obstinate and sanguinary contest
took place around the other villages, terminating in favour of the
allies, who remained masters of the ground, and forced the French
to fall back in the rear. It was just at this moment that Napoleon
2 U Digitized by Google
658 DESPERATE COURAGE OF NAPOLEON— BLUCHEB.
arrived on the field of battle with his guards and the rest of the
troops he brought with him; and he lost not a \moment in pushing
them forward to reinforce Ney's corps, whilst he himself rode througli
their ranks and cheered them on regardless of his own danger; ibr
he knew too well that the loss of this battle must necessarily produce
discouragement among his troops, and deprive him of his hold in
Germany. The action was accordingly renewed on both sides widi
still greater fury around the villages, which were taken and retaken
several times. For the fourth time the allies united all their strengdi
and made a final attack, and were successful; they retook the whole
of the villages and completely defeated the French, who retreated
in great confusion as far as W eissenfels and Naumburg. When in-
formed of this. Napoleon, according to the testimomr of an eye-wit-
ness, turned round, and with a look of fury at his officers, exclaimed:
'^ What^ do yim believe then that my star is on the descent? " He
however soon recovered his presence of mind, and adopting one of
those sudden resolutions which, when brought into operation, discon-
certed all the plans of his adversaries, and gave immediate orders to
his General of artillery, Drouet> to bring together the whole of
his cannon— eighty pieces — and planting them on one spot, thence
scatter destruction amidst the ranks of his enemies: for such opera-
tions he always held in reserve the guns belonging to his guard
— ^at the same time he posted sixteen battalions of the guard upon
the heights in the rear of the village of Kaja. The arSlery, with
volcano-like fury, swept every thing before it, whole ranks of the
allied forces were mowed down, the villages were reduced to cinders,
and consequently they were abandoned entirely. At the same mo-
ment the Russians were hard-pressed on their right flank by the
Viceroy Eugene, who had now arrived from Mark-Banstadt with
30,000 fresh troops.
Napoleon, ur^ed on by his impatient desire to see the victory de-
cided, continuea to advance, protected by the imceasing fire of his
sixty to eighty pieces of artillery, planted in his centre. Neverthe-
less, the Kussians and Prussians, although almost overcome with
heat and fatigue, only retired slowly, and step by step, and bravely
maintained every inch of ground capable of ddPence, imtil the fall
of night.
Profound darkness now enveloped the sanguinary field of battle ;
nothing else was visible except tne alternate flashes of the cannon
which were still discharged at long and irregular intervals, and the
flames of the villages, which were gradually becoming more and more
&int. Napoleon, having issued his orders for the operations of the next
morning, had retired to his quarters, within the strong bulwark of
the regiments of his guards; when, suddenly, the alenoe of the
night was broken in upon by the clashing of swords, and a desperate
attack, as if by magic, was made upon the French, even to the very
guards of the emperor himself. This bold assaidt was made by a
corps of Prussian hussars led on by the heroic Bliicher, who, with
Digitized by
Google
NAPOLEON IN DR£SDEN-*-TH£ KING OF SAXONY. 659
liis usual intrepidity, resolved to make a last attempt, in order to serve
as a warning to the French, that the allies were not yet beaten. He
succeeded in his object; for the enemy did not venture a pursuit,
butpassed the entire night under arms.
Tnis first battle may be truly characterised as a battle of honour ^
and, as such, it was a won battle. For, in spite of the great nu-
merical superiority of the French, the allies had not lost a single
colour or cannon, nor had they, notwithstanding tiie heavy fire kept
up by the French artillery, turned their back upon the enemy—
whilst the force of the latter was 120,000 men, and that of the
allied army was only 70,000. The amount altogether, on both
sides, in killed and wounded, was about 30,000 men. The Prussians,
especially, fought with such a desperate defiance of death, that
several of their heroic leaders fell a sacrifice on the field, including
the Prince of Hesse-Homburg himself — and Grenerals Bliicher ana
Schamhorst were both sever^ wounded.
On the following morning. Napoleon expected to be a^ain at-
tacked; but the aUaes having taken into consideration tae loss
already sustained, and their great inferioriiy compared with the
French army, determined to retreat, and, accordingly, withdrew
across Boma and Altenburg on the Elbe, and took up a strong posi-
tion at Bautzen: the Prussians crossing the Elbe, at Meissen — the
Russians at Dresden, and both the Emperor Alexander and the
King of Prussia, quitted that city on the morning of the 8th of
May.
On this same day, the 8th of May, Napoleon marched into
Dresden, whence he immediately dispatched an envoy to the
King of Saxony in Prague, in order to demand his immediate
return to his capital, and threatened to treat Saxony as a conquered
country if he refused compliance with his order, and did not give up
for his service the fortress of Torgau, and supply them with all his
Saxon anny for the reinforcement of the French army, — ^granting
the king oiuy two hours for his decision. The dread he entertainea
lest the emperor, who now already occupied the major portion of
his territory, should carry his threats i^to execution, operated upon
his feelings more than any other consideration; and not daring to
form an aJJiance with Austria, as he would have wished, he returned
to Dresden on the 12th of May. The emperor met him at a short
distance beyond the gates of the city, and tney both made their tri-
umphal entry — ^as ordered by Napoleon — the latter addressing the
municipal authorities who were waiting to receive them, as follows :
" Behold, here 1 bring to you your deliverer ; for if your sovereign
had not tlius shown himself a faithful ally, I should assuredly have
treated your country as a conquered state. Henceforth, however,
my armies shall only march through it, and protect it against all its
enemies."
On the previous day, the 11th of May, the French army having
hastily rebuilt the bridge over the Elbe, crossed that river, the pas«
2 U 2 Digitized by Google
660 BATTLE OF BAUTZEN— THE ALLIES RETIRE.
sage having occupied seven hours ; during the whole of which time^
Napoleon remained seated on a bench, watching the troops — French,
Italians, and Germans, — ^as they marched by, a si^ht which produced
in him feelings of exultation. He now determined to attack the
allies a second time in the strong position they occupied near Bautzen
and Hochkirch, and whose force now consisted of 100,000 men,
whilst that of their enemy amounted to 150,000. The emperor
sent Marshal Ney and General Lauriston from Hoyerswerda to turn
the right flank of the allies, which beine perceived by the latter,
they detached several battalions under Yoric and Barclai de Tolly ss
far as Konigswartha to meet them. They came up with and surprised
an Italian division of 9000 men, whom they immediately routed,
and captured all their cannon and ammunition waggons. But as the
main body of the French was now advancing they retired, and fell
back upon their own lines.
On the following day, the 20th of May, after a sanguinary combat
on the heights of Burg and near Bautzen, Napoleon forced a passage
to the Spree, which he crossed with his whole army; whilst the allies
retired in the greatest order to their head-quarters near Gleina and
Kreckwitz, as far as the mountains. The Russians formed the two
wings, and the Prussians under Bliicher occupied the centre.
Although the movement eflected by Ney had weakened their position,
still they resolved not to leave it without a battle. Napoleon's pLon
was to cause^the left wing of the allies to be attacked by Marshals
Oudinot and Macdonald, in order to draw their whole attention to
that side ; whilst at the same time, according to his original in-
structions. Marshal Ney was to gradually surround their right flank.
Early in the morning of the 21st of May, and before sunrise, the
emperor mounted his charger, and with the attack of the left wing
of the Russians, commanded by the Prince of Wiirtemburg and
General Milloradowitsch, the battle commenced. The charge was
bravely met and sustained by the Russians, who being masters of the
heights, had great advantage over the enemy, so that after an obsti-
nate and severe action, the French were obliged to give way. The
battle did not become general until about midday, as Napoleon waited
patiently until Ney had made himself master of the position he was
to take. The latter succeeded in his manoeuvre, and forcing Grene-
ral Barclai de Tolly to retreat, he captured the heights of the
Gleiner windmill, as well as the village of Preititz. Tliis was a most
critical moment for the allies, as this village lay completely behind
them; Bliicher, however, hastened to dispatch General Kleist to its
aid, and it was retaken. Napoleon now saw that it was necessary to
bring up his fresh troops, which he had held in reserve. He placed
at their head his best general. Marshal Soult, and at the very moment
that the Prussians had weakened their centre by the corps they sent
to support the right wing, Soult was ordered to make an attack
upon it. This was done with so much fury, seconded by the heavy
cannonade kept up by the French artillery, that the Prusaan in-
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
napoleon's losses— DUROC — ZIETHEN'S ATTACK. 661
faBtry were forced to give way before the overpowering enemy, who
remained masters of the heights of Kreckwitz, The ^ies now saw
that they were placed in such a predicament, that they must either
sacrifice every thing, and collect all their remaining strength to
storm and regain these heights, or end the battle at once, as their
present position could no longer be maintained. The same reasons
by whicn they were influenced to retreat from Liitzen, operated
upon them in the present instance. The moment had not yet arrived
in which it was advisable to risk extreme measures ; as yet, they
were not supplied with the reinforcements which were en route to
join them, both from Russia and Prussia; and they felt certain that
the Emperor of Austria must very soon abandon his son-in*law and
join their cause. Accordinglv, they determined upon a retreat, and
this they commenced about three o'clock in the afternoon, efiectiug
it in such good order, that the French found it useless to attempt a
ptirsuit, whence they sufiered Httle or no loss. Napoleon, who was
at that moment on a high hill, near Niederkuyna, bad mounted one
of the drums belonging to his guards, and thence observed the
allies as they retreated ; he then sent some of his troops to harass
their rear, but the light cavalry of both the Russians and Prussians,
which covered their retreat, kept them at bay, and he was forced to
content himself with remaining master of the field of battle — an
advantage gained very dearly, for his loss, in this action, was more
than 20,000 men, whilst that of the aUies, altogether, was not more
than 12,000.
The aUied forces retired into Silesia, and Napoleon marched in
rapid pursuit of them. Each time, however, that the French
advanced too closely upon the heels of their rear-guard, the latter
turned upon their pursuers, and after hard fighting, drove them
back. Napoleon, vexed at finding that his ^enends took so few
prisoners from a retreating army, took upon himself the command
of the advanced guard, and attacked the rear of the allies on the
22nd of May, at Reichenbach. But his cavalry was completely
beaten back, and a caxmon-ball killed close by his side his generals
Eorgener, Labruyere, and Marshal Duroc, ms e^cial friend and
favourite, and whose loss was acutely felt by Napoleon, for the
marshal, possessing his entire confidence, never hesitated to express
his opinions open^ and sincerely, and they had both been school-
fellows together.
On the 26th of May, Bliicher ^ve orders to Ziethen to wait in
ambush with his cavalry until the jFrench arrived close to Haynau ;
and when, according to agreement, the windmill of Baudmannsdorf
was set on fire as a signal, the 3000 troopers rushed from behind
the heights, and faUing on the enemy's squares with loud hurrahs,
put them to flight, ^ter making 300 prisoners. Colonel Dolfs,
however, the leader of this brave squadron, fell gloriously whilst
fighting in the midst of the enemy.
Napoleon now plainly saw that the allies were not to be overcome^
Digitized by
Google
THE ARMISTIC&— DAVOUST TAKES HAMBURG.
and acooidingly he proposed a suspension of arms, to wfaidi the
allies haTin^consented, a truce for six -weeks was signed on the 8th
of June. The French abandoned Breslaw, of which they had
shortly before made themselves masters, and retained only a portion
of Silesia; whilst, however, Hamburg through unfortunate circum-
stances, now feU into their hands. For at the very commencement
of May, when Napoleon opened the campaign, Marshal Davoust
marched with 14,000 men to lay siege to that place, which con-
tained but a very feeble garrison commanded b^ General Tetten-
burg, by no means sufficient to defend so large a city- l^e citiz^is,
however, calculated upon ihe aid of their Danim neighbours in
Altona, as well as upon that of the Swedes, who had collected in
considerable force under their crown-prince in Fomerania and
Mecklenburg. The latter, however, were anxious to possess Nor-
way, and had already stipulated with England and Russia to have
it transferred into their hands as the price of their aid in the war;
and as Denmark on her part resolved not to submit to this loss of
half her territory, she formed an alliance with France ; and accord-
ingly, on the 30th of May, the very day they entered the ill-£ited
city, the Danes gave it up to the enemy. Thus Hamburg was
sacrificed through the jealousy of these two powers. Napoleon,
embittered against the inhabitants for their independent principles,
and the opposition shown against him, imposed upon them a contri-
bution of no less than 48,000,000 of francs.
The news of the armistice reached Berlin on Whit-Monday. The
pubhc were by no means tranquiUised by this information, but on
the contrary, when they beheld the present im^arded portion
of their city, which was no longer in a condition to defend
itself against the attack of the enemy, much disappointment and
alarm were expressed — tar more so than if the war had been
continued. The king, however, soon succeeded in restoring con-
fidence, hj publishing a declaration, in which he assured his people
*' that this armistice was only concluded in order to affora tune
for the perfect development of the whole strength of the country.
As yet the enemy was much too powerful to be overcome, and
what the nation had thus far accomplished, had only served to up-
hold once again its ancient honour and heroic courage ; now, how-
ever, they must become so strong as to be enabled to reconquer their
independence and permanent hberty. He conjured his subjects to
maintain their firmness, to confide in him, their devoted king, and
the object so much desired must be attained."
Meantime, whenever he could, Napoleon did not hesitate to
increase by his treacherous acts, die bitter feeling already existing
against him, and the following instance presents another proof of
his revengeful disposition. Major Liitzow, with his squadron of
hussars, had boldfy advanced to the rear of the French troops fiur
into Saxony, and even beyond, into Franconia, harassing them
continually, and cutting to pieces or making prisoners of whole
Digitized by
Google
LUTZOW'S FREE CORPS— THE CONGRESS OF PRAGUE. 663
detachments, so that Napoleon was much exasperated against this
brave, intrepid band. According to an article of the armistice, the
Liiitzow corps was to have crossed the Elbe by the 12th of June,
but it was not till the 14th that their commander received official
intelligence of this condition, which it was thus impossible for him
strictly to fiilfil. On this. Napoleon gave orders " to destroy these
robbers wherever they might be met with," and on the evening of
the 17th of June, as they were ]jroceeding to pass the Elbe, uiej
-were suddenly attacked m the village of Kitzen, near Leipsic, in
a most treacherous manner by the enemy's cavalry, who were to
escort them. The little band was easily dispersed, many were cut
down, wounded, and taken, and a part only with their brave leader,
succeeded in fighting their way through**
Meantime, tne Emperor of Austria came forward as a mediatory
power, and endeavoured to effect a peace ; a congress assembled in
Prague, and the Emperor Francis proceeded to Gitschen, near
Prague, in order to assist, in person, towards the promotion of the
object he so much desired. Napoleon, however, felt his pride hurt,
when he beheld another power attempt to dictate terms to him, and
refused to abandon any of the conquests he had made. Thence,
although the armistice had been prolonged to the 17th of August,
the negotiations were attended with no results affording any hopes
for peace ; whilst, in the interval, both sides were occupied in making
their preparations for renewed hostilities. Napoleon's army received
continual reinforcements from France, so that he was soon enabled,
once more, to bring into the field a force of no less than 350,000 men,
besides which his faithful adherent, the Viceroy Eugene, collected in
Italy another army of 60,000 men, to defend that country against Aus-
tria— ^in case a rupture should occur between that power and France
— and, on the frontiers of Austria, Bavaria was forced to support
him with another army of 30,000 men, under Greneral Wrede.
The Emperor of Austria, finding that all his efforts to bring his son-
in-law to agree to any terms of peace were made in vain, now re-
solved, without further delay, to join the Emperor of Russia and
the King of Prussia, and to take an active part m the confederation
for the overthrow of the usurper. Meantime, the latter had been
anxiously waiting in Dresden for the declaration of Austria, although
he contmued confident in his expectations, that by means of his
cunning management, he would continue to hold that power in a
* Thia free corps, it may be observed, was an association formed of youths chiefly
of the middle and superior classes, who united themselves under the command of a
military offlkjer of great gallantry and experience, the above-mentioned Major von
Liitzow, for the freedom of their Fatherland. Their exploits were of the most daring
and heroic character, partaking rather of the bold and chivakons spirit of the middle
ages than the cold and calculating nature of modem warfare. Among those who
johied its standard were many who are highly distinguished in letters and the arts, aa
fbr instance, the Boron de la Motte Foaque (the author of Undine^ &c), Frederick
Forster (the historian of Walienstein), and more especially the gifted poet and gal*
lant soldier, Komer, who fell mortally wounded. Even women, inspired with the
prevailing spirit of patriotism, served m their ranks undiscovered.
Digitized by
Google
664 THE EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA JOINS THE ALLIES.
State of inactivity. At length, on the 15th of Aufifust, his envoy,
Count de Narbonne, arrived from Prague, and Napoleon, sum-
moning his minister, Marat, had a long conference with both soon
after. They were seen, all three^ engaged in earnest conversation,
walking, with hasty strides, to and fro m the garden of the Marc-
olini Palace, the residence of the emperor ; his suite, which was at
a considerable distance off, watching their master with anxious
looks, and waiting the result of this meeting, upon which the fate
of so many thousands of human beings depended. Suddenly, Na-
Eoleon was seen to stop, and by a hasty and indignant movement of
is hand, seemed to reject, at once, the offered terms of peace.
War again ! now sounded from every side, and spread from mouth
to mouth. Tlie emperor, however, his eyes still sparkling with fury,
returned to the palace, and proceeding with hasty steps across the
hall of marshals, entered his carriage, and galloped on for Bautzen
and Gcirlitz, towards Silesia.
The allies had, during the interval of the armistice, strengthened
their forces to such an extent, that they were far superior, even in
numbeis, to the French; for Austria alone, when joining them,
brought an addition of 200,000 men, and which was rendered the
more necessary, as their immense army being distributed at va-
rious points, they were forced to advance agamst the French in
extended circles; whilst Napoleon, who concentrated his forces into
one circle, was enabled to attack first one point, then another, and
thus decide the contest at once with the same body of men. The
position of the allied army was as follows:
1 . The Crown-prince of Sweden, Bemadotte, who had likewise
entered the field with 24,000 Swedes, was appointed commander of
the whole of the northern army, and was instructed to defend, with
a force of 125,000 men, Berlin and the whole of Brandenburg.
Besides his own troops, he had under his orders the Prussian divi-
sions under Biilow and Tauenzien, the Russian divisions under
Winzingerode and Wallmoden. The latter general, with 25,000
men, consisting of Russians, English, Hanoverians, Mecklenburgers,
the Russian-German legion and the corps of Liitzow, was appointed
to oppose Marshal Davoust and the Danes on the frontiers of
Mecklenburg.
2. Marshal Bliicher commanded the Silesian army of 95,000 men,
and he had with him General York at the head of the first Prus-
sian division, and the Russian divisions under Generals Sacken,
Langeron, and St. Priest. The first general of his staff, however,
was Gneisenau, who, from this time, became more and more distin-
guished in the field.
3. The main division of the allied army in Bohemia, consisting
principally of Austrians, but reinforced by a Prussian division under
Kleist, a Russian division commanded by Wittgenstein, and the
Russian guard imder the orders of the Grand-duke CJonstantine,
was commanded by the Austrian Field-marshal, Prince Schwartzen-
Digitized by
Google
THEIR FORCES — STRENGTH AND POSITION — OUDINOT. 666
berg, who, together with great courage and experience, possessed all
that calmness and decision of character so necessary m the com-
mander of such numerous armies of mixed nations. This division
of the.aUied forces amounted to 230,000 men.
This position and the division of the allied forces into three
armies were well pknned, for whichever of these forces Napoleon
might attack, he was sure to have the other two in his rear or in the
flank. When, with his grand army, he pressed forward from Dres-
den and Lusatia towards Silesia, BlUcher retired in order to draw
him towards the Oder; but during this interval the main army of
the allies advanced from Bohemia, and taking possession of Dresden
in his rear, caught him completely in their net: so that if he turned
to the right abng the Elbe, in order to penetrate into Bohemia,
Blucher must meet him in the front, and pursuing him into the
passes of the Bohemian mountains, thus place him between two
fires. Finally, Napoleon advanced with a superior force direct
against Bemadotte towards Berhn; the latter, nowever, followed
the example of Bliicher and retreated, leaving the Prussian capital
exposed, it is true, although only for a moment; for, in the mean-
time, the army of Bohemia conquered Dresden and Leipsic, toge-
ther with all the suppUes of the French in Saxony.
The French emperor had little imagined the allies would have
been capable of forming such a grand plan; and especially of
bringing it into operation so unobservedly and successfully. On
the contrary, he had calculated, as usual, upon avaiUng himself of
the happy chances thrown in his way by tne errors of his adver-
saries, and in this he was supported by his generals around him.
Fully confiding in the lightninff-like celerity of their emperor's
plans and movements, they comforted, themselves with the assur-
ance to which they repeatedly gave utterance, that their enemies
must commit blunders which they would take advantage of, and
falling upon their whole army completely annihilate it.
The more wise and prudent, however, not coinciding with the
majority, counselled their leader to abandon his position on the
Elbe, which was too seriously menaced on its right from the Bohe-
mian side. Marshal Oudinot, amongst other things, wrote to him,
*' That if he withdrew his garrisons from the fortifications he held,
reinforced his army with them, and then retreated to the Rhine,
distributing his invalided troops in good cantonments, and esta-
blishing the rest of his army in suitable positions, it might still be
in his power to dictate to the allies his terms of peace." But such
advice, however wise and discreet, appeared madness itself to that
mighty and all-violent man, who held himself so much beyond all
others in thought and action; and thus it was ordained that his
obstinate pride and egotism should eventually produce the deli-
verance of Germany.
In order not to lose the advantage of making the first attack, he
Digitized by
Google
666 BATTLE OF GROSS-BEEREN— DEFEAT OF THE FRENCH.
determined to turn all his strength against the Sileaian army, and
fall upon that division separately; whilst, meantime, to prevent the
Austrians irom. advancing from Bohemia and harassing nis rear, he
posted Marshal Gouvion St. Cyr with 40,000 men at the entrance of
the mountains near Giesshiibel. At the same time Marshal Oudinot
received orders to march, with his 80,000 men, direct against and
capture the city of Berlin. If his plan had succeeded, his complete
tnumph must have been infallibly secured; but the old and eiqtert
general in Silesia was too much on his guard. For when he per*
oeived, after several encounters between the 18th and 23rd of Au-
gust, that the main army of the French was now in fiill march, and
were gaining upon him near Lowenburg on the Bober river, he re-
fused to give battle, and according to the previously arranged pkn,
retreated to Jauer. Napoleon, who in the meantime had received
hasty news of the advance of the Schwartzenber^r forces upon Dres-
den, could not venture to pursue him; but on me 23rd of August
he, with his guards and the sixth corps of his army, conmienced his
retreat back to Dresden.
On the same day the brave Bulow came up with the French
army en route for Berlin, and attacked it near Gross-Beeren. They
had already advanced to within eight or nine miles of the capital,
and Napoleon had already publicly announced that Oudinot would
be there on the 23rd of August General R^nier, had, by Marshal
Oudinot's orders, already taken possession of Gioes-Beeren on the 23rd
of August, and thus the road to Berlin being secured, he made sure
of making his triumphal entry there on the following morning.
But his hopes of the attainment of this grand object were completely
destroyed, even on the very ni^ht before; for scarcely had tne day
declined and evening set in, before Billow with his brave Prussians
attacked the French with such fury in Gross-Beeren itself, that ihisj
were completely routed, and obliged to abandon the village in the
greatest disorder, the darkness of the night alone protectmg them
fiom total destruction. In another quarter, on the extreme left wing
and with a very small force. General Tauenzien had bravely resisted,
and finally repulsed the attack made by Greneral Bertrand.
The French marshal now clearly seeing l^t he had to contend
with a superior enemy, would not venture upon a general battle, but
retreated in all haste as far as the Elbe, having suffered a loss
of twenty-six cannon, and several thousands of his men made pri-
soners. Berlin which had beai in a state of fear&l suspense, was
now full of jo^ and rapture when the news arrived of the glorious
victory by which it was delivered from the invaders, and thousands
of the citizens poured out of its walls, and ea^ly sought the battle-
field in order to cheer and rescue their wounded preservers, convey-
ing all back with them to the city, where they were carefiilly at-
tended to. Just about the same time, on the 27th of August, the
French general, Gerard, who had made a sally with the flower of
Digitized by
Google
BLUCHSR^S VICTORY AT KATZBACH— HIS ADDRESS* 667
his troops forming the garrison of Magdeburg, in order to assist in
the taking of Berlin, was attacked by the brave veteran, General
Hirschfeld, near Liibnitz and Ha^elsoerg, and completely routed,
being forced to shut himself up wiUun die waUs of Magdeburg.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
Glorious Victory of ;the Prussians tinder Blucher at Katzlwch— Blucher created
Prince of Wahlstadt— Battle of Dresden— Defeat of the Anstrians— Death of Oe-
nenJ Moraaa— Battle of Kubn— General Kleist— Goierals Yandamme and Haxo
made Prisoners— Battle of Dennewitz— Battle of Wartenborg — General York —
Preparations for the Battle of Leipsio — The French Army — Honours and Pro-
motions oonferred by Napoleon— The Allied Forces— Prince Schwartz^berg.
Napoleon, on quitting Silesia for Dresden, had left behind him
Maishal Macdonald with a body of 80,000 men, in order to hold at
bay the Prussians and Russians. But no sooner did Bliicher per-
ceive who was now his opponent, than he forthwith advanced agamst
him — ^for it was not his system to keep the enemy waiting long.
He soon learnt that Marshal Macdonald, with his whole army, was
in -full march across the mountains on the left bank of the river
Katzbach, in order himself to make an attack upon the allies. The
wary veteran allowed his enemy to proceed without interruption
until he knew him to be secured amidst the ravines and narrow passes,
when, the &vourable moment having now arrived, he exclaimed to
his soldiers: ^'Now, lads, there are enough Frenchmen passed over —
come on — forwards I" And on the Prussians rushed after their
leader, with re-echoed shouts, and soon the battle became generaL
This attack took j^lace on the 26th of August between Brechtelshof
and Groitsch, amidst torrents of rain. 'jQie right wing was com-
manded by Sacken, the centre by York, and the left by Lanseron;
whilst the heroic Bliicher, as commander-in-chief, witn all the fire
of his youthful days, led on the cavalry himself, and, at their head,
dashed amongst the paialvsed foe. Such an unexpected, over-
whelming attack the French could not wiUistand, and, consequently,
they were everywhere put to flight. One entire division, under
General Puthod, which attempted to attack the Pru«dans in the rear,
was, at Lowenber^, either cut to pieces or taken prisoners. Terror
and dismay seized upon the whole of the French army, and they
were pursued in every direction by the embittered Prussians. At
length Bliicher sounded the recall, and, in an address, congratulated
his troops upon the laurek they had gained, and so truly merited,
by their coimige displayed in this grand battle. The results of this
victory are thus described by him in the conclusion of his address:
'* By this great victory we have forced the French to abandon the
Digitized by
Google
668 ALLIES BEFORE DRESDEN — NAPOLEON'S ARRIVAL.
whole of Silesia; we bave captured one Hundred and three pieces
of cannon y two hundred and fifty ammunition waggons, two Fr^ich
eagles, together with numerous other trophies, and we have made
18,000 prisoners, including many of their superior officers."*
Henceforth from the day of this triumphant battle of Katzbach,
the great Prussian general was called, by his army, Marshal Far-
wardsy and in honour thereof, and as a mark of his own and the
nation's gratitude and esteem, the King of Prusaa shortly afterwards
made him a field-marshal, and created him a prince by the title of
Prince of Wahlstadt.t
On the same day that the battle of E^tzbach was gained and also
on the followingday, the two grand armies met and fought with great
obstinacy near Dresden; but the results were not yet ordained to be
decisive. Prince Schwartzenberg and the three alUed sovereigns,
after having marched with their grand army across the mountains
which separate Saxony from Bohemia, and driven the French from
their position at Giesshiibel, arrived before Dresden on the 25th of
August The city, during the armistice, had been strongly fortified
and supplied with a numerous garrison; nevertheless it mi^t have
been taken if the attack had been made a day sooner. But the
roads across the mountains were, in some parts, so impassable that
twenty and even a greater number of horses were scarcely able to
drag along a single cannon, whilst the convoys of provisions fi>r this
army of 100,000 men were obliged to remain behind, and the troops
were reduced to the greatest possible want. Thence the allies were
only able to assemble before Dresden in the night of the 25th of
August; whilst Napoleon arrived in that city on the following
morning, followed by a great portion of his army. His presence
was quite unexpected, as it was generally believed that he was in
the depths of Silesia. He had a snort conference with the Kinff of
Saxony, and then gave directions for the defence of the dty. The
grand garden of his palace was already in possession of the rrussian
sharp-shooters, one of whom shot a page dead close to the side of
his imperial master. The principal attack was made about four
o'clock in the afternoon, the aUies occupying the whole range of
heights along the left bank of the Elbe to the extent of three miles
around the city. The signal being announced by three cannon
shots, the alliea troops descended from their position on the heights
in six separate divisions of attack, each preceded by fifty pieces of
cannon. Having arrived in the plain, they drew up in Ime of bat-
tle, and the infantry advanced and stormed the Ilrench intrench-
ments, upon which their artillery, at the same time, poured forth the
* Onoe when Blilcher's heroic deecLs were lauded in his own presence, he exclaimed:
" What is it my friends you are praising? What I did was accomplished throu^^
my own natural temerity, seconded by Gneisenau's presence of mina^ but, above tSl,
tloough the Almighty's mercy r
f Wahlstadt is a princely but spiritual domain in Silesia, founded by St Hedwig
in remembrance of Duke Henry of Lower Saxony, who lost his life on this spot, in
the year 1241, in a great battle against the MongoUans.
Digitized by
Google
BATTLE OF DRESDEN — GENERAL MOREAU KILLED* 669
most destructive fire. One brave corps of Austrians succeeded in
making themselves masters of an entrenchment defended by eight
pieces of artillery, and pressed forward to the very walls of the city;
but they were not sufficiently strong to maintain their ground, whilst
NaDoleon now kept sending forth from the city gates, and under
shelter of his batteries, large bodies of infantry and cavahy. Both
sides fought with great courage, and the city itself was much in-
1*ured and many of the inhabitants killed by the artillery of the al-
ias. The latter, however, who were forced to contend against en-
trenchments, ramparts, and masses of the enemy's troops, continually
increasing in number, could not succeed in gaining their object, and
accordingly, night having set in, they retreated and fell back upon
their former position on the hills.
During the whole of this night reinforcements of French troops
kept incessantly arriving at Dresden from the opposite shore of
the Elbe, and on the next morning, at about seven o'clock, they were
marched forth from their intrenchments. Napoleon's object was to
force the allies to abandon, altogether, the neighbourhood of Dres-
den, where he had established ms head-quarters, and to drive them
back across the Bohemian mountains. He had now assembled to-
gether the flower of his army, and even his guards, which were only
employed in extreme and decisive moments, were now selected to
share m the battle. His plan of battle was to occupy the attention
of the enemy's right wing and centre by a well-sustained fire from
his heavy guns, as if intending to direct his entire force against that
quarter; whilst, meantime, the King of Naples, with a numerous
body of infantry, and the elite of the cavalry, was to march on
to Freiberg and fall upon the left wing of the Austrians; and, as
the latter portion of the allied army was divided from tKe main
body by the vaUey of Flauen, and the rain poured down in such
torrents that every thing around was obscured, the French were
completely successful and came up close upon the Austrians before
they could be discovered. The attack commenced, and the heavy
cavalry of the assailants dashed among the Austrian newly-levied
foot-soldiers, and as the latter, owing to the deluging rain, found
their firelocks perfectly useless, they were all either killed or made
prisoners, of which the latter amounting to 12,000, including their
general, Mezko, were all marched into Dresden.
Amongst those who lost their lives on this sad day was General
Moreau, who had just returned from America, whither he had been
banished by Napoleon, and who had engaged to aid the Emperor
Alexander with all his knowledge and expenence for the deliverance
of Germany and Europe, in the cause of which he entered most
heartily. Both his legs were shot ofi* by a cannon ball on the morn*i
ing after his arrival at head-quarters, and whilst he was in conversa-
tion with the Emperor Alexander. He underwent the painful opera-
tion of amputation of both thighs with the firmness and resignation
of a hero accustomed to meet death in any form; but he, neverthe-
Digitized by
Google
670 GENERAL VANDAMME— TOPUTZ — BATTLE OF KULU.
less sunk under it, and died at Laun, in Bohemia, on the 2nd of
September. He was an excellent general, an npright and noble-
minded man, and one whose whole soul was so devoted to libertj,
that it was nniversally regretted he was not spared to witness as
well as to assist in its restoration.
The want of supplies and of the means of their conve^mce, toge-
ther with the overthrow of the left win?, bj which the msh road to
Freiberg was completely cut off, induced the aUies to withdraw their
forces and retire into Bohemia, more especially as news now readied
them that (reneral Vandamme, with a chosen body of tioopa,
was advancing by has^ marches from the opposite side aczosB
Pima, in order to cut on likewise the second grand route. Napo-
leon's chief aim was to annihilate the aUied army, by forcing it to re-
treat across bad roads, and thus by entangling it in the difficult passes
of the mountains destroy it by famine and disease, or, having thus
reduced the whole of the forces to the last extreme, oblige th^n to
lay down their arms and give themselves up prisoners. And truly
the dangers to which they were exposed might have produoed
what he so much wished — ^but all his plans very soon rebounded
against himself.
Presumption, ambition, and especially the sanmxine hopes he
entertainea of obtaining the marshal's baton by a brilliant action,
stimulated General Vandamme to march boldly forwards, and he
well nigh succeeded in giving the allies a decisive blow. But on
the 20th of August, when he arrived at the entrance of the vallcj
of TopUtz, he found his passage opposed by ihe Kussdan guard,
amounting to 8000 men, commanded by General Ostermann — a
phalanx of heroes, who firmly planted themselves across his path Uke
an impenetrable wall of adamant. His own force consisted of 30,000
picked men, but who were, nevertheless, held at bay by these
8000 guards the entire day, who at length slowly retired, and
disputed every inch of groimd before the superior numbers of their
foe; nor did they retreat indeed, until half their force was either
killed or wounded, and their brave leader, Ostermann, had lost an
arm.
Nevertheless, it was determined that Vandamme should not main-
tain the position he commanded, which was so dangerous to the
allies, ana he was again attacked upon the heights of Kuhn and Ar-
besau, on the 30th, by the Russians and two divisions of the Aus-
trians, who had come up during the night. His right jQank was pro-
tected by the Geiers mountain, and by the road across the hill
of Nollendorf he expected aid from the forces under Marmont,
St. Cyr, or Mortier, who were likewise in pursuit of the allies, and
were only distant a few hours' march. Both armies fought with
great obstinacy, and the rocks and precipices around vibrated a thou-
sand fold with the cries of the combatants, the clashing of their
swords, and the fire of their guns. Suddenly, however, appeared
upon the heights, in his rear, what Yandanmie at first thought was
Digitized by
Google
VANDAMME AMD HAXO MADE PRISONERS--TE DEUM. 671
the very aid he expected, but he soon found out Us mistake, it being,
on the contrazy, seyeial battalions of Prussians led on by Kleist, and
yvho were now descending upon the I'rench in all baste. The latter
^w-ere struck as with adap of tnunder, and no longerthought of Tictory,
but only of their own safety, and a portion of the cavalry unexpectedly
rushing upon the Prussians with the greatest fury, succeeded in cut-
ting their way through and escaping. But the Austrians and Russians
coming up now joined the Prussians, and they completely surrounded
Vandamme and the rest of his army. From ten to twelve thousand
men were made prisoners^ together with Vandamme himself and
General Haxo; in addition to which, eighty pieces of artillery, all
their ammunition waggons, two eagles, and uuiee standards, fell into
the hands of the victors.
This was an unexpected blow to Buonaparte; and whilst he
praised the courage dispWed by his general, he condemned him for
his want of prudence. On the other hand, the brave Prussian ge-
neral, Kleist, was honoured by his sovereign with the title of '^ Kleist
von Nollendorf "
Nearly about the same time that these fflorious achievements were
effected in the presence, as it were, of the three sovereigns them-
selves, the news arrived of the victories gained at Katzbach and
Gross-Beeren; which was immediately followed by the announce-
ment of the triumphant battle fought at Vittoria by me British troops
luider their heroic leader, Wellington. In gratitude to Heaven for
these glorious results, the three monarchs ordered a solemn Te Deum
to be celebrated at Toplitz on the 3rd of September, in the presence
of themselves and the whole of the allied army.
Napoleon now resolved to make up for the losses he had sustained
by gaming advantages in another quarter, and appointed Marshal
Ney , whom he had created Priuce de la Moskwa, to succeed Greneral
Oudinot in command of the army which was to take possession of
Berlin. The Crown-Prince of Sweden, Bemadottc, managed very
successfully to deceive and draw him into the net, by pretending to
detach 25,000 men from his army in aid of General Wallmc^en
against Davoust, taking care, however, to allow his preparations to
be made known to the watchful smes of Napoleon, to whom the in-
formation thereof was very speedily convened. Ney received im-
mediate orders to march m>m the Elbe with his 80,000 men, and
attack all before him — ^under the idea that the aforesaid 25,000 men
were en route for Mecklenburg.
Ney succeeded, nevertheless, in deceiving the Crown-Prince, as
to his intentions, by counter-marches, and on the 6th of September
he fell all at once, with the whole of his army, upon the Prussians
commanded by Bijlow and Tauenzien, at Dennewitz near Juterboffk.
The Prussian army, which consisted of only 40,000 men, suffered a
severe shock from this overwhelming force, agamst which they had
to contend the whole day, until the arriviu of the Russian and
Digitized by
Google
672 BATTLE OF DEKNEWITZ— NAPOLEON DEFEATED.
Swedish troops. The French generals used all their efforts in order
to gain the battle; Ney exposed himself so much that half of his
Stan officers were killed around him, and his example was followed
by Oudinot, who attacked the corps under Tauenzien at the head
of his men ; whilst Regnier continued for a long time fighting amidst
the enemy's sharpshooters, as if seeking his death at their hands.
But the courage of the Prussians was not to be overcome, although
more than a third of their number became a sacrifice; and at lengui,
towards the evening, when fifty battalions of the Swedish and
Russian infantry, together with 6000 cavalry and 120 pieces of
artillery marched into the field and joined in the battle, the French
were forced to yield, and were put to rout at once, pursued by the
allied cavalry to the very banks of the Elbe, losing from 18,000 to
20,000 men in killed, wounded, and prisoners, together with eighty
pieces of cannon and other trophies.
After such repeated reverses experienced by his generals, Napo-
leon gave up planning any fresh attacks, and had he only given ear
to the voice of reason and moderation, he would, at the same time,
have perceived at once that he could only defend himself for a short
time longer in Saxony. But the presumption, wrath, and the thirst
after vengeance with which his heart was filled, completely blinded
him, and like the gambler, who in his despair stakes his all upon
the last throw, Napoleon madly resolved to lose or gain all, and
obstinately determined not to move from the spot.
Throughout the whole of September he was continually marching
either between Dresden and Lusatia on the one side, or towards the
mountains of Bohemia on the other, in order to inflict a decisive
blow upon the Silesian army, or to keep at bay the main body of
the alhed forces in the latter country. The allies, however, took
good care not to venture an action in an unfavourable position, and
as he advanced they secured themselves in such a locality as com-
pletely prevented him from attacking or drawing them into a ge-
neral battle. This continual marchmg and coimter-marching ha-
rassed and depressed his soldiers so much, that they began now to
murmur and express disgust at the war which but a short time
previously they entered upon with such enthusiasm.
He now advanced once more from Dresden with his guards, ap-
parently for the purpose of gaining upon Bliicher who neared the
Elbe more and more; but he changed his plan, and irritated and
furious at being so often foiled, he turned his march against the
allied army in Bohemia, and on the 17th attacked them in a narrow
valley of the mountains near NoUendorf, in order to force a passage
on to Toplitz. Once again, and for the last time, the thunder of
artillery vibrated here from rock to rock, and the sanguinary struggle
was resumed; but Napoleon was again unsuccessful, and was forced
to fall back with the loss of ten cannon and 2000 prisoners taken
by the Austrians under General KoUoredo. On the 22nd he ad-
Digitized by
Google
NAPOLEON SUKROUNDED— BLUCHEE'S BOLD MANCEUVRE. 673
vanced once more against Blucher, who took up a strong position
on the river Spree, and on the 24th Napoleon vras forced to return
to Dresden.
This was a losing game at war, which the longer it lasted must
turn the tide of fortune more and more against him ; whilst, in addi-
tion to this, the want of supplies was felt increasingly by his whole
army. He was now almost surrounded on every side, and only a
narrow road, across LeipMsio, was still left open for him, by which to
keep up his communication with France. And even of this he was
very soon deprived, for several daring leaders at the head of their
light squadrons were now constantly harassing his troops in that
quarter; amongst these was more especially Colonel Mensdorf, who
more than once advanced to the very gates of Leipsic itself ; Gene-
ral Thielmann, who, having abandoned the Saxon service, now de-
voted his arm to the allied cause, and made frequent incursions in
Weissenfels, Liitzen, Naumburg, and Merseburg; and, finaUy, the
Russian general, Czemitschef, who with his daring, flying cossacks,
penetrated even as far as Cassel, and driving before them the effe-
minate and voluptuous Jerome from his usurped kingdom of West-
phalia, returned to the Elbe loaded with rich booty.
These bold operations were extremely annoying and injurious to
Napoleon. All his convoys were seized, and the miards killed or
made prisoners; every passage being so unsafe that he could neither
receive or despatch messengers, for they were sure to be attacked
and robbed of their letters. He detemuned to put these daring in^
truders to rout, and accordingly gave orders to General Lefebvre-
Desnouettes to march with eight thousand infantry and cavalry of
the guard i^ainst them, and exterminate them. But he was met at
Zeitz, on the -^Sth of September, bv the Hettmann Platoff and
General Thielmann, who so completely defeated him that he never
ventured to show himself before them a second time.
Those events, however favourable to the allied powers, or dis-
astrous to the French, effected, nevertheless, nothing decisive;
whilst unhappy Saxony was suffering dreadfully from the presence
of such large armies, filiicher, who in spite of his age, still evinced
all the fire and activity of youth, could no longer endure this state
of uncertainty, and he resolved to form a jimction with the army
of the north, which had already shown the example by throwing a
bridge across the Elbe, near Dessau, and making other preparations
for more active measures. Suddenly, by a rapid counter-march,
equally bold and unexpected, he arrived at Jessen on the Elbe, at the
moment he was thought to be at Bautzen; and whilst, in order to
deceive the enemy, he ordered music and dancing to be continually
Serformed in his camp, he caused two bridges to be constructed
uring the night on the river, and on the following morning the
Sileaian army was already marching along its left bank. This was
a bold and dangerous undertaking, for the army was exposed to the
fire of two fortifications in front and rear, Torgau and Wittenberg;
^ ^ Digitized by Google
674 BATTLE OF WARTENBURG — GENERAL YORK.
Greneial Bertrand had likewise just inarched into thi^ coontzy
with 20,000 men, and had taken up a yerjr sfcranff poaiticni near
Wartenburg. Scarcely had he established himself tnere before he
beheld advancing upon him the veteran Marshal and his Pruasians,
whom he .little expected, and who themselves weie equaUy sur-
prised by the presence of so strong a French force. General Yoik«
nowever, at the head of the vanguard, immediately attacked the
advanced posts, and an obstinate and sanguinary battle took jdaoe.
The Trench, however^ were forced to retreat after a loos of 1000
}>risoners, and thirteen pieces of cannon ; and the Prusaiaiis sof-
ered likewise considerably, especially the Landwehr or militia of
Silesia, conunanded by Qenml Horn, which eminently distin-
guished itself. Shortly afi^rwards, in honour of this victory, the
Kingof Prussia conferred upon Gkaieral York the title of ^* Yoii
von Wartenburg"
Bliicher marched thence to Duben, and joined the army of the
north, which had crossed the Elbe, and arrived at Dessau. At the
same time the grand allied army broke up from Bohemia, and leav-
ing Napoleon in Dresden, to the right, advanced across the paaaes of
the Hartz mountains, and reached the large plains of Saxony. On
the 5th of October, the army established its head-quarters at Ma-
xienberff.
Napoleon could now no longer remain in Dresden ; the allied
forces threatened to dose upon Qsrear, and to cut off his road back
to France. Accordiii^ly, he marched away on the 7th of October,
accompanied by the lung of Saxony. J±e left in Dresden itself a
corps of the army amounting to 28,000 men, under the command
of Marshal Oouvion Saint-(^, and this circumstance shows clearly,
that he had not as yet decided upon abandoning ihe Elbe.
He now directed his march against Bliicher; but what was his
astonishment when, on arriving on the 10th of October at Doben,
he found the Prussian general was no longer there, and learnt that
instead of withdrawing to the Elbe, he had marched behind the
Saale, there to be ready to form a junction with the Bohemian
army, as soon as it arrived in the neighbourhood of Leipsic. Under
these circumstances there remained nothing else for hun to do but
to march to Leipsic himself, and to assemble there all the forces he
could command. But before this could be effected, and every thing
be prepared for action, he was forced to pass four tedious days of
suspense at Duben itself.
The whole of the French army had now collected at Leipsic,
and Marshal Augeieau, having amved from Naumbuig with 15,000
of the old troops, including a corps of cavalry fiom Spain, Napo-
leon immediately followed, and entered Leipsic on the 14th of
October. The greater part of his army was encamped near
Wachau, about rour miles south-eastward of Leipsic, where they
awaited the appearance of Prince Schwartzenbei^ with the main
body of the allied army, for whom, however, they Tiad not long to
Digitized by
Google
PREPARATIONS FOR THE BATTLE OF LEIPSIC. 676
wait. His cavalry had already come up, and caused the French to
feel their presence on that day at Liebertwolkwitz. Murat had placed
himself at the head of six squadrons of the old cavalry £rom Spain,
and was determined to give the allies some further proofe that the
former bravery of the !^:ench horsemen could still be maintained ;
but he had to ^eal with those who sat yet more firmly in their
saddles. The Russian, Prussian^ and Austrian cavalry fell upon
them with such fury, that thev were completely overthrown and
put to flight, and Murat himself nearly taken piisoner.
Acoormng to official statements xoade at the lime, the French
army, Qriginially 300,000 strong, now amounted to 208,000; the rest
havmff been ahieady swept off by the war. If j&om this number is de-
ducted the 28,000 men forming the sarnson of Dresden, it "will be
found that the numerical force of the entire army at Leipsic was
180,000 men. These forces Napoleon, on the 15th of October,
drew up in a circle around the city, an action being now inevitable.
The army was still strong and select, for all those of its ranks who
had become tired and disgusted with the war had returned to France,
and such again as were of weakly constitution had been carried off
by famine and the severity of the weather, or had sunk under the in-
firmities and illness produced by their continual marching. The troops
that nowremained formed a firm and hardy body of men, defying all
danger, and well aware, that surrounded as they were at eveiy point
by an embittered and vengeance-seeking foe, their united strength
and courage alone could save them. At the same time the confi-
dence they continued to place in their master was so strong and un-
changeable that they regarded victory as certain, and themselves as
invincible in his presence. At the same time Napoleon sought still
more by eveiy possible means to infiame the courage of his men.
He created new leaders, made fresh promotions, distributed crosses
of the Legion of Honour and other marks of distinction, whilst se-
veral regiments were furnished with the imperial eagle. Thus he
celebrated a grand military f!^te throughout the entire camp, as was
his custom on the eve of any great and deciave event
On his part. Prince Schwartzenbei^, the commander-in-chief of
the allied annv, neglected nothing in order to encourage his troops,
and in his address pointed out to them, that the moment had now
arrived, when by theb valour and fimmess they must reconquer and
establish, once more and for ever, the liberty of their country.
2X2 Digitized by Google
676 THE THREE DAYS' BATTLE OF LEIPSIC.
CHAPTER XXXVm.
The Thiee Days' Battle of Leipaic— Marat— The Austrian General HeenreULttalDS
Frisonei^-Battleof Moeckern— MarshalB Marmont and Blucber— General Horn-
Total Defeat of the French— Buonaparte's Offers to Negotiate rejected— Brotai-
feld— Bemadotte— Bennigsen— The Prince of Hesse (Hombnrg— Prince Pbnis-
towsky — ^ProbstlieTda^Tbe Saxon Army deserts Boonaparte and jdoa the ADies
—The Allied SoTereigns— Night Scene on the Field of BatOe— Bnovuqparte's
SIumbeiv-Betreat of the French— Destruction of the Elster Bridge— Frinoe Fio-
niatowsky's Death— Triumphant Entry of the Allies into Leipsic.
The French anny liad so encamped itself around Leipsic that it
commanded all the a{>proache8 to it within a distance of four miles,
except on the west side near Lindenau, whence Napoleon felt se-
cured from any serious attack, and where, about two miles from the
city. General JBertrand was posted with tlie fourth division of the
army. ^
During the night of the 15th of October, Prince Schwartzenbei^
ordered Siree rockets to be fired off as the a^eed signal to the Si-
lesian army on the other dde of Leipsic, which was immediatdj
answered by the ascension of four rockets in that quarter, an ac-
knowledgment producing universal joy and confidence among the
allied forces.
The morning of the 16th was at first extremely misty and gloomy,
but towards mne o'clock, after a second signal had been ^ven by
the discharge of three cannon-shots, which was succeeded by the
thimder of artillery on both sides, ihe clouds of vapour gradually
disappeared, the sky became serene, and during the whole of this
sanguinary day the sun shone upon the field of battle. The cannon-
adi^ kept up on both sides was so terrific that the very earth
trembled with the continued concussion, and the oldest warriors
present declared never imtil that moment to have witnessed such
awful discharges of artillery; for on the side of the French alone
the number of cannon employed in this destructive work was 600
pieces, and that on the part of the allies amounted to between 800
and 1000.
The battle raged with great fury at three principal points, but
the most serious engagement was south-west of the city^, near Mark-
leeberg, Wachau, and Liebertwolkwitz, where the mam body of the
allied army fought; next, to the west near Lindenau, between Ber-
trand and the Austrian general, Giulay; and, finally, 'towards the
north, near Moeckem andLindenthal, between BlUcher and^Marshal
Marmont. This last action assumed a more distinct form, and was
called the battle of Moeckem.
Prince Schwartzenberg had posted at his extreme left, on the other
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
WACHAU— napoleon's PREMATURE HOPES OF VICTORY. 677
side of the Pleisse, Geneial Meerreldt, who was to attack the flank
of the right wing of the French; at this i)oint was stationed Prince
Poniatowsky wiSi his Poles, who, as usual, fought with the greatest
l>rayer7 for Napoleon. The centre was occupied by the Russians
and Prussians, commanded by Wittgenstein and Kleist; and at the
lij^ht wing were the Austrians under Klenau. All these divisions
ol the alGed army had arrived in the moming, prepared for the
attack. General Kleist took possession of MarUeeberg; to the left,
the Prince of Wurtemberg penetrated through the centre into
Wachau with the Russians and Prussians, and me Austrians under
Klenau made themselves masters of Kolmberg near Liebertwolkwitz
to the right. The whole battle-line of the French army fell back,
and Napoleon himself with his guards was so close to the fire of
the allies, that several of his staff were killed around him; but he
was not the man to abandon the field of battle on the first assault.
In the midst of the battle's rage, he had with his keen eye exa-
mined the whole range of contention around him, and to the right
and left of Wachau had prepared meantime two strong columns of
attack, composed pf the flower of his infantxy, cavalry, and artillery;
which he now^ seeing it the most favourable moment, pushed for-
ward against ihe centre. This attack, ordered by himself and ef-
fected imder his own eyes, was so impetuous that the allies were
forced to abandon the villages they occupied, and to retreat within
the lines they had quitted in the morning. The French now suc-
ceeded in capturing several of the heights on the opposite side of
these villages, and penetrating as far as the village of Giildengossa,
took possession of tne hills called the Swedish intrenchments, which
command the country many miles round.
Victory appeared now as if inclined to pronounce in favour of
Nanoleon; already the left and right wings of the allies were nearly
botn cut off from their centre, and at three o'clock in the afternoon
Napoleon despatched a courier to Leipsic to announce his triumph to
the King of Saxony, with the command that all the bells should be
rung in honour of the glorious event. These sounds brought with
them but gloomy prospects to our fellow-Germans shut up within
the walls of their city — ^but circumstances very speedily produced a
more cheerful state of feeling, for the cannonading had not yet dis-
continued, nor had its echo become more distant; nay, it appeared,
on the contrary, to approach more and more closely. This changed
aspect in affidrs was produced by the following happy circumstance:
Some officers of^ Prince Schwartzenberg^ army stationed in
Gautsch, having observed from the tower of the church, whence
they commanded a full view of the field of battle, the dangerous
turn events had taken, made their report to the. prince forthwith,
who saw at once that this was now the decisive nioment. It was
of the last importance not to allow the enemy, against whom the
powers of Europe were assembled in arms, to retain even a
momentaiy advantage. Accordingly he ordered forth the Austrian
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
678 MURAT AT GULDENG0S8A— DEFEATED.
xeserre under the oommand of the hereditary Piince of Hesse-Hom-
bmg, and these troop?, consisting of the various regiments of cm-
rassLers denominated ihose of Albert, Lorraine, Francis, Ferdinaiuly
and Sommarina, advanced across difficult roads, crossed the Pleisse,
and attackingthe French division, which had established itadf to
the right of Wachau, dislodged it; whence the junction of the 1^
wing with the centre was re-formed. Thus Kleist, who with hk
Fru^ians had maintained possession of Markleeberg against ewerj
attack, was, at five o'clock, relieved firom his urduous duty by tlie
arrival of the Austrians, and was permitted, after his hard-fbught
defence, to take a little breath.
On the other eide, the left column of Napoleon's attack, led on
by the impetuous Murat, had already reached Giildectgossa, and
used every effort to take possession of the plaoe; and had they suc-
ceeded, the allied army would have been thrown into the utmost
confiision, and its centre forced into the marshes of the valley of
Gosel. The enemy's battalions of infimtry had already penetrated
into the middle of the village, their cuirassiers attacked and carried
by a desperate assault a battery of twenty-six cannon, cutting down
all before them, and pushing on, they had nearly gained the h^ht
where the monarchs of Russia and Prussia were attentively surviving
the battle, when the Emperor [Alexander immediately ordered his
bod;^-guard of Don Cossacks, imder the command of Count Qrloff>
Demssow, to attack the daring intruders, and he was immediatdy
obeyed; with their usual loud and savage shouts they rushed down
like Ughtning with their lances, and completely overthrew their mailed
and more h^viljr-accoutred adversaries, whose principal leader, Lor
tour-Maubourg, in a charge he made, had his leg completely smashed.
The danger was now over; the enemy lost a& the advantages pre-
viously obtained. It was now five o^cIock, and the day was drawing
to a close, when Murat ventured upon another attacx ^nunst Giil-
dengossa; but it was valiantly met and repulsed by frince Eu-
gene of Wiirtemberg with his Russian grenadiers, and the Prusnans
under Pirch and Jagow, and the enemy was forced to ^e it up.
This was the last effort made on this side; night broke m and ta^
minated the contest.
Thus, after a struggle of ten hours, during which so much blood
had he&a shed, both armies at this point remained in the same po*
sition as in the morning; excepting that ihe French retained poflk
session of the Swedish intrenchments on their left wing; whilst, on
the other side, the moiety of the village of Markleeb^ remained
in the hands of the PrussiaQS and Austrians.
By this plan of battle the allies did not realise theb enectatioDS,
and in this respect, therefore, Napoleon was a gainer by this sangui-
nary day : their object having been to cut off his retreat to the Saale.
An Austrian division had been despatched in advance to Weissenfels;
General Giulay was to make himself master of Lindenau, and Ge-
neral Meerveldt with the left wing was to advance along the Pldase
Digitized by
Google
GENERAL MEERVELDT'S DEFEAT—BATTLE OF MOECKERN. 679
against Leipsio, and form a junction with General Giulay. Had
these objects been effected, and had Blilcher at the same time ad«
vanced nrom the north-west as far as Leipsic, the French army must
have been completely cut off and lost. But Giulay endeavoured in
vain throughout the entire day to gain possesion of lindenau, which
was defended by General Bertrand; the strong intrenchments were
gained for a moment by the Austrians, but were almost immediately
afterwards recaptured by the French, and the former were even-
tually forced to withdraw. General Meerveldt was still more unfor*
tuxiate; he made various attempts to advance from the other side of
the Pleisse and dislodge i^e Poles from Dblita, Losnig, and Con-
newitz; but, owing to the marshy ground and the incessant fire kept
up by the enemy, ne £sd]ed in ms object altogether for a length of
tune, and when, finally, at five o'clock in the afternoon, he did suc-
ceed in taking Dolitz with a portion of his troops, he was inmie-
diately followed by a larse body of the guards which Napoleon des-
patched to relieve the Poles, and thus the Austrians being pressed on
all sides, were completely overthrown and their brave l^er himself
made prisoner, at uie moment when his horse was shot under him
in a final charge he made. This was a fortunate event for Napoleon,
and ^he determined to avail himself of the circumstance by getting
General Meerveldt to use all his influence with the Emperor of
Austria, and persuade that monarch to abandon the other allied
powers.'
But Napoleon lost at Moeckem against Blilcher three times over
the benefits he derived from the action gained at Lindenau and the
capture of General Meerveldt; for at the very moment that he made
known his victory at Leipsic, and the bells were set ringing in
order to stimulate the courage of his soldiers by their deceptive
aound, Bliicher by one well-timed blow, entirely disappointed hia
]>remature calculations. He had not been prepared for tnis promp-
titude displayed by the old warrior, however willing he was to
acknowledge the cderity of his movements generally. That general
had arrived about midday, and immediately ordered the attack to
be made, with the entire force under York, against Marshal Mar*
mont in Moeckem, simultaneously with that executed by Langeron
against Gross and Klein Wiederitsch; and as the two i>oints of
attack were widely apart firom each other, Sacken was stationed in
the centre with the reserve, to furnish aid either to the right or
left.
Glorious recollections were attached to this field of battle, inas*
much as it was the same spot on which the great Gustavus Adol-
phus had, in former times, completely defeated Tilly, the ruthless
destroyer of Magdeburg.
The Prussians had to sustain the most obstinate and hard-fought
contest of all in Moeckem and its neighbourhood; nevertheless they
did not flinch, although their numbers diminished very seriously;
Digitized by
Google
680 GENERAL HORN — NAPOLEON REFUSED AN ARMISTICE.
and the reserve, consisting of General Horn's brigade, was all now
left to them. Field-marshal Blucher now sent orders to General
Sacken to advance vdth his troops; hut the distance was too great,
and York saw well that at this critical moment he had no time to
lose, but must depend upon his own resources. Accordingly, lie
despatched one of his aides-de-camp to General Horn who was sta-
tioned in the open plain, and announced to him the pressing danger
in which he was placed: ** Eh ! Is it so, Captain ?' exclaimed
the brave general,* " well, then," addressing his soldiers, *' let
US in our turn, comrades, advance to the rescue with our cheers !"
Saying which he led on his troops amidst loud shouts to the
attack, and, penetrating to the left of the village, charged the
enemy with the bayonet, and before the latter were enabled to load
their cannon a third time, they were captured and their ranks
overthrown. Happily arrived also, just at this moment, the entaie
corps of Mecklenburg hussars, who, dashing upon the French
squares of infantry , completely overpowered them, and putting them
to flight, pursued them as far as the Partha, thus coming up just in
time to terminate gloriously the fate of the day, without awaiting
the arrival of Sacken and the Russian reserve : more than fifty pieces
of artiUery, besides ammunition, were captured.
Langeron, on his part, had fought at the head of the Russians
with no less courage, and carried the villages of €rross and Klein
Wiederitsch, taHng thirteen cannon; so that Marmont found
himself, on the evening of this day, pursued as far as the left bank
of the Partha, close to Leipsic.
On the following day, the 17 th, Napoleon used every effort in
order to divide the allied parties, and obtain a suspension of arms,
during which he hoped to recover from his present dilemma. But
the proposals he caused to be made to the Emperor Francis through
the medium of Count Meerveldt were not listened to for a moment;
for his character was now too well known not to see that his object
was only to gain time. If, as he declared, his only motive was to
save all further effusion of blood, it was only necessary for him to
withdraw and make the retreat, which, after all, he was forced to
effect two days later, and after an additional sacrifice of 50,000 men.
He might have known by the actions already fought on the lOth,
that he could never succeed in beating the brave forces of the allies.
He himself could expect no more reinforcements, all the troops he
commanded were now assembled around him; whilst the allies, on
the other hand, still had large corps of reserve. Bemadotte arrived
during the night, driving before him General Regnier, whose troops
* By a Bingalar coincidence of good fortune, it was ordained that General Horn
should thns essentiallycontribute to the glorious decision of this day, on the Tery same
spot where, in 1631, his ancestor, Gustayus Horn, leader of the left wing of the
Swedes, fought so valiantly at the head of his foot soldiers against Pappenl^im's
cayah7 that he produced the most triumphant results in that great hattie.
Digitized by
Google
BERNADOTTE— BENNIGSEN— PONIATOWSKY. 68 1
-were chiefly composed of Saxons; whilst Bennigsen marched up in
the morning with a fresh army of Russians, and at midday £ol-
loredo advanced with an Austrian division.
Napoleon, however, could not summon up resolution to quit the
field of battle as long as there was the least snadow of hope remain-
ing; and yet, at the same lime, he lost aU that activity ne had on
former occasions so frequently shown, and which hiad so often
crowned him with victory.
The French army wmch Napoleon had drawn up in the form of
a crescent, was to be attacked irom three sides: from the north by
Bemadotte and the Silesian army; from the east by Bennigsen,
who, with the Russians, had also imder his command the Austrians
under Klenau, and a division of the Prussians under Ziethen; and
from the south, whence, however, the grand attack was to be made,
as that was the enemy's strongest point. Here, accordingly, the
general-in-chief divided his army into two grand divisions, of which
one composed of Russians and Prussians under Wittgenstein and
Kleist was to attack the central point of the French, and the other
constituting the flower of the Austrian army, under the hereditary
Prince of Hesse-Hombur? was to fall upon Prince Poniatowsky^
vrho had defended himself so obstinately on the Pleisse, and force
him to retreat to Leipsic.
Napoleon, on his part, had drawn together more closely his half
circle in order to render it more firm. He had abandoned Wachau
and Lieberwolkwitz, where so much blood had been spilt on the 16th,
and made Probstheyda the central point of operations; he himself,
however, with his guards, took up his position between this village
and the right wing on the Pleisse, establishing his head-quarters
upon a hill cl<^ to a windmill, pierced through and through with
cannon-balls and half in ruins.
Exactly as the clock struck eight the battle commenced. The
hereditiffv Prince of Hesse-Hombuig advanced towards the Pleisse
against Dolitz, which he stormed. The Poles and the French imder
Foniatowsky defended themselves with desperation, and the struggle
was extremely fierce and sanguinary. The Austrians were several
times repulsed, and their brave commander himself receiving two
wounds, his place was immediately filled by Kolloredo. Fmally,
being supported by Bianki, he succeeded in conquering Dolitz,
Ddsen, and the heights on the right bank, and maintained his
position the whole day in spite of Marshal Oudmot and the guards,
who came up to the aid of the Poles.
To the right, the Russians and Prussians had likewise been sue*
cessful, and drove the enemy before them as &r as Probstheyda,
where, at midday, they came right in fix>nt of Napoleon. Here
was fought the most obstinate battle; for upon the retention of this
village depended ihe late of the whole French army. Thence
Napoleon had assembled within and around it, large bodies of
troops of all arms^ and had erected besides several strong intrench*
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
682 PROBSTHETDA— THE ALLIES YICTOEIOUS.
ments; whilst he himself ^remained on the spot with his guards, in
order to fuim^ aid without a momeni's loss of time, everYhcfase is
the village being converted into a kind of citadel. TkePmsaaz^
nerrerth^ess, under the command of Prince Augustas and Piich,
penetrated into the place after a fierce and heroic combat; but it
was only for a moment, for they were unable to maiittMn their
ffxound. A stnmg division of Russians now advanced to the attack,
But they were likewise repulsed, and were equally unable with allthdr
courage to make themsalves masters of the village. The camage was
ao great that the allied troops could scarcely move along, the bodies
of their slain comrades completely choldii^ up every passage. At
length the three allied sovereigns, having m>m a nesghbouiiug
height where they were assembled in order to watch the progreas
of me battle, observed the superhuman efforts made by their brave
troops in that quarter, mve orders at five o'clock to give up the
contest for the place, and spare the lives of the men; especially as
the victory was now made decisive in different parts of the field,
and Napoleon had, in &ct, already ^ven orders to MarwhaT Bet*
trand to retire with his troops fiom Lmdenau towards the Saale — an
undeniable proof that he had decided upon the retreat of his -whde
army.
Such were the results produced in this part of the field of battle.
On the west side Benniffsen attacked Marshal Macdonald, who
was ordered to defend the French lines in this direction. The mar*
ahal maintained his position with great bravery, especiallv in Holz-
hausen, which was taken and retaken several times. At length,
however, about two o'clock, the Austiians and Busdans made th^n-
selves masters of this place; whilst the Prussians toc^ Ziickel-
hausen, and now Macdonald retired to Stotteritz, doee to l^xibst-
heyda. The whole of the troops which had formed the oentze were
now concentrated around these two villages, and they maintained
their podtion there until night.
On the left wing, however. Marshal Ney eacperienced iSbe most
severe defeat of the whole day. He had under his chai^ the de*
fence of the entire hne of country fixnn Maodonald's poeitioa to the
Partha; but he found it impossible to hold out against the two armies
—the Northern and Silesian — ^which now advanced against him,
and he was forced to retreat to within a short distance of Leipeic
itself. The two armies crossed the Partha in two directions, Bliicber,
with the Russians, fording the river at once near Mobkau, althou^
up to the waist in water, because he found it would take up too
much time to cxobb over by Taucha. The French, under sfar-
mont, made no resistance, but retreated in all haste to Schonf^;
whilst the Saxon regiments of hussars and lancers, together with
several battalions of in&ntiy, received the allies with open aims and
joined their ranks at once.
About midday the army of the north which had remained to
cross the river at Taucha, advanced to fill up the gap left between
Digitized by
Google
THE 8AZON8 JOIN THE ALLIES. 683
Bliicher to the light and Bennigsen to the left, thus making the
line perfect in its whole extent, and bj which the French were gra*
dually garrounded more and mote doeehr. Langeron, at the head
of the Bussiand, took poBsession of Sch5n&ld, on the Partha, which,
however, was defended with the greatest obstmacy bj Marmont.
The contest lasted four hours, and uresh troops^ on both sides, were
contmually brought forward; \mtil, at length, between five and six
o'clock, when the village and its church were completely in flames,
the French quitted the nlace and retreated by Reudnitz and V olk-
mansdorf to Leipsic. Ney and Regnier, who had to maintain pos-
sesmon of the open country beyond Paunsdorf, being attacked, in
the afternoon, by the army of the north and the Prussians under
Billow, were driven altogether out of Paunsdorf, and when they at-
tempted to defend themselves in the plain the Russian and Prussian
cavalzy, whidi had sJl this time been unemployed, as the fighting
had been confined to the villages, dashed witn all their fiirv among
them, seconded by several congreve rockets, which were nred into
their squares, and spread death and destruction in every part. Th^
were completely overthrown and nut to flight, never stoppiiig until
they reached Y olkmansdorf^ and tne villages were recapturef
It was at this moment that the entire army of the Saxons, which
had been led forth, very unwillingly, to draw the sword in the cause
of Napoleon, resolved to abandon him; and forthwith inarched over
in a body to ihe ranks of the allies, under their various commanders,
and with their ensigns flying, accompanied by the music of their
different bands, and followed by all thdr cannon, ammunition, and
baggage waggons.
Mapolecm, completely disconcerted by this event, hastened to send
the cavalry of the guard, under the command of Nausouty, to fill up
the vacant ranks. These troops had no sooner arrived than, accom-
panied by a heavy train of artillery, they advanced to attack the
Bank of iBiilow's division; but the Austnans, under Billow, who
were dose by, marched forward themselves to meet the enemy^s
assault; whilst firom another quarter the Swedes, by Bemadotte's
orders, discharged amongst theb ranks the artillery jusl brought over
by the Saxons. The old French guard was accordingly forced to
retire and abandon possession of the country to the allies.
At length the sanguinary day approached its end; the last rays of
the sun £ed their parting genial lustre over the heads of the three
floveragns and their distinguished companions, as, standing upon the
hill, thOT contemplated the gradual termination of this memorable
scene of action. Thither also Prince Schwartzenbei^ summoned a
council of war, including the principal leaders of the allied army, and
arrangements were formwith made for the operations of the en-
suing day.
Napoleon, on his part, awaited the appearance of night with im-
patience and anxiety, for then the remainder of his troops might
hope to be rescued from the further &ry of the enemy. He had
Digitized by CjOOQ iC
684 NIGHT — napoleon's slumber— his retreat.
loBt a great deal of ground, and had reduced considerably his ciesoent-
formed army of the morning, so that it was now diminished into the
form of a triangle, of which one point was at Probsthejda, whence the
line joining Connewitz and the Pleisse composed one side, and that
joining Stotteritz and Yolkmansdorf formed the other. Had not his
army fought with the greatest courage and, notwithstanding the dif-
ficulties with which they were beset, retreated in perfect order — for
this praise cannot be withheld from them — one oithese lines of the
triangle, would inevitably have been destroyed before the evening,
Leipsic taken, and the entire army lost. Kapoleon this da^ fought
only for a retreat, and abeady, at ten o'clock in the morning, im-
mense trains of baggage waggons and others of every description,
together with innumerable horses, had quitted Leipsic under an
escort of troops, belonging to General Bertrand's division.
When darkness covered the wide field of battle, Napoleon still
remained at his station on the hill near the windmill, where he sat
gazing on the watch-fire he had ordered to be Ughted. He had con-
fided the charge of the retreat to his superior general, Berthier, who
mve the necessary orders to his aides-de-camp before another watch-
fire which appeared behind his master; during which a profound
silence reigned around. The French emperor, overcome at length
by the extraordinary exertions of the present and preceding dajs, as
well as by the agitations of his mind, now gradually sunk into a
slumber; with his elbows upon his knees and his head resting be-
tween his hands, he thus for a short time reposed amidst the horrors
of the gory scene around him — of that field covered with the lifeless
bodies of those who had fallen the victims of his inordinate ambition
and pride. His generals near him preserved a deep and gloomy silence,
which was interrupted at intervals by the low murmuring noise of
the retreating columns as they marched underneath at the base of the
hill, or pursued their course in the distant plain. At the end of a
quarter of an hour Napoleon awoke, and cast around him a look of
inquietude and wonder. The present reality may have struck him
for a moment as a dream, for, starting up firom his chair, he mounted
his horse and galloped on to Leipsic, which he re-entered at nine
o'clock.
The retreat of the whole army through Leipsic commenced im-
mediately after midnight; but as the various regiments, marching
from all parts of the field of battle, could arrive by one route alone —
the narrow paved road of Ranstadt — considerable obstruction and
confusion was unavoidable; waggons and cannons were mingled and
clogged together, whilst the foot soldiers with difficulty extricated
themselves from this scene of disorder. The rear-guard was ordered
to remain behind and defend Leipsic as long as was possible, and
although the place waa not fortified, the utmost was done to render
it strong by iorming intrenchments, barricading the gates, and put-
ting in a state of defence the moats and garden walls.
Meantime the allied army, by no means inclined to permit the
Digitized by
Google
THE ELSTER BRIDGE— THE ALLIES ENTER LEIPSIC. 685
I'lench to retire so quietly and cany away with them the spoils and
supplies of ammunition they had accumulated in Germany, ad-
vanced at eight o'clock in the morning and stormed the sates of the
city. This sudden attack increased tne disorder still reigning, and
If apoleon himself was forced to quit the place by a bye-path. The
allies might have added to this embarrassment considerably, and
tave caused more extensive destruction if they had brought their
artillery to bear against the gates and walls of the city, lout such
a proceeding, which must have involved the innocent as well as the
guilty in one common ruin, would have been too cruel, and they,
accordingly, confined themselves to storming the gates. The French
and the Jroles made an obstinate resistance and disputed every inch
of ground; the victory, however, was not long doubtful, and the
allied troops made themselves masters of the city.
It was just at this moment that the bridge on the other side of the
city, that of the Elster-Miihlengraben, the only one left for the French
to cross over, was blown up in the air, without its being known po-
sitively by what cause: whether by command of Napoleon to secure
his army from the pursuit of the allied troops, or whether it origi-
nated in the too precipitate alarm of the officer in charge of it. An
exclamation of horror arose from the crowds as they hastened to
reach the spot in time to cross. A great number threw themselves
into the Elster, in order to swim to the other side, but the majority
were either drowned or peiished in the mud-banks. Several of the
gaierals sprang likewise with their horses into the river, in order to
escape being made prisoners; but they nearly all lost their lives,
and amongst the sufferers was Prince Poniatowsky, whom but three
days before. Napoleon had created a field-marshal of France ; Mac-
donald fortunately escaped, whilst Regnier, Bertrand, and Lauriston
were taken prisoners.
Napoleon lost more men on this day than on the day of battle
itself. More than 15,000 well armed soldiers were taken prisoners
a&er the bridge was blown up, and more that 25,000 sick and
wounded were abandoned and left to the discretion of the con-
querors. In the city, and on the road leading to it, an incredible
quantity of cannon and ammunition waggons were everywhere scat-
tered, of which more than 300 of the former, and 1000 of the
latter, fell into the hands of the allies.
At one o'clock, the Emperor Alexander and the King of Prussia,
attended by their numerous staff of generals, entered the city of
Leipsic, the acclamations of their own brave troops mingling with
those of die happy inhabitants, who greeted with joy the appearance
of their deliverers ; the Emperor Francis arrived a few days later,
and participated in this glorious scene.
Digitized by
Google
686 BAVARIA— 6KNERAL WREDE— HANAU.
CHAPTER XXXTX.
Kapokon's Betreat acrou the Hhine— BaTarior— Geneial Wiede— Hanan— The
allied ForoeB inTude Franoe— The Minister Yon Stein— Their rapid March^
Kapdeoa against Blucher— Battle of Biienne— Battle of Bothi^re— Bepnlae cf
tiie French— Temporary Soocesflea of Napoleoo— The Congress of CliatilloD—
Napoleon's Confidence restored— His Dedaration— Bliicher'B bold Movement—
Soissons— Laon— Napoleon agdnst Schwartzenberg— Bhdms— Arda— Napoleon*B
desperate Courage and final Charge with his Cayairy.
BayabiAi by the treaty of Ried^ had already joined the gnnd al-
liance before the battle of Leipaic ; and she now sent her general. Mar-
shal Wrede, to the provinces on the Maine with a hige army, to
which were united some Austrian and Wiirtemberg troops, in order to
oppose the passage of the French across the Rhine, and effect their
total annihilation. Wrede directed his march to Hanau and Frank-
fort, whilst the grand army of the allies pursued the fugitives fiom
another side, and York especially overtook and attacked them at
Freiburg on the Unstrut, causing them great loss. In fiont and on
each side of them, they were harassed by Gzemitsch^ and other
light troops, and aU who detached themselves firom the main body
were made prisoners. Thus they proceeded along the route from
Leipsic to Erfiirt, and thence to the Rhine, abandoning at every
moment all that could not follow in their train, cannons, baggage, and
0uch of their comrades as were too ill to proceed along with than ;
for the niarch was so rapid and continuous, that at the end of eleven
days, the army had already reached Franldbrt.
Napoleon arrived with the remnant of his forces of fix>m 70,000 to
80,000 men before Hanau, where he encountered Marshal Wrede,
who determined to oppose his passa^, although his army was
inferior in nimxber ; for if he succeeded in detaimng him until the
arrival of the allied grand army, his ruin was certain. This Napo-
leon well knowing, he employed his ^uard, as yet in good condition,
to force their passa^ onwards. Durmg three entire days, the 29th,
30th, and Slst of October, the contest was carried on with the
greatest obstinacy before and within the town of Hanau, Marshal
Wrede himself being severely wounded. Finally, bowever, the
French succeeded in cutting tneir way through, although at a great
loss.
On the 2nd of November Napoleon gained the banks of the
Rhine, which he now saw for the last lime ; he was immediately
followed in all haste by his troops over the bridge of Mentz, whilst
General Bertrand intrenched himself on the heights of Hochheim.
This, however, was not tolerated by the allies, who woidd not
suffer the French to possess an inch of ground on this side of the
Rhine; accordingly, on the 9th of November, Prince Schwartaien-
Digitized by
Google
THE ALLIES INVADE FRANCE — THEIR ARBQEEL 687
y>erg cftused him to be attacked by (^eneial Giulay, and be -was
fbrced to letreat to Mentz. The tdiee allied soTGreigos were now
xeunited in Fiankfort, where they detezmined togeSier upon the
continuation of the war.
With the commencement of the new year, 1814, the allied
powers, fleeing dearly that nothing but the sword could decide be-
tween them and their obstinate Mlyersary, redoubled llieir effi>rtB,
confiding in their superior strength and in the justice of their cause.
The Buamans brought at least 200,000 men into die fidd; the
Prusflians 160,000 ; and Austria 230,000 equally divided on the
mune, in Italy, and in the interior of Germany. In addition to
these forces, the brave Field-marshal Wellington, had aheady
plaoed his foot on the French territory with the British army of
80,000 men. Finally the other states of Germany furnished their
contingent of troops of 150,000 to 160,000 men.
These were divided into eight distinct corps, viz.: the first com-
prised 36,000 Bavarians unoer General Wrede; the second was
imder the command of the Duke of Brunswick, and consisted of
33,000 Brunswickers, Hanoverians, Oldenburgera and Mecklen-
lurgers, together with some Hanseatic troops; the third, amount-
ing to 23,000 men fiK)m the Saxon territories, was commanded by
the Duke of Saze- Weimar; the fourth, oonsisting of 14,000 Hes-
sians, was led on by the Elector of Hesse-Cassel himself; the fifdi,
comprising 10,000 men from the provinces of Waldeck, lippe,
Nassau, Goburg, Meiningen, Hildbuighausen and Strehtz, was
under the orders of the Duke of Saze-Coburg; the sixth was com-
manded by the Prince of Hesse-Homburg, and formed the con-
tingent fiimished by Darmstadt, Wurabux^, FrankfortK>n-the-
Mame, Isenbui^, and Beoss; the seventh consisted of 12,000 Wiir-
tembergers uncfer the leadership of their own Grown Prince him-
self; and, lastly, the eighth was plaoed under the command of the
Baden general. Count von Hochberg, which induded ihe troops of
Baden, HohenzoUem, and lichtenstein.
Although the entire mass of these troops could not be sent into
the field a& at once, and there was a necessitjr for continuing to retain
possession of a great extent of country, whilst many thousands of
troops were required to invest the numerously fortified towns which
the allies would not lose time in laying formal siege to, it is, never-
theless, certain, that an army consbting of at least 500,000 men was
now in full march against France, and which would surround the
enemy's forces, not amountmg now to half that nrnhber. At the
same time, in the rear of 2ie allied army every preparation was
made necessary to ensure its complete equipment and organisation,
for which purpose, and in order that operations might oe carried
on with all possible order and uninterrupted unanimity, a sort of
central adnmustration or council of war was established and pre-
sided over by a man who might truly be characterised as a hero,
and one, too, who worked ind^tigably for the liberty of our coun-
Digitized by CjOOQiC
688 MINISTER YON STEIN— RAPID KARCH OF THE ALLIES.
try, althouffh not actually marcliing at the head of her armies. This
noble-minckd patriot and persevering champion was the Minister,
Baron von Stem. He was one of those who, whilst Germany was
sighing under the joke of the usurper, iadignantly' and resolutely
spumed every attempt made to render him subservient; for, on iSbe
contrary, he never ceased, as before stated, devoting his superior ^
nius as well as all his thoughts and actions towards die eman<£pation
of his country, and gaining thus the confidence of his fellow-ooun-
trymen, he was looked up to as a tower of strength in their cause.
When the war of 1812 broke out against Russia, he repaired thither
at the head of many others of an equally bold and dauntless mind,
in order to assist in annihilating the expedition thus directed against
a nation whose energy was well known to, and appreciated by him.
The Emperor Alexander found in him all the supf>ort he so much
needed at that all-important, trying moment, and it must ever be
acknowledged that it is to the l)old and active genius of Yon Stein
that Germany owes her complete deliverance firom the yoke of
foreign despotism.
During the first twenty days of January, the allies had already
traversed Switzerland, Franche-Comte, Alsace, Lorraine, and Bur-
gundy, without meeting with any obstacle ; and the mountains of
me Jura, the Waldensis, the Hundsruck, and the forest of Ar-
dennes, together with numerous rivers and a triple line of fortifica-
tions on the frontiers, were all happily captured and cleared, and
the armies of Schwartzenberg and Bliicher were already, within a
short distance of each other, in full march along the banks of the
Seine and the Aube, and within some ninety or a hundred miles of
Paris itself. Now, however. Napoleon entered the field at the head
of his army. His object was to penetrate between his enemies, pre-
vent their junction, dnve them back one after the oilier to the moun-
tains they had just left, where the effects of the winter and the
armed iimabitants would combine together to render their retreat
one equally disastrous and fataL Bliicher had established his
head-quarters in Brienne, a small town near the Aube, with a
castle which had served as a military school for young French-
men, and where Napoleon had himself learnt that science in which he
afterwards so distinguished himself. Suddeidy the French appeared
and attacked the town. The assault was repulsed, but as soon as it
was dusk, the French general. Chateau, wno was well acquainted
with the localities of the place, penetrated with his grenadiers into
the gardens of the castle as far as the terrace itself, without bein^
observed. Bliicher was in great danger of being taken, and had
scarcely time to mount his horse and escape by a private road. He
immecuately placed himself at the head of his troops, and inspiring
them with the most undaunted courage, he warned them not to let
the enemy boast of having put them to flight on their first en-
ooimter upon French ground, and he maintained the conquest tmtil
midnight, and completely drove back the left wing of the enemy,
Digitized by
Google
BLUCHER AT BRI£NN£— ROTHIERE. 689
not abandoning the place before it was set on fire by the French,
'^ in order/' as he wrote in his despatch, '^ that Napoleon might set
fire to his cradle with his own hand." Nevertheless, the latter did
not succeed in cutting off Blucher's army firom that of Schwartzen-
The battle of Brienne took place on the 29th of January, and on
the 1st of February the intrepid Blucher was abeady again on the
same spot, drawn up in battle array. He had not as yet assembled
all his troops, for Langeron was still at Mentz, and York and Eleist
were en route; but Schwartzenberghad fumishedhim with the^eater
part of his army— die divisions of Qiuky and the Prince of Wurtem-
oerg — together with the Russian reserve corps: by which means he
found himself sufEiciently strong to advance against Napoleon. The
latter had taken up a strong position in the neighbourhood of BriennCi
and established his centre m the village of Rothi^, about four miles
distant. The battle began at midday at all points. To the right the
Prince of Wurtemberg, having paved his way through the forest of
Eclance, took possession of tne villages of Lagibrie and Petit-
Mesnil. On the side of the Wiirtembergers, General Wrede, at the
head of the Bavarians and Austrians, advanced likewise and con-
quered the villages of Morvilliers and Ghaum^l, and thus laid
bare the whole of Napoleon's left wing. The latter now came up
himself with the artillery of his guard, and fired upon Morvilliers,
whence he succeeded in dislodging the Bavarians. Wrede now
detached his best regiment of cavalry, commanded by the brave
Diez, which forthwith threw itself upon the French, and com-
pletely routed them.
Meantime the battle was continued with the utmost fury in the
village of Rothiere, which formed the principal point in the position
hdd by the French. Here Napoleon commanded in person, and
continually brought up fresh troops against the Russians. On the
other side, the Emperor Alexander and the King of Prussia en-
couraged on their troops by their presence, whence prodigies of
valour were performed. At length Marshal Blucher placed him-
self at the head of his troops^ and threw himself into the village,
exclaiming, '* Forwards V The village was carried and taken
definitively. The right wing of the enemy, which had defended
the village of Dieuville against Giulay, was likewise forced to re-
treat at midnight, and the victory was now decisive at all points.
The allies nn^ng that Napoleon's force was not so extensive as
they imagined, and knowing that the late actions must have reduced
it still more, deemed a combined plan of operations unnecessary,
and determined therefore to divide their armies : that of Blucher to
take the route towards the Mame, whilst that of Schwartzenberg was
to proceed along the Seine. This was exactly what Napoleon wi&ed ;
for by this separation he should be enabled to resort to his former
promptitude of manoeuvering. He maintained his position between
the two armies, and watching his opportunity, alternately attacked
2"^ Digitized by Google
690 SUCCESSES OF NAPOLEON— CONGRESS AT CHATILLON.
the one or the other division as his prey, and overpowered it b^ l3ie
superiority of his forces. By this means, he succeeded in obtaining
those temporary successes which enabled him to detain them on their
march to r^aris several months.
The Silesian army, accordingly, advanced towards the capital hj
the route of Champagne, in detached bodies ; Sacken to tiie rear,
Eleist the centre, and Bliicher, genetal-in-cfaief, brought up the
rear division of Eleist. The Russian advanoed-guaid had now
arrived to within fifteen leagues of Paris, which many of the inhabi-
tants were now abandoning mall haste, believing the emperor's reign
oompletely at an end. Suddenly, however, the latter, bei^ now rein-
forced with 20,000 men of the old troops, which he had conveyed from
Spain in coaches and Ujght waggons, obliquely traversed the immense
phuns between the Seine and the Mame, in spite of the represen-
tations of his generals, who held die exeeuti<m of his plan to be im-
possible; and, although forced to leave his cannoi^ in me mud behind
nim, he came in front of the enemy, and seeking his <^portimity, fell
upon the rear-guaid of Sacken, commanded hj Grmeral Olsufiew,
cutting the moiety of them in pieces, or malnng them prisoners.
This was thefirstray of ffood fortune which onoemore shone upon Na-
poleon, and reproauced confidence within him. He wrote to the
Duke of Vioenza, his plenipotentiary at the congress of Chatillon,
then sitting, that his arms had been once more crowned with a bril-
liant victory, and that the French government might now reassmne
its independent, dictatorial tone.
Meantime, Field-marshal Bliicher, when news reached faim of ihe
danger threatened, marched with all possible haste en route for
Champaubert with Eleist's division, and the Russians under General
Kapczewitsch, in all about 20^000 men. But the generals whom he
wisned to join had already recrossed the Mame, and on the 14th he
found himsdf attacked by the French, with a &r superior f(»oe.
Their cavalry threw itself upon the two wings, whilst the infantry
and artillery attacked the centre with such desperate fuiy, that on
the first onset several of the Prussian battdions were oompletely de-
stroyed. In addition to this force, the allies found another body of
Fraoch cavalry advancing tmon ihem in their rear upon the high road
between Champaubert and Etoges. No other resource was left than
now but to trust to their coura^ and resolution and cut their way
through. They formed themselves into solid squares, and advanced
with charged bayonet against the cavalry, which gave way before
them. The enemy now attacked them in the fiau, and haraaaed
them in every direction, in order to bring their ranks into disorder ;
but by the able management of the brave and prudent g^eral, Grnei-
senau, the fixrious attacks were received with mm and unshaken cou-
rage and order, and to this alone is ihe preservation of the army to
be attributed.
At length night arrived, and promised die Prussians the repose
they so much needed. They, however, weie foroed to enoounter
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
NAPOLEON'S CONFIDENCE— HIS DECLARATIONS. 691
some liaid%htiii^ when they amy ed at Etoges; but they once more
opened for tnemselyes a road at the point of the bayonet, and gained
at length th^ former position at Y erg^res. The divisions of the
Silesian army united together behind the Mame, and shortly after
inarched towards the Aube, in order to form a junction with the
grand army.
Napoleon was delighted beyond all measure in being able onoe
a^ain to boast of his victories m his bulletins and gazettes; but these
triumphant strains were very speedily hushed when it was known
as a certainty, that the advanced ^uard of Schwartzenberg was only
ten leagues distant firom the capital, whilst the French army was
fighting on the Mame. Napoleon gave up at once all further pui^
suit of the Silesian troops, in order to turn his force against SchwartsB-
enberg. The latter had detached Wrede and Wittg^enstein to the
rear of the French army, in order to relieve the Silesian army; but
as all the operations in that quarter had been extremely rapid, the
aid came too late, and these two generals foimd themselves opposed
to Napoleon, who with his superior army forced them, after a severe
action, to retreat to the Seine. The brave Prince of Wiirtembei^,
who led the advanced-guard of the grand army, had taken up his
S'sition with his Wurtembergers and Austrians, in the village of
ontereau. Napoleon, after pursuing Wittgenstein, on the 17 th of
February, as far as Nangis, made a violent attack on the prince's
troop on the 18th. The latter, neverthdess, maintained themselves
firmly throughout the whole day; but havinjg esnpended all their
ammunition, and finding themselves taken m the flank by the
French, they were forced to give way and to recross the river.
These ten days of sucoess restored to Napoleon all his former pre-
sumption^ especially as just at this moment Marflhal Augereau sent
him a message firom Lyons, that he had driven back the Austrian
general, Bubna, as far as Geneva, and was penetrating into Switzer-
land with a powerful body of troops. IT the French general suo^
ceeded in reconquering that country, then the retreat of the allied
army must be completely cut off, and ahDeady calculating upon this
conquest. Napoleon^ imagination foresaw Alsace and Lorraine risiog
en masse against the allies, and all the numerous garrisons along the
fix>ntiers uniting with the National Guard to annihilate the enemy.
Thence, although ^e conference at ChatiUon was still continued, he
would no longer hear of peace; and when, among the terms stipu-
lated, it was required that he should resi^ Holland and Italy, he
exclaimed: *' What are our enemies thinkmg of? Tell them, I am
at this moment closer to Vienna than they are to Paris I ''
Paris was in a state of joyful excitement, and the whole of France
shared in the hopes of the emperor. At the same time any acute
observer could easily see that it was merely a moment of illusion;
for although the grand army did partially withdraw, still it was in
accordance with the plan of the campaign, and not after any general
defeat, nor because there was any discouragement in the soldiers^
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
BLUCHER'S BOLD MARCH— SOISSONS—LAOK.
who, on the contrary, were more eager than ever to march to
Paris.
Meantime, at head-auarters, the question of a peace was seriously
discussed, and it was already suggested, that the allied forces should
gradually retire to the Rhine, in order to await the result of the con-
ference held at Chatillon. The veteran Blucher, however, opposed
this with his whole force. Ue offered, in a despatch he sent to the
allied sovereigns, from his quarters at Merry, to march direct to
Paris, and thus draw off Napoleon from the grand army, if they
would place under his orders the divisions of BUlow and Win-
zengerode. He would then find himself again at the head of an ex-
cellent army of 100,000 men, and with that alone he would venture to
threaten the capital without any further delay. His wish was accorded.
This unexpected movement — ^pronounced by a French historian to
be the boldest throughout the campaign — completely disconcerted
the French emperor, who was at this moment in Troyes. He had
just refused the offer of an armistice, and already beheld himself in
imagination once again on the banks of the Rhine, whereas he found
himself now forced to abandon the grand allied army and devote all
his attention to the bold adversary he thought he had completely
beaten.
Napoleon's object was to come up with the old marshal before he
had formed a junction with the other corps of the army, from which
he was separated by the river Aisne. But Biilow and Winzengerode
had already laid siege to Soissons, situated on this river, where an
excellent bridge formed a desirable point of reunion for the two
armies. This strongly fortified city contained a numerous garrison,
but Biilow forthwitk made preparations for the assault. Already,
towards ni^ht, the scaUng ladders were fixed and the assailants about
to mount tnem, when the commandant of the place, not aware of
Napoleon's presence in the vicinity, surrendered the city, and retired
with his garrison. Bliicher immediately crossed the river and ad-
vanced northwards as far as Laon, where he united all his forces and
took up a strong position near that city. Napoleon, in order to
grapple with and overthrow this daring opponent, pursued him
dosely on the other side of the river, although by so doin^ he left
more and more distant in his rear both the ^rand army of the aUies
and Paris itself, which was three-and-thirty leagues off.
On the 7th of March he attacked Winzengerode and Woronzow
in their intrenched position on the heights of Uraone, and only forced
them to retreat to Laon after he himself had suffered a great lo^.
Here Blucher awaited him, having made the city, which was situated
upon an almost impregnable height, the central point of his position.
On the 9th of March, at break of day, the French attacked and took
the village of Semilly, at the base of the hill, which, however, they
retained only a short time, being driven from it by Billow's troops,
and Napoleon did not venture to ascend the height. The contest,
at both wings, lasted the entire day, Napoleon's object being espe-
Digitized by
Google
NAPOLEON AGAINST SCHWARTZENBBRG — ^ARCIS. 693
cially to drive the Prussians from the high road to Belgium. To-
wards midday he succeeded in obtaining the advantage, and the
Prussian advanced-guard was forced to abandon the village of Athis;
but, in the evening, Generals Kleist and York resolved to annihilate
his plan at once by a coup de main. As soon as it was completely
dark, and the enemy, behevin^ the sanguinary day at an end, had
already lighted their fires in the camp, the Prussians returned to
the attack. Every thing succeeded; the enemy was utterly over-
thrown and forty-six pieces of artillery captured. This complete
victory was gained with scarcely any loss on the side of the Prus-
sians; whilst that of the corps of Marmont, wliich had suffered this
defeat, was very considerable.
Napoleon was not a Uttle mortified at finding this attack upon the
Silesian army so unsuccessful. Nothing now remained for him but
to turn his arms against Schwartzenberg, surprise the grand army,
and endeavouring to separate it, attack and destroy each detached
corps.
The commander-in-chief had again taken up his position on the
Aube, whither he had marched immediately after.the departure of
Napoleon in pursuit of the Silesian army. The issue of operations
between Bliicher and Napoleon be soon learnt by the sudden ap-
pearance of the latter himself, who returned from Laon to commence
nis movements against the mrand army. He had scarcely arrived
before he, on the 13th of March, suddenly attacked and took the
town of Rheims, which was occupied by General Saint-Priest and
the Russians, killed that general, and on the 20th he was in front
of the grand army, and took possession of Arcis-sur-Aube. He
hoped by a prompt manoBuvre to bring the allies into conftision, and
thus be enabled to make the attack contemplated ; but he found their
ranks too firmly knit together, and he was thus, a second time, de-
feated in his design. The Emperor Alexander and the King of Prussia
themselves, who were resolvea not to defer longer a decisive battle, had
hastened by forced marches to rejoin the army, and on this day, the
20th of March, a most serious engagement took place near Arcis.
The regiments of French guard were repulsed witn so much force,
that Napoleon, in order not to lose such an important place, drew
his own sword, and rallying the fljang squadrons, placed himself
at their head, and led them on to the attack again. In this ch^ge
he exposed himself so much that, in order to defend himself against
a Cossack who rushed upon him with his lance, he was forced to fire
at him one of his own pistols. A great number of his staff were
killed and wounded around him, and his own horse was shot under
him; nevertheless, instead of shunning danger he appeared only to
court it. It was only by these extraordinary exertions, and the ar-
rival of a reinforcement of infantry, that he was enabled to save the
town.
Digitized by
Google
694 FRENCH AKB ALLIED ARMIES IN BATTLE ARRAY.
CHAPTER XL.
The French and AJIied Azmies in Battle Anaj—Napoleon^s sadden and mystexioiB
Retreat before Action— Hu secret Designs Rvr the Destroctioa of the Alliea— fla
Plot discovered— -The Allies before Ftois— Its CapituktioihT-Triamphaiit Entry
of the Allies in that City— Napoleon Deposed— Louis XYin. King of France—
Napoleon at Fontainebleau- ^ Abdication— Banishment to Elba— Peace signed
in Paris— ConclnsioiL
The allied aimy prepared for a grand and final action on tlie
following day; Napoleon himself formed his line of battle in frontof
Arcis, and tne two annies thus fiudng each other waited a consider-
able time — extending even to seTetafhours — ^for each other's attack.
In truth it was a solemn moment, and one portending the moat im-
portant and decisiye results to the whole world. It was duzing thb
mterral that Napoleon brought into operation a plan he had long
contemplated, and upon whioi he based all hopes; but which, never-
ihelesB, produced his ruin. Whilst, therefore, the eyes of the allied
army were anxiously fixed upon his movements, it was observed to
their no little astonishment, tnat the ranks of the enemy were biokea
up, and the troops, crossing over the Aube in confused masses, weie
seen asc^iding the opposite hills, and the field of baitle was aban-
doned by them without a blow being struck. After long coneideia-
tion, Napoleon felt he had alreadjr good reason to remember how
often he nad met the allied armies in the open field, and he accord-
ingly determined now to change the plan of battle.
l£s manoeuvre this time was to gam the rear of Schwartzenberg
by forced marches, and as the allies would doubtless fiJl back in order
to secure for themselves a safe retreat, he was in good hopes they
might &11 into the various ambuscades, which he would take good
care, with the aid of the different garrisons and the inhabitantB them-
selves, to have planted ready to meet them in Lorraine and AJsaoe.
He had, in &ct, long since made his preparations for the executioo
of this design; all his commandants tlux)ughout those countries hav-
ing received his instructions to this effect through secret meascai^eis
and spies. The inhabitants entered most oordi&y into the sjpint of
the plot, and had aheady commenced operations, by concealing them-
selves in the woods, narrow passes, and cross roads, and attacfin^ all
the couriers, and small detachments of soldiers proceeding in those
directions. All the convoys were stopped, and the allies already
began to experience the want of ammunition; and thus a retreat
must have produced the total ruin of the allied armies.
Meantime, a letter addressed by Napoleon to the empress, in wludi
he detailed to her the whole of his plan, was found upon one of his
messengers who was taken prisoner, and was lixe means of making
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
NAPOLBON'S RETBEAT— mS PLOT DISCOVERED. 695
the irhole plot known to the alHefi. This then was a most important
moment for them. One part^ held it advisable to secnie their re-
treat and march back to the Bnine, the other agfdn, more confident,
deemed it prefesable to mrooeed direct to Paiis which conld not re-
sist, and this kst comisel was adopted. It was resolved to leave
Napoleon in the rear, and that the grand army should forthwidi
inarch in advance, in order to form a junction with Bliicher on the
Mame.
On the following day, the 24t}i of March, it was found that the
Silesian army was already in the vicini^, and the council of war,
assembled at Yitoy, resolved at once that the two united armies
should march for fWis, and that General Winsengerode should re-
main behind to meet Napoleon with 10,000 cavaby and flying
artillery, in order to make him believe that the main body of the
allied army followed them in the rear.
Afyex various victories, the allied armies marched forwards in
conjunction, and arrived at length on the 29th of March, towards
evening, before the gates of the proud city, which had styled itself
the capital of the whole world. Joseph, Napoleon's brother, and
£>rmerly King of Spain, was there wiui numerous partisans, and he
continued to deceive the inhabitants, by assuring them, that it was
merely a detachment of the allied army, which had advainced for the
purpose of frightening the city. Marshals Marmont and Mortier
nad assembled all the troops they could muster, and posted them on
the heights outside the city, with all their artillery; their army thus
distributed on the Montmartre and other hiOs, consisted alto-
gether of 25,000 men, and 150 pieces of cannon. Their object was
to hold the allies at bay until the emperor marched up to their
reHef.
Napoleon was in truth advancing with all speed to thdr aid, but
he was at two great a distance to arrive in time. He had been the
victim of his bhnd confidence, and had thus given the allied armv
the advantage of four days' march in advanoe of him. Generals
Winzen&erode and Czerzutschef had completely decdived him, in
making him believe they were the advanced-guard of the allied army
in pursuit of him, and he already congratulated himself upon the suc«
oessfiil results of his rtue. Nevertheless, findii^ the troops con-
sisted of nothing else but cavalry, and that not a angle foot soldier was
visible, he became suspicious, uid determined toconvince himself, he
attacked General Winzengerode, who was accordingly forced to give
vray before him. Still he could ascertain nothing certain, until the
29ui of March, when an estafette arrived from Paris and met him
at Doukncourt, on the Aube. He hastened to peruse the contentB
of these mysterious dei^tches, and was struck as by a dap of thun-
der, when he found tnat the allies were before the gates of the
capital, whilit he himself was at that moment more than forty
leagues distanti He lost not a moment, but abandoning his army
Digitized by
Google
696 THE ALLIES BEFORE PARIS— HIS CAPITULATION.
at once, departed with a few followeis in hopes of still aniving in
time; but be urged bis postilions on in vain, for in spite of all the
efforts made, be was forced to content bimself witb only bearing ata
distance tbe beavy cannonading before bis capital, and on tbe 30th,
at six o'clock in tbe evening, on reaching Fromenteau, five leases
&om the metropolis, he learnt he had arriyed a few hours toolate
-—Paris bad surrendered. Napoleon was only separated by the
Seine firom the advanced posts ot the allied army; the fires from their
bivouacs lighted up the whole length of the left bank, whilst the
darkness of the night concealed &om observation the presence of
bimself, a few companions, and the two post-chaises. At lour o'dock
on the following morning, when be was convinced positively that
the capitidation was signed, be turned his horses' heads and drove
off to Fontainebleau.
On the morning of the 30th of March, General Bardai de Tolly,
who commanded the Russians and Prussians, under the orders of
Prince Schwartzenberg, commander-in-chief, attacked the heights of
Belleville, which formed the central point of defence. The contest was
extremely obstinate, and at the same time indecisive; because the
gardens, vineyards, and shrubberies everywhere around greatly Bud-
Stated ^e means of defence, but more especially because the troops
of tbe Prince of Wiirtemberg and Bliicher, who ought to have aided
on the right and left, did not arrive before midday. The French
artillery, which commanded a good position, did great execution in
the ranks of the brave assailants ; but, finally, the heights of Belleville
were carried, and the cannon taken. Then it was that the Parisians
perceived that tbe troops before the place formed a more numerous
and powerful body than a mere detachment, and thejr soon had too
much reason to know the real state of things. At midday, the Si-
lesian army stormed tbe heights of Montmartre. York, iQeist, and
Langeron, drove the French before them out of all the villages, and
on this occasion, the cavalry bore a principal part in the achievements
of this day; the black hussars, and those of Brandenburg especially,
making a most valiant attack upon the enemy — who defended t£e
village of La Villette to tbe last — and forced them to evacuate it,
and thence Montmartre fell forthwith into the hands of the allies.
At the extreme left, the Prince of Wiirtemberg had, likewise, in
spite of the vigorous defence maintained by the various troops
posted in the quarter of Vincennes, forced them to give way and
advanced to tbe gates of the ci^ on that side. Thus the entire army
of the allies was now assembled on and around tbe heights they bad
conquered, ready to follow up their victory by penetrating at once
into the capital. But tbe two marshals, and the authorities of the
city, having come forward and offered to capitulate, it was accord-
ingly agreed that the place should be surrendered to the allies on
the following day, the 31st of March, and that the said Marshals Mar-
mont and Mortier should retire with the remnant of their troops.
Digitized by
Google
NAPOLEON DEPOSED — FONTAINEBLEAU — ELBA. 697
Accordiiiglj, as arranged, and on the day fixed, the Emperor
Alexander and the King of Prussia — the Emperor Francis having
remained behind at Lyons with his army — accompanied by their
staff, and followed by a portion of their army, made their triumph-
ant entry into the city.
On the 1st of April the Emperor Alexander published in the
name of himself and allies, a declaration, " That he would, in no
way whatever, treat either with Napoleon or any one of his family;
and the French were at liberty to choose another government."
In consequence of this decree, the municipal council of the
metropolis declared itself absolved from its oath of fealty to Napo-
leon, and demanding the restoration of the ancient royal house, that
body, on the 2nd of April, in the name of France, declared the depo-
sition of Napoleon.
This event acted with the force of a thunder-stroke upon Napo-
leon, who had continually flattered himself with the certainty of
reassembling his army, and once more trying the chances of war.
He was still at Fontamebleau, twelve leagues from Paris, where he
remained a prey to his feelings, and alternately excited by >disap-
pointment and hoj)e ; at length he resolved on marching to Paris, being
full of confidence in his army. The 3rd of April was fixed for his
departure, and abeady a crowd of warriors assembled to follow him;
but just at that moment his marshals refused to act in co-operation
with him for the promotion of his design. Ney and Lefebvre fol-
lowed him into his chamber, and made Imown to him the fact of his
deposition, and declared they could not depend upon the army.
He was, however, still desirous of securing the crown of France for
his son, whom he had made Kin^ of Rome, and he offered to abdi-
cate on this condition ; but neither the allies nor the provisional
government would accede to it.
Accordingly, on the 6th of April, the senate acknowledged Louis
XVIII. as King of France, and invited him to ascend the throne,
whilst to Napoleon was offered the possession of the island of Elba,
on the coast of Italy. Against all expectation he calmly signed
the abdication of all his imperial power and sovereignty, and de-
parted, on the 20th of April, for his new dominion, where he arrived
and fixed his residence. Louis XVIII. made his entry in the ca-
pital on the 3rd of May, and mounted the throne of his ancestors
twenty-one years after his brother's execution.
On the 30th of May the first peace of Paris was concluded be-
tween France and Europe. France retained the same limits as sho
had possessed under her kinffs, and consequently held possession of
Alsace and Lorraine, which m former times belonged to Germany;
whilst she also had secured to her an extent of territory con(]|uered
during the wars of the republic. She had likewise, in addition to
this, no share to pay of the expenses of the war; the city of Paris
was not obliged to restore the valuable productions of art and
2z
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
698 PEACE SIGNED IN PARIS — CONCLUSION.
flcienoe, collected from all parts of the world, and all the thousandi
of French prisoners in Germany, Russia, and England were forth-
with set at liberty.
We have now traced the history of Germany from the earliest
time down to the moment when it was fervently hoped, that the peace
of that severely-dealt- with country, together with that of Europe gene-
rally, was finally and permanently established. The restless ambition,
however, of Napoleon produceda renewal of hostilities, and once more,
but for ^e last time, all the sovereigns and princes of Germany, as
well as the whole of Europe, armed and advanced against him, and
Providence crowned their wishes and efforts with success. On the
memorable plains of Ligny and Waterloo, the pride and ambition ot
that dangerous man were for ever crushed, his troops completely
beaten and almost annihilated, and he himself forced eventually
to yield himself a prisoner^ and end his days on the rock of St.
Helena.
It is not necessary here to describe the well-known details of a
victory unparalleled in history, the beneficial results of which have
been, and stiU continue to be so distinctly felt and gratefully ac-
knowledged. The great and glorious achievements of the arms of
combined Europe under WeUmgton and Blucher, can never be for-
gotten or too highly ap{>reciated.
According to the arrangements made in the general and — happily
as it has proved — ^lasting peaee, concluded by all the powers of Europe
at the Congress of Vienna, in 1815, Germany received back all the
provinces she possessed anteriorly to the revolution, but of which
she had been deprived during that and the subsequent period.
They were now so divided amongst the members of the newly-formed
Confederation of Germany, that the majority received either the same
territories they previously owned, those granted to them by the
peace of Lun^ville, or such as they hela at the period of the
Rhenish League.
The members of the Confederation constituted at first a body of
thirty-eight, viz. :
Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, Saxony, Hanover, Wiirtembeig,
Baden, Hesse-Cassel, Hesse-Darmstadt, Holstein, Luxembuig,
Brunswick, Mecklenburg- Schwerin, Mecklenburg-Strelitz, Nassau,
Saxe- Weimar, Saxe-Grotha, Saxe-Coburg, Saxe-Meiningen, Saxe-
Hilburghausen, Oltenburg Anhalt-Dessau, Anhalt-Bemburg, An-
halt-Coethen, Schwarzburg-Sondershausen, Schwarzburg-Kudol-
stadt, Hohenzollem-Hechingen, Hohenzollem-Sigmaringen, Lich-
tenstein, Waldeck, Reuss (senior branch), Reuss (junior branch),
Schaumburg-Lippe, Lippe, together with the free cities of Liibeck,
Frankfort-on-the-Maine, Bremen, and Hamburg. Subsequently
was added Hesse-Homburg; but^ on the other hand, the house of
Digitized by
Google
THE STATES OF GERMANY — HOLY ALLIANCE. 699
Saxe-Gotha becoming extinct, in 1825, it was incorporated with
that of Coburg, so that the number of members still remained
thirty-eight. The ducal houses of Saxony are divided thus : Saxe-
Coburg-Gotha ; Saxe-Meiningen-Hilburghausen ; and Saxe-Al-
tenburg.
Austria has received back her faithful Tyrol, together with Salz-
burg and the country around ; Bavaria rules over her own here-
ditary lands as well as Franconia; whilst, as an indemnification
for the losses she sustained, she 1ms been accorded the Palatinate
of the Rhine ; her entire population thus forming more than
4,000,000 of subjects. Wurtemberg holds dominion in Swabia
over more than 1,500,000 subjects, and is separated by the Black
Forest from Baden, whose possessions extend along the Rhine to
Basle, and beyond Manheim, through a beautiful and fertile country.
Hesse-Darmstadt has likewise enlarged her former line of territory
very considerably, and holds in her possession the city of Mentz,
the most important stronghold of the Confederation. Above all
the rest, however, the King of Prussia has imder his sovereignty the
greatest number of subjects speaking the mother tongue, amounting
to more than 14,000,000. oo that Prussia is at the present moment
one entire, and all but exclusively, German state.
As regards the government of Germany, it has been converted by
the so-caUed Holy Alliance into a confederation of free and inde-
pendent states, according to the following decrees: —
" The object of the alliance is the maintenance of the internal
and external security of Germany, together vrith the independence
and inviolability of the confederated states.
'^ All the members of the alliance have, as such, equal and uni-
form rights.
'^ The general interests of the body shall be discussed and arranged
at a Diet, the seat of which it is appointed shall be fixed at Frank-
fort-on-the-Maine, and at which Austria shall hold the presidency;
this diet is perpetual, and the period for the adjoiimment of the
session, when the state of business allows, must not extend beyond
four months at the most.
*' The assembly must devote its attention especially to the subject
of the fundamental laws of the Confederation and its organic regu-
lations in connexion with its internal, external, and military re-
lations.
"All the members of the Confederation promise to unite together
acainst any and every attack, and when a war takes place they
pledge themselves not to enter upon any secret compact, nor con-
clude any partial armistice or peace with the enemy. Meantime
they reserve to themselves the right of forming alliances of every
kind, but they bind themselves down not to conclude any one such
alliance which may injuriously affect the welfare and security of
the country, or be opposed to the interests of any one individual
member. At the same time the members shall not be allowed.
Digitized by
Google
700 DECREES AND FORCES OF THE CONFEDERATION.
under any pretext whatever, to carry on a war against each other,
but shall lay all matters of dispute before the Diet, which shall either
mediate or adjudge accordii^ly, and to the decision of which the
parties must submit.
'^ In all the states of the Confederation there shall be a consti-
tutional government (Landstandische Verfassung).
*' The difference of Christian sects cannot affect the enjoyment of
civil and political rights in any of the states of the Confederation;
but as amelioration is necessary in the civil condition of those pro-
fessing the Jewish &ith, the Diet of the Confederation shall advise
and determine upon the matter.
^' The subjects of the German princes shall have the ri^ht to pass
from one state into the other, ana to accept of either civil or mili-
tary service therein, if no military engagement already binds them
to their native place.
" The Diet snail occupy itself with the formation of laws for the
liberty of the press and against piracy, as well as for the commercial
and trading intercourse between the states of the Confederation.
*' Further, the Diet has decreed the exact numerical force of the
army of the Confederation to be maintained in peace and war; of
what arms it shall consist; a fixed contingent to be supplied by
each member; to whom and by whom the chief c6mmana shall be
given; and, finally, how many and what fortifications shall be gar-
risoned and maintained by the Confederation."
The army of the Confederation consists of 300,000 men: to which
Austria contributes 94,000; Prussia, 79,000; Bavaria, 35,000;
Wurtemberg, 13,600 ; Hanover, 13,000 ; Saxony, (the king-
dom,) 12,000; Baden, 10,000; Hesse-Darmstadt, 6000; Hesse-
Cassel, 5400; and thus in proportion the other members. The
whole army is placed under the command of one geaeral-in-chief,
who is appointed by the Diet, to whom he renders the oath of duty
and service, and from whom he receives authority and orders, and
to which body, likewise, he is bound to send in his reports. The Diet
also appoints a lieutenant-general as his representative or successor
in command. The army is divided into ten distinct corps, the
leaders of which receive their orders only from the general-in-chief.
Of these ten corps Austria contributes three; Prussia, three; Ba-
varia, one; and the remaining three are formed out of the other
contingents. The fortified places garrisoned and maintained by
the Confederation are Mentz, Luxemburg, and Landau.
THE END.
C. WHITING, BEAUrOBT HOUSB, STRAND.
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
"^"^ TO JJ^^"^^ VSE
»or
'^caJt
— .REC^
yC 37324
U.C. BERKELEY LIBRARIES
CQMSlMblQS
Digitized by CjOOQ IC
Live Music Archive
Librivox Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland Museum of Art
Internet Arcade
Console Living Room
Books to Borrow
Open Library
TV News
Understanding 9/11